quadgram

This is a table of type quadgram and their frequencies. Use it to search & browse the list to learn more about your study carrel.

quadgram	frequency
seems to have been	54
in the course of	52
at the same time	48
for the sake of	46
the nature of the	43
on the other hand	40
by the same author	39
at the end of	36
the history of the	34
is said to have	32
he goes on to	30
in the time of	28
in the midst of	28
on the part of	27
we do not know	25
he seems to have	25
we are told that	24
supposed to have been	24
the end of the	24
come down to us	23
in accordance with the	23
in the history of	23
there can be no	22
in the case of	22
was one of the	21
on the th of	21
that he should have	20
to have been a	20
in the presence of	19
in a letter to	19
for the most part	18
to be found in	18
that he had been	18
a matter of course	17
can be no doubt	17
is supposed to have	17
the trial of verres	17
in one of his	17
the time of the	16
the end of his	16
that it was so	16
into the mouth of	16
the course of the	16
as far as we	16
period of his life	16
goes on to say	16
as i have said	16
said to have been	15
on behalf of the	15
it must have been	15
into the hands of	15
the beginning of the	15
tells us that he	14
the life of cicero	14
in the way of	14
in order that he	14
he tells us that	14
with the view of	14
such a one as	14
the way in which	14
in which he was	14
of which we have	14
were it not that	14
i do not know	14
as one of the	14
the manner in which	14
as a matter of	13
have come to us	13
his letters to atticus	13
in regard to the	13
as far as the	13
at the time of	13
decree of the senate	13
by the very rev	13
romans of the day	13
in one of the	13
in the middle of	13
order that he might	13
he is said to	13
he speaks of the	13
in the reign of	13
the people of rome	12
have come down to	12
on the side of	12
seem to have been	12
to him that he	12
it must be remembered	12
from time to time	12
to the end of	12
we may imagine that	12
in the hands of	12
that he was a	12
in the matter of	11
the hands of the	11
from first to last	11
far as we can	11
in which he had	11
which he had been	11
at the head of	11
in the service of	11
the middle of the	11
end of his life	11
the character of the	11
the votes of the	11
in the days of	11
the authority of the	11
the story of the	11
so far as to	11
had not as yet	11
one of the most	11
he would have been	11
then he goes on	11
in spite of his	11
the head of the	11
with a view to	11
to his brother quintus	11
was supposed to have	11
in the beginning of	11
in a state of	11
it was thus that	11
he should have been	10
to have been in	10
it was necessary that	10
he was able to	10
is to be found	10
the year of his	10
the spirit of the	10
has come down to	10
the state of the	10
as we are told	10
come to pass that	10
have been able to	10
out of the city	10
under the name of	10
must have been the	10
from the time of	10
his return from exile	10
for a man to	10
as well as the	10
it has to be	10
but he does not	10
a letter to atticus	10
in the year of	10
that there was a	10
the minds of the	10
of the state of	10
that there is no	10
be no doubt that	10
the part of the	10
i shall have to	10
it would have been	10
the life of a	10
the power of the	10
the way of the	10
that he was not	10
it is difficult to	10
this period of his	9
and at the same	9
the sake of the	9
for the purpose of	9
the service of the	9
are said to have	9
was at this time	9
the circumstances of the	9
put into the mouth	9
which i have already	9
to him in the	9
it may be that	9
in the same letter	9
in his defence of	9
on his return from	9
votes of the people	9
for the use of	9
as to his own	9
the world at large	9
in opposition to the	9
that it was not	9
the church of the	9
that he might be	9
of the history of	9
at the age of	9
he was a man	9
with the object of	9
but not the less	9
that they should be	9
as far as i	9
the condition of the	9
which was to be	9
for the next year	9
of him that he	9
to have been the	9
in spite of the	9
is supposed to be	9
there could be no	9
in the name of	8
candidate for the consulship	8
the condition of rome	8
that cicero had been	8
in the form of	8
on the next day	8
has come to us	8
in the same way	8
he writes to atticus	8
it was that he	8
the fate of the	8
in the same year	8
of the bona dea	8
there must have been	8
should be made to	8
it is necessary to	8
brought to an end	8
tells us that the	8
of whom we are	8
in the eyes of	8
of the man who	8
the idea of a	8
on the subject of	8
that he could not	8
the state of things	8
with an introduction by	8
the origin of the	8
at the present moment	8
the greater part of	8
in order that they	8
the period of his	8
so much so that	8
the senate and the	8
that it is a	8
year of his life	8
the day on which	8
the story of his	8
the time of cicero	8
of those who have	8
by the name of	8
the cause of the	8
the mouth of the	8
up to this time	8
in the mean time	8
the eagle and the	8
he declares that he	8
of the manner in	8
he would not have	8
with a preface by	8
the words of the	8
of the roman empire	8
in the cause of	8
a man of letters	8
the opinion of the	8
the glory of the	8
to be regarded as	8
as we go on	8
of the eagle and	8
to which i have	8
we come to the	8
on the same side	8
though he had been	8
had been given to	8
it is true that	8
of the catholic church	8
be found in the	8
but it is not	8
out of his own	8
but it was not	8
that he should be	8
it is remarkable that	8
of the fourth century	7
as far as it	7
the consuls of the	7
to show that he	7
an account of his	7
he is speaking of	7
at the very time	7
in which it is	7
to do with the	7
it is hard to	7
years of his life	7
the face of the	7
the close of the	7
we may say that	7
be said to have	7
the first of these	7
the work of the	7
he had done so	7
on the other side	7
was at that time	7
he could not have	7
may be said to	7
the matter of the	7
would not have been	7
appears to have been	7
the influence of the	7
so that he might	7
the decree of the	7
that he would be	7
such a man as	7
in the nature of	7
work of his life	7
of those who had	7
it was not so	7
behalf of the republic	7
by the right rev	7
there is nothing in	7
it would not be	7
in the opening of	7
of his life he	7
it seems to have	7
at such a time	7
with a view of	7
the mouth of his	7
after the death of	7
the powers of the	7
a state of things	7
the world around him	7
