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X [eabrlecba th vier ae : pctoers pechotche testy wl be a4 rm ht te pone Pate Aa Spee pre ear i 4 Featage bya PAR WLS LN Ae he Lee ST | fe eins, montis eas waeen ena iA 43 S RENO “ cope ica Seid rbetekie! aohetapioalrtotaeeotr Sikh teat Se aA. tegen nomena Exe eerie ees Sek 20-8 ice SU oeretaate ete eee ean a ee tee ees \ Re : ‘ ahaa utr tea Seat Seti hoe oem meen: ae paper as ‘ , : > 3 aeiees ony hs eas aa ma ieee lent Sees ee Sette i et, Oy oe he ita Hass tires bie an! UE Na woe ramon “ . ks ah i ") ng ee is lganhe'y seer a ere a aaa ae { tet net Oita 4 “ hai , i det has by Aad feaeaictee gett bet) } hone ¥ fap " CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY CHARLES WILLIAM WASON COLLECTION ON CHINA AND THE CHINESE iii oo Dash f BUDDHIST PRACTICES IN INDIA TAKAKUSU Bondon HENRY FROWDE OxFrorD UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE AMEN Corner, E.C. THE MACMILLAN CO., 66 FIFTH AVENUE ‘I-TSING’S ROUTE TO INDIA AND BACK, ITH SOME GEOGRAPHICAL NAM 00 no 120 INDIA AND THE FURTHER EAST eee ae I-teing’s route to India and back. eisiaeinensers I-tsing’s probable route with some uncertainty. 2 the identification without any corresponding name. () the identification with some corresponding name. Names IN RED are those mentioned by I-taing in his works. NaMeEs IN BLAOK indicate modern names or those known from other sources. F-tsings Buddlust Records. AL NAMES MENTIONED IN HIS RECORD (A Pp. 671-695). 130 140 150 GePus. Condore ORNEO in OM “surat NO 9 in’ Sapa Pe as Dips « Ne ¢ 130 40 W.& AK Johnston. Bamburgh & Londons NOTES. —eo— A.D. 670, I-tsing was in Si-king, and made an agreement with a few friends to go to India together. A.D. 671, he passed the summer in Yang-fu. He departed from Kwang-fu in the eleventh month of the same year. After twenty days’ sail, he was in Bhoga, where he stayed six months, learning Sanskrit. A.D. 672 (in the seventh month), he started on a ship by the king’s help for Malaya, which then had become a part of Sribhoga, and reached there (after fifteen days); and stayed two months. He started again for Kaka, and reached there (after fifteen days). Hé remained till the twelfth month in Kaa, when he started for India on a king’s ship. After ten days’ sail toward the north he came to the Lo-jén Kuo, i.e. the Country of the Naked People; and after half a month’s sail NE. he reached Tamralipti, in Eastern India, sixty yoganas from Nalanda. A.D. 673, he stayed in Tamralipti till the fifth month, when he started for Central India with a caravan. He took his way in a westerly direc- tion. At a place ten days’ distance from the Mahabodhi, he passed a great mountain and bogs, and was attacked by robbers. After this, he turned north; a few days afterwards he came for the first time to the Nalanda monastery (ten miles north of Ragagréha), and made a pilgrim- age to the Vulture Peak, Buddhagay4a, Vaisali, Kusinagara, Kapilavastu, Sravasti, the Deer Park, and the Cock Mountain. Ile stayed ten years in the Nalanda monastery. A.D. 685, thirteen years after his arrival in India, he was still in a place six yoganas west of Nalanda. eS He collected the Buddhist books, Tripi/aka, amounting to 500,000 slokas, and came back to Tamralipti; on the way he again was attacked by robbers. Probably, a. p. 688, he was on his way back; passed Kaéa and returned to Bhoga. A.D. 689, he was taken back to Kwang-tung by amerchant’s ship, although not himself intending to sail. On the first day of the eleventh month of the same year he again went to Bhoga. A.D. 692, he sent home his Record, Memoirs, Suhrillekha, and other books. A.D. 695, he came back to Si-king (Chang-an), and was favourably received by the ruling queen, the usurper,whose reign was called ‘Chou’ (Chow) instead of ‘ Thang.’ A RECORD OF THE BUDDHIST RELIGION AS PRACTISED IN INDIA AND THE MALAY ARCHIPELAGO (A.D. 671-695) vy LTSING TRANSLATED BY J. TAKAKUSU, B.A., Pu.D. WITH A LETTER FROM THE RIGHT HON. PROFESSOR F. MAX MULLER WITH A MAP { { Ic WK y= ey FS ee - i HENRY FROWDE Orford VSLARENDGN PRESS WAREHO! AT THE CLARENDON PRESSAMEN CORNER, LOMDO el TI BE REIOVED FROM | 1860 READING ROOM. i R VY) aaa Bur Tb {SA \ W 1:"10 Orford PRINTED AT THE CLARENDON PRESS BY HORACE HART PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY hors CONTENTS. Mar of I-tsing’s Route to India and Back, with some Geographical Names mentioned in his Record [0 face title-page| Letter rrom Taz Ricut Honouraste Proressor F. Max Mirer to ***" Mr. J. Taxaxusv . ‘ i : , : ‘ ix GENERAL INTRODUCTION :— Preliminary Remarks ; ; : ‘ ; : . Xvi The Mflasarvastivada Sahoo! : : . Xxi The Result of I-tsing’s Description of the Buddhist Behooly . xxiii The Life and Travels of I-tsing :— I. His Boyhood, to his Departure from China . : ‘ . XXV I. His Journey to India . a i ‘ : ‘ . XXVii III. His Return Home, to his Death . ‘ . : XXXVii Notes on some Geographical Names :— I. The Country of the Naked People : ; ; XXXVili II. The Islands of the Southern Sea. : XXXIX II. Further India or Indo-China : li IV. India and Ceylon ; : : lii The Date of I-tsing’s Work .. : ‘ : 5 . hii Tables of several Literary Men and Buddhist Teachers of India, with their dates and successions, made from the Record of Buddhist Practices of I-tsing . i : ‘ ‘ i : lv The Text ‘ ‘ ‘ ; ‘ 2 ; . Ix Additional Notes to the Map ‘ ‘ lxiv vi CONTENTS. PAGE A Recorp or Bupputst Practices sent Home FRoM THE SOUTHERN Sea. By I-Tsne:— Introduction . : ; : ; ‘ j ; ‘ ‘ I CHAP, I, Regarding the Non-observance of the Varsha (or Vassa, Summer- Retreat). i : : : 3 | II. Behaviour towards the Hone’ : 3 . i « BI III. On Sitting on a Small Chair at Dinner. ‘ _ 22 IV. Distinction between Pure and Impure Food. % 24 V. Cleansing after Meals. 5 : 3 ‘ s 26 VI. Two Jugs for keeping Water . . , 27 VII. The Morning Inspection of Water as to inseéie , . 30 VIII. Use of Tooth-woods : : a 38 IX. Rules about the Reception at the oda: fay ; : s 35 X. Necessary Food and Clothing i : 4 53 XI. The Mode of Wearing Garments . : : «HB XII. Rules Concerning the Nun’s Dress and Funeral ; 4 » 78 XIII. Consecrated Grounds. : : ; 82 XIV. The Summer-Retreat of the Five Parisliads ; ; : . 85 XV. Concerning the Pravaraza-day 3 ; . 86 XVI. About Spoons and Chop-sticks ‘ é . go XVII. Proper Occasion for Salutation . ‘ : . 90 XVIII. Concerning Evacuation . : : F ‘ gI XIX. Rules of Ordination ‘ 3 ‘ f : » 95 XX. Bathing at Proper Times ‘ . 107 XXI. Concerning the Mat to sit on . 3 ‘ : ; s . 10 XXII. Rules of Sleeping and Resting j F : . IIL XXIII. On the Advantage of Proper Exercise to Healthy i ‘ . 114 XXIV. Worship not Mutually Dependent . ; , 115 XXV. Behaviour between Teacher and Pupil. ] : . 116 XXVI. Conduct towards Strangers or Friends. : : . 124 XXVII. On Symptoms of Bodily ness : . ‘ : . 126 XXVIII. Rules on Giving Medicine , 7 é . 130 XXIX. Hurtful Medical Treatment must not fhe puanieed : : . 138 XXX. On Turning to the Right in Worship ; ‘ 140 XXXI. Rules of Decorum in Cleansing the Sacred Object ai Woes, 1447 XXXII. The Ceremony of Chanting . ‘ : d ‘ : . 152 CONTENTS. vil CHAP. PAGE XXXII. An Unlawful Salutation . ‘ ‘ : ‘ ‘ . 166 XXXIV. The Method of Learning in the West ‘ : é . 167 XXXV. The Rule as to Hair 2 3 : ‘ ‘ ‘ . 185 XXXVI. The Arrangement of Affairs after Death ‘ : : ; . 189 XXXVII. The Use of the Common Property of the Sangha. ; . 193 XXXVIII. The Burning of the Body is Unlawful. : ‘ ‘ . 195 XXXIX. The Bystanders become Guilty 5 : : ‘ . 194 XL. Such Actions were not practised by the Virtuous of old ‘ . 198 Names of the Books which are referred to in I-tsing’s Works, but not found in the India Office Collection . ‘ ; ; : : ‘ . 216 Additional Notes. 3 ; . : ‘ ‘ ; a. 814 Corrigenda. ‘ ‘ : : : : : . . . 226 Index. ‘ ; 5 ; : i : : : : a Bia ABBREVIATIONS. Chavannes = Mémoire composé a |’époque de la grande dynastie T‘ang sur les religieux éminents qui allérent chercher la loi dans les pays d’occident, par I-tsing. Traduit en Frangais par Edouard Chavannes. Paris, 1894. Childers = A Dictionary of the Pali Language, by R. C. Childers. London, 1875. Dharmasangraha = An Ancient Collection of Buddhist Technical Terms, prepared for publication by Kenjiu Kasawara. Edited by F. Max Miller and H. Wenzel. Oxford, 1885. J.= The New Japanese Edition of the Chinese Buddhist Books in the Bodleian Library, Jap. 65. Julien = Méthode pour déchiffrer et transcrire les Noms Sanscrits qui se rencontrent dans les Livres Chinois. Par Stanislas Julien. Paris, 1861. Kasyapa = A Commentary in MS. on I-tsing’s Record, written in 1758. By Ji-un Kasyapa (On-k6),—the Nan-kai-kai-ran-shé. Nanjio = A Catalogue of the Chinese Translation of the Buddhist Tripisaka, the Sacred Canon of the Buddhists in China and Japan. Compiled by Order of the Secretary of State for India, by Bunyiu Nanjio. Oxford, 1883. S. B. E. = The Sacred Books of the East, translated by various Oriental Scholars, and edited by F. Max Miiller. Clarendon Press, Oxford. Yule = Travels of Marco Polo. By Colonel Yule. 2nd edition. London, 1875. N.B.—When a word or passage is marked with an asterisk * it has an additional note at the end. LETTER FROM THE RIGHT HONOURABLE PROFESSOR F. MAX MULLER TO MR. J. TAKAKUSU. OxForD : January, 1896. MY DEAR FRIEND, Ever since I made the acquaintance of Stanislas Julien at Paris, in 1846, being constantly with him while he translated Hiuen Thsang’s Travels in India, I felt convinced that the most important help for settling the chronology of mediaeval Sanskrit literature would be found in Chinese writers. I was particularly anxious for a translation of I-tsing’s work ; and as far back as 18801 I expressed a hope that the Record of that great Chinese traveller’s stay in India would soon be rendered accessible to us in an English translation. Some of the contents of his book became known to me through one of my Japanese Buddhist pupils, Kasawara ; but he unfortunately died before he could finish his translation of the whole Record. From the fragments of his translation, however, I gathered some important facts, which were published first in the Academy, October 2, 1880, then in the Indian Antiquary*, and in the , * See the Academy, October 2, 1880. ? See further on, p. xviii, 2. b x LETTER FROM PROFESSOR F. MAX MULLER appendix to my ‘India, what can it teach us?’ under the title of Renaissance of Sanskrit Literature. From I-tsing or from any of the Chinese travellers in India we must not expect any trustworthy information on the ancient literature of India. What they tell us, for instance, on the date of the birth of Buddha, is mere tradition, and cannot claim any independent value. It is interesting to know that the name of Pazini and his great Grammar were known to them, but what they say about his age and circumstances does not help us much. All that is of importance on this subject has been collected and published by me in my edition of the Pratisakhya, 1856, Nachtrage, pp. 12-15. The date of Pazini can be fixed hypothetically only. It has been pointed out that Pata#gali in his Mahabhdshya speaks of Pushpamitra, and according to some MSS. of Kandragupta also. Kandragupta was the founder of the Maurya dynasty, Pushpamitra was the first of the dynasty which succeeded the Mauryas. As it seems that Pata#gali in one place implies the fall of the Mauryas, which happened in 178 B.C., it has been supposed that he must have lived about that time. And this date seemed to agree with the statement, contained in the Ragatarangizi (1148 A.D.), that his work, the Mahabhashya, was known in Kashmir under king Abhimanyu, that is, in the middle of the first century B.c. As there is a series of grammarians succeeding each other between Patafgali and Pawini, it was argued with some degree of plausibility that Pazini cannot have lived later than the fourth century B.c. But all this is constructive chronology only, and would have to yield as soon as anything more certain could be produced. It was quite right, therefore, that Professor Weber, of Berlin, should point out and lay stress on the fact that Pazini quotes an alphabet called Yavandni which he (Weber) takes to mean Ionian or Greek. This alphabet, he argues, could not have been known before the invasion of Alexander, and Pazini could therefore not have written before 320 B.C. TO MR. J. TAKAKUSU. xi Although Professor Boehtlingk maintains that writing, at least for monumental purposes, was known in India before the third century, he has produced no dated inscription to support his assertion, still less has he proved that this non-existent alphabet was called Yavandni. We cannot deny the possibility that a knowledge of alphabetic writing may have reached India before the time of Alexander; nor need Vavandni have meant Ionian or Greek. No one has ever held that any one of the Indian alphabets was derived direct from the Greek letters such as they were at the time of Alexander. No writer of any authority has derived these Indian alphabets from any but a Semitic or Aramaic source. Even Semitic (Phenician) inscriptions before that of Eshmunezar at the end of the fifth century B.c. (fourth century, according to Maspero) are very scarce. I only know of that of Siloam about 700 B.c., and that of Mesha about goo B.c. Professor Weber's argument cannot therefore be brushed away by a mere assertion. Still less could any scholar say that the existence of the ancient Vedic literature was impossible or inconceivable without a knowledge of alphabetic writing. Where the art of alphabetic writing is known and practised for literary purposes, no person on earth could conceal the fact, and I still challenge any scholar to produce any mention of writing in Indian literature before the supposed age of Pazini. To say that literature is impossible without alphabetic writing shows a want of acquaintance with Greek, Hebrew, Finnish, Estonian, Mordvinian, nay with Mexican literature. Why should all names for writing, paper, ink, stylus, letters, or books have been so carefully avoided if they had been in daily use? Besides, it is well known that the interval between the use of alphabetic writing for official or monumental purposes and its use for literature is very wide. Demand only creates supply, and a written literature would presuppose a reading public such as no one has yet claimed for the time of Homer, of Moses, of the authors of the Kalevala, of Kalevipoeg or of the popular and religious songs of Ugro-Finnish or b2 xii LETTER FROM PROFESSOR F. MAX MULLER even Mexican races. To say that the art of writing was kept secret, that the Brahmans probably kept one copy only of each work for themselves, learnt it by heart and taught it to their pupils, shows what imagination can do in order to escape from facts. The facts on which I base my negative vote are these :— The inscriptions of Asoka are still the earliest inscriptions in India which can be dated, and the tentative character of the local alphabets in which they are written forms in my eyes a proof of the recent intro- duction of alphabetic writing in different parts of India. I see no reason to doubt the possibility that the Brahmans were acquainted with alpha- betic writing at an earlier time, and I should hail any discovery like that of Major Deane (if indeed they are Indian inscriptions) as an important addition to the history of the migrations of the Hieratic or so-called Phenician alphabet. But that is very different from asserting that writing was known, or must have been known, whether for monumental or literary purposes, before say 400 B.C. I have still to confess my ignorance of any book having been written on palm leaves or paper before the time of Vattagdmani (88-76 B.C.), or of any datable inscription before the time of Asoka. But though the works of Chinese pilgrims throw little light on the ancient literature, or even on what I called the Renaissance period up to 400 A.D., they have proved of great help to us in fixing the dates of Sanskrit writers whom they either knew personally or who had died not long before their times. I pointed this out in a paper on the Kasika- vritti! published in the Academy, October 2, 1880. Professor von Boehtlingk, in the introduction to his edition of PAzini’s Grammar (p. iv), referred the Kasika-vrztti to about the eighth cen- tury A.D., on the supposition that Vamana, the author of the Kasika, * Kasika, a commentary on Pazini’s Grammatical Aphorisms, by Pamdit Vamana and Gayaditya. Edited by Pamdit Balasdstri (Benares, 1876, 1878). TO MR. J. TAKAKUSU. xiii was the same as the Vamana mentioned in the Chronicle of Kashmir (iv, 496). Kalhava Pandita, the author of that chronicle, after men- tioning the restoration of grammatical studies in Kasmira under Gayapida, and the introduction of Pata#gali’s Mahabhashya, passes on to give a list of the names of other learned men at the king’s court, and he mentions more particularly Kshira (author of Avyaya-vritti and the Dhatutarangizi), Damodaragupta, Manoratha, Sankhadatta, Kataka, Sandhimat, and Vamana. This Vamana was supposed to have been the author of the Kasika. There was nothing to support this conjecture, and Professor von Boehtlingk has himself surrendered it. Another conjecture was stated by Professor H. H. Wilson that the Vamana at the court of Gayapida was the same as VAmaza, the author of the Kavydlankara-vrztti. But this Vamana quotes among other authors Kaviraga, the author of the Raghavapdzdaviya!, who lived after 1000 A.D.’, while Gayapida died in 776 (or 786) A.D. Lastly Dr. Cappeller, the editor of the Kavydlankara-vrztti, after ascribing its author Vamana to the twelfth century, tried to identify him with Vamana, the author of the Kasika-vrttti. Professor Goldstiicker referred the grammarian Vamana to a period more recent than the thirteenth century. Among later scholars Dr. Biihler placed VAamana in the tenth, Burnell in the twelfth century, while Schonberg * showed that he was quoted by Kshemendra in the eleventh century. This wilf show the uncertainty of chronology even in the later history of Indian literature. And it will show at the same time the value of Chinese travellers such as I-tsing. JI-tsing studied Sanskrit in India ? Pathak in Indian Antiquary, 1883, p. 20, tries to ascribe the poem to Arya Strutakirti, Saka 1045. 2 Mr. Rice in his Karnata Authors (Journ. R. A.S., 1883, p. 298) fixes his date at 1170 A.D. 8 Schénberg, Kshemendra’s Kavikanéhabharana, p. 15, note. xiv LETTER FROM PROFESSOR F. MAX MULLER before the end of the seventh century, and he knew the KAasika-vritti. This book, which is a commentary on Pavini’s Satras, was really the work of two authors, Vamana and Gaydaditya. It is sometimes ascribed to one, sometimes to the other; nay the two names have also been assigned to one and the same person. There was, however, a tradition which assigned certain portions of the Grammar to Vamana, and others to Gaydditya’. I-tsing quotes the Vritti-stitra as the work of Gayéa- ditya. The name Vritti-stitra is strange. We expect Sitra-vrvtti. But Bhartrzhari uses the same name*. I-tsing states that Gaydaditya died not later than 661-662 A.D., that is, about ten years before his own arrival in India. It can thus be shown that what IJ-tsing calls a commentary on this work, or a Kirzi*®, was meant for Pataggali’s Mahabhashya, as taught in I-tsing’s time, as a commentary on the Kasika arrangement of the Sfitras of Pazini. Patafeali is actually called Ktrvikara by Bhartrzhari, who himself commented on Pata#igali’s Mahabhashya. This Bhartrzhari also, a Buddhist of the Vidyamatra sect, died, as I-tsing tells us, in about 651-652 A.D. Among his contemporaries is mentioned Dharmapala, and this Dharmapala would seem to have been the teacher of Silabhadra, the same who received Hiuen Thsang at Nalanda in 635 A.D. Other works of Bhartrzhari mentioned by I-tsing are the Vakya-discourse and Pei-na. The former contains 700 slokas, and its commentary 7,000 slokas. As it is a grammatical work, we can hardly be wrong in taking it to be Bhartrzhari’s Vakyapadtya*. As to the Pei-na, Professor Biihler has proposed a very ingenious conjecture that it may stand for Beda, a boat, i.e.a commentary ®. Such a name, however, never occurs with reference to any work of Bhartrzhari. » Below, p. 176, note 3. ? Mahabhashya, ed. Kielhorn, vol. ii, p. ili, p. 21. * Below, p. 178, note 2. 4 Cp. Kielhorn, Indian Antiquary, xii, p. 226. 