Cbe ^nttereiitp of Cbitaao The Political Philosophy of Modern Shinto A Study of the State Religion of Japan A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE DIVINITY SCHOOL IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (DEPARTMENT OF CHURCH HISTORY) BY DANIEL CLARENCE HOLTOM A Private Edition Distributed by Ol Q Q Q \0.:- THe University of Chicago Libraries W'yK'/ (From the Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan) C^e ^Hniuersitp of CI)tca5a The Political Philosophy of Modern Shinto A Study of the State Religion of Japan A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE DIVINITY SCHOOL IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (DEPARTMENT OF CHURCII HISTORY) BY DANIEL CLARENCE HOLTOM A Private Edition Distributed by The University of Chicago Libraries 1922 (From the Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan) n PREFACE In the course of the argument it has been found necessary to introduce comp.irative material from non-Japanese fields. This is especially true of those sections which deal with the study of the mythology of the official cult. Attention is called to the fact that the reason for the introduction of such com- parative material does not lie in a desire to validate the operation of the principle of acculturation. The purposes of the argument are sufficiently satisfied if the operation of the principle of parallelism can be established. References to sources and authorities are given in full in the notes. D. C. lioltom. Tokyo, April, 1922. TABLE OF CONTENTS 'hapter I Historical Introduction "l II The Shrine Problem III Japanese Interpretations of Shinto : The 49 Ethical Definition 69 IV Japanese Interpretations of Shinto : The Religious Definition gg V The Meaning- of A'^w/ 129 VI The Mythology of the Of^cial Cult : The Original Parents 1 81 VII The Cult of the Sun-Goddess 224 VIII Government and National Shrines. Con- clusions 268 Appendix A. Bibliography— Works of Reference in European Languages 309 Appendix B. Bibliography— Works of Reference in the Japanese Language 3i;r Appendix C. Tables of Statistics for Shrines and Priests 324 ABBREVIATIONS PI Z. Horei Zensho, Complete Collection of Laivs and Ordinances, Japanese Government. N. Nihonshokr {Kokushi Taikei Rokkokis'd), Tokyo, 1915. A. Aston, W. G., Nihongi, 2 Vols., Supplement I of Transactions and Proceedings of the Japan Society, London, 1896. C. Chamberlain, B. H., Kojikiy Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, Vol. X, Supplement,. 1882. F. Florenz, Karl, fapaniscJie JMythologie, Nihongi, Zeit alter der Cotter, Tokyo, 190T. T. A.S.J. Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan. T.J.S.L. Transactions and Proceedings of the Japan Society, London. H.E.R.E. Hastings Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics. NOTE Where two names of a Japanese person are given, the name in italics indicates the family name. The general rule followed has been to print family names first, as in ordinary Japanese usage. (D. C. H.) THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. CHAPTER I. Historical Introduction. One of the most noteworthy politico-reh'gious situations of history is to be found in the expansion of modern Shinto. In this development the Japanese government has attempted to stabilize important political institutions and at the same time secure a form of religious adjustment by isolating Shinto from recognized religious bodies such as Buddhism and Christianity. Hereby government sanction has been given to the interpreta- tion that official Shinto is not a religion. The Meiji and Taisho eras have witnessed the enactment of a series of laws and departmental regulations which may be legitimately interpreted as an effort on the part of the Japanese government to find a workable religious policy which, while preserving under direct state control those Shinto institutions which are regarded as contributory to the unification and discipline of popular sentiments of loyalty and patriotism, would yet make possible a fairly satisfactory disposition of the affairs of religious organizations outside of the official cult, and at the same time meet the pressure of inevitable modernizing ten- dencies in the various departments of Japanese life induced by contacts with occidental culture. The Japanese state has had to deal not simply with problems of readjustment arising out of the urgency of assimilating absolutely indispensable elements of western civilization but also, in the meantime, has found it necess iry to si rengthen itself against the dangers of free-thought, socialism and even anarchism. The interplay of the forces found in modernism, in the activity of non-Shint5 religious bodies, and in the alleged necessity of unifying the Japanese 2 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO social mind by concentrating it on characteristic Japanese institutions has produced the modern Shinto situation. This has raised difficult problems for the Japanese state. The effort to solve these problems has culminated in the complete separation of the control of the Shinto shrines from the oversight of ordinary religious matters. Under the direc- tion of this policy Shinto ceremonies have taken on the character of important affairs of state systematized under national law, in the ritual of which even civil officials may participate. Shinto priests have been given court rank and treated as government officials with appointment and superintendence regulated by the State ; the support of Shinto institutions has been made an affair of State concern and has been secured wholly or in part out of government revenues ; great shrines have been construct- ed at government expense ; and the shrines themselves have been interpreted and utilized as non-religious agencies for the strengthening of national morality. How does it come about that such a position has been adopted by the Japanese government, and what is its justification in actual historical fact? The attempt to answer these questions constitutes the subject matter of the following discussion. A question immediately arises as to whc-^t constitutes the essential nature of Shinto.^ As far as the term itself is concern- ed, there is no documentary evidence in Japanese records to show definitely that it was in use in Japan prior to the introduc- tion of Buddhism in 552 A.D.^ The evidence, as far as it goes, indicates that the word came into general use as a result of the heightening of national consciousness during the early period of the struggle between Buddhism, as a foreign faith, and the !• Ji^M-^ Shiuto, ot Shincto, Ka7ni no Michi, "The Way of the Gods.'-' For a valuable discussion of the origin and meaning of the term Shinto, consult Kume, Kunitake, Nihcn Kodai Shi to Shinto to no Kanhei {^%M^^ ^t^'S'f^ A ^Jpl^it^OMC?* "The Relations of Shinto and Ancient Japanese History," Tokyo, 1907), pp. I -1 8. 2. A., Vol. II, pp. 55, 65. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO 3 native religion of old Japan.^ The term was probably borrowed from Chinese usage. In its early periods the indigenous cult ot Japan appears to have been nameless.^ Shinto has been defined as a generic name for ideas and institutions existing in Japan prior to the introduction of Bud- dhism and Confucianism,^ and again as an expression of the primitive instincts of the Japanese race.'* The modern nation- alistic exposition tries to find the basis in ancestor worship/ an interpretation which Lowell re-expresses as the patriarchal principle projected remotely into the past*^ ; Kato defines it as a system of patriotism and loyalty, centering in Mikadoism, and expressing tlie nationalistic religious enthusiasm of the Japan- ese people.' Inouye finds in it the fullest expression of the religious spirit of the Japanese race.^ Aston and Kumc agree in describing Shinto as A^ami-cult, a term in which kaf/n indi- 1. A., oJ>. cit. Also id. p. 106. 2. A favorite explanation follows Motoori in assigning the name haiitu nagara to the earliest known Japanese religion. This nag.ira however, is probably to be taken in the ordinary sense of nagara in the Japanese language, i. e. " the same as," "just as." Kamu nagara would thus have simply the mean- ing of kavii no wania nite, " Kami as such." Cf. Genkai (^:^), p. 224, 3. Nishikawa, Kojiro, Shindo Kyoso Den (MJlI^^IP, /ti'^iiikjflB.f^* " ^n Account of the Founders of Shinto," Tokyo, 1914), p. i- 4. Nilobe, Inazo, The Japanese Nation, p. 121. 5. Cf. Kcno, Shozo, Rckuinin Dotoku Shiton (fojl?^— % SSiM^>At«-» " A History of National Morality," Tokyo, 1920), pp. 226-228. Dr. Y. Haga has declared thai original Shinto was "essentially an ancestor worship." T. J, S. L., Vol. XV (1916-1917), p. 122. 6. Lowell, P., Occzilt Japan, p. 21. 7. Kato, Genchi, Waga Kokiitai to Shinto (tHfliS^. ?^;b^'ii^ ^ jjitit, " Our National Organization and Shinto," Tokyo, 19I9 , p. 222. Cf. also Griffis, W. E , " The Religions of Japan, pp. 45-48, 74-82, 88 ; Knox, G. W. The Development of Religion in Japan, p. 78. 8. Inouye, Tetsujiro, Kokumin Dotoku Gaiicn (:^±^-^HI5, ^Sit#. ^^m> "Outlines of National Morality," Tokyo, 1 91 2), pp.9899; Meiji Seitoku Kinen Gakkai Kiyo (5q?&|g^tB,'t;^f-|E^, ^-b^» "Transactions of the Japan Society in Commemoration of H. M. The Emperor Meiji", Vol. VII, April, 1917), pp. 225-229. 4 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO cates primarily the deities of the ancient Japanese pantheon,^ Nitobe further characterizes it as hylozoism or pan-psychism, a point of view wherein kami is taken to signify the " psyche " which exhibits itself in all the forms and forces of nature.^ Harada declares that the earliest form of Shinto was nature worship, to which was subsequently added the worship of deified men and that by virtue of this latter addition arose an inseparable connection with the national life and an intimate association with loyalty and patriotism.^ Florenz is likewise of the opinion that Shinto in the oldest form, as made known to us in the extant records, was a combinat'on of polytheistic nature worship and ancestor cult/ He further conjectures that this was the old religion brought in to the Japanese archipelago by the early ancestors of the race, probably from an original home on the Asiatic mainland. The different points of view represented in the above state- ments of the essential nature of Shinto will reappear later in the discussion. It is not necessary to atttempt their harmonization here. Nor is it deemed advisable to attempt to set out with an a priori definition of the nature of Shinto, A brief character- ization of official Shinto must suffice at the present point. This may be described as a ceremonial which centers In the native 1. Jitwie, Kunitake, *• Shint5," Fifty Years of Nt-v Japan, ^o\. H, p. 22; Aston, W. G., Shinto, the IV ay of the Gods, p. 44, also preface, p. 10. Aston says, " Shinto, the old native religion of Japan had no cult of true ancestors." Man, 1906, No. 23. 2. Nitobe, of. cit., p. 123. 3. Harada, Tasuku, Ike Faith of Japan, pp. 2,4. Cf. also Asakawa, 77 "An Essay on the Origin of Shinto"), Tokyo, 1920; Kakehi, Katsuhiko, KosJiind'o Taigi {%'^M^ '$'# itZ^Sx " The Essentials of Old Shinto "), Tokyo, 1912; SaeJti, Ariyoshi, Dai Nihon Shingi Shi (-fefj^lfg, :^E1 ^l^^/IW^* "An Account of the Deities of Great Japan," Tokyo, 1913), pp. 1-304; Tanaka, Yoshito, Shinto Hongi {J^^ ^tb-. fi*it*^. "The Essentials of Shinto," Tokyo 1911), pp. 1-48. 2. CJ. Tanaka, Tatsu, Shindo Kwanken (^4*^. W^'^^. "A Birds e;-e View of Shinto," Tokyo, 1915), pp. $3-55. 8 THE POTITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO were conducted in the palace ; Buddhist affairs were regulated by imperial decree and, finally, Buddhism was propagated by imperial order and Buddhist festivals became affairs of state. By the opening years of the ninth century the doctrinal assimilation of Buddhism and Shinto had been accomplished, so that now Buddhist rites were conducted at Shinto shrines while the priests prayed to Shinto gods under Buddhist names.^ The underlying principle of this alliance of Shinto and l^uddhism is best seen in the so-called Ryobu-SJiinto, " Two- sided Shinto," developed to a very large extent under the influence of the great Buddhist priest, Kobo Daishi (d. 835 A. D.). This syncretism is not to be understood as entirely the result of a popular evolution expressing a genuine amalga- mation, but also as a clever piece of statesmanship on the part of Buddhist propagandists, resulting in the production of a theology that explained the deities of the native pantheon as the transmigration of the gods of Mahayana Buddhism. The Sun Goddess, Ainaterasii-Uini-Kainif the central deity of the Japanese system, was equated with the great Buddha, Vairo- cJianciy the center of the " world of thoughts " and the " world I. For the ancient record of this remarkable rise of Buddhism see A , II, pp. 66-67, 77» 90» lo^-S' m» "5> "8, 122, 123, 129, 134, 149-50, 152-4, 174-5, 196, 236-7, 240, 254, 263, 297-8, 337, 344, 346, 357» 369. 379» 384* 398-9' 4o8, 416, 421. A census of 623 A. D. reports 46 temples, 816 priests and 569 nuns. (A., Vol. II, p. 154). The chronicle for the last day of the last month of 651 A. D. says that on this day 2100 priests and nuns were invited to the palace and made to read the Kuddhist scriptures, (A., Vol. II, 240). By the year 690 A. D. the number of priests in seven of the largest temples totaled 3363. (A., Vol. II, P- 399)- For discussions of this period, in the Japanese language written from the point of view of Shinto history, consult Miura and Kiyohara, Shindo Enkaktishi Ron (Hjfij^^f. ^n^%,m. WMM^^'ktk "History of Shinto Development," Tokyo, 1919), pp. 47-392; Miyoji, Naoichi, Shingishi Koyo ^iifej^ — , ^iSiii^ ^ "Outline History of Shinto," Tokyo, 1919', pp- 37- ''82; Saeki, (?/.<://?. pp 755 ff; Maruyamn.y Masahiko, Dai Nikon wa Shinkoku nari (^l^lU ili^» :^ >t^ ^'ll'^tfl-. "Japan the Land of the Gods," Tokyo, 191 1), pp. 109-273; Iiiouyey Tetsujiro, op. cii., pp. 111-148. THP: political philosophy of modern SHINTO 9 of tilings " and thus a theological basis was established upon which all the other deities of both religions could be identified as emanations of this central life.^ Yet in spite of this triumph ot Buddhism, the native religion still survived at the great shrines of Ise and Idzumo and in many of the beliefs and practices of the common people. Again, the seeds of the old plant lay hidden away undisturbed in the literature of ancient Shinto ready to germinate in proper season into a life that was to quicken the whole nation. This season of the quickening of the old came in the next period of Shinto development. The third phase of Shinto history falls in the period lying between the opening years of the eighteenth century and the Restoration of 1868.^ This is the period of the Japanese Renaissance. In it two outstanding characteristics are mani- fested. In the first place one may note in the movements of the t'mes the beginning of the development of modern national cons:iousness, induced by the break- down of clan autonomy that was effected through the rise to power of the central Tokugawa regime. The second main characteristic of the pei-iod is traceable directly to the same cause as the former, that is, to the long era of internal peace resultant upon the political stability of the Tokugawa Shogunate. A great liter- ary revival, to which the Japanese attach the name Kogakii Fiikkoy " The Revival of Ancient Learning," now found a shelter in which to grow and bear fruit. Under the patronage of Daiuiyoy who had been forced into pursuits of peace, a genuine antiquarian interest manifested itself; an earnest search after old manuscripts began ; libraries were founded, and a 1. Consult Tammoio, Tomeri, Kd!)d Daislii (Kobe 1 907) ; Lloyd, Arthur, The Creed of Half Japan (London, 191 1), pp- 233-258; Reischauer, A. K, Sfudies in Japanese Biirdhis?n (New York, 1917), pp. 94 ft- 2. Consult Satow, E., " The Revival of Pure Shintau," T. A. S. J., Vol. III» Pt. I (187^1, revised 1882 , Appendix, pp. 1-8 ; Brinkley, A History of the Japan- ese People, pp. 644-650 ; Miura and Kiyohara, op. cii., pp 3 2 421 ; Florenz, " Der Shintoismus der Japaner," Kuliur der Gegenwaii, op. cil., pp. 215 ft. lO THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SH1NT5 serious study of ancient history bad its birth. Under the direc- tion of Mitsukuni, Prince of Mito, (1622- 1700), the archives of Buddhist temples and Shinto shrines were searched, private collections were bought up, and a great library of old manu- scripts was collected in the city of Mito. A group of Japan- ese and Chinese scholars immediately set to work on the analysis and correlation of this material with the result that before the death of Mitsukuni, the valuable Dai Nihcmshi, {" Great History of Japan ") in two hundred and forty books was compiled and published, a work that has exercised a form- ative influence over Japanese historical study from the time of its appearance right up to the present. The above mentioned characteristics of the period found their fullest expression in the revival of pure Shinto. Indeed, this movement to be properly understood must be studied as a nationalistic-imperialistic revival which found its main support in an appeal to the documents of ancient Shinto. The move- ment found its pioneer in Kada Azumamaro (1669- 1736), and was carried through to its conclusion by the three great scholars Ka7no Mabuchi ( 1 697-1 769 , y^/^/^^r/ Norinaga (1730- 1801), and Hirata Atsutane (1776-1843). The source material for the study of Shinto in this period is to be found mainly in the writings of these four men.^ In this literature an attempt is made to get below the foreign accumulations due primarily to Indian and Chinese influences and tap the pure spring of Japanese thought and institutions lying in the literature of the earliest period of Shinto. It is an attempt to dissolve the syn- cretism of the medieval period. The contents of the old litera- ture are so interpreted as to furnish the means of a nationalistic propaganda and, more particularly, as an instrument of attack on the Tokugawa usurption. The growing consciousness here relies on an exegesis of history in order to develop the two-fold thesis 0(3. Jure divino sovereignty in an imperial line unbroken I. Cf. Satow, op. cit. THE POLITICAL FHILISOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO II from divine ages and a divine Japanese race which, by virtue of the intimacy of its genealogical connection with the gods, was braver, more intelligent and more virtuous than all the other races of the earth. The hold which this nationalistic interpreta- tion of Shinto has gained on modern Japanese political theory will be developed in a subsequent discussion. Tlie modern period begins with the Restoration. The phase of development here open for survey, presents two dis- tinct aspects, first, a popular expression in the form ot a large number of Shinto sects which are admitted by all to be genuine religious organizations and, in the second place, an official cult, the religious nature of which is under debate. The former is frequently designated Shuha Shinto^ ("Sect Shinto") as a means of distinguishing it from the latter. Our interest lies primarily in the direction of investigating the claims of official Shinto. The history of modern Japan opens with Shinto established as a state religion. One of the first acts of the new government m the Restoration of 1868 was to abolish the ancient //5/i!^ Biigyo' (" Board of Commissioners for Temples and Shrines ") which had supervised government relations with religious bodies since the days of Tokugawa lemitsu (i 623-1 650). Buddhism was denied state recognition and a large part of the ecclesiasti- cal properties was appropriated by the government.^ On the 2. ^iiit^^f 3, The laws on which where based the efforts to extricate Shint5 from its entanglement with Buddhism are as follows : " (i) Since the Middle Ages there have existed numerous shrines in which arc Buddhist incarnations alor g with Buddhist guardian deities such as Gozu Tennb ^/|..^|^^j^ shrines in which, also, Shinto deities are called by Buddhist names. All such shrines must immediately send in detailed statements of their histories. "(2) Shrines which are utilizing Buddhist statues as shiutai must correct the usage and make report." Order of Council of State {Dajokan), April, 20, i8f,8, cy. t^tt^-^. mm'^'^W^^^^^^^ -t^» Tokyo,i9i2,p. i. An order sent out to all the superintendent priests of Buddhism in Decem- ber, 1872, attempted rectification of theological errors. The order reads: 12 IHE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO other hand the administration of Shinto was given a unique status in the form of an Office for Shinto Religion {fnigi Kwmi)} ranking at the head of all the other departments of the government.^ Early in its career the administrative offices of the entire Japanese government were reorganized into eight bureaus {Kyokit) so as to make room for a Presidential Board, and as a result the Jmgi Kwan disappeared. In the reorgani- zation, however, a Jingi Sho^ (Department of Shinto) was still included on a parity of rank with all other departments of state.'' Authority in the affairs of the state religion was vested in a minister for Shinto {Chikwanji), appointed from the high nobility and " possessed of supreme control in matters relating to the worship of the Gods and over the different orders of the priesthood."^ On August 6, 1 870, a department known as the Mimbushcf' (" Department for the People ") was established and placed in charge of shrines and temples, public works, communications, mines, litigations, etc' A SJiajigakari^ (" Office for Shrines and Temples "j was included within the Minibusho^ and given « Buddhist priests have hitherto insisted that the kami f^) are (he avatars of the Buddha {Jictoke, ^)^ and that the Buddha is the noumenon {hontai, /^f|) of the kai/p. Although they teach that the kajni are to be reverenced, their way of leaching is estranging. Their method of instructing in reverence is not only insirxere, but it also greatly dishonors the s/nntai. This is wrong. Examine yourselves, repent, and properly lead the people." H. Z., 1872, p. 1296. 2. Act of Feb. 10, 1868. H. Z., 1867-68, II, 15-16; T. A. S. J., Vol. X LIT, Pt. I, p 4- 4. The actual change did not take place until Sept. 22, 187F. The law under this date says, '< It is hereby announced thot the Jtngikwnn is changed into the Jingishb:' 11. Z., 187 1, Council of State {Dajokaii) Section, p. 316, Order No. 398. 5- T. A. S. J., op. cit., p. 12. 6. ^%rx 7- H. Z., 1870, pp. 261, 298-9. 8. ftt^^jJ-r 9- 11. Z., J 870, p. 268. THE POLIMCAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO 1 3 control over religious affairs that " lay outside of the adminis- trat.'on of the JingisJio''^ This business related primarily to the financial and statistical affairs of religious institutions. On September 11, iS/i, the Mimbiisho was abolished and the Office of Shrines and Temples was transferred along with other affairs to the Department of Finance.^ The Office for Shrines and Temples was now administered in connection with the Bureau of Registration of the Department of Finance.^ The explana- tion of this situation is to be found in the fact that the govern- ment at this time required the registration of the birth of chil- dren with the authorities of local shrines/ In these changes Buddhist affairs were given a certain limited amount of official supervision but the general situation was not one in which an organization of the strength of Buddhism could long rest content. The exclusive position of Shinto was thus of but brief duration. Buddhist aggression once more manifested itself and as a result on April 21, 1872, the Department of Shinto was abolished and in its stead appeared a Department of Religion {Ky-Qbu Sho),^ having oversight of all legally recognized reli- gious bodies.*^ The scope of business placed in charge of the new office plainly shows that the government of the time was temporarily committed to a program which was attempting to support the institutions of the state with an amalgamation of Buddhism and Shinto. The law stipulated that the Kyolmshd should take charge of the following affairs. 1. SJitdyo Ydran (^|fe^^, " Religious Directory," Pub. by the Bureau of Religions, Japanese Department of Education, Tokyo, I916), p. I. 2. H. Z , 1871, Dajokan Section, p. 294, Orders No. 375, 376. 3. Slinky Ydran, op. ci.'. 4. H. Z., 1870, pp. ^48 254. 5- m%t 6. The law states, " It is announced that the Jin^isho is hereby abolished and the Kydlnish'o is established." H. Z., 1872, p. 79 (April 21 . Also, " Since the A'yddus/id has been established recently, affairs relating lo Shinto priests come under the jurisdiction of this office." II. Z., D jokan section, p, 94 (June 5). 14 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO *' I. Matters relating to the establishment and abolishment ot shrines and temples and also matters relating to the deter mination of the rank and grade of priests of both Shinto and Buddhism. " 2. Matters relating to the new appointment of priests of Shinto and Buddhism. " 3. Matters relating to the licensing of the publication of books on doctrine. "4. Matters relating to licensing those who assemble believers and explain doctrines and those who form religious associations. "5. Matters relating to the judgement of doctrinal cases."^ Buddhism was thus again accorded full government re- cognition and given the same grade of autonomy as was granted Shinto. Buddhist and Shinto priests without distinc- tion were now officially designated Kyodo SJioki? (" Teachers of Religion and Morals"). This office was established May 31, 1872/ and on September loth of the same year was definitely extended to include Shinto priests. The law reads, " Let it be understood that hereafter priests (Shinto) are to have the office of Kyodo Shckit''^ The main duties of the Kyodo Shoku were comprehended in preaching and teaching in exposition of I. H. Z., 187.1, Dajokan Section, pp, 80-81 (April, 30). Similar legislation of a slightly earlier date says regarding the business of the KyobusJw, " This department shall have control over all matters concerning relig'ous teaching. The main items of business coming under its jurisdiction are as follows : (i) Affairs concerning doctrines and sects. (2) Affairs concerning regulations for religions. (3) Affairs concerning the abolishing and establishing of shrines and temples. (4) Affairs concerning the rank of priests of Shinto and Buddhisjn and tiie grade of shrines and temples. (5) Appointment of Shinto priests and of priests and nuns of Buddhism." H. Z., 1872, Dajokan Section, p. 44S (April, 25). 3. II. Z., 1872, p. 93. 4. H. Z., 1872, p. 172. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHIN! O I 5 certain politico-religious propositions established by law in the form of " Regulations for Preaching." These regulations stated three articles which were to guide religious instruction. '•'Article I. To embody the principles of reverence and patriotism. "Article II. To make plain the Laws of Heaven and the Way of ITumanity. " Article III. To lead the people to respect the PZmperor and to be obedient to his will." These homiletical directions closed with the statement, "These three principles must be observed always and care must be exercised in preaching not to go contrary to their purport."^ Preaching places called SJidkyoin^ (''Small Religious In- stitutes ") were now established within the shrines themselves in order to facilitate instruction according to the " three principles." •* All priests and Kyod'osJioku serving in either the large or small shrines of the country shall understand a small kyoin to mean a preaching place in front of a shrine. The main duty of the priests shall be the instruction of parishioners in accordance with the three principles. They should lead the people to study so widely that there will be no one who is ignorant. Thus civilization will be promoted and the fundamental principle of the unity of religion and the state"^ will be realized."'' Further evidence showing the extent to which Shinto was now officially regarded as a religion with functions similar to tliose of Buddhism is to be found in another important religious enactment of the same year, legalizing Shinto funeral ceremonies conducted by Shinto priests. The law declares, " Prior to this it has been forbidden for Shinto priests to conduct funeral services, but hereafter on application for a Shinto funeral on the I. H. Z., 1872, pp. 128S-1289, Kyobusho Order, Extra (June, 3). 3. Saiseiiichi,P^^^lX 4. H. Z., 1872, p. 1287, Kydhinhd, Order No. 29 (December, 24). 1 6 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO part of parishioners, it is permitted to give assistance to the chief mourners and conduct ceremonies."^ Under tlie influence of this state policy a form of Ry hu Sliiutb made a temporary appearance as a state religion. Bud dhism fraternized officially with Shinto. Buddhist priests appeared in public clad in Shinto robes. The Japanese govern- ment, however, very quickly found that it was trying to plow with a team that could not pull together. The powerful Shin sect of Buddhism which throughout its history had consistently disdained to sanction any rapprochment with Shinto, refused now to be drawn into any entangling alliances.- Accordingly, on May 3, 1875, the government made formal dissoIuLion of partnership with Buddhism after an experi- ment that iiad lasted just three years and thirteen days. The breach with Buddhism was never to be closed ; rather, it was to widen with the passing years.- The control of Buddhism and Shint(3 remained for the time being as before in the charge of the Kyobitshb, but all union was prohibited. The law is very explicit on this point, — " To the superintendent priests of all sects of Shinto and of Buddhism. As stated in the subjoined notice, the establishment of union religious institutes {kyom) between the sects of Shinto and Buddhism is now prohibited. The three principles for preaching shall b- observed more carefully ; independent kyoin shall be established ; and propa- ganda shall be carried on diligently. " vSubjoined notice). Propaganda carried on through union kyoin of Shinto and Buddhism is prohibited. Propaganda shall be conducted independently hereafter. These orders shall be communicated to the Kydddskokit,"'^ 1. H. Z., 1872, p. 134, Dajokan Older No. I93 (August, 2). 2. On the liuddhist situation consult Saek;, Ariyoshi, D.n Nikon Shingi Shi ^f^te'^'jl. :^H*BHlE{t., "An Account of the Deities of Great Japan," Tokyo, 19 1 3), p 1296. 3. H. Z., 1875, P- *6^6, Kybbiaho Orders No. 4 and 14 (May, i). THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO 1 7 Finally, in January 1877, religious affairs passed under the control of a new office, namely, the Shaji Kyoku} or Bureau of Shrines and Temples in the Department of Home Affairs.^ This new bureau was to supervise religious affars until the memorable legislation of 1900 which separated the Shinto shrines altogether from ordinary religious institutions. In all these changes we have an official classification of Shinto along with other organizations frankly recognized as religious, a matter that is especially noteworthy in view of actions that the government was to take before the nineteenth century was completed. It is difficult to see in this adjustment of the rela- tions of Shinto and the state proof of a lack of vitality in Shinto itself. We can discern in these changes and others that were to follow an attempt on the part of the government to modernize its religious policy but at the same time retain the support of the spirit th^t was bound up with at least a section of Shinto institutions. The period 187172, in which the most important of the above mentioned changes took place, marks the beginning of a new era in Japanese political and social affairs. It is the real beginning of modern Japan. At this time the government was rcorganzed,"^ the old feudal clans were abolished, the present day division into ken (provinces) was adopted,^ a beginning was made in organizing the Japanese 2. "The Kyobusho is hereby abolished. The business hitherto carried on in this office is now transferred to the Department of Home Affairs {Nainm Shdy^ H. Z., 1877, Dojokan Section, p. 2, Order No 4. Prior to this, on Nov. 25, 1872, a law had appecired declaring, " The Depnrlment of Education {^Momkisho) and the Department of Religion {^Kydbusho ^ are hereby amalgamated." H. Z., 1872, p. 218. The KydbuiJio retained its existence, however, and the Shinto situation was not affected. 3. T. A. S. J., XLIl, Ft. I, pp. 34 ff.; Phoenix (" A Monthly Magazine for China, Japan, and Fasten Asia," London), Aiig., 1S72, p, 38; id. June. 1^73 P »^5- 4. T. A. S J., ,->f. at., pp. 32-33. 1 8 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO army on European models/ the Western calendar was adopted (Jan. I, 1873),- outcasts were admitted to citizenship, railroad, newspaper, mint, dock, and modern postal system appeared for the first time, and the Imperial University was estab'ished in Tokyo.^ Along with other changes the religious policy of the government was broadened so as to make room for the more adequate control of all religious bodies, non-Shinto as well as Shinto. An effect of this policy was seen in the removal in 1873 of public proscriptions against Christianity.'