it may be doubted	7
in the trial of	7
of the new academy	7
the name of a	7
on the one hand	7
the dignity of the	7
the days of the	7
in which it was	7
in which they were	7
toward the end of	7
a portion of the	7
who seems to have	7
that there was no	7
one of the consuls	7
in the following year	7
a preface by the	7
that it was the	7
with which we are	7
the name of the	7
in the temple of	7
tells the story of	7
facts of the case	7
at this time the	7
he tells his friend	7
he was a roman	7
what is meant by	7
as he tells us	7
in the first place	7
is not to be	7
the affairs of the	7
to be able to	7
it was then that	7
the fact that the	7
it is to be	7
which have come to	7
eagle and the serpent	7
the battle of the	7
a continuation of the	7
a great part of	7
in the house of	7
is one of the	7
then there is a	7
the course of his	7
as soon as he	7
the death of his	7
there is not a	7
the facts of the	7
for the benefit of	7
in reference to the	7
that he had not	7
the form of a	7
different from that of	7
tribune of the people	7
that there is nothing	7
in the year after	7
it is said that	7
it is impossible to	7
this or the other	7
from his own words	7
the work of his	7
out of the way	7
him that he had	7
as in the case	7
of such a nature	6
from the earliest times	6
it seems that he	6
there had been no	6
the death of the	6
as has been said	6
at the trial of	6
they are in the	6
as we shall see	6
the time of augustus	6
of such a man	6
that there is a	6
that they did not	6
the th of november	6
on the same subject	6
nothing of the kind	6
from day to day	6
it is not a	6
the first of the	6
that it was a	6
when he was in	6
that cicero should have	6
he was to be	6
had been sent to	6
but there is no	6
as to make it	6
was a matter of	6
that he has not	6
account of his own	6
of a great man	6
a knowledge of the	6
an idea of the	6
and that he was	6
it is necessary that	6
soon as he had	6
church of the fathers	6
that which has been	6
do not know that	6
the presence of the	6
he would be the	6
the first part of	6
far as i can	6
the son of god	6
the college of augurs	6
as time went on	6
which i have quoted	6
had been able to	6
he tells atticus that	6
to which he was	6
the character of cicero	6
in the minds of	6
in order that the	6
as it has been	6
in the first instance	6
and in doing so	6
but we do know	6
was a man of	6
he did do so	6
of the condition of	6
which have come down	6
the command of the	6
or at any rate	6
on account of the	6
it is supposed to	6
could not have been	6
the east of the	6
had taken upon himself	6
there is nothing so	6
in the year b	6
that he had done	6
the glory of his	6
it has come to	6
he is supposed to	6
of the present day	6
have been the case	6
this distance of time	6
by the votes of	6
at the house of	6
from the nature of	6
one and the same	6
the use of the	6
after the manner of	6
that there should be	6
the bodies of the	6
it must be confessed	6
it is said to	6
in spite of their	6
we have to remember	6
on to say that	6
the side of the	6
i have said that	6
to the service of	6
the custom of the	6
as though he had	6
plutarch tells us that	6
man of the world	6
on to the end	6
as to which we	6
of the last century	6
greater part of the	6
there seems to have	6
a part of the	6
as long as he	6
worth our while to	6
a decree of the	6
at this period of	6
as well as of	6
who had come to	6
the character of his	6
for the purposes of	6
the times in which	6
of the apostolic age	6
came to pass that	6
must have been very	6
on the palatine hill	6
i will not say	6
way in which the	6
to the effect that	6
the former of these	6
but there was no	6
at this distance of	6
that they were not	6
was to be made	6
know that he was	6
the last of the	6
of the people of	6
than that of the	6
an account of the	6
not on that account	6
the nature of his	6
in the next chapter	6
was not to be	6
that he does not	6
with which he had	6
the voice of the	6
that a man should	6
when he found that	6
the circumstances of his	6
end of the year	6
on his return to	6
of the nature of	6
to the government of	6
as though it were	6
it is not only	6
the empire of the	6
to say that he	6
in which he lived	5
of which i have	5
the fact that there	5
the strength of his	5
that it has been	5
which had taken place	5
save one of inexorable	5
of the inhabitants of	5
in the fourth century	5
to tell the truth	5
it is full of	5
i do not say	5
the coast of the	5
of which he had	5
we are led to	5
a citizen of rome	5
one of his letters	5
to be supposed that	5
as we read the	5
the battle of pharsalia	5
the day of his	5
of the senate had	5
from one of the	5
put an end to	5
a letter to his	5
his object was to	5
in the neighbourhood of	5
that is to be	5
consuls of the year	5
judgment can be passed	5
already had occasion to	5
to this period of	5
there should be no	5
that it was written	5
as to what was	5
the rise of the	5
portraits and other illustrations	5
in the teeth of	5
the meaning of the	5
was to be the	5
did his best to	5
as i have already	5
took place in the	5
suppose that it was	5
in the first of	5
we know that he	5
some of the most	5
in defence of the	5
it will be observed	5
are supposed to have	5
the effect of the	5
when we come to	5
on the duties of	5
in the first he	5
if they could be	5
that it should be	5
there had been a	5
is impossible not to	5
the government of cilicia	5
but he had not	5
but he did not	5
the service of his	5
in the spring of	5
we must remember that	5
a man to be	5
of the black sea	5
of whom we have	5
the case of the	5
the death of clodius	5
after his return from	5
for the display of	5
as soon as possible	5
the subject of the	5
the time of his	5
the violence of the	5
after such a fashion	5
to the people on	5
of inexorable and remorseless	5
year of his consulship	5
at such a period	5
be put out of	5
in the sight of	5
to the world as	5
character of the man	5
was at any rate	5
cicero seems to have	5
one of the triumvirate	5
it has been said	5
except so far as	5
one of inexorable and	5
the church of st	5
but i doubt whether	5
he had not been	5
by the death of	5
he would not be	5
that it may be	5
be borne in mind	5
the part of a	5
the senate in the	5
of this or that	5
for the defence of	5
for the good of	5
the other side of	5
make the most of	5
who was one of	5
have no right to	5
no judgment can be	5
are to be found	5
we can imagine that	5