5 Below, p. 225, additional note to p. 180. TO MR. J. TAKAKUSU. XV I need not repeat what I have written in my ‘India, what can it teach us??? about the remaining grammatical works, the book on the so-called Three Khilas, the Dhatupazéa, and the Si-t‘an-chang, mentioned by I-tsing. Some difficulty still remains as to the nature of some of these works, but this, I hope, will be cleared up in time. All those who know how few certain dates there are in the history of Indian literature will welcome a text, such as I-tsing’s, as a new shect- anchor in the chronology of Sanskrit literature. We have as yet only three such anchors, as I have pointed out in my Introduction to the Amitayur-dhyana-sitra ? :— 1. The date of Kandragupta (Sandrokyptos) as fixed by Greek historians, and serving to determine the dates of Asoka and his inscriptions in the third, and indirectly of the Buddha in the fifth century, before our era. 2. The dates of several literary men as supplied by Hiuen Thsang’s travels in India (A.D. 629-645). 3. The dates supplied by I-tsing in the latter half of the seventh century (A.D. 671-695). The most important of all the dates given by I-tsing are those of Bhartrvzhari, Gaydditya, and their contemporaries. They serve as a rallying-point for a number of literary men belonging to what I called the ‘ Renaissance period of Sanskrit literature.’ Let me now congratulate you on the completion of your translation, which realises a wish long entertained by me. Your work will be a lasting memorial of my dear departed pupil Kasawara, who began it, though he was not allowed to finish it. It will show what excellent and useful work may be expected from Japanese scholars. If I have gladly 1 The ist edition, 1883, pp. 343-345. 2 S$. B. E., vol, xlix, translated by Takakusu. See my Introduction, p. xxi. xvi LETTER FROM PROFESSOR F. MAX MULLER. given my time and help to you as formerly to Kasawara and Bunyiu Nanjio, it was not only for the sake of our University, to which you had come to study Sanskrit and Pali, but in the hope that a truly scholarlike study of Buddhism may be revived in Japan, and that your countrymen may in time be enabled to form a more intelligent and historical conception of the great reformer of the ancient religion of India. Religions, like everything else, require reform from time to time; and if Buddha were alive in our days he would probably be the first to reform the abuses that have crept into the Buddhism of Tibet, China, and Japan, as well as of Ceylon, Burma, and Siam. I may add here that there is no trace of Brahmanic hostility in our Record; this is in harmony with the dates of Kumarila Bha¢fa (about 750) and Sankaraarya (about 788-820). * Compare Burnouf, Lotus, 357; Csoma, As. Res. xx, 298; Dipavamsa V, 39-48; Mahavamsa V; Rhys Davids, J. R. A.S., 1891, p. 411; 1892, p. 5; Wassilief, Buddhismus, 223; Beal, Ind. Ant., 1880, 299. 5 Compare Rhys Davids, Buddhism, p. 19. xxiv GENERAL INTRODUCTION. Ill. The Arya-m@lasarvastivada-nikaya. 1. Four subdivisions :— a. The Miilasarvastivada School. 6, The Dharmagupta School. c. The Mahisasaka School. d. The Kasyaptya School. 2, The Tripi¢aka in 300,000 slokas. 3. Most flourishing in Magadha (C. India); almost all belong to this in N. India. A few in La/a and Sindhu (W. India) and in S. India. Side by side with the other in E. India. Three subdivisions, 4, ¢, d, are not found in India proper, but some followers in Udyana, Kharakar, and Kustana. (Not in Ceylon.) Almost all belong to this in the islands of the Southern Sea. A few in Champa (Cochin China). 4 is found in E. China and in Shen-si (W. China). , 4, ¢, d, flourishing in the south of the Yang-tse-kiang, in Kwang-tung and Kwang-si in S, China. IV. The Arya-sammitiya-nikaya 4 1. Four subdivisions. z. Tripi¢aka in 200,000 slokas; the Vinaya alone in 30,000 slokas. 3. Most flourishing in La and Sindhu (W. India). It is in practice in Magadha. A few in S. India. Side by side with the other in E. India. (Not in N. India.) (Not in Ceylon.) A few in the islands of the Southern Sea. Mostly followed in Champa (Cochin-China). (Not in China proper.) The geographical distribution of the schools in India and in other places :— India in general. Eighteen schools are in existence (p. 8, iv). C. India. Magadha; all the four Nikayas in practice, but III flourishes the most (except 4, c, d of it). W. India. Lava and Sindhu; IV is most flourishing; a few of I, II, III. N. India. Almost all belong to III; a few to I (II, IV not found). S. India. ?Almost all belong to II; a few to the other schools. E. India. I, IT, III, IV side by side. Ceylon. All belong to IT; I is rejected (III, IV not found). Sumatra, Java, and the neighbouring islands. Almost all belong to III; a few to IV; lately a few to I, II. Cochin-China. Champa; mostly IV; a few III (no I, II). Siam. No Buddhism at present, owing to the recent persecution of Buddhists by a king. 1 This seems to be most common; Sammiti in Dipav. V, 46 (plural -t?), also in Wijesinha, Mah§v., p. 15, note. * This fact is in harmony with Prof. Oldenberg’s opinion expressed in his Vinaya-pisakam i, p. liii, that the Ceylonese Buddhism might have been introduced through the southern Coasts which had commercial relations with Ceylon in early times. LIFE AND TRAVELS OF JI-TSING. XXV E. China. 4 of III flourishing. W. China. Shen-si: 4 of III, and also I followed. S. China. South of Yang-tse-kiang, Kwang-tung, and Kwang-si: all III (a, 4, ¢, @) flourishing. The Mahayana and Hinayana. China in general belongs to the Mahayana. Malayu (= Sribhoga), a few Mahay4nists. N. India and the ten or more islands of the Southern Sea (Sumatra, Java, &c.) generally belong to the Hinaydna. All the remaining places in India. Both Yanas are found, i.e. some practise according to the one, some according to the other. THE LIFE AND TRAVELS oF I-TSING. I. His Boyhood, to his Departure from China. I-tsing, one of the three great travellers in India, was born in the year 635 A.D. in Fan-yang', during the reign of T‘ai-tsung?. When he was seven years old (641), he went to the teachers, Shan-yii and Hui-hsi, who both lived in a temple on the mountain Tai in Shan-tung* He was probably instructed by these teachers in the elements of general Chinese literature, with a view to his proceeding to the priesthood. His Upadhyaya Shan-yii died, to his great sorrow, when he was only twelve years old (646)*. He then, laying aside his study of secular literature, devoted himself to the Sacred Canon of the Buddha. He was admitted to the Order (Pravragya) when he was fourteen years of age. It was, he tells us, in his eighteenth year (652) that he formed the intention of travelling to India, which was not, however, carried out till his thirty-seventh year (671)°®. During some nineteen years of the interval he seems to have applied all his youthful vigour to 1 Modern Cho-chou (= Juju of Marco Polo, near Peking), a department in the province of Chi-li. 2 Reigned A.D. 627-649 ; 635 is, in Chinese, the ninth year of the Chéng-kuan period. 3 Below, pp. 199, 207. * Page 204; Hiuen Thsang returned from India in this year. 5 Page 204. d Xxvi GENERAL INTRODUCTION. the study of religion, so as ‘ not to render his life useless by indulging himself in secular literature ’.’ He received his Full Ordination (Upasampada) at the required age of twenty (654), his Karm4éarya, Hui-hsi, then becoming his Upadhyaya to take the place of the deceased Shan-yii. On the same day, pointing out to him the importance of holding firm to the Noble Precepts of the Buddha, and also the fact that the Buddha’s teaching was becoming misinterpreted, the Upadhy4ya instructed him in earnest 2. The words of his teacher must have guided him throughout the whole of his life, for what he did or wrote afterwards perfectly accords with them. After that incident, he devoted himself exclusively to the study of the Vinaya text during the following five years (654-658). He made great progress in his pursuit, and his teacher ordered him to deliver a lecture on the subject; in fact he calls himself on one occasion ‘ One versed in the Vinaya,’ so far as the Chinese study of it is concerned 8, Next to the Vinaya he proceeded to learn the larger Siitras, practising some of the thirteen Dhit4ngas* during his residence in the mountain Vihdra. Owing to the instigation of his Upadhyaya he then went to Eastern Wei® to study Asanga’s Western Capital.®, where he further read the. AbRiahatms -kosa_and Vidydmatra- siddhi of Vasubandhu and Dharmapala respectively ’. While he stayed at Ch'ang-an he may have witnessed the ‘noble enthusiasm of Hiuen Thsang 8, and probably also the grand ceremony of his funeral carried out under under the s “special direction of Sincla up perhaps by the great bapa of Hiuen Tee and by the Nonbite and glory that attended him, I-tsing seems to have made a great effort to carry out his long meditated enterprise of a journey to India, which was in his time the home of Buddhist literature. I-tsing indeed became a great admirer of Hiuen Thsang as well as of Fa-hien, as his biographer tells us’. He stayed in the capital till a.p. 670, the year prior to his departure from home. As to his travels, the reader will perhaps prefer to read them in I-tsing’s own words, though the record is unfortunately short ™. ! Page 209 ; this was his teacher’s instruction. 2 Page 209. 8 Page 65. * Compare pp. 56, 57, note. 5 Or, Yeh, now Chang-teh Fu in Honan. ® Si-an Fu or Ch‘ang-an (= Kenjanfu of Marco Polo) in Shen-si. 7 Page 210, ® Compare the Life of I-tsing (Nanjio’s Catal., No. 1495) ; Chavannes, Memoirs, p. 193. ° See 1. c.; for his own words about his two predecessors, see below, pp. 184, 207. 1° Jt would have seemed superfluous to give a long account after Hiuen Thsang; I-tsing must have known the Si-yu-ki, see e.g. his sayings against ‘Indu’ (p. 118; cf. Hiuen Thsang, Mémoires, ii. 56) and about the six seasons (p. 102, notes 3, 4). LIFE AND TRAVELS OF I-TSING. XXvii II. His Journey to India. ‘I, I-tsing, was in the Western Capital (Ch‘ang-an) in the first year of the Hsien-héng period (670), studying and hearing lectures. At that time there were with me Ch'u-i, a teacher of the Law, of Ping-pu%; Hung-i, a teacher of the Sastra, of Lai-chou’, and also two or three other Bhadantas; we all made an agreement together to visit the Vulture Peak (Gredhrakt/a), and set our hearts on (seeing) the Tree of Knowledge (Bodhidruma) in India. Ch'u-i, however, was drawn back by his affection towards (his home in) Ping-ch'uan‘, for his mother was of an advanced age, whereas Hung-i turned his thought to Sukhavati® on meeting Hiuen-Chan in Kiang-ning*. Hiuen-k‘uei (one of the party) came as far as Kwang-tung; he, however, as others did, changed his mind which he had formerly made up. So I had to start for India, only with a young priest, Shan- hing, of Tsin-chou ‘. The old friends of mine in the Divine Land (China) thus unfortunately parted with me and all went their ways, while not a single new acquaintance in India was yet found by me. Had I hesitated then, my wish would never have been fulfilled. I composed two stanzas imitating, though not in earnest, the poem on the fourfold Sorrow ®. During my travel I passed several myriads of stages, The fine threads of sorrow entangled my thought hundredfold. Why was it, pray, you let the shadow of my body alone Walk on the boundaries of Five Regions of India? Again to console myself: A good general can obstruct a hostile army, But the resolution of a man is difficult to move’. If I be sorry for a short life and be ever Speaking of it, how can I fill up the long Asankhya age!?? 1 The Ta-t‘ang-si-yu-ku-fa-kao-séng-Ch‘uan, vol. ii, fol. 4°; Chavannes, § 46, p. 114. 2 Ping-chou or T'ai-yuen in Shen-si. 3 Lai-chou Fu, in the Shan-tung promontory, said to have been named after the Lai aborigines. + A Japanese text has Ping-chou. 5 To be born in the Land of Bliss it is necessary to repeat daily the name of Amitabha according to the Old Pure Land School; An-yang=Sukhavati. ® In Kiang-su. 7 A place in P‘ing-yang in Shen-si. This priest was a pupil of I-tsing; he came as far as Sumatra and returned to China owing to illness, Chavannes, § 47, p. 126. 8 An ancient poem composed by Chang-heng (A.D. 78-139), loc. cit., p. 115. ® Cf, the Analects, IX, 25. 10 A Bodhisattva passes through three Asankhya (immeasurable) ages, practising charity, &c.; I-tsing is here alluding to this. da xxviii GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 1Previous to my departure from home I returned to my native place (Cho-chou) from the capital (Ch‘ang-an). I sought advice from my teacher, Hui-hsi, saying : ‘Venerable Sir, I am intending to take a long journey ; for, if I witness that with which I have hitherto not been acquainted, there must accrue to me great advantage. But you are already advanced in age, so that I cannot carry out my intention without consulting you.’ He answered: ‘ This is a great opportunity for you, which will not occur twice. (I assure you) I am much delighted to hear of your intention so wisely formed. If I live long enough (to see you return), it will be my joy to witness you transmitting the Light. Go without hesitation ; do not look back upon things left behind. I certainly approve of your pilgrimage to the holy places. Moreover it is a most important duty to strive for the pros- perity of Religion. Rest clear from doubt!’ 2On the eve of my departure, I went to the tomb of my master (Shan-yil) to worship and to take leave. At that time, the trees around the tomb (though) injured by frost had already grown so much that each tree would take one hand to span it’, and wild grasses had filled the graveyard. Though the spirit-world is hidden from us, I nevertheless paid him all honour just as if he had been present‘. While turning round and glancing in every direction, I related my intention of travelling. I invoked his spiritual aid, and expressed my wish to requite the great benefits conferred on me by this benign personage. 5In the second year of the Hsien-héng period (671) I kept the summer-retreat (varsha or vassa) in Yang-fu® In the beginning of autumn (seventh moon) I met unexpectedly an imperial envoy, Féng Hsiao-ch'tian of Kong-chou’; by the help of him I came to the town of Kwang-tung, where I fixed the date of meeting with the owner of a Persian ship* to embark for the south. Again accepting the 1 Page 210. ? Page 204. 3 This is an alternative translation, cf. 1. c. * Cf, the Analects, III, 12. 5 The Si-yn-ku-fa-kao-séng-ch‘uan, vol. ii, fol. 5°; Chavannes, p. 116. ® Yang-chou (= Yangju of Marco Polo) in Kiang-su. 7 Old name for the S. E. part of Kwang-si. » In I-tsing’s time there was regular navigation between Persia, India, the Malay islands, and China. I think this explains the route of the first Nestorian missionary, Olopuen or Alopen, who went to China a.D, 635. Dr. Legge supposed that he would have come to China overland through Central Asia (Christianity in China in the Seventh Century, p. 45). Dr. Edkins says that Sfladitya received the Syrian Christians, Alopen and his companions, A.D. 639 (Athenaeum, July 3, 1880, p. 8). If so, it would seem that he went back to India. If, on the other hand, these were two different men, the fact would rather favour Yule’s conjecture that Alopuen, which is supposed to be Syriac ‘Alopano,’ might be merely a Chinese form of the Syriac ‘ Rabban,’ by which the Apostle had come to be generally known (Cathy, p. xciv). For Adam, the writer of the Syro-Chinese inscription, see p. 169 note, and also my additional note at the end (p. 223). LIFE AND TRAVELS OF I-TSING. xxix invitation of the envoy I went to Kang-chou’, when he became my D&napati (Benefactor) for a second time. His younger brothers, Hsiao-tan and Hsiao-chén, both imperial envoys, Ladies? Ning and P*én, all the members of his family, favoured me with presents. Things of superior quality and excellent eatables were given me by them; each striving to do the best. In doing so, they hoped that I might not be in any want during the sea voyage, yet they feared that there might be some troubles for me in the dangerous land. Their affection was as deep as that of my parents, readily granting whatever the orphan wished to have. They all became my refuge or resource, and together supplied the means of (visiting) the excellent region. All I could have done regarding my pilgrimage (to the Holy Land) is due only to the power of the family of Féng. Moreover the priests and laymen of the Lin-nan* experienced a bitter feeling at our parting; the brilliant scholars of the northern provinces were all distressed by our bidding farewell, as they thought never to see us again. In the eleventh month of this year (a.p. 671) * we sfarted looking towards the constellations Yi and Chén®, and having P‘an-yii (Kwang-tung) right behind us. I would sometimes direct my thoughts far away to the Deer Park (Mrigadava at Benares); af other times 1 would repose in the hope of (reaching) the Cock Mountain (Kukku/apadagiri near Gay4). At this time the first monsoon began to blow, when our ship proceeded towards the Red South*, with ‘ke ropes a hundred cubits long suspended from above, two by two’. In the beginning of the season in which we separate from the constellation Chi®, the pair of saz/s, each in five lengths ®, flew away, leaving A place in Kwang-chou in the province of Kwang-tung. * Chiin-chiin is a daughter of an imperial prince of the third degree, but often used as a title of honour of a noble lady, as here. 3 South of the Plum Range, i. e. Kwang-tung and Kwang-si. * Page 211. 5 ‘Yi=serpent, twenty-two stars in Crater and Hydra; Chén=worm, 8, y, 5, € Corvus. Long. 170° 56’ 9”—187° 56’ 52”, i. e. about the south. ® The colour assigned to the south is red, and that to the north is sombre, see below. 7 Ie, ‘the preparation of the spars having been duly made.’ Prof. Chavannes’ correction of ‘ Kuei’ to ‘ Kua’ is confirmed by Kasyapa’s copy of the Record; Memoirs, p. 118, note 4. ® Chi stands for the constellation y, 5, ¢,8 Sagittarii= Leopard. Long. 268° 28’ 15". This constellation consists of the stars which are visible in heaven only when the sun is 16° or more “below the horizon. Accordingly, the first heliacal rising (ortus heliacus) at dawn for Lat. 20° (Canton) is on about Feb. 8, and the last heliacal setting (occasus heliacus) in the evening dusk, for Lat. 20° is on about Dec.11. The corresponding day in the lunar month to our Dec. 11 will be about the 1st of the eleventh month, being about the time when the Chi constellation disappears. ® For this note, see next page. XXX GENERAL INTRODUCTION. the sombre north behind. Cutting through the immense abyss, the great swells of water lie, like a mountain, on the sea. Joining sideways with a vast gulf-stream, the massive waves, like clouds, dash against the sky. Before sailing twenty days the ship reached Bhoga', where I landed and stayed six months, gradually learning the Sabdavidya (Sanskrit grammar). The king gave me some support and sent me to the country of Malayu, which is now called Sribhoga?, where I again stayed two months, and -thence I went to Ka-cha’®. Here I embarked in the twelfth month, and again on board the king’s ship I sailed to Eastern India. Going towards the north from Ka-cha, after more than ten days’ sail, we came to the country of the Naked People (Insulae Nudorum). Looking towards the east we saw the shore, for an extent of one or two Chinese miles, with nothing but cocoa-nut trees and betel-nut forest *, luxuriant and pleasant (to be seen). When the natives saw our vessel coming, they eagerly embarked in little boats, their number being fully a hundred. They all brought cocoa-nuts, bananas, and things made of rattan-cane and bamboos, and wished to exchange them. What they are anxious to get is iron only; for a piece of iron as large as two fingers, one gets from them five to ten cocoa-nuts. The men are entirely naked, while the women veil their person with some leaves. If the merchants in joke offer them their clothes, they wave their hands (to tell that) they do not use them. By this time the wind begins to blow from N.E.; hence the common expression: ‘ Chi hao féng, Pi hao yii,’ ‘the constellation Chi (Sagittarius) loves wind, and the Pi (Taurus) loves rain,’ that is, the two draw wind and rain respectively towards themselves, and it means ‘wind comes from the N.E., and the rain from the S.W.’ The Chinese Aolus is therefore Chi-po, i.e, Lord Chi or Uncle Sagittarius. 9 Lit. ‘the pair of fives flew alone;’ the sail may have consisted of five lengths of canvas. Chavannes : ‘et la girouette de plumes flotta isolée.’ 