^ It is note- worthy, however, that Shinto had not ceased to occupy the position of the cult of the Imperial Household, nor had the position of Shinto as the cult of the state itself been relinquished either in the temporary merging with Buddhism, or again, in the act which invested the control of both religions in the Bureau of Shrines and Temples. The special intimacy ex- isting between Shinto and the Japanese state at the time is well shown in the efforts of the government to secure full control over the shrines and introduce order into their ceremonial-. One of the first problems that had confronted the new Japanese government, when once committed to a policy which united the affairs of the state with those of Shinto, was to introduce order into the confusion that had grown up in the control of the Shinto shrines during the long period of Buddhist dominance and state neglect. That the disorder in the shrine 1. Ph' enix, July, 1871, p. 15. 2. Phoenix, June, 1873, p. 187 ; T. A. S. J , Vol. XXXVIT, pp. 1 26-127. 3. T. A. S. J., Vol. XXir, Pt. II, p. 117; Phoenix, May, 1S72, p. 192; Brinkley, Japan, Its Bisioiy Arts and Litercture, Vol. V, p. 88; luna^a, Toyokichi, Tlie Comtitutional Developfuent of Japan (Johns Hopkins Univer. ity Studies in Plist. and Pol. Science, Ninth Series, 1891), pp. 44-48 ; Chambarlain, Things Japanese (1891), p. 221 ; Clement, E. W., A Ha:dbcok of Modern Japan, (Chicago, 1904), p no. 4. Cf. Annual Repoit of American Boar.i of Commissioneis for Foreign Missions, 1S73 (Boston, Riverside Press), p. 72. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO 1 9 world was great is well attested by government legislation itself. The most conspicuous single cause of confusion was in the hereditary nature of the Shinto priesthood, a condition of things which had developed largely during the medieval period. Thereby the shrines had become practically the private pro- perty of the priests w'th the shrine revenues treated as personal income. The center of the problem from the standpoint of the government thus lay in breaking the hereditary priesthood of Shinto and in bringing the finances of the shrines completely under government control. The problem was solved by a noteworthy proclamation issued July i, 1 871, in which appears a clear indication of the confusion that had fallen upon the shrines and also a plain intimation of the intention of the government to utilize the shrines as a part of the regulative machinery of the state itself. The document says, '' The affa'rs of the shrines are religious festivals pertaining to the nation and are not to be controlled by a single person or by a single family. Since the Middle Ages, owing to the degradation of right principles, the offices of the Shinto priesthood have become hertd tary. While it is true that the inheritance of some priestly offices has been handed down from the Age of the Gods, yet for the most part priests have been merely appointed temporarily. Some have simply made this temporary title hereditary, . while in other cases the affairs of the shrines have become hereditary owing to changes in land inspectors and district lords. Even the priestly office of small village shrines has become hereditary. The incomes of the shrines have been made family stipends and treated as private property. This widespread practice has continued so long that Shinto priests have come to form a different class from ordinary people and warriors. This does not agree v\ ith the present form of govern- ment which is the unity of religious affairs and the state. Owing to the greatness of the abuse a reform is now instituted : all priests from those of the hereditary priestly office of the Great Shrine of Ise down to the various priests of all the shrines of 20 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO the country hereafter shall be carefully selected and appointed. By Imperial order. "^ The law abolishing tlie hereditary control of the priestly office was followed by a similar enactment directed toward the separation of public and private worship in Shinto. Thus the control of the ceremonies of the public shrines was lodged more firmly in the hands of the government itself. The law states : "Up to the present people have resorted in numbers to shrines and temples established on private premises and have worship- ped there. This practice has a natural tendency to take on a form of public worship. This is wrong. All such worship is forbidden hereafter."^ The proclamation abolishing hereditary priesthood was accompanied by new regulations which classified all shrines according to a fixed grade. In this readjustment may be discern- ed again the attempt of the government to strengthen its control by the introduction of further order into the confusion that had come upon the shrines during the medieval period. The grades of shrines that now appear are : Kanipei Taisha, " Govern- ment Shrines of Major Grade " ; Kampei Chusha, " Government Shrines of Middle Grade " ; Kauipei Shosha, " Government Shrines of Lesser Grade " ; Bekkakii Kampeisha, " Special Goveinment Shrines " ; Kokuhei Taisha, " National Shrines of Major Grade " ; Kokuhei CJiusha, " National Shrines of Middle Grade " ; KokiiJiei Shosha, " National Shrines of Lesser Grade " ; FusJia, " Urban Prefectural Shrines " ; Hansha, " Daimiate Shrines " ; Kens ha, " Prefectural Shrines " ; and Gosha, " District Shrines."^^ The grade ot Hai/sha disappeared 1. H. Z, 1871, p. 187, Dajokan Order No. 234 July i). 2. II. Z., 1876, p. 1320, kydhtsJw Order No. 38 (Dec. 15). 3. Op. at. In the existing gradation of shrines the highest rank is occupied by the Grand Shrine of Ise which is considered to be outside of and above the shrine sys em proper, corresponding to the position of (he Emperor in the political life cf the nation. Next come the Kavipeisha (•gf^ijit), divided into TH • POLITICAL PHILOSOPHV OF M DERN SHINTO 21 with the abolition of the //t.';2 in 1871, otherwise the classifica- tion has furnished the basis of shrine gradation right dov\n to the present. On April 13, 1875, uniform rituals and ceremonials for the Shinto shrines were established by law. The publication of these new forms for worship was accompan'ed by the fol- lowing statement : " Confusion in the ceremonies of the shrines has continued from the Middle Ages. At the opening of the Restoration the Office for Shinto {Jirigikwan) was established and the deterioration of the ancient ceremonies was with difficulty remedied and the revival thereof was promoted. The grade of the shrines of the entire country was established A fixed form of ceremony for use in presenting heihaku and the four classes lis'ed above. The support and management of these shrines is under the direction of the central government. Funds for offerings are supplied by the Imperial Household. Kokuktisha {^"^rk), divided into the three classes of major, middle, and lesser grades, are ranked on an equality with the Kavipeisha. Like the latter they are supported by the central government. Funds for offerings are supplied from the national treasury. The prefectural governors participate in the great festivals. Only five Kokuheisha have been rai.sed to the major grade of this class. Next below the Kokuheisha come the Fukemha (Jj^l^jjit). Those which are in 1 6ky5-fu, Kyoto-fu and Osaka-fu are called Ftisha, while those in Hokkaido and the prefectures are called Kenska. Funds for offerings are supplied from the prefectural treasuries Gosha (^jjit), are those shrines dedicated to the tutelary deities of a locality and have shrine- grade next below the Ittkeusha. Funds for offerings are supplied from the offices of cities and^«« (*< district," "county"). Below the Gosha are the Sonsha (f>Jjfii: "Village Shrines"), supported by the village communities, and, in addition to these, the Mukahtisha, (^j^jit^ shrines without shrine-grade but which, never- theless, are granted government recognition Shokonsha (^^ifil:\ are a special class of shrines outside of the above gradation, in which are enshrined the spirits of those who have died in the military service of the state The Yasukuni bhrine of Tokyo, the greatest of the Shokonsha, is an exception in that it is classed as a Governirent Shrine of Special Grade. Miyao and Inamura list one hundred forty Shokonsha. On the whole subject of shrine classification consult these authors in Jinja Gyd&eihd Kd^ (gjl^ ?3r^^5:, fM^^'ti'^ ?i^^' "Lectures on the Administrative Law of the Shrines," Tokyo, 1912 . pp 62-105. 22 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINT5 offerings^ to the gods is now necessary. Accordingly, in obedience to the Imperial command and after investigating ancient usage as well as considering the needs of the present, a fixed form of ceremony has been determ'ned upon. In this, that which is superfluous has been eliminated without sacrificing the true spirit of antiquity."^ At the same time the great Shinto festivals were likewise fixed by law. A further step toward the identification of political interests with the affairs of the shrines appeared in a regulation aff^^cting the ceremonies of Government Shrines (^Kampeishd) issued February 15, 1873. Prior to this date in case of the ceremonies 1. The text here reads, ^^i?)^^g(?)^, heihaku no ten Jiento no kyo, " the offering of heihaku (^^) and the presentation of henlo (^g ." Heihakn and henio are together translated " offerings." Heihakiiy also read tniteguia, nigiie, yti, imsa, and viainai, refers to the strips of colored silk cloth, brocade, hemp, or paper hung before the kanii. Hento is a classical name for a form of receptacle in which general offerings were presented. In modern Shinto, s/dnsen Ol^lll) ^^ ^^^^ ^^ designate the ordinary offerings placed before the altars of the kami. Such offerings consist of rice, mochi, sake, fish, birds, fruit, vegetables, salt, water, etc. The shrine laws speak oi shin sen heihaku ryo (|f^'^^?4 > " funds for offerings and heihaku^ Cf. Miyao and Tnamura, p. 535 ff. 2. H. Z., 1875, p. 827. The Shinto festivals now settled upon for Govern- ment and National Shrines were : Kinen Sai (j|Jf¥^)> Festival of Prayer for the Year's Crops, Feb. 17. Nii-name Matstiri or Shinsho Sai (^Mr^), Harvest Festival (Festival of tasting the new rice), from the night of Nov. 23 to the morning of the 24. Rei Sai (M^\ Grand local festival. Genshi Sai (Tcfto^)? Festival of Sacrifice to the Origin, Jan. 3. KogeUurbi Tozamyo {Komei lenno) Yohai (^>J ^^lll^^B^?:^^^^), Distant worship toward the place of burial of Emperor Komei. Kigen Sefsu (|E7CSf5)' ^'^^' ^"j Festival of the anniversary of the accession of the first emperor, Jimmu Tenno, 660 B.C. Unebiyaffia Tbhoku Sanryo {Jimniu Tenno) Yohn, (aiXf^liJ Si^hUJl^ji'^^t?^ ^^^), Distant worship toward the place of burial of Emperor Jimmu. Ohatai (:^^), The Great Purification, Kanname Sai (;f^^^), Lit. '< Gods-taste-festival " ; festival of presenta- tion of first fruits to the Kat?ii, Oct. 1 7. Kariden Senza (fglSMQ^)' Transfer of a deily to a temporary shrine. Honden Senza (4c^Mj^)> Tiansfer of a deity to a permanent shrine H. Z , 1875, P- 829. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO 23 of all government shrines a representative had been sent from the Board of Ceremonies {Shikibu Ryo)^ of the central govern- ment. From the above date on, the highest official ot the local prefectural government has been sent to participate in the great festivals of Government Shrines. Thereby the affiirs of the shrines have been made to contribute more directly to the centralization of the local political life of the nation. The law covering the matter declares, "Up to the present in case of the official festivals of Government Shrines an officer of the Board of Ceremonies has been sent to participate in the rites. Hereafter, with the exception of the Grand Shrine of Ise, the local governor shall participate in the official ceremonies of Government Shrines.'"^ Again by the year 1882 developments in popular religion had created a situation that necessitated further discriminating action on the part of the government. Various popular sects calling themselves Shinto and incorporating large por- tions of orthodox tradition, but at the same time involving departures from the official cult, were multiplying and seeking recognition by the state. As a means of meeting this situation, in the }ear just mentioned, the government divided Shinto institutions into two classes, Jinja ("Shinto shrines") on the one hand, and Shinto Kydkai ("Shinto churches") on the other.^ All institutions of the Shinto sects were given the . I- ^zm 2. H. Z., 1S73, p, 41, Dajokan Order, No. 23 (Feb. 15). 3. A law dated May 15, 1882, reads : " It is announced that the following associations of Shinto are permitted to take independent denominationa' names as follows. (Former title) (New title) Shinld Jingu Ha, WM^'KiB.^ Jingu Kyokai, ft^^glfet'* Shinto Tasha Ha, 3i^ii:AcTi?iE> ^^"f'^o Taisha Kyokai, tlig;^sttlfei'* Shinto Fu80 Ha, WM^^M^ Fuso Kyokai, ^^Ikf". Shinto Jikko Ha, WMM.^M. ]ikkd Kyoka, ^tfikt". Shinto Taisii H , Bi'lil^^Ci^tiS* Honkyb Taisei Kyokai, 4^^:k0.^.^> Shinto Shinshu Ha, ifiif^^]ii^^^^^ Shinshu Kyokai, I^^lfef" "• 24 TH POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO latter title and were debarred from using the former, which became exclusive government property.' Dr. N. Arlga, a jurist of recognized scholarship, has inter- preted the situation that lay back of this separation of Sliinto institutions into two classes, in a manner tliat sheds considerable light on the Shint5 problem as it was taking shape in the official mind at the time. From the point of view of the government the problem was as indicated in the following statement. " In the case of a civilized country there must exist freedom of faith. If Shinto is a religion, however, the acceptance or refusal thereof must be left to personal choice. Yet for a Japanese subject to refuse to honor the ancestors of the Emperor is disloyal. Indeed, a Japanese out of his duty The effect of this enactment was to change these bodies from more or less undefined sects {Ua) related with the oliicial cult to definite independent religious associations .Kyokai . A law issued in March, 1885, says, " All cases of govern- ment recognition of religious organi/.afions previously granted are now made invalid In seeking government recognition application must be ma le for new enrolment in the regulations for religious organizations." H. Z, 1885, p. 177. The JingTi Kyokai^ connected with the Grand Shrine of Ise, was dissolved in 1899. Officially recognized Shinto churches at present number thirteen, 'n addition to the five remaining out of the above list, there are, Shir.tb Ilonkyoku {W^^Wi\ -S//^^^/ Ha {\^m^), Mitike Kyo {^^M), ^^^^^ogi Kyo (jg»^), Shinn Y^yo (gi^J^lk), Kurozumi Kyo [^^^%). Konko Kyo (^^#), and Tenri Kyo (5c^^)» There are olher Shinto churches which secure de facio recognition by being attached as sub-sects to recognized bodies. The total number of Shinto churches, both recognized and unrecognized, is difficult to determine with accuracy, 'i here are numerous Shinto groups that are still in the condition of small private cults and some that maintain a secret organization. All of these bodies are distinct from the official shrines in internal organization, government administration and legal properties. T. A notice issued by the Shaji Kycku on April 17, 1888 reads "Inas- much as a distinction is made between the religious associations of the (Shinto) churches and the shrines the attachment of the title of 'Shrine' to church associations is not only inappropriate but it also affects the incomes of the shrines. It should be known that this matter is covered in Art. 6 of Order No 11, issued by this office in 1885, and it thus should be prcper to infer that this is not permitted. Notice is hereby given by way of precaution." Genko Jinja Horei Ruisan, p. 340. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 2% as subject must honor the ancestors ot the Emperor. This is not a matter of choice. It is a duty. Therefore th"s cannot be regarded as religion. It is ritual. It is the ceremonial of gratitude to ancestors. In this sense the government protects the shrines and does not expound doctrine. On the other hand since it is possible to establish doctrines with regard to the (Shinto) deities, it is necessary to permit freedom of belief in Shinto considered as a religion. Hence there has arisen the necessity o^ distinguishing between Shinto regarded as the functioning of national ritual and that Shinto which proclaims doctrines as a religion."^ In the same year we discern the beginning of an attempt to eliminate the popular religious nature ot the most important shrines. A regulation of the Home Department promulgated on January 24th of this year reads, " From this date on the right of Shinto priests to exercise the function of teachers of religion and morals {Kyodo Slwku) is abolished. Priests shall not take charge of funeral services. Exception : For th.3 present, priests connected with shrines of prefectural rank or lower may do as before."^ The exception to the regulation is such as to limit the scope of the altered status of the priesthood to the two highest grades ot shrines, that is, to the Government Shrines and the National Shrines. These are precisely the shrines, however, which because of their national character are of most value to the state in the centralization of the sentiments of the people. The office of Kyodb SJioku was finally abolished for all shrines two years later.^ The right of Shinto priests connected 1. Ariga, Nagao, Shinto Kokkyo Ron {;^%^m, WMM^my " Shinto as a State Religion") in Tetsugaku Zasshi (^^;^g||) " Philosophical Magazine," Vol. 25, No. 280 (June, 1910), p. 702. 2. H. Z., 1882, p. 333. " 3. The law says, " The office of kydd'oshoku is hereafter discontinued in Shint5 and Buddhism. All affairs relating to the appointment or dismissal of the superiors of temples and the promotion or degradation of the rank of religious teachers are entrusted to the superintendent priest of each sect." H. Z., 1884, p. 142. The same law further provides that the number of superintendent priests 26 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. with shrines lower than those of government or national grades to conduct funeral services was not abrogated, however, and ihe practice exists in the present with legal recognition. The Japanese government itself, in explanation ot these changes says, "In 1884 the official appointment of religious instructors {Kyo.ioshokn) was discontinued and the authority to appoint preachers was entrusted to the Head-priests {Kwan- cho) of the various sects, Shinto or Buddhist, together with the right of selecting the resident priest (jTisJiokii) for the temples under their jurisdiction. Further, each sect was given the power to manage its own affairs under the supervision of the government, which now relinquished its misslonarizing function. Religion was thus separated from politicsy^ In 1899 and 1900 the Japanese government took the final steps in carrying out the policy of isolating the political and social values of Shinto. The government now attempted to provide a better legal basis for the position that official Shinto was not a religion, an interpretation that has been maintained in spite of all difficulties right up to the present. The priests of Ise prepared the way in 1899 by taking the ground that Shinto was merely a cult for the preservation o\ veneration for ancestors and the maintenance of historical continuity in Japanese society.'^ The Ise authorities made application to the govern- ment for the right to abandon their status as a religious body and become a secular juridical person {zaidan hdjin) with the shall be limited to one for each sect of either Shinto or Buddhism. The federa- tion of several sects under one superintendent priest is permitted. 1. A General View of the Present Religious Situation in Japan, p 2. Pub. by the Bureau of Religions, Japanese Department of Education, 1920. (Italics in the quotation are mine, D.C.H.) This publication is an excellent example of the manner in which the division of all Shint5 institutions into the two classes ot shrines and churches facilitates an official expositics which, while assuming to be *« a general view," almost entirely omits one of the most important elements in the entire situation. The shrines receive only sufficient mention to confuse the whole issue for one who is not previously acquainted wiih religious developments in modern Japan. 2. C;. Japan Weekly Mail, Sept. 9, 1899, p, 261. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 2J title Jingu Hosaikai^ *' The Reverence Society of Jingu." The request was granted on September 4, 1 899.^ Then under the new government regulation of 1900 the Bureau of Shrines and Temples was abolished and a Jinja Kyoki^ (" Bureau of Shrines ") and a Shukyo Kyoku^ (*' Bureau of Religions ") were established in the Department of Home Affairs. The former office was put in charge of the official cult, and the latter of Shinto sects, Buddhism and other religious bodies. A legal basis was thus provided for the interpretation that the official shrines were national institutions of an ethical and historical, character, and places where all Japanese subjects should offer reverence. Expenses connected with upkeep were to be borne, wholly or in part, by the central, provincial or local govern- ments. The ceremonies of official Shinto were nationalized as kokii rci, " national rites."" The laws of 1903 fixing the official line of demarcation that was to be drawn between the Shinto shrines and religious institutions as such appear in Imperial Ordinance {Clwkurei), Number 163, April 26, 1900. This new statute embodies the reorganization of the Department of Home Affairs of the Japanese Government and details corrections and additions to be made to certain legislation found in Imperial Ordinance Number 259 of October 22, 1898. After these corrections and additions 2. "On September 4 of the presen' year the establishment of the Hosaikai of the Grand Shrine of Ise was permitted and at the same time the Jingii Kyo (religious association of the shrine) was abolished." Announcement of the iJeparment of Home Affairs, No. 99, Sept. 5, 1899. Geiiko finja Hdrei Rtiisan (^M^fi^JfiYi^"*,^^' "Classified Collection of Contemporary Laws and Regula- tions for Shrines,") p. 669. 5 . Government directions covering reports from the Grand Shrine of Ise were published on Dec. 15, 1900. These directions classify the ceremonies of Ise under the heading Kokurei (^fil), " National Rites." G.nko /inm Hdrei Kuisan, p. 670. 28 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. to the earlier enactments have been made, the laws relating to the divided control of Shinto shrines and of religion read as given in the following translations. '' Article I. The Minister of Home Affairs takes charge of matters relating to Shinto shrines, local administration, election of members of parliament, police, prisons, public works, sanita- tion, geographical matters, religion, publication, copyright, charity and relief. He is to- superintend the Governor-general of Formosa, the Superintendent-general of Police, the Governor of Hokkaido, and the provincial governors. "Article IV. Sec. i. The following seven Bureaus are established in the Department of Home Affairs : 1. Bureau of Shinto Shrines. 2. Bureau of Local Administration, 3. Bureau of Police. 4. Bureau of Public Works. 5. Bureau of Sanitation. 6. Bureau of Religions. 7. Bureau of Prisons. Sec. 2. The Bureau of Shrines takes charge of the follow- ing matters : a. Grand Shrines, Government Shrines, National Shrines, Prefectural Shrines, District Shrines, Village Shrines, Shokonsha and all affairs pertaining to shrines. b. All business relating to Shinto priests.^ " Article IX. The Bureau of Religions takes charge of the following matters : a. All sects of Buddhism and Shinto, Buddhist temples, buildings used for religious purposes and also all affairs pertaining to religion. I.. The law here divides Shinto priests into two classes : Shinkan (|f 'g*) and Shinshokn (jjif f^). Both terms are translated " priest." The former refers to Shinto oflicials connected with the Grand Shrine of Ise, the latter to those connected with ordinary shrines. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 29 b. All business relating to priests of Buddhism and to religious teachers."' On June 13, 191 3, the separation of official relations with the Shinto shrines, on the one hand, and religions, on the other, was still further widened by the transfer of the Bureau of Religions from the Department of Home Affairs to the Depart- ment of Education. Imperial Ordinance Number 173 of the above date in its pertinent sections reads : " The following reorganization is effected within the Department of Education. " Article I. The Minister of Education shall take charge of matters relating to education, science and arts, and religion. " Article IV. The following three Bureaus are established within the Department of Education : 1 . The Bureau of Special School Affairs. 2. The Bureau of Common School Affairs. 3. The Bureau of Religions. " Article VI. The Bureau of Religion? takes charge of the following matters : 1. Shinto sects, Buddhist sects, Buddhist temples, buildings used for religious purposes, and all affairs relating to religion. 2. Matters concerning the preservation and protection of ancient shrines and temples. 3. Matters concerning Buddhist priests and religious teachers. '' In the Bureau of Religions are established Section Num- ber I and Section Number 2 which shall divide the business be- tween them, I. Section Number i takes charge of the following matters : a. Sects of Shinto and of Buddhism, churches, priests, religious teachers, and all matters relating to religion. I. H. Z., 1900, Chokiirei (Imperial Ordinance; Section, pp. 197-198; Kaiiipo (Official Gazette), April 27, 1900. 30 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTQ. b. Business which does not come under the jurisdiction of Section 2. 2. Section Number 2 takes charge of the following matters : a. Affairs concerning Buddhist edifices (temples and monasteries). b. Affairs concerning the preservation and protection of ancient Shinto shrines and Buddhist temples."^ The religious changes oi 1899-igoo are to be understood in the light of the general political situation of the time. In 1898- 99 Japan was in the midst of a period of important readjustments of both internal and foreign relationships. In the earlier period of 1871-72, as already mentioned, the nation had begun the difficult task of internal reorganization necessary to the utilization of domestic resources in such a way as to compel recognition on the part of foreign powers — a task in which, as Murdoch well points out Japan was confronted with the alternatives of assimilating occidental civilization or of going down before it. ^ Now in the latter period, as proof of the skill of her statesmanship and the thoroughness of her mastery of the technique of the West, Japan, after a successful war with China, arrived at com- plete self-determination among the nations of the world, an object that had been struggled for with repeated failure from the time of the Iwakura mission to Europe and America in 1871.^ Now with a series of agreements, lying between the date of the Treaty of London of July 16, 1894, and the promulgation of the revised treaties of the summer of 1899, Japan at last attained full judicial and tariff autonomy.'' During the period several 1. II. Z., 1913 OJoiwm Section, pp. 255-6. 2. Murdoch, James, History of Japan (Kobe, 19 lo), Vol. I, p. 23. 3. Japau Weekly Mail, Oct. 8, 1887, pp. 352-3. Official instructions to the governors issued Sept. 28, 1887 contain the words, " Since the late Iwakura was sent abroad as ambassador in 187 1, treaty revision has always remained our unmovably fixed object." T. A. S. J., Vol. XLII, Pt. I, p. 329. 4. Japan Weekly Mail, July 8, 1899, PP- 27, 36-37 ; July 29, pp. 107, no; Aug 5, p. 130; Aug, 12, pp. 161-2. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINT5. 3 1 new ports were opened for foreign trade, and by the beginning of the autumn of 1899 rights of free residence outside of the established zones were open to all foreigners in Japan.* The Japanese government was now in a position to deal more adequately with the religious situation. In the Constitution promulgated February 11, 1889, Article XXVIII had been so framed as to guarantee religious liberty to every Japanese citizen, provided that the exercise thereof was not prejudicial to the welfare of the realm and not antagonistic to the duty of subjects.^ The preservation of this guarantee was of course eminently befitting the nation that was now just stepping out into full internal autonomy. But exactly at this point an important difficulty presented itself. While, on the one hand, a modern- izing tendency in the government seemed to demand that th^ state should not foster an established religion, yet, on the other hand, the government was in no position to repudiate the mighty support of Shinto, for just here, in the official point of view lay an important element in the assimilative strength of the Japanese people. Hence the official separation of the Shinto shrines from acknowledged religious institutions and the consequent interpre- tation that Shinto is not a religion. The separation has made it possible for the Japanese government to announce that the ad- ministrative policy affecting the Shinto shrines '' is quite indepen- dent of the policy that concerns itself with religions." ^ Thus by an alleged elimination of the religious character of the official shrines, the way was opened for them to function for all Japanese subjects as state institutions, in the preservation ot the continuity of Japanese history and in the stimulation of loyalty and patriotism. The government was placing itself in a position to repudiate the charge of fostering a state religion and at the same time exercise complete jurisdiction over the shrines and gain the support of the great, stabilizing values which they were 1. Japan Weekly Mail, June 17, 1899, p. 592; July 22, 1899, p. 88. 2. T. A. S. J., Vol. XLII. Pt. I, p. 1 38. 3. A General Vieiv of the Present Religious ^Situation hi Jnpcm, p. 2. 32 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. regarded as introducing into Japanese society. The action of the government was based on the recognition of an intimate con- nection between loyalty, or national morality, and reverence offered at the shrines. As nucleating centers of the popular sentiments directed toward a line ot emperors descended ft-om the gods and toward all apotheosized national heroes, they were indispensable in the conservation and development of the Japan- ese spirit. Subsequent events have proved that this " act ot disestablishment " did not mark a decline in the fortunes of Shinto. The government was carefully preserving all that was of real value to the state. Not only has there been no disestablishment of Shinto, but, on the other hand, the intimacy of relationship existing between the Japanese government and the cult of the shrines has increased steadily since 1900. Evidence in support of this statement is given below. In 1902 the Japanese government published detailed regu- lations concerning the rank, appointment, duties and support of the priests attached to all government and national shrines as follows : *' Regulations Concerning the Duties of Priests of Govern- ment Shrines and National Shrines." (Imperial Ordinance Num- ber 27, February 10, 1902. Revised under Imperial Ordinance Number 174, May, 1911). " Article I. The following grades ot priests are hereby established in Government and in National Shrines : Guji ' (Chief priest), one to each shrine. Gonguji (Sub-chief priest), one to each shrine. This office is to be limited to the Grand Government Shrines of Atsuta and Idzumo. Negi (Priest) one to each shrine. SJiuten (Lower priests). This office is limited to the Grand Government Shrine of Atsuta. I- ^rl], Guji; ^g-g], GonL;uji; |^^, A^egl', ^^m, S/iuMi ; ^^, Cnsho. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 33 GusJw (Lower priests). Note : The number ot ShTiten and Gusho shall be fixed by the Minister of Home Affairs. '' Article II. The chief priest shall be under the direction and Inspection of the Minister of Home Affairs and of the local governors. He shall officiate in national festivals, direct cere- monies, and manage general affairs. '' Article III. The sub-chief priest shall assist the chief priest in ceremonies and in general affairs. " Article IV. The Ncgi shall engage in ceremonies and in general affairs under the direction and inspection of the chief priest and the sub-chief priest. " Article V. The Shut en and the Gusho shall engage in ceremonies and general affairs under the direction of the higher priests. " Article VI. In case of failure to discharge his duties on the part of the chief priest, the sub-chief priest shall take his place in such shrines as have the office of sub-chief priest ; for other shrines the Ah'gi shall take the place of the chief priest. " Article VII. The chief priests and sub-chief priests are to be accorded the treatment of Sonin^ officials and are to be appointed by the Cabinet subject to the approval of the Etnperor made through the Minister of Home Affairs. Negi, Shuten, and Gusho are to be accorded the treatment of Hannb^ officials and are to be appointed by the prefectural governors. " Article VIII. Salaries are to be attached to the priestly offices of Government and National Shrines. The Minister of Home Affairs, however, may treat the offices of chief priest and s.ub-chief pi iest as honorary posts, and the prefectural governors may do the same for the offic-s of Negi, Shuten, and Gusho. " Article IX. The Minister of Home Affairs shall fix the 1. ^ft, rank of officials appointed subject to the approval of the Emperor. 2. ^'Ij-ffi, rank of officials appointed by the chiefs of the various depart- ments, bureaus, or offices. CJwknmn fjjft) '"''^'^^ mentioned below refers to direct Imperial appointment. 