AN ACCOUNT OF A VINDICATION OF THE English Catholics From the Pretended CONSPIRACY AGAINST THE LIFE and GOVERNMENT OF HIS Sacred Majesty, UNDERTAKING To Discover the chief FALSITIES and CONTRADICTIONS contained in the Narrative OF TITUS OATS, etc.  
Etsi coram Hominibus dura fit Frons vestra; erubescit, coram Deo, mens vestra.  
LONDON, Printed for James Vade, at the Cock and Sugar-Loaf, near S. Dunstan's Church in Fleetstreet, 1681.   
AN ACCOUNT OF THE VINDICATION OF THE English Catholics, etc. The Introduction.  

SECT. I.  
WEre the Jesuits, etc. who stand thus positively charged with projecting against their Prince and Country (and that under the Masque of Religion too) such monstrous, hellish Villains as are not to be thought of without an extremity of horror and astonishment, and even capable of forcing a Blush from the very Sun itself; were these (I say) a sort of people who either by their principles or practices had ever approved themselves equitable to Monarchichal (to any kind of Civil) Regiment, or respectful to the common Offices and Obligations of humane Society: It would then have been severe to have refused them such a proportion of Christian Charity as might have suspended an absolute conclusion upon their Gild; or at least, in contemplation of our frailty, have engaged a compassionate regret for their misfortune, and ransacked ancient and modern Story in quest of Precedents to insinuate that even Good Men have many times been over-set, upon the encounter of a powerful and artificial Temptation. But if, upon a strict enquiry into their ways of Acting (And how can man judge of man but by his Doings?) the world findeth so little reason to cherish a favourable opinion of their Inclination to cultivate such sacred Impulses, as strongly dispose us toward the comporting ourselves suitable to the Rules of Morality, and the Dignity and Excellence of our Christian Profession; that on the contrary they appear to it only famous for their Impieties, for embroiling and overturning Kingdoms and States, for violating and trampling upon all things holy and profane, that stand in competition with their ambition or avarice; for pouring forth innocent Blood like water, washing their hands in the tears of Widows and Orphans; and in a word, for propagating Feuds, Seditions, Rapines, Rebellions, Murders, Massacres, and the like Barbarities, wherever they once set their foot: If (I say again) the world does or has discovered them to be jointly and severally concerned in a Beadroll of such stupendious wickednesses, (and what Corner of the Universe is not by sad experience qualified to bear witness against them to this Truth?) they must excuse Mankind in general, for looking upon them as Locusts and Caterpillars, fit to be extirpated and swept away from off the face of the Earth: and they must also excuse Us in particular, if, after so many Providential Deliverances from their Plots upon our Religion, Lives and Liberties, from the very dawning of the blessed Reformation upon our then benighted Island, down to this instant, we stand fairly warned and premonished to beware of their Malice, and, upon the least rumour of their being crept in among us, to provide against the worst that Hell and such its miscreant Agents can devise against us: and they must not think hardly of the Law neither if, after a fair Trial by their Peers, and full conviction upon such credible evidence as, were the Tables turned, is competent to cast the noblest Protestant Subject in any Roman Catholic Court of Judicature in Europe, it do condemn every shauling traitorous wretch of them taken in the manner. Not that I do hereby aim at the encouraging or abetting of a popular, and undue Inquisition after Blood, (it being inconsistent with the Grandeur and Elevation of a True English Spirit to be sanguinary, or to reject the petition for life even of the bitterest Enemy, that lies disarmed and at mercy) but would imply thus much only: that if they will continue to make so bad an use of the Time and other Indulgences granted to their importunities, in order to the capacitating them to be their own Compurgators in a fair and Legal Way, as still to employ them toward the support of their evil Designs upon the Lives and Credits of their Accusers, toward the abusing and inflaming the people with an uninterrupted course of scandalous and flagitious Impostures, toward the arraigning the Wisdom, Honour, and Justice of the Kingdom, and toward the rendering the British Nation odious and contemptible in the eyes of other Countries; in the name of Goodness let them have all the fair Play, and other advantages that the Law of the Land can allow them; and we shall then see whether their clamorous pretences of Innocence, or the tender and merciful Nature of their Sovereign, will prove their surest Sanctuary.— But to come a little nearer the matter in hand. Although I well remembered how feeble and obnoxious these men had approved themselves in their former Nibbling at some special Branches of the Evidence against them; yet the Pamphlet I now came to examine, appearing under the Pompous Title of A Vindication of the English Catholics from the pretended Conspiracy against the Life and Government of his sacred Majesty, discovering the chief Falsities and Contradictions contained in the Narrative of Titus Oates, I read it over with much attention, as expecting from it such an ingenuous and substantial Confutation of the Narrative in question, as might hold proportion with the Parts, Pains and Promises of the Persons interested in the compiling of it, and be able to abide the Test of a Parliament, or a Court of Judicature: but, not to anticipate, or prepossess the Readers Judgement by calling it a Compound of unjust Surmizes, immoral Reflections, unmanly and insipid Scoffs, egregious Sophistries and Prevarications, Illogical Inferences, fallacious Reasonings, and Proofs, weak, unsatisfactory, and childishly extravagant, to the highest degree imaginable; I found it not a jot otherwise then in the Cursory, but impartial Notes ensuing, is Represented.   

SECT. II.  
HE begins his previous Address to the Courteous Reader, (pag. 1.) with an assurance, that the Narrative here in debate is an Original, because the Composer of it found none to Copy by; and yet in the next Line unbethinks himself that Lucian's True History (rather than the Golden Legend) might furnish the Precedent; and, upon this Presumption, proceeds (in regard few Comparisons are able to run upon all four) mathematically to state the Breadth and Depth of the Differences between them; winding them all up with this doughty Remark, that whereas Lucian in that intended (a hopeful beginning to pronounce upon the Intention of a man that died so many hundred years since) only to recreate those, who never did him any good, Oats (on the other side) in this designs the ruin of those who never did him any hurt, (excepting only a refusing him Holy Orders, back and belly-beating him, etc.) but intended him much good, (at Latter-Lammas; for in their List of Ecclesiastical Aga's I find not Titus Oats pricked down for the Reversion of a Cure in any of the poorest Country-Village:) If his bad nature (his Tongue) had been susceptible of good advice (could have kept within his Teeth, and told no Tales of the mighty preparations of the Holy Legions.)  
Then he confesses he never saw the man, and so can know nothing of him, but by hear-say. To which he gives a more positive and implicit Faith, throughout the whole course of his Observations, than his own Ears and Eyes could ever expect from him: and so presently lays the courteous Reader aboard with a pretty Third-hand Story of a certain Dignitary, who was so deadly cunning at seeing a man's Heart through his Ribs, and reading his Meaning by his Jaws, that he scrupled the Deponent the Sacrament (their Sacraments and their Senses are equal in number) of Confirmation (or laying his hand upon his head) merely out of a conceit that his face was not promising enough. O the Sin and Folly of these Wretches, thus grossly to abuse and impose upon their bigoted Proselytes! For mere shame (Sirs) leave off to trouble the world with such Trumpery, lest the very Boys in the Streets, by the proper arguments of Turnip tops and addle Eggs, compel you to an acknowledgement of your Forgeries.  
Next, he produces a Reason that, at a blush, looked as big as a Giant, as having four or five little Reasons in the Belly of it; but upon the approach, I found it only a meager Jack-a-lent, set up to raise wonderment in Children, and in Men Laughter; a shadow, and no more: as you yourselves may see upon the uncasing of it: Thus. He denies the Deponent to have been made a Doctor. 1. Because he never was at Salamanca. 2. Because he was not a Priest. And 3. Because he was not Scholar good enough. His two first Reasons he endeavours to corroborate with the Attestations (A and B, pag. 42.43.) of Lynch the Titular Archbishop of Tuam in Ireland (who stands accused as one of the Conspirators) and Duelly another Tiege; the former of which (that part of it that relates to the point now in agitation) amounts to thus much; That Lynch protests and declares by his Consecration, & ex abandanti, per Sancta Dei Evangelia (do but behold how fluently the man spits Latin) that he never saw the Deponent, (I suppose his Reverence is blind, for otherwise it is more than he can safely say (much less swear) of any man living, even the Great Turk himself) and that he never was at Madrid, (gallantly undertaken!) both because he had been told he came no further than Vallodolid, and also for that he vouchsafed not his Lordship a Visit and Compliment, for having refused him Holy Orders: and the Latter is only a Declaration (in manner and form abovesaid) that the Deponent never was at Madrid: 1. because a Muleman said so to the Protester, and then, because he was, by an Epistolary Correspondence, acquainted with all his Grace of Tuam's motions. Those that stick not to swear and protest at this extravagant rate, how can it be expected that they will make Bones of any Oath whatsoever? But now admitting the produced to be true Copies of these two obnoxious persons (verbal) written Assurances. Yet since they run only upon the Negative, and of themselves are Naked, Undue and Conjectural, they ought not to have any effect upon the Solemnity and Positivity of an affirmative Oath confirmed by several Collateral Evidences: a Tithe of which from one of their own hands, in their Inquisitive Courts, would be esteemed a sufficient ground whereupon to condemn the worthiest Heretic (so they are pleased to dignify us) in England to the Faggot. But they insist much upon the Deponents not being a Priest. Should we, for peace and quietness sake suppose this, I believe the Observator would yet make some difficulty to resolve me whether it be impossible for a man, in their Universities, to commence Priest and Doctor in one and the same week? I must also mind him that this Reason is wholly new to us; for the only Objection that we could hear of on this side the Sea, upon the first dusting of the Question was, (and it came as piping-hot too from Oraculous S. Omers) that no man could be made a Doctor in any Roman Catholic Country, under the charge of 400 l. a Sum, they said, that the Deponent never had at command at one time. Both these Flams now (to give him his own words again, pag. 1.) are alike true per Antiphrasin. But how can they have the confidence to tax him with Illiterateness, when he hath so publicly approved himself to be a better Scholar than his Masters? Yet the Compendious Calumniator pawns his honour, that the Deponent is not able to turn five Lines of Latin into true English. This was a handsome stretch indeed! and yet we find their own Authors every where telling scurvy Tales of, and inveighing against their ignorant Clergy, and what feeble parts, backed with a strong Purse, are commonly found qualified for a Degree in any of their Colleges. Besides, what is it to any one, if their Reverences were pleased to vouchsafe to the extraordinary merits of this their diligent Servant, the reward of an empty Title that only feeds the fancy of the Receiver, and substracts nothing from the Coffers of the Bestower? But now I think on't a great deal of this might have been spared, for it is not the Oath, but the Veracity of the Deponent that lies here at stake; he never having (that I could hear of) given in this punctilio as any part of his Evidence.  