1 See below. ® This is I-tsing’s note. We must thus recognise Bhoga, the Cagztal and the country of Stibhoga (=Malayu), though I-tsing uses both names indiscriminately. The notes in I-tsing’s text have often been erroneously supposed to be by a later hand. As I have said elsewhere (pp: 8, 214, notes), we have no reason whatever to suppose this. He is wont to note any difficult passage throughout his works and translations. There are some such notes which no one but one who had been in India could add, e.g. see Memoirs, vol. ii, fol. 12%; Record, vol. i, fol. 3°; vol. iii, fols. 11°, 11°; vol. iv, fol. 142. The commentator KAasyapa takes all the notes as by I-tsing. Besides, the note to the Miilasarvastivada-ekasatakarman quoted below (pp. xxxiii, xxxiv) clears up all doubts, where he says that Malayu then became Bhoga. * Ka-cha must he S. of the country of the Naked People, somewhere on the Atchin coast. This may represent Sanskrit kakkha, ‘shore.’ The Chinese characters are now pronounced Hsieh-ch‘a or Chich-ch‘a (ch‘a is often misprinted for t'u; if so here, then Chieh-t'nu), * Pin-lang, from the Malay pinang; Sanskrit pfiga. * These agree with an account given of the Nicobar Islands, see below, p. xxxviii, I. LIFE AND TRAVELS OF I-TSING. xxxi This country is, I heard, in the direction of the south-west limit Shu-ch'uan (Ssti-ch'uan, in China). This island does not produce iron at all; gold and silver also are rare. The natives live solely on cocoa-nuts (ndlikera) and tubers; there is not much rice. And therefore what they hold most precious and valuable is Loha*, which is the name for iron in this country. These people are not black, and are of medium height. They are skilled in making round chests of rattan; no other country can equal them. If one refuses to barter with them, they discharge some poisoned arrows, one single shot of which proves fatal. In about half a month’s sail from here in the north-west direction we reached TAmralipti?, which constitutes the southern limit of E, India. It is more than sixty yoganas from Mahabodhi and Nalanda (C. India). * On the eighth day of the second month of the fourth year of the Hsien-héng period (673) I arrived there. In the fifth month I resumed my journey westwards, finding companions here and there. I met for the first time Ta-ch’éng-téng (Mahayanapradipa)* 7 Tamralph, and stayed with him a (part of the) year, while I learned the Brahma-language (Sanskrit) and practised the science of words (grammar, Sabdavidya). Lastly, I started together with the master Téng (=Ta-ch'éng-téng), taking the road which goes straight to the west, and many hundreds of merchants came with us to C. India. At a distance of ten days’ journey from the Mahabodhi Vihara we passed a great mountain and bogs; the pass is dangerous and difficult to cross. It is important to go in a company of several men, and never to proceed alone. At that time I, I-tsing, was attacked by an illness of the season; my body was fatigued and without strength. I sought to follow the company of merchants, but tarrying and suffering, as I was, became unable to reach them. Although I exerted myself and wanted to proceed, yet I was obliged to stop a hundred times in going five Chinese miles. There were there about twenty priests of Nalanda, and with them the venerable Téng, who had all gone on in advance. I alone remained behind, and walked in the dangerous defiles without a companion. Late in the day, when the sun was about to set, some mountain brigands made their appear- * Lo-ho in the Japanese text, but Lo-a in the Chinese. They evidently used the Sanskrit name. 2 Page 185, note. 3 Page 211. + A pupil of Hiuen Thsang. He travelled in Dvadravatt (W. Siam), Ceylon, S. India, and came to Tamralipti, where he stayed twelve years ; skilled in Sanskrit. I-tsing goes with him to Nalanda, Vaisalf, and Kusinagara; died in the Parinirvaa Vihara at the last-mentioned town (Memoirs, i, fols. 13, 14; Chavannes, § 32, p. 68). -Xxxil GENERAL INTRODUCTION. ance; drawing a bow and shouting aloud, they came and glared at me, and one after another insulted me. First they stripped me of my upper robe, and then took off my under garment. All the straps and girdles that were with me they snatched away also. I thought at that time, indeed, that my last farewell to this world was at hand, and that I should not fulfil my wish of a pilgrimage to the holy places. Moreover, if my limbs were thus pierced by the points of their lances, I could never succeed in carrying out the original enterprise so long meditated. Besides, there was a rumour in the country of the West (India) that, when they took a white man, they killed him to offer a sacrifice to heaven (Devas). When I thought of this tale, my dismay grew twice as much. Thereupon J entered into a muddy hole, and besmeared all my body with mud. I covered myself with leaves, and supporting myself on a stick, I advanced slowly. The evening of the day came, and the place of rest was as yet distant. At the second watch of night I reached my fellow-travellers. I heard the venerable Téng calling out for me with a loud voice from outside the village. When we met together, he kindly gave me a robe, and I washed my body in a pond and then came into the village. Proceeding northwards for a few days from that village, we arrived first at Nalanda and worshipped the Root Temple (Mfla- gandhaku/t), and we ascended the Grzdhrakfi/a (Vulture) mountain, where we saw the spot on which the garments were folded’. Afterwards we came to the Maha- bodhi Vihara?, and worshipped the image of the real face (of the Buddha). I took stuffs of thick and fine silk, which were presented by the priests and laymen of Shan-tung, made a kashdya (yellow robe) of them of the size of the Tathagata, and myself offered this robe to the Image. Many myriads of (small) canopies (also), which were entrusted to me by the Vinaya-master Hiuen of Pu *, I presented on his behalf. The Dhyana-master An-tao of Ts‘ao* charged me to worship the image of Bodhi, and I discharged the duty in his name. Then I prostrated myself entirely on the ground with an undivided mind, sincere and respectful. First I wished for China that the four kinds of benefits ® ? Hiuen Thsang, tom. iii, p. 21: ‘Au milieu d’un torrent, il y a une vaste pierre sur laquelle le Tathagata fit sécher son vétement le religieux. Les raies de 1’étoffe détachent encore aussi nettement que si elles avaient été ciselées.’ e ? Near the Bodhi tree, built by a king of Ceylon (Memoirs, Chavannes, p. 84). This Vihara belonged to the Theravada, yet adhered to the Mahayana (Hiuen Thsang, iii, p. 487 seq.) ; this fact perhaps misled Hiuen Thsang, who mentions Ceylon as belonging to both. Bharukakéha and Surashéra also belonged to both, according to Hiuen Thsang. Compare Oldenberg, Vinaya- pitakam, p. liii, note. 5 Pu-chou in Shan-tung. * Ts‘ao-chou in Shan-tung. 5 Page 196, note 3. LIFE AND TRAVELS OF I-TSING. XXxXili should widely prevail among all sentient beings (Han-shih= sattva) in the region of the Law (Dharmadhatu), and I expressed my desire for a general reunion under the Naga-tree to meet the honoured (Buddha) Maitreya and to conform to the true doctrine’, and then to obtain the knowledge that is not subject to births. I went round to worship all the holy places; I passed a house which ts known (to the Chinese) as ‘ Fan-chang’ (in Vaisalf)? and came to Kusinagara, everywhere keeping myself devout and sincere. I entered into the Deer Park (Mrigadava at Benares) and ascended the Cock Mountain (Kukku/apadagiri near Gay); and lived in the Nalanda Vihara for ten years (probably a.p. 675-685). °In the first year of the Ch'ui-kung period (685) I parted with Wu-hing in India (in a place six yoganas east from Nalanda) ‘. After having collected the scriptures, I began to retrace my steps to come back *. JI then returned to Tamralipti. Before I reached there, I met a great band of robbers again; it was with difficulty that I escaped the fate of being pierced by their swords, and I could thus preserve my life from morning to evening. Afterwards I took ship there and passed Ka-cha*. The Indian texts I brought formed more than 500,000 slokas, which, if translated into Chinese, would make a thousand volumes, and with these I am now staying at Bhoga. 7 Roughly speaking, the distance from the middle country (Madhyamadesa) of India to the border lands (Pratyantaka) is more than 300 yoganas in the east and in the west. The border lands in the south and in the north are more than 400 yoganas distant. Although I myself did not see (all the limits) and ascertain (the distance), yet I know it by inquiry. TAamralipti is forty yoganas south from the eastern limit of India. There are five or six monasteries; the people are 1 Page 213, note 1. Tsung here=‘ school,’ ‘ tenet,’ ‘ doctrine.’ ? Fan-chang=‘ten cubits square.’ In Vais4li there was a house which is said to be the room of Vimalakirti, contemporary of the Buddha ; Wan-hiuen-ts‘é, chief envoy to Siladitya, when in Vaisdli, measured the house and found that this room was ten cubits each way (K4syapa). Hence it was afterwards known as Fan-chang; later any room where a head priest lived was called so. Now any abbot and also any monastery are called Fan-chang. Compare Julien, Mémoires, vii, p. 385; Beal, Life of Hiuen Thsang, p. 100; Chavannes, Memoirs, p. 72, where I-tsing passes Vaisali between the Diamond Seat and Kusinagara. 2 Memoirs, vol. i, fol. 62; Chavannes, p. Io. 4 Loc. cit., vol. ii, fol. 11; Chavannes, p. 147. See below, p. xlvi. 5 Yen here is not a verb but a particle; for an analogous use, see the Nestorian Inscription (Legge, Christianity in China, &c., p. 25), and Memoirs, vol. ii, fol. 13°, line g. 6 He landed here and met a man from the north (Tukhdara or Siili), who told him that there were two Chinese priests travelling in the north (whom I-tsing considered to be his own friends), Chavannes, p. 106. 7 The Mialasarvastivada-ekasatakarman (Nanjio’s Catal., No. 1131), book v, p. 57. € XXxXiV GENERAL INTRODUCTION. rich. It belongs to E. India, and is about sixty yoganas from Mahabodhi and Sri-Nalanda. This is the place where we embark when returning to China. Sailing from here two months in the south-east direction we come to Ka-cha. By this time a ship from Bhoga will have arrived there. This is generally in the first or second month of the year. But those who go to the Simhala Island (Ceylon) must sail in the south-west direction. They say that that island is 700 yoganas off. We stay in Ka-cha till winter, then start on board ship for the south, and we come after a month to the country of Malayu, which has now become Bhoga; there are many states (under it). The time of arrival is generally in the first or second month. We stay there till the middle of summer and we sail to the north;, in about a month we reach Kwang-fu (Kwang-tung). The first half of the year will be passed by this time. When we are helped by the power of our (former) good actions, the journey everywhere is as easy and enjoyable as if we went through a market, but, on the other hand, when we have not much influence of Karma, we are often exposed to danger as if (a young one) in a reclining nest. I have thus shortly described the route and the way home, hoping that the wise may still expand their knowledge by hearing more. Many kings and chieftains in the islands of the Southern Ocean admire and believe (Buddhism), and their hearts are set on accumulating good actions. In the fortified city of Bhoga Buddhist priests number more than 1,000, whose minds are bent on learning and good practices. They investigate and study all the subjects that exist just as in the Middle Kingdom (Madhya-desa, India) ; the rules and ceremonies are not at all different. If a Chinese priest wishes to go to the West in order to hear (lectures) and read (the original), he had better stay here one or two years and practise the proper rules and then proceed to Central India. * At the mouth of the river Bhoga I went on board the ship to send a letter® (through the merchant) as a credential to Kwang-chou (Kwang-tung), 7” order to meet (my friends) and ask for paper and cakes of ink, which are to be used in copying the Sfitras in the Brahma-language, and also for the means (cost) of hiring scribes. Just at that time the merchant found the wind favourable, and raised the sails to their utmost height. I was in this way conveyed back (although Or does this refer to a robbers’ den ? * Memoirs, vol. ii, fol. 17°; Chavannes, p. 176. * Fu-shu means ‘to send a letter.’ I-tsing does not intend to go home, therefore he says (below): ‘Even if I asked to stop,’ &c. This was a very puzzling point. Beal makes out that I-tsing was intending to return but was left behind, while Chavannes thinks that I-tsing intended to return in order to get paper and ink, and did so. LIFE AND TRAVELS OF I-TSING. XXXV not myself intending to go home). Even if I asked to stop, there would have been no means of doing so. By this I see it is the influence of Karma that can fashion (our course), and it is not for us, men, to plan it. It was on the twentieth day of the seventh month in the first year of the Yung-ch‘ang period (689) that we reached Kwang-fu. I met here again with all the priests and laymen. Then in the midst of the assembly in the temple of Chih-chih I sighed and said: ‘I first went to the country of the West with the hope of transmitting and spreading (the Law)'; I came back and stayed in the island of the Southern Ocean. Some texts are still wanting, though what I brought (from India) and left at Bhoga amounts to 500,000 slokas belonging to the Tripi/aka. It is necessary under this circumstance that I should go there once again. But I am already more than fifty years of age (fifty-five); while crossing the running waves once more, the horses that pass through cracks * may not stay, and the rampart of my body may be difficult to guard. If the time for the morning dew (for drying) comes on a sudden, to whom shall those books be entrusted ? ‘The Sacred Canon is indeed an important doctrine. Who is then able to come with me and take it over? To translate (the texts) as we receive (instruc- tions in them) we want an able person.’ The assembly unanimously told me: ‘Not far from here there is a priest, Chéng-ku (Sdlagupta), who has long been studying the Vinaya doctrine ; from his earliest age he has preserved himself perfect and sincere. If you get that man, he will prove an excellent companion to you.’ As soon as I heard these words, I thought that he would, in all probability, answer my want. Thereupon I sent a letter to him to the temple of the mountain, roughly describing the preparation for the journey. He then opened my letter; on seeing it he soon made up his mind to come with me. To make a comparison, a single sortie at the town of Liao-tung broke the courageous hearts of the three generals, or one little stanza from (or, about) the Himalaya mountain drew the profound resolution of the great hermit *. He left with joy the quiet streams and pine forests 2 which he lived ; he tucked up his sleeves before the hill of the Stone Gate (Shih-mén, N.W. of Kwang-tung), and he raised his skirts in the temple of the Edict (Chih-chih). We bent our parasol (and talked friendly as Confucius did) and united our feelings in rubbing away the worldly dust; as we both gave up (to Religion) our five limbs, ? Liu-t'ung = ‘ propagating ’ or ‘ transmitting.’ 2 A strange simile in Chinese: ‘Human life passes away as quickly as a white colt runs through a crack.’ 3 Liao-tung and the Himalaya are well known, but I cannot explain at present to what incidents he is alluding. e2 Xxxvi GENERAL INTRODUCTION. we concluded (our friendship) in openheartedness, as if from former days. Although I never saw him before in my life, yet he was, I found, just the man who answered unexpectedly my wish. On a fine night we both discussed seriously as to what had to be done. Chéng-ku then said to me: ‘When Virtue wishes to meet Virtue, they unite themselves without any medium, and when the time is about ripe, no one can stay it even if they wanted. ‘ Shall I then sincerely progose to propagate our Tripi/aka together with you, and to help you in lighting a thousand lamps (for the future)?’ Then we went again to the mountain Hsia? to bid farewell to the head of the temple, K‘ien, and others. Kien clearly saw what was to be done at the right moment and acted accordingly ; he never intended to retain us any longer with him. When we saw him and laid before him what we had meditated, he helped us and approved of all. He was never anxious about what might be wanting to himself, whilst his mind was intent only on helping others. He made, together with us, the preparations for the journey, so as not to let us be in want of anything. Besides, all the priests and laymen of Kwang-tung provided us with necessary things. Then on the first day of the eleventh month of the year (a.p. 689) we departed in a merchant ship. Starting from P‘an-yii we set sail in the direction of Champa’ with the view of reaching Bhoga after a long vogage, in order to become the ladders for all beings, or the boats, to carry them across the sea of passion. While we were glad to accomplish our resolutions as soon as possible, we hoped not to fall in the middle of our journey. [Chéng-ku, Tao-hung, and two other priests followed I-tsing and studied Stitras three years in Bhoga; Tao-hung was then (689) twenty years old, and, when I-tsing wrote the Memoirs, twenty-three years °.]| ‘T, I-tsing, met Ta-ts‘in in Sribhoga (where he came a.p. 683). I requested him to return home to ask an imperial favour in building a temple in the West. When he saw that benefits would be great and large (had this petition been granted), Ta-ts'in disregarding his own life agreed to re-cross the vast ocean. It is on the fifteenth day of the fifth month in the third year of the T‘ien-shou period (692) that he takes a merchant ship to return to Ch‘ang-an (Si-an-fu). Now I send with him a new translation of various Sftras and SAstras in ten volumes, the Nan-hai-chi-kuei-nai-fa-ch'uan (the Record) in four volumes, and the Ta-t'ang-si- yu-ku-fa-kao-séng-ch‘uan (the Memoirs) in two volumes. 1 A hill situated near Kwang-tung, where Chéng-ku lived. * Zampa of Odoric (about 1323 A.D.); Chamba of Marco Polo (1288 A.D.). Skt. Kampa. ° Chavannes, pp. 185, 187. * Loc. cit., p. 160, § 56. LIFE AND TRAVELS OF I-TSING. XXXVil III. His Return Home, to his Death. The Biography ? tells us that I-tsing was twenty-five years (671-695) abroad and travelled in more than thirty countries, and that he came back to China at Midsummer in the first year of the Chéng-shéng period (695) of T‘ien-hou (the queen-usurper, 684-704); further that he brought home some four hundred different texts of Buddhist books, the slokas numbering 500,000, and a real plan of the Diamond Seat (Vagrdsana) of the Buddha. In a.p. 700-712 I-tsing translated g6 works in 230 volumes, though some of them were of an earlier date. Among these works there are several important Sfitras and Sstras, but to know how he represented the Mflasarvastivada School, with which our Record is particularly connected, it will suffice to give here only the Vinaya texts as below :— A. The India Office Collection. No. 1110. Miilasarvastivada-vinaya-sitra, I vol. I Ze 4 1118; .55 or »» -vinaya, 50 vols. Ba 59 DEAR. 55 5 »» -sameyukta-vastu, 40 vols. Bee. By TAB 5y 39 »» -sanghabhedaka-vastu, 20 vols. Bigg TT24. 55 i » -bhikshuzi-vinaya, 20 vols. Ge. spy I a3 ie ») -Vinaya-sangraha, 14 vols. Te 49. TIZIR 4; a » -ekasatakarman, Io vols. Ss «35. THQ3s 5; bs »» -nidana, 5 vols. 9. o 1134. ” ” ” -matr7ka, 5 vols. IO. 5, I140. 4, 3 », -vinaya-nidana-matrzka-gatha (15 leaves). II. 4, II4I. 4, 5 »» -samyukta-vastu-gatha (10 leaves). 12. 5, 1143. 55 5 » °Vinaya-gatha, 4 vols. 13. 5, II49. 4, 33 », -bhikshuvi-vinaya-sitra, 2 vols. B. The Bodleian Library Collection (Jap. 65°) besides the above. 14. No. (1). Milasarvastivada-pravragya(-upasampad4-)vastu, 4 vols. (Cf. Mahavagga, Khandhaka I.) 15. 5, (2). Mélasarvastivada-varshavasa-vastu, 1 vol. (Cf. Mahav., Khandh. III.) 16. 5, (3). Mflasarvastivada-pravarava-vastu, I vol. (Cf. Mahay., Khandh. IV.) 17. 