34 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. regulations regarding the service, the salaries, and the travelling expenses of the priests of Government and of National Shrines. *' Article X. The powers exercised by the Minister of Home Affairs and by the local governors in these regulations, in the case of the relations with the priests of the Yasukuni Shrine, a government shrine of special grade, shall be exercised by the Ministers of War and of Naval Affairs."^ In July and August of 1891, the year following the pro- mulgation of the Imperial Rescript on Education, laws had appeared dealing with the duties of priests divided into two general classes, first, those connected with shrines of prefectural grade and below (laws of July), and, second, those attached to Government and National Shrines (laws of August).^ These laws in slighdy revised form were republished in 191 3 and made to apply to all priests of Shinto without exception. The laws read as in the subjoined translation. "■ Order Number 9, Department of Home Affairs, April 21, 1913. *' Article I. Priests have the functions of conducting national ceremonies in accordance with national ritual. There fore they should be masters of national classics, they should understand th^ national constitution, and should at all times discharge their duties with exemplary behavior. " Article II. The ceremonies (of the shrines) establish a standard for national morality. Accordingly they should center in dignified reverence, and should give sincere expression to the sentiment of gratitude toward ancestors {Hohon han shi).^ '* Article III. Ritual must be carried out according to regulations. Only under extraordinary circumstances is it permitted to change the order at will or to abbreviate the time. On the other hand they are to follow the ancient ceremonies and are to be appropriate to the historical usage of the local shrine. 1. Genko Jtnj'a Ilorei Rttisan,Y>V. 159-160. 2. ir. Z, 1891, p. 206. 3- ^-^H$S THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 35 " Article IV. In case special festivals take place notifica- tion must be given to the Chief of the Police Bureau in whose jurisdiction the shrine is located, and in case of Government and National Shrines an additional notification must be sent to the local governor. '* Article V. It is forbidden to distribute charms to others than the parishioners of the tutelary deities and to worshippers. On request, however, ihey may be granted to others."^ Miyao and Inamura in their discussion of shrine law make the following observations on the relations of high civil officials to the shrines ceremonies. " I. On the occasion of either the Festival of Prayer for the Year's Crops or the Harvest Festival at both National Shrines and Government Shrines, an officer of the local gov- ernment visits the shrines and makes offerings to the Kami, and the chief priest recites norito. There is no purification ceremony. " 2. The local governor attends the great Festival of a Government Shrine and recites norito. The Purification Ceremony is performed. " 3. The vice-governor attends the Great Festival of a National Shrine and participates in the ceremonies. The High Priest recites norito. There is no ceremony of purification. "4. In the ordinary festivals of the Kankoku Jieisha in all cases the Higli Priest recites norito and there is no purification ceremony."^ 1. Getiko Jhija Hbrei Ruismi, p. 212. 2. Miyao and Tnamura, op. cif., p. 508. An excelleni illus' ration of ihe special relation existing between the Japanese government and ihe shrines is to be found in regulations regarding the ceremonies of the YasiiJaini Shrine of Tokyo. The Official Gazette {Kampd) for Apr. 26, iQii, p. S03 says, " < )n account of the Special Grand Ceremonies at the Yasn- kani Shrine all mili'ary and naval officials, all mili ary divisions, and all students shall have a holiday on tlie twenty-eighth of this month. All governinent otficialb ot Tokyo apart from those of the army and navy shall observe either the fvvexity eigh:h or the twenty-ninth * as a holiday. By Imperial Order." 9,6 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHV OF MODERN SHINTO. Up to May i, 1907 Shinto priests were under special dis- ciplinary regulations. From this date on they came under the disciplinary regulations of ordinary civil officials of the Japanese government. Shinto priests were hereby more closely identified with the government and the treatment accorded them was distinguished clearly from that of ordinary religious teachers and preachers. The law says : '* Concerning the discipline (of Shinto priests) in accordance with the treatment granted civil officials,— except in case of those who are under special regulations, those priests who receive the treatment of higher officials shall come under the regulations applying to higher officials in the Ordinance for the Discipline of Civil Officials, while those priests who receive the treatment of Hannin officials shall come under the regulations applying to Hannin officials in the same Ordinance. "■ Appendix : This ordinance shall become effective from the date of promulgation. " This abolishes the regulations for the discipline of Shintd priests and also Imperial Ordinance Number 349 of 1899."^ The disciplinary regulations under which Shinto priests now come are as given below. " Ordinance for the discipline of civil officials (abstract), " Chapter I. General Regulations.- " Article I. With the exception of officials who are ap- Cabinet Notification No. 2. And again, " On account of tha Special Grand Ceremonies of llie K/i-///Cv/;// Shrine, officials of the Imperial Household residing in Tokyo slmll observe either the twenty-eighth or the twenty-ninth as a holiday. By Imperial Order." Imperial Household Department, Notification No. 9. Directions for ceremonies specify attendance by representatives of the Imperial Family, ministers of state, including the Minister of War and the Minister of the Navy, the President of the House of Peers, the President of the House of Representatives, princes, the Superintendent General of the Metropolitan Police the Governor of Tokyo-fu, representatives of the various grades of nobility, of the Department of War, of the Department of the Navy, of each government bureau, of the Imperial Guards, of the First Division, of the members of the House of Peers and t)f the House of Representatives. I, Ccnko Jinja Horei K in son, p. 229. lllE POLITICAL I'HILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 37 pointed directly by the Emperor and also those who are under special regulations, no civil officials shall be disciplined except under these regulations. " Article II. Cases in which officials are to be disciplined are as follows : 1. Contravention of duties of office or neglect thereof. 2. Actions, whether in public or private life, wh"ch com- promise the dignity or trust of official position. *' Article III. Discipline may take the following forms : 1. Dismissal from office. 2. Reduction of salary. 3. Reprimand. " Article IV. Those who are dismissed trom office shall not be able to enter government service again for two years from the date of dismissal. In case of serious offense it is requir- ed that court rank be returned. " Article V. The period of reduction of salary is to be for not longer than one year and for not less than one month. The amount of reduction is to be at the rate of not more than one third of the monthly salary. " Article VI. In case of officials of C/iokunin rank matters of dismissal and reduction of salary must be according to the decision of the Disciplinary Committee and must be submitted to the Throne by the Prime Minister and shall become effective subject to the sanction of the Emperor. In case of officials ot SdniJi rank dismissal must be according to the decision of the Disciplinary Committee, must pass through the hands ot the Prime Minister and must be submitted to the Throne by the head of the office concerned and shall become effective subject to the sanction of the Emperor. " The reduction of salary of officials of vSd?;z/;z rank and matters of both dismissal and reduction of salary of officials oi Hannin rank shall be according to the decision ot the Disciplinary Com- mittee and shall be put into effect by the lieaJ of the office con- cerned. Reprimand shall be by the head of the office concerned. 38 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. *' Article VII. The Disciplinary Committee may not take up for consideration a case of discipline which is still in process of litigation in the criminal courts." ^ The above regulations, it is to be noted, are in no way concerned with ordinary criminal procedure. They are designed purely for the sake of control and efficiency inside the govern- ment offices themselves, and the inclusion of Shinto priests herein is an expression of the unique status which the government would attach to these " ritualists." Ordinary religious teachers are completely outside of this classification. State regulations governing shrine finances are minute. A study of the sources of income throws some light on relations between the shrines and the government as well as on relations with the worshipping community. The official regulations con- cerning financial reports from Government and National Shrines is fixed in a form issued January 16, 1908 as Order Number i of the Department of Home Affairs. The designated sources of income are : *' I. Appropriations from the national treasury. '' II. Appropriations for offerings and Heihakiiryo. *' III. Income through the shrine proper. (l). Income from offerings, etc. a. Income from the sale of charms and amulets. b. Voluntary cash offerings. c. Offerings in kind (sa/ce, food, etc.), offerings of the first fruits of rice. d. Income from saying or prayers. e. Contributions for lighting. f. Charges for placing pictures in front of shrines. Etc., Etc. (2). Income from the shrine precincts. a. Ground rentals. b. Sale of withered or injured trees. Etc, Etc. I. Hfta., pp. 228-9. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 39 (3). Income from lands outside the shrine precir.cts. a. Land rentals. b. House rentals. c. Sale of timber and bamboo. Etc., Etc. (4). Income from forests which are entrusted to the supervision of the shrine. {$). Miscellaneous receipts derived from, a. Interest on money in deposit. b. Sale of unneeded properties. c. Exhibition of treasures. Etc., Etc. '* IV. Designated contributions." ^ The relation of the Japanese state to the fiscal items of the above outline is indicated in the laws given below. " The expenses of Government and National Shrines shall be defrayed from the national treasury. The amount of money apportioned to each shrine shall be determined by the Minister of Home Affairs."^ Eor shrines of lower grade the regulations are given in Im- perial Ordinance Number 96, April 26, igoG, as follows : '' Article I. The expenses of offerings for shrines {shinsen heihakuryo) may be met by the prefectural government for pre- fect ural shrines, and by the county and city governments for district shrines. The shrines which may receive funds to defray the expenses of offerings shall be designated by the prefectural governors." " Article II. The Minister of Home Affairs shall deter- mine the amount of money that shall be given toward offerings stated in Article I. " Article III. Regulations concerning offerings for prefect- ural, district and village shrines which are located in Hokkaido, in Okinawa, or in any other district where there are no municipal 1. Ibid., pp. 431-433- 2. H. Z., 1906, Vol. 2, p. 61, Naimiuhd Order No. 24 (April 6). 40 THE POLITICAL I'HiLCSOPl^Y OF M3DEKN SHIXTO. and village organizations are to be decided by the Minister of Home Affairs." * The above evidence of legal enactments showing the re- markable extent to which the nationalization of the shrines has been carried out has ndditlonal corroboration in official statements wherein the determination to utilize the ideas and practices associated with the shrines as the nsxus of national unification is either directly stated or clearly implied. A docu- ment found in the records of the Tokyo Prefectural Office under the date of October 3 1 , 1908, explicitly announces the official point of view. The document is evidently a transcription on to the prefectural records of a general order from the Central Im- perial Government and may be taken as intended for all shrines throughout the country, of the grades indicated. It was directed to the Shinto priests themselves. In translation the order reads : " To Government, Prefectural, Town, V'lllage, and Ungrad- ed Shrines. Reverence {Keis/dn) ^ is a special characteristic of our nation. It may be taken as a hopeful sign that people throughout the country have recently begun various public, cooperative enterprises centering in the shrines and also that various educational and moral agencies havj been organized in relation to the shrines. It is likewise a m itter for rejoicing that there are numerous cases in which the cooperation and improve- ment of the people has been encouraged and promoted with vows before the gods and thus aid has been given both to public morality and to the administration of the people. " As for the future, it is now desired that the essence of our national life {kokutai) ^ and the glory of our national history be exalted by developing the spirit of reverence and furthermore that the shrines be utilized in promoting the unification and I. H. Z., 1906, Vol. I, p. 196 3- [^Bt» " national constitution,'" " national life,'' "national organizatioTi '» —the political and social organization expressive of the characteristic traditions and psychology of the people. tHE I»OrJTrCAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 4 1 administration of the country. These matters have a direct relation to the Imperial Edict which was issued on the thirteenth day of the present month and Shinto priests should give great attention hereunto. *' ^ One of the most noteworthy orders relating to the shrines is that affecting public schools.. In 191 1 Mr. Komatsubara Eitaro, Minister of Education under the second Katsura cabinet, issued orders that school teachers should conduct their pupils in a body to public shrines, and that there they should do obeisance before the altars. The original order appears to have taken the form of Naikun, or secret instructions, to the chiefs of the de- partments of internal affairs of the various prefectural governments and was handed on from these offices to the various schools. In translation the order reads : " Concerning visitation at Local Shrines on the Occasion of Festivals. The sentiment of reverence (keisJiiii) is correlative I. Tokyo-fu Ktmrei (Tokyo Urban Prefecture Orders), No. 45, Oct. 3I, 1908. The Imperial Rescript referred to is the "Rescript on Thrift and Dili- gence," otherwise known as the Boshin Rescript. Upon comparing the contents of the rescript with the above order to the Shinto priests, it would appear that the government was now giving orders that the shrines should be utilized as agencies for the correction of dangerous tenden- cies in thought and practice that appeared in the wake of the Russo-Japanese war. The main body of the rescript says, " Our country, which has but recently emerg- ed from sanguinary war, calls for activities in various branches of administration. We desire all classes of Our people to act in unison, to be faithful to their cal- lings, frugal in the management of their households, submissive to the dictates of conscience and calls of duty, frank and sincere in their manners, to abide by simplicity and avoid ostentation, and to inure themselves to arduous toil without yielding to any degree of indulgence. " The teachings of Our revered Ancestors and f he record of our glorious history are clear beyond all misapprehension. By scrupulous observance of the precepts thus established, and by directing assiduous and unwearied exertions, the growing prosperity of Our Empire is assured. In the face of the actual situation, We hope that, with the co-operation of Our loyal subjects, the noble work of the Restoration may be augmented and the benevolent virtut of Our Ancestors exalfed. Our subjects should apprecia'e the high aspiration with which we are uniformly guided." Japan Year Book, I9I1, p. 496. Cf. Kampo, Oct, 14, 1908, p. 343. 42 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. with the feeling of respect for ancestors and is most important in establishing the foundations of national morality. Accordingly, on the occasion of the festivals of the local shrines of the districts where the schools are located, th3 teachers must conduct the children to the shrines and give expression to the true spirit of reverence. Also, either before or after the visit to the shrines the teachers should give instruction to the children concerning rev^erence in order that they may be made to lay it deeply to heart. This is announced by government order.**^ A further statement containing important evidence bearing on the official estimate of the political value of Shinto shrines is found in an address to the Shinto priests by Dr. Midzuno Ren- taro, who at the time of the publication of the utterance in May 1 91 8, was Minister of State for Home Affairs. The address in part says : " The shrines are the unique institutions of our nation. They are the essence of our national organiza- tion.^ They are inseparably related to the state. Thus, the great shrines must become the centers of our nation, while the small shrines must become the centers of the life of villages and hamlets. On these grounds I have advocated the doctrine of the centrality of the shrines. That is to say, the shrines must become the centers of education, of industry, and of self-govern- ment ; they must become the centers of activity in all directions. . . . . The unique feature of our national organization lies in the system of the shrines. This system is well nigh without parallel in foreign countries and I have always maintained that the faith of the people in the state as well as in the Imperial House grows deeper in proportion as the system of the shrines is made m^re and more nearly complete. The sentiment of I. From the Tokyo-fu Naimu Bucko Tsucho (^Mfi^*l^0piB^jlS..'v^. "NotificationsoftheChief of the Department of Internal Affairs of the Tokyo Urban Prefecture"), dated Sep ember, 1911, appearing in the Alomlmsho Kimrei, FureikinoBu (^^fi^tPI^. M^^^Z%, " Regulations "of the Department of Education, Section on Prefectural Ordinances "), Ch. 3, Ordinary Education. Primary Schools, p. 32 (2). The regulation is still in effect (1921), 2- wm.(^%tm THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 43 patriotism may be found in all lands. Also, the idea of loyalty exists in all places. The sentiment of reverence, however, is the distinctive trait of Japan. To be sure, the idea of reverence directed toward the deities of religion, taken in the sense of a sentiment of religion, probably exists in all foreign countries alsc, but I am of the opinion that the sentimi'nt as directed toward the deities of our Japanese Shinto shrinks is probably unique to our country. Reverence, patriotism and loyalty, these three, are in reality but one. The sentiments of loyalty and patriotism must take their rise from reverence. '* Subsequent to the development of institutions relating to the divine ancestors of the Imperial House and the shrines, which are a unique feature of Japm, the idea of country first made its appearance and the idea of sovereign was born. Consequently, in order to inculcate the sentiments of loyalty and patriotism, first of all the idea of reverence must be propagated. The propagation of the idea of reverence is a matter that relates to our educational system also, but in the main it is the business of you Shinto priests."^ Statements such as those just given are not infrequently accompanied by an official repudiation of the religious nature of the national cult, Mr. Tsiikainoto Seiji, writing in 191 8 in his capacity as Chief of the Bureau of Shrines of the Department of Home Affairs, gives a clear-cut statement of the government position in this matter. At the same time Mr. Tsukamoto's discussion furnishes us with an excellent summary of the special relations existing between the Shinto shrines and the Japanese state, which have been passed und^r review in the laws already considered. Mr. Tsukamoto says : ** In discu'- ing the matter of shrine institutions it is necessary first of all to state that the shrines are not organs of religion. It appears well-nigh impossible for foreigners, who do not under- I. — Midzitiw, Rentaro, SJnnshohi 7to Sekiviu, Jinja ni Kanstiru Koen {lV^M'kW.,W.%.(^^^.%. W^V-Wi-^ hW<^ "The Responsibilities of Prie.ts," " Lectures en the Shrines," Tokyo, 1918), pp. 11-13. 44 "^^^'^ POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODEHN SHINTO. stand the organization of our nation, to comprehe.id this point. This misunderstanding is not confined to foreigners. Even among Japanese there are those who needlessly confuse the shrines with religion. Furthermore, the number of scholars who interpret the shrines as places where religious ceremonials are conducted, is not small. It is highly regrettable thit on this account the feelings of the people are stirred up from time to time over the sentiment of reverence. It is not my intention here to consider the sentiment of reverence from a philosophical point of view and attempt to determine whether or not it contains religious ideas. It may be asseverated without the least hesitancy, however, that from the standpoint of national law the shrines are not organs of religion. Attestation of this fact may be found both in national management and in law. " In the first place, the affairs of the Shinto shrines were formerly managed in connection with the administration of religion by the Shajikyoku (" Bureau of Shrines and Temples ") in the Department ot Home Affairs. In 1 900 a division was made and the Bureau of Shrines and the Bureau of Religions were established. Subsequently, the Bureau of Religions was transferred to the Department of Education. -^It does not follow, however, that the shrines were first regarded as non- religious institutions at the time of the consummation of this division. They were regarded as non-religious prior to this. Theoretically it would not be impossible to administer the affairs of religion and also the affairs of the shrines, which are not religious, in one and the same office which might be known as the Bure^.u of Religions. Again, it is likewise wrong to argue that if the affairs of the shrines are administered in a Bureau of Religions, the shrines are consequently religious in nature. Nevertheless it is only natural that there should be anxiety lest misunderstandings should only deepen owing to the administra- tion in the Bureau of R.eligions of affairs that are easily confused with religion. The solution of this difficulty was unquestionably THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 45 the main reason why finally the l^ureau of Shrines was separated from the Bureau of Relig'ons and made independent." " In the second*" place, formerly the rules and regulations relating to the shrines began with general principles ot manage- ment for shrines and temples, and cases were numerous in which notices and proclamations were issued in common for Shinto shrines and Buddhist temples. It came to be recognized, however, that since the essential natures of the Shinto shrines and Buddhist temples are greatly different and since their relations to the nation are altogether dissimilar it was not only wrong but quite impossible to govern them with identical rules and regulations. On this account from some decades past there has been a gradual separation of the two, and now, with one or two exceptions, they are altogether under independent rules and regulations. Furthermore, the ceremonials and business relating to Shinto shrines as well as matters of management and finance are all fixed by national law. This is because the ceremonials of the shrines are national rituals and the business of the shrines is the business of the state. On the other hand, the business of the various religious sects of Buddhist temples and of churches is of course managed according to the independent determina- tions of the several bodies concerned. It is not a matter in which the state participates and is thus not the business of the nation. " In the third place, those who serve in the Shinto shrines are ofificials of the state, although their rank differs according to the grade of the shrine. H.I.H., the Lord Custodian of the Great Shrine of Ise is appointed as the representative of His Majesty, the Emperor. He receives the treatment of an official directly appointed by the Emperor and is in a special class. The other officers of the Great Shrine of Ise are of Cliokunin, Soiiiji, or Haiuiin raiik. Also the officials serving in Government Shrines and National Shrines receive the treatment ot Sonin or Hannin officials. That is to say, all have a relation to the state and all are officials who take charge of state affairs. 46 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. Consequently, procedure as to their appointment and dismissal is exactly the same as for general government officials. In accord- ance with their official rank some are under ministers of state while others are under the pretectural governors, but in spite of difference, the appointment and dismissal of all are matters of national concern. On the other hand, the administrative heads of the different sects of Shinto and Buddhism as well as the teachers of other religions do not have duties that pertain to state affairs and consequently they are not officials of the state " Upon consideration of the above three points, not only will it be apparent that from the standpoint of law there is a conspicuous difference between the relationship of the state to the Shinto shrines and to the various sects of religion, but also, I believe, there should be no room for doubt that from the stand- point of the organization of the state the shrines are not regarded as institutions of religion."^ The attempt to come to closer terms with these official claims must be postponed to a later point in the investigation. Meanwhile, in partial summation of the discussion up to the present point it may be said, that the real reason for the govern- ment's isolation of the control of official Shinto and the consequent " separation of religion from politics " is not to be found in any a priori conviction of the non-religious nature of ihe shrine ceremonies, as Mr. Tsukamoto would have us believe, but rather, in the exigences of historical situations that have made it imperative from the official point of view that the government should not appear before the world to be fostering a state religion but at the same time should retain absolute control over the Shintd shrines. The extent of the expansion ot Shinto as a national cult during the Meiji and Taisho eras may be deduced from a l. — Tsitkafnoto,^'iV]\,JinjaGydsel ni Kansuru ChTd Jiko (i^^;-^/^, fii^.fJ: '*M'%.V-'%'^ h\^^^^^, " Matters to he Heeded Regarding the Administration of the Shrines,"; Jinja ni Kansuru Kbeii, pp. I9-22, THE l-OLITICAf. PHILOS-^PHY OF MODI^RN SHINTO. 47 comparative st idy of the annual governnunt reports of the statistics for shrines, p^rhii-s even more concretely than from an examination of the national laws themselves. Reference to the statij^tical tables* will show that while the reported totals for small shrines of village and ungraded classes have decreased since 1900, the year in which the official control of the shrines was separated from that of ordinary religions, (from a maximum number of 192,332 for 1900 to 1 1 1, 181 for 1920, a decrease of 81,151), yet tor all shrines of superior grade there has been a steady increase. Since 1899 twelve shrines have been added to the class of government shrines ; national shrines have been maintained at 75 *> while prefectural shrines have increased by 189, making a total increase of 201. During the forty years lying between 1880 and 1920 government shrines have increased by the number of 50, national shrines by 7, prefectural shrines by 316, a total increase for all shrines of these grades of 373. This is an average of slightly better than nine large shrines per year. The yearly totals for district shrines have maintained practical uniformity throughout the entire period. A movement which, during the past four decades has increased the reported number of large institutions of highest grade by a total of three hundred and seventy-three is far from moribund. Also, the decrease in the number of smaller shrines is more apparent than real. Small way-side shrines are not included in the official reports. Since 188S the government has ceased including in the statistics the small ungraded shrines established within the precincts of larger shrines. The total of these subordinate ungraded shrines for 1887 was 102,463. The apparent decrease in the number of ordinary village and ungraded shrines can be explained by the fact that in numerous cases the control of small groups of these shrines has been merged. The statistics for priests tell the same story as do those for shrines. The total number of priests connected with district, village and ungraded shrines has decreased during the past I. See below, pp. 324-5. 4^ THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. twenty years, although since 191 5 the tendency in all these classes has been to maintain equilibrium with an average of 34 1 7 pr:ests for district shrines, 8682 for village shrines and 926 for ungraded shrines. As over against this the number of priests connected with shrines of prefect ural grade and above increased from 1345 in 1880 to 1707 in 1919, a total gain of 362. The figures given above support the proposition that the primary interests of the national cult lie in the direction of the development of those shrines above v'llage and ungraded classes which aid in the centralization of the sentiments and activities of the people beyond purely local interests. On the basis of the statistics it would seem fair to conclude that Shinto as a national cult has been steadily and solidly growing during the past forty years and that this growth has been distributed with a fair degree of uniformity over the entire period. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 49 CHAPTER II. The Shrine Problem. The Japanese government has recently become an object of considerable criticism because of its alleged efforts to strengthen Japanese nationalism and political solidarity by encouraging a form of nationalistic religious worship at the shrines. Criticism has come not only from Buddhist and Christian sources, as might well be expected, but also from progressive politicians, journalists and scholars among the Japanese people themselves. The grounds of this criticism may be summarized under three heads. I. In the first place, the Shinto shrines in their actual, historical character are true religious institutions and have always been treated as such by the Japanese people. It is impossible to separate the shrines from their historical character by the proclamation of new official regulations. In the opening years of Meiji the Japanese government itself recognized and concurred in the existing popular estimate of the shrines. The legislation of 1872 which makes exp'icit declaration to the effect that the main duty of Shinto priests "shall be the instruction of parish- ioners in accordance with the three principles " can be adequately explained only on the ground that the government of the time classified Shinto as pure religion. Again, a judgement based on the actual practice of the vast majority of the Japanese people of all classes must embody the conclusion that the Shinto shrines are not popularly regarded simply as patriotic cult centers where the memory of those who have contributed meritorious service to the Japanese state is revered and where emotions of gratitude to heroes of the past and loyalty to existing institutions are stimulated. On the other hand, the same shrine that serves as site for the official ceremony is visited by the ordinary worshipper out of purely religious 50 THE POLITICAL PHILOSDPHY OF MODERN SHINT5. motives and the enshrined spirit, whether regarded as an ancestor of the race or as one of the ^' gods of Heaven and Earth " is supplicated for prosperity in business, for health and long life, for offspring in marriage, for relief in drought, flood and famine, for food, clothing and shelter, as well as for the prosperity of the state and success in war. The shrines are thus not merely inspiring monuments to the greatness of the past ; they are the sacred places of Japanese religion where unique access is gained to an unseen spirit-world. The Japanese government by licensing the sale of charms at the shrines recognizes and makes concessions to this populai interpretation. The shrine laws declare on this point : '* Shinto priests in compliance with the requests of the people may distribute charms and sacred images^ but this must not be done out of covetousness and impure motives."^ One of the most vigorous criticisms of the ambiguous religious situation in which the Japanese government is thus involved has been published by the Shin sect of Japanese Buddhism in a propaganda pamphlet entitled Keishin Mondai Clwsa Hokoku^ C' Report of an Investigation of the Problem of Reverence"), dated December, 1920. In November, 1919, the Mikavva Association of the Shin sect drew up a series of three questions relating to the Shinto policy of the government and presented it to the Department of Home Affairs. The inter- rogations read : " I. According to our interpretation the essential nature of reverence for deities and respect for ancestors,'' which for some years past have been propagated among the people of the nation, is limited to the sense of gratitude. But is not this a misconception on our part ? Is there some other meaning to be attached thereto ? 