The first Paragraph, of pag. 2. furnishes another Circumstance not only to strengthen the preceding Allegations, but even to call in question the very being of the Plot too; and it is taken from the Order, kept in the Jesuits Houses, they never employing their Scholars (such as he told us before the Deponent was) in Negotiations (and Treasons) of the highest Consequence. And hence he wiredraws the Burden of his Story, that the Deponents Doctorship, and Papists Treasons were both hammered upon the same Anvil. Strongly concluded, I'll promise you, would but the scurvy Premises bear it out! This man will never take up with less than a Cardinal's Cap sure, he's such an old dog at Syllogism! But if Clodius will impeach the Adulterers, who can help it? And since the Gentleman brings the best Arguments he has, (tho' never so ordinary) for the support of his Tottering Cause, in Charity we ought to accept the will for the deed.  
He goes on to smatter most distinctly upon the name of D' Oliva; to twit the Deponent for impropriety of Speech, in terming those Letters the Inscription, which he is pleased to call the substance of the Jesuits Seal; and to threaten him correction for some other instances (to be produced in due time) of his ignorance in the (less material) Customs of the Jesuits; he already (it seems) perfectly well understanding their more important ones of plotting upon the Persons and Dominions of Princes and Potentates.  
From this word of Reproof he comes (next) to attempt the laying open of the Deponents Contradictions, which he will needs have to be so very many, that it were an endless work to reckon them all. He citys (at the bottom of pag. 2.) the twenty seventh fol. of Coleman's Trial thrice, the 58 Item of the Narrat. the 28 th'. of Ireland's Trial, and twice the eleventh of Langhorns; relying all along upon the credit of the Prints of these kinds, notwithstanding that he has been so often told, that of themselves they are no Legal Evidence. Had he now been able to make out his Charge of Contradictions upon the Deponent, his work had been done: for I readily agree with him, that Truth has a real Ground, and is always the same; but falsehood is built only upon fancy, and changes accordingly; pag. 2. But let me assure the Observator, that there are some certain persons in the world who have examined all the Trials with much strictness, and yet have not been able, even out of Them all, to pick any passages so directly contradictory as ingenuity and good will might not easily reconcile; or such as were worthy the cognizance of a Court of Justice: and as to those places that he has instanced in; to me they appear so far from interfering one with another, that chose thy sufficiently explain themselves, without being beholden to an Evasion for a Salvo. And yet so resolutely is he bend upon▪ doing his best toward the blasting of the Deponents Credit, (an atchieument that, no doubt of it, would be highly accounted of by Holy Church, could it be found practicable once) that nothing will serve his turn but concluding him (in despite of Logic and Reason) undeniably perjured, upon the ground of the foregoing sickly Suggestions. Now though it be one of the Jesuits Customs (so much applauded by our Observator!) from sleight and weakly Premises to infer weighty Consequences: yet this sort of Argumentation is so forced, partial, and trifling, that to me it seems to be something less even than downright Sophistry.  
The first Break of P. 3. has nothing in it worth the taking notice of, save only a shred or two of Latin, which are of much more natural application to the Observators Party, than to the person for whom (out of pure kindness) he intends them: and in the Second, he picks a quarrel with the manner of the Deponents Accusation; calling it such, as any Knave who dare tell a Lie, and confirm it by Oath, by it may bring any man or men, how innocent soever, into question. This Suggestion, from such a Pen, may fairly be understood as a very notable Compliment. He than sets forward, with giving his word, that none of the Letters mentioned in this Narrative were ever found, and that their Authors deny the writing of them. The confidenter man he, and the wiser they. But still the Windsor-Packet sticks in his stomach; for having met with a sleeveless Fable, upon the Subject of those Letters, in one of their own Printed Pamphlets, he presently swallows it down for Gospel, puzzles himself to find out a Providence, in the detection of what, upon the simple ground of a Libel, he strongly conceits to have been an Imposture: and thence takes occasion, with great Gravity and Superciliousness, to enjoin the Deponent Penance; backing his admonition with a Text; and to make all sure, subjoyning one of Whitebreads Learned Sayings. Let him but stay till there be occasion for it, and then no doubt, his advice will be taken: And I must also mind him that F. Beddingfield knew very well what he did, in waiting (contrary to custom) the coming in of that Mail; for having before had notice of the Discovery of their Rogueries, and that the credit of the information depended in a great measure upon the intercepting of that Packet, he found himself concerned to be the first Receiver, and Divulger of it; and to do what he could toward the Representing the whole matter as a Forgery. And blame him now who can. But if the Observator be desirous to know the true Contents and Meaning of those Letters, Kirbies and Tongue's Narratives (which are of more credit sure than a worthless, nameless Libel) will give him particular satisfaction.  
Having thus dispatched his preliminary Reasonings in proof of the Nullity of the Plot, and the Knavery of the Deponent; the fourth page brings him to his Promises and Apologies; which I am already half of belief will prove of the very same complexion, and validity with the other. But yet he is so cock-a-hoop upon the business, that, tho' he tells us indubio favendum est Reo, potius quam Actori, yet he scorns to be beholden to the People's Charity in the case; as undertaking to prove irrefragably (he must be excused if he fall short of his word) what he advances, with such Evidence, and undoubtedly true Attestations, that unless his Adversaries shut their eyes very hard, (I promise him to keep mine as open as I can; but the Thing is so wretched heavy, that it casts me a Nod almost every Period of it) they shall see he's in the Right, pag. 4. He threatens Candour and Clearness too; (faults that a Jesuit never yet was guilty of, and I'm mistaken in the man if he prove a By-blow,) only he pretends scruple of Conscience for not uttering publicly such treasonous expressions, as his Brethren whisper in private: then at one Puff of his Breath he lays the Brat of the Plot at the Deponents Door, generously passing his word for the Honesty of all the Priests and Jesuits in Europe, Asia, Africa and America; but at the next, in a manner, recals it again.  
This leads on (Pag. 4. Par. 3.) to a Shuffle, and a new fashioned sort of an Hail Master, amounting to within a Nutshell of a Profession, ex abundanti, that he would not for a world be so unmannerly as to call the Deponent a Rogue, were it not purely out of an ardent zeal to contradict an Heretical Prince, Parliament and Court of Judicature. And thus after a suspicious squint at Tonge, etc. as the Contrivers of the Plot, he falls to handling the King himself a little familiarly, telling him of his Wickedness and Cruelty (a Loyal Subject the mean while) in Scripture Phrase, and minding him that it is an abomination to Kings to commit wickedness: Prov. 16.12. Methinks it would better have suited with his pretences of Duty, to have admonished His Majesty to love his Enemies, (the Observator and his Tribe) and bless them that curse Him; rather than still to have run on in charging Him with the effusion of innocent Blood, because the Law, upon due proof, has hanged a few of their Religious Conspirators. Believe me, it is well for his Majesty (it should seem) that the Act de Haeretico comburendo is not in force; for the Fellow argues devilish suspiciously.  
And now for a solemn adieu to his Courteous Reader, he tells him in effect, (pag. 5.) that it is only a natural Concern for Reputation that prompted him to this Unworthy Undertaking; because that tho' his Brethren be never so great Rascals in secret, yet they are in common prudence obliged to carry their Dish as even as they can, to the Eye of the World: Which in truth is no contemptible piece of Policy. And thus we have done with his Preface.   

SECT. III.  
THE Observator introduces his Notes upon the Deponents Epistle Dedicatory with a florid and Rhetorical Excursion, which (pag. 6.) he winds up thus; that if the Narrative be True, (as it may be for any thing he has yet been able to prove to the contrary) no reward can be too great for the Author of it, if otherwise, there is no punishment but will seem too little for him: All this I shall not scruple to subscribe to. But then in the same pag. 6. he falls heavily upon him for presuming to say he was a Loyal Subject, when his Father was pretended to be otherwise. What is this but an endeavour to introduce that Maxim of their Inquisition here among us, that, Cornelius Agrippa tells us, admits it to be a sufficient ground to condemn any Man for a Witch, whose Father or Grandfather before him had there been sentenced for dealing with the Devil. Yet still he runs on to represent all the Deponents words that tend that way, as criminal, and to torture them to a compliance with his own evil meanings. He next labours to take off the edge of his Assertion, (Ep. Ded. to the Narrat. fol. 1.) that the Papists many past Treasons and Encroachments upon several Princes for these thousand years in the world, will prove their inclinations for the future: by opposing to it the like Practices of the Presbyterians: as if another man's stealing of a Horse were an excuse for my breaking open a House! yet he will needs have it, that they did more mischief in four years, than the Crimes charged upon the Jesuits (only an unfortunate Attempt to murder the King, subvert the Government, and massacre the People) had they been put into act, would in all likelihood have produced in four thousand: (A moderate Stretches!) and that the Disorders that happened in Popish (I should, for good manners sake, have said Catholic) Times, (as the several Irish Rebellions, for instance; the Parisian and Piedmont Massacres, etc.) were like an Ague in the Spring, painful, but not dangerous, and leaving the Body more healthy than before; whereas those of Presbyterians, (or Papists still; for, mutato nomine de Te) are like putrid Fevers, or the Plague, which leaves scarce hopes of Life. It is no new thing for a Jesuits Glass to represent other men's faults at Large to the Prospect, but their own in Little. But they are both bad enough of all conscience, to be better; which will never be (I fear) till they have changed their Principles for Ours.  
Next; he is very pleasant upon some sneaking Monk or other (I suppose) for charging the Jesuits with the first Murder in the world, and with tempting Eve to eat the forbidden Fruit. This indeed is vastly disproportionate from the Character they give of themselves, (Mystery of Jesuitism, pag. 48. and 49.) viz. Men eminent for Learning and Prudence; a sort of People that have the Pillar of Divine Wisdom going before them, a surer Guide than any thing of Philosophy; they are that society of Men (Angels I should have said) whereof Isaiah hath prophesied in these words▪ Go you swift and ready Angels. (Is not the Prophecy as plain as the back of your hand) They are Eaglelike Spirits, a flight of Phoenixes; there being an Author who hath not long since demonstrated, that there are more than one: They have changed the face of Christendom, etc. This is the Substance of their own words: and whether This or the Former Panegyric more becomes them, and is wider from Truth, I leave it to the world to determine. But now he reaches the Deponent a blow for hinting that King James 'scap'd not their Poison. This I am very sure of, that he scaped not the Presumption of it.  