in the next year	5
in favour of the	5
of his letters to	5
it came to pass	5
with whom he was	5
it is in the	5
we are inclined to	5
the politics of the	5
should have been able	5
the th of january	5
the turk and the	5
are in the way	5
it was the same	5
the immortality of the	5
the year after his	5
about the time of	5
is said to be	5
the ground on which	5
had a right to	5
has been allowed to	5
no doubt as to	5
do you think that	5
would have been the	5
to the character of	5
the shape of a	5
said of him that	5
the north of the	5
it was in the	5
to those who have	5
by means of the	5
one of his villas	5
cicero tells us that	5
history of the time	5
as it might be	5
in accordance with his	5
which took place in	5
as though he were	5
spur of the moment	5
there would be no	5
in the character of	5
the duties of a	5
the time of tiberius	5
the mind of the	5
that he will be	5
of the roman people	5
was a man who	5
we have no means	5
speeches made by cicero	5
two thousand years ago	5
order that they may	5
the fame of his	5
which it has been	5
it is impossible not	5
was to have been	5
on account of his	5
declares that he has	5
as well as for	5
i have said before	5
put out of the	5
the words which he	5
worthy of the name	5
do not know what	5
which he had taken	5
as far as they	5
very different from that	5
in the life of	5
a man who had	5
immortality of the soul	5
the practice of the	5
as it may be	5
it to have been	5
we are bound to	5
that it is not	5
in a great measure	5
of his own mouth	5
it is a good	5
have no means of	5
that such a man	5
the senate on the	5
the opening of the	5
the character of a	5
have been made to	5
in the third book	5
the genius of the	5
of it in the	5
was the condition of	5
early in the year	5
i have already said	5
temples of the gods	5
after an interval of	5
there was nothing to	5
the date of their	5
to a great extent	5
men of the day	5
a passage in which	5
in matter of fact	5
at the death of	5
life and times of	5
in his own house	5
the feelings of the	5
of the life of	5
must be remembered that	5
the people on the	5
how he had been	5
as well as in	5
it is probable that	5
the ides of march	5
of which he was	5
the names of the	5
of the spirit of	5
of his political life	5
to the glory of	5
that cicero did not	5
he had been a	5
a one as cicero	5
the year in which	5
condition of the republic	5
tell the story of	5
have to remember that	5
which he could not	5
in the streets of	5
house on the palatine	5
such a nature that	5
on the one side	5
in the power of	5
in a letter written	5
it is not to	5
to see that the	5
it was said that	5
with one of his	5
nothing to do with	5
to have been written	5
it is as though	5
to the time of	5
had the power of	5
went so far as	5
he was at that	5
come to us from	5
it is thus that	5
take it for granted	5
it should have been	5
which it would be	5
the romans of the	5
inexorable and remorseless condemnation	5
it for granted that	5
we can imagine how	5
was addressed to the	5
the good of the	5
as we should say	5
the religion of the	5
have been that he	5
of the death of	5
one of the first	5
of one of them	5
the great men of	5
now come to the	5
he had come to	5
of one of the	5
in the place of	5
the history of rome	5
to him in his	5
the beauty of the	5
have already had occasion	5
that in which he	5
the midst of his	5
the reader will remember	5
may be doubted whether	5
we are aware that	5
there should have been	5
rome at the time	5
the recovery of the	5
that nothing could be	5
of the church of	5
it had come to	5
was by no means	5
his return to rome	5
the existence of the	5
of rome at the	5
by the authority of	5
had gone to his	5
if they did not	5
that such a one	5
it is addressed to	5
the defence of the	5
to take possession of	5
so far as it	5
which i have been	5
history of the turks	4
had the command of	4
the speech which he	4
not be allowed to	4
after the time of	4
if this be so	4
of the roman senate	4
his opinion of the	4
of the duty of	4
i have not been	4
there was probably no	4
to stand well with	4
which he endeavored to	4
cicero as a poet	4
what we may call	4
must be taken as	4
at the time when	4
in the defence of	4
on the st of	4
that there must be	4
as to this period	4
to have been that	4
of things which he	4
the circumstances under which	4
his hands were clean	4
think that he was	4
for those who have	4
the manners of the	4
come to rome from	4
the republic had been	4
to the church of	4
speech which he made	4
the state of rome	4
to the nature of	4
the spur of the	4
which he had to	4
from this may be	4
are to be regarded	4
i do not think	4
as we have seen	4
as to the future	4
as well as by	4
cannot but imagine that	4
in the senate and	4
so much as the	4
may be as well	4
he had ever been	4
into the college of	4
to be aware that	4
great men of the	4
by cicero in the	4
i think we may	4
a large number of	4
the labours of the	4
we cannot but imagine	4
the leaders of the	4
do unto others as	4
to him from the	4
the possession of the	4
not to have been	4
as it is with	4
the inhabitants of the	4
in the senate on	4
tribunes of the people	4
i will endeavor to	4
translated from the greek	4
of the name of	4
written by cicero in	4
with this view i	4
under the shadow of	4
was made to the	4
as we may say	4
his account of the	4
found it necessary to	4
republican form of government	4
could hardly have been	4
out of the church	4
on one of the	4
that a man who	4
the roman oligarchy of	4
the vicar of christ	4
if we are to	4
i have already quoted	4
that as it may	4
had come to rome	4
of the two martyrs	4
there is no evidence	4
for a time the	4
on behalf of his	4
as that of cicero	4
in his treatise de	4
not to be supposed	4
he speaks of a	4
which he tells us	4
is the same as	4
was supposed to be	4
for a while the	4
but it seems that	4
as early as the	4
that there should have	4
said that he was	4
was not in the	4
the rights of the	4
to think that the	4
the killing of clodius	4
the evidence of the	4
the rule of the	4
but we have no	4
together in the same	4
had come to him	4
which he did not	4
in behalf of the	4
was or was not	4
i have spoken of	4
what was to be	4
as though they were	4
the sea of aral	4
for the first time	4
and we have to	4
by the influence of	4
addressed to the people	4
it may be as	4
great part of the	4
to have done so	4
be understood that he	4
it could not be	4
to the period of	4