2. II. Z., 1891, pp. 187, 206, NawnisJw Kunrei No. 12, Art. 3, July 6. 3- m^f^^mmk^, nn'^^n'^WM 4- ^/W^M. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 5 1 " 2, There are people who regard the tai?na^ of the shrines as images of the deities, and who say that those who do not receive iai7fia are unpatriotic. In our sect we look upon the taima as religious charms.^ We base the interpretation that receiving them is a voluntary matter on Ordinance Number 30, issued by the Department of Home Affairs in March i8;8/^ Is this an error on our part ? " 3. Home Department Order Number 7, B, issued in January, 1882, states, "From this date on the right of Shinto priests to exercise the functions of teachers of religion and morals {Kyodo Shoku) is abolished. Priests shall not take charge of funeral services. Exception : For the present priests connected with shrines of prefectural rank or lower may do as before." Since the promulgation of this order already more than thirty years have elapsed and yet priests of shrines of prefectural grade and below conduct funeral services as in the earlier period. What then is the purport of the law just cited which distinguishes between Shinto priests and teachers of religion and morals ? "■• The government in reply is reported to have made the significant statement : " These are matters on which instruc- tions cannot be given in writing. If, however, you come to the capital we will make oral reply. "^ This oral statement was not given until October 9, 1920. On this date the Chief of the Bureau of Shrines replied to a committee of the Shin Sect as follows : " I. If reverence for the deities and respect for ancestors have in them harm for the nation, then nothing can be done ; if 1- -KM- 2- M'^, Shhnpu. 3. The law referred to says, " It is hereby announced that, with regard to the taima of the Jingu, from now on, irrespective of the relations with local officials, the acceptance or rejection thereof is to rest entirely with the choice cl the people." Department of Home Affairs, March 23, 1878. Cf. t^^^'^^, J^iff WMt^W\%M-^, (Sugimori, K., GenB Jlnja Hdrei CJiikujo Kogi, "Lectures on Contemporary Shrine Law," Tokyo, 1910), Appendix, p. 102. 4. Keishhi Mondal Chosa Hokokn, p. 3. 5. 3id. 52 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. however, there is advantage in them, all people high and low must cooperate in planning for the progress of these sentiments. When the idea of reverence for the deities ot heaven and eat th is exalted, the people naturally look up to divine virtues and they come to desire to secure daily progress under divine guidance. This is prayer. We wish that the idea of reverence might advance to this point. This is not, however, to be forced. Prayer in the sense of supplication for individual profit and happiness we neither encourage nor repress. Yet if ShinsJiu teaches merely pure gratitude toward the deities of heaven and earth we have no objection. "2. Taima are not images of the deities. They are media through which the people revere the deities of the shrines. This is their real meaning. Therefore we desire that the people should receive them. *' 3. Concerning the order of 1882 which permits priests of shrines of prefectural grade and below to conduct funeral services, the law used the term iobiui} ('* for the present "). As a matter of fact, the necessity still exists. For example, in certain districts some people desire Shinto funerals but they do not wish them conducted by any of the Shinto sects. It is by all means necessary to provide for these people with services by Shinto officials {s/dnshokn).^^^ The same report prints a condensed statement attributed to the Chief of the Bureau of Religions in reply to the same questions. The statement is dated October 12, 1920 and says, " I am not of the opinion that the idea of prayer toward the deities of heaven and earth must be maintained by all means. I do desire that the people receive taima, but I do not believe that they must be received without exception. Also unwillingness to accept them does not necessarily imply disrespect to the deities."^ *• &/?• 2. Keishin Mondai Chosa Hokoku, pp. 6-8 3. Op. ciL, p. 8. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 53 The report closes with resolutions embodying the attitude of the Mikawa Association toward the issue. The statement says : *' We should be grateful for the great benefits of the divine spirits of Imperial ancestors who founded the nation and establish- ed virtue and should offer them reverence that is deep and true, likewise, weshouldbe thankful to all the other deities who labored for the nation and who gave the people peace. But it is forbid- den in this sect to pray for one's own selfish ends and for benefits and blessings in this world. This is the teaching of the Shin Sect regarding the deities of heaven and earth. We repudiate all such things as heresy, Shinto churches, and the deities ot a multitude of shrines arbitrarily established. " Taiina are not images of the deities ; they are religious charms. The government, working through a Department for Shrines is now making general distribution of these objects. But the reception or refusal thereof are matters in which the people have freedom of choice. This was established in a proclamation of the Department of Home Affairs in 1878. Therefore, to say that those who do not receive them are unpatriotic is a gross libel." ' A further statement regarding the taima says, '^ From the standpoint of name, history and past method of distribution it is clear that taima are charms. The government and one or two scholars persist in trying to interpret taiina from the point of view of the psychology of the recipients but their attitude cannot be called honest in that they do not interpret either the meaning or the method of distribution."^ Another publication of the Shin Sect, entitled Gyokii Den Okura ToTonkv' C* An Account of the Discussion between Gyoku Den and Okura ") presents in detail the reasons why adherents of the sect are forbidden to receive taima. The most 1. Op. cit, pp. 13-14. 2. Op. cit., p. 13. 3- aifi;^t-i^!^f£, m%tmmi!Km^, mimm.' 54 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. important part of the explanation says, " Our position that recep- tion of taima on the part of adherents of the Shin Sect is con- trary to the principles of the sect has its basis in the fact that there exists the idea that if taima are placed on the god-shelf and worshipped and revered morning and evening, evil and misfortune will be averted thereby. If the actual, popular usage of taima is investigated it will be found that beliefs concerning them are such as these : If taima are stood up in cultivated fields they will prevent destruction by insects ; if pasted up in cattle sheds they will prevent diseases of cattle ; or, if put up at garden entrances they will drive away evil spirits."^ Such practices, it is stated, are a rude form of prayer for the things of this world and thus contradictory to a fundamental tenet of the sect. A remarkable criticism of the existing situation is contained in a speech in the Imperial Japanese Diet, made in December, 191 8, by Mr. Tatsugiichi Ryoshin, a member of the Diet. With regard to the issue under consideration the speech says : " In the matter of the relation of the Shintd shrines and religion, it is to be said that the shrines of our country are places where the deities of heaven and earth are worshipped. These deities are the ancestors of our Imperial Family and of other personages of our nation and are by no means the same as the God of Christianity or the Buddha of Buddhism. At shrines those who have contributed meritorious service to the state are commemorated. Thus the shrines are places where rites are performed in memory of our ancestors and are by no means religious and are not to be regarded as religious chapels. *' I wish to say, however, that the priests of prefectural grade and below perform funeral ceremonies and preach sermons ; they distribute amulets and charms" and offer prayers. They function 1. Op. at., p. 25. 2. Oiiiaf?io)'i, ofuda. The practice of distribuUng these objects is not con- fined to shrines of lower grade as the speech would seem to indicate. They can be secured at the greatest shrines of Shinto, as for example at the Grand Shrine of Ise and the new Meiji Jingu of Tokyo. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 55 exactly as the priests of Buddhism. Thus it is that our ancestral ceremonies have become religious and the Shinto priests have become religious teachers. This confusion of religion and the shrines has in it the following great dangers : *' I. That the dignity of the shrines be injured and the good traditions of our ancestor worship be destroyed. " 2. That the shrines finally take on the form of a national religion and become the cause of the persecution ot other religions."^ II. In the second place, the ceremonials conducted under government direction at the official shrines are ol a genuinely religious nature. It is true that the government attempts to distinguish between suhai or shuhaif (" worship "), and sukciox shukeif (*' reverence "), maintaining that at the official shrines the latter is offered, directed toward the commemoration of those who have been conspicuous for loyalty to ance^tors, em- peror and state in the past. But when investigation is made of the rites which are employed to express this reverence, it is found that even officialdom makes use of religious ceremonial. These rites are based on the ancient ceremonies of the Engi Sliiki. They include norito (prayers), sJilnseii (food offerings), kailii (ceremony of opening the screen before the shrine), and harai (prayers for the expulsion of evil). It is impossible to maintain that these are mere forms devoid of true religious significance.'' The objection to officially inspired *' shrine worship " on the ground that it is a real religion has been well formulated by the Roriian Catholic Church of Japan, speaking through the Bishop of Nagasaki. The promulgation says, " The members of the Catholic Church, without hesitation, will join in paying due reverence toward the nation's distinguished men as a part ot patriotic duty. Nevertheless, however generous our frame of I. Chugai Nifpo (tt'j'f H|g), Dec. 26, 1915 (No. 4913), p. 2. 4. J. E. (Japan Evangelist), May, 1918, p. 181. 56 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. mind may be with regard to this view of the shrines (government view), we cannot give our support to it. . . . Shrine wor- ship is indeed poor in reh'gious ideas judged from the inner worth of religion, but is amply furnished with a wealth of cere- monialism fixed by law. It is an organized form of reverence paid to supernatural beings and must be regatded as a religion. Moreover, it is a religion forced upon the people, and if it be different from Shinto, it may not inappropriately be called shrine religion. It is something proposed to take the place of a national religion. . . . We regret exceedingly that as Catholics we cannot accept the interpretation of shrine worship given by the government, nor can we visit the shrines and engage in the services for the dead nor can we ever pay respect to the so-called gods."* The Federated Churches of Japan (Protestant) take similar ground. This body, representing practically all the Christian forces of Japan outside of Roman Catholic and Greek Catholic constituencies, has taken the position that '' to lead people into a vague religious exercise under the pretext of reverence toward ancestors, and thus to mix the two things, is not only irrational, but results in harm to education and hinders in many ways the progress of the people."^ The Nihon Kirisnto Kyokai (Presb.), acting through the Gotemba Conference of 19 17 has likewise separately passed a resolution to the effect that government ceremonies performed at the shrines are conducted in a true religious spirit and with religious rites.^ The position of the Greek Catholic Church of Japan, although not officially expressed, has been interpreted by a representative of that body in a recent publication. In general each individual is allowed to follow the dictates of his own conscience. Worship at the shrines in the sense of honor or respect paid to ancestors is encouraged, but only at those shrines 1. Op. cit., pp, 180-182 ; Kirisuto Kyoho^ March 28, 1918. 2. J. E., Nov. 1917, p. 413. 3. J. E., Sept. 1917, p. 340. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 57 dedicated to the memory of those closely related with the history of the country or the Imperial Family. Christians are permitted to pray for the salvation of ancestors who were not believers and for the spirits of those to whose memory the shrines are dedicated. On the other hand, worship at the shrines in the sense of prayer for personal good fortune is not permitted.^ III. In the third place the position of the government is criticised as a violation of the Japanese Constitution itself. It is maintained that the position of the national government on •' shrine worship " creates a situation that interferes directly with the exercise of the constitutionally guaranteed rights of freedom of religious faith. Different non-Shinto religious bodies, within the last few years have adopted resolutions and otherwise made public utterances calling attention to this situation. On October 31, 19 17, the Federation of Japanese Churches (Christian), meeting to commemorate jointly the quadricentennial of the outbreak of the German Reformation, and the birthday of the reigning Japanese Emperor, considered the occasion oppor- tune for the adoption of resolutions emphasizing the rights of religious liberty under the Constitution. The document drawn up at this time makes a *' distinction between religion, on the one hand, and respect that may properly be paid to ancestors and to those historic personages that have rendered meritorious services to their country on the other." The churches strongly affirm their loyalty to the state and the Emperor, and add that it is the duty of all loyal men to encourage a cosmopolitan spirit and to aid in eliminating superstition. Clause Five of the resolutions then states the main griev- ance : '* The Imperial Constitution guarantees freedom of faith, and we must do our best to see that this law is maintained. We must note, however, as utterly inconsistent with the principle of religious liberty the following matters : the recent arrange- I. J. E., Aug., 1915, pp. 342-3 ; Sei^yd Y&wa, May, 1915. 58 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. m^nts about shrines, the connection estabh'shed between shrines and education, many things that have occurred in towns, villages, and elsewhere, and the common custom of making the observance of these superstitious customs almost com- pulsory."^ The Roman Catholic Church has likewise called attention to the freedom of religious belief granted in the Constitution promulgated by the late Emperor Meiji and has expressed a desire that the government create a status for the shrines under which it may be possible for Christians to maintain their constant purpose to be loyal to the Empire and at the same time be " faithful to the most high God " without doing violence to conscience.'"^ An additional Roman Catholic view, translated trom " Les Nouvelles Religieuses " by the Japan Chronicle, goes even farther and expresses no little anxiety lest the situation may eventuate in the abrogation of even the existing constitutional protection of religious liberty. The article says regarding the point under consideration, " Nor is it possible to foresee whether, some day, the religious liberty protected by the Constitution may be limited. The text of the Constitution carries the construction that this religious liberty is granted on condition that public peace and order are not troubled. Hostile voices are already heard in the Press demanding the restriction of this liberty. Others, on the contrary, have expressed their apprehen- sions lest the text of the Constitution be found to furnish a pretext for thase abuses. Whatever happens, it can be under- stood how those who have devoted their lives to making known in Japan the benefits of the Gospel, experience, as one or two ot them have written, 'serious and legitimate disquiet for the future of our holy religion when they see the recrudescence of Shinto (the cult of the Imperial Ancestors), the efforts, limited 1. J. E., Nov., 1917, p. 413. 2. J. E., May, 19 18, p. 183. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 59 but constant, of the official world to make it the sole national cult, and the gradual advance of Japan toward Caesarisni'."^ Tlie NiJion Kirisiito Kyukai declares — " When the Govern- ment authorities encourage this worship at the shrines, yea, and e\/cn almost compel school children to take part in the same, it is clear that they are violating the Constitution of the Empire as well as infringing upon the freedom of faith guaranteed by the Constitution."' Buddhist organizations have taken similar action. The issue between Buddhism and Shinto reached a stage of special acuteness at the time of the coronation of the reigning emperor in 191 5. There is evidence on hand to show that at this time government officials in various places were attempting to strengthen Shinto as a support for nationalism by utilizing opportunities that arose in connection with the coronation ceremonies at Kyoto. The translations given below from the Japanese Buddhist press of the time will serve to show the nature of the difficulties that appeared as well as the reaction that manifested itself in a large section of Buddhism. The Cliugai Nippo under the date of November 30, 191 5, prints the following : " A statement of a conference of the Shin Sect regarding interference with religion on the part of the governor of Kagawa Prefecture — *' Governor Wakabayashi, acting through the Chief of the local Department of Home Affairs, recently summoned the heads of all cities, towns and villages and gave instructions that at the time of the coronation the people of the entire province without regard to religious affiliations should erect kadontatsu (ceremonial pine trees) at the gates, place kamidana (god shelves) in the houses, stretch shimenawa (sacred ropes) under 1. The National Cult in fapan^ "A Roman Catholic Study of Its Opposi- tion to Evangelization, p. 8, (Japan Chronicle, Kobe, Japan, 1918). For a Japanese answer to this criticism see Japan Weekly Chronicle, Dec. 26, 1918, p. 895, " The National Cult in Japan." 2. J. E., Sept. 191 7, p. 340, Resolutions of the Gotemba Conference of 1917. 6o THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. the eaves, that they should purify their houses and that all the people should go in groups to designated shrines of cities, towns and villages and perform distant worship [toward Kyoto], '' In certain villages the coercion was added that failure to obey this command was punishable with a fine and the charge was made that any offender was unpatriotic. '' As a result the heads of respective towns and villages enforced the order on the people and, as a matter of fact, a local policeman visited the Rev. Tachibana Jokai at his residence within the court of the Kosei Temple and obliged him to hang shimenawa at the temple gates, to stand kadomatsu at the entrance, forced him to purify the temple just like a common house, and commanded him to make public attendance at a shrine like an ordinary person and perform distant worship.'" Under the date of December ir, 1915, the same publication says, " In Yamagata Prefecture, just as in Kagawa Prefecture on the occasion of the coronation, all people were forced to put up kamidana, hang shimenazva, and erect kadomatsu. Owing to such extraordinary interference the opposition of the people has been aroused and there is a movement to secure the resignation of the governor and heads of towns and villages. In this province all the sects of Buddhism, including the Jodo, East Hongwanji, West Hongwanji, Soto, and Rinzai sects have united and are taking up with the local governor the matter of this unlawful interference."' Similar situations in Hiroshima, Shimane, Ishikawa and other prefectures called forth further criticisms from Buddhist sources."^ Even prior to the appearance of the issue over the corona- tion ceremonies, namely, in March, 1915, twelve delegates, representing fifty-six sects of Japanese Buddhism had waited on the Minister of Education and demanded consistency in the 1. Chtigai Nippo, Nov. 30, 1915 (No. 4890), p. 3. 2. Op. cit., Dec. II, 191 5 (No. 4900), p. 3. 3. Op. ciL, Jan. 5, 1916 (No. 4916), p. 3 ; Kei Sei, Feb., 1916 ; J. E., March, 1916, p. 117. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 6 1 government's Shinto policy. Their statement reads, " Although Shinto is independent of and separate from religion, yet religious services are conducted by Shinto priests at their shrines. In order to safeguard religious freedom the prohibition of the unwarrantable practices of conducting religious services through Shinto priests is deemed urgent."^ Again, on December loth of the same year, sixty-four delegates representing fifty-six sects, met in the West Hongvvanji Temple at Kyoto, adopted a set of six resolutions and appointed a committee to carry them into effect. The first resolution is important as expressing united loyalty to the central institution of the Japanese state. The reading is, ** First : The various Buddhist sects shall unite in purpose and activity for the revival and dissemination of religion and for adding new emphasis to the duties of propagandism, with a view to a better promotion of the fortunes of the Imperial House." The second, third, and fourth resolutions bear further on a program of Buddhist federation ; the last two are directed toward the solution of the religious issue with the authorities. ** Fifth : To keep clear the distinction between the shrine officials {Shin- shokii) and Shintoism as a religion {S/iindo SJiukyo) there shall be put forth efforts to prevent these two from being identified. Sixth : There being recently a very unsatisfactory attitude toward Buddhism manifested by the authorities, these conditions shall be made public and an effort shall be put forth to induce the government to remove the unsatisfactory conditions."^ A frank exposition of the constitutional aspects of the problem as well as of the difficulties confronted by the Japanese government as it attempts to maintain simultaneously a national cult in Shinto and a guarantee of general religious freedom in the Constitution, is stated in the publication of the Mikawa Association of the Shin Sect already noted. In its introduction to the dis- 1. Cf. Missioi: News (Organ of Am. Board Mission, Kobe, Japan), June, 1916, p, 184. 2. Tokyo Asahi Shimbuu^ Dec. II, 1915 ; J. E., Jan., 1916, pp. 30-31. 62 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. cussion of the shrine problem this document remarks, " Whoever is born in this country, even if he knows but little gratitude, must revere the deities of heaven and earth and respect his ances- tors. But reverence for deities and respect for ancestors are not things to be used for certain ulterior objects. They are, in and of themselves, precious principles for the nation. Accordingly, they must always be treated with care and seriousness. If, however, the essential nature of reverence for ancestors is for- gotten and under cover of the beautiful name thereof, it is thrust forward arbitrarily, not only is the divine will misunderstood, but also the certain result is that the freedom of religious faith guaranteed under the Imperial Constitution is endangered, various other religions are antagonized and the sprit of the people is thrown into confusion. If one considers the plans of the govern- ment during the fifty years since the Restoration and especially during the past ten years he will come to know that this is not simply groundless apprehension."^ The statement further says, " It is very much to be doubted whether the authorities themselves possess a firm faith in the shrines and the deities. Yet the government cannot go on being blind to the increasing confusion in popular ideas. But as gov- ernment officials it is not possible to consider entrusting Bud- dhism with the ^reat responsibility of unifying the popular mind, and likewise it is impossible for them to depend on* Christianity. Therefore, from the government standpoint, the unification of the popular mind cannot be accomplished otherwise than by hoisting up the shrines. Thus the official advocacy of reverence for deities is entirely policical policy. In order to carry out this policy the government would like to regard the shrines as places of religious worship. Otherwise, the sentiment of reverence for deities cannot be implanted strongly in the hearts ot the people. But if this were done it would immediately contradict the freedom of religious faith guaranteed in the Constitution. Therefore, the gov ernmen t asserts that the shrines are not religious. Thus the I. Keishin Mondai C/iosa Ild/ioku, p. i. THE POLITICAL IHJLOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 63 government is constantly standing in the presence of a self-con- tradiction. The reason why the government authorities are never able to give a clear and unequivocal solution to this pro- blem is just here. In particular, the fact that the official attitude toward Christianity is not clear has its basis altogether in this matter."^ A criticism of similar import from the Japanese secular press says, " The worship at the shrines where great men of the country are deified is clearly a manifestation of religious senti- ment, and so all the rites and forms in the Shinto shrines are unquestionably religious in character. The Japanese authorities, however, have been averse to recognizing this axiom and con- sequently refuse to call a spade a spade. It is a great mistake on the part of the government to regard as not religion what possesses all the essential attributes of a religion. Yet it desires to give a religious benefit to the people by the observance of religious forms."^ In this connection special notice should be made of the Fiikuin Shiinpo, a Christian magazine which has consistently and fearlessly criticized the government position on shrine worship. One of the most refreshingly direct criticisms that has yet ap- peared was published by this journal at the time of the dedication of the Meiji Shrine. The writer says : *' Shrine worship which government authorities are now encouraging and at times even forcing is a matter that is accom- pained by numerous questions both from the standpoint of faith and of ideas. At times one feels as though truth were being set at naught and justice were being trampled under foot. . . . " The government authorities announce that the shrines are not religious, and then as the superlative proof thereof they point to the government organization which separates the Bureau of Shrines from the Bureau of Religions. To this kind of an 1. Op. cit., pp. 5-6. 2. Yorodzit Shiinbini. Trans, in Japan Weekly Chronicle, May 25, I916, p. 836. 64 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. apology I can never give my assent. The determination of whether or not the shrines are religious is not a matter that lies within the province of government offices. It is purely a pro- blem of knowledge and is to be determined by application of scientific method to the study of religion. . . . Considered from this standpoint the definition handed down by the govern- ment has no value whatever From the point of view of the science of religion it is doubly clear that; in origin and tradition, in form of ceremony and in spirit of worship, the shrines are religious. In this there is not room for the injection of a particle of doubt. Accordingly, if the government forces shrine worship on us by order, it overrides the rights which are guaranteed us in the Constitution. " Among the Japanese of today are deists, pantheists, and materialists. There are both those who affirm and those who deny the existence of God. There are those who believe in the immortality of the soul and those who do not so believe. There are great differences according to variation in individual ideas. Especially in Japan, pantheists who have come under che influ- ence of Indian thought and materialists who have come under the influence of modern science are numerous. According to the teachings of pantheism all change is like the waves on the sea. When the waves calm down all becomes water again. All things finally return to the Absolute and individual existence is annihilated. The human soul after death is immersed in the Absolute and not a shadow or sign of it is left. •' Again, it is impossible for a materialist to admit the existence of the soul. Consequently, for a pantheist or a mater- ialist to kneel before ancestors, to offer noritOy and pray at the shrines becomes altogether meaningless. To what extent there are those who out of a desire to preserve public harmony practice opportunism with indifference, I cannot say, but if they value the truth and are loyal to the principles in which they believe, it ought to be impossible for pantheists and materialists to worship at the shrines. ... For the state to be blind to THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHV OF MODERN SHINTO. 6$ the existence of philosophy and science and to force a kind of faith and a set of ideas on the people is to disregard human life and spirit, and is folly " I am not one who feels that shrine worship must be op- posed by all means. Religious faith is free. Those who find satisfaction in the ceremonies of the shrines should therewith make sincere expression of ancestor worship. But for the state to force this on those who cannot find satisfaction in the cere- monies of the shrines is certainly illegal and is persecution. Where there is no freedom hypocrisy flourishes. I feel that the forcing of this additional falsehood upon the Japanese nation which is already suffering from great hypocrisy is a matter that ought to be fully considered."^ The case against the government has been well summarized by Mr. Ojiuia Saneharu, the most representative of the Christian students of Shinto. An abridgment of his exposition includes the following points. 1. The nor it issued in 19 14 by the Japanese Department of Home Affairs for the use of Shinto priests contain prayers for abundant harvests, health and victory. In view of the special position of the official cult, this cannot be harmonized with the guarantee of religious liberty contained in the Constitution. 2. The government declares that at the shrines are wor- shipped the ancestors of the Imperial Family and those who in past have won merit in the service of the state. If among the ancestors of the Imperial Family are included such personages cis Amaterasu-0- Mi-Kami, Ama-no-Mi-Naka-Nushi-no - Kami, Taka-Mi-Musiibi-no-Kami and Kami-JMusubi-no-Kami, then offi- cial Shinto is a religion and the shrines become religious institutions. 3. It is illogical and inconsistent for the government to say that the shrines are not religious and at the same time permit I. /hgj=;|^^i<, W^\'~%-t h"^^, {Onot/mra, Rinz5, Jinja ni tai sum Gigi, " Doubts Regarding the Shrines "), Fukuin Shimpo, Nov. 25, 1920, pp. 576-577- 66 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. priests of prefectural, district and village shrines to conduct funeral services. 4. The fact that the government does not manage the Shinto shrines through the Bureau of Religions is explicable as a kind of official sophistry, for the shrines are genuine religious institutions.* In spite of such criticism the government has persisted in maintaining its position that the shrines are not religious institu- tions. A recent statement of the Home Department says, " Whatever ideas or beliefs the people may have, the govern- ment does not look upon the shrines as being religious in nature. However desirable it may be for the people to return to the former ideas and interpretations regarding the shrines, at the present time the government has no thought of doing anything to bring this about. The government simply encourages respect for the shrines and believes that shrines may be reverenced and supported by those who have faith in any religion without conflict or inconvenience. Whatever opinion may be held as to what should be done regarding the religious attitude toward the shrines, the government will maintain a neutral position on the ground that religious belief should be free."'" The latest phase of the development of official Shinto is in connection with educational problems that have been forced into prominence as a result of the Great War. During the war the Japanese government appointed a special commission on educa- tion to consider, among other things, matters relating to the unification of the thought of the people. It is worthy of note that forty-two members of the Imperial Diet were on this commission. The reports were made public in the months of January and February, 19 19. 1. C/. (9/Vwr?, Sancharu, JeUei sezaru Jinja lion {)^%%^, f^leStf $';& jjififinmij '' Unconvincing Arguments regarding Shriius/' 5///;;///;, Vol. 17, No. 5, May, 1916), pp. 7 5 -So. 2, J. E., Apr. 1916, pp. 154-5; Fiikuin ShimJ)d, A.\^t. igiG. Statement of the Bureau of Shrines. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 6/ The Commission alleges that unsound social conditions have been developing rapidly in Japan of late and assigns as cause an excessive and indiscriminate introduction into Japan of occidental ideas and institutions subsequent to the Restoration. The report says, '' The situation is very giave and calls for serious consideration ; " and, again, '* Such systems, organizations and social conditions as are found to be inconsistent with and contra- dictory to the fundamental principles of our national education must be reformed and readjusted, and for that purpose joint efforts of those in positions of authority and those in private are indispensable."