In pag. 7. he falls most bitterly upon him again for insinuating (Epist. Ded. to the Narrat. fol. 2.) what so many authentic Writers have averred before him, viz. that the Papists, by their known diabolical art of inflaming Parties and Passions against each other, were the first Authors and Contrivers of the late Unnatural War. I cannot imagine what harm there should be in this, save only that it contradicts (and justly too) the Observators fanciful and florid Blazoning of the Gigantic (not Romantic) Doings and Sufferings of his Party, upon that occasion. For it is as clear as the Sun, that the Scots began that Rebellion in 1637; and it is alike clear, even from their own Authors, that those very Commotions were raised, and fomented chiefly by the Arts and Activity of Richelieu and his Agents. So that they first set us all in a flame, and then, under the notion of Porters, Dray-men, Schismatics, and fanatics, (for they can endue all shapes; being as malleable us the materia prima itself) rifled and despoiled us. Some of them indeed perished in the Scuffle; but then those that scaped had (or at least hoped to have) the better bargain on't: and nothing venture, nothing win. 'Tis true (as Papists) they were never able to make a separate Party in England; but than it is as undeniable, that they influenced in all; this (in all probability) being their chief aim, to protract the Quarrel, till we had beaten one another's Brains out, and wasted our strength, so to make way for their shoals of hungry Pilgrims to cross the Sea, possess, and repeople the Land. Yet God in his mercy disappointed them. But now, I would fain know of these Loyalists who they were that began the Irish Rebellion, (at the same time with the other,) where so many thousand Protestants of all Ages and Sexes were, without the least distinction or remorse, inhumanly butchered in a few months? I make no question but they will strive to shuffle even that too upon the wicked fanatics. Let me therefore tell them once for all, that these Traitorous fanatics, and those Traitorous Papists make up one and the same Pack of Rebels, under different Appellations; they are Bone of the some Bone, and Flesh of the same Flesh; a swarm of malignant Infects generated upon a commixtute and coition of the putrid Exhalations of the Rhosne and Tiber; bearing in their Faces the very Picture of their Sire: and tho', like Sampson's Foxes, they looked divers ways, yet with Them too they are tied together by the Tails, and drive at one and the same End, I mean the fattening themselves upon the Substances of Others, and turning Order into Confusion. This Observation is now so justly & generally entertained and noted, that all these men's bitter and elaborate Invectives against the Rogueries of the fanatics, have no other effect upon the wise and sober, than to be looked upon as a more gross and prostitute discovery of their own nakednesses: so that did they but well consider it, they would hold themselves concerned, in common prudence, to forbear the like for the future.  
But since they are unwilling (and not without reason neither) to confess themselves (otherwise than as Popish Fanatics) guilty of the Disorders that commenced in England in 1641; it may not be altogether impertinent, in this place, to inquire into their proceedings, under the name of Catholics (a Title so immoderately affected by them) in the Civil Wars of Franc●, in 1572, I shall therefore presume (in imitation of our Learned Observators Method) to ask Who they were that massacred such numbers of Hugonots in Paris and elsewhere, in cold Blood, and without any cause or provocation, other than that they were honester men and better Subjects than themselves? Man and Me must answer for them; these Catholics! Who were they that, by force of Arms, drove their Lawful Prince (Henry the Third) out of the Capital City of his Kingdom; entered into a Treasonous Combination, or Holy League; (the Architype of our Solemn League and Covenant) raised a Religious Rebellion against him, under the Pope's Banner; pursued him with Fire and Sword; and at length by the hand of one of their Priests stabbed him to the heart? The Catholics! Who were they that prosecuted the same Rebellion against his Rightful Successor Henry the Fourth; called in a Foreign Power upon him; fought him in sundry Pitched Fields; attempted upon his Person both by Sword and Poison; swore themselves into a fresh Engagement, never to admit him (or any other) to the Throne of France; but upon the terms of his being a Catholic, etc. In a word, who were they that, when they had brought him over to hear Mass (while he was in a good mind) spilt his Blood (by one of the Jesuits) in the face of the Sun, and in the open Streets of Paris? why, the very same pretended Catholics still!  
Now our hand is in, and that we see what these Modern are; I hope it will not seem tedious if we take a short view of the Behaviour, in the like cases, of the Primitive Catholics. Who were they then that would sooner renounce their Breath, than their Allegiance; or then be engaged in Arms against their Lawful Sovereign (whether Christian, Jew or Gentile) or any duly Commissioned by him? The Primitive Catholics! Who were they that held his person to be sacred; that accounted the least Violation of his Royal Prerogative, a Sacrilege; that would rather choose to die by Inches, than to lift up their hand against the Lords anointed; and that were still in readiness to sacrifice their Lives, Fortunes, and all that was dear to them, in the service of their King and Country? These! these were (and, in modern Praise, are the Church of England Men, or) the true Catholics. The Use and Application of all this is so natural, and obvious, that any Descant or Remark upon it would be a superfluity; the Goodness of the Tree being ever more known by the quality of its Fruit. So that I shall now return to tell the Observator, that the second Paragraph of this his seventh Page will readily be allowed him, upon the single condition of its being understood in the sense that himself really intended it (and that all other passionate Declamations of the like nature, by a private Key well known to themselves, are usually expounded in;) that is to say as an Encomium upon Holy Church for certain pious Villainies, by the successful courage & conduct of her Votaries perpetrated against a Race of unregenerate Heretics. And whereas, in the fourth, he says that Papists leave Monarchy the full Liberty of the Law: I shall remember him, that it is only because they cannot do otherwise; and that a greater liberty than that will allow, must be had, before such as he gain their ends upon us. But in his next Break he falls again to proclaiming the Merits of the Roman Catholics, and the Malice of the Presbyterians at such a rate, as if Ireland had not stood in need of an Act of Indemnity as well as England. 'Tis a hard matter I find to make this Observator see on the Right Side.  
In Pag. 8. he will not allow the Jesuits, Simond and Carleton, to have offered a thousand pounds for the King's Discovery after his escape at Worcester, because he knows there were others then to be found, as able and willing as they, to disburse such a Sum upon that account. To the Deponents affirming that Oliver kept a Convent (they call the same thing by another name) of Benedictines, he shapes an Answer as if he would have it thought that there are no such people as the Benedictines in the world. Then he passes his Word (which is of little value, upon this Score especially) for manning's honesty, whiles a Papist, only because the Deponent avows the contrary. And thus having, in his own imagination, cleared the Coast, and got the wind of his Antagonist, he falls to insulting over him, in this manner; By your honesty (says he) in relating things done in the sight of the Sun, and known to all men, we see what credit you deserve in things done in corners, and known only to yourself. A mighty Cry truly; but I'm afraid we shall find but little Wool come after it!  
The Deponent then asks (Ep. Ded. of the Narrat. fol. 3.) What Arguments can persuade them to be true to their Natural, who profess allegiance, out of conscience, to a Foreign, contrary Sovereign? And the other answers to this purpose; that the Papists profess allegiance to a foreign Sovereign in temporal Concerns only in order to spirituals. An acute Reply! I promise you. He next pinches him for recommending it to the King to trust to, and rely upon his Parliament; chopping and changing his words most Jesuitically, to make them speak as he would have them. But I'll give both fair Play, by transcribing the passage itself; and so leave it to be judged which has the better on't.  
Next to Christ and the Truth (says the Deponent, Epist. Ded. to his Narrat. fol. 4 & 5,) I shall with the utmost of my breath and power, according to my Oath and Duty, in what place and station soever I am, endeavour to be found ever Loyal and True to your Majesty in all your Rights and Honours, as all good Subjects and Christians ought, and as I find this Noble and Loyal Parliament are resolved to be to an hair, or an expression; and therefore cannot forbear to pray to God, out of my sincerity and zeal for public Peace and Concord between King and People, that, seeing your Majesty must highly trust some or other for your necessary ease and help, God would put it into your Majesty's Heart more to trust and rely upon your two Houses of Parliament (who will be most true to your Laws, and consequently both to You and your People) than to any single Minister or Ministers whatsoever, unaccountably, who may pretend to more Loyalty, or more comply with any humour, or humane frailty of your Majesties, but are not true Friends either to your Majesty or their Country, or themselves, therein; but erect and prefer an Imperial Paramount Self-end, or Lust, before all; which your Majesty, by their art, must be brought unworthily to serve and promote, to public disturbance always, and the confusion of themselves and their posterity most an end, by God's just vengeance. It is a false suggestion which such tempters use, that a King that rules by will is more great, or glorious, or strong, than a King that rules by Law. The quality of the Retinue best proves the State of the Lord; the one being but a King of Slaves, while the other, like God, is a King of Kings and Hearts. No Prince was ever more absolute, to have what he wished, than Queen Elizabeth, who wished for nothing more than the Subjects Right and Welfare— But nothing will make your Majesty so amiable and acceptable in the Eyes of God and Man, and your Name and Memory blessed and glorious for ever, as the copying of the Laws of our Saviour in your Life, by a decent, paternal Example before the Sons and Daughters of your People, to increase the fear of God, and its Consequences amongst us; it being the chief end and work of all supreme Powers to suppress Vice, and encourage Virtue amongst their Charge, according to S. Paul, Rom. 13. which is best done abroad, when it is first and effectually begun at home in your own House and Family, (according to the same Apostle, 1 Tim. 3.) by banishing all vicious Livers from your Presence and Converse, and advancing the Virtuous in their stead: by the neglect of which principal part of their Royal Trust, and Office, Princes depose themselves as useless before God and their own Consciences, whatever may be their State and Glory in fact, and by humane Laws and Power, before Men, etc.  
After this; only with questioning the sincerity of the Deponents Prayers for the King, he shuts up his Observations upon the Epistle Dedicatory, and undertakes for a Discovery of the Lies in the Narrative itself: as follows.   

SECT. IV.  
THE first thing we meet with in his second Chapter, is this homely Courtship to the Deponent. To tell Lies, (says he, pag. 9) seems as natural to you, as breathing; nothing comes from you without them. So he forthwith lays to his charge a great Lie (as he is pleased to call it) in saying in his Preface to the Reader, that his Narrative was presented to his Majesty the thirteenth of August, when as it contains things which happened on the 3, 4, 6, 7, & 8 of Sept. after. Now I must mind him, that this (if it be a Lie) is one of his own framing, by making it the whole, when the Deponent there plainly declares it was only part of it, that was delivered as is above specified: Thomas Earl of Danby's Case furnishes an account of the manner of this Delivery: where satisfaction may be had as to this matter.  
Then he call it another great Lie, his saying that it was sworn the sixth of Sept. following, when both himself, and Sir Edmondbury Godfrey, assure, that it was sworn the twenty seventh of September: I cannot but take notice here how disingenuous the Observator is: for when he is willing to paum a Contradiction upon the Deponent, he makes no Bones (I see) of ransacking this and t'other Trial, etc. and turning every Stone, to add strength to the Presumption: but, when it is to do him even common Right, he will not so much as put his foot o'er the Threshold. Now he must needs (sure) have read somewhere, as well as myself, that the Deponent first sworn the Original Copy of the Narrative before Justice Godfrey on the sixth of September, (probably) and after That, transcribed with his own hand, and swore divers others of them in the like manner, and according to the date that this Printed One bears. Thus much I conceive to be sufficient for the resolving of this doubt: but whether it be the true, or only Reason of the Differences of these Dates, I have neither means nor leisure to be rightly informed. Thus we may see that the Observator is more unfortunate in his endeavours to detect these pretended Lies, than he will needs have the Deponent to be in timing them. But now I must take the freedom to observe two trips upon the Observator himself. 1. Himself and Sir Edmundbury Godfrey assure, etc. he says; when the Deponent affirms no such thing; his Affidavit bearing date the twenty seventh of September, and his Attestation before the Council the twenty eighth. 2. Whereas he refers to fol. 62 of the Narrative for the assurance aforesaid: if he had but put on his Spectacles again he would have found it (in my Book at least) only the sixtieth folio. The Gentleman, it seems, for all his big words, is no more infallible than his Neighbours: and consequently no otherwise to be respected. But yet, all the world could not hinder him from grounding barely upon these Surmizes, a Salute to the Deponent: Thus. By this (says he) your Reader may guests what sincerity he is to expect from you in the following Narrative, of which he meets so little in your Address to him. Indeed (and indeed) your writings like the Cadmaean Brood (most Learnedly hinted) fight against, and ruin one another: They are like Chimaeras (most profoundly Pedantic still!) which being composed of Contradictions (O how happy were he, could he but spy 'em once! one part destroys the other. The man's resolved to throw dirt enough, (I see) thinking if some of it stick not, (none of it will) the devil's in't: as no doubt he is.   