a man cannot be	4
of the world around	4
his friend that he	4
to us of the	4
we may gather from	4
i have already had	4
in consequence of the	4
in the words of	4
each other in their	4
towards the end of	4
in which he has	4
told the story of	4
on the strength of	4
was found to be	4
is a good thing	4
it was given to	4
with portraits and other	4
it has already been	4
the consulship of cicero	4
which he was not	4
in his letter to	4
governor of a province	4
in the judgment of	4
not be able to	4
the nature of things	4
that he had to	4
it would be for	4
quarters of the world	4
goes on to tell	4
a tribune of the	4
of his life to	4
they might have been	4
it suited cicero to	4
is by no means	4
was at the time	4
be supposed to have	4
the streets of rome	4
to have taken place	4
is so far from	4
how great was the	4
to his friend atticus	4
the voices of the	4
roman of the day	4
you think that i	4
nor is this all	4
a question as to	4
the evening of the	4
would no doubt be	4
as to the way	4
the same letter he	4
a man who was	4
in the position of	4
we do not see	4
to be the one	4
tells his friend that	4
did not hesitate to	4
i have thought it	4
had it not been	4
had come to pass	4
his young friend trebatius	4
the bent of his	4
the people in the	4
that he will not	4
is not wonderful that	4
and is supposed to	4
the light of his	4
those who had been	4
the name of brutus	4
voices of the people	4
he went on to	4
what it is that	4
manner in which they	4
the government of the	4
in the dialogue de	4
after the battle of	4
the author of the	4
practice as an advocate	4
with whom he had	4
to make the best	4
as they may be	4
is not only that	4
that he did not	4
if it were not	4
of the holy trinity	4
of his own country	4
in doing so he	4
that there was such	4
to show that the	4
we know nothing of	4
he was supposed to	4
the art of speaking	4
case is the same	4
him that he was	4
one who had been	4
so as to have	4
to make a speech	4
nothing can be more	4
for the protection of	4
the news of the	4
no means of knowing	4
quarter of a century	4
in the person of	4
own account of his	4
he ought to have	4
the liberties of rome	4
the overthrow of the	4
over and over again	4
history of the world	4
it was in this	4
be that as it	4
he wrote to atticus	4
likely to have been	4
we have to acknowledge	4
in the neighborhood of	4
the race of seljuk	4
we are driven to	4
it may be said	4
in his own hands	4
the earliest times to	4
of all the romans	4
on the same day	4
in such a manner	4
in the former of	4
battle of the eagle	4
the end of this	4
by the strength of	4
it will be found	4
the extent of his	4
the midst of the	4
with those who were	4
in his letters to	4
is a passage in	4
the form of dialogue	4
had been left to	4
and to have been	4
service of his country	4
had been made to	4
in which they are	4
the expiration of his	4
at the present day	4
that the killing of	4
in his consular year	4
the words in which	4
and we are told	4
of the united states	4
in the holy land	4
the case is the	4
on the roman oligarchy	4
because it has been	4
the truth of his	4
not so much by	4
but he could not	4
whom i have already	4
the testimony of the	4
from the fact that	4
became one of the	4
by cicero to atticus	4
did not scruple to	4
the pope and the	4
should have been so	4
to do so by	4
about the same time	4
his life in his	4
to speak of them	4
of the senate in	4
in their relation to	4
he was sent to	4
down to us in	4
which is still extant	4
allowed himself to be	4
to the way in	4
and he goes on	4
in the last chapter	4
but we know that	4
the same time he	4
tells us that it	4
it is not wonderful	4
which led to the	4
we must suppose that	4
of the same opinion	4
in which cicero was	4
and that it was	4
forms of the republic	4
he was minded to	4
been one of the	4
the son of the	4
different from that which	4
has been able to	4
to the work of	4
has come to pass	4
rome at this time	4
he has told us	4
de optimo genere oratorum	4
that there had been	4
nature of the gods	4
they should do unto	4
that they who have	4
when we are told	4
to do his duty	4
the truth of the	4
if it be not	4
by the hand of	4
which cicero spoke of	4
which he seems to	4
we cannot but think	4
of what took place	4
sense of the word	4
that he had never	4
to show that it	4
was not given to	4
the language in which	4
in the art of	4
the canons of the	4
which he has been	4
to one of his	4
there has been no	4
we do know that	4
with him in the	4
before the christian era	4
that he was at	4
by the voice of	4
and then to have	4
it had been a	4
were supposed to be	4
to have been very	4
it must be so	4
from which we may	4
all that we have	4
on the third day	4
did or did not	4
then it was that	4
from place to place	4
a hundred and fifty	4
atticus as to the	4
to be taken as	4
the study of the	4
that it did not	4
at any rate the	4
in the long run	4
the son of a	4
are told that the	4
and this was the	4
letter he speaks of	4
so was it with	4
pompey in the east	4
as to the first	4
colleague in the consulship	4
in his own person	4
at the instance of	4
of the people and	4
caused himself to be	4
it does not appear	4
the judgment of the	4
the senate had been	4
first part of the	4
which they were written	4
had much to do	4
was a thing of	4
was appointed to the	4
so as to be	4
he was going to	4
seen the nature of	4
in the mouth of	4
to take a part	4
idea of a university	4
we know to have	4
there was no doubt	4
at the moment of	4
be regarded as a	4
there is no reason	4
since the time of	4
the greatness of the	4
that he would not	4
romans of the time	4
the friends of catiline	4
there is nothing to	4
we have only a	4
been preserved for us	4
the king of the	4
we may be sure	4
the doctrines of the	4
of his own party	4
to us in the	4
of the nineteenth century	4
of the day had	4
he seemed to be	4
has been said of	4
one of the tribunes	4
i do not see	4
on the d of	4
there is a letter	4
it did not suit	4
to the dignity of	4
the works of cicero	4
of a number of	4
way in which he	4
was not the case	4
as we read them	4
of the old academy	4
it is for the	4
times in which he	4
to the east of	4
that the men should	4
we can see how	4
a man whom he	4
they would have been	4
with the intention of	4
cannot but think that	4
in the first book	4
it has been the	4
the time when the	4
to the charge of	4
is a continuation of	4
in the spirit of	4