5, (4). Mdlasarvastivada-Zarma-vastu, 1 vol. (Cf. Mahav., Khandh. V.) 18. ,, (5). Malasarvdstivada-bhaishagya-vastu, 18 vols. (Cf. Mahav., Khandh. VI.) 19, 5, (6). Mfilasarvastivada-kathinakivara-vastu, 1 vol. (Cf. Mahav., Khandh. VII.) 1 The Sung-kao-séng-ch‘uan, chap. i (Nanjio’s Catal., No. 1495); Chavannes, Memoirs, p- 193 seq. XXxvili GENERAL INTRODUCTION. He thus represented the whole texts of the Vinaya belonging to his own Nikdya, and founded a new school for the study of this branch of Buddhist literature in China. He died a.p. 713, in his seventy-ninth year. His life and works are greatly commended by the emperor Chung-tsung, his contemporary, in the preface to the Tripi/aka Catalogue. NOTES ON SOME GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES. I. The Country of the Naked People (EB KN [ex] ). I-tsing passed this island when he sailed for India. It is ten days distant in the north from Ka-cha, and it points to one of the smaller Nicobar Islands lying on the north side. The description given by I-tsing agrees with some of the later accounts of the islands, so much so, that we are fully justified in identifying his Lo-jén-kuo with the present Nicobar. The group is believed to be the Lanja- balis or Lankhab4his of the Arab navigators in the ninth century, who recorded as follows: ‘ These islands support a numerous population. Both men and women go naked, only the women wear a girdle of the leaves of trees. When a ship passes near, the men come out in boats of various sizes and barter ambergris and cocoa-nuts for iron! The description of Marco Polo in the thirteenth century does not agree so well as the above. He says: ‘When you leave the island of Java (Java the less= Sumatra) and the kingdom of Lambri, you sail north about 150 miles, and then you come to two islands, one of which is called ‘‘ Necuveran ” (or Necouran)*. In this island they have no king nor chief, but live like beasts ; and I tell you they all go naked, both men and women, and do not use the slightest covering of any kind. They are idolators; there are all sorts of fine and valuable trees, such as red sanders and Indian nuts and cloves and brazil and sundry other good spices *,’ 1 Colonel Yule, Marco Polo, vol. ii, chap. xii, p. 289 seq.; Relation des Voyages faits par les Arabes et les Persans dans l’Inde et 4 la Chine, dans le ix® siécle de l’ére Chrétienne, by Reinaud, tom. i, p. 8. ? Rashiduddin uses the name of Nakvaram (not Lakvaram), which may be a less corrupted form of the name, perhaps allied with Naga (Yule, Cathy, p. 96). This may be Hiuen Thsang’s Nalikera-dvipa (Cocoa-nut Island), as Yule thinks. * Yule, Marco Polo, vol. ii, chap. xii, p. 289 ; he says (p. 291) : ‘The natives now do not go quite naked ; the men wear a narrow cloth, the women a grass girdle. Famous for the abundance of Indian nuts or cocoa, also betel and areca-nuts; and they grow yams, but only for barter.’ NOTES ON GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES. XXXIX The above two accounts as well as I-tsing’s certainly refer to one and the same island, though the latter does not mention any name for it. It seems to have passed under the name of ‘ Lo-jén-kuo,’ just like ‘Insulae Nudorum,’ as marked in Prof. Lassen’s map. The group of the Nicobar Islands was called the ‘ Land of Rakshasas’ in the history of T’ang (618-906) *. II. The Islands of the Southern Sea (a VE: iH Wa). One must not confound what I-tsing calls the Islands of the Southern Sea with what we know as the South Sea Islands. By the term ‘ Nan-hai’ is meant the Southern China Sea or Malay Archipelago, and I-tsing includes in it Sumatra, Java, and the then known neighbouring islands. There are, he tells us*, more than ten countries, and all are under the influence of Buddhism. The Islands of the Southern Sea are :— 1. P'o-lu-shi Island ; Pulushih (22 & fifi WH). 2. Mo-lo-yu Country ; Malayu (FE He iE pH): or, Shih-li-fo-shih Country ; Sribhoga (JP Fpl) Hh Sait [ER). 3- Mo-ho-hsin Island; Mahasin (BL GW {5 WH). 4. Ho-ling Island, or Po-ling ; Kalinga (any (Be ph). 5. Tan-tan Island; Natuna (WEL HH. yi). 6. P’én-p‘én Island ; Pem-pen (4 ar PH). 7. Pro-li Island; Bali (232 FA yi). 8. K‘u-lun Island; Pulo Condore Sie 4 wal). g. Fo-shih-pu-lo Island ; Bhogapura (fb 3h *if Ae Di). ro. A-shan Island, or O-shan (ay ste Wl). 11. Mo-chia-man Island; Maghaman ‘Ex vn vig Wil). There are many more islands, not mentioned here. The above eleven islands are, according to the author, enumerated from the 1 Karte von Alt-Indien zu Prof. Lassen’s Indischer Alterthumskunde, Bonn, 1853. ? Book 222; see also the Essays on Indo-China, second series, vol. i, p. 207. Some Chinese accounts of the Andaman Islands (Chinese, Yen-t‘o-mang ; Japanese, An-da-ban) also agree with I-tsing’s, e. g. nakedness, iron, &c.; they were, of course, the same race. Chao-ju-kua’s description of it was given by Dr. Hirth, J. A.S. China, vol. xxii, Notes and Queries, p. 103. 3 Page Io. * Marco Polo, ‘ Malaiur’ (chap. viii). xl GENERAL INTRODUCTION. west, and following this order, we shall try to assign each its own place, as far as possible. 1. P‘o-lu-shi (Pulushih). Fo-lu-shi may at first seem to represent the Barussae Insulae, which are, in Lassen’s map, a group of the Andaman Islands in the Indian Ocean. I-tsing, how- ever, does not seem to be referring to an island so far away, when he says that two Korean priests went on board to the country of P‘o-lu-shi, west of Sribhoga, and there they fell ill and died? Prof. Chavannes found in the History of T'ang (chap. ecxxii c) a country called ‘Lang-po-lou-se,’ which is said to be the western part of Shih-li-fo-shih, and identified with our P‘o-lu-shi and Marco Polo’s Ferlec (=Parl4k), which is the present Diamond Point. His identification seems to be correct, as the country of Sribhoga extended (see below) as far as the coast of Malacca during the T’ang dynasty (618-906). 2. Mo-lo-yu (Malayu), or Shih-li-fo-shih (Sribhoga). Sribhoga seems to have been a very flourishing country in the time of our author, who went there twice and stayed some seven years (688-695), studying and translating the original texts, either Sanskrit or Pali. In his works he uses the name ‘Bhoga’ or ‘ Sribhoga’ indiscriminately. It seems that the capital of this country was from the first called Bhoga, probably a colony of Java, and that, when the kingdom became great, and extended so far as Malayu, which seems to have been annexed or to have come spontaneously under the realm of the Bhoga prince, the whole country as well as the capital received the name of Sribhoga. The change of the name Malayu to Sribhoga must have happened just before I-tsing’s time or during his stay there, for whenever he mentions Malayu by name he adds that ‘it is now changed into Sribhoga or Bhoga.’ As our author is the earliest writer who mentions these names, his account well deserves a careful examination. From his Record and Memoirs we gather the following facts :— 1. Bhoga the capital was on the river Bhoga, and it was the chief trading port with China, a regular navigation between it and Kwang-tung being con- ducted by a Persian merchant (p. xxviii, note 8). 2. The distance from Kwang-tung to Bhoga was about twenty days by a favourable wind, or sometimes a month (pp. xxx, xlvi). 1 Chavannes, Memoirs, p. 36, §§ 8, 9, and note. ? About nine times Sribhoga and twelve times Bhoga (the latter more often referring to the capital). : Io. Il. 12. 13. NOTES ON GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES. xli - Malayu, which newly received the name of Sribhoga, was fifteen days’ sail from Bhoga the capital, and from Malayu to Ka-cha was also fifteen days,—so that Malayu lies just halfway between the two places (p. xlvi). - The country of Sribhoga was east of Pulushih (p. xl). . The king of Bhoga possessed ships, probably for commerce, sailing between India and Bhoga (pp. xxx, xlvi). . The Bhoga king as well as the rulers of the neighbouring states favoured Buddhism (p. xxxiv). . The capital was a centre of Buddhist learning in the islands of the Southern Sea, and there were more than a thousand priests (p. xxxiv). . Buddhism was chiefly what is called the Hinay4na, represented for the most part by the Milasarvastivida School. There were two other schools newly introduced, besides the Sammitiya. A few Mahaydnists were in Malayu (=Sribhoga the New) (pp. 10, 11). . Gold seems to have been abundant. I-tsing once calls Srtbhoga ‘Chin-chou,’ ‘Gold Isle*.’ People used to offer the Buddha a lotus-flower of gold (p. 49). They used golden jars, and had images of gold (pp. 45, 46). People wear Kan-man (a long cloth) (p. 12). Other products were: pin-lang (Mal. pinang, Skt. pdga), nutmegs (gAtt), cloves (lavanga), and Baros-camphor (karptira) (p. 48). They used fragrant oil (p. 45). People in these places make sugar-balls by boiling the juice of plants (or trees)”, and the priests eat them at various hours, while the Indians make sugar from rice-grain, and in making ‘ stone-honey’ they use milk and oil (Nanjio’s Catal., No. 1131, book x, p. 72). In the country of Sribhoga, in the middle of the eighth month and in the middle of spring (second month), the dial casts no shadow, and a man standing has no shadow at noon. The sun passes just above the head twice a year (pp. 143, 144). The language was known as ‘ Kun-lun’ (Malay, not Pulo Condore) (p. 1). Shih-li-fo-shih, though not unknown’, has not been satisfactorily described by the Chinese historians, while the name seems to have been very familiar to Buddhist writers subsequent to I-tsing. Fo-shih (=Bhoga) is mentioned in the History of T’ang (618-906) as being on the south shore of the Straits of Malacca, 1 Chavannes, p. 181, note 2. Cf. Reinaud, Relation, tom. i, p. lxxv, Sumatra is famous for gold; Yule, Marco Polo, vol. ii, chap. ix, p. 268. 2 Or, ‘by boiling the wine (syrup) prepared from plants.’ * E.g. the History of T‘ang, book 222 c. f xlit GENERAL INTRODUCTION. and four or five days distant from Ho-ling (=Java)’. Next in the History of Sung (960-1279)* there is a country in the Southern Sea called San-bo-tsai (San-fo-ch'i), which is in all probability Shih-li-fo-shih (=Sribhoga) of I-tsing, and its description runs as follows :— ‘The kingdom of San-bo-tsai is that of the southern barbarians. It is situated between Cambodja (Chén-la) and Java (Shé-p‘o), and rules over fifteen different states. ts products are rattan, red kino, lignum-aloes, areca-nuts (pin-lang), and cocoa-nuts. They use no copper cash, but their custom is to trade in all kinds of things wz/h gold and silver. The weather is mostly hot, and in winter they have no frost or snow. The people rub their bodies wth fragrant ol. This country does not produce barley, but they have rice, and yellow and green peas. They make wine from flowers, cocoa-nuts, pin-lang or honey*. They write with Sanskrit ¢ characters, and the king uses his finger-ring as a seal; they know also Chinese characters; in sending tributes (to China) they write with them. With a favourable wind the distance from this country to Kwang-tung (Canton) is twenty days. Many family names there are “Pu.” In 960, the king Shih-li-ku- ta-hia-li-tan® sent tribute to China. In gg2, this country was invaded by Java. In 1003, two envoys from San-bo-tsai related that a Buddhist temple was erected in order to pray for the long life of the Chinese emperor, and the emperor gave to that temple a name and a bell specially cast for the purpose. In 1017, an envoy from thence brought bundles of Sanskrit books, folded between boards. In 1082, three envoys came to have an audience of the emperor, and presented lotus-flowers of gold® (Chin-lien-hua) containing pearls, camphor-baros, and sa-tien.’ The Descriptions of the Barbarians 7, compiled under the same dynasty (960— 1279), gives a long account of San-bo-tsai (San-fo-ch‘i), which agrees in the main with the above history of Sung. According to this book, San-bo-tsai lies right * Book 436, p. 20, as quoted by Chavannes, p. 42. 2 Book 489; some portion has been translated in the Notes on the Malay Archipelago, by W. P. Groeneveldt; see the Essays on Indo-China, second series, vol. i, p. 187. 3 Cf. Crawfurd, Hist. of Ind. Arch., vol. i, p. 398. * Fan (barbarian) may mean any foreign characters, but here it seems to mean Sanskrit; so also Mr. Groeneveldt, see loc. cit., p. 188. 5 Something like Sri-k{i¢a-harit, or Sri-gupta-hartta. ® In the History of Liang (502-5356), Kandari, eastern coast of Sumatra, sent an envoy and presented a Fu-yan flower of gold, loc. cit., p. 187; Fu-yan is ‘mallow,’ but often used for ‘lotus.’ 7 Chu-f‘an-shih, by Chao-ju-kua. It is a rather rare book, and I am obliged to Dr. Rosthorn of Vienna for lending it to me. Dr. Hirth is going to translate it (J. R. A. S., Jan. 1896). NOTES ON GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES. xliii to the south of Ch'tian-chou’; the people put @ cof/on cloth (sarongs) round their bodies, and use a silk parasol. They wage war on water as well as on land, and their military organisation is excellent. When the king dies, the people shave their heads as a sign of mourning. Those who follow another in death burn themselves in the pile of fuel. This custom is called ‘ T'ung-shéng-ssi,’ ‘ living and dying together ®,’ There is an image of the Buddha called the ‘Mountain of Gold and Silver’ The king is commonly called the ‘Essence of the Snake.’ The crown of gold worn by him is very heavy, and the king alone can wear it. He who can wear it succeeds to the throne. This country being on the sea contains the most important points for trade, and controls the incoming and outgoing ships of all the barbarians. Formerly they made use of iron chains to mark the boundary of the harbour. Among ‘he fifteen states which are mentioned in the same work as dependent on San-bo-tsai, Tan-ma-ling, Pa-lin-féng, Sin-da, Lan-pi, and Lan-wu-li may be identified respectively with Tana-malayu (the next to Palembang in the list of Sumatran kingdoms in De Barros) *, with Palembang, Sunda, Jambi, and Lambri‘, all indicating that they belonged to Sumatra, We have another important and somewhat earlier account by the Arab travellers of the ninth century, who speak of the island of Sarbaza°, which was then subject to the kingdom of Zdbedj* (=TIabadiu of Ptolemy, about a.p. 150, * Chitian-chou and its bay (=Zayton of Marco Polo), in Fu-kien, lie lat. 25° N., opposite to N. Formosa. ? Or, ‘sharing the life and death of another.’ In the island of Bali there are the customs of Satya and Bela, generally speaking, ‘ Burning one’s body after another’s death,’ the origin of which will be no doubt Indian. Satya is the well-known Satee (Sati), and Bela is supposed by Mr. Friedrich to be the Sanskrit Vela, ‘sudden and easy death.—Wilson. Bela in Balinese means ‘dying with the man of higher rank’ (a wife with her husband, a slave with his master, a subject with his prince). Our T‘ung-shéng-ssii evidently represents the custom of Bela. 3 Yule, Marco Polo, vol. ii, chap. viii, p. 263. * Lamori, or Lambri, included Atchin, or was near it, where the Pole Star is not visible (Odoric); Yule, Cathy, p. 84; Marco Polo, vol. ii, chap. xi, p. 283, note; cf. p. 289, note. 5 Reinaud, Relation des Voyages, tom. i, p. 93; ii, p. 48. Mr. Groeneveldt identified San-bo-tsai with Sarbaza (Essays, p. 187, note) ; the identification of these two names has since been fully discussed by Prof. P. A. van der Lith, Ajaib el Hind, pp. 247-253 (see Serboza, and Beal’s communication about I-tsing’s account of it). § I do not think Sribhoga is Zabedj, as in Chavannes, but Sarbaza, subject to Zabedj (= Java). Palembang was a Javanese colony, Yule, Marco Polo, vol. ii, p. 263. Zabedj of the Arabs represents some great monarchy then existing in the Malay Islands, probably in Java, the king of which was known to the Arabs by the Hindu title Maharaja (Relation, tom. i, p.93). Dabag, one of the islands of the seas, where the Syrian bishops, Thomas and others, were sent by the f2 xliv GENERAL INTRODUCTION. * Yavadi (Ya-p‘o-t'i) of Fa-hien, a.p. 414, and Yavada (Ya-p'‘o- ta) of the History of the First Sung, a.p. 420-478), which seems to be a corruption of Yavadvipa. Now, as to the position of San-bo-tsai (San-fo-ch'i), it is generally understood to be the present Palembang? in the southern part of Sumatra, and we have nothing to say against this general belief, while there are on the other hand many points which indicate the correctness of this identification. In all accounts, this great kingdom of the Southern Sea is about /wenty days disiani, or sometimes a month, from Kwang-tung. The capital is an zmportant trading port, and the people seem to have embraced Buddhism for some time; and there are several points which show that they were 9f Hndoo origin. The country is, according to all accounts, rich 2 gold, and the gift of golden lofus-flowers is peculiar to the people. The accounts as to the use of /ragrant oil, kan-man (sarongs), &c., and the products also, though common to the other islands, are in general agreement. Above all, the names, Shih-li-fo-shih (= Sribhoga) of I-tsing, Sarbaza of the Arabs, and San-bo-tsai (= San-fo-ch'l) of the Chinese historians, are the weightiest proof, especially when we see that none of the accounts given under these three names ‘contradict each other. The constant hostility with Java mentioned in the Chinese history may account for the Arabs making Sarbaza dependent on Zdbedj (=Java). Now we are in a position to see that the capital and trading-port of San- bo-tsai, which went under the name of Chiu-chiang (‘Old Port’ or ‘Old River’) after 1397, was what I-tsing called the river Bhoga where he went on board ship_ to send a message to Kwang-tung, and it is therefore the river Palembang of our time; and what he calls the ‘fortified city of Bhoga’ (p. xxxiv) is the modern Palembang, while the whole couniry of Sribhoga is much larger than the present province of Palembang. There were many dependent states. The Yin-yai-shéng-lan, compiled a.p. 1416, makes these points perfectly clear. It says: ‘Chiu-chiang is the same country which was formerly called San- bo-tsai; it is also called Palembang (P‘o-lin-pang), and is under the supremacy of Java. ‘From whatever place ships come, they enter the strait of Banka (P‘éng-chia) at the Freshwater River (Tan-chiang, the Chinese name for the river Palembang), patriarch Elias (Assemanni, iii, part i, p. 592), is probably a relic of the form Zabedj of the early narratives, used also by Al-Biruni. Ibn Khurdadbah and Adrisi use Jaba for Zabedj; Yule, Cathy, p. civ. \ The History of Ming (1368-1643), book 324: ‘In 1397, San-bo-tsai was for the last time conquered by Java, and the name was changed into Chiu-chiang’ (‘Old Port’ or ‘ Old River,’ which is the name for Palembang up to the present day). See Essays, &c., p. 195. NOTES ON GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES. xlv and near a place with many pagodas built with bricks, after which the merchants go up the river in smaller craft, and so arrive at the capital.’ As to the name ‘ Malayu, it seems to have existed for a long time. The Tan- ma-ling (Tana-malayu) of the Descriptions of the Barbarians (960-1279), and Malaiur of Marco Polo in the thirteenth century, are in all probability the remnants of the name Malayu, which was used before our author’s time. Unfortunately, however, the city of Malatur of Marco Polo has not been satis- factorily traced. Colonel Yule says‘: ‘Probabilities seem to me to be divided between Palembang and its colony Singhapura (Palembang itself is a Javanese colony). Palembang, according to the commentary of Alboquerque, was called by the Javanese Malayo. The list of Sumatran kingdoms in De Barros makes Tana-malayu* the next to Palembang. On the whole I incline to this interpre- tation.’ This point, I think, becomes clear from the notice I have given above that the country Bhoga, i.e. Malayu, lay on the southern shore of Malacca; if Malaiur be Singapore, it must lie on the northern shore where, according to the same history, the country was called Lo-yitieh*. Further for the determination of the position of Sribhoga-Malayu, I-tsing furnishes us with important data (pp. 143, 144): ‘In the Sribhoga country (not the capital), we see the shadow of the dial- plate become neither long nor short (i.e. “ remain unchanged ” or “ no shadow ”) in the middle of the eighth month (=autumnal equinox), and at midday no shadow falls from a man who is standing on that day. So it is in the middle of spring (=vernal equinox) +” From this we can see that the country of Sribhoga covered ? Marco Polo, vol. ii, book iii, chap. viii, p. 263. ? The Descriptions of the Barbarians says that this country uses trays of gold and silver for barter. 