SECT· V.  
THIS third Chapter of his, promises a Discovery (like the former no doubt) of the Lies contained in the seven first Sections (or §) of the Narrative, which comprise the Deponents Informations from Spain. Against § 1. he raises two Objections (pag. 10.) the first, that Strange (in Attest. G. pag 50.) denies the writing of the Letters there mentioned. He does well; for why should he himself administer unnecessary occasion to be suspected for a fool, when it is only his Knavery, that is here the subject of the Controversy? And also for that Attest. C. (pag. 45.) protests it to be contrary to the Jesuits Customs for many to sign Letters together with their Provincial. Now because he desires that this may be taken notice of, for that the same mistake (he says) freqaently occurrs; I will, in this place, observe so much upon it, as not to need troubling myself any further with it, when it falls in my way hereafter. He speaks as if the Jesuits Customs were as unalterable as the Laws of the Medes and Persians, and as if it were equivalent to a sin against the Holy Ghost for any of their Religious in the least to swerve from the Institutions of their Founders. But this is not so: for even the Franciscans themselves, who pretend to a greater strictness than the rest in this particular, have yet made so bold with the Rule their Patron left them, as to expound the severity of it into a consistency with, and indulgence of their Ease and Convenience, upon sundry accounts. I shall instance only in Two of the grosser sort. S. Francis enjoined all the Children of his Spirit to go Barefoot: but they, finding themselves hereby in danger of catching cold, or of taking harm by Thorns, Snakes, Sharp Stones, and the like, moderated the Rule (as Erasmus tells us) to an allowance of their going half-shod: saving however the dignity of the Prescription by a Synecdoche, which takes that part of the foot which is seen naked through the Shoe, for the whole. Again. He also forbade them to receive any money either by themselves, or by others. Now they soon experimenting the Inconvenience of This, took the liberty to change, not receive into, not touch. So that they take no money but with their Gloves on, or wrapped in a Clout, or by their Proctors, which (in that case only) they will not allow to be their own act and deed. But these thick-sculled Evasions are not worthy of the Wit and Finery of our Mercurial Jesuits; whose smooth and subtle Glosses upon the Text of Loyola are so many and so notorious, that it would be superfluous to recount them: so that I rather choose to inquire into their Treatment of the Holy Gospel itself. In the Indies, and in China, where the Belief of a Crucified God is accounted Extravagance, every body knows that it is their custom there to smother the scandal of the Cross, and preach only a Glorified, not a crucified Jesus Christ; and that they allow the Christians to commit Idolatry, by warrant of a pretty invention of theirs, which is, to hide under their clothes an Image of Jesus Christ, and so, by a mental Reservation, direct to It those public Adorations which they render the Idol Cachim Choan, and their Keum Fucum. And for their Doctrine of Probabilities, which has rendered them so infamously famous all the world over; eight and forty of the modern Casuists, viz. Villalobas, Conink▪ Llamas, Achokier, Dealkozer, Delacruz, Vera Cruz, ugolin, Tambourim, Fernandez, Martinez, Suarez, Henriquez, Vasquez, Lopez, Gomez, Sanchez, De Vecchis, De Grassis, De Grassalis, De Pitigianis, De Graphatis, Squilanti, Bizozeri, Barcola, De Bobadilla, Simancha, Berez, De Lara, Aldreffa, Lorca, De Scarcia, Quaranta, Scophra, Jedrezza, Cabrezza, Bishe, Dias, De Clavisio, Villagu●, Adam à Manden, Iribarn, Binsfeld, Volfangi à Vorberg, Vosthery, and Strevesdorf, do lay down these as Fundamental Maxims, that, to deny absolution to a penitent who walks according to a probable opinion is a sin in its own nature mortal; and that no Judge or Civil Magistrate, in this case, aught to condemn any such. And then unanimously declare, that it is lawful for one man to kill another, to prevent a Box o'th' ear, or a Blow with a Stick, or for giving him the Lie or any way Reviling him: For a Religious Man to kill him that lessens his Reputation, or only threatens so to do; as also any woman that he has abused, if she go about to discover what passed between them; or any man that takes him in the act of making him a Cuckold: To say Mass while he is under a mortal sin, if he has taken money to that end, and, after he has received money of one man to say Mass, to take of another as much as that part (a Third) of the Sacrifice which belongs to himself amounts to: For a man to defend his honour against one that would rob him of it, by charging such a person with a Crime he is not guilty of, or by killing him; and not Him only, but even the Witnesses produced by him, nay, and the very Judge himself, when he cannot be otherwise diverted from oppressing the innocent: To procure abortion before the Child be quick in the Womb, to save a Maid's Life or Reputation: to fight Duels; or to kill him that takes our Goods from us, even tho' he run away to avoid it, it they be of value: For a Son to steal from his Father, or a Servant from his Master, if their Services be not recompensed as they think they deserve; for a Tradesman to use false weights: a Judge to take Bribes; an Usurer, Extortion; a Priest to buy a Benefice, (without being guilty of Simony) tempt Women, and commit Adultery: And that the Clergy are not subjected to secular Princes, nor obliged to any obedience to the Laws, even tho' they are not any way contrary to the state Ecclesiastical: that no Penal Laws are obligatory in point of Conscience; that it is no sin for Subjects to refuse paying Taxes, or submitting to a Law that has been duly proclaimed: that a man prescribed by a Temporal Prince may not be killed out of his Territories; but one outlawed by the Pope may be killed in any part of the world; because his Jurisdiction extends over all; that as well in Judgement as out of Judgement a man may safely swear with a Mental Reservation, without any regard had to the intention of him who obliges him to swear; that it is not Adultery to abuse a married woman, if the Husband consent to it; that a man may be saved in any Sect or Heresy; that an Infidel is not obliged to embrace the Christian Faith, tho' all his life-time, and even at the hour of death, he believe it to be the Right; that it is no sin or irreverence against God to address himself to him in devotions, under an actual inclination mortally to offend him; and that there is no necessity that a man ready to die, should, in order to the receiving the Remission of his Sins of God, have a true desire to reform his Life, if God should spare it him a while; and that he may obtain it by the absolution of a Priest, tho' he be in such a disposition, as to matter of Repentance, that if he were but confident he should live any longer, he would neither confess, nor quit his Sins at all, etc. From this Taste, of these people's Morals, extracted out of their own Writings by one of their own Church, (the Author of the Mist. of Jesuit.) a Body may reasonably and charitably infer, that not this now in question, (if such a one there really be) nor any other Prescription (how sacred soever) will be at all regarded by a Jesuit, if it stand in opposition to his Interest. But alas! this custom is so far from bearing a stamp of Loyola's authority (tho' in truth, it were all a case to them, and Us too, if it did) that it seems it is only a By-Law, superinduced to serve a particular occasion, and (with divers others of the like value) is observed or neglected at the Provincials pleasure, who in all such cases is unaccountable in his Doings. Besides that it is haughty, irrational, and in twenty respects impracticable. Nay, and tho' it were not all this; yet would it be of no sort of avail to them in any Court of Justice; it amounting to no more than if one of them should there allege his Vow of Continence to invalidate a positive Oath that he was taken in the very act of a Rape. As to the Attestation (C) (over and above that it is not of credit, as being made by none but Jesuits) it only pretends to make it a custom, and is not positive that it was ever put into practice— What the Deponent himself has to say to this suggestion, I am wholly ignorant; yet am prone to believe that he is able to give full satisfaction upon the point; till that be done, what is above delivered may perhaps be deemed sufficient to raise a reasonable suspicion of its Sincerity.  
His second Objection (or Lie, if you please) against this same Section has not one Syllable or Circumstance to support itself upon, but only his own bare word; this I find he is very free of at every end and turn; but here especially he squanders it about at such a profuse rate, that it looks as if it were done on set purpose to have it thought that he values it no more than the dirt under his shoes: passing it for (more than any body, in reason, is able to undertake) a man's motions and behaviour the whole year round. Did he but mean either modestly, or well, he would certainly be more circumspect, and not give understanding and indifferent men such frequent occasions of commiserating his Levity and Weakness. Why should he be so childish as to make himself responsible for this and t'other body's integrity, hand over head, and at a venture: or to fancy that sober Heads will give any sort of heed to him, tho' he does? But we must (out of meet charity) allow of Garassus' Apology for him. When great Wits (says he in his Summary of Truths, part 2. p. 419.) are delivered of some excellent Work, they are justly recompensed with public Acclamations: but when an ordinary Ingenuity takes a great deal of pains to do somewhat that amounts to very little, or nothing at all, (like this pretended Vindication) and so consequently cannot lay claim to any public applause; that his labour may not go without reward, God gives him a certain personal Complacency, which, without an injustice more than barbarous, cannot be envied him. Thus doth God, who is just, give the very Frogs a certain satisfaction in their Croaking, etc. Now I am content, that he should hug himself for this his elaborate production; provided he do but keep within compass. But if he will needs (and with so little reason too) advance at every turn to a lofty and magisterial superciliousness; take up with nothing less than an authority, at pleasure, to shuffle upon the world his own Whims, and Sophistries, for Oraculous Inspirations, he ought not to take it ill if he be flouted and contemned for his labour even to the degree of questioning an otherwise probable Relation, merely because no creditabler a man than he is found to be the avoucher of it. In short; let his pretences be what they will, he must excuse me for telling him, that I am not yet able to find any good cause to trust him further than he may be seen. And yet nothing can stay him from reasoning thus strongly upon Sect. 2. If (says he, pag. 10.) there were no such Letters, (as he will have it there were not, and the other swears there were) they could not be broke open at Burgos. This Booby's Play they would never endure in a Protestant; why should we heed it then in a Papist?  