^ Along with this harmonious cooperation of government and people, the Commission urges the carrying out of a reconstruc- tion program along the lines of traditional Japanese institutions. The foundations must be the old characteristic culture of Japan {Nikon no koyu no biinka). The report thus emphasizes the necessity of the continued worship of national deities and advocates '' the preservation of the dignity and solemnity of the shrines, commensurate with their sacred associations, and the universal education of the people to the true meaning of religious ceremonies and also to elevating the status of the Shinto priesthood.'*'' The issue, however, still remains open. Up to the present, it has proved impossible to find consistency in the official inter- pretation of the shrines. As an indication of the ambiguity of the government attitude, we may quote from the report of a "Special Committee on Shrines" of the National Christian Educational Association of Japan as given July lo, 1920, The report states, " ^our committee made two calls on the Bureau of Shrines of the Japanese Government and presented our point of view and our hopes respecting both shrine worship and pilgrimages to shrines. The only answer we received was that 1. J. E., Aj^r, 19I9, pp. 136-7; Japan Times and Mail, Feb. 11, 21, 22, I919. 2. J. E., op. cit. p. 137. 68 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. the government must give the matter further consideration. We greatly regret that we have not yet been able to attain our point. Our demand briefly stated is, that the government shall adopt adequate measures for making public proclamation to the effect that the meaning of shrine visitation is limited to an expression of honest respect and is not to be understood as religious worship."^ The legal difficulty, however, has a fundamental aspect. It relates to the underlying philosophy upon which has been reared the structure of Japanese communal ancestralism. Is the state itself, consciously or unconsciously, committed to a politico- religious theory that makes impossible at present the genuine secularization of the shrines? Are the great ancestral kami nothing more than mere men who have labored and passed off the stage of human affairs and the memory of whose greatness is revered at the shrines ? Or are they regarded as actual spirits of a superhuman world, able to aid suppliant human beings and ever watching over the destinies of Japan ? In attempting to arrive at defensible answers to these questions we may turn first to some typical solutions that have been offered by Japanese investigators, themselves. »• ^^^^-^mwitm^m^^imm^ p- 12- Tokyo, 192^ ~ THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 69 CHAPTER III. Japanese Interpretations of Shinto : The Ethical Definition. Solutions of the shrine problem presented by contemporary Ja[)anese Shintoists resolve themselves into two general classes of interpretation, (i) the nationalistic-ethical and (2) the nation- alistic-religious. Both forms of interpretation are equally penetrated by a point of view which Japanese Shintoists attempt to expound as the mark of the fundamental social mind of their race, namely, a group consciousness or social and political loyalty which is represented to be of such strength as to dominate and very frequently to eliminate individualism.^ The solidarity of the primitive '' we-group " has made its way up through the clan spirit of feudalism into the m.odern state ; the particularism of the old feudal order has been drawn together about a national emotional center in the Imperial House " of unbroken line throughout all time as Heaven and Earth eternal." Under the stimulus of modern conflicts with external forces this social mind has become extraordinarily self-conscious and is manifesting itself in the form of a nationalism which, as set forth by a large group of Japanese apologists, is supposedly supported by a patriotism which is unique in human history. This situation in modern Japanese social psychology has been indicated in the above terminology by the application of the term " nationalistic " to both forms of the interpretation of Shinto. The difference between the two lies largely in the I, C/". Uehara, G. E., The Political Development of Japan, p. 19; Kato, Naoshi, " Eastern Ideals and the Japanese Spirit," T. J. S. L., VoL XIII (1914-15,^, Pt I, p. 142; i%^a, Yaeichi, Kokwninsei Juron (^^^— , ^Sl^i'lra^ "Ten Lectures on National Traits," Tokyo, 1914, 12th ed.), p. 4 fif. ; Tanaka, Yoshit5, Shindo Hongi 041 ^ft. WM.iifM.y ''Essentials of 5///«/5," Tokyo, 191 1), pp. 137-140 •/O THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. nature of the fundamental philosophical explanation of the basis of Shinto. The first named attempts to develop a Shinto pantheon out of the heroes of Japanese political history, while leaving the ultimate nature of these " deities " largely unex- plained. The second, while likewise stressing political values, definitely ties up communal ancestralism with pantheism or with idealistic monism. We may consider the two forms in the above mentioned order. The formulation which Japanese exponents attempt in the nationalistic-ethical interpretation follows along the lines laid down in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries by Kada Azumaro, Kamo Mabuchi, Motoori Noringa and Hirata Atsutane. It concurs with the official announcement that Shinto is not a religion, at least in the ordinary sense, and builds largely on the proposition that Shintd deities are human beings. Not only so, it further attempts to carry this thesis right back through the earliest Japanese mythology. The point of view here indicated is applied in two directions : (a) as the interpretation of existing political institutions and the support thereof, and (b) as a means of facilitating a harmonization of this supposedly non-religious form of Shintd with thought and practice looked upon as truly religious. Behind the former application lies the interest of a host of statesmen, politicians, soldiers, educationalists and Shinto officials ; behind the latter, the interest of many of the genuine religious leaders of the nation. We turn first to the consideration of the political application of the nationalistic-ethical interpretation. There is hardly a subject in modern Japan that has received, at the hands of both governmental and educational authorities, the attention that has been accorded so-called Kokumin Dotokn} '• ^SSiEM- For bibliographies of Japanese literature on this subject cf. Jnouye, Tetsujiro, Kokumin Dotoku Gairon (^^Ji^^^HfJ, ^WM-'^Mm^ " Out- lines of National Morality"), Appendix, pp. 103-117; Kofw, Shozo, Kokiitnin Dotoku Shiron {x^^'^^.^^^'^^^l^^ "A History of National Morality"), pp. 256-8. THK POLITICAL PHILOSOIHY OF MODERN SHINTO. Jl — '^ national morality." It is the fundamental motive of Japanese education.' In the form of apologetic here under discussion, Shinto becomes practically identical with Kokumin Dotoku, That is to say, Shinto is now interpreted as either the system of national morality itself or as the unique spirit which produces the system. It is a social and political ethic emerging from the peculiarities of Japanese psychology and history. It is identified with Japanese development from the beginning and is regarded as vitally necessary to the maintenance of the Japanese state. It is admittedly applied as a means of stabilizing existing Japanese institutions in the presence of distintegrating and suppressing tendencies supposedly threatening Japan through the incoming of Occidental civilization. It lays out a program of Shinto educa- tion in which the primary motive is the development of reverence for the past, respect for authority and loyalty to existing institu- tions of the state. It inculcates ideas of the unique sanctity and moral authority of Imperial Rescripts, together with special regard for the " peculiar dignity and superiority of the Imperial House of Japan "^ and the assurance that " the national ideal of Japan is unsurpassed and impregnable."^ In such a way the protection afforded Japanese institutions by the Tokugawa seclusion policy which was disrupted by the arrival of the " black ships" of Perry in 1853, is now secured by a psychological and educational program that attempts to strengthen the inner spirit rather than to put a wall of seclusion about the land.' Modern Japanese exposition of the elements of '■' national morality " comes back, sooner or later, to the ethical teaching of the Imperial Rescript on Education, promulgated in 1890. The Japanese government and a large number of individual writers on the subject are agreed that the Rescript on Education 1. Cf. Inouye, pp. cit., pp. 2-3. • 2. Cf. Motoori, " Shinto Education," Japan Magazine, May, 1917, p- 4I. 3. Ibid., p. 42. 4. Cf, Inouye, of. c'J. pp, 84-100. )72 tHE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. must be taken as setting forth the basis of contemporary Ja[)anese ethics, both public and private. The official English translation of this Rescript is here given for purposes of re- ference. ' ' Knoiv Ye, Our Subjects : " Our Imperial Ancestors have founded Our Empire on a basis broad and everlasting, and have deeply and firmly im- planted virtue ; Our subjects ever united in loyalty and filial piety have from generation to generation illustrated the beauty thereof. This is the glory of the fundamental character of Our Empire, and herein also lies the source of Our education. Ye, Our subjects, be filial to your parents, affectionate to your brothers and sisters ; as husbands and wives be harmonious, as friends true ; bear yourselves in modesty and modera- tion ; extend your benevolence to all ; pursue learning and cultivate arts, and thereby develop intellectual faculties and perfect moral powers ; furthermore, advance public good and promote common interests ; always respect the Con- stitution and observe the laws ; should emergency arise, offer yourselves courageously to the State ; and thus guard and maintain the prosperity of Our Imperial Throne coeval with heaven and earth. So shall ye be not only Our good and faith- ful subjects but render illustrious the best traditions of your forefathers. *' The Way here set forth is indeed the teaching bequeath- ed by Our Imperial Ancestors, to be observed alike by Their Descendants and the subjects, infallible for all ages and true in all places. It is Our wish to lay it to heart in all reverence, in common with you. Our subjects, that we may all attain to the same virtue. '' The 30th day of the loth month of the 23rd year of Meiji. [The 30th of October, 1890]. (hiiperial Sign Manual, Imperial Seal)."^ I. For the history of this translatic.n consult Kikiuki,X):(\^oVw, Jc.fanese Education (London, 1909), pp. 1-3. An oiiicial edition of the original Japanese THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 73 On the day following the promulgation of this Rescript the Minister of Education, Mr. YosJukazva Akimasa, issued instruc- tions which .indicated plainly the use which the government intended to make of the document. A translation of the order follows. " His Imperial Majesty, deeply anxious concerning the education of His subjects, has graciously handed down an Im- perial Rescript. I, Akimasa, the present incumbent of the office of Minister of Education, am entrusted with a great responsi- bility. Reflecting on the matter night and day, I am fearful lest I make a mistake. I have received the Imperial Rescript witli reverence and, deeply moved, have made copies thereof and am distributing them to the schools of the entire country. Those who are engaged in education, always obedient to the Imperial will, must not neglect the duties of culture and disci- pline, and especially on the days of school ceremonies or on some date determined according to convenience, the pupils must be assembled and the Imperial Rescript on Education must be read before them. Furthermore, the meaning must be carefully explained to the pupils and they must be instructed to obey it at all times. "^ text may be found in almost any one of the numerous text -books on ethics pub- lished by the Japanese Department of Education, as for example, Jinjo Shogaku Shtishinsho (^^/h^f^^g-J^, " Text-book of Ethics for Primary Schools "), Vol. VI, Preface. I. Mombtisho Ktmrei, Ippanho no Bn (^j^^rIiI-^, -^j|55i^ pfK, " Instruc- tions of the Department of Education, Section on General Regulations "), p. I, Oct. 31, 1890. In 1912 Mr. Yoshikawa made public a statement on the actual origin of the Irr^perial Rescript on Education which makes interesting reading, especially in view of the fact that the above order would naturally lead the reader to infer that the composition of the rescript is referable in toto solely to the Emperor Meiji Mr Yoshikawa's explanation, as given below, shows that the rescript had its origin in an effort to apply a corrective to certain dangerous tendencies appearing in Japanese life in the eighties of the last century owing to the rapid and indiscriminate " westernization " that had been going on, and furthermore, thaf, as a matter of fact, the opinion of experts consulted in the compilation of the rescript was fai 74 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. Along with this statement on the part of the Minister of Education there appeared a covering order from the Depart- ment of Education, indicating the same intention of utilizing the new rescript as the basis of public instruction in ethics. The order reads, '* Concerning the Imperial Rescript on Education and the Instruction of the Minister of Education, to the Hokkaido Government, the Urban Prefectures, and the other Prefectures. from being unanimous as lo the expediency of this attempt to build national character on a modified Confucian basis. The statement says, " At the time of the Restoration the late Emperor declared it would be the guiding principle of his government to introduce western civilization into the country and to establish New Japan upon that civilization. Consequently every institution in Japan was westernized and the atmosphere of the " new civilization " was felt in almost every stratum of society. Indeed the process of westernization was carried to extremes. Thus those who advocated the virtues of righteousness, loyalty and filial duty brought down on themselves the cynical laughter of the men who professed as their first principle the westernization of Japan every way, and who declared that the champions of the old fashioned virtues were ignorant of the changed social condition of the Empire. " But if any tendency is carried too far, inevitably there comes a reaction. The excessive westernization of Japan very naturally aroused strong opposition among conservative people, especially scholars of the Japanese and Chinese clas- sics, who thought it dangerous for the moral standard of this Empire to see this process carried even into the moral teachings of the people. Thus a hot contro- versy followed between scholars, publicists and teachers who were divided into many schools. The question was so keenly agitated that it was taken up at a meeting of Governors at the Home Office in 1890. At that time Prince Yama- gata was Minister of Home Affairs, and I was the Vice-Minister of the same depart- ment and personally witnessed the heated debate at the Governors' conference. It was, however, agreed in the end among the Home Office authorities that as the question concerned the people's thought, it must be dealt with rather by the educa- ti(M-ial authorities than by the Hom.e Office officials. "• His Majesty at once instructed the Minister of Education, Viscount Eno- moto, to frame some principles for education. Viscount Enomoto, however, resign- ed for some reason before he had completed the task and I succeeded him and had to complete the work, I consulted the late Viscount Ki Inouye, then Director of the Legislation Bureau, on the matter, and the draft was finally drawn up. While, however, the draft was under compilation, we frequently approaclicd the Emperor, and asked his gracious advice upon the moral principles whicli were to be embodied in the new moral standard of the nation. "As people know, the Imperial Rescript on Education was based on the four THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 75 The Minister ot Education has issued instructions relative to the Imperial Rescript on Education, graciously promulgated recently by His Imperial Majesty, and copies will be distributed to all schools, whether public or private, within the jurisdiction of the department. Thus the Imperial Will will be fully carried out.'" An order appearing in the regulations of Tokyo Prefecture at practically the same time as the above, states in so many words that the new Rescript was to constitute the foundation of Japan- ese education. The statement says : '* Recently, the Imperial virtues : benevolence, righteousness, loyalty and filial piety. The making of these four virtues the foundation of the national education was, however, strongly criti- cized at that time, and some scholars even declared that these virtues were imported from China and ought never to be established as the standard of the nation's morality. Others again said that, should such old fashioned virtues be encouraged among the people, it would mean the revival of the old form of virtue typified by private revenge, etc. But I strongly upheld the teaching of those four principal virtues, saying that the essence of man's morality is one and the same irrespective of place or time, although it might take different forms according to different cir- cumstances, and that therefore the aforesaid four virtues could well be made the moral standard of the Japanese people. " The Imperial Rescript was issued in its original form, and, in spite of the criticism and opposition before its promulgation, which caused much fear about its future, the Rescript, once issued, soon came to be the light of the people in their moral teaching and is now firmly established as the standard of the nation's morality." Japan Advertiser, Aug. 6, I912, Trans, from Kokumin Shimbun, Aug. 5, 191 2. In estimating the importance to be attached to the criticism that the virtues stated in the rescript " were imported from China " comparison should be made with the cardinal virtues of Confucianism, namely, benevolence or humanity, righteousness, wisdom, propriety, and faith. Compare also the well-known virtues of Platonism, i.e. wisdom, courage, temperance, and righteousness or justice. The relations of ruler and subject, of parent and child, of husband and wife, of brothers and sisters, and of friends with which the rescript concerns itself . merely repeat the gorin, or five human relationships, of Confucian ethics. I. Mombusho Kunrei^ Ippanho no Bn, order No. 8, Oct. 31, 1890. Note also, " The portraits of the Emperor and Empress and the copy of the Imperial Rescript on Education, which have been bestowed on eacli school within the jurisdiction of the department, should be placed most reverently in a designated place within the school." Mombusho Kuareiy No. -4, Nov. 17, 1891. j6 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. Rescript on Education was graciously conferred and instruction was also given out by the Minister of Education. The Rescript constitutes the great foundation of the education of our country.^ Communication is hereby made to all public and private schools that all who engage in education must obey the Imperial com- mand and must be assiduous not to mistake the aim of education m the future."^ Further evidence showing the extraordinary importance which the Japanese government attaches to the Imperial Rescript on Education as an instrument of nationalistic moral training may be seen in the Japanese educational program directed toward the assimilation of Korea. An official statement on the subject says : " As one of the vital aim's of the new educational system is to develop in the younger generations of Koreans such moral character as will make them loyal subjects of Imperial Japan, not only is the general idea of the fundamental principles set forth in the Imperial Rescript on Education pretty well understood by most of the present-day students, but the new national anthem is quickly becoming their favorite song *' As alluded to in the last Annual Report, when the new educational system in the Peninsula was formed, the Imperial Rescript on Education, issued for Japan twenty-one years ago, was graciously granted to the Governor-General, and the Im- perial Will, desiring the extension of the fundamental principles of the national education to the Peninsula, was thus clearly manifested, also that Koreans and Japanese were alike regarded as His Majesty's loyal subjects. Receiving this Imperial Re- script with reverence, the Governor-General decided to distribute copies of it among the Government Schools and other Public Schools. On January 4th, 19 12, the Governor-General issued an instruction to the Provincial Governments and Government Schools with regard to the Imperial Rescript on Education. J- i^V^WiM ^ i<%- Cf- also Kikuchi, op. cit., pp. 3, 102-3. 2. Mombushd Kiavei, (3rder No. 27, Tokyo-fu Kunrei (" Instructions for Tokyo Prefecture "), Nov., 1890. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 77 During the year under review, Government and Public Schools receiving copies of the Impsrial Rescript numbered 473."^ The Imperial Rescript on Education has come to be re- garded as a sort of condensed sacred Scripture of the official cult, especially by advocates of the nationalistic-ethical school of Shinto. The position of this school is well set forth in the I. Annual Report on Reforms and Progress in Chosen [^Kored) I912-I3, pp. 207-8. (Compiled by the Government-General of Chosen, Seoul, Dec. 1914)' Mr. Sekiya Tasaburo, formerly Director of the Education Bureau of the Korean Government, a man who has been characterized as largely responsible for the Japanese educational policy in Korea, has declared, " The fundamental purpose and policy of the government in its educational work in Korea is none other than that which it has before its mind constantly in Japan, namely, upon the basis of the Imperial Rescript on Education, to train the pupils into a loyal and virtuous people." J. E., Nov. 1913, p. 481. Under the circiimstances it is, perhaps, hardly to be expected that Japanese criticism of the Imperial Rescript on Education should manifest any special courage or originality. Ordmary Japanese attempts at evaluation hasten to make avowal of the superlative all-sufficiency of the rescript as an instrument of moral education. It is " perfect in spirit and in form, especially in fostering the spirit of loyalty and patriotism." {Cf. Kafo, N., "The Educational System of Japan," T. J. S. L., Vol. XVI, p. 142). It is a most clear statement of the essence of Japanese national life, an authoritative expression of the virtues of the individual, the home and the nation, an exhaustive exhibition of the good and the beautiful. {Cf. Ebina, Danjo, in Shinjin, Dec. 27, 1910). Dr. Uesugi Shinkichi says, "The Imperial Rescript on Education supplies the bones of Japanese morality and the foundation of the spirit of the nation. It transcends all criticism," (^ff^ii^ ^t^, Kokutai Kempo oyobi Kensei, " The National Organization, the Constitution and Constitutional Government," Tokyo, 1916, p. 82). Prof. Tanaka Yoshito, says, " The Imperial Rescript on Education is the august teaching of the gods (Imperial Ancestors)." {Shinto Hongi, p. 152). The same author, writing in 1 9 18 and commenting on the " Great Way " set forth in the rescript says, " Un- like what Confucius says in the Analects, or what Gautama says in the Sutras, or what Christ teaches in the Bible, the Emperor Meiji did not merely express his own august opinion (in the Rescript), but, indeed, he set forth in epitome the teaching bequeathed by the Imperial Ancestors, who are worshipped as gods in the shrines which our people have established." (^KiM^W^-S^fS* Kdkumin Dotoku y^;_)'^ A%/, " Lectures on the Essentials of Naional Morality," Tokyo, 1918, p. 145). These latter statements are especially worthy of consideration in view of what Mr. Yoshikawa has said concerning the actual origin of the rescript. An occasional criticism, while maintaining the {lawlessness of the rescript y8 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. writings of Tanaka Yoshito, recently appointed lecturer on Shinto in the Tokyo Imperial University J From the point of view of Tanaka's discussion a full and sufficient indication of the practical norm of Japanese social and political obligations is to be found in the Imperial Rescript on Education. '' The Imperial Rescript on Education gives the essential elements of Shinto. That is to say, it expresses the last testaments of our Imperial Ancestors, which must be kept by our people."^ The origins of the moral propositions of this rescript are to be found in the indigenous development of the Japanese race. In conformity with this position Tanaka expounds Shinto as the unique historical deposit of Japanese racial psycho- logy. In spite of the fact that various religious cults and moral codes have existed in Japan from ancient times right down to the present, Shintd alone expresses the true spirit of the Japanese people. The essential meaning of Shinto is thus to be determined by reference to the qualities of this spirit. The heart of the cult is not religion at all in the ordinary sense ;^ it is Yamato Dauia- sJiii, the peculiar psychological endowment of the race. The itself, attacks the ethical instruction that is based thereon as formal and fruitless. {Cf. Kato, op. cit. ; Ebina, op. cit.). Here and there a Japanese critic appears with the courage of his convictions. The editors of the Japmi Year Book have declared, " The Rescript, with all respect to its august origin, primarily aims to produce patriotic and law-abiding citizens and is equally deficient in inspiring and leavening power." (The Japan Year Book, 1911, p. 260.. Dr. N. Ariga eluci- dates the historical background of the rescript thus : " When the Constitution was granted in 1889, it was feared by some that the development of the idea of * the rights of the people ' would destroy the idea of loyalty and patriotism, and the famous Rescript on Education was the result, which looked at humanity entirely from the standpoint of intellect, and excluded all element of faith and mystery." (J. E. July, 1908, p. 259, trans, by Japan Chronkle). I. Prof. Tanaka is the most prolific of the modern Japanese Shintoists* For a list of his most important writings consult Appendix B 2 Shinto Hong}, p. 156. Cf. also i'nd., pp. 147, 152-8. 3. Tanaka does not attempt to deny the existence of religious elements in Shinto. {Cf Kokninin Dotoku Yoiyo Kogl, pp. 162-3). ^^'^ that he regards Shinto as something more fundamental than mere religion, is to be seen in his insis'ence I hat Shinto is a Great Way that underlies morality, politics, education and religion alike. {Shinto Hongi, pp. 28, 1 13, 115, 162 ff.). His emphasis TPIE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINT5. Jg question is immediately raised, what are the fundamental psycho- logical characteristics of the Japanese people ? According to Tanaka, these are three in number : (i). An intellectual nature capacitating for orderliness and unification {C/iitsujo teki toitsu teki sJiiso). (2). A Vivacious and practical (lit. '' this-worldly ") emo- tional nature {Kai/caisu teki gensei teki kanjo). (3). A disposition toward development and expansion {Hatten teki bocJio teki seikakii)} The unique importance attached to this three-fold pyscho- logical endowment in Japanese historical development is seen in Tanaka's statement : *' This spirit has afforded the foundation from which Shinto has had its rise."" The manifestation of this spirit in the actual life of Japan constitutes Shinto. These psychological characteristics in the uniqueness of their combina- tion are explained as the particular possessions of the Japanese. ** To be sure," Tanaka adm'ts, *' we must recognize the fact that such intellectual qualities as orderliness and the capacity for unification have been conspicuous among the Chinese. In the case of this people however, even early in the ancient period of their history, this spirit collapsed well nigh to the foundations owing to changes in the reigning dynasties. Also a sprightly emotional nature, in which the things of the present world were especially emphasized, is to be noted as having obtained among the Greeks. We must likewise admit that a capacity for deve- lopment and expansion was preeminent among the Romans. These nations, however, possessed these virtues singly. With throughout is fundamentally ethical and political. Shint5, even as a religion, relates primarily to the politico-religious affairs of Japanese society. {Cf. /iji^ii^ ^^){fg^, Shinto Tetstigaku Seigi, " The Essential Meaning of Shinto Philoso- phy," Tokyo, 1918, p. 210"). He declares emphatically that if the content of religion is limited to the special character:stics manifested by Buddhism and Christianity then Shinto is not religion. {Op. cit , p. 205). 1. Shinto Hongi, p. 32. See also /fc^^m^^ tf^? Motoori N'orinaga no Tetsiigakii, " The Philosophy of Motoori Norinaga," p- 57- 2. Shinto Hongi y p. 34. 80 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO the succeeding decline of their national destinies, they became extinguished and disappeared. Our race alone, having ever been superior to the misfortune of ruin, has preserved this intel- lectual nature, this emotional quality, and this capacity (for expansion) in a special way and consequently has developed. In fine, this mentality {shiso), this emotional nature {kanjo), this character {scikaku), taken together as one, constitute the in- herent spiritual quality of our race."^ This Yamato Damas/iii, or national spirit of Japan, is no recent and transient achievement. It has marked Japanese psychology from most ancient times, and thus, deeply embedded in the spiritual depths of the race, its unchanging perpetuation throughout the future is guaranteed. The divine ancestors have embodied the very essence of this spirit and have revealed its virtues. Particularly is this true of the sacred emperors who may properly be regarded as the incarnations of the true Japanese spirit. ^* Furthermore " — to quote — " the deeds and examples of all of our emperors from ancient times down to the present, have exerted a mighty influence on our people and have become the norm of national action in politics, in religion and in ethics, thus completely regulating the activities and utterances of the nation. Thus, both the basis and the norm for the activities of the Japanese race have their origin in the deeds of our sacred ancestors. This is Shinto.'''^ '* The most revered of all the kamiare those of the successive generations of the Imperial Line, beginning with the Divine Ancestress, Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami. The matters that have been disclosed by these successive generations of >^^w/, beginning with Aina-icrasu-o-ini-kami, constitute the principal part of Shinto."' " This Shinto, already in the ancient period, exercised an important influence, in harmony with the intellectual, emotional, and practical necessities of the time. Thus, as revealed in every- 1. Motoori Norinaga no Tetsugaku, p. 57. 2. Ibid , pp. 57-58. 3. Shinto Jlongi, p. 145. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 8 1 day affairs prior to the introduction of Confucianism, which has exercised such a great influence on the moral life of our people, Shinto constituted our national ethical system. Also, prior to the introduction of Buddhism which has exerted such power in the religious world of Japan, Shinto was the religion that gave calmness and tranquility to our people. Furthermore, in the Imperial Rescript of the third day of the first month of the third year of Meiji, it is written, * The Heavenly Deities and Sacred Ancestors ascended the Imperial Throne and founded the Im- perial Line. Sacred Emperors reigned in succession, continuing and extending the lineage. Religion and government were unseparated and the people were all united in a single heart. Above, government and education were excellent, and below, manners and custorns were beautiful.' According to this, from most ancient time on, government and religion have been one, and prior to the introduction of Chinese political pliilo- sophy, Shinto was the way of political affairs. In addition Shinto had its influence on every aspect of the practical life of our people. Thus it is, that in just such manner as we Japanese have received our bodies, even to our hair and our skin, from our divine ancestors, handed down uncorrupted from father to son, so also, the fundamental things of Shinto are eternal, handed down from generation to generation."^ On the basis of his analysis of the Japanese spirit Tanaka is led to affirm a fundamental difference between the Japanese and other races. " In the matter of basic conceptions there is a difference between the people of our nation and foreigners." ^ This fundamental difference manifests itself primarily in the atti- tude toward the state. In the foreign point of view the state is ultimately subordinated to individualism.^ The Japanese spirit on the other hand, characteristically expresses itself in the com- plete abandonment of individualism to the support of a state life 1. Moiooii Norhiaga no Tetsiigaku, pp. 58-60. 2. Shinto Hongi, p. 140. 3. IbUl, p. 139. 