8 This is the place where Shinnio Taka-oka, an imperial prince of Japan, died, a. D. 881, on his way to India to search for the Law. He was twenty years in China learning Buddhism, whence he started for the West. The place of his death is supposed to be near Saigon in Champa orin Siam. If, however, our identification be right, it must have been in or near Singapore. + We are perfectly justified in taking these two dates as the two equinoxes. A year is divided into four seasons, each of three months (Ist, 2nd, and 3rd, Spring; 7th, 8th, and oth, Autumn). Therefore, the ‘ Middle of Spring’ is the middle of the second month. The Chinese names for the two equinoxes are accordingly Ch‘un-fén* and Chiu-fén », ‘ Division of Spring’ and ‘ Division of Autumn.’ I-tsing uses Ch'un-chung °, ‘ Middle of Spring,’ which conveys the same idea as the above, and Pa-yiieh-chung 4, ‘ Middle of the eighth month’ (when the calendar is exact, this will be the ‘Middle of Autumn’). In the Japanese calendar, the autumnal equinox is marked °F PKG AR. AA xlvi GENERAL INTRODUCTION. the places lying on the Equator; and the whole country therefore must have covered the N.E. side of Sumatra from the southern shore of Malacca to the city of Palembang, extending at least five degrees, having the equatorial line at about the centre of the kingdom. With the last conquest of 1379, the name San-bo-tsai, Sribhoga, once a great monarchy, wellnigh disappears from the history, the new conquerors establishing themselves at the ‘Old Port.’ By this time Sumatra was perhaps thoroughly converted to Islam, though we find no traces of it in Marco Polo’s travels at the close of the thirteenth century +. To better understand I-tsing’s route vid Bhoga and Malayu, the following extract from his work may be useful. He says? :— ‘Wu-hing came to Sribhoga after a month’s sail. The king received him very favourably, and respected him as the guest from the Land of the Son of Heaven of the Great T‘ang. He went on board the king’s ship to the country of Malayu, and arrived there after fifteen days’ sail. Thence he came to Ka-cha ’ again after fifteen days. At the end of winter he changed ship and sailed to the west. After thirty days he reached Nagapatana (now Negapatam, 10° 8’ N., 79° 9’ E.). From here he started again on board for the Sivhala Island; he arrived there after twenty days. He worshipped the Buddha’s tooth there, and again sailed for the north-east. He came to Harikela, which is the eastern limit of E. India, and is a part of Gambudvipa. He stayed there one year and went to Mahabodhi, Nalanda, and Tiladza*. Near Tiladf/a lived a teacher of logic, from whom Wu-hing learned the logical systems of Gina and Dharmakirti, &c. He wanted to come back by the northern route. When I, I-tsing, was in India, I saw him off six yoganas east of Nalanda, and we said goodbye, each hoping to see the other once again in this world.’ Chiu-pa-yiieh-chung * (=middle of the eighth month of the old calendar). That I-tsing meant the equinoxes by those terms is certain from the following passage (p. 144), in which he clearly recognises the equinoxes by saying: ‘ the sun passes just above the head twice a year.’ When we take Sribhoga here as the capital, the result is as I have noted, p. 144, but our author expressly says the country of Stibhoga, and we must not limit it to the capital, which he very often, if not always, calls simply Bhoga. 1 The first Mohammedan king in Atchin began to reign A. D. 1205, probably the time of the introduction of Islam (Marco Polo, vol. ii, p. 269) ; the stimulus of conversion to Islam had not taken effect on the Sumatran States at the time of Polo, but it did so soon afterwards, and, low as they have now fallen, their power at one time was no delusion (loc. cit., p. 270). ? Cf. Chavannes, Memoirs, p. 144. 5 See below, p. 184, note 2. ° EAB. NOTES ON GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES. xlvii 3. Mo-ho-hsin (Mahasin). The only name which comes near to this is Masin of the Syrians, The bishops, Thomas, Taballaha, Jacob, and Denha, were ordained by the Syrian patriarch Elias, a.p. 1503, ‘to go to the lands of the Indians and the islands of the seas which are between Dabag (Java, cf. Z4bedj) and Sin (China) and Masin’ Mahasin and Masin may be the present Bandjermasin on the southern coast of Borneo. 4. Ho-ling (Po-ling, Kalinga). This name is no doubt Indian, probably taken from Kalinga on the coast of Coromandel’. According to the Chinese history *, this is another name for Java, or a part of it*, which had the earliest intercourse with Ceylon and perhaps also with the southern coasts of India. But the following statement of the Chinese historians, if correct, points to a place in the Malay Peninsula (6° 8’ N.):— “In Ho-ling, when at the summer solstice a gnomon is erected 8 feet high, the shadow (at noon) falls on the south side and 2 feet 4 inches (=22 feet) long.’ Thus—North latitude of the place of observation=@ Zenith distance of the sun . ‘ y -=e North declination of the sun ; . =O Equator Zenith We have— 22 24 tan g= 2 = 8 8 log tan 2 = 9-477 = 16° 7 5 = 23° 5” @ = 8 — z=23° 5’ — 16° 1’ = 6° 8 N. [There is clearly a confusion in the statement, if a place in Java (6° 8’ S.) be meant. I must leave the point unsettled, until I have examined all the parallel passages in the Chinese books.] 1 Assemanni, iii, part i, p. 592; Yule, Cathy, p. ciii. 2 See Lassen, Indische Alterthumskunde, ii, p. 1076; iv, p. 711. 3 The New History of T‘ang (618-906), book 222, part ii: ‘ Kalinga is also called Java;’ book 197: ‘ Kalinga lies to the east of Sumatra,’ 4 Mr. Groeneveldt places it on the north coast (long. 111° E.), while Prof. Chavannes on the western part of Java (Memoirs, p. 42, note). 5 The New History of T'ang (618-906), book 222, part ii; see also Essays on Indo-China, second series, vol. i, p. 139. xlviii GENERAL INTRODUCTION. As to the names of Java, the oldest Iabadiu of Ptolemy (circa a.p. 150), Javadi of Fa-hien (414), and Yavada of the history of the first Sung (420-478) probably represent Yavadvipa’, the ‘ country of millet.” The same name appears in some later accounts as ZAbedj (the Arabs) or Dabag (the Syrians). Neither of them, however, seems to have been used in J-tsing’s time, though the name ‘ Java : occurs later in the History of Sung (960-1279)? and in Marco Polo’s travels” at the close of the thirteenth century; and till the present day. Now a word about the Javanese civilisation will not be out of place. Java in Fa-hien’s time (414) was already settled by the Hindus; he says: ‘ Heretic Brahmans flourish there, and the Buddha-dharma hardly deserves mentioning.’ One of the old inscriptions from Pagaroyang in Sumatra, dated a.p. 656, calls the king Adityadharma, the ruler of the ‘first Java’ (or Yava). Moreover some of the Sanskrit inscriptions found in Java seem to date from the fifth century and they are Vaishvava *. Buddhism was, according to I-tsing, chiefly the Hinaydna, but it is remarkable indeed that the ancient ruins of the temple of Kalasam (K4lasa) and the Vihara of Chandi Sari (dating from 779) indicate that the Buddhism here prevalent was a later form of the so-called Mahay4na, as proved by the discovery of the images of Dhyani Buddhas, Akshobhya, Ratnasambhava, Amitabha or Amoghasiddha *. The Buddhist faith, whether the Hinayana or Mahayana, possibly lasted till the propagation of Islam, as was the case with Sumatra. 5. Tan-tan (Natuna). 6. P‘én-p‘én (Pempen). 4. P‘o-li (Bali). According to Mr. Bretschneider®, the islands of Natuna were called Tan-tan, which is probably I-tsing’s Tan-tan. Tan-tan (Don-din) of the History of Sui (518-617) °, which is supposed to be in Southern Siam or Northern Malacca, if correct, is not the island here mentioned, for our author knows that Siam 1 Lassen, vol. iv, p. 482. Not the ‘country of barley,’ for Java and Sumatra never produce barley, but millet is there called Java (Essays, second series, vol. i, pp. 132, 137). ? Loc. cit., p. 141; the Descriptions of the Barbarians, of the same date, mentions Java, at one place Maha-Java; Yule, Marco Polo, vol. ii, chap. ix, p. 266; Sumatra is also ‘ Java the less.’ Sumatra, perhaps Skt. Samudra, the ‘sea.’ Cf. Ch. Nan-hai. 5 Prof. Kern, Over den invlow der Indische, Arab, en Europ. beschaving op de Volken van den Ind. Archipel., p. 7; Yule, Marco Polo, vol. ii, chap. ix, p. 267. * Minutes of the Batavian Society, April, 1886; Essays, pp. 140, 141. 5 The Knowledge possessed by the Ancient Chinese of the Arabs, &c., p. 19; see also Julien, Hiuen Thsang, tom. i, p. 451. ® Book 82; Essays, p. 205. NOTES ON GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES. xlix (Dvaravatt) is not one of the islands of the sea, and mentions no continental place among them. Besides, the identification of Dondin is by no means conclusive Colonel Yule marks Andaman Islands ‘ Dondin?’ P'én-p‘én, I think, represents modern Pembuan on the southern coast of Borneo. This seems to be right, for I-tsing says that P'u-p‘én (=P*én-p‘én) was situated in the north of Kalinga (N.E. Java)! There is, however, a place named P‘an-p‘an ? in the southern part of Siam, which may be the present P'un-p‘in or Bandon. But this identification is again very doubtful. P‘o-li, probably the present Bali Island, E. of Java, was called P'ang-li by the Chinese *, but the accounts given of this island are very scanty. Owing to the interesting discovery of the Kavi literature there, the name is now well known to us. I should refer my readers to Mr. R. Friedrich’s Account of the Island of Bali (Essays on Indo-China, second series, vol. ii). 8. K‘u-lun (K‘un-lun, Pulo Condore). K‘u-lun is identical with K‘un-lun, the Chinese name for Pulo Condore. The native name is Kon-non, Condore being a corruption of it. The Arab travellers of the ninth century call this group-of islands by the name of Sundar? Fulat, while Marco Polo names the same Sundur and Condur. It consists of one isle of twelve miles long, two of two or three miles, and some six other smaller isles, the largest being specially called Pulo Condore. According to I-tsing, the people of these isles alone are woolly-haired with black complexion (p. 12). We often hear from Chinese writers of the ‘slaves from K‘un-lun5,’ later signifying slaves in general, without any reference to the land where they came from. The inhabitants in I-tsing’s time appear to have been negroes; the com- mentator Kasyapa also, quoting an early authority, describes them as if of a different race : ‘ K‘u-lun, Ku-lun, and K‘un-lun are one and the same country. In this country no ceremony or courtesy is observed. The people live by robbing and pirating. ‘They are fond of man’s flesh, like Rakshasas or some wicked demons. ‘Their language is not correct. They differ from the other barbarians. They are skilled in diving in the water, and if they will, can stay all day long in the » Chavannes, Memoirs, p. 77. 2 The New History of T'ang (618-906), book 222°; Essays, p. 241. 5 The Hsing-ch‘a-shéng-lan (1436). * Or, Sondor ; Yule, perhaps Sanskrit Sundara, ‘ beautiful.’ 5 See, e.g. Essays, p. 257, note. s 1 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. water without any suffering.” This peculiar people, however, seems to have embraced Buddhism to some degree, for IJ-tsing mentions a monastery with a peculiar clepsydra given by the king of the island (p. 145), and further says, though accidentally, that they praise Sanskrit Sfitras (p. 169). Two kinds of cloves grow there (p. 129). One may well wonder why the K‘un-lun language was prevalent in Sumatra or Stibhoga in I-tsing’s time’. One must not, however, be misled by the word K‘un- lun, when used as the name of a language, for it has been for some time a general name for all the Southern Sea (cf. p. 11), and therefore the ‘ K‘un-lun-yii’ must mean the Malay language. The islands of Pulo Condore had nothing to do with it, though the inhabitants might have shared in speaking a dialect of the K‘un-lun language. 9. Fo-shih-pu-lo (Bhoga-pura). Fo-shih-pu-lo is no doubt Bhoga-pura in its original form, but it is not Bhoga, the capital of Sribhoga, the modern Palembang. Mr. C. Baumgarten, writing to Prof. Max Miiller (Feb. 20, 1883), says that Surabaja is the second city in Java, and that we still have a place there called Boja-nagara and the whole province Boja; and he adds that the seventh century seems to have been the golden age of Buddhism in Java*. This is probably I-tsing’s Bhogapura, and further we have here perhaps the origin of the name Sri-Bhoga, for Palembang was certainly a colony of Java. 1o. A-shan or O-shan. 11. Mo-chia-man (Maghaman). A-shan may at first seem to represent Atchin in Sumatra. But this is not likely, for the original and correct form of Atchin seems to have been Atjeh or Achii, which was afterwards corrupted by Europeans into Atchin or Acheen. As it comes after Bhogapura, it seems to be somewhere in the eastern part of Java near Bali; it may be the present Ajang *. As to Mo-chia-man, I have nothing to say about it, except that it may phonetically represent Maghaman or Maghavan. Ma-shé-wéng or Ma-yeh-wéng*‘, * Chavannes, Memoirs, p. 159; Koen-luen there. ? This is well founded; the temple of Kalasa and the adjoining monumental Vihara date from 779, as attested by a Sanskrit inscription in Old Nagart; besides, I-tsing’s Record indicates the same. * As to such names as Ajang, Bandjermasin, or Kota, I am not able to judge whether they are of ancient or modern origin. * Essays, p. 202, NOTES ON GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES. li the position of which is not certain, may be the same island. It may have been meant for Madura. III]. Further India or Indo-China. Sri-kshatra or -kshetra (Thare Khettara). Lankasu (Kamalankaé). Dvaravat! (=Ayuthya) Poh-nan (=Fu-nan) Champa (originally Kampa). Pi-king, in Annam. Kwan-chou (probably near Tong-king). bin Siam. TAR Roe yn The position of Sri-kshatra can be settled pretty satisfactorily. According to the Burmese, the king Mahasambhava built a city called Thare Khettara in the sixtieth year of the Buddha?, and established the Prome dynasty, which flourished 578 years. Some remains of the city are still to be seen a few miles to the east of the present town of Prome®. This account alone is enough to determine its position, and it is not to be placed in Upper Burma as in Vivien de Saint-Martin’s map to Julien’s Si-yu-ki, The identification with Silhat is therefore quite inad- missible. I-tsing’s description roughly corresponds with the position of Thare Khettara ; besides, we have the account of Hiuen Thsang, which we shall consider presently. According to I-tsing, Lankasu is S.E. of Sri-kshatra, and Dvaravatt is E. of Lankasu. Thus we have to give up the supposition that I-tsing’s Dvaravatt may be that Dwdrawati of the Burmese, which latter is, if Captain St. John is correct (p. ro below), Old Tangu and Sandoway, for these lie in quite an opposite direction and cannot be S.E. of Prome. Hiuen Thsang’s Darapati or Dvarapati as well as our Dvaravati no doubt represents Ayuthya (or Ayudhya), the ancient capital of Siam; this becomes clear from the fact that I-tsing’s description of the positions of the countries counted from China’s side actually ends with Poh-nan, E. Siam (p. 9). Hiuen Thsang* mentions Karva-suvarva, Samata/a, and Sri- kshatra, and says: ‘Going S.E. from Srtkshatra there is in the bay of the sea Kamalanka; to E. of this, Dvarapati (or Darapati). Further to E., there is fsanapura‘; to E. of this, Mahasamp4, and to S.W. of Mahasampa, Yen-mo-lo- 1 The Burmese calendar places the Buddha’s death in 544 B.C.; A.B. 60 is therefore B.c. 484, if corrected, about B.C. 424. 2 Asiatic Researches, vol. xx, p. 171. 3 Julien, Mémoires, liv. x, pp. 82, 83; Beal, Life, p. 132. 4 Ts4napura was very successfully identified with Cambodja by Prof. Chavannes (p. 58) ; in g2 lii GENERAL INTRODUCTION. chou’ (probably ‘ Yavanadvipa,’ meaning Sumatra). The reader will see that I-tsing’s Lankasu is here Kamalanka, Poh-nan, fsdnapura, and Champa (p. 12), Mahakamp4 ; and we know from our Record that Pi-king (Turan or Hue) is N. of Champa, and that still further north one reaches Kwan-chou (near Tong-king) after a month’s journey on foot, or five or six tides, if aboard ship. ‘Thus all these statements are pretty clear, and in harmony with one another’. IV. India and Ceylon. I-tsing calls India in general the West (Si-fang), the Five Countries of India (Wu-tien), Aryadesa (A-li-ya-t'i-sha), Madhyadesa (Mo-ti-t'i-sha), Brahmarash/ra (Po-lo-mén-kuo), or Gambudvipa (Chan-pu-chou). ‘Hindu (Hsin-tu)?,’ he says, ‘is the name used only by the northern tribes (p. 118), and the people of India themselves do not know it. Indu (Yin-tu) is by some derived from the name of the moon, Indu (Hiuen Thsang, Mém, ii, 56), but it is not a proper name.’ Hindu in Persian and Indo in Greek were perhaps corrupted from Sindhu, but it is curious that the Chinese should have known both forms of the name. Indu (Yin-tu) as the name of India came to be generally used in China from Hiuen Thsang’s time, while T‘ien-chu and Chiian-tu (both from Sindhu) are probably as old as the introduction of Buddhism into China (a.p. 67). The name for Ceylon is, in the Record, Simhala (Séng-ho-lo) Island (or Shih-tzti-chou, Lion Island), or occasionally Ratnadvipa (Pao-chu, Jewel Isle). As to his travels in India, he may have visited many a place, more than thirty countries in all, according to the Biography (p. xxxvii, note), but nothing certain 626 A.D. the king of Cambodja was Is4navarman, according to M. Aymonier, and in perfect conformity with this, the History of T‘ang states that the king of Cambodja, fsdna, a Kshatriya, in the beginning of the Chéng-kuan period (627-649) conquered Fu-nan (E.Siam) and took the territory. I-tsing may be referring to this king when he says that a wicked king destroyed Buddhism in Fu-nan (p. 12). See, however, Crawfurd, Journal of the Embassy to the Court of Siam, p. 615; Siam first received Buddhism in 638. 1 Mr. Beal’s identifications widely differ from ours, and they are not, according to our opinion, tenable when we compare them with the original. Fu-nan, for instance, is transcribed ‘Annam’ (Life, p. xxxiv), Lin-i (=Champa) is Siam (Life, p. 133), and Pi-king, owing to » misprint, is read by him Shang-king, and identified with Saigon. According to Beal, I-tsing speaks of himself as interpreting the language of Pulo Condore (Life, pp. xv, note, xxxi); it is not I-tsing, but Ta-ts‘in, who is said to have been skilled in the K‘un-lun language (Malay), Chavannes, p. 159, § 56. I-tsing was thirty-seven years of age, but, according to Beal, he started with thirty-seven priests (Life, p. xv). ® The text has ‘Hsi, but I-tsing directs that it should be pronounced by taking the first and last parts of Asii-ldz, i.e. ‘Hsin, ny = Apty used for ‘hin’ of Makinda, - DATE OF I-TSING’S WORK. liii can be gathered from his own writings. The places which he says definitely he visited are very few', ie. Kapilavastu, Buddhagaya (in Magadha), Varazasi (Benares), Sravastt (N. Kosala), Kanyakubga (Kanoj), Ragagrzha (ten years in Nalanda), Vaisali, Kusinagara, and Tamralipti (Tamluk). I doubt whether he visited Ceylon ; although he often mentions it, his description does not appear to be that of an eye-witness. So it is in the case of Lava’, Sindhu, Valabhi, Udyana, Khara- kar, Kustana (Khoten), Kasmira, and Nepala. Besides the above, he mentions Tibet (T‘u-fan), Persia (Po-la-ssti), the Tajiks(Ta-shih and To-shih)’, Tukh4ra (T‘u-ho-lo), Sfili (Su-li), the Turks (Tii-chiieh), and accidentally Korea (Kau-li, Kukkutesvara). THE DATE OF I-TSING’S WORK. If I-tsing had expressly stated when he came back to Sribhoga, we should have had no difficulty at all in fixing the date of his work. That point, however, is left entirely blank. We shall try to find out a date which may come nearest the mark, if not quite correct, chiefly resting on the foregoing data of his life and travels. First of all the place where he compiled his work must be in Sribhoga (Palem- bang in Sumatra) * as he says towards the end of chap. xxxiv. His return from India to this place must be later than a.p. 685°, when he was still near Nalanda, and, as he says that he already passed four years in Stibhoga before he wrote chap. xxxiv, his Record cannot be in any case earlier than a. D. 689 (685 + 4=689), even if we suppose that he returned there immediately after his parting with Wu- hing near Nalanda. Further, he uses throughout the new dynastic name ° adopted A.D. 690 by the Usurper Queen (reigned a.v. 684-704); this shows clearly that 1 The Miilasarvastivada-samzyuktavastu (Nanjio’s Catal., No, 1121), chap. xxxviii, p. 85 (J.), and chap. xxxvi, p. 76°. 