He labours to make Sect. 3. speak four Lies, after this manner. 1. He alleges that the twelve Students there mentioned were actually sent by the Rector or Vice Rector only; (but not a word against its being done by the joint consent and concurrence of the other persons also, named by the Deponent.) not forgetting to say over again, that all their Patents had but one name a piece to them. 2. That the (ordinary) Oath of these Colleges does not press the renouncing of their Allegiance, but only obliges to peaceable demeanour, become Priests, and return into England. By this Confession you may see they do yet swear them to be Traitors, ipso facto; for they are not to be told at this time a day, that for an English Man to take orders at Rome, etc. and come over again after he has so done, is High-Treason by one Law. And I would fain know of him too, whether they might not add such Clauses to the Old, or so frame a new Oath, (to be taken as the condition of their admittance) as might best tend to the advancing and securing those great and extraordinary Designs, that it appears they had then in agitation against us? But upon this point he is as Mute as a Fish. Let it be yet further noted; that in the latter part of this § (which (I suppose) the Observator thought too hot or too heavy to be meddled with) the Deponent seems to expound this renouncing of their Allegiance to be only a disclaiming of the Oath of Allegiance, which Daniel Armstrong called Heretical, Antichristian and Devilish. It was also the work of two Jesuits, some time since, (their Books are in Print) to endeavour to prove it such: and a Letter of a much later date, (May 24, 78, or 9,) written by another Jesuit (one Pracid) to Sir T. G. (to be found in his Trial fol. 35.) has this remarkable passage in it, I have a Letter from our Superior at London, wherein he declares (alleging authority) That the Oath of Allegiance cannot be taken as it is worded; adding, that three Breves have formerly been sent from the Pope, expressly prohibiting it: and in the Third it is declared damnable to take it. And yesterday, we had a Letter communicated amongst us, sent by Mr. Middleton (now at Paris) to his Friends here, containing the Attestation of of all the Sorbon Doctors against it: adding, that whosoever here in England give leave, they deceive the People, & are contrary to the Whole Catholic Church. There was also a Meeting some years ago, of all the Superiors both Secular and Regular, wherein it is unanimously declared that it could not be taken, etc. Now if this be so; what can be imagined more probable, than that they should oblige their Novices, upon their Entrance, to disavow an untoward Oath, of which they have so ill an opinion? 3. (and 4 too) He would have us believe that no body is bound to take any Oath at all till after a years abode there. But this is purely confident talk; and confutable by sundry experiences: beside that extraordinary times (such as those were) do necessarily require extraordinary Methods and Impositions.  
In Sect. 4. the Observator pretends to the discovery only of two Lies, viz. 1. he denies that the Letters brought by D. Armstrong were subscribed by more than the Rector. This Attest. C. would have believed: but it is only the old Story over again; and has been spoken to already. 2. That their Contents were treasonous; labouring to make it out that they were not, by the Attest. D, K, O, Q: (pag. 45.52.54.55.) Now as to Attest. D, whoever is ambitious of seeing a Panegyric upon the perfections of the Holy College of S. Omers in particular, drawn up by their own dear hands in so ambiguous a phrase, that it looks more like a common place, or instructions for their young Missionaries to govern themselves by, when they should be called before the Bench here, than any Paper of Solemnity and Credit, and as like that of Valderma (in his Canonization of Ignatius, pag. 10.) upon the Society of Jesus in general as ever it can stare, viz. [The foundation of the Society of Jesus (says he) bears date with the critical minute of the miraculous Conception of Jesus Christ, when there became a personal Union between our Humanity, and his eternal Divinity. This was the first Society that ever God instituted among men, and whereof the first College was the Womb of the Blessed Virgin— The Apostle S. Paul (1 Cor. 1.9.) makes mention also of the Society of Jesus, God is faithful, by whom we are called unto the fellowship or Society of his Son Jesus Christ. And 1 John 1.3. That our Fellowship or Society may be with the Father and with his Son Jesus Christ. Hence it appears (says Arturus) that there was such a thing as the Society of Jesus extant even in the Apostles times; and therefore the erection of it is not of late, as Sadeel satirically insinuates.] I would recommend this same Attestation D to his perusal: where he shall also find some of the preciousest Plants of this Heavenly Society, denying point blank the Treasons charged upon them, by the Deponent and no more. Bless me! will these men never be said: but still run on amusing the People with their Impostures and Impertinences? Why, even this very Trifle was offered to the Court at the Trial of the Jesuits, and there rejected as an Evidence most ridiculously incompetent, and of such a nature too, as it was not doubted but that twenty of the like might have been had upon easy terms. The Attest. K and O are of somewhat a worse strain (if possible) than the former; being only bare Negatives, and that too, neither upon Oath, nor before a Magistrate; no more than are Attest. G, S, T, etc. pag. 50, 56. And Q is rather a Reference than an Attestation,; and runs all along in the Third Person; which would be enough to render suspected the Truth of all the rest, were it not that the Observator is so ready to become answerable for all his Brethren, even without a probability of consulting them. Never sure was there so much folly and confidence seen or heard of before! for should simple Denials come once to be admitted for proofs of Innocence; farewel all Conviction of Criminals, and Courts of Justice; and mankind would be turned into one great Den of Thiefs and Robbers, that might spoil, plunder, murder and ravish without control. And yet this, and not one jot more than this is all that comes of the Observator's promise (pag. 4.) to prove irrefragably what he advances, with such evidence, that unless his Adversaries shut their Eyes very hard, they shall see their innocence, and the wrong done them.  
Upon Sect. 5. pag 11. he trifles at the same confident and extravagant rate, affirming that neither F. Suiman nor any other (mind that!) ever heard of any such News. And Sect. 6. stands charged with two Lies more, which he endeavours to make out just as idly as he has done the former; only he recommends Attestation L (pag. 52.) to consideration: and the substance of it is this; (for it has not yet been taken notice of:) That a Public Notary averrs that the Rector and Procurator of the College of S. Alban swore to him, that the Deponent came thither on the eleventh of June, and went not thence till Oct. 29 following; because they found it so specified in their Day-Book (which can speak as they would have it beyond peradventure!) Thus they would fain insinuate that he never was at Madrid, as they had before done, when that pretence might be of use to them, that he was not in England. But how can it be expected that these People should boggle at any Asseveration, who have had the confidence, not only in Print, but in open Court too, to avouch for the actions of a Criminal, a whole Twelve month together. But he is not yet ashamed (I see) of his so many childish and spiteful Inferences; for even here he's got to his old Haunt again, and tells the Deponent (believe it who list) that unless he were in two places at one time, he could not be at Madrid. His Notes upon the seventh Section are still the same indigested Fopperies over and over; and therefore I shall pass them by, all but his Attestation R (pag. 55.) which intimates that one B. L. (or Basil Langworth) made Oath before the Bailie of Watten, that the Deponent had accused him of Treason (the Man's Conscience was not at all skittish, it seems!) but he on the other side protested, that in so doing he lied in every particular: only he recollected himself that he was at the Congregation in England, in April, 1678; tho' he forgets not to allege, that others by him named were not: the Observator then steps in, and assures that the Magistrates of Watten put to this Protestation the Seal of their Lordship. This way of arguing is so gross and brutish, that it were time lost to insist upon a formal Confutation of it: and yet tho' I do already in a manner despair of meeting with fairer play in the whole Libel, for once however, and use it not, I will take the pains to trace him patiently, and step by step, throughout all his Fegaries. Section eight is found fault with: 1. For that the Deponent there styles P. P. H. de Corduba Provincial of New Castille, tho' the Observator will have it that there is no such Province in all the Society. Now he does not make him (that I can see) Provincial of New Castille, any otherwise than as it is an Appendix to the Old; the Jesuits in the Former being (he'll grant) under the Jurisdiction of the Latter. So that here again we meet with palpable Prevarications: but I can very well forgive him; for the Motives were great. 2. Because he says he was sent from Valladolid, November 3. when as the Abstract of an Attest. (M, pag. 53.) of one Juan de Sandobal, I know not what Jockey of a Muleman, that, (tho' a Spaniard yet) it appears, could speak as good English as any Jesuit of 'em all, pretends to inform the contrary. But how sleeuless soever this Pretext may be deemed by reasonable men; yet he himself lays mighty stress upon it, and (according to custom) sarcastically bobbs him with being very unfortunate in timing his Depositions. 3. (and Last) And because R. S. disowned the writing of any such Letter, as, in this Item, he is accused of; if Attest. G may be believed. But that we have remarked upon already. To these he tacks a few of his Reasons, to evince the Improbability of All; but those so shallow and untoward, that they fall foul upon one another; and have also been answered in other Books. And thus; after some superficial Smattering about a wand'ring and uncertain Rumour concerning Don John of Austria, he puts a period to his weighty Quibbles upon the Third Chapter of his Division of the Narrative.   

SECT. VI  
HIS Fourth Chapter, (which he entitles Lies delivered from Sect. 9, to Sect. 27. Containing what he heard and read at S. Omers) starts two Lies in Sect. 9 1. He denies that Strange penned such Letters. 2. And if he did, that many Jesuits subscribed them. Here we meet with nothing new; saving that he sets upon clearing the Jesuits from writing about poisoning, shooting, stabbing, etc. of Kings, by delivering a Hear-say-story, that all their Letters of several years had been found and perused by Authority, and not one word found, insinuating any such thing: pag. 12. An Assertion so notoriously untrue in both respects; that only to say I hear the quite contrary, is, in my opinion, a sufficient answer to it. As to his Observations upon Sect. 10, which endeavour to represent the Deponents Journey to Paris, as a Fiction, they are no other than what have already been urged in a Court of Justice; & there (and in divers Prints too) detected and slighted as adulterate, and invaluable. Neither can any other reason be given for his inserting some malicious and groundless Reports concerning Don Juan and the Louvre, (Hearsays being no Legal Evidence) but that it was done purely to lay the heavier Load of Scandal and Calumny (Favours that he is wonderfully lavish of) upon the Deponent.  
It were unjust, even at this time a day, to lessen this Gentleman's excellent knack of making and ferreting out Lies at pleasure; but now he catches them by whole Couvies and Little Hundreds; smelling no less than half a dozen in Sect. 11. (pag. 13.) which he makes out thus. 1. You never returned from Paris (speaking to the Deponent, having never been there. 2. Never was such a Letter written. 3. No English Jesuit ever dealt with Scotch Presbyterians. 4. Nor Irish Papists disposed to rebel. 5. Nor any Black Bills prepared. 6. Nor way made for the French landing. Here's a Man of Mettle for you, now! Can any thing in nature be imagined more demonstrative or infallible than such a bold and menacing Positivity? High and Low, Great and Small, Mad and Sober, Wise and Weak, must needs stand corrected and converted by so substantial and undeniable an Evidence. But if any Logical Heretic of them all will needs be so presumptuous as to whiffle against this New Jesuitical Way of Fending and Proving, that it falls not within Mood and Figure; let it be beaten into his Noddle with a Bullet that these Seraphical Sophists are not to be limited to Pedantic Rules and Prescriptions, how sound and rational soever. But to proceed. Four Lies more are detected in Sect. 12. The first is, about the time of Whitebread's being made Provincial. This was objected to the Deponent at the Trial of the Jesuits, but would not hold water. The second is grounded upon a supposition of the first's being true; and therefore must needs stand and fall with it. The third he makes to be a Lie, because the person accused told him so it was. And to prove the fourth, he betakes himself again to the Jesuits Customs; fortifying it (upon a hard pinch) with somewhat that looks like a reflection upon the Fathers for keeping from Church, lest they should be defiled and profaned with the Scholars Devotions.  