a century and a	4
we are told of	4
say that he was	4
the hands of a	4
that he should not	4
feel sure that he	4
a man who could	4
on the face of	4
not appear to have	4
that you were a	4
the de natura deorum	4
have been in the	4
would have been a	4
unless it might be	4
that the gods have	4
we shall have to	4
it must be understood	4
as he goes on	4
his friendship for pompey	4
opinion of the pro	4
the same time that	4
it is very difficult	4
the leader of the	4
the orders of the	4
as well as his	4
that it had been	4
it was necessary to	4
in each of these	4
this seems to have	4
such a fashion that	4
of the old republic	4
it was the custom	4
with the history of	4
must have been a	4
the interests of the	4
not only for the	4
we are told by	4
at the mouth of	4
to know that the	4
of the two consuls	4
to ingratiate himself with	4
far as i am	4
worth the while of	4
he was ready to	4
had been made consul	4
came to an end	4
attempt was made to	4
the result of the	4
the relics of st	4
of this year cicero	4
the introduction of the	4
know to have been	4
other side of the	4
came back to rome	4
we may take it	4
his slave and secretary	4
at the request of	4
that the republic was	4
if he did not	4
not the less was	4
he did not see	4
as a preface to	4
came in his way	4
there may have been	4
so it is with	4
the conduct of the	4
which we have from	4
man who had been	4
preface by the very	4
it has ever been	4
it is supposed that	4
that the people of	4
that they should not	4
when they had been	4
must be understood that	4
is to be taken	4
if it is to	4
on his way to	4
it was not the	4
came to the throne	4
such was the condition	4
has to be acknowledged	4
as a young man	4
on the evening of	4
monsignor robert hugh benson	4
in which we are	4
he did not hesitate	4
tells a story of	4
a good thing to	4
shall be able to	4
had he not been	4
to have been their	4
been given to him	4
no doubt there was	4
on the score of	4
he was bound to	4
as i may call	4
he tells us of	4
in the garden of	4
his practice as an	4
a young man of	4
necessary that he should	4
nothing could be more	4
did not dare to	4
know what was the	4
to him by the	4
the holy see has	4
of the first triumvirate	4
the date of the	4
in a few words	4
the last year of	4
when he heard of	4
the merits of the	4
could be made to	4
the time in which	4
of the religion of	4
that it should have	4
on the field of	4
written when he was	4
the spirits of the	4
of the eleventh century	4
by the light of	4
to say that the	4
the goods of the	4
to the court of	4
they were to be	4
in speaking of the	4
it is not enough	4
his treatise de legibus	4
out of the question	4
when he came back	4
was opposed to the	4
the constitution of the	4
he thinks that he	4
there is a passage	4
the study of philosophy	4
two or three years	4
thought it necessary to	4
of the first conspiracy	4
there was no longer	4
by the people to	4
have now come to	4
the founder of the	4
letter to his friend	3
of some of the	3
in accord with the	3
it was with cicero	3
to add to the	3
had been put down	3
it is certain that	3
of the third century	3
the former of the	3
of the saracenic empire	3
occurred to him that	3
of the followers of	3
the course of ages	3
that he was going	3
to the beauty of	3
with which he was	3
we might have been	3
the existence of a	3
the beginning to the	3
it was not given	3
may have been the	3
shall have to speak	3
when he is telling	3
same time that the	3
to have written a	3
was the influence of	3
before the end of	3
the fortunes of the	3
are not in themselves	3
as to which he	3
far be it from	3
far as it goes	3
of the early church	3
we are obliged to	3
were out of the	3
had made for himself	3
in the open air	3
profane novelties of words	3
in the exercise of	3
this must be taken	3
the power of rome	3
to me it seems	3
by which we have	3
to be looked for	3
the most part in	3
it was at this	3
to be one of	3
cicero in this year	3
how impossible it was	3
citizens to death without	3
it was impossible to	3
there is nothing like	3
the gate of the	3
though they had been	3
by a sense of	3
the sanctity of his	3
a word which has	3
no part of his	3
of the effect of	3
in his own words	3
in the administration of	3
who must have been	3
purpose of his life	3
he says that he	3
the gates of the	3
we are apt to	3
but i think that	3
the nations of the	3
by those who are	3
in which we cannot	3
the cause of liberty	3
many of the great	3
the benefit of his	3
he at any rate	3
but as to the	3
appear to have been	3
to which they were	3
father of pompey the	3
that at this time	3
with his brother quintus	3
is addressed to brutus	3
the dangers prepared for	3
he left rome for	3
the estimation in which	3
to be angry with	3
written in his own	3
that clodius should be	3
that he can do	3
of this or the	3
it is to the	3
has left behind him	3
at a very early	3
with the assistance of	3
cultivation of the soil	3
by his eminence cardinal	3
i have been giving	3
the roman people to	3
not seem to have	3
as might have been	3
and seems to have	3
made to the senate	3
at a time when	3
and there was a	3
of the people was	3
to the beginning of	3
it may have been	3
to be taken from	3
the end of that	3
get the better of	3
in such a matter	3
is no more than	3
addressed to the senate	3
they should be made	3
think that there is	3
the lovers of the	3
that had been done	3
of which he has	3
himself up to the	3
two or three of	3
by those who were	3
we feel that cicero	3
therefore it was that	3
the strength of the	3
for the third time	3
as a man and	3
the turks in their	3
he made his way	3
to take the command	3
have been forced to	3
it be that he	3
he had already heard	3
west of the caspian	3
empire of the huns	3
course of his life	3
read the history of	3
university defined and illustrated	3
he may be said	3
declared in the senate	3
though it be not	3
his letter to atticus	3
the return of cicero	3
when the romans were	3
the story of brutus	3
at the roman bar	3
which is said to	3
of the great men	3
when the moment came	3
of brutus and scaptius	3
and on one occasion	3
which i have spoken	3
that he was able	3
the delight of his	3
been said of him	3
of the aral and	3
the speeches which he	3
the de oratore is	3
as to be able	3
people of rome at	3
his return to italy	3
in order to be	3
is hardly necessary to	3
on account of its	3
to the death of	3
which are to be	3