82 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. organized around the principle of imperial sovereignty. This fact has given extraordinary stability to Japanese political iustitu- tions. There has been going on in the past a fierce struggle for existence among the nations of the earth. It is to be noted that not one of the great European nations of the remote past has survived into the present/ Japan alone of the modern nations of the world has an unbroken existence extending back to the dawn of history. How does it happen that throughout a history of three thousand years Japan has never lost territory to foreign aggression and has preserved intact the integrity of her empire ? The author answers, '' In solution of this problem I maintain that this in a word is due to the fact of the existence from ancient times of the unique Great Way of our nation."^ The historical result is that the Japanese Empire '^ possesses a national organiza- tion {kokiitai) without parallel in the world. "^ The military value of this apologetic is not lost sight of by Prof. Tanaka. He attempts to maintain that the military suc- cesses of Japan can only be fully explained by reference to the fundamental qualities of this unique Japanese spirit.'* He admits that in external, physical characteristics the Japanese must be classified along with other human beings. The significant differ- ences, however, are in the spiritual realm. '' If Japanese and foreigners are the same, how does it happen that in the two great wars of recent times, namely in the Sino -Japanese and the Russo- Japanese wars, countries great in population, wide in area, rich in wealth, superior in military equipment, and great in number of soldiers — how does it happen that such a China and such a Russia went down before a Japan, limited in population, small in area, deficient in soldiers (from a numerical standpoint) and lacking in wealth ? " The author's answer is, " The result is due to the fact that over and above these matters of military equip- 1. //W., pp., ii8 ff. 2. Ibid., p. 121. 3. Ibid., p. 112. 4. Ibid , pp. 146 ff. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO, 83 ment, numbers of soldiers, population, and area, there exists a unique and special something with which these things cannot be compared. That is to say, in as mucli as there prevails among the people of our nation our characteristic Great Way, in a word, because there exists a Great Way unmatched in all the world, this result has come forth. In the face of this, the strong- est country in the world must shrink back."^ Shinto is thus in its last analysis simply the historical mani- festation of the unique Japanese Spirit. Shinto as the Great Way of Yamato DatnasJdi underlies Japanese religion, ethics politics, and education. As already pointed out, this interpreta" tion harmonizes easily with the official declaration that Shinto is not a religion, although Prof. Tanaka, himself, would go much farther than the government in admitting genuine religious: ele- I. Ibid., pp. 148-9, Written before the World War. Dr, G. Kato, writing subsequent to the World Wr-' -ias presented Yamato Damashii as having at its heart the unique patriotism of the Japanese. ( IVaga Kokutai to Shinto, p. 221). Waller Dening wrote in 1910, " The language used by certain Japanese writers claims for them the possession of ctrlain mysterious hidden merits not found in other nations. Their regard for the Emperor, for instance, is representedas far superior to the feeling which Englishmen have for their King, Baron Kikuchi, Dr. Kato [Hiroyuki], even Mr. Sawayanagi, and many other writers use language that is capable of no other \nterpreiation. Baron Kikuchi tells Englishmen and Americans they have not the eyes to see this. It is one of those mysteries that only Japanese can understand. On their regard for the Emperor is based all tnat is best in Japanese human nature, according to Dr. Kikuchi. He and many others assume that their attitude to the throne places Japanese high above all nations and that the patriotism displayed by the Japanese has its sources in the respect they feel for the Emperor. It may be so, but it would certainly be true to say that equally ardent patriotism is to be seen in nuiiierous other countries wiiose constitution is radically different from that of Japan." (Art, "Reason and Sentiment in this Country," y^?/ cit, p. 53. 2. Ibui., P- 57- 3- [^l^fi+S^, Tokyo, I914. 4 Oj). cit., p. 40. THE POLITICAL PHILCSDPHY OF MODERN SHINTO, 89 tral Sanctuary of the Imperial Palace, and in case of death on behalf of the public weal are collectively commemorated at the Yasukuni Shrine. This is proof that the shrines are not related to religion."^ We have next to consider the religious application of the nationalistic-ethical interpretation, hi the eyes of certain Japan- ese writers, especially those interested in the development of genuine religious education, one of the great practical values of the purely ethical interpretation of Shinto, when consistently applied, is that it is calculated to eliminate all fundamental diffi- culties lying between actual religion and the fostering of national morality through the medium of Shinto ceremonials. We may first note in this connection the exposition of Dr. Hiroike Senkuro who writes from the standpoint of an adherent of the Shinto sects and in particular of Tenri Kyo. This author in his book Jinja Sukei to Shukyo, " Shrine Reverence and Religion,"^ gives the weight of his support to the interpretation that, from the standpoint of national law the official Shinto shrines are not religious institutions. His entire discussion is based on the idea of a two-fold function in the shrines, themselves, namely, that arising out of what may be called a popular character which is admitted to be genuinely religious, and that relating to an official character which is ethical and nationalistic. These two functions may be discharged at one and the same shrine and even in one and the same ceremony without conflict or inconsis- tency. The basis of Dr. Hiroike's distinction, however, may hardly be said to lodge in a thorough-going examination of either the nature of religion or of the actual ceremonials of the shrines. His conclusions rest on an acceptance of legal enact- ments as final. In particular he interprets the religious laws of 1882 and of 1900 to mean that, under existing Japanese law, the shrines are not religious institutions.' 1. Ibid., pp. 45-46. 2. m%M%^ 1' ^M. Tokyo, I9I5. 3. Ibid., p. 42 fif. 90 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. Hiroike thus explains the official position to mean that the shrines are cult centers where reverence and gratitude toward ihe great leaders of Japanese history are expressed and stimulat- ed. They are not properly places where private supplication is offered to the spiritual world/ He admits that there are certain ceremonials conducted at the shrines which because of their historical origins may, from a certain standpoint, be interpreted as having mingled in theiii the meaning of prayer, and also grants that individuals may approach the shrines impelled by the idea of supplicating spiritual powers for various temporal benefits. " The mere matter of prayer for the future, however, and, again, the practice of distributing charms have no relation whatever with so-called religion from the standpoint of national law."^ At the same time Hiroike admits that if one regards the matter from an academic or idea- listic position, or perhaps from a sociological point of view, there is no objection to saying that the activities of the official shrines are based on religious notions and that the rituals bear a religious meaning. Yet, on the other hand, whatever be the nature of the supplications with which the individual approaches the shrine, there is no reason why, from the standpoint of law, the shrines should be regarded as religious institutions. National law has never interfered with the belief of the people in ordinary cases. The implication which the author here makes is, that for the state to attempt a reformation in individual beliefs and practices connected with the shrines would be tantamount to an abridg- ment of the religious freedom guaranteed under the Japanese Constitution. Furthermore, he argues, in case either individuals or groups of individuals make entreaties at the shrines for such particular benefits as good crops or large hauls of fish, there is nothing in conflict with national law if priests in charge conform to the meaning of such prayers and, by making use of proper ritual, 1. Ibid., pp. 47-8. 2. Ibid., p. 50. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SH[NTO. 9 1 present the supplications to the deities. The author adds in explanation, ''The action of the priests in announcing to the sacred spirits the wishes and the decisions of faith of village people and proteges of tutelary deities is exactly like that of the mother who presents to the father the desires and aspirations toward the future entertained by a child. No harm is done as long as the ceremonies are decorous. Accordingly, it is plain that there is no occasion for the government to interfere with the form which the announcement assumes.'" This direct contact with the people, however, is to be taken advantage of by the priest in order to train them in an under- standing of the true significance of the shrines. On this point Hiroike says, " Since the priest is permitted to give lectures on the virtues of the deities, he should labor diligently to exalt these virtues and to explain to the parishioners the necessity of reverence and respect toward ancestors, and to make clear the great prin- ciples of loyalty and filial piety and thus cultivate a f^ioral faith.'*^ The author is led to the conclusion, *' The shrines transcend all religion and are of such a nature as to require the veneration {suhai) of the nation as a whole. This reverence {sonsu) is an important part of the national morality and is not to be adjusted according to individual choice. Therefore it is a matter of course that according to one's residence in province, city, village or hamlet he should be assigned to his appropriate group of parishioners. [This of course without regard tor other religious connection]. In as much, then, as he is a member of the nation or a resident of a village or town, it becomes impossible that he should be exempt from a tax levied as his proper portion of the expense of the shrine to which his worshiping group is related. And even though the legal restrictions did not exist at all, one who should reject or censure this arrangement would already have lost his qualifications as a member of the Japanese nation. 1. Ibid., p. 51. 2, Op. cit. 92 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. From the standpoint of national morality it would be necessary to pronounce him a person with serious defects of character.'" A modern Christian apologist, Tanaka Tatsu, has attempted an exposition of Shinto from this same standpoint.^ The prin- ciple underlying his harmonization may be formulated thus : The conception of deity in true religion and the idea of kaDii as found in pure Shinto are of such radically diverse natures as to render any conflict between Shinto and real religion impossible. Tanaka attempts, in the first place, to establish the proposi- tion, '' The Way of the Gods {S/iindd) is equivalent to the Way of Men " {Jindo). This statement, although resembling that advanced by various modern students of religion, to the effect that there is nothing in the god-world that is not first in the man-world, is nevertheless, from the standpoint of our Japanese author, different, since he recognizes the existence of religious values not included in Shinto, as he understands it. Tanaka thus develops the further proposition that in pure Shinto the so-called deities are nothing more than human beings. In other words tije essential nature of Shinto is to be found in a system of human ethics, centered in the Japanese state.^ In support of his position, Tanaka makes no attempt to sift the ancient Japanese literature bearing on his discussion, nor is he willing to admit that the actual religious life of the Japanese people, as expressed in the various Shinto sects of the present, affords any criterion for the determination of the true nature of Shinto. On the other hand, he settles the matter by an appeal to the authority of certain recognized Japanese scholars, namely Kada Azumamaro, Arai Hakuseki, Kama Mabuchi, Motoori Norinaga, Watarae Nobuyoshi, Tanaka Yoshito, and Inouye Tetsujiro. By a proper selection of this scholastic evidence Tanaka is enabled to conclude that both ancient and modern 1. Ibid., p. 54. 2. Tanaka, T^i%\x, Shinto Kanken {^M^%, l^jt;^^, " A Birds-eye View of bhinlo "), Tokyo, I915. 3. Op. cit., pp. 1-7. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 93 scholars are one in maintaining that the deities of Shinto are human beings. " It is here, I believe," says Tanaka, " that the point of reconciliation between Shinto and Christianity is to be found, and for the following reason. In the case of both Shinto and Christianity we have come to employ the same term for deit}', namely kami. Although the sound is identical in each case, as a matter of fact, there is a fundamental difference. Both Hirata and he Teijo have repeatedly complained that it has been the source of much confusion to have applied the Chinese ideogram for deity^ to the Japansse word kami. In the same way, I consider it regrettable that either the Chinese form or the Japan- ese term kami has been used to express the Christian conception of Jehovah."' It is important to take note of the ethical qualities which Tanaka emphasizes as fundamental in Shinto. Following in the lead of Tanaka Yoshito and Inouye Tetsujiro he reduces Shinto ethics to the operation of three primary virtues, wisdom, benevo- lence and valor.^ These are regarded as having been particu- larly prominent in the Japanese race from most ancient times right down to the present. Through the influence of foreign cults, however, notably Confucianism and Buddhism, this pure Shinto indigenous to Japan has been modified and corrupted. It is not dif^cult to see in this a reafifirmation of the arguments of the Shinto revivalists of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Tanaka concludes that if the syncretistic elements introduced through contact with foreign religions and also the impurities that have survived out of primitlvaty— both Japanese and foreign — could be eliminated from modern Shinto, then as a corise- quence popular Shinto with its supernaturalism and superstition 2. Tanaka, Op. city p. 7. 3- ^^, fUj ^, Tanaka, (9/. r//., p. 80; Cf. I/wiiye, Tetsujiro, in Ton no Uikari, VoL V, No. 7 ; Vol, 10, No. 8; also Kokiuiiiii T>dlokti Gaiicn, p. 138. 94 TEE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. would probably die. This he believes would be greatly to the advantage of pure Shinto. What would be lett would be an expression of the Japanese spirit which would find the objects of ceremonial and devotion altogether within the human realm, that is, within the field of Japanese society. *' I have no objection/' Tanaka adds, '' to defining Shiuuo as that spiritual activity which expresses itself in development with Japan as center [after Inouye Tetsujiro]. In this sense Shinto cannot be taken as a religion. If Shinto is not a religion, then the popular perplexity with regard to Shinto is solved and followers of other cults can be- lieve in their religions in peace. The main motive of the govern- ment in actually dividing Shinto into two parts and attaching one part to the Bureau of Shrines and the other to the Bureau of Religions is probably to be found here."^ - That the interpretation which Tanaka makes is strongly influenced by Japanese nationalism and yet, at the same time, is religious in its fundamental interest, is apparent without further elaboration. Dr. Takagi Jintaro, who until his recent death was one of the leaders of the Christian movement in Japan, found oppor- tunity on the occasion of the dedication of the Meiji Shrine in the autumn of 1920 to write, *' The relation of the Shinto shrines to religion is a matter in which even among scholars there is not unanimity of opinion. The government, however, has com- pletely separated the shrines from religion. The government, by inaKing a distinction between Shrine Shinto {Jinja Shinto) and Religious Shintd {S/mkyo Shinto) has made it plain that the shrines are not religious institutions." Dr. Takagi calls attention to the shrine laws of 1900 and 19 13 which put Christianity, Buddhism, and Shinto sects under the control of the Bureau of Religions in the Department of Education while placing the shrines in charge o{ the Bureau of Shrines in the Department of Home Affairs and on the basis of this legal distinction says. 57. Tanaka, O^. cit., pp. 81-2, THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 95 ** Thus it is that the shrines are altogether outside of religion. To be sure, it cannot be sa'd that at present there is a complete elimination of religious elements in the shrines. Such practices as the distribution of charms and the making of vows to the gods still exist. On the part of multitudes of people the shrines are worshipped as the objects of religious faith. This gives basis to the arguments that the shrines are religious. But in as much as the government classifies them as not religious and is laboring to separate them from religion, there is no necessity that we should insist that they are religious. We also should put forth efforts to separate the shrines as far as possible from all religious elements." The majority of the shrines, according to Dr. Takagi's view, are dedicated to ancestral kaini, that is, to emperors, national heroes, and those who have won merit in the service of the state. " The shrines have their origin in the idea of reverence for ancestors and are not expressive of the religious spirit." This interpretation agrees with that of Tanaka Tatsu in the view that the great kanii of Shinto are men. On the other hand, the God of Christianity is the Great Spirit of Life who created the worlds and who providentially directs human history. He cannot be made the property of a single race or nation. If the kami commemorated at the shrines were of such a nature as to entitle them to occupy the position of the God of Christianity, then Christians would of course be unable to worship them, but this is not the case. Since the kami of the shrines are the ancestors of the Imperial Family and the spirits of Japanese heroes, their nature differs altogether from that of the God of Christianity. Dr. Takagi concludes : *' Thus it is that our feel- ing in venerating these (the ancestral kami) and our feeling in case of worshiping the One God are inherently different. For this reason shrine reverence is not a thing that cannot be harmonized with Christian faith." The same writer speaks of the newly dedicated Meiji shrine as a kinen butsu, '* a memorial institution." He compares the shrines with the commemorative statues and buildings of Europe g6 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHT OF MODERN SHINTO. and America. The real meaning of the shrines is not essentially different from that of Westminster Abbey and the Pantheon. " To be sure," he says, '' the shrines of our country differ m form from these memorial institutions, but in inner meaning they are similarly related to commemoration and gratitude."* Ebina Danjo and Kozaki Hiromichi may be taken as further representatives of this same Christian-Shinto school. Dr. Ebina has long advocated that the Christian forces of Japan should build on the official determination that the national shrines are merely for the promotion of national morality and in no seiise religious. He significantly says, '' Unless we Christians hold fast to that distinction we are bound to have trouble."^ This same writer finds it regrettable, however, that there still lingers about the shrines the odor of an old religion and fears the results of possible compromise with lingering religious ideas and practices. Dr. Kozaki likewise finds any difficulties between Chris- tianity and official Shinto precluded by the government declara- tion of 1882 making the shrines of no connection with religious Shinto. '' The shrines," he says, '' are institutions where those who have won merit in the service of the state are commemorat- ed and they are altogether without relation to religion."^ He declares that they are '^ klnen-Jii no gotoki mono,'' objects com- parable with monuments."'' It would seem fair to state that these Christian writers are either consciously or unconsciously interpreting the situation in such a way as to gain standing room for Christianity. In secur- ing this form of Christian-Shinto apologetic the government 1. Takagi, Jintaro, Jiuja io Shiikyo tii t suite {'%:^^kM^ t^%. \^ %WL- sJtT," Concerning Shrines and Religion " , Kyokai Jiho (" The Christian Times," • Methodist), Nov. 12, 1920, No. 1524. 2. Ebina, Danjo, " Stumbling Blocks in the Way of Japanese Inquirers and How to Remove Them," /r/^;/. Evangelist, Feb., 1915, (entire article, pp. 78-81), p. 80. 3. Kozaki, Hiromichi, Kokka to ShTtkyo (/JMUf-Ji^Jt, W^ b ^fC» " Reli- gion and the Nation"), Tokyo, 1913, p. 83. 4. Op. cit., p. 265. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 9/ policy has attained some success, at least as far as certain indivi- duals are concerned.^ The shrines here function as the means of ** centralizing the thought of the people " and at the same time religious satisfactions are secured elsewhere. It is very much to be doubted, however, if the solution is thus easy, trusting as it does in the finality of legal definition and resting on the assump- tions that the great deities of official Shinto are merely historical ancestors and that the Japanese idea of kami is fundamentally different from ordinary supernaturalism. Private opinion in the Christian church is far from agreeing unanimously with the solu- tions offered by such men as Tanaka, Takagi and Kozaki. The resolutions of Christian groups as such have already been stated. The Christian-Shinto solution is willing to go even farther than the government in advocating a radical reformation in ''reverence for the shrines," whereby they may be made an even stronger support for Japanese national morality. The pro- gram advocated involves two primary measures. I. The interpretation that official Shinto is not a religion is, likewise, being given wide -spread circulation outside of Japan. For example, De Forest, writing in 1905, says "Japan now has no state religion." Government subsidy is given the shrines, " not because of their religious character, but because they are historic monuments worthy of being maintained as silent teachers of the past." (De Forest, Religions 0/ Mission Fields,'^, ^i). Alfred Stead is of the opinion tha^ the completeness with which Japan has succeeded in separating church and state constitutes a model for the western world. He says, " Not only is there no State Church, but from the national standpoint there is an absolute equality where the various religions are concerned To sum up, then, the Western World may learn from Japan the dangers of a Slate Church, the elimination of politics from religion, tolerance, and a desire to seek out and help on the best in all creeds." (See T. J. S. L., Vol. VII, 1905-6, Pt. II, p. 194). TIie/^//^w Gazette year-book says, " It is noteworthy that in Japan religion, except in general practice, has no connection with politics." {The 'Japan Gazette' Japan \ ear Book, I9^3-M> P- 285). Mr, N. Kato, writing for the Japan Society of London, re- marks, " As to the religious teaching in the school, I do not know how the Gov- ernment could see the way through to its introduction, as there is no State Religion in Japan." (T. J. S. L., Vol. XVI, 1917-18, p. 142;. Hamilton Wright Mabie wrote in I914, " Shinto is no longer a religion ; it is a profound national sentiment. It never was a religion properly speaking ; but nature wor.ship was combined with it to satisfy the cravings of primitive worshipers." (Japan To-day and To-juorrow, 9^ THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. In the first place, it urges the eradication of certain incon- gruous institutions at present connected with *' reverence for the shrines," e.g. prostitute quarters in the environs of the shrines, as at Ise, Kasama, Tsukuba and elsewhere, also circuses, theatricals and moving picture shows established on shrine grounds at the time of important festivals. The second part of the program is more serious. It urges a government educational policy so completely carried out as to separate absolutely the shrines from all religion. Children in the public schools rather than being taken to visit the shrines, should be frankly taught that the " gods " of the shrines are mere men and not the proper objects of religious worship. Such a vigorous educational policy would necessitate the abandonment of all superstitions at present connected with the shrines, as for example, the beliefs that a deity or a group of deities actually inhabit the shrines^ that deities can be moved about from shrine to shrine, or that sacrifice and ritual are efficacious in establishing favorable relations with the kami^ We may turn next to the consideration of the nationalistic- religious interpretation of Shinto, in which modern Shintoists are deliberately attempting to appraise the shrines as religious in- stitutions. p. 27). Mr. K. Watanabe, speaking before the Second International Congress of the History of Religions said of Shinto, " Seine moralischen Vorschriften iiben noch einen tiefen Einflus auf das sittliche Leben aus. Allein er ist keine Religion mehr, sondern nur noch ein Zeremoniell bei fesllichen nationalen Anlassen Diese Tempel sind bloss Verehrungsdenkmaler fiir die bedeutenden Manner, die Japan grosse Dienste geleistet haben. Die Priester sind nur Verwaltungsbeamte dieser Tempel." ( Ades du Deiixieme Congirs Inter- national irHistoire des Religions, Bale, 1 904, pp. 103-4). See also Brinkley, Japan, Described and Illustrated by the Japanese,\o\.\\, p. 203; Griffis, W. E., Ihe Mikado, Institution and Person, p. 33. I. See J. E., I914 f^Aug.), pp. 341 ff. ; Shinji7t, July, I914. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODKUN SHINTO. 99 CHAPTER IV. Japanese Interpretations of Shinto : The Religious Definition. The most elaborate attempts that have yet been made by any modern Japanese writers to set forth Shinto as a religion are undoubtedly those recently undertaken by Dr. Kakehi Katsu- hiko' of the Law Department of the Imperial University of Tokyo and independently by Dr. Kato Genchi,^ lecturer on religion in the same institution and professor in the Military College of Tokyo. In the treatment accorded the subject by Dr. Kakehi an effort is made to expand Shinto into a great, all-inclusive world- religion, embracing within itself Buddhism, Confucianism, the thirteen Shinto sects, Christianity, Taoism, and Mohammedan- ism.^ *' Shinto," says Kakehi, "is the faith at the basis of all religions." " It is the religion of religions."^ A perusal of Kakehi's discussion soon reveals the fact, however, that deeply interested as he apparently is in religion, he is still more interested in politics. The world-wide expansion of Shinto which he contemplates is not the application of a generous religious syncretism ; it involves, on the other hand, at its very center, an extension of the Japanese political system in which special importance is attached to the inculcation of respect for the jure divino claims of Japanese sovereignty to- 1. Kakehi, Katsuhiko, Koshindo Taigl {%'^M> ■fi'^fifit^cM* " The Essen- tials of Old Shinto "), Tokyo, 1912 ; Zohi Koshimld Tnlgi (||i^p it^^ll. " The Essentials of Old Shinto, Continued"), 2 Vols., Tokyo, 1914, 1915. 2. Kaio, Genchi, JVaga Kokutai to Shinto, (JinSiii'* ^^^W^^'^W'A^ "Our National Organization and Shinto "), Tokyo, 1919. 3. Zoku Koshindo Taigi, V(j1. II, p. S36, 4. Ibid. 5. Ibid. lOO THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. gether with reverence for the imperial line as descended from the gods. Claims so extraordinary, coming as they do from such a source, require further definition. In Kakehi's theology, the basis of all life is the Uchu no Dai Scimei, '' The Great Life of the Universe." " The deep and mighty consciousness existing within us is god {kami)''^ " God is the unchanging foundation (of all things). If we accept his existence, we can explain the universe ; if we deny it we can explain nothing."^ Thus, the idea of God is found necessary to a rational explanation of the world ; yet God is to be known and met with not simply through the operation of intelligence but also through human emotional and volitional experiences. This divine force is omnipresent, dwelling in all people and things and expressing itself in human life and activity.^ All this is ordinary enough as far as the theology is con- cerned. Kakehi here stands on ground well worn by the feet of other men. This is, however, but the beginning. Kakehi's interest lies in the direction of equating this monistic theology with the contents of a portion of the most ancient Japanese mythology, thereby making possible the transition from the modern situation to old Shinto. This transition is accomplished by declaring that the first deity mentioned in the Kojiki, namely, Amc-no-mi-naka-nmhi-no-kami ('* The Deity August Lord of the Center of Heaven ") is identical with the Great Life of the Universe.'* Thus, at the very beginning of Japanese history, the great spirit which Kakehi makes central in his modern world view was known, named and worshipped by the Japanese people. Kakehi forthwith proceeds to take up the discussion of the system of the kaiiii {kami-gaini no keito), that is, their relation- ships and functions, and develops more specifically the nature 1. Ibid., Vol. I, p. 470. 2. Ibid., p. 471. 3. Ibid., \\\ 4f'9-472. 4. Ibid., pp. 474 ff. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN' SHINTO. lOI of Aine-no-uii-naka-mishi-no-kaini} We may note the main paints. 1. This deity exists both in and above the empirical uni- veise.'^ He is both immanent and transcendent. He surrounds the visible world and partakes of its nature just as an outer* enveloping circle or sphere includes but transcends a smaller concentric one.^ Thus dwelling above the phenomenal universe of human experience, he is yet a most intimate and inseparable part thereof. He possesses the attributes of doji-ddsho^ *' same- time-same-place, " yet, although existing in all times and in ail places, he is nevertheless superior to temporal and spatial limitations. 2. The designation, naka (" center " or " middle ") in the title of this deity, is not to be taken as indicating localization in a central place in heaven (Ama), thought of as part of the existing universe. Centiality is referable to him not in a physical spatial sense, but in the sense that all depends on hifii.^ 3. He is both sosetsu and hisoseisu^ that is, with reference to the phenomenal world, he is both creator and the thing created. In the work of creation he exhibits both an active and a passive function. " Life," says the author, '' is not simply a force that creates, but is likewise something that is created.'" From this standpoint Kakehi criticises the traditional Christian idea of God as incomplete, since God is therein presented merely as creator and not as also created object. 4. He is fushd-fninct?,u-fuzd-fiihen^ " without beginning, without end, without increase, without decrease." He is the unaltering basis and background of flux in the phenomenal I. Ibid. 2. Ibid., pp. 476-8. 3- After Hegel. 4- W^^ WJ\- Cf- Z^^^^ Koshindb Taigi, Vol. I, p. 480. 5- Ibid., pp. 479-80. 6. %mM.mk' cf.op.ci(.,Y>.A^s. 7- Ibid 8. ^^^Mc^it^i^- Cf.op.cit 102 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. world, transcending all change. Kakehi admits that at this point his terminology is borrowed from Ikiddhism. One can press his indebtedness even farther. He borrows from Buddhism not only his words but his ideas also. This general philosophical background is thoroughly essen- tial to Kakehi's entire politico-religious construction. In other words, the idea of a static absolute is vital to his system in order that he may secure an absolute guarantee for the finality of certain institutions of state in which he is interested. It is altogether appropriate and expected, then, that the closing words of his entire lengthy discussion should be an appendix the chief burden of which is the fixed nature of ultimate reality. '' Reality is a static thing {fiido) that expresses itself by means of motion ; and, again, it is dynamic force expressing a static reality."' This Absolute has its unique and full revelation in the Japanese race. The expression of the Great Life of the Universe found in early Japanese history is ancient Shinto. That is to say, early Shinto involved a conception of the existence of a great, all-inclusive spirit, manifested in the life of each individual human being. What is found in the old religion, we are told, '* is not a philosophy, is not a theory ; it is the spirit itself ; nay, it is the Great Life itself."^ This gives Kakehi a basis for declar- ing that Shinto is so great, so comprehensive as to include all religions. Buddha, Confucius, Lao Tse, and Jesus Christ were all missionaries of Shinto.^ In such a way as this, although Christianity is regarded as imperfect, it is not opposed as antago- nistic to the Japanese national constitution (kokutai). Christian missionaries and *' people at large " are accused of holding the opinion that such antagonism exists, but Kakehi declares that it is an idea that cannot persist. On the other hand, he says, " It is by all means necessary to appreciate the essence of the 1. Op. cit.y Vol. II, Appendix, following p. iii8. 2. Ibid., Vol. I, p. 463. 