Two of the three Lies that (pag. 14.) he picks out of Sect. 13. are only the old pretences about many Jesuits hands, and Whitebreads being Provincial. The third (being a denial of such a Letter to have been written) he seeks to make good by his own Mother-wit, and by Attest. E, which speaks thus much; that upon finding, that the Deponent had charged the Fathers at S. Omers with sundry Treasons, and heinous Misdemeanours, they the said Fathers had asked one another whether they were guilty or not; and all answering, No, they resolved jointly and unanimously to swear that they are, and will be (every Mother's Son of them) innocent of what hath been, or shall be alleged against them by the said Deponent: and conclude (pray note it, for it is the very Cream of the Jest) with hoping that he, having been so clearly proved perjured in so many points by this their Protestation, will find no credit (no, by no means) in the rest. These Gentlemen ought not to take it ill now, if I say that those must have better eyes than mine are, who can discern (for all this) either the least colour of a Proof on the one side, or of a Perjury on the other. As to his Collateral and corroborating Reason's; in the upshot they came only to an expostulation with the Deponent, for representing the Fathers in England so good natured and complaisant as to let their Treasonable Letters to P. de la Chaize take in, and be read at S. Omers, before they reached his Reverences hand: this is a much more probable reason for their being directed to call in there, in their way to Paris, than his suggestion that it could only be done out of a complimental respect to the Deponent. Against Sect. 14. he opposes first that it is not usual for the Jesuits to make any Ordinaries (only an Equivocation upon the word, I believe) even in Catholic Countries. There, indeed, they stand mightily upon their Pantofles; but in England they are content (we find) to govern themselves by the very Letter; becoming all things to all men that by all means they may gain some. 2. That the Provincial gives no Offices by Patent. This by sound experience may be proved to be a great Untruth; only he will salve it again, if put to it, with a Collusion taken, either from the ambiguous signification of the word Patents, or from their giving to the same thing a different Appellation: Little Arts that the Jesuits are perfectly well versed in! But for all this pother, at the very next breath he so far over-shoots himself, as in a manner to confess all that just before he had solemnly denied; and puts forth an Apology in Rhetorical Garb, in justification of the Act; which being interpreted according to the Jesuits Key, speaks thus. If the Provincial, out of mere charity, did send one to bring such Souls from Newgate into Purgatory, as by themselves or Friends were able to contribute toward their being prayed out again; or, (according to the sense of the Narrat. fol. ult.) to suborn Felons, through hopes of Pardon or Transportation, to turn Papists, and then put such as they found fit and desperate, upon Firing Houses, Plundering, and other wicked and mischievous Designs: no Body but such an Atheist as the Deponent would blame him for it, he says; so conformable to right Reason, etc. is the Proceeding.  
To the latter part of this Item he again objects (pag, 15.) that, tho' the Orders there spoken of were actually given (as he seems to grant) yet so many Jesuits were not concerned in the giving of them; the Provincial being one and all in such Cases: the S. Omerian Attestation also declaring it unlawful for an Inferior to subscribe with his Superior; who is still endued with a portion of his Fatuities Infallibility, sufficient for the guidance of his Flock in the path he would have them walk in. O the spiritual Pride and Vanity of these despicable Creatures! How abject must needs be the condition of those that lie under the lash of such tyrannical Taskmasters? The Irish Monks of late that were obliged to lick up their Superiors spital, could not but be highly privileged Subjects, compared with them. What need we any longer wonder at their stickling so vehemently for Arbitrary Principles, when we find by their own Confession, that every individual Nest of these Hornets is a compound of the most exquisite Tyranny and Thraldom imaginable? Or that Loyola should choose Cavete vobis Principes for his Motto; when all his Rascally Followers do thus ambitiously strive to vie with, and ape Crowned Heads even in the most supreme Points of Regality? Had it not been their aim to endeavour at any rate (Dolus an Virtus?) to render the Narrative suspected of Fiction, they would never sure have discovered a Secret that (true or false) reflects so odious a savour upon their Society. True is the Saying too, Quos Deus vult perdere, dementat. 2. A Flame of his own contriving. For tho' beyond peradventure Whitebread was at least Provincial elect at the time here in question, yet the words [Thom. White, as Provincial, writ them.] (The Letters) are none of the Deponents, but only foisted in by the Observator himself to stop a gap. No Respects or Obligations whatsoever can bind a Jesuit (I see) when they come once to work against the Grain; for now he undervalues the dear and famous S. Omers itself, in point of Epistolary Conveniences, only to hook in by the Head and Shoulders this venomous Scoff upon his Adversary (pag. 15.) viz. As the Loadstone draws Iron, (says he) so you drew all correspondence to you. But he is a very thick-sculled Jesuit that cannot find means of corresponding for the embroiling of Kingdoms, be he where he will. As to Sect. 16.1. He produces Attest. E, K, and Q, to make out that there never were any such Letters written, as are there mentioned. These Pretences have already been examined, and found to be so far from True and Honest, that they are not so much as Legal Evidences. 2. He will have this and the preceding Section to interfere. But that must not be granted him; for the Deponent is positive rather in the speaking of the words, than in the receipt of the Letters here in dispute. But then he adds, that the Day-Book makes him to have been at Watten that day. All this is mere Childishness. But who can blame a drowning man, if he catch at Twigs, Straws, or any thing that comes next to hand, and gives but the least hope of keeping him above water.  
Next, he tells us in down right terms (pag. 16.) that there never were any such Letters penned, as the seventeenth Section speaks of; calling it a Transcendental Fiction to have many Jesuits writing (the Deponents word is subscribing) the same Letters. Section 18 he makes to be a Lie, because the S. Omers Jesuits called it so: Section 19 for the like reason. After the same fashion (saving that he bobbs the Deponent upon his Father's account) he dispatches the twentieth Section. And says that the twenty one, twenty two, twenty three and twenty fourth Sections are only cold Cabbage served up again: labouring to Possess the People that there never were any such Letters in being as are there particularised, because they were not to be found after they had been burnt, or otherwise made away.  
His Remarks upon the twenty fifth Section are only 1. A backside Compliment to the Popish Clergy. And 2. a Repetition of his thread bare pretence, that no bad Letters of theirs could ever yet be produced, that had many Jesuits hands to them. The twenty sixth Section he would fain have to be thought a Fable; 1. By averring that no living mortal ever heard of the Contents of it, before the Narrative came out. 2. By quarrelling the Deponent for making Whitebread so illnatured, as to impute Pickering and Groves failing of dispatching the King. to negligence, rather than to what they alleged for themselves, want of opportunity; and so partial too, as to correct the simple, Bigoted Priest with Stripes; and the sullen stomachful Ruffian only with Reproofs. This was a true Jesuit, that could so exactly meet to each, according to their strength, and yet keep them firm to their Party. Then he gives the Lie to all the particulars of Sect. 27 (that of the Consult or Congregation only excepted) his own word, and a flat Negative being his only authority for so doing. Such strong Proof cannot but produce wonders sure.   

SECT. VII.  
HIS Prefatory Speculations upon the Consult, (or Congregation) are only a Recapitulation of what the Jesuits alleged upon that Subject, at their Trial: and he plainly confesses as much; leaving them to answer for, and make out the truth of it as well as they can; whilst himself goes on with his Lies; which in Section 28, he pretends to find as many of, as words; and proves them first by a Repetition of the Childish and extravagant Prating of the S. Omers Lads at Langhorn's Trial. 2. By Attest. F, (pag. 48.) which is only an opposing Testimony to Testimony, and that too in a most confident and inconsiderate manner. He next falls to his Criticisms, and endeavours to raise some fantastical Scruples; but finding that they answer themselves, he passes on to another Branch of this Section, out of which he would fain pick three Lies more: he might with as much ease have made them three hundred; for he brings nothing but the breath of the Parties concerned to support them. Then he forgets old and new Style, in the question of the Consult; and denies the Deponent to have been there; formalizing so notably upon the probability of that Journey, that I cannot forget the Proverb, A fool may ask more questions in one hour, than a wise man shall be able to resolve in a whole Age. As to the last part of this same Section, he disowns 1. their meeting at the White Horse-Tavern; for this reason, that several of the Consulters told this Observator, they knew no such Tavern in the Strand. 2. Their dividing into Clubs; for that in that case their Resolves would have been, ipso facto, void. His Attest. F is more modest a great deal; as admitting the Lawfulness of such a Proceeding, and only denying any Proposition of that nature to have been made. Then he finds fault with him for making them to busy themselves afresh about the King's Death, when it had been resolved upon the year before, and Agents hired accordingly. As if their many Disappointments in that particular had not been a sufficient incitement to their laying their heads together again, for a choice of more proper Method and Instruments to effect it. But do but mind how clumzily he curvets upon this occasion: When I consider (says he, pag. 20.) our Nation capable to be imposed upon by such ridiculous Stories, I am half-ashamed to own myself of it. Indeed a Traitor and an Englishman are direct Contradictions. He concludes all with squabble about the Deponents return to S. Omers, grounded only upon his own supposititious Premises: and with this confident expression, pag. 21. There is not one word related by me, which will not be deposed upon Oath, when required. This is but the Proze of what his Fellow-Labourer in the Cause (the Poetical Ridiculer of the Plot) in 
* New Narrat. of the Plot, p. 1.  Rhyme Doggerel, (tho' upon another occasion,) delivers thus; 
The truth of my Story, if any man doubt,  
We have witnesses ready to swear it all out.   
I find the Observator endued with so excellent a faculty of inventing Lies, and proving them when he has done, that I shall as soon take his word in this case, as any man's living. This little Remark thus over; by joint consent, we have done with the business of the Congregation.   

SECT. VIII.  
THE sixth Chapter promises a Relation of what happened, from the Deponent's return to S. Omers, till he left the place. The Contents of the Sections 29, and 30 are infallibly false he says, because the persons there charged would not own themselves guilty. A like Answer he shapes to Sect. 31. Then he quarrels Sect. 32, because the Deponent does not in one and the same time and place report all and every the occasions of his leaving S. Omers in June; confesses (pag. 22. in his Rejoinders, to Sect. 32.) they gave him four pounds to bear the Charges of his Journey; chews over again his former absurdities touching his not being in Spain; and strives to invalidate his rational account of the manner of his dismission from S. Omers; by opposing to it an improbable, extravagant, but impudently malicious Flame of their own devising; which it seems, he was once of a mind might have served well enough for a general Answer; but upon second thoughts) and a fit of good nature, finds himself concerned to be more particular, though to never so little purpose.   

SECT IX.  
AND thus comes on his seventh Chapter, comprising what the Deponent relates since his return to London, concerning Jesuits, from Sect. 33, to Sect. 53, inclusive. But upon Sections 33, and 34, we meet with nothing material; only the old miserable pretences of the Jesuits denying all, and an odd kind of Inference from their keeping him bare of money, that they never made him privy to the Treasons which he hath now discovered. Of the very same strain are his Answers to Sections 35, 36, and 37, (pag. 24.) and have already been discussed. Upon Section 38, he makes a question whether, if any Jesuits had been designed for Holland, they would have acquainted the Deponent with the receipt of those Orders from Whitebread. He confutes Sections 39, 40, and 41, by opposing again a simple, verbal denial to a positive and affirmative Oath. And excepts against Section 42, (pag. 25.) because the Letters there mentioned are not producible; expostulates with him for the Commotions he has raised here, by discovering their Rogueries; and minds him of his danger. His Reply to Section 43, comes to thus much in effect, that no Jesuits were sent into Scotland, because he (this Observator) knows them not, he seeks to evade the stroke of Sect. 44. by disclaiming all correspondence with De la Chaize; and cavils at Section 45, without so much as knowing, why, or wherefore.  