of the first century	3
hundred and fifty years	3
all the powers of	3
summer of this year	3
to the number of	3
with the politics of	3
the manner of a	3
that when he had	3
as to be a	3
to look after the	3
had been with the	3
in that matter of	3
so that we may	3
it has been given	3
on the following day	3
his services as an	3
legends of the saints	3
in this way he	3
when he was fifty	3
address to the people	3
so that he was	3
the island of cyprus	3
and tells us that	3
the last days of	3
antony had left rome	3
as he was going	3
nations of the earth	3
cicero tells him that	3
one of his friends	3
may be useful to	3
it was not only	3
the sacred doctrine which	3
the forms of the	3
athens on his way	3
not know how to	3
cicero should have been	3
the fall of the	3
still remain to us	3
in the face of	3
as he may be	3
as i may say	3
we now come to	3
when he reached the	3
to have been his	3
have been out of	3
the honors of the	3
that pompey should have	3
was the beginning of	3
of the time of	3
of the republic were	3
what would you have	3
paul and his missions	3
under the influence of	3
as to the former	3
from one of his	3
the benefit of the	3
at the bottom of	3
his own account of	3
to him to do	3
he was so much	3
from a letter to	3
such had been the	3
with his life in	3
have been one of	3
masters of the world	3
far as we are	3
the question of the	3
had been made by	3
this is not the	3
as had been the	3
when he was a	3
may have been true	3
of whom he had	3
of the society of	3
works which have been	3
when he was sixty	3
to live in the	3
taken for what it	3
to whom it was	3
him to do so	3
may say that he	3
when the day of	3
is that in which	3
cicero in the senate	3
services to the state	3
along the coast of	3
the sake of his	3
came down upon the	3
take a part in	3
they seem to have	3
speaks of him as	3
as was the case	3
so that they may	3
a violation of the	3
to speak for him	3
the tenets of the	3
he wished to be	3
in another letter he	3
a preface to the	3
of a roman nobleman	3
seems never to have	3
days of the republic	3
to carry on the	3
but he has not	3
men with whom he	3
the very men who	3
it not that we	3
a good deal of	3
to go with the	3
in the shape of	3
this was the case	3
it was the first	3
the first he tells	3
may imagine that the	3
to which we are	3
of the church towards	3
the hands of all	3
was his object to	3
to suppose that it	3
be seen the nature	3
to the amount of	3
of mind and body	3
for the rome of	3
when we remember that	3
proved himself to be	3
when there was a	3
that it behooved him	3
the turks in the	3
so much of the	3
be put into the	3
as that of the	3
may be made to	3
but it was the	3
as to the murder	3
of the same age	3
in opposition to all	3
it seems to be	3
and this is the	3
and the wife of	3
the course of centuries	3
as the case might	3
was still absent in	3
end of his career	3
middle of the eleventh	3
his life to the	3
of clodius and the	3
to be taken with	3
of the friar saints	3
that we are taught	3
was considered to be	3
then he describes the	3
to them in their	3
a real power in	3
all that he had	3
have spoken of him	3
period of his exile	3
he did his best	3
as we can judge	3
seems to show that	3
was the custom of	3
them to the world	3
he returned to rome	3
of all around him	3
the wealth of the	3
be out of the	3
but cicero would not	3
in a little boat	3
the banks of the	3
so much as this	3
the rome of the	3
he has not the	3
from the circumstances of	3
not the religion of	3
those who do not	3
of the greek philosophers	3
so much by the	3
but it was in	3
in one or two	3
us more of the	3
of the case and	3
we are astonished at	3
of a man who	3
on to show that	3
at the expense of	3
defence of sextus roscius	3
no doubt that he	3
of which i shall	3
from what we know	3
the condition of his	3
empire of the caliphs	3
to the opinion of	3
altogether different from that	3
we have to admit	3
last year of his	3
can be passed save	3
the d of january	3
is not enough for	3
to the whole of	3
are led to imagine	3
far as they go	3
the whole of the	3
the house of one	3
the title of the	3
some beast of prey	3
to belong to the	3
on the death of	3
the dignity of his	3
but he had done	3
the mean time he	3
fifty years of age	3
they were anxious to	3
which were open to	3
of marius and sulla	3
of the senate and	3
it had been found	3
and he had been	3
of a brave man	3
the future of the	3
the beginnings of the	3
what it was in	3
have the power of	3
i may call it	3
to the west of	3
by force of arms	3
the history of his	3
he was not altogether	3
had there been any	3
it is hardly necessary	3
the whole body of	3
a month or two	3
a very early age	3
as was usual with	3
that they have been	3
the picture of the	3
was the meaning of	3
the mind of an	3
face of the earth	3
in the following pages	3
to the temple of	3
there is a certain	3
when speaking of his	3
to the influence of	3
of a roman citizen	3
martyrs protasius and gervasius	3
the tradition of scripture	3
in our own days	3
do not know whether	3
the year before his	3
we shall find that	3
in the records of	3
others as we would	3
is well known that	3
he had refused to	3
of it in his	3
gave himself up to	3
not the case with	3
so far as they	3
the burning of the	3
is put into the	3
is known to have	3
the place of the	3
in which the orator	3
from the pen of	3
that he is not	3
seems to be the	3
had been one of	3
version of the eagle	3
when he tells us	3
we know that the	3
have to acknowledge that	3
was necessary that he	3
was the home of	3
in spite of this	3
that he was the	3
to be considered as	3
dying for his cause	3
the republic might be	3
as to the man	3
that it will be	3
the music of the	3
taken part in the	3
he was anxious to	3
in favor of pompey	3
all who come to	3
good of the state	3
to act with him	3
during the whole of	3
he knew how to	3
by the opinion of	3
as it is said	3
according to the roman	3
i have pointed out	3
he addressed himself to	3
he could not bring	3
that he had already	3
which he made to	3
to the gulf of	3
the teaching of the	3
himself that he was	3
days of the triumvirate	3
law to be passed	3
from the beginning of	3
recognize the fact that	3
hard and fast line	3
of the congregation of	3
was there ever a	3
can hardly have been	3
it is easy to	3
made his first appearance	3
which had to be	3
the old forms of	3
from the writings of	3
the spring of the	3