3. i^it/., pp. 464-5. IHK POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODEKN SHINTO. IO3 spirit of Jesus, himself, and to save and develop this by means of the Great Spirit of Shinto."^ Kakehi finds support for his claims concerning the com- prehensiveness of Shinto in the fact that it constituted the foundation of the entire cultural life of ancient times." In the functioning of old Shinto, political and religious spheres were not distinguished. The Great Spirit of Shinto embraced and con- trolled all human activities. '* This," we are told, " constitutes the uniqueness and nobility of the Japanese national consti- tution."^ The fallacy in Kakehi's position at this particular point is immediately evident to any one at all familiar with the outlines of primitive religion. That which Kakehi selects as a unique factor is in reality the very point at which ancient Shinto clearly indicates the extent to which it is to be equated, in general type, with primitive religion everywhere. That which here is the "nobility" of earliest Japanese culture, is likewise " nobility " in other fields. One of the outstanding marks of primitivity is undifferentiation in the political and religious life of the group. All activities, law, ethics, politics and religion were mingled in a general mass and a religious interest penetrated all.'* Criticism of Dr. Kakehi's identification of Uchu-no-Dai- Seimel and Anie-no-jni-naka-nushi-no-kaml can best be conducted by an examination of the source material on which the conclu- sions are supposed to rest. This material is to be found at the very beginning of the mythological section of the Kojiki, The portion of the text under consideration, as translated by Cham- berlain, reads : " The names of the deities that were born in the Plain of High Heaven when the Heaven and Earth began were t-he 1. IMcU VoL II, p. 553. 2. Ibid , VoL I, pp. 466-9. 3. Ibhi., p. 467. 4. Cf. Irving King, The Development cf Religion (New York, 19 10), pp. 89-91. 1U4 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHV^ OF MODERN SHINTO. Deity Master-of-the-August-Center-of-Heaven, next the High- August-Producing- Wondrous-Deity, next the Divine-Producing- Wondrous-Deity. These three deities were all deities born alone, and hid their persons."^ All this is remarkable enough. Others besides Kakehi have found in it occasion for maintaining that traces of primitive monotheism, expressed in a trinitarian formula, can be discerned in the most ancient Japanese records.'^ At first glance the old mythology may appear to confirm the contention of Kakehi. But when we remember that the passage given above is all that the Kojiki has to say about Ame-no-mi-naka-niishi-no-kami, we perceive immediately how frail is the foundation upon which he has constructed his theology. While it is true that both the second and the third deities of this triad reappear later in the mythology, the very one selected by him for his great equation, after this bare mention, vanishes completely from the Kojiki, The Nihongi, except for one variant, omits this deity altoge- ther. Not only so, but the Rituals give no indication whatever of this deity having occupied even a humble place in the cere- monial of old Japan. While it is true that modern popular usage has given this god a place among the deities of the shrines,^ yet we must conclude that the exaggerated importance assigned him by Dr. Kakehi rests on a subjective and unhistori- cal use ot the sources. Idealistic monism, centering in Ame-nc- 1. Cf. C, p. 15. The Japanese titles of these deities, given in the order of the text, are Ame-no-7ni-naka-imshi-no-kaini^ Taka-7ni-imisuhi-no-kami and Kavti- musttbi-no-kai)ii. 2. Cf. . Kato^ Genchi, " Ajne-no-minaka-mishi-no-kami^'' T. A. S. J., Vol. XXXVI, Pt. I, pp. 141-162. Kato attempts to show that the study of this deity, in the light of the modern science of religion, reveals traces of primitive mono- theism. The extent to which he makes use of the argument from silence, as well as the argument that the study of comparative religion favors his hypothesis, necessitates the acceptance of his conclusions only with radical qualifications. 3. Cf. OJima, Saneharu, 7eUel sezaru Jiiija Ron {%%%^, ^!&-ri:$'2> "/ii'4*3it.im> " Unconvincing Arguments Regarding Shrines "), Shinjint Vol. I7, 1916 (May), pp. 77-78. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. IO5 iid-naka-nusJii-no-kami, is not in the original record. Kakehi gets it from modern philosophy, not from the KojikL In his scheme Kakehi thoroughly provides, however, for tiie worship at local shrines of this *' Great Life of the Universe," thus included in the ancient Shinto pantheon. This he accom- plishes by arbitrarily introducing into the original trinity *the great sun-goddess, Aiua-tcrasiid-mi~kami} The two " produc- ing " deities, Taka-iui-inusiibi-no-kauii and Kaini-miisiibi-no-kami are declared to be but one in essence — a two-fold expres- sion of but one " producing god," inusubi-no-kami^ Then we are told that Aiua-icrasii-d-mi-kaini is identical with Mi-musubi- no-kauii^ The trinity is now complete. What we may term the first person thereof is Ame-no-ini-naka-nushi-no-kand, which, in Kakehi *s scheme, means simply another name for the Great Life of the Universe, UcJiTi-no-Dai-Scinici. The second person is Mi-musubi-no-kaini, a title that is used '' when we consider deity from the standpoint of competency to function in activity.'^ The third person is Anm-tcrasu-d-mi-kami, '' The Heaven-Shin- ing-Great-August-Deity." This last named kami, Kakehi de- clares, is the visible historical incarnation of the second. Thus by virtue of the equation inside the trinity, that exists between Ame- no-Jui-naka-nusJii-no-kaini and Mi-inusubi-no-kavny the cult activi- ties that center in the sun-goddess, '' Ama-tcyasii-d-mi-kanii, are carried- over to the invisible Great Spirit of the Universe. '' If one wishes to worship Anie-no-ini-nakanusJii-no-kami one must worship Aina-tcrasu-d-ini-kaini, and by worshipping the latter we worship the former."^ Kakehi even inserts in this connec- tion a parenthetical reference to a tradition that formerly there existed a belief that Ame-no-mi-naka-nu ski-no- kauii was enshrined in the great GegUy or Outer Shrine at Ise. This is mere 1. Zokii Koshindo Taigi, Vol. I, pp. ^^g (I. 2. ■ Jl'id., pp. 487-8. 3 2Md,. p. 489. 4 Il^id., p 487. 5. Ibid., p. 490. Io6 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. supposition. The central deity of, the ceremonial and belief at Gegu is Joyo-uke-bime-no-kami, the ancient Japanese food goddess.-^ It is to be granted that Japanese mythology in places closely relates the activities of Ama-terasu-o-ini-kami and Taka- ini-inusiiI'i-no-kami. It is impossible to do justice to the ancient records, however, and fail to see that these two kami, although frequently represented as acting in concert are not philosophized and presented as though one were the incarnation of the other. One does not dwell as an unseen deity '' above " and the other down below as the earthly embodiment thereof. Both live in Takama-ga-Hara (" Heaven ") and, although functioning as partners in various activities, they are no more closely related than certain other deities in the extensive Japanese pantheon, e.g. Izanagi and Izanami. The best corrective to be applied to Kakehi's reasoning here, is the simple statement of the Kojiki that Ama-terasti-o-nii-kami was born from the left eye of Izanagi, " The-Male-Who-Invites," as he purified himself in a river on the island of Tsukushi.^ This is undoubtedly the original mythology. Dr. Kakehi's entire theological construction leads up to an interpretation of the person of the Japanese Emperor.^ The Emperors of Japan, reaching in one long, unbroken line back to the very beginning of life as expressed in the Japanese race* constitute the temporal extension of Ama-terasn-o-vii-kami, This deity was the great ancestress of the Japanese sovereigns. She willed to send her grandson, Ninigl-no-mikoto, into the " Central Land of Reed Plains " [Japan] to dwell therein and rule over it."* In such a way imperial rights of dominion over the Japanese islands rest on the unalterable command of deity. Behind the sovereign rights of the Japanese imperial line, lies an 1. (7. T. A. S J., Vol. II, pp 99-121. 2. C, p. 42. 3. Zoku Koshindb Tai^\ Vol. I, pp. 499-501, Vol. 11, pp. 1112 ff. 4. Cf. C, pp. 106- 1 1 1. r\]K t»OLITICAL riULOSOPHY OF MODEKN SHINTO. lO^ explicit revelation of the will of the Absolute made through the command of Ania-terasu-d-un-kamL All the Japanese Emperors, from Jimmu Tenno right down to the reigning sovereign main- tain an actual flesh and blood connection with this great deity. They continue her attributes ; they express the original intent of god. The Emperor is thus connected in an unbroken genealogical line not with Ania-terasu-d-nii-kmni, merely, but with the Great Life of the Universe, itself.' The Emperor of Japan thus becomes the personal continua- tion in time of conceptions and institutions that were begun in heaven {Takaina-ga-HaraY Kakehi says, " His person [the Emperor's] constitutes the central point at which these things are realized here below. Therefore, the Emperor is god reveal- ed in man. He is Manliest Deity {Aki-tsu-mi-kainif .... Above all things else, we must so serve as to increase the divine radiance of the Emperor. Ever worsh'pping His excessive light, we must determine to extend and exalt the divine essence which we, ourselves, possess. This is not merely a hope, but already in the present we are realizing it in spite of all difficulties."^ Again he says, " The Emperors of our country are persons equipped with qualities without parallel in the world ; they are both the centers of (religious) faith and of temporal power. "^ The following also should be noted. " All the fine relations existing between the Emperor, who is Manifest Deity, and the beneficent personages of heaven, all the mutual relations of men from morality, politics, and law, to manners and customs — whatever they may be, great or small — all are manifestations of the life of deity. But these things have no existence if separated from an effort which causes the light of the Emperor to shine 1. Zokii Koshindo Taigl, Vol. pp. 489 ff. 2. Ibid., Vol. II, p. 1 1 14. 3- mm^- 4. Zoku Koshindo Taigi, Vol. II, pp. 1 1 14-1 115. 5. 3id., Vol. I, p. 500. ro8 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. more and more and which while revering that august h'ght, constantly glorifies it/'* Finally — ** The center of this phenomenal world is the Mikado's Land^ \_Mi-kuni, i.e. Japan]. From this center we must expand this Great Spirit throughout the world. "^ Kakehi declares with enthusiasm, *•' There are voices which cry, ' Great Japan is the Land of the Gods.' Nor is this to be wondered at. It is a true statement of fact. It is a matter of course. The expansion of Great Japan throughout the world and the elevation of the entire world into the Land of the Gods is the urgent business of the present and, again, it is our eternal and unchang- ing object."^ The method of this expansion Kakehi does not altogether make plain. His emphasis on the fundamental importance of faith and a disposition of sincerity would lead one to expect that the extension throughout the world is to be accomplished by the joint appeal of high ideals and consistent thinking. In this connection Professor Kakehi has attempted to forecast the future of Shinto by measuring it alongside of the characteristics that must be possessed by the true religion of the future.^ He says that the religion of the future must be purged ot all superstitions and useless forms. It must be of such a nature as to furnish the foundation of all social life. It must possess elasticity, that is to say, the essential matters in both ceremony and doctrine must be presented in such forms as to be readily intelligible to all men everywhere and yet there must be such profundity and bound- lessness as to introduce harmony and peace into the confusion of human thought and practice. Similarly, it must be of such comprehensiveness as to make room for all the important faiths of man. Kakehi's idea of Shinto as constituting an original Japanese 1. Ibid , Vol. II, Appendix, following p. inS. 2. ^(^. 3. Zohi Koshindo Taigi, Vol. II, p. 11 14. 4. Koihindo Taigi, p. 237. 5. Zoku Koshindo Taigi, Vol. II, pp. S45-853. THE I-OLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. IO9 expression of idealistic monism makes it possible for him to declare that Shinto meets these conditions of a world religion for the future. Kakehi admits that popular Shinto needs to get rid of certain nonessential superstitions and useless forms, but this process of expurgation does n*»L involve essentials. He feels that the capacity of Shinto to become the foundation of all social life is evidenced by the directive function which it exercised in the total life of old Japan. Its elasticity and comprehensiveness are witnessed by the fact that the great religious teachers of the world have simply expressed the essentials of Shinto, as also by the fact that in actual Japanese history the fate of Confucianism and Buddhism has been that they have been gradually transfused by the Japanese spirit, Shint5ized, as it were. The same thing must be expected regarding the future of Christianity in Japan. Kakehi feels that Japan furnishes the center from which the development of the religion of the future must work itself out under the formative influence of Shinto, for here in Japan all the great religions of the world are meeting as nowhere else on earth and are inevitably tending toward some sort of mutual adjustment. Kakehi's observations present material worthy of most serious reflection. Yet if this were all that is involved in his teaching, the future of his system, in spite of its Japanese complexion, would simply be that of idealistic monism. But, like Hegel, Kakehi writes with one eye on the Absolute and the other on the imperial institutions of the Fatherland. The extent to which Kakehi goes in merging his religious program with the Japanese political system, makes the future of Shinto identical, not with that of idealism, but with Japanese imperialism. Nationalism is here built into a religious cult that seeks to find its sanctions in the unalterable nature of the Absolute. Further, the feeling of obligation to extend the system throughout the world takes on the form of an intense religious fervor. The extension of such a system among intelligent men can only be accomplished by the establishing of external control over human thought and action. This necessarily involves the use of the military arm of no THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTQ. government. That Kakehi's politico-religious structure rests to no small extent on a military basis is to be seen in his theory of the relation of soldiers and Emperor. In a word, the former is a function of the latter. " Military men discharge their functions through the power of the Emperor .... and in truth, are an extension of the existence of the Emperor."^ In view of Kakehi's theory of sovereignty this seems to be open to but one interpretation, namely, that what the military arm of the govern- ment does under imperial control has back of it the sanction of an absolute divine initiative. Throughout his discussion Kakehi's object seems to be twofold : ( I ). To strengthen the Japanese national spirit by supplying a religious foundation for a confidence of superiority as a chosen people. (2). To utilize the popular belief in Shinto as the basis of a political apology for Tcnno Shu ken Setsu (" Theory of Imperial Sovereignty ") with a world-wide application. By interpreting the Japanese Imperial power as the temporal extension of the Absolute, the former is invested with aspects of inviolability and eternity that guarantee unchanging perpetuity in human history. Dr. Kato's presentation of the philosophical or theo- logical basis of the Japanese state, while less elaborate than that of Dr. Kakehi, is on the other hand, much more systematic and objective.^ The effort is made to support the discussion with a wealth of citations from Japanese sources together with abundant references to contemporary literature. On the whole the treatment may be taken as the most authorita- tive exposition of the religious nature of modern official Shinto tliat has yet appeared. The author attempts to build up his 1. Jo'd., Vol. I, p. 670 ; c/. also ijid.^ pp. 670-674. 2. A valuable study of Dr. Kato's exposition of modern Shinto will be found in Pieters, Albertus, " Emperor Worship in Japan," International Reviezv of Missions, 1920 (July), pp. 340-356. Reprinted in Wi^ Japan Advertiser, Apr. 14, 15, i6, 1921. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. Ill thesis in a progressive, orderly fashion with the use of the materials furnished by the study of Comparative Religion, His important points are summarized below. Japanese national life [kokutai) has developed mainly under the influence of a theory and practice which regards the Emperor as a Divine Being. This conception is indeed the foundation of Japanese national organization. Japanese historical documents consistently classify the Emperor as divine. '' The position occupied by 7>«* and Jotei^ among the Chinese or by Jehovah among the Jews has been held in Japan from ancient times by the Emperor."' " From ancient times the Emperor has been called by such titles as Aid tsu kami^ (Manifest Deity), Ara hito kami^ (Incarnate Deity), and Ara mi kauii^ (Incarnate Deity.)'" This attribution to the Emperor of a position of association on equal terms with deity is likewise indicated by such titles as Shison^ S/iujo^ and Kami go ichi nin^^ as applied to the Emperor, all of which, according to Dr. Kato's exposition, may be taken as essentially the same as the titles *' Most High " and " Lord " applied to Jehovah.^^ The strength of this idea is seen in its effect on the develop- ment of Buddhism. ** A world religion such as Buddhism, when it has once entered Japan, under the influence of our national life, becomes a Japanese Buddhism with its center in the Imperial House."^^ I- ^. 3. Kato, IVaga Kokutai to Shinto, p. 4. Cf. also ibid., pp. 1 3, 28-29, 66. 4. mm^- 5- JJIAP- 7. IVaga Kokutai to Shinto, p. 4. 9- ±.Ji- 10. Ji(^-A- 11. IVaga Kokutai to Shinto, p. 6. 12. 3iii, p. 12. 112 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. This unique divine position of the Japanese Emperor is further seen, for example, in the difference that exists between foreign coronation ceremonies and the ceremonies accompanying the accession to the throne of a Japanese Emperor. Whereas in the former case the king receives his crown from a priest who is the representative of God, in the latter the Japanese Emperor is his own representative, announcing his own succession directly to the spirits of the Imperial Ancestors with whom he appears as an equal.^ Again, '* Whereas in all foreign countries the ruler salutes the flag, in the case of Japan the flag salutes the Emperor."'^ Added to this belief in the divinity of the Emperor, the author points out another important factor in the elements of Japanese national life, i.e. the position of the Emperor as the racial head of his people. The Emperor is head not merely in the sense of ruler or leader, he is buch by actual blood connec- tion.^ By virtue, then, of this institution of a single line of Divine Emperors unchanging from time immemorial, wherein the Japanese nation finds its racial head, there is imparted to the Japanese national constitution a unique stability in the midst of all the changes of history and at the same time a peerless character among the political and social systems of the world.^ Kato next takes up the matter of loyalty regarded as religious faith.^ The Japanese attitude of consciousness directed toward the Divine Emperor is expressed in the term chuko, " loyalty." Is it religious or is it not ? Dr. Kato's discussion results in an equation of loyalty with religious faith. The latter is defined as that attitude of consciousness which is found in 1. /^/r/., pp. 24-25. 2. Ibid., p. 25. 3 The basis of this assertion may hz seen in the claim made by Japanese historians that out of about 6300 Japanese cognomens some 4900 can be (raced Ijack to connections with the Imperial Line. Cf. Yamagata, Arilomo, " Emperor Meiji," The Far Ecxst, Vol. 20, No. 4, Nov! 13, 1920, p. 103. 4. IVaga KokiUai to Shinio, pp, 28-64. 5. Ilnd., pp. 66-90. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. II3 absolute trust {zcttai teki shinrai)} Evidence is adduced to show that loyalty to the Emperor on the part of Japanese subjects is of such intensity as to warrant identification with this absolute self surrender. " The attitude of consciousness existing in our loyalty and that found in religious faith are identical."^ In view of the nature of the object of this devotion it follows that the central institution of the Japanese state as found in the Divine Imperial Line is suppoited by an intense religious feeling. This is the center of Shinto. ** Shinto is not simply ethical consciousness . as related to secular affairs ; its fundamental principle subjectively stated, is that it maintains in loyalty an attitude of consciousness which rivals that of religious faith. This is Tenno kyb^ (Mikadoism), the characteristic product of our national spirit, which worships the Emperor as divine. For this reason Shinto is in truth nothing other than a national religion.'"* It^ a religion of loyalty. TKeUiscussion now logically turns to the detailed considera- tion of the nature of Shinto thus defined as Emperor worship. As a preliminary to this discussion the author takes up the study of the nature of religion itself.^ '' Religion," he says, '* is a practical mood of a man's mind toward the divine,"^ which he further explains to mean that " religion is a practical means whereby man enters into vital relationship with some object or objects regarded as divine. Such objects of religious faith may be either naturalistic {shizen teki) or ethical {rinri teki). In either case the religious object is regarded as higher than the man himself. The human, mental attitude toward the religious 1. Bid, p. 72. 2. Il/id., p, 80. ' 3- 5^^lil- The term is to be found in neither the Nihon Hakkwa Dai Jiten (Encyclopedia Japonica, Tokyo, 1908- 1 9) nor the most extensive of the modern Japanese dictionaries, namely the Dai A'i/wn Koku^o Jiten by Uyeda and Matsui (Tokyo, 1915-19). 4. Waga Kokutai to Shinto, pp. 80-81. 5. Idid., pp. 91-122. 6. Jbid., p. 120. 114 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. object may be termed faith or belief. This is a state of con- sciousness signifying either unconditional trust or, in its last phase, absolute freedom, and is not theoretically abstract but is practi- cally concrete."^ All religions divide into two great classes, (i) theocratic religion and (2) theanthropic religion. The former emphasizes the divine element and the separation of the human from the divine, the latter emphasizes the human element and the merging of the human with the divine. The former is deo-centric, the latter is homo-centric.^ Examples of the former are found in Christianity, Buddhism and Mohammedanism. Other religions, including Shinto, are homo-centric, that is, gods and men possess identical attributes. " The Japanese conception of deity is to be completely identified vAth the theanthropic system. If finds deities among men and in nature. Men are /i^a/ni ; nature is /ea;;n {Ilito iva sunawachl kami, shizen zva sunawacJii kaiiii tarn mono 7iari)y'^ As for the meaning of kami, Dr. Kato declares that the term has the primary significance of such English words as '' upper," " above," " higher " or " superior."^ Modern official Shinto is thus not merely a system of ethics divorced from religion ; its basis is religious. In this connection the author remarks : " To be sure, in our country, acts of loyalty toward the Emperor as the head oi our collective family system partake of a moral nature, so that it is hardly necessary to say that one aspect of loyalty permits of an ethical explana- tion. But in as much as the Emperor, who constitutes the object which imparts life to this loyalty considered as morality, is equipped conjointly with divine and human natures, it follows that that which from an external point of view is regarded as an ethical element, when considered in its deeper aspects, becomes I. Ibid., p. 119 2. Ibid., pp. 122-124, 3. Ibid., p. 133. 4. Ibid. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. IIC transfused with the white heat of religious faith. Indeed, the loyalty of the Japanese has been so conspicuously transformed into faith and religion as to lead foreign scholars to go as far as to say that loyalty constitutes the religion ol the Japanese people. As has already been explicitly set forth, the Emperor is Incar- nate Deity {Aki-tsu-kajm) and occupies in Japanese faith the position which Jehovah occupied in Judaism. It has also been made clear that the spirit of loyalty which impels our goodly subjects, is nothing other than the heart of faith which controlled the chosen Hebrew people."^ " Therefore, from the Japanese standpoint, that attitude of consciousness which stimulates loyalty to the Emperor, regarded as man, when he is regarded as Deity, immediately becomes filled with the content of an enthusiastic religious faith which offers body and spirit as a holy sacrifice. Wherefore, if one regards this merely from the standpoint of morality, it may be designated the unique patriotism of the Japanese. This is the secular aspect of Shinto. It must not be forgotten, however, that Shinto possesses fundamental aspects as well as external, that it is a national religion which worships the Emperor as divine."^ The author thus advances to a position from which he can pronounce on the essential nature of Shinto. " The pith and essence of Shinto is the unique patriotism of the Japanese together with national morality, transfused with religious feeling."^ Or again, *' the life or essence of Shinto is the unique Japanese patriotism touched by the nationalistic religious enthusiasm of Japanese people From ancient times on this ha:? been called Yamato Dainashii, the Soul of Japan. It may also appropriately be termed Mikadoism or the nationalistic adoration of the Emperor. The psychological attitude of the Japanese as directed toward the Emperor is neither mere respect nor simple 1. Ibid., pp. 219-220. 2. Ibid., pp. 221-222. 3. Ibid., p. 222. Il6 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. obeisance ; it is reverence and adoration, that is to say, it is worship {suhai). This is the ultimate truth of Shinto. Shinto is not merely moral consciousness. It must never be forgotten that it includes the white heat of a fervent religious devotion, namely, Mikadoism, the nationalistic adoration of the Emperor."' Dr. Kato's treatment in a word amounts to an exposition of the Japanese state as a theocracy in which a divine being manifested in human form exercises the prerogatives of ultimate control. Shinto is the cult of religious loyalty to the divine imperial line and the sacred Japanese institutions which it cen- tralizes. The author takes up the matter of the position of the official shrines in the thought world of Japan. Are the shrines merely culrcenters where the moral sentiments of the Japanese people are crystalized ? Are they merely social and historical institu- tions where the great and virtuous of the past are honored and remembered ? Such a point of view is emphatically denied by Dr. Kato. For, when we consider the historical origin of the shrines and their function in Japanese society, we find (to quote) that, "they are sacred spots where deity is supplicated and where prayers for the future are offered."- The great spring and harvest festivals, for example, cannot possibly be legiti- mately construed as mere secular ceremonials. Those connected with the planting of crops presuppose the existence of superna- tural power to which appeal is made for good harvests, those in the autumn {Niiname Matsuri) contain the primary elements of thanksgiving to the ka?m for blessings received. Hence '' we cannot pass over the fact that these ceremonials are accompanied by a faith in the divine aid of a great spiritual power The shrines cannot be limited as being merely edifices where past heroes are commemorated in an ethical sense. The affairs of the festivals are pure religion. To regard these as other than 1. Ibid., pp. 222-223. 2. JdiiL, p. 235. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 11/ religious is indeed a biased interpretation and must be pronounced an extreme misrepresentation of the shrines."^ Dr. Kato finds in Shinto, elements so thoroughly satisfactory to religious feeling as to entitle it to favorable consideration along with Christianity and Buddhisin. In Shinto we may discern a deep faith in a higher spiritual and ethical world, the idea of the incarnation of the divine in the human/ the institu- tions of prayer/ priests and priestesses/ ceremonies and worship and authority that ultimately resides in the state itself. In intel- lectual and ethical content it takes high rank among the religions of the world, due primarily to the great organizing principle of Divine, Imperial Sovereignty/ Buddhism emphasizes [mercy, Christianity love, Confucianism humanity ; Shinto teaches honesty and sincerity.^ On the basis, then, of close resem- blance in fundamental aspects between the great religions that at present occupy the field in Japan, Dr. Kato anticipates ultimate reconciliation.^ This recognition of the ideal of final human reconciliation on the basis of universal brotherhood will be welcomed by all who are interested in the permanent good of man. Again, it must be frankly admitted that Dr. Kato's discussion raises diffi- cult problems tor advocates of the absoluteness of any single religion resting on the claims of an exclusive supernaturalism. His exposition seems to recognize clearly the fact that all religions, Christianity, Buddhism, and Shinto alike, are to be tested by their fundamental value in the social life in which they develop. Shinto, like other religions, is born of a human need. In this sense we can agree with Dr. Kato in finding in Shinto not simply nationalistic local elements, but universal elements as well. Grant- 2 Ih'.d., pp. 235-7. Ibid , pp. 257 ff. 3. Ibid., pp, 196 ff. 4. Ibid., pp. 201 ff. 5. Ibid., pp. 2^8-252. 6. Ibid., p. 754. 7. Ibid., pp 262-3. Il8 THE POLli'fCAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHIMTO. ing all this, however, it is necessary to add certain reserv^atior.s concerning Dr. Kato's exposition. In the first place, on what basis is a valid distinction to be created between certain members of Japanese society regarded as sacred and the great majority made up of the common and profane ? Is it to be an ethical distinction ? It so, postulations of divinity are to be vindicated on the grounds of character and genuine contribution to human welfare. Or, is it to be meta. physical deity, appearing as a superhuman, miraculous inset in human history ? In spite of pantheistic presuppositions it would appear that Dr. Kato's theory of emperor worship would de- mand an affirmative answer here. Yet, it is difficult to see how this position is to be reconciled with his exposition of the con- sanguinity existing between the Japanese people and the imperial line which is the racial head. The connection would seem to logically demand the extinction of the difference between the worshippers and the worshipped, and what we would have left would be a divine Japanese race worshipping itself. The main difficulty does not lie here, however. It lies in the fact that the very center of Dr. Kato's Shinto theology, exactly as in the case of Dr. Kakehi's exposition, is nationalistic political philosophy. Dr. Kato's words are unmistakable in this matter. Comparing the fortunes of Christianity and Bud- dhism with the prospects of Shinto, he says : " Neither Jesus nor Buddha complied with the political hopes for an ideal king existing in their respective lands, but turned away from the lower world to the world of spiritual things. The conditions of Ja[)an, of India, and of Judea, however, differ with each country. Japan is preeminent above all nations and possesses a firm national foundation. Unlike the Jews her people are not citizens of a ruined land nor again is she possessed like India of an unstable royal house that is subject to rise and decline. She is the recipient of a single Imperial Line that has existed unchanged from time immemorial, towering aloft like mountains and stars, and which shall not change forever. In truth the appearance THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. II9 of the ideal royal Messiah for whom the Jews earnestly hoped so long but who never actually appeared, or again, the revelation of Cakravarti Rajah, the ideal prince of hidia, may be seen in the Oiient in the likeness of the Japanese Emperor of immemorial line. "^ In his preface Dr. Kato says, *' Just as our country possesses in the towering peak of Mt. Fuji a natural beauty unsurpassed in all the world, so also this Orient land of virtuous aien, with its historical record stretching across three thousand boundless years, with its Imperial House above reaching in unbroken lineage back to immemorial ages, with its subjects below looking up to this Line as it towers beyond mountains and stars, with its heroes and remarkable men, a country, indeed, not unworthy the name, ' The Land of the Gods ' — this land has produced a national organization that is peerless in the earth. "^ The book which contains these statements was published on February 25, 19 19, almost simultaneously with the report of the special commission on education which declared, *' the situation is very grave and calls for serious consideration." Whether there may be a connection or not, it is to be said that the exposition of these doctrines of a political Messiah in a divinely descended prince of age long dynasty, of a national organization without a rival in all the world, of an histori" cal record reaching back " three thousand years," and of a loyalty that is unique in human history, while well adapted to foster unlimited xontentment with the status quo in Japanese political life is, also, so formulated as to raise difficult problems in the relations of official Shinto. In so far as Japanese political life, as centralized in this form of Shinto, may attempt both to strengthen itself within Japan and to propagate itself in the world* we may anticipate the appearance of serious questions arising in connection with the religious and political self-determination o» various groups of peoples. The study of comparative religious 1. Ibid., p. 251. 