Section 46, (pag. 26.) will not down with him. 1. Because Wakeman was acquitted. 2. For that Pickering confessed nothing at the Gallows. And 3. Because the Jesuits that the Letter there specified is charged upon, find themselves concerned to disown it. What think you now? Are not all these sound and undeniable Evidences? But he goes on: and returns to Sect. 47, only a spiteful Reflection upon a converted Jesuit; which will bear an Inference to this purpose, that the Deponent being neither a Fool, nor a Madman, was scarce looked upon as fit to wipe their Reverences Shoes, whereas the other being (upon the Observator's Character of him) completely both, was readily adopted a Brother of the Society. He objects to Section 48, that there is no Heath of the Society; but presently recollects himself that there is one Heath (the Deponent never said there were two) that has (he says) been at Liege, ever since Jan. 1678. To Section 49, he opposes an improbable and uncharitable supposition, and the weakness of the Executed's denial to the Validity of the Deponents Proof. He dispatches Section 50, by repeating the pretence of Ireland's being at such a time in Staffordshire: the truth of which allegation was ever justly held suspected, and at length solemnly impeached upon Oath. And thus, with denying their own cyphers; (pag. 27.) stroking Jennison the Jesuit; scoffing at the Deposition of an intended Massacre; and perverting the Deponents words to make them speak Smith, a Jesuit; (for want of better Arguments) he passes over Sections 51, 52, and 53, and concludes this his Seventh Section.   

SECT. X.  
THE eighth Chapter undertakes to treat of What the Deponent relates concerning Jesuits, and others; from Sect. 54, to Sect. 81. inclusive. And so he falls to telling us that Sect. 54 is a ridiculous Lie, for this weighty reason among the rest, that all of it is false. He thwarts § 55, and seeks to save their own Bacon, by setting his Teeth at his Brother Jack: and then takes upon him (under a show of kindness) to advise the Government: but such Hints are as unnecessary, as insincere; for that is not about to wink of either eye; as knowing full well that let them never so much affect Jacob's Voice, their hands still are (alike) the hands of Esau. Against Sections 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, and 64, he only produces (pag. 28, 29,) point blank denials; Clamour and Calumny; malicious Surmizes; a detection of the irreconcilable Feuds, and ambitious Jars betwixt his own Party, and the Dominicans; invidious Presumptions; and scandalous and unmanly Taunts and Forgeries. Which (according to all judgements) are apparent Symptoms of his own dishonesty, and of the badness of the Cause that he has undertaken to defend.  
Next, he charges § 65 (pag. 30.) with as many Lies as Periods; and so with full cry runs over again the old Tales of the Deponents never having been at Madrid, etc. with all their appertenances; and calls upon him, at the price of his head and credit, to produce the Letter he there speaks of. But, yet in the rear of this his Squadron of weak and wild Denials, may be found a squinting Quaere, that, had he been well advised, he would never have inserted; it amounting upon a reasonable construction, to little less than a tacit confession of the whole Charge. For; If the Lord Archbishop (otherwise Titular, Usurping Prelate) of ●uam, or that Jesuit (Suiman) being Subjects; (No; they have traitorously renounced that Subjection, by becoming Feudataries to the Pope) of the King of England, waited on, and proffered their service to his Majesty's Ambassador, they did but their duty. (They'll find themselves mistaken.) And if his Lordship received them civilly (he has no reason to con them Thank, for crying Roast-meat, however) having no direct order (The man you see is as intimate with his Lordship, as if they were Cater-Cozens) to the contrary; I hope none are so barbarous (I know many that are so honest) as to blame him for it. But that there ever past any intimate correspondence (O, have a care of that: for Hanging follows Confessing) chiefly [The man's Conscience flies in his face, and spoils all; for these Qualifications, Ifs and Ands, are a contradiction to Attestation A, (pag. 42.) where his Grace swears outright that he never made unto, or heard from the most excellent Lord Sir William Godolphin any public or private discourse concerning any Religious (or lascivious) matter whatsoever, nor concerning the Government, or State of Affairs in England, Ireland, or Scotland;— nor received from any person any Letter or Paper whatsoever, directed unto, or intended for the said most excellent Lord, etc.] relating to any public concern, it is absolutely false; forth mighty reason abovesaid. This passage speaks plain enough, without the assistance of an Interpreter.  
He rather cavils at, then disproves or opposes § 66, (pag. 31.) but yet pretends to see he knows not how many contradictions in it to what the Deponent has elsewhere delivered: and so makes his Triumph as upon a certain Victory; demanding, How came his Patrons (the King, Parliament, etc.) to let them (the pretended Contradictions) pass abroad uncorrected, but that in this God blinded them, that they might remain to Posterity an everlasting unanswerable Proof of the Injustice of their Judgements? This is a pretty round Compliment. And I see too, that a Jesuits Spectacles can magnify or lessen (even to annihilation) according to the respective aspects of their Interests: for let the places which he here will have to stand so much at Daggers drawing be duly compared and examined, and my word for his they may soon be made Friends. But a Jesuit will still be a Jesuit; and None so blind as they that will not see. In Sect. 67 he only says there are six Lies, and that's all; for he puts us to take his word for 'em; which truly is but a very slender evidence; to say no worse on't. He endeavours to weaken the credit of Sect. 68, by inserting a malicious and irrational Fable, which he pretends to have been Conyers' account of what passed betwixt the Deponent and himself in Grays-Inn-Walks: pressing it with as much confidence, as if he would prescribe to Reason itself, and tie the whole world to an implicit Belief in his Figments.  
He continues in the same jocular, and abusive mood, throughout Section 69, making himself wonderful merry (pag. 33.) with the Deponents great days work on the two and twentieth of August, here in controversy; and discovering his own notable proficiency in the laudable and useful Faculties of Calumnyating, Falsifying, and Burlesquing. Now it is impolitic for a body to show his Teeth, when he cannot bite; and by this time one may, without breach of Charity, conclude the Observators Tongue to be no slander. Beside, I examined, as strictly as I could for my life, the Items of the Narrative that he makes thus familiar with; and shall dare to say (all that this Frolicksome Gentleman has insinuated to the contrary, notwithstanding) that I have not been able to discern any thing in them, that may give the least affront to Reason and Probability. He only trifles upon Sect. 70, and against Sect. 71, produces his old naked and unsatisfactory Fopperies.  
At Sect. 72, (pag. 34.) he makes a wonderment, and so passes it by. Upon Sect 73, he miserably betrays his want of Honesty, Prudence and Conscience, by witnessing to Impossibilities. To Sect. 74. he contents himself with his bold Negatives; and pretends a Concern for the Nations welfare, very much (in his opinion) disturbed by the fanatics: and tho' contending for this Section to be a Lie, yet allowing it to be at least a Profitable one, if made use of according to his own Direction.  
All that is remarkable in his Notes upon Sect. 75. is his informing the Deponent, (Pag. 35.) how he should have worded it, to have made it acceptable to the pretended) Catholics: Now though I suppose he is not over ambitious of such a Favour, yet he will needs have it that he has committed a grievous Sin, in not casting a Figure to hit upon't. In Sect. 76. he would fain be nibbling at a Contradiction; but finding he can make nothing on't, out of mere vexation he falls most bitterly upon Sect. 77, terming it Such incoherent Nonsense as never came from any man in his Wits; and all this only for Representing Whitebread as a Person able (when his Zeal was in tune) to lift up his hand, and give the Deponent a Box o'th' Ear for having betrayed him, as he called it. Yet finding this Exception to want weight, he is once of the mind to let it pass, but however catches at it again, before out of his reach, for slandering the honesty and prudence of the Provincial, with a matter of Truth. But beside that he was no great Conjurer, even at the very best (if a body may take measure of his Abilities, by the manner of his Defence) it is no wonder neither that that black malice (to apply the Observators own words) that appeared in him, (upon sight of the Discoverer of his Treasons) and common sense, or the use of Right Reason, should be inconsistent in the same mind: God darkening the understanding, when man leaves his will to the workings of malilce, etc. He next proceeds (according to custom) to set up his own adulterous Prating against this sober Account of the Deponents. But in the delivery of them makes such unhappy slips as by dint of Argument could never have been extorted from him, and are far from advantaging his Cause. So true we see is the old Saying, A Liar had need have a good memory. But he winds up all with laying it home, that because Whitebread was taken napping, by neglecting to endeavour his escape till it was too late, therefore Posterity ought to conclude him innocent. Now I am afraid that, for all this weight of Reason, they will prove a little Refractory, and hardly be brought (by fair means, at least,) to answer expectation in this particular.  