the graves of the	3
tells us that we	3
he may not have	3
been given to us	3
to be the most	3
the result of this	3
of the anglican church	3
but that he was	3
availed himself of the	3
down to this day	3
he had been engaged	3
taken upon himself the	3
and he did not	3
in the light of	3
in the fact that	3
born in the same	3
spoken in defence of	3
be no doubt as	3
make the best of	3
make us feel that	3
had no doubt been	3
and it seems that	3
may be said of	3
in the state to	3
study of the fathers	3
of the consuls of	3
had been accorded to	3
he was unable to	3
can hardly believe that	3
the west of the	3
do not suppose that	3
have told the story	3
of the dignity of	3
i have already described	3
the house of commons	3
no doubt that the	3
of which they are	3
that he would have	3
for the twenty years	3
who should have been	3
to be a man	3
not given to the	3
the body of the	3
the case with cicero	3
old forms of the	3
beauty of the language	3
of which we know	3
to burn the city	3
the death of cicero	3
to the best of	3
had come to be	3
in the heart of	3
if i may so	3
do not see why	3
prepared the way for	3
that he was to	3
the college of priests	3
that is to say	3
history of the times	3
but it must be	3
it is because he	3
did not know what	3
as i have been	3
we know also that	3
the point at which	3
a man should have	3
the masters of the	3
was the nature of	3
to make us feel	3
the cultivation of the	3
by the aid of	3
and the love of	3
throughout the whole of	3
it has been suggested	3
john henry cardinal newman	3
and i do not	3
an instance of the	3
in favor of the	3
worth his while to	3
when he became consul	3
the case with the	3
as to make us	3
cannot but believe that	3
on the coast of	3
to the history of	3
an end to the	3
of the work of	3
of the people were	3
i do not suppose	3
the descent of the	3
be angry with me	3
to the memory of	3
he had been taken	3
circumstances of the time	3
the same as that	3
and the other as	3
to the interests of	3
it is with us	3
the great offices of	3
who had been consul	3
there was no need	3
the death of pompey	3
it must be recollected	3
to the manner in	3
have been known to	3
to be of service	3
the advice of the	3
tells us that they	3
that a wise man	3
whole course of his	3
to think that he	3
it must be added	3
the very time when	3
by the senate to	3
be a matter of	3
to have been as	3
it is more probable	3
in the blood of	3
in a later age	3
been given to the	3
is meant by the	3
he was true to	3
it is that we	3
from the beginning to	3
declared him to be	3
that he was as	3
as it is written	3
up to his time	3
them to have been	3
had he done so	3
was brought to an	3
i can imagine that	3
in opposition to that	3
between the gracchi and	3
to those who were	3
found himself obliged to	3
he thought to be	3
as to have made	3
to put up with	3
of the moment in	3
have been at the	3
to say that cicero	3
that it can be	3
of the murdered man	3
he had endeavored to	3
to the story of	3
to fight for the	3
is at the same	3
to atticus of his	3
if i may use	3
the power of his	3
then he proceeds to	3
soul of the world	3
the rest of mankind	3
when he went to	3
of his own genius	3
of all who have	3
led to imagine that	3
the second catiline oration	3
he had determined to	3
of the people to	3
a candidate for the	3
his services to the	3
all those who have	3
to be understood that	3
to have been held	3
in the old days	3
might have been expected	3
but we do not	3
for his services as	3
those who desire to	3
but in truth the	3
but there is a	3
but there was a	3
in possession of the	3
of the turkish race	3
that it is impossible	3
they were in the	3
of the fact that	3
he says to atticus	3
as they have been	3
consuls for the next	3
at this period the	3
the duties of the	3
should be no more	3
was certainly a political	3
was no doubt the	3
to the cause of	3
at the mercy of	3
the termination of the	3
the opinion of men	3
he must have been	3
that the gods were	3
the mode in which	3
i am disposed to	3
is it wonderful that	3
are given to us	3
the gulf of venice	3
we shall see by	3
to make use of	3
and times of bishop	3
the second book of	3
with the practice of	3
a man of the	3
there seems to be	3
that a man could	3
made as to the	3
the same when he	3
of all the churches	3
power in the state	3
was one of those	3
martyrs nabor and felix	3
a letter written in	3
it had been the	3
other romans of the	3
it is curious to	3
so far as he	3
to be true to	3
a university defined and	3
of his life was	3
it has been told	3
his brother quintus and	3
has to be admitted	3
not a man likely	3
in his account of	3
be that he should	3
to his own house	3
there was not a	3
and it may be	3
that it might be	3
and the other conspirators	3
one of the letters	3
to feel that a	3
to be believed in	3
as might be expected	3
to do the same	3
but the man of	3
the world to be	3
of the preceding age	3
the memory of a	3
it is easy for	3
the consuls had been	3
how you are to	3
which they had been	3
his opinion of cicero	3
if he could not	3
course of the following	3
that he was ready	3
quite as a matter	3
nothing of the first	3
of the next year	3
was he sincere to	3
duty to the state	3
on the art of	3
as he had done	3
the knowledge of the	3
he was in the	3
believed to be the	3
was a roman citizen	3
nor is it wonderful	3
history of his own	3
could be brought to	3
a man as cicero	3
it was his object	3
been that he should	3
could not afford to	3
merits of the case	3
who had been sent	3
at the expiration of	3
the friends of the	3
by this time the	3
as a man of	3
and the men of	3
he kept his hands	3
the marvel is that	3
the third book is	3
have been accustomed to	3
it is evident that	3
would they should do	3
the corruption of the	3
thanksgiving to the gods	3
he had received from	3
of pompey the great	3
form of a dialogue	3
of one of his	3
the consideration of a	3
i can only say	3
the man who had	3
man should have been	3
they may not be	3
whether for good or	3
put roman citizens to	3
can well imagine that	3
many of his letters	3
if there be a	3
the mysteries of the	3
the dominion of the	3
as part of the	3
of a man whom	3
oligarchy of this period	3
former of the two	3
on a large scale	3
say that it was	3
have been preserved for	3
it seems that the	3
to be made to	3
nature of the case	3
when he spoke of	3
to the mind of	3
the force of the	3
been accorded to him	3