2 See p. 137, note 1, and p. 217. 3 This is generally the name for the Mohammedan Arabs in Chinese. I-tsing says that the Tajiks occupied the way to Kapisa ; Memoirs, vol. i, fol. 4”; Chavannes, p. 25. * Not ‘in Ceylon’ as Messrs. Shimaji and Ikuta suppose in their Short History of Buddhism in the Three Kingdoms (India, China, and Japan), 1890, Tokio. Evidence, if any, is too weak to prove that I-tsing visited Ceylon. 5 This date is in the Chinese text ‘the first year of the Chui-kung period,’ being the second year of the Usurper Queen, though she still used the dynastic name T‘ang, which she changed in A. D. 690 into Chou, Chavannes, p, Io. 6 Chou, p. 214 below; Chou-yun and Chou-i, p. 7; the Great Chou, p. 118; Chou-yii, p. 148; lastly, in his text, not in his notes, the Great Chou, p. 214 (note 3). See the Chinese text, respectively, vol. i, fol. 3%; vol. iii, fol. 12%; vol. iv, fols. ab. aye, liv GENERAL INTRODUCTION. our Record cannot be earlier than a.p. 690. It will be remembered that he sent this Record on the fifteenth day of the fifth month of a.p. 692, and we must there- fore find the date of his whole composition within the period a.p. 690-692. Let us now examine the chapters which we can make use of for our purpose. 1. I-tsing’s Znéroduction, as is usual with us, must be the latest, i.e. when all the chapters were ready, for he says in it that he sends home this very Record in forty chapters’. 2, Chap. xviii. He accidentally says that he toiled during two decades of years ”. This chapter must therefore have been written in about 691 (671-691=20; A.D. 671, having only one month left). 3. Chap. xxviii. He was ‘more than twenty years abroad. This brings us again to a.p. 691. To be quite safe, we will put down a.p. 691-692, because it is ‘more’ than twenty years °. 4. His Memoirs must be later than the contents of our Record (except the Jntroductron\, for the former quotes the latter twice by name*. But the conclusion of the Memoirs must be at about the same time as the Jnfroduction of the Record, for both mention the Memoirs in two vols. and the Record in four vols. (forty chapters) °, one by the other. In other words, the finishing up of the two works must be at about the same time. Now it will not be very difficult to see that about seven folios of a Supplement ® to the Memoirs have been written about the same time, for it is not likely that he would write a Supplement before the text. May it be an addition at a later date? According to my opinion, it cannot be later than a.p. 692, because he must have sent it with the texts. We see in the Supplement that a priest, Tao- hung, who was ordained in his twentieth year, soon after met I-tsing in Kwang- tung, and followed the party to Sribhoga, a.p. 689, was twenty-three years of age’ (a.D. 689-692=3) when our author wrote the supplementary portion. From this it is clear that he wrote it *, or at any rate, he sent it at the same Page 18 below. ? Page 95 below; for the impossibility of taking it as ‘ two dozen,’ see note at the end, p. 220. 3 Page 135 below. Compare p. 176, note 4. * Chavannes, p. 88, note 1; p. 92, note 1, chap. 30 of our Record is quoted. * Page 18 below; Chavannes, p. 160. ® Chavannes, p. 161; about twenty-four pages in French. 7 Chavannes, pp. 185,187. See p. xxxvi above. * It is true that there is a portion which I-tsing might have added afterwards, but this part can be clearly seen in the text, as it is a general remark, not coming under any name; see Chavannes, p. 189, six lines from the bottom, beginning with ‘Ces quatre hommes.’ TABLES OF LITERARY MEN. lv time with the other texts. Thus the Zntroduction to the Record, the Memoirs and its Supplement will have to be referred to about the same time, the last mentioned being the last composed. Observe that I-tsing reckons three years from the latter half of a.p. 686 till the fifth month of a.p. 692. 5. Now, towards the end of chap. xxxiv—the most important of all chapters— he says that he remained over four years in Srtbhoga, since his return from India, the date of which we do not know. Only one year added to the period which I-tsing reckons as three years (a.p. 689-692) will give us the year of his second visit to Sribhoga, i.e. a.p. 6881 (he was in Bhoga a.p. 689 as we have seen). Thus the date of chap. xxxiv must fall in 691 or 692; the safest limit will be A.D. 691-692, the result being the same as that of chap. xxvili, &c. All the evidence that can be adduced from the text points thus to the correctness of the date a.p. 691-692, strictly speaking A.p. 691 to the fifth month of a.D. 692, as the time when I-tsing wrote his Record. Resting on this result we can place with certainty the death of Gaydditya*, joint author with Vamana of the Kasikavrztti, in a.p. 661-662, and that of Bhartrzhari®, contemporary of Dharmapala, in a.p. 651-652. TABLES OF SEVERAL LITERARY MEN AND BUDDHIST TEACHERS OF INDIA, WITH THEIR DATES AND SUCCESSIONS, MADE FROM THE RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES (A.D. 691-692) OF I-TSING (A.D. 671-695 ABROAD ; 673-687 IN INDIA). (Those in Italics are not given in I-tsing’s text.) I. (Chap. xxxii, pp. 156-157.) The Sardhasataka-Buddhastotra (1g0 verses, Nanjio’s Catal., No. 1456). 1, Composed by Matrzketa. In Térandtha’s Geschichte des Buddhismus, p. 89, Matriketa is said to have lived about the time of Binduséra, son of Kandragupta. 2. Admired by Asanga 3. and by Vasubandhu, 4. Some verses were added by Gina. Two of his works have been translated by Paramdrtha, who worked in China A.D. 557-569 (Wanjio’s Catal., Nos. 1172, 1255). Brothers and contemporaries. 1 The time of the arrival of the ship was the first or second month of the year, see above, p. xxxiv. We shall not here speak of three months’ stay in China after his chance return, for we are not sure as to whether he reckoned the period; it will not, I think, make any difference in the year. 2 Page 176 below. 5 Page 180 below. Ivi GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 5. 6. A further addition by Sakyadeva of the Deer Park (at Benares). Translated by I-tsing while in the Nélanda College (Nanjio), about A.D. 675-685. Sent home A. D. 692 (p. 166). II. (I-tsing’s Introductory Chapter, p. 14.) The following names are to be taken each as independent, not one after another. Rw ne a, (I-tsing’s Introductory Chapter, p. 14.) . Asoka, 100 or more years after the Buddha’s Nirvana. (This mistake arises either from confounding Dharmdsoka with Kélésoka or from taking the period (118) between the Second Council and Asoka as that between the Nirvéna and Asoka.) 8. (Chap. xxxii, pp. 163-166.) . Asvaghosha. 1. His poetical songs. 2. Stitralankaras4stra (¢ranslated into Chinese A.D. 405, Nanjio’s Catal., No. 1182). 3. Buddhafaritakavya (¢ranslated A.D. 414-421, Nanjio’s Catal., No. 1351). 4. His Life was translated by Kuméragtva A.D. 401-409, Nanjio’s Catal., No. 1460. . Nagarguna. His Suhrzllekha. 1. Addressed to a king of S. India (Kosala), Satavahana (or Sadvéhana), whose private name was Getaka, 2. Translated into Chinese A.D. 431 and 434 (Nanjio’s Catal., Nos. 1464 and 1440), and by I-tsing, while abroad. Sent home A.D. 692 (p. 166). 3. His Life was translated by Kuméragiva A.D. 401-409, Nanjio's Catal., No. 1461. Siladitya. 1. Gatakamala, by literary men living under him. (Arya Séra’s may be one of them.) 2. Gimfitavahana-nafaka (= Nagdnanda), composed and popularised by himself. 3. Patron of Hiuen Thsang (a. D. 629-648). Death of Stldditya in about 655 A.D. (my note, p. 163, and Chavannes, Memoirs, p. 19, note). y. (Chap. xxvii, pp. 127-128; cf. p. 131, note; pp. 222-223.) . An epitomiser of the Eight Books of Medicine (Ayur-veda), at about I-tsing’s time. III. (Chap. xxiv, pp. 170-180.) Grammatical Works. . The Si-t‘an-chang (or Siddha-composition), for beginners. . The Sitra of Pazini. . The Book on Dhatu (@ Dhétupétha). The Book on the Three Khilas (Ash/adhatu, Wen-ch‘a, Udi-s{itra), TABLES OF LITERARY MEN. lvii 5. The Vretti-stitra (Kasik4-vritti), By Gaydditya, died nearly thirty years before the date of I-tsing’s Record (A.D. 691- 692) =A. D. 661-662. Contemporary of Vamana, who was joint author of the Kasikd. 6. The Kiri (Mahdbhashya), [Commentary on the above Vrvtti, séc /] By Pata“gali. 7. The Bhartyzhari-sastra, Commentary on the Kiirzi. By Bhartrzhari, died forty years before the date of I-tsing’s Record =A. D. 651-652. Contemporary of Dharmapala. 8. The Vakya-discourse (Vékyapadtya). By Bhartrzhari. 9. The Pei-na (a Beda-vrttti). The Commentary in prose by Bhartrzhari, The Sloka portion by Dharmapala, The latter was teacher of Silabhadra, who was too old to teach Hiuen Thsang (about A.D. 635), and appointed Gayasena to instruct him. The translations of four works attributed to Dharmapéla all date A.D. 650-710, sce Nanjio’s Catal., Appendix i, 16. contemporaries. = The Result. a. The above makes all the four authors contemporaries, who must all have lived about A.D. 600- 660 :—(1) Gaydditya, (2) Vémana, (3) Bhartrihari, (4) Dharmapdla. 6. Dharmapéla, head of the Nélanda College, must have died earlier than Gaydditya and Bhartrihari, because he does not seem to have been alive when Hiuen Thsang went to Nélanda, A.D. 635, Stlabhadra having succeeded Dharmapala. N.B.—As to a discussion about all these grammatical works, I should refer my readers to Prof. Max Miiller’s ‘ India, what can it teach us?’ pp. 338-349, and the corresponding pages in the German translation by Prof. Cappeller (above, p. xviii, note 3). IV. (Chap. xxxiv, pp. 181-184.) Famous Buddhist Nagas of India and Sribhoga. a. Of an early age (before A.D. 400) ?. a. Nagarguna. 2. Deva, Arya Deva or Kéna Deva. 3. Asvaghosha. These three are generally made to be contemporaries of Kanishka, who ts said to have lived in the first century. 1 J do not mean by putting down these limits that every individual under wu, 4, c, d lived at these dates, but I wish to show the fair limits we can put from the present state of our know- ledge to the terms, ‘ early age,’ ‘ middle ages,’ and ‘late years.’ viii GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 6. In the middle ages (about a. D. 450-550)’. 1. Vasubandhu, 2. Asanga, 3. Sanghabhadra. 4. Bhavaviveka. Contemporary of Dharmapéla (Hiuen Thsang, Mémoires, x, 111-113). Brothers. | Contemporaries (Hiuen Thsang, Mémoires, iv, 223). «. Of late years (about A.D. 550-670). 1. Gina (in Logic). Composed a work on Logic in Andhra (Hiuen Thsang, Mémoires, x, 106). (He seems to have lived earlier than 550; cf. 1, 4 above.) 2. Dharmap4la. Contemporary of Bhartvdhari, who died a.D. 651-652. dust have died before A.D. 635; see above, III. 3. Dharmakirti (in Logic). Referred to in the Vésavadatté (p. 235), and in the Sarva- darsana-sangraha (p. 24, Cowell). Contemporary of King Sron-tsan-gam-po (A. D. 629-698), Wassilief, p. 54. 4. Silabhadra. Pupzl of Dharmapala (Hiuen Thsang, Mémoires, viii, 452). 5. Simhakandra. A fellow-student of Hiuen Thsang (Vie, v, 219, 261; 218), Life, v, 190. 6. Sthiramati. Referred to in a Valabhi grant (Ind. Ant., 1877, p. 91; 1878, p. 80), and Hiuen Thsang, Mémoires, xi, 164, in Valabht. Pupil of Vasubandhu (Wassilief, p. 78). : 7. Guzamati (in Dhyana). Jn Valabhi together with Sthiramati (Mémoires, xi, 164), and in Nélanda (Mémoires, ix, 46). 8. Prag#agupta (in refutation). Zeacher of the Sammitiya and contemporary of Hiuen Thsang (Hiuen Thsang, Vie, iv, 220; Life, iv, 159). g. Guzaprabha (in Vinaya). His pupil, Mitrasena, was ninety years old, and taught Hiuen Thsang Sdstras (Vie, ii, 109; Lee, ii, 81). Guru of Sriharsha, and pupil of Vasubandhu (Wassilief, p. 78). to, Ginaprabha. Teacher of Hiuen Chao, who was in Nalanda about A. D. 649, Chavannes, Memoirs, p. 17. d. Those mentioned as I-tsing’s contemporaries or personal acquaintances (all were alive A. D. 670-700). 1. Gfianakandra (in the Tiladka Vihara, near Régagtiha). Mentioned as a priest in Nilanda (Hiuen Thsang, Mémoires, ix, 47). 2. Ratnasizha (in the Nalanda Vihara, zear Régagriha). Teacher of Hiuen Chao, who was in Nalanda about a. D. 649, Chavannes, Memoirs, p. 18. . Divakaramitra (in E. India). . Tathagatagarbha (in S. India), . Sakyakirti (in Sribhoga, 27 Sumatra). . Rahulamitra (chief of the priests in E. India ; thirty years old in I-tsing’s time, p. 63). He ts mentioned in Térandtha’s Buddhisms, p. 63; his favourite Ratnakita-sitra also belongs to the same period. 7. Kandra (in E. India; author of a dramatic poem on Vessantara [Visvamtara = Sudana], p. 164; he was still alive when J-tsing was in India (a. D. 673-687), p- 183). I-tsing’s teachers Anup w * See note on preceding page. an TABLES OF LITERARY MEN. lix Notes. a. We have not made any progress in fixing the dates of 1, 2, and 3. But that these three lived at about the same time and before A.D. 400 seems to be quite certain. Hiuen Thsang (645) places them at one and the same period (Mémoires, xii, 214). Deva was a pupil of Nagarguna (Life, ii, 76 ; so also the Tibetan), and both contemporaries of Kanishka (Schiefner, Ratnadhar- maraga’s Work, Mém. Acad. St. Pét., 1848). Asvaghosha and P4rsva lived in Kanishka’s time (Wassilief, Buddhismus, p. §2, note). The Chinese Samyukta-ratna-pi¢aka-stitra (No. 1329, vol. vi, dated A.D. 472) makes Asvaghosha Bodhisattva, the physician Karaka, and MAthara, a great minister, the contemporaries of Aan-dana-kanita (= Kanishka), king of the country of Yueh-chi ; and again, in the Record of the Twenty-three Patriarchs, Fu-fa-tsang-yin-yuen-king (No. 1340, vol. v, p. 133, dated 472), Karaka, Asvaghosha, and M&/Aara appear under Kanishka. The dates of the translations alone show us that the three (Karaka, Asvaghosha, M4y/ara) must have lived before A. D. 400 ; besides, the lives of Asvaghosha, Nagarguna, and Deva were translated A.D. 405 by Kumiaragiva, who left India a.pD. 383. Cf. the date of the translations of Asvaghosha’s Buddhafarita and Stitralank4ra, and Nagarguna’s Works (II. 4. above). Further the 1, 2, 3 are said to have lived after 400 years of the Nirvaza, and Kanishka is believed to have reigned in the first century of our era, and his second successor Vasudeva about A.D. 178. So far as our knowledge goes, nothing is against making them contemporaries of Kanishka. Nag4rguna was a contemporary of Satavahana or Salivahana (p. 159, note). Cf. Prof. Cowell, BuddhaZarita (text), p. v. According to Prof. Kielhorn, Karaka must be placed before the middle of the seventh century (Ind. Ant., vol. xii, p. 227). Asvaghosha is perhaps the oldest, then Nagarguna and Deva. The last is Arya Deva (Schiefner, Lebensbeschreib., 331), called Kava Deva because he was one-eyed (Record of the Twenty-three Patriarchs, vol. vi) ; or Nilanetra, because he had two spots like eyes on his cheeks ; but his real name was Xandrakirti (J. A.S., Bengal, 1882, p- 94; also Nanjio, App. i, 4). 6,c. &andc cannot be separated by a long period, for 4* is a contemporary of c?; ¢’, c are pupils of 6', while c*, c® are pupils of 4? (according to the Tibetan). c*, c®, c® are all contemporaries of Hiuen Thsang, and ¢* is said to have lived at the time of Sron-tsan-gam-po, who sent envoys to India A.p. 632. c', c? are perhaps older than the others; Hiuen Thsang styles them ‘Bodhisattvas, and they lived probably early in the seventh century. Some of the others may have lived to the time of I-tsing’s arrival, A.D. 673. As to the name ’ Sthiramati, see my note to p. 181 at the end; for Dharmakirti (Fa-chan), see Nanjio’s Catal., App. i, 19, p. 374 (not Dharmayasas ; cf. Vimalakirti, Wu-keu-chan). Burnouf tried to identify Guzamati with Guzaprabha, but, according to our Record, the one is a teacher in Dhyana, the other in Vinaya, and they seem to be quite different persons. For the dates of the translated works of those under 4, ¢, see Nanjio’s Catal., App. i. We cannot place Vasubandhu and Asanga much later than 500, for the translations of their works date from 509 and 531 respectively. In c, Gina must be much earlier than the rest, see above, I. 4. d. G#anakandra must have lived from a period earlier than 650, for he was known by Hiuen Thsang; the same is the case with Ratnasivzha. It is difficult to draw a line between ¢ and d; many ofthem must have been contemporaries. I-tsing seems to distinguish those dead (c) from those still living (2). For Sakyakirti, see Nanjio’s Catal., App. i, 54, p. 378 (not Sakyayasas ; I-tsing has translated his teacher’s work). Ix GENERAL INTRODUCTION. THE TEXT. The text of our Record is very corrupt, as Mr. Kasawara told us in 18821, but we must remember that since then the new edition of the Chinese Buddhist books has been completed, and a copy of it was sent to the Bodleian Library for the use of European scholars. This Japanese edition is excellent, being based on a careful collation of the five different editions brought out in China, Korea, and Japan. Its arrangement is more convenient for the reader than that of the older ; the print is clear, as it was executed by the modern movable type. Above all, the sentences are accurately punctuated, and the various readings are found in the notes. It may safely be regarded as the standard edition of the Chinese Pifaka, and Japanese Buddhists may be proud of the service they have rendered in this field of Chinese literature?» Our Record, in particular, gives evidence of a careful study and collation, shedding light on several passages hitherto unin- telligible. I-tsing’s works as well as the whole canon were preserved in MS. only, and not printed till a.p. 972*. Thus we may safely say that our Record, which is now found with the Pi/aka, existed in MS. for about 280 years before it came down to us as a printed text. This fact may account for several minor points of difference in the existing editions. But there are some passages missing which we cannot well ascribe to the copyist’s mistakes. They may have been struck out by I-tsing himself afier his return home ; it is certain, however, that the original copy which was sent home from abroad contained them all. Among others, there is a passage relating to the Sanskrit alphabet quoted in some early works. In the Siddha-tzti-chi, ‘ Record of the Siddha-letters,’ compiled by a Chinese priest, Chi-kwang (a.p. 800), the author says: ‘I-tsing said that among the twelve finals (a 4, if, u@; e ai, oau, ama) the first three of the former three pairs (a, i, u) are short, while the second three of the same (4, 3, ft) are long, and that, of the latter three pairs (e ai, 0 au, am ah), the first three (e, 0, am) are long (sic), while the second three (ai, au, a4) are short (sic).’ A Japanese book called ‘Sittan-z6,’ or ‘ Siddha-kosa’ (a. p. 880), gives the above quotation in its full form, and shows that it once formed a part of I-tsing’s Record. (See Bodl. Jap. 15, vol. v, fol. 6.) Ah AT TR wh At Hs BB, * Max Miiller, ‘India, what can it teach us?’ 1883, p. 349. * It is to be hoped that an accurate comparative catalogue will be drawn up ; the arrangement is very different from that of the India Office copy, and several books found in the new are wanting in the old. * See Nanjio’s Catalogue, p. xxii. __——s—“(‘( _izsSt THE TEXT. lxi iH, —), ERR, CE ), te eB, U ZH, MYT. RL; AE, we fi. ww fE, a fh, a ph = ae: TH BHI BHA AE FIRS TR che we, a, a ft, THE a 1 a OP; oP Wf a 2, PK, OR. a BS, CE HE a AR ee RL. ABO FRALHG) BStAGLRBAe FCEMRS MSF RATA SHA WE MHBA-FLAPEEAWMBCR Wes IF FRPAF ASH HS ApH B ALHRMO DAH SHAPEAH RE + = Oe 8 Eo ED woo (ER); fa ae (HBR; b WY RR); ae aH (-E PH); BH, Sat (k fe PAB); AU, at CE fe PH); Ath & HF (ij es tal A). ES OE 3h tk. tera FAT se Se. A HS At Fat itn HE fe th (P)). “It is said in the Record sent home by I-tsing: a, 4, i, 1, u, 4, rz, 77, Urd, irZ, e, ai, 0, au; am, ah. Ka, kha, ga, gha, ha; a, kha, ga, gha, fia; fa, tha, da, dha, na; ta, tha, da, dha, na; pa, pha, ba, bha, ma. Ya, ra, la, va, sa, sha, sa, ha; lla, ksha. (The last two are not included in the number of she alphabet.) The first sixteen, a to af, are final sounds [meaning vowels], and these are to be distributed among the other letters [consonants]. Each letter of ¢he alphabet [consonant], therefore, produces sixteen different sounds when combined, just as in Chinese a character has four different tones, even (p‘ing), rising (shang), sinking (ch'ii), and entering (ju). Ixii GENERAL INTRODUCTION. ‘The twenty-five letters, ka to ma, and the last eight, ya to ha, thirty-three in all, are called the “ first composition ;” all these must be pronounced according to the Chinese * rising” (shang) tone, in spite of the Chinese equivalents being other tones, such as “even,” “sinking,” or “entering.” Further, what are called the “twelve sounds” [probably ‘* Dvadasa-akshardmi”] are ka, ka (the first short, the second long); ki, kf (the first short, the second long); ku, kfi (the first short, the second long); ke, kai (the first long, the second short); ko, kau (the first long, the second short); kam, kak (both are short); kaf is obtained by pronouncing the Chinese ka emphatically. The “twelve sounds” of kha, &c., are pronounced after the above manner. These twelve letters [meaning syllables] are to be pro- nounced two by two in succession [ka, k4; ki, kt; &c.], and of these pairs one . should distinguish a short from a long, guiding oneself by the note I have given under each pair (quoted).’ The Chinese characters here given well accord with those used in the Record, with the exception of a very few, and the quotation contains nothing whatever contrary to the passages in the existing Record. In chap. xxxiv, under the Si-t‘an-chang, he says (p. 171): ‘There are forty-nine letters (of the alphabet), which are combined together and arranged into eighteen sections.’ After this, very likely he added the above by way of notes, as he generally did in other cases, to explain what the forty-nine were and how they were to be pronounced, and at the same time to show his friends at home a correct transliteration of the Sanskrit alphabet. That the above quotation once formed a part of our author’s Record is confirmed by a much later work, a commentary on the Siddha-tzti-chi (published A.D. 1669)”. The commentator, Yf-kwai, says that whether I-tsing’s pronunciation was that of C. India or of S. India is a question discussed from olden times. ‘But why is it,’ he asks, ‘that the citation of the text of the Siddha-tzii-chi*® is somewhat different from the actual words of I-tsing found in the Record, according to which am, ah are both short?’ He himself answers this question, attributing the difference to the careless citation on the part of the author of the Siddha-tzii-chi. From this we see that the original Record with the above quotation existed as late as 1669. Another commentator (a.p. 1696)* of the same work seems to have still 1 Kasyapa adds : ‘ The number of the letters of the alphabet is severally recorded in Buddhist books, e. g. as fifty in the Mahavairo#anabhisambochi (No. 530), Mazgusriparipr#heha (No. 442), Vagrasekhara-stitra (Nos. 1033, 1036), and Mah4parinirvaza-sfitra ; as forty-six in the Lalita- vistara (Chinese, No, 159; forty-four in the Sanskrit text (Calcutta), p. 146); as forty-seven in the Siddha-tzti-chi (Bodl. Jap. 10) ; and now by I-tsing, as forty-nine.’ ? Bodl. Jap. 11; it may have been written earlier, though published so late. * Above, p. Ix. * Bodl. Jap. 12, 13. ee THE TEXT. Ixiii possessed a text different from ours; for he quotes a passage from our Record, which we have not in the existing text. While discussing the Nirvda aspiration [Visarga], he says: ‘Among the twelve mata’ (=miatr7ka), given in I-tsing’s Record, af is transcribed by “a-han®” in Chinese, which is against the pronuncia- tion in C. India, where ah is read by the Chinese “entering” tone. He may have introduced the pronunciation of S. India. He was, however, in Nalanda for years, and it is but natural that he should represent C. India in reading. Thus we see in his translations that whenever a Nirvaza aspiration comes, he notes it as an “entering” tone. There are some in C. India, it may be noticed, who read ah like the Chinese a or o (in an “even” tone)*.’ This quotation again shows us that the Record had once contained something more about the alphabet. Later in the year 1758 Kasyapa Ji-un wrote a commentary on the very Record of I-tsing. He had the same text as we have now. As this priest was one of the best Siddha scholars in Japan, well versed in the canon, and very curious about any book relating to Sanskrit, and yet did not come across any text but ours, the original text which contained all the quotations above referred to seems to have wellnigh disappeared in Japan as well as in China. He says: ‘There seem to have been several texts of the Record. Many quotations found in the works of T’sang-ning (a. p. 988) of the Sung dynasty, Shou-kwang of the Ming dynasty (a. p. 1368-1628), and Annen of Japan (a.p. 880), are not found in the existing text. I request the learned antiquaries of later times to seek and discover the original text in a stone depository of some famous temples of China and Japan. My commentary has been written only on the current edition, and awaits correction or addition by a later hand.’ In my present translation I have used the India Office copy (a.p. 1681), Prof. Legge’s (a.p. 1714), Mr. Nanjio’s (text with commentary in MS., a.p. 1738), and the new Japanese edition in the Bodleian Library (1883), all based on one and the same older text without the quotations in question. There is, besides these, another elaborate commentary on our Record, written by a Japanese. I am sorry to say that I failed to get it copied in time to be used for our translation. I must now fulfil the pleasant duty of acknowledging the kind help severally rendered. First of all I thank the Delegates of the University Press for under- 1 Here we have mata, but not mota. For mAtvzka, see Prof. Biihler’s note in the ‘ Ancient Palm Leaves,’ Anecd. Oxon., Aryan Series, vol. i, pt. iii, 1884, p. 67. a 3 . . . . [say i [Say so in the quotation above, see p. 1xi, line 2. Ixiv GENERAL INTRODUCTION. taking the publication on the recommendation of Prof. Max Miiller, who has taken an unceasing interest in this work from the beginning to the end. Without his instruction, advice, and help I should never have been able to introduce I-tsing’s work to students of Sanskrit Literature and Buddhism. For his patience and attention in the revision of the whole of my MS., the settlement of the meaning of a number of passages, &c., and for several other valuable suggestions, I here express my sincere gratitude. For some matters I am obliged to Profs. Biihler and Oldenberg, and also to Profs. Kern, Kielhorn, and Legge, Dr. Winternitz, and Mrs. H. Smith. Prof. Nagaoka of Tokyo, now in Berlin, kindly looked through the points relating to astronomy. Thanks are due also to Prof. Windisch, who pointed out some matters of importance, just before my Introduction was ready for Press. The printing reflects great credit on the University Press of Oxford, and has been carefully superintended by Mr. J. C. Pembrey, the Oriental Reader. J. Taxaxusu. Bern, January 6, 1896. ADDITIONAL NOTES TO THE MAP. 1. The degree of longitude from Ferro is given on the map. ‘To know that from Greenwich, reduce about 18° (exactly, 17° 36’ 46”) from the given numbers. 2. The position of La/a on the map is not right; see my note at the end (p. 217, note to p. 9). A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES SENT HOME FROM THE SOUTHERN SEA By I-TSING. INTRODUCTION. IN the beginning, as the three thousand worlds were being produced, there appeared a sign of their coming into existence. When all things were created, there was as yet no distinction between animate and inani- mate things. The universe was an empty waste, without either sun or moon revolving. While misery and happiness were in an undistinguished state, there was no difference between positive and negative principles. When the Brahman gods (lit. ‘ pure heaven’) came down to the earth, their bodily light naturally followed them. As they derived their nourishment from the fatness of the earth, there sprang up a greedy and grasping nature, and they began to consume one after another the creeping plants of the forest and fragrant grains of rice. When their bodily light gradually faded away, the sun and moon became manifest. The state of marriage and agriculture arose, and the principles relating to sovereign and subject, father and son, were established. Then the inhabitants looked up to the azure firmament above, and saw its heavenly bodies high and majestically floating in their splendour. Looking down they B 2 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. saw the yellow earth with the water ever moved by the wind, and the earth becoming more and more solid. The statements that the two principles, positive and negative, converted themselves into heaven and earth, and men came into being in the space between them’; that, influenced by impure and pure air, the dualisation of nature came into existence of its own accord?; and that the fashioning power of the two divisions of nature may be compared to the art of casting with its large furnace 3, and that the production of all things can be likened to the making of clay images *,—all these are only absurd statements resulting from narrow learning. Thereupon the mountains stood firm, the stars were scattered above, and the inanimate beings spread and multiplied. At last their views became different, and they were classed under ninety-six heads; the principles (tattva) were divided into twenty-five classes. The Sankhya system of philosophy teaches that all things came into existence from One®. But the Vaiseshika system declares that the five forms of existence arose from the six categories (padartha). Some think it necessary, in order to get rid of rebirth, to have their body naked (Digambara) and the hair plucked out; others insist, as the : means of securing heaven, on anointing their body with ashes ® or tying up their locks of hair. Some say life is self-existent, while others believe that the soul becomes extinct on death. There are many who think that existence is a perfect mystery, dark and obscure, and its reality is not to be explored, and it is too minute and complicated for us to know whence we have come into being. Others say that man always regains human form by recurring births, or that after death men become spirits. ‘I do not know,’ one says’, 1 See the I-king (Sacred Books of the East, vol. xvi, p. 373). > See the Lieh-tze, book i, p. 3 a (Faber’s Licius, p. 4) *- ° See the AKwang-tze (Ta-sung-shi), 5. B. E., vol. xxxix, p. 250. * See the Lao-tze, S. B.E., vol. xxxix, p. 55. ® For the tenets of Indian Philosophy, see Prof. Cowell’s Sarvadarsana Sangraha under each system, and Colebrooke’s Miscellaneous Essays, vol. i. ° These are the Bhfitas according to Hiuen Thsang, probably Saivas. * See the Writings of Awang-tze, S.B.E., vol. xxxix, book ii, sect. r1, p- 197. INTRODUCTION. 5 ‘whether a butterfly became myself or whether I became a butterfly.’ Once, when gathered together men imagined that they saw wasps in the place, and again coming together they were perplexed on finding cater- pillarsthere!. One compares Chaos with a bird’s egg (azda), or Darkness with the state of an embryo (or infancy). These people do not as yet realise that birth is in consequence of the grasping condition of mind and heart (Tréshwa,‘ thirst’), and that our present existence is due to our former actions (Karma). Are they not thus plunged and floating in the sea of suffering, borne to and fro, as it were, by the stream of error? It is only our Great Teacher, the highest of the world (Lokagyesh/fa), the Sakya, who has himself pointed out an easy path, teaching an admirable principle, he who has explained the twelve chains of causation (Nidana)? and acquired the eighteen matchless qualities (Dharma) °, who has called himself the teacher of gods and men (Sasté Devamanu- shya4z4m), or the Omniscient One (Sarvagza) ; he alone has led the four classes of living beings* out of the House of Fire (the world), and delivered the three stages® of existence from abiding in Darkness. He has crossed over the stream of Klesa (passion), and ascended to the shore of Nirvaza. When our Sage first attained to Buddhahood on the Dragon River 1 This is a famous simile in China. When caterpillars have young ones, wasps come and carry them off, and this has given rise to the belief that caterpillars are changed into wasps. ay iH BA @e gives this story. 2 For the twelve Niddnas, see Prof. Oldenberg’s Buddha, &c., chap. ii. 8 These are: perfect deed, speech, and thought; knowledge of past, present, and future; Prag#a, Moksha, calm mind, and the like. 4 Ie. Those born of the womb (1), of eggs (2), from moisture (3), or miraculously (4). The fourth ‘miraculously born’ is aupapaduka in the Northern Buddhist texts; this is a misrepresentation of the Pali Opapatiko. See Childers, s. v., and Burnouf, Lotus, p. 394. Cf. Vagrakekhedika III, S. B. E., vol. xlix, p. 113. The fourth is generally udbhigga, i.e. ‘ produced from sprouts,’ but not so with the Buddhists. ’ The three stages of existence: (1) the world of passion (kdma); (2) the world of form (rapa); (3) the world without form (arfipa). See bhavo, Childers. B 2 4 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. (Naganadi, i.e. Naira#gana)!, the nine classes of beings? began to entertain hopes of emancipation. Then the removal of Light to the Deer Park (mrigadava at Benares) brought satisfaction to the religious cravings of the six paths * of existence. As soon as he had begun to set in motion the Wheel of the Law, five persons‘ first enjoyed the benefit of his teaching. Next, he taught the typical virtue (lit. ‘the footsteps of Sila’) of discipline, and thousands of people bowed their heads before him. Thereupon His Brahma-voice was heard in the city of Ragagrzha, bringing salvation (fruit) to numberless souls. Returning home to requite parental love in the Palace of Kapilavastu, he found numerous disciples who inclined their hearts to his teaching. He began his teaching with (the conversion of) Agata Kaundinya®, whose first prayer he accepted in order to reveal the truth. He concluded his career with the ordination of Subhadra', so that the last period of his life should accord with his original wish (lit. ‘tied-up mind, resolution’). Eight decades he lived, founding and protecting the Brotherhood ; he preached his doctrine of salvation in the nine assemblages®. Any doctrine, however hidden, he expounded in teaching. Even a man of little ability he received without reserve. When he preached to the lay followers he expressed himself in a concise form, and taught the five prohibitive precepts (pa#asila) only. 1 Here the Naganadf must mean Nairaf#gand (Nilajan), as it is the place where SAkyamuni attained Buddhahood. Cf. Naganadf, Lalita-vistara, p. 336. * The nine classes of beings are the subdivisions of the above three stages; each of those three are divided into three. *» The six paths of existence are as follows: human beings, Devas, Pretas (spirits), the brute creation (Tiryagyoni), Asuras (demons), and hells. * Agfta Kaundinya and his friends first received the teaching of the Buddha. Rhys Davids, Buddhist Suttas, p. 155; Oldenberg, Buddha, p. 130. 5 Agiata and Subhadra are here translated y a and Wy ey respectively. The last convert of the Buddha was: Subhadra, Rhys Davids, Buddhism, p. 81; Buddhist Suttas, pp. 103-111. For Ag#4ta Kaumdinya, see the last note. ® The commentator Kasyapa understands this to mean the nine classes of beings above referred to. INTRODUCTION. 5 But in instructing the priests exclusively, he fully explained the purport of the seven skandhas (i.e. groups)! of offences. He considered that even the great sins of those who dwell in the existing world would disappear at the advance of morality (sila), and the faults, however small they might be, would be done away with, when his law of discipline (Vinaya) had been clearly taught. Since anger expressed against a small branch of a tree brought, as a punishment, a birth among the snakes 2, and mercy shown towards the life of a small insect raised one to the heavenly abode’, the efficacious power of good or bad actions is indeed evident and indisputable. Therefore the Sditras and SAstras were both given to us, and meditation (dhyana) and wisdom (prag#4) were es- tablished by the Buddha; is not the Tripizaka the net par excellence for catching people? Thus, whenever one came in person to the Great Master, His teaching was of one kind; and when the Master desired to teach and save people according to their abilities, he would lay aside those arguments which were most adapted to another. When we see that the Prince of Mara bewitched the mind of Ananda‘ when the latter received the first words of the Buddha at Vaisali, and that by the last declaration on the Hirazyavatt (i.e. the 1 See the Patimokkha, S. B. E., vol. xiii, pp. 1-67; AKullavagga IX, 3, 3,S.B.E,, vol. xx, p. 309. 2 This story is told in the Samyuktavastu, book xxi (Nanjio’s Catal., No. 1121). A priest named Elapatra was engaged in meditation under a former Buddha KAsyapa. When he ceased from his meditation, a bough of the ela tree under which he was sitting touched and hurt his head as he moved. He lost his temper and broke off the bough and threw it away. In consequence of this action he was born as a snake. 3 See below, chap. vii, p. 32, note 3. * Ananda is translated into Chinese by the ‘Delight. The ‘first word of the Buddha at Vaisali’ refers to the following story. The Buddha spoke to Ananda concerning the length of his life, at Vaisalt (Hiuen Thsang, Mémoires, Julien, livre vii, p. 390), and further said to him: ‘ Those who have obtained the four super- natural powers can live one kalpa or even more if they like.’ He repeated this three times, but Ananda could not understand it as his mind was perplexed by the influence of Mara the tempter. This is told in the Samyuktavastu, book xxxvi (Nanjio’s Catal., No. r121). Cf. Mahaparinibbana-sutta III, 4, 5 and 56. 6 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. river Agiravati), Aniruddha? (a disciple of the Buddha) proved the in- disputable truth se¢ forth by the Buddha, we can say that His teaching career on earth had come to an end, and His work was crowned with success. His footsteps were no moré on the banks of the two rivers (Hirazyavati and Nairafigand4); men and gods were therefore in despair, and His shadow faded away in the avenue (or ‘two rows’) of the Sala- trees, when even snakes and spirits became broken-hearted. They all mourned and wept so much that their tears made the path under the Sala-trees wet and muddy, and those who grieved the most shed tears of blood all over their bodies which then looked like flowering trees. After our Great Master had entered Nirvawa the whole world seemed empty and deserted. Afterwards, there appeared able teachers of the Law, who collected the Sacred Books of the Buddha, assembling at one time to the number of 500 (at the cave of Vihara) and at another of 700 (at Vaisali). Among the great guardians of the Vinaya, there arose eighteen different divisions”, In accordance with several views and traditions, the Tripi¢akas of various sects differ from one another. There are small points of difference such as where the skirt of the lower garments is cut straight in one, and irregular in another, and the folds of the upper robe are, in size, narrow in one and wide in another. When Bhikshus lodge together, there is a question whether they are to be in separate rooms or to be separated by partitions made by ropes, though both are permitted in the Law. There are other cases: when receiving food, one will take it in his hand, while another will mark the ground where the giver should place food, and both are in the right. Each school has traditions handed down from teacher to 1 Aniruddha is here translated into Chinese by the ‘Non-prevention.” This refers to the following incident. The Buddha was about to die, and said to the disciples: ‘If you have doubt about the Four Noble Truths, you must ask me at once. Do not let it remain unsettled.’ He repeated this three times, but no one spoke out. Aniruddha, who was possessed of a Divine-eye, said to the Buddha as he saw the minds of all Bhikshus: ‘The sun may become cold, the moon hot, yet the Four Noble Truths set forth by the Buddha cannot be disproved.’ This is told in the S&tra of Buddha’s Last Instruction * (Nanjio’s Catal., No. 122). 