2. Ibid,, Preface p. 2. s." I20 THE rOLITICAL PHILOSOrHY OF MODERN SHINTO. and political history should warn the Shintoists here. It was exactly its refusal to adjust its nationalism to universal human needs that broke Judaism. Again, it is to be pointed out that the position of the Emperor in the Japanese state as well as in religion has varied with the changing fortunes of Japanese political history. Japanese history when scientifically studied, clearly teaches this fact.^ Dr. Kato's exposition reflects the interests of the revival of imperial institutions that began with the Restoration in 1868. The best index of the actual hold of emperor worship on historical Shinto is to be seen in the number of institutions which the sentiment of emperor worship has called into existence. Mr. Tsiida Noritake, writing in 1920, says on the point, " Emperors who have been worshipped as deities after death are exceedingly few. The grand total of Shinto shrines in our country today amounts to 110,000. Out of this great number shrines where past Emperors are worshipped total less than ten."^ Shrines at which the living Japanese Emperor is worshipped cannot be located in modern Shinto. In consideration of such evidence it would appear that Dr. Kato's exposition of the centrality of emperor worship in Shinto is more idealistic and pedagogical than actual. On the other hand, it is not to be denied that Japanese emperors have been regarded as living kami. The basis of this belief will be considered in a later discussion. Although Kakehi and Kato go beyond most other Japanese interpreters in the philosophical elaboration which they extend to Shinto, they are far from standing alone in their religious interpretation of the Imperial House. They represent a con- temporary school of Shinto which must be taken into serious consideration in any effort to understand either recent Japanese religiou^ history or the modern political situation. 1. Cf. Murdoch, James, A History of Japan, Vol. I, pp. 107-8, Ii8-I2i~ 184.6,280, 296-366, 401, 442-50, 455-9, 540, 562-588; Vol. II, pp. 17,360-61, 372-7- 2. Isuda, Noritake, Shinto Kigen Ron m'^^S.. WM-^Mky "An Essay on the Origins of Shinto," Tokyo, 1920 , p. 247. THE lOLiTlCAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 121 ltd Hirobunii, writing in his Commentaries on the Constitu- tion in 1889, said, *' The Sacred Throne was established at the time when the heavens and the earth became separated. The Emperor is Heaven descended, divine and sacred ; He is preeminent above all His subjects. He must be reverenced and is inviolable. He has indeed to pay due respect to the law, but the law has no power to hold him accountable to it. Not only shall there be no irreverence for the Emperor's person, but also He shall not be made a topic of derogatory comment nor one of discussion.'" Dr. Kato Hiroyuki, apprehensive of a divided loyalty induced by the extension of Christian teaching in Japan, wrote in 1907, "Christianity can never be assimilated to the national organization {kokutai) of Japan. Assimilation to the national organization of Japan would mean the complete destruction of the fundamental nature of Christianity. This being the nature of Christianity, it is impossible to say that Christiani^-y is not a danger to the Japanese national organization. The patriarchal government of Japan is peerless among all the nations of the earth and accordingly it is not proper that she should revere a sovereign apart from the Emperor and the Imperial Ancestors. The national organization absolutely forbids that we should have above the sovereign * the One True God '."^ Kume says concerning the Emperor, " He is regarded as a 1. Ito, Hirobumi, Commentaries (Eng. trans.), Tokyo, 1889, p. 6. 2. Kato, Hiroyuki, Wa^a Kokutai to Kirisuto Kyo {^ViWil'Z.^ §^la ^ %^ ^, "Our National Constitution and Christianity," Tokyo, I907), p. 56. With Dr. Kato's statement may be compared an editorial from the Keisei of Feb. I, 191 5, which says, " Even Christian believers, granted that they are Japanese, must understand why our national institution of loyalty to the Imperial House and the custom of ancestor worship are not to be regarded or disregarded as convenience may dictate Under the religious freedom, granted by our Constitu- tion, any religious faiths are, or course, permissable, but they must not be in opposition to our nalional institutions ; and on that account European Christianity must be revised so that it can co-exist with these institutions and harmonize with our national character. . . . Therefore if even in the least degree it is desired t^hat Christianity shall strike down its ruols, influence the national mind, and thus 122 THE FOLITfCAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. living kami, loved and revered by the nation above all things on earth, and himself loving and protecting the nation, who are deemed sons of Kami nagara and are entrusted to his care by the kaini Thus, Shinto (doctrine of the kauii) is kiindo (doctrine of the Emperor) for Shintoism is Mikadoism ; * the kamVs will is the Emperor's will ' is a maxim inscribed on the heart of every Japanese. Herein one may see the fountain- head of our patriotic spirit, whose marvelous activity has served to raise Japan in these fifty years to the level of the first-rate Powers of the world."^ In line with this same idea of Shintd, a recent Cabinet official has declared, ^* The protection and advancement of the country is in the care of the ancestral spirits and their power resides in the Emperor. The use of that power is the work of the Imperial throne The central idea of the Japanese state is the belief that the spirits of the Imperial ancestors continue to rule through their living representatives, and from this belief springs the singular national spirit of the Japanese people."^ lyenaga has likewise interpreted the substance of the Shinto of the Restoration period as capable of being expressed in the proposition that the Emperor, as the lineal descendant of the gods, must be revered and worshipped as deity.^ More recently Uyehara has given expression to this theory of the Emperor in terms that suggest Kakehi's idea of a unique Japanese revelation of the Absolute. '' He fthe Emperor] is to the Japanese mind the Supreme Being in the Cosmos of Japan, as God is in the universe of the pantheistic philosopher. From him everything emanates, in him everything subsists prosper, it is necessary that plans should be made to reconcile it with our great national principles and customs. If to do this it be necessary to throw over the doctrine of a most high God, throw it over." J. E. 19 15 (April), pp 1S1-2. 1. Kume, Kunitake, " Shinto," Fifty Years of New Japan, Vol. II, p. 30. 2. Japan Advertiser, Nov. 3, 1916. 3. The Constitutional Development of Japan, p. 24. THE POLTTICAl. PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO I 2^ He is supreme in all temporal affairs of the State as well as in all spiritual matters."* Dr. ///m/'^ Senkuro cites with approval the phrase Aki tsu mi kami tarn ryoheika no seitoku, " the holy virtue of their Majesties, the Emperor and Empress, the. Manifest Deities."^ Dr. Haga in explanation of his idea of the relation between Japanese Emperors and subjects that has continued from the beginning of Japanese history to the present says, " Kami, Deity or God. used in the sense of the ' above ' is with its honorific prefix ' O,' even now applied for the Mikado — hence the identification of God and Emperor."^ Mr. Mochiziiki Kotaro, writing of the Emperor Meiji Tenno in 19 1 3 said, *' Not a single Japanese is there who does not regard and obey every utterance of His late Majesty as divine revelation."^ These examples could be extended. They reach their climax in the representations made by Dr. Uesugi Shinkichi of the Law Department of the Tokyo Imperial University, who says, " Subjects have no mind apart from the will of the Em- peror. Their individual selves are merged with the Emperor. If they act according to the mind of the Emperor they can realize their true nature and they can attain the moral ideal. This is the fundamental relationship existing between the Japan- ese people and their Emperor who is the descendant and exten- sion of the Great Deity {^Ama-tcrasu-d-mi-kami\. The organizing will resides inherently in the Emperor and apart from the Imperial mind there exists no organizing will."^ 1. 7he PoUticnl Development of Japan, p. 23. Cf. also ibU., pp. I9, 21. 2. Jinja Sukei to Shuhyo (J^flk I^AIP, Jfi1«/fd:'^iiC ^ ^t^I, "Shrine Rever- ence and Religion "), p. 3. 3. Haga, Yaeichi, " The Spirit of Japan,'' T. J. S. L., Vol. XV (1916-17) p. 123. 4. Mochizuki, Kotaro, T/ie Late Empcivr of Japan as a IFor/d Monarch, Tokyo, 1913, Preface, p. II. 5. JJesugJ,'^V\\\V\Q\\i, Kohitai Seilra'a no Ilatsnyo (Jb;|^tft§, ^||M^<^ H^, " The Exaltation of the Essence of the Nafidnal Constitution," Tokyo, 19I9), p. 58- In evaluating Dr. lie^ugi's claims- it needs to be remembered that- 124 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO All of these statements, as in the cases of the interpretations made by Dr. G. Kato and by Dr. Kakehi, reflect dynastic interests that have come into special prominence since the Resto- ration. The political value of the centralizing influence, during the period of rapid change since the beginning of the Meiji Era, of the idea of an unchanging and sacred imperial line, is well recognized by Japanese politicians and scholars.^ Indeed, it is difficult to avoid the impression that such political interest is largely the determining factor in giving form to the interpretation which makes emperor worship the center of modem Shinto. It is easy to pass from this to the position that the chiet object of Shinto ceremonials should be the development of sentiments directed toward the maintenance of the imperial throne. This is precisely the line of argument taken by Dr. Ariga Nagao in his discussion o{ Shinto Kokkyo Ron, ** Shinto as a State Religion." Dr. Ariga attempts to show that the cult of the Shinto shrines is nothing other than a state religion.^ He recognizes great defici- under the existing organization of the Japanese government this Imperial mind is always mediated to the people by the various bureaus and departments of the government, and that motives and methods of the intervening mediation are exactly where investigation would have to be made in order to establish ihe content of the original organizing will. 1. Cf. Yamashita,Yos\i\\i3ixb, "The Influence of Shinto and Buddhism in Japan," T. J. S. L., Vol. IV (1897-8), Pt. IV, p. 257. 2. In summary of this point Dr. Ariga says, " I can by no means agree with the proposition that the festivals [of the Shinto shrines] are not religious Failure to recognize that they are religious amounts to a disregard of reason. . , . . Shinto is to be looked upon as a religion and there is justification for saying that up to the present the state has simply extended protection to a sect of Shinto which has not emphasized doctrine." [« S/n'nfd Kokkyo Ron-' Telsugaku Zasshi, I910 (June), pp. 709-715] Prof. Inouye Tetsujiro has likewise taid, " There are two opinions : that Shinto is a religion, and that it is not a religion If we speak from the standpoint of religious science, of course it is a variety of religion. Furthermore, there are points in Shinto that lie very much at the foundaiion of Japanese national morality However, elemen aiy it may appear as a religion, yet from the point of view of its relations with the na'ional constitution {kokittai) and with national morality there is no occasion for faking a destruc'ive aii ude toward Shinto." {Kokumin Dotoku Gabon, p. 322). The i,ame au lior has made THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO 12$ encies in official Shinto as a religion, but feels that these defects can be made good by importations of ethical pabulum from Confucianism.* Then regarding the matter before us, he re- marks, " The fundamental principle of Shinto ceremonials consists in the preservation of the Japanese Imperial Throne, eternal as Heaven and Earth. This is their most important character. The carrying out of the will of the Imperial Ancestors is the greatest principle of Shinto. But it goes without saying that in order to make the Imperial Throne eternal the Japanese state itself must be eternal. But in order to make the state eternal the Japanese people must develop continuously."^ The extreme point of view which would seek either to effect or to accompany this continuous development of the Japanese people by the expansion of Shinto as a world religion is not con- fined to Professor Kakehi. Professor Tanaka Yoshitd has said regarding the Great V/ay of Shinto, "■ To proclaim the Great Way of our empire throughout the world — this is our principal task, this is the sacred calling of the Japanese race."^ A recent editorial in Kami KazCy a Shinto magazine says, ^' Shinto is a great religion that includes all others For example, Shintd may be compared with a tree while all other religions are fertilizers. Thus Shinto, by absorbing and assimi- lating various fertilizers, as the result of a process of inclusion and selection, must increase and expand itself. .... A religion like Christianity, however, which neglects both the family system and nationalism is not a fertilizer. On the other public declaration in favor of encouraging visitation at the shrines on the part of school children as a mean of developing patriotism. \Cf. Meiji Seitoku Kinen Gakkai Kiyd, Vol. VII (April, 1917), i:)p 225-229 ; also J. E. 1916, pp 156, 377 ; ibid. 1918, p. 182. 1. "Confucianism," says Dr. Ariga, "is well adapted to the Japanese national constitution {kokutai). It is also suited to present day conditions of living and affords a satisfactory solution of the relations of individuals and the Absolute." (Ariga, op. cit , p. 721). 2. Op. cit. 3. 'I'anaka^ Yoshito, Shintd I/ongi, p. 161. 126 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO hand it is a great evil. If the usages of the existing family system should become extinct in Japan and we should come to pure individualism, or if, again, we should abandon nationalism arid become altogether humanitarian, the results would be dis- astrous."^ Another contemporary Shint5 publication, Miizu, with each issue prints the motto : '' Dai Nihoii Sekai Kyo,'^ Great Japan World-teaching."^ Oinoto Kyo, which has achieved no small popularity in Japanese military circles, teaches, *' The people and Gods who are centralized in the doctrine of Kodo- Oinoto are only working to accomplish this greatest and loftiest task of unifying the world under the sway of the Emperor of Japan We are only aiming at making the Emperor of Japan rule and govern the whole world, as he is the only ruler in the world who retains the spiritual mission inherited from the remotest ancestors in the Divine Wo rid. "'^ Dr. Uesugi Shinkichi, writing after the close of the World War, with post beliuui reconstruction issues in mind, says, *' It is now most clear that the salvation of the entire human race is the mission of our empire. Nations are now in a condition of disorder. There are classes within the nations, each class struggling for its own interests and each thinking the other an irreconcilable enemy. Radicalism is spreading abroad. The poison of the disease penetrates flesh and bones and threatens to overthrow the state. The idea of reliance upon the state is conspicuously weakened. The heart of man has lost its power to cooperate. Individuals do as they please, acting dissolutely without restriction. The capital- istic classes of England and America, flushed with the victory of the Great War, have become arrogant and domineering throughout the world and are giving rein to unbounded greed. Behold the world is full of the struggle between capital and 1. Kami Kaze (ijif^), Tokyo, July, i, 1921, p. 4. 2. Pub. No, 45, Sakuragi Cli5, Uyeno, Shllaya, Tokyo. 3. 'I'aisho Nichi-Nichi Shivdntii, Osaka, Dec, 21, 1 920. For a statement by a Japanese critic of certain chauvinistic aspects of Omoto Kyo and a related ten- dency toward popularity in military circles, see 1\I. Honda, Omoto-kyo : What it is and Why it Spread," y^^/.-?;? Advertiser, Tokyo, Jan. 27, 192 1, p. 4. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO 12^ labor. They are fallen into the pit. The hell of fighting and bloodshed has appeared on earth. ** When we observe such conditions, there is not one of our people who does not believe that, if they only had our Emperor as theirs, they would not come to such extremity Our people, through the benevolent virtue of the Emperors, have attained a national constitution that is without parallel in the world Now, if all the human race should come to look up to the virtue of our Emperor and should come to live under that influence, then there would be light for the future of humanity. Thus the world can be saved from destruc- tion. Thus life can be lived within the realms of goodness and beauty. Of a truth, great is the mission of our nation."^ In considering the religious definition of official Shinto we have had before us a form of statement which, simultaneously with an insistence on the importance of the shrine ceremonies, makes emphatic declaration of the religious nature of the national cult. The solutions of the related religious problems propose either reconciliation between Shinto and other religions or ab- sorption of other religions by Shinto. The centrality of political considerations in the solutions, however, carries the problem outside of purely religious matters and presents factors which, in the extreme form advocated by such expositors as Kakehi and Uesugi, constitute a contradiction of the principles of interna- tionalism. The study as thus far conducted points to the necessity of investigating more precisely the nature of the supernaturalism that is involved in official Shinto. The questions to be taken up for examination in the ensuing pages include an attempt to test the claim that Shinto is not a religion as based on the assignment of a strictly nationalistic and historical, human character to the kami. Can the claims for the uniqueness of this eiihemeristic conception of deity in Shinto be maintained ? The matter may I. Uesugii Sliinkichi, Kokutal Selkiva no Hatsiiyci, pp. 2056. 128 THE POLITICAL PHIIOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTS be tested ( i ) by an examination of the primary meaning of kaini in Shinto and a comparison with the religious philosophy of other peoples, (2) by an investigation of the historicity of the great kami that head the genealogical lists ot modern official Shintd, and (3) by an effort to determine whether the cult life of official Shinto is such as to identify it with real religion. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SFilNTO, 12^ CHAPTER V. The Meaning of Kami. An argument based on the uniqueness of the idea of kaini is advanced by certain modern Shintoists as a support for the proposition that the official cult does not partake of the super- naturalism of ordinary religion. Dr. Y. Haga represents a wide group when he says that the difficulties of the shrine issue have their origin in a misunderstanding of the word kaini and a confusion with religion.^ Official Shinto frequently falls back on the assertion that the kaini are merely superior human beings who have contributed meritoriously to the progress of the Japanese state.^ It is necessary to investigate these claims more exactly. With regard to the word kami, it is probably safe to say that there is no other term in the original Japanese language with such a rich and multiform content. Nor is there another term with respect to which translators, both Japanese and foreign, have encountered greater obstacles. The variation in concepts covered by the form is so great — ranging as it does from hair on the human head to emperor and deity — that at first sight one naturally inclines toward the conclusion that we are dealing with totally disconnected ideas, perhaps originally expressed by differ- ent sounds, which have, in the process of time, become assimilat- ed to one and the same phonetic form, or else that the explanation 1. See above, p. 85, also pp. 88, 93, 95. 2. Note, for example, the statement which one of the provincial governors is reported to have givtn out to a certain representative of Christianity, " Although the word ka?ni continues to be used in the national cult, it has in no way the meaning of a siij^einauiral being, which you give to it. It connotes only illustrious men, benefactors of their country. Consequently all Japanese, no matter what their religion, can pay them honour without doing violence to their conscience." The National Cult in Japan (A Roman Catholic Study of its Opposition to Evan- gelization), p. 7. I30 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. is to be found in primitive undifferentiation, in accordance with which the ancient Japanese, out of a poverty of linguistic elements and a lack of capacity for making logical distinctions, came to cover a variety of experiences with an identical verbal form.^ Our conclusions in the matter, however, must rest on an in- vestigation of the actual historical usage of the term kami itself. The attempts of Japanese scholars to arrive at the under- lying ideas connected with the term kamU have follov/ed very largely along philological lines. The original content is made to depend on an etymological analysis into supposedly primary elements. This form of investigation, while manifestly pre- carious in method, has served to indicate the fact that, in spite of the assurance with which certain controversialists, official and otherwise, have insisted on a non-religious content for the term, nevertheless, the opinions of Japanese scholars, themselves, have been far from unanimous regarding the fundamental meaning. In the ensuing discussion the attempt is ti ade, in the first place, to pass in review some of the more noteworthy explana- tions that have been attached to kami by Japanese scholars and, in the second place, to examine the actual historical usage of the term and, finally, to suggest a hypothesis wherewith the existing diversity of content may be accounted for and harmonized. We turn first, then, to matters of etymology. Neglecting a few palpably forced and impossible explanations such as those that derive kami from a mispronunciation of yomi or youio, 'Mower world,'" from kamu, "to brew," from kamu, "to chew,"^ from kabi, " mould "^ (a marvelous thing leading to the idea of the supernatural involved in the conception of deity), etc., we find three main types of explanation : (i) Interpreta- 1. So Buckley, " Shinto Pantheon," New World, Dec. 1906, p. I. 2. Cf. Proceedings of the 17th Session of the Comparative Religion Society of Tokyo {Hikaku Shukyo Gakkai), Japan Weekly Mail, April 8, 1899, p, 350. 3. Cf. Miyao and Inamura, op. cit., p. 167. 4. View of lakahashi Goro, in Shinto Shinron (" New Discusssion of Shinto ";, cited in Griffis, The Religions of Japan, p. 381, note 21. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. I3I tions that emphasize a primitive meaning of purity. (2) Those which m ike the fundamental idea one of superiority, either in position or degree. (3) Those which go back to forms involving ideas of mystery, strangeness, incomprehensibility, the supernat- ural, the superhuman, or the " superordinary." We may take up the study in the order just indicated. I. Derivations from forms meaning " pure " or *' bright." (i) Kami is derived from kainiigavii^ by the elision of the two middle syllables. This form, rendered into modern Japanese and interpreted in accordance with the sense of the ideographs employed in writing it, gives terashite miru or shdrariy *' shining- see." The reference is to the viewing of an object or objects on the part of deity. The term thus has something of the meaning of the phrase, *' to behold from glory." This etymology is advanced by I;/nde Masamichi. It is claimed by him, without foundation, to be the most ancient Japanese explanation of the term, kami, based upon oral traditions dating from the earliest period of Japanese history. The etymology is taken by Imibe to indicate an ancient attempt at expressing a conception of the purity of the divine nature. " The divine mind," he says, " like a clear mirror reflects all things of nature, operating with impartial justice and tolerating not a single spot of uncleanness. That which in heaven is Kami, in nature is Spirit and in man is Sincerity. If the spirit of nature and the heart of man are pure and clear (sei/nei), then they are /ca;;n,"' As the sun in heaven lights up the world, so divine intelligence permeates all things in human society and in nature. In criticism it may be briefly said that while this interpreta- tion indicates the thoroughgoing nature of the Shinto emphasis on ceremonial cleanness, it has no support in scientific philology. 1. ¥M' 2. Imibe,^lz.%zx^\zV\, Shindai Kuketsu (.f;^iEMj P'f^P^j "Oral Tradi- tions of the Age of the Gods "). Cited in M. Maruyama, Dai Nihon wa Shinkoku Nari, p. 31 ; also in Inamura, op. cit., pp. 159-160. Imibe flourished ia the Miu-omachi period. The facts of his life have no'c been transmiiled. 132 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. It is an attempt to read back a developed moral philosophy, containing Buddhistic impressions into the ancient situation. (2) Kami is derived from kagami} " mirror," by the elision of the middle ga. The connection with deity is, in this case, supposed to arise from a metaphorical usage, and, as in the preceding explanation, is taken as a primitive attempt to express a conception of the purity of the divine nature. God is kagamij a clear mirror, spotless and without a cloud defiling his purity. Yamazaki Ansai (161 9- 1682) who sponsors this form of etymology, says with reference to the origin of the term, '' The heart of Kami is pure like a clear mirror without a single trace of dimness, therefore, as a figurative expression of this idea, the use of the word kagami arose. Later the middle ga was drop- ped, giving the form kami^^ It is probable that the etymology here given was suggested by the prominence of the mirror as a sacred object in the Shinto cult. The explanation of the connection of the mirror with the shrines, which is frequently given by the Japanese literati is that it is emblematic of purity.^ On the other hand, it seems tolera- bly certain that the mirror became attached to religious cere- monial in old Japan, not because it symbolized purity or cleanness, not even ceremonial cleanness, but because it was employed as part of the magical paraphernalia of the archaic cult.^ 2. Cf. Maruyama, of. cit.\ also, Miyao and Inamura, op. at., p. 160. Keicliu (d. 1701), Watarae Nobuyoshi (d. 17 14), Yoshikawa Koretaru (d. 1694) and other scholars of the Suika school of Shinto [a combination of Shinto and Confucianism, organized by Yamazaki Ansai] support this same view. 3. Cf. Japan Weekly ISIail, op. cit. 4. When the mirror first appears in Japanese literature it is evidently as part of a magical technique for removing an obscuration of the sun. Cf. C, pp. 54-59. Maruyama is of the opinion that ancient Japanese ceremonial treatment of the mirror had its origin in a belief that the sun goddess lived therein as a shadow spirit. Cf. Maruyama, op. city p. 37. THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 1 33 (3) Another view similar to that just stated, while deriving kami from the same form, k a garni, attempts to carry the etymology back to a usage that obtained prior to the know- ledge of the mirror in Japanese society and takes the original meaning of kagami to be the same as kagayaite-mieru, " to appear bright " or '* to appear brilliant." Thus Tanigawa Kotosuga (d. 1776), who advocates this interpretation says, *' Before the mirror was known the sun and moon were called Ame-no-kagaini-no-inikoto (' Bright-Appearing-August-Thing-of- Heaven ')." This notion of brightness, together with the derived idea of purity, was then carried over into religion, and kagami in the abbreviated form of kami was made to serve as the expression of this ancient idea of the inner nature of deity/ The etymology here again is fanciful. It has no support in Japanese philology. It reflects the influence of highly developed and comparatively modern ideas of purity. (4) An additional derivation while going back to the same form kagami assigns a primary meaning *^ to look at," " to judge," " to decide."^ We have, for example, in the modern Japanese language the word kangamiru used in the senses : to observe carefully, to profit by experience, to take warning, to judge, to determine, to consider. As a matter of fact, how- ever, this kangamiru, from which kangami or kagami in the sense of " to judge " or " to decide " is supposed to be derived, has no verifiable connection with kagami, " mirror" but, on the other hand, evidently comes from kangaeru ('^ to think," "to consider") and mint (''to see," ''to observe"). Note the modern vernacular kangaete mimasho, " I will consider the matter." (5) Closely related to this kagami etymology is an attempt, 1. Tanigawa, Kotosuga, Wakun no Shiori {<^)\\-^^, ^^\\^, " Guide to Japanese Interpretations of Chinese "), Vol. I, p. 538. Ed. by Inotiye Yorikuni (^J-.®S) and KosugiOrszorv {/^^j^W^), Tokyo, 1898. 2. Cf. Harada, Art. « God (Japanese idea of) ", H. E. R.E., Vol. 6, p. 294. 134 THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. which also appears to have originated with Tanigawa, to find the archaic form of kami in akami^ which is taken to be equi- valent to the torm aklraka ni mini, *' to see clearly " \_aklraka ni, '' clearly," " brightly," '' intelligibly " '' plainly," " manifest- ly," and mmi, '' to see." Cf. akami, " a reddish tinge," akay '' red," and ;;//, " viewing," '' seeing," '' beholding "].^ The usage is supposed to reflect a primitive insight into the nature of the divine intelligence. On the face of it, however, the ety- mology is perhaps even more forced than those that precede. It takes it for granted that the philosophical interpretation existed in the primitive religion. 2. Derivations based on a reference to usage in which the idea of '' superiority " is primary. (i) The thesis here becomes, Kamiwa kaminariy' '^ Kami means above." The interpretation makes use of the fact that in the modern Japanese language kami may denote either the idea of deity or that of ordinary superiority in spatial position or in social rank. Since the time of the great revival of pure Shinto, beginning with Arai, this has been the most orthodox statement of the origin of the term under consideration, i.e., the diversified meanings of kami can all be carried back to this same form with the primary significance of superiority. This has the support of such scholars as Arai Hakuseki, Kamo Mabuchi, Ise Teijo, Kato Genchi, Harada, and numerous others. Arai, who enjoys the reputation of having been the first noteworthy euhemerist of Japanese history, says in the Toga, '' In ancient times what was called kami was man. In the Nihongi, divine ancestors and sacred personages (sJiinsei shinjin) are described as kami. In the colloquial speech of our country this word is used to designate things that are venerated {sonsho).^ For example, rulers and high government officials are all called 1. Written 5|^. 2. Cf. Maruyama, op. cit., p. 32. 4. m-n- THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN SHINTO. 1 35 kanii. Or to take a more commonplace example, the hair of the head is also kami. We also designate things that are high up [in space] by the use of this same word kami. So also, do we indicate our attitude of reverence toward those among men who are holy by the expression kami. In this connection we also use the forms Okami and Omikami,'^^ Although later students of the subject have been divided in the extent to which they have participated in Aral's euhemeristic tendencies, yet the far-reaching influence that his views have exerted upon native and foreign scholars alike is seen in the dominant position which his idea of /C'<^////, as meaning fundamen- tally, " superior," maintains in modern Japanese philology. Harada, for example, says, *^ The generally accepted derivation, however, is that to be traced in modified meanings of the same word kami, signifying that which is * above ' or ' superior,' in contrast to shimo, signifying that which is ' below ' or * inferior.' The upper part of the body is kami, while the lower part is shimo. A man of superior rank is kami, while an inferior is sJiimo, Heaven is kami, earth is shimo. So general is the term that it lends itself readily as an appellation of that which is looked upon with fear or respect, as above man in power or superior in any attribute."^ Dr. G. Kato has given his support to a similar view.^ he Teijo has written in his Miscellany, '' The meaning of kami is ' above.' Because a thing is venerable it is regarded as above and called kajiii,'^"^ A"