Sect. 78. He thinks in his heart is an incredible Lie; but yet makes a shift to pick this sorry comfort out of it, that others (the Dominicans, etc.) have been as great Fools and Knaves as the Jesuits: He quarrels at Sect. 79, because he conceits the Deponent to have been less courageous and resolute, upon his overhearing a Pack of Jesuits positively resolve the sending of him out of the Land, and torturing him to a confession of the Accomplices in his Discovery; than he had approved himself two days before, when Whitebread only threatened to send him back to S. Omers, and, presently eating his words again, promised to restore him to his favour. From Sect. 80, he takes occasion to twit the Deponent with his Gallantry; spitefully insinuating as if he had been a Coney-catching, and not afraid of the Jesuits, when he should have gone home to his Lodging. I am not willing to trace the Observator through all his immoral Descants upon the Frailties of Flesh and Blood; or to obviate this false and scandalous Innuendo of his, with a true Relation of the Amorous Adventures of the mettlesome Fathers, Keymash, etc. But yet I cannot but upon this occasion, call the bonny Jesuit to mind, who, being not long since apprehended somewhere about Clerken-well, had taken out of his Pocket (upon a search) a Memorial, not only of the number of the Women (three in a day sometimes) that he had accompanied with, but of the very hours also, nay, the critical Minutes, of his doing them reason. So scrupulously exact, it seems, he was in the business of Venerial Pleasures— Then he falls to questioning him upon the matter; gives him a grain of charitable allowance, and pretends to stumble upon a contradiction, which no body can see but himself. Upon Sect. 81, he accosts his Opponent thus: Your work (says he) (pag. 38.) is not yet done: some Jesuits are yet alive, and the world begins to be weary of shedding their innocent blood, to satisfy your desire of Revenge: which is an antidote against your poison. This is only intended as a modest Compliment, thorough the Deponents sides, to the Justice and Excellency of that Government, for which he has elsewhere pretended so much value and concern. But I have all along observed that this mighty man of Buffonery has ever wit at will, when he has a mind to turn the Question into a Night-Cart: nay, and he must also go some other way to work than has yet been thought of, to convince the world, that their Blood is so innocent, as he most audaciously speaks it to be. Next, he stomaches it highly, that any man should be so presumptuous as to call Ignatius Loyola a Fool, when the precious Deza has given this glorious Euloge of him: God hath been pleased in these latter times, (says he, pag. 12. de Canoniz. Loyolae▪) To speak unto us by his Son Ignatius, whom he hath made Heir of all things; to make whose Praises consummate, there needs only the addition of this word, By whom he made the world, etc. P. Rebullosa, thus, Ignatius is by God so placed in the Church (says he) as if he were the Corner Stone of that sumptuous Edifice; whence we might justly say that there is no Stone, (that is, no person) which in respect of value, and greatness of merit, is any way comparable with our Ignatius, etc. And the dear Valderama this, When the Pope (says he, pag. 48.) had looked very earnestly on the hands of Ignatius, he would find no other Inscription or Impression therein, than that of the name of Jesus. (His Holiness was well skilled in Palmistry, it seems) Whereupon he said, The Finger of God is here; I find nothing in these hands, but the Finger of God. And again, It is not much to be wondered at (says the same Valdez pag 51.) that Moses did very great miracles; for he wrought them by the unspeakable Power of the Name of God engraven in his Staff: nor is it any more that the Apostles did so many wonders; when all was done in the Name of God. But that Ignatius should, with his own Name written in a piece of Paper, do more miracles than Moses, and all the Apostles put together, etc. That, that indeed should raise in us an excess of admiration for him, etc. Then he goes on, in the same place, instancing his Miracles, thus: Father Ignatius hath a great tenderness and assistance for Women in Labour. [Because a careful and vigilant Shepherd will not be far from the Ewes that bring forth; according to that of Isaiah, He shall carry the young ones; (that is to say, Have a care of those that bring forth) that he may receive the wool and make his advantage of the Lambs] And to effect this, there needs no more than the putting of Ignatius' Name, written, upon the woman in danger; for at the very sight of that Name the blind recover their sight; the handless their hands; the lame their feet; nay, it dissolves the Stone in the Reins, and make women have an easy Delivery, etc. No Body can deny sure, that this is giving the devil his due to the full. And therefore if all of it be true, the world must needs grant that the Bishop of Rochester was to blame, if he ventured to call this Holy Founder of theirs a Fool, as Nevil said he did; if profanely Romantic and Apocryphal; (but I forget myself that it is accounted no less than a sin against the Holy Ghost, the bare questioning of it) then [— Debitè moveat cornicula risum, furtivis nudata coloribus] call him Fool, Knave, or what you will, and welcome, Sirs! But he shuts up all his Tilt upon this Chapter, with making his Honours to the Bishop of Lincoln, and casting a Sheep's eye out of a Calf's Head at the Presbyterians.   

SECT. XI.  
IN this Ninth Chapter of his, which threatens to speak of the Commissions given to Noblemen, he looks up to Fol. 58, (otherwise 61,) of the Narrative; and there blames the Deponent for not filling his List of Conspirators with the names of more persons (Lords, Gentlemen, etc.) than he could call to mind at the time of the drawing it up. Then he is angry because they are charged with receiving their Commissions; and vows he will not believe it; till the Deponent shall be able to produce one of them, or the parties concerned acknowledge themselves guilty. Next, he questions the probability of the whole, purely out of a scruple to grant the persons that gave out these Commissions for all Offices as well Civil as Military, in a Country that, by a Holy War, or more Holy Massacre, they had designed to make their own, by such practices, to have been guilty of an attempt that is not to be paralleled, but by that of Lucifer to be like God. He concludes this branch of his Argument with formalizing upon the Ordinary Power of a Superior of the Society; but speaks not a word of those their Extraordinary Motions and Emanations of Zeal, that refuse to be bounded by any Laws or Obligations, divine or humane, when the good of the Cause requires matters to be carried on in so brisk, and elevated a strain.  
But now, when he comes to talk of the Persons receiving these Commissions (pag. 39) he utterly loses all Patience, and manfully undertakes for their Loyalty, even to the fourteenth Generation; he admires, reasons, puts cases, calumniates, bespatters, reviles, prevaricates, calls him a Liar from his Cradle, and tells of as wise a man as the Observator himself (tho' he would not name him for a world) who having read the Narrative with the Jesuits own Spectacles, pronounced thus judiciously upon it, that either what Homer and Ovid writ of their Gods, or Aesop of Beasts, were no Fables, or the English Conspiracy was a Fable. This notable Conclusion smells so strong of the Scholar, that it is pretty tolerable, in being only three hundred thirty three els and half nail wide of the Mark. Then he very cleanlily bewrays his own Nest, will needs have this Country to labour under a reprobated Sense, for suppressing their Religious Cony-berries, gives it up to the Devil for believing the Plot, backs the Anathema with a Text, (Thes. 2.10, 11.) to make it go down the better; and then after a Present of a matter only of half a score Lies at a clap, as a supplement to those delivered in the Body of his Observations, (all which are left to be made good by time, and at his better convenience,) he forgets not, at Parting, to encourage the Criminals in their Obstinacy, because their telling the Truth would be the means of freeing them from their Imprisonment: [Veritas (says he) liberabit vos, Joh 8.32.] And he thinks 'tis much better for them to be where they are, than get their liberty upon terms so disadvantageous to Holy Church. They are much to blame, sure, if they take not his Counsel.   

SECT. XII.  
THE Tenth Chapter he entitles, A word of Advice to the Deponent. And upon a right interpretation, it comes to thus much, in short; (for having purposed Brevity, unnecessary expansion in contraction would be a Paradoxology) that after he has clawed himself a little, for having so cleverly proved his Party innocent, as above; made honourable mention of the Lord Chief Justice Scroggs, [with whom (it seems) the world is well amended (in their opinion at least) since the time of penning their Notes upon Ireland's Trial; but his Lordship is too wise, and too honest, to regard either the Frowns▪ or Flatteries of such Miscreants, as never will keep faith with any, longer than it stands with their convenience so to do:] spared no pains to represent him as black as Hell, by a course of Forgeries and Impostures of a prodigious nature, and by fathering upon him such impious and atheistical Expressions as could never have been uttered, but by the most obdurate and accomplished of Villains; he falls, at length, to laying both Law and Gospel to him; and then craving his mercy for slandering him, advises the New-moulding of the Narrative, according to the tenor of these his Notes, upon it, and beseeches him to recant, promising him in that Case the easiest Seat in all (Fools-Paradice, or) Purgatory. Then, after he has minded him to do what he does quickly, because, the Parliament being upon the point of sitting, he fears he shall not then have leisure to admonish him thus friendly over again, and for that his Recantation will otherwise come too late; he shuts up all (pag. 42.) with this cordial Profession, that if he has the good hap once more to bring him over to their Lure, he shall think his Labour in compiling this admirable Piece, very well spent, and have his hearts desire. He never spoke a greater Truth in his whole life; and there's an end on't.   

THE CONCLUSION. SECT. XIII.  
THUS am I now got through a Maze of as much Weakness, Calumny, Passion, and Malevolence, as I do remember my eyes ever yet to have beheld under so pompous and solemn a Pretence; so that if in the precedent short Remarks there shall be found any thing excusably Light and Superficial; I may fairly plead, nevertheless, an unwillingness to combat with Shadows, and trouble myself and others with an enlargement upon every Repetition, that occurred, of the self same crude and indigested Fopperies; the extreme Poverty and Barrenness of the Text itself, that would neither bear nor deserve a more serious and elaborate discussion; and a deliberate Preference of the Comical Style, in point of Argument and Morality, to the Observators course, and slovenly Language of Rogue, Rascal, Liar, Villain, and the like. This or that, indeed, was all the Choice I had left me: and yet in my opinion this Loose Garb is not altogether unagreeable neither, how necessary soever; in regard the Subject of the Contest is not of that vast importance, that Bloody Noses may rationally be concluded the Consequence of it: for I do not understand the present question to be the certain and absolute Truth; [That having already been pronounced upon, and determined by the Supreme Authority of the Nation; which, though it cannot be guilty of doing any thing hand over head, pretends not however to a positive Infallibility, but ever perseveres to cultivate the laudable ingenuity of confessing and correcting the unsoundness of any Judgement that time and better Light shall have convinced of Error.] But only whether or no, in the common way of Reasoning and Thinking, there be not ground enough to avouch the Deponents Narrative, for undoubtedly probable and real, all that this Observator has been able to produce to the contrary notwithstanding. Now how much I have done toward the putting this matter out of Dispute, I must leave to the world to judge: only desiring this to be taken along, that if the chief aim of that Party in dispersing their numerous and venomous Libels were not, at any rate, to amuse, and impose upon the People, but that they really believed that the Contents of all, or any of them were of an intrinsic value, weight and integrity, competent to abide the Test of a Legal Scrutiny, and to contribute the least Mite toward their Compurgation; they could not fairly be presumed so entirely ignorant, or regardless of their interest, as not to hold it their concern to keep what they have to say for themselves as secret as possible; in as much as by divulging of it, they ipso facto become Felones de se, and capacitate their Adversaries to beat them at their own Weapons.  
True it is, that the Observator lays such great stress upon his Attestations, (the Groundwork of his Superstructure, built with untempered Mortar;) as to think it worth his while to acquaint us, (pag. 59) where (at S. Omers) the Originals, or authentical Copies of them, are deposited, and to be seen. But why did he not rather tell what Language they are written in? and yet now I think on't, that's not a half penny matter neither; for no body but Fools or Madmen would ever have made such a quarter about a parcel of Baubles, that are of no more avail, in foro legis & rationis, than the obsolete Relics of Thomas a Beckets foul Socks, Handkerchiefs, and Anitergia. But not to have it suspected that my business is only to find fault, and that nothing will please me; I propose thus: Let them but duly prove by the Oaths of such sober, creditable and conscientious Protestants, nay, or Papists, as would be vouchsafed a hearing in any of their Courts; such as stand not directly charged already (the Case of the Authors of their slieuless Attestations) or. as the S. Omers Scullion, Tailor, or the Valladolid Muleman, etc. are not Hangers on of their respective Colleges: Let them but prove in this manner (I say) that the Deponent never was at Madrid, at Paris; or that he was beyond Sea, when he swears he was in England; (for these are the three main points) and in the very moment of their doing it▪ I will believe they have been served with very hard measure. Till than▪ they must hold me excused, if I give no more heed to their incessant Yawling, than to that of a Ravenous Cur, when cudgeled for attempting to worry Sheep.  
THE END.   

ERRATA. Pag. 3. lin. 4 for Villains read Villainies. p. 5. l. 13. f. came r. come. p. 6. l. 2. deal of. p. 8. l. 24. d. all. p. 9 l. 36. f. casts r. costs. p. 12. l. 23. f. some r. same. Ib. l. 26. f. looked r. look. p. 18. l. 40. f. prescribed r. proscribed. p. 21. l. ult. r. Valderama.