2 See the note on eighteen schools above. INTRODUCTION. 7 pupil, each perfectly defined and distinct from the other (lit. ‘the affairs are not confounded or mixed’). (Note by I-tsing)!: 1. The Aryamilasarvastivadanikaya (school) cuts the skirt of the lower garment straight, while the other three schools (see below) cut it of irregular shape. 2. The same school ordains separate rooms in lodgings, while the Aryasammitinikaya school allows separate beds in an enclosure made by ropes. 3. The Aryam(lasarvastivadanikaya (school) receives food directly into the hand, but the Aryamahdsanghikanikaya (school) marks a space on which to place the food. There exist in the West (India) numerous subdivisions of the schools which have different origins, but there are only four principal schools of continuous tradition. These are as follows :— I The Aryamahdsanghikanikaya (school), translated in Chinese by Shéng-t4-séng-pu, meaning ‘the Noble School of the Great Brother- hood.’ This school is subdivided into seven. The three Pisakas (canonical books) belonging to it contain 100,000 stanzas (slokas) each, Or 300,000 stanzas?” altogether; which, if translated into Chinese, would amount to 1,000 volumes (each volume representing 300 slokas). II. The Aryasthaviranikaya, translated in Chinese by Shéng-shang-tso- pu, or ‘the Noble School of the Elders.’ This school is subdivided into 1 Notes in I-tsing’s text are often supposed to be by another hand; but when we carefully examine the whole of the annotations in I-tsing’s works and translations, we cannot attribute the notes to any but the same author. The ‘ Chou-yun’ in the commentary does not mean the Chou dynasty (951-960), but the reign of the Queen usurper, which was also called ‘Chou’ (690-704), So this by no means proves that the commentary or notes in I-tsing’s text are by a later hand. 2 Hardy’s Eastern Monachism (p. 168 sq.) gives the number of letters in the Pifakas and commentaries as follows :— 1. The Vinaya, 69,250 stanzas (32 syllables a stanza). 2, The Sutta, 390,500, 3. The Abhidhamma, 126,250 __,, Total, 592,000 stanzas. 8 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. three. The number of stanzas in the three Pizakas belonging to it is the same as in the preceding school. III. The Aryamilasarvastivadanikaya, translated in Chinese by Shéng- kén-pén-shuo-yi-chieh-yu-pu, or ‘the Noble Fundamental School which affirms the Existence of All Things.’ This school is subdivided into four. The number of stanzas (slokas) in the three Pizakas belonging to it is the same as in the above. IV. The Aryasammitinikaya, translated in Chinese by Shéng-chéng- liang-pu, or ‘the Noble School of the Right Measure’ (or inference). This school is subdivided into four. The three Pizakas of this school contain 200,000! stanzas, the’ Vinaya texts alone amounting to 30,000 stanzas; it is to be noticed, however, that certain traditions handed down by some of these schools differ much with regard to this view of division, and that I have mentioned here these eighteen schools as they at present exist. I have never heard, in the West (India), of the division into five principal schools (Nikaya), of which some Chinese make use. As to their separation from one another, their rise and decline, and sectarian names, there is much difference of opinion. As this subject, however, has been treated elsewhere *, I shall not take the trouble to describe them here. Throughout the five divisions of India, as well as in the islands of the Southern Sea, people speak of the four Nikayas. But the number of the votaries in each school is unequal in different places. In Magadha (Central India) the doctrines of the four Nikayas are generally in practice, yet the Sarvdstivadanikaya flourishes the most. 1 J. has 300,000 instead of 200,000 ; the latter seems to be the right number, for if it were 300,000, I-tsing would say that it is the same as in the above school. 2 Not by I-tsing himself. For books treating of the eighteen schools, see Nanjio’s Catalogue, Nos. 1284, 1285, 1286. See also Rhys Davids’ note on the eighteen schools, J. R. A. S., 1891 and 1892. INTRODUCTION. 9 In La¢a’ and Sindhu—the names of the countries in Western India—the Sammitinikaya has the greater number of followers, and there are some few members of the other three schools. In the northern region (N. India) all belong to the Sarvdstivadanikaya, though we some- times meet the followers of the Mahdsanghikanikaya. Towards the South (S. India), all follow the Sthaviranikaya, though there exist a few adherents of the other Nikayas. In the eastern frontier countries (E. India), the four Nikayas are found side by side (lit. ‘The eastern frontier countries practise mixedly the four Nikayas’). (Note by I-tsing): Going east from the Nalanda monastery 500 yoganas, all the country is called the Eastern Frontier. At the (eastern) extremity there is the so-called ‘Great Black?’ Mountain, which is, I think, on the southern boundary of Tu-fan ? (Tibet). This mountain is said to be on the south-west of Shu- Chuan (Ssu-Chuan), from which one can reach this mountain‘ after a journey of a month or so. Southward from this, and close to the sea-coast there is a country called Srikshatra 5 (Prome); on the south- east of this is Lankasu (probably Kamalanka)*®; on the east of this ‘ Lasa* cannot be identified with certainty, perhaps it is a place in Rajputana or Delhi; Lava represents RAshéra, according to Lassen. Cf. Béhtlingk-Roth, s.v. * This may be Mahak4la, or some word of the like meaning. * Tibet is Bod in Tibetan, pronounced like French ‘peu;’ the Chinese for ‘Bod’ is Fan ER), the Sanskrit Bhofa. Upper Tibet is Teu-peu, hence another name for Tibet in Chinese is Tii-fan, as we have here in I-tsing’s text. Istakhri (circa a.D. 590) speaks of ‘ Tobbat,’ see Yule, Glossary of Anglo-Indian Words, s.v. India, p. 332. See Mr. Rockhill, ‘ Tibet,’ J. R. A. S., 1891, p. 5. * Beal thought ‘this mountain’ was a name, and he calls it Sz’ling, see Ind. Ant., July, 1881, p. 197. 5 For Srikshatra, see Hiuen Thsang (Julien), tom. iii, pp. 82-83, and Beal, Si-yu-ki, vol. ii, p. 200. 6 Lankasu is, in all probability, Kamalanka of Hiuen Thsang, i.e. Pegu and the Delta of the Irawadi, see Beal, Si-yu-ki, vol. ii, p. 200. There is a country called Lankasu in a Chinese history (see History of the Liang Dynasty (502-557), book 54) which Mr. Groeneveldt doubtfully identified with a part of Java (see Essays on Indo-China, 2nd series, vol. ii, p. 135). Cc 10 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. is Dva(ra)pati (Dvaravati, Ayudhya)+; at the extreme east, Lin-i (Champa)*. The inhabitants of all these countries greatly reverence the Three Jewels (Ratnatraya)*. There are many who hold firmly to the precepts and perform the begging dhita* which constitutes a custom in these countries. Such (persons) exist in the West (India) as I have witnessed, who are indeed different from men of ordinary character. In the Siwhala island (Ceylon) all belong to the Aryasthaviranikaya, and the Aryamahdsanghikanikaya is rejected. In the islands of the Southern Sea—consisting of more than ten countries—the Mialasarvastivadanikaya has been almost universally adopted (lit. ‘there is almost only one’), though occasionally some have devoted themselves to the Sammitinikaya; and recently a few followers of the other two schools have also been found. Counting from the West there is first of all P‘o-lu-shi (Pulushih) island, and then the Mo-lo-yu (Malayu) country which is now the country of Sribhoga (in Sumatra), Mo-ho-sin (Mahasin) island, Ho-ling (Kalinga) island (in Java), Tan-tan island (Natuna island), Pem-pen island, P‘o-li (Bali) island, K‘u-lun island (Pulo Condore), Fo-shih-pu-lo (Bhogapura) island, O-shan island, and Mo-chia-man island >. There are some more small islands which cannot be all mentioned here. “Buddhism is embraced in all these countries, and mostly the * Dva(ra)pati was identified with Old Tangu and Sandoway in Burma by Capt. St. John (see Phoenix, May, 1872), lat. 18° 20’N., long. 94° 20’E. Cf. History of Burma (Triibner’s Oriental Series), see Index, Dw4rawati. But this position does not at all agree with I-tsing’s description. Professor Chavannes notes in his Memoirs of I-tsing (p. 203) that Dvaravatt was the Sanskrit name of Ayuthya or Ayudhya, the ancient capital of Siam. This agrees very well with I-tsing’s description, though I do not know the authority for Chavannes’ note. ? Champa was a Buddhist country, Buddhism having been introduced from Ceylon, and generally connected with the name of Buddhaghosa according to Dr. Bastian (see Colonel Yule, Marco Polo, chap. v, book ii, p. 250). But this country was afterwards converted to Islam. ° Buddha, Dharma, and Sangha. * The begging dhfita, one of the thirteen or twelve dhfitas, see note below, p- 56, and Childers, s.v. ° For all these countries, see my geographical notes above. i INTRODUCTION. Il system of the Hinaydna (the Smaller Vehicle) is adopted except in Malayu (= Sribhoga), where there are a few who belong to the Maha- yana (the Larger Vehicle)” Some of these couritries (or islands) are about a hundred Chinese miles round, some many hundred in circuit, or some measure about a hundred yoganas. Though it is difficult to calculate distance on the great ocean, yet those who are accustomed to travel in merchant ships will know the approximate size of these islands. They were generally known (to Chinese) by the general name of the ‘Country of Kun-lun, since (the people of) K‘u-lun first visited Kochin and Kwang-tung ?. 1 This sentence is not very clear; more literally, ‘ Because, indeed, the K*u-lun first came to Chiao-kwang (Kochin and Kwang-tung) all were afterwards called the “Country of Kun-lun.”’ The vagueness of the Chinese sentences puzzles us much. Professor Chavannes’ rendering may be seen from the following extract: ‘Voici, d’aprés I-tsing Iui-méme (Nan-hai..., chap. 1, p. 3 et 4) quelle est Yorigine de ce nom: ce furent des gens du pays de Kiue-loen (Ht fi) qui vinrent les premiers dans le Tonkin et le Koang-tong; c’est pourquoi on prit Vhabitude d’appliquer le nom de Kiue-loen ou de Koen-loen (ee Br) a toutes les contrées des mers du sud qui étaient alors fort peu connues. Cependant, remarque I-tsing, ce nom a pris ainsi une extension que rien ne justifie; en effet, les gens du pays de Kiue-loen sont noirs et ont les cheveux crépus, tandis que les habitants des grandes-iles des mers du sud (les Malais) ne different guére des Chinois.’ Professor Chavannes further remarks: ‘If we compare the text of the history of the T’ang (chap. ccxxii c) with this passage, we see that in the Fou-nan (Siam) the people are black and go naked, and that the sovereign has the family name of Kou-long Hh BE, likewise, in the state P’an-p’an (in the peninsula of Malacca) the sovereign has the title of emperor Koen-loen or Kou-long. Thus the country that I-tsing calls Kiue-loen must be Siam and the states of the peninsula of Malacca, where the sovereign calls himself by a name that one can transcribe Koen-loen, Kou-long, or Kiue-loen; the people of this country are black. When their name had been applied by the Chinese to all the people of the southern seas, it happened that the greater part of these people were of the Malay race, not black, and very different from the inhabitants of Siam ; it is there that the name of the Kiue-loen tribes came improperly to designate the Malay race.’ See Chavannes’ Memoirs of I-tsing, p. 63, note. Cf. my note to Kun-lun above. C 2 12 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. Except in the case of Kun-lun (Pulo Condore) where the people are woolly-haired (lit. curly-headed) and of black skin, the inhabitants of the (other) islands are similar in appearance to the Chinese; it is their habit to have their legs bare and to wear the Kan-man (a cloth)’. These things will be more fully discussed elsewhere in the Description of the Southern Sea?. Setting out from Kwan-chou (a district in Annam)’, right to the south, one will reach Pi-king‘ after a journey of rather more than half a month on foot, or after only five or six tides if aboard ship ; and proceeding still southwards one arrives at Champa’, i.e. Lin-i. In this country Buddhists generally belong to the Aryasammiti- nikdya, and there are also a few followers of the Sarvastivadanikaya. Setting out south-westwards, one reaches (on foot) within a month, Poh-nan (Kuo®), formerly called Fu-nan. Of old it was a country, the inhabitants of which lived naked; the people were mostly worshippers of heaven (the gods or devas), and later on, Buddhism flourished there, but a wicked king has now expelled and exterminated them all, and there are no members of the Buddhist Brotherhood at all, while adherents of other religions (or heretics) live intermingled. This region is the 1 Kan-man is said to be a Sanskrit word; the Chinese is sometimes za ‘Ho-man.’ J think Kan-man here represents the Sanskrit Kambala. This, no doubt, refers to the Malayan ‘ Sarongs,’ the native name of a piece of cotton or silk which is fastened round the middle and hangs down to the feet. In the History of the Lian Dynasty (502-557), book 54, it is said as follows: ‘Men and women (in Siam) all use a broad and long piece of cotton, which they wrap round their body below the loins and called Kan-man (7 he) or Tu-man (#f§ Re). See Essays on Indo-China, 2nd series, vol. i, p. 260. ? See below, chap. xi. $ Be SH, somewhere near Tongking. 4 ee according to J., and ‘ Shang-king’ is, no doubt, a misprint; Pi-king is in the north of Champa, and lies in the province of Jih-nan, which is, according to Chinese writers, a kind of colony on the spot or neighbourhood of Hue (see Essays on Indo-China, 2nd series, vol. i, p. 128 note, and Chavannes, Memoirs, p. 108 note). Thus Pi-king may be Turan or somewhere near it. ® See above, note 2, p. 10. * Poh-nan is Siam, but also includes a part of Cambodja. __—_—_—‘(a| INTRODUCTION. 13 south corner of Gambudvipa (India), and is not one of the islands of the sea. In the Eastern Hsia (i.e. China) Buddhists practise mostly according to the Dharmagupta school, but in many places in Kwan Chung (Shen-si) some belong, from olden times, to the Mahdasanghikanikaya as well as to the above. In olden times in Kiang-nan (south of the Yang Tze-kiang) and Ling-piao (south of the Range, i.e. Kwang-tung and Kwang-si) the Sarvastivadanikaya has flourished. When we speak of the Vinaya as being divided into the Dasddhydya (‘Ten Readings’) or into the Xatur- varga (‘Four Classes’), these names are chiefly taken from the divisions or bundles of the texts adopted by (those) schools. On examining carefully the distinctions between these schools and the differences of their discipline, we see that they present very many points of disagree- ment; that which is important in one school is not so in another, and that which is allowed by one is prohibited by another. But priests should follow the customs of their respective schools, and not interchange the strict rules of their doctrine for the more lenient teaching of another. At the same time they should not despise others’ prohibitions, because they themselves are unrestricted in their own schools; otherwise the differences between the schools will be indistinct, and the regulations as to permission and prohibition will become obscure. How can a single person practise the precepts of the four schools together ? The parable of a torn garment and a gold stick shows how we (who practise according to the different schools) may equally gain the goal of Nirvaza’. Therefore those who practise in accordance with the Laws should follow che customs of their own schools. (Note by I-tsing): King BiwbisAra once saw in a dream that a piece of cloth was torn, and a gold stick broken, both into eighteen fragments. Being frightened, he asked the Buddha the reason. In reply the * This idea is well expressed by Hiuen Thsang (Julien, Mémoires, I, 77) ; I borrow here Prof. Rhys Davids’ wording of Hiuen Thsang’s expression. (Man. of Buddhism, p. 218.) ‘The schools of philosophy are always in conflict, and the noise of their passionate discussions rises like the waves of the sea. Heretics of the different sects attach themselves to particular teachers, and by different routes walk to the same goal.’ 14 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. Buddha said: ‘More than a hundred years! after my attainment of Nirvaza, there will arise a king, named Asoka, who will rule over the whole of Gambudvipa. At that time, my teaching handed down by several Bhikshus will be split into eighteen schools, all agreeing, however, in the end, that is to say, all attaining the goal of Final Liberation (Moksha). The dream foretells this, O king, you need not be afraid!’ Which of the four schools should be grouped with the Mahayana or with the Hinayana is not determined. In Northern India and in the islands of the Southern Sea, they generally belong to the Hinayana, while those in China? devote them- selves to the Mahayana; in other places, some practise in accordance with one, some with the other. Now let us examine what they pursue. Both adopt one and the same discipline (Vinaya), and they have in common the prohibitions of the five skandhas (‘groups of offences’)*, and also the practice of the Four Noble Truths. Those who worship the Bodhisattvas and read the Mahayana Sitras 1 The following four dates of Asoka are found in the Chinese Tripi/aka :— I. 116 years after the Buddha’s Nirvaza. 2. 118 years 35 is si . 3+ 130 years is 4 s 4. 218 years i 53 i This last is more interesting, for it agrees with the date obtained from the Pali or Simhalese sources. This is found in a Vinaya book called the Sudarsana-vibhAsh4 Vinaya, which was translated into Chinese a.p. 489. This book contains many dates, which all agree with the Simhalese chronicle. The accounts of the Buddhist councils, names of the Indian and Ceylonese kings, Asoka’s mission, and Mahendra's work in Ceylon, present much resemblance to the Ceylonese historical accounts. This again shows that we have to pay more attention to the Vinaya texts, which are the most trustworthy among the Chinese Buddhist works. As this book was preserved among the Vinaya works, no scholars have noticed as far as I know that this date ‘218 years P.B.N.’ was found in this special work. (See Nanjio’s Catal., No. 1125.) See my note at the end. ® The text has the ‘Divine Land,’ and the ‘Red Province, meaning ‘China,’ i.e. mm SN, ais A. 5 See Kullavagea IX, 3,3 (5.B.E., vol. xx, p. 308). INTRODUCTION. 15 are called the Mahdy4nists (the Great), while those who do not perform these are called the Hinaydnists (the Small). There are but two kinds of the so-called Mahayana. First, the Madhyamika; second, the Yoga. The former profess that what is commonly called existence is in reality non-existence, and every object is but an empty show, like an illusion, whereas the latter affirm that there exist no outer things in reality, but only inward thoughts, and all things exist only in the mind (lit. ‘all things are but our mind’). These two systems are perfectly in accordance with the noble doctrine. Can we then say which of the two? is right? Both equally conform to truth and lead us to Nirvaza. //Nor can we find out which is true or false? Both aim at the destruction of passion (klesa) and the salvation of all beings. We must not, in trying to settle the comparative merits of these two, create great confusion and fall further into perplexity. For, if we act conformably with any of these doctrines, we are enabled to attain the Other Shore (Nirvaza), and if we turn away from them, we remain drowned, as it were, in the ocean of transmigration. The two systems are, in like manner, taught in India, for in essential points they do not differ from each other. We have as yet no ‘eye of wisdom.’ How can we discern right or wrong in them? We must act just as our predecessors have done, and not trouble ourselves to form our judgement about them. In China, the schools of all Vinayadharas are also prejudiced; and lecturers and commentators have produced too many remarks on the subject. These have rendered difficult many hitherto easy passages of the five skandhas (groups of offences) and the seven skandhas (another enumeration of the five skandhas), and made obscure the helps to religion (Upaya) and the observance of the rules, and made offences which were obvious difficult to be recognised. Consequently one’s