of the christian era	3
did not suit him	3
declaring that he will	3
not bring himself to	3
two centuries and a	3
and the rest of	3
in the same cause	3
but there can be	3
that this or that	3
but he took nothing	3
to be seen by	3
jaxartes and the oxus	3
and then he goes	3
was born in the	3
goes on to show	3
to remain in rome	3
in a time of	3
as well as to	3
with some of the	3
is known to us	3
one of those who	3
look back upon the	3
he should not be	3
to suppose that the	3
to the light of	3
to the fact that	3
from his villa at	3
to the world at	3
the subject of this	3
the level of the	3
their relation to europe	3
as if it were	3
marcus tullius cicero was	3
who was at the	3
government of a province	3
what was being done	3
no more than the	3
if it could be	3
the administration of justice	3
mouth of the nile	3
in some of these	3
of the apostolical canons	3
of so long a	3
the breath of life	3
it was natural that	3
the house of seljuk	3
of the senate was	3
descent of the turks	3
made up his mind	3
john and the close	3
to the throne of	3
which he wished to	3
he was aware that	3
the north of italy	3
there is extant a	3
it was as though	3
the legends of the	3
does not appear that	3
to leave the city	3
to sympathize with him	3
it seems to us	3
the civilization of the	3
should be allowed to	3
it is at the	3
to a divine mission	3
that he was more	3
at the instigation of	3
turk and the saracen	3
on the minds of	3
true to his country	3
and a man of	3
which he believed to	3
gate of the palace	3
of those who were	3
a hard and fast	3
had said of him	3
it is that i	3
you beside that which	3
on a par with	3
we feel sure that	3
should not have been	3
had been allowed to	3
to him on the	3
which he does not	3
the master of the	3
that something should be	3
have you not been	3
the minds of men	3
as evidence of the	3
speech on his behalf	3
speech to the people	3
to the exclusion of	3
which it is difficult	3
of the world are	3
it was on the	3
the story of a	3
necessary for him to	3
to a passage in	3
meeting of the senate	3
of the battle of	3
that it must be	3
in carrying out the	3
when i speak of	3
the courts of law	3
if they were not	3
reason to suppose that	3
reason for supposing that	3
may be seen the	3
first principles of knowledge	3
as he found it	3
in the memory of	3
but if it be	3
on this occasion he	3
which would have been	3
the state to which	3
in this letter to	3
which we have had	3
which he made in	3
an attempt was made	3
in the city of	3
it has been remarked	3
thus it is that	3
which we cannot but	3
that a man may	3
to have an opportunity	3
his character as a	3
bible stories told to	3
does not seem to	3
was the first to	3
if he would only	3
at the cost of	3
but there was nothing	3
if they could not	3
they should not be	3
go back to the	3
a quarter of a	3
he had not as	3
he has an opportunity	3
was the cause of	3
to drive him out	3
to the minds of	3
him out of rome	3
the decrees of the	3
it is well known	3
by which he might	3
was a part of	3
that cicero was not	3
the population of italy	3
have been brought to	3
that i do not	3
done his best to	3
last years of st	3
at once to the	3
in honour of the	3
that the reader may	3
by the example of	3
on the ground of	3
the price of the	3
as soon as they	3
for what it is	3
but that you may	3
when we read the	3
lives of the friar	3
to interfere with the	3
take part in the	3
of the day were	3
the subject of oratory	3
that he was never	3
i may use the	3
on the banks of	3
the beginning of his	3
it was suggested to	3
i have not yet	3
by the author of	3
himself to his own	3
of his virtues and	3
he might make himself	3
but that you should	3
you not know that	3
the province of asia	3
there should be a	3
order that they might	3
one honest man among	3
can only say that	3
the consuls and the	3
of the line of	3
within the reach of	3
the exercise of his	3
of one of these	3
the opening of his	3
tullius cicero was born	3
a brave man dying	3
by the exercise of	3
when a man has	3
brave man dying for	3
had done for him	3
i will quote a	3
of the mithridatic war	3
not only in the	3
at a later date	3
origin of the gospels	3
the position which he	3
thought it well to	3
a time in which	3
the tribes of the	3
of him who has	3
we are able to	3
and did his best	3
the armies of the	3
there is a long	3
as a specimen of	3
who thinks that he	3
do you not know	3
the management of the	3
was not able to	3
him as to his	3
the writings of the	3
one of the very	3
what it is worth	3
be supposed that a	3
the death of a	3
the safety of the	3
for so small a	3
take place in the	3
to which i will	3
that he is a	3
could not bring himself	3
man dying for his	3
that he was minded	3
for whom he had	3
it was better to	3
beginnings of the church	3
the old state of	3
take possession of the	3
state of the case	3
all that need be	3
of the city were	3
the cicero of the	3
it worth while to	3
had been saved by	3
the man of the	3
has been suggested that	3
should do unto us	3
by which he had	3
at the beginning of	3
the princes of christendom	3
natam me consule romam	3
and in the course	3
has been attributed to	3
and that it is	3
puts into the mouth	3
rob him of his	3
who is said to	3
this may be seen	3
must suppose that it	3
the man whom he	3
accordance with the practice	3
speeches and his letters	3
but it is a	3
it would be a	3
bodies of the martyrs	3
one or other of	3
of the following year	3
to be in the	3
the same time to	3
take the place of	3
in his own case	3
the whole of this	3
seemed to him to	3
to bring him back	3
have been of the	3
at the very moment	3
were the last two	3
given to us by	3
may be supposed to	3
were written by cicero	3
must have been an	3
it is well that	3
in which cicero spoke	3
was to be found	3
hope for the republic	3
and the people were	3
at that period of	3
of the catholic faith	3
the good things which	3
and the two legions	3
on the spur of	3
but they did not	3
the temple of jupiter	3
of those who are	3
come to us with	3
in honor of his	3
would not let them	3
unto you beside that	3
which were to be	3
in the same spirit	3
the man had been	3
levelled to the ground	3
he did not do	3
of cicero that he	3
a history of his	3
did not take place	3
the th of april	3
services as an advocate	3
had nothing to do	3
be taken for what	3
the memory of the	3
the first of which	3
it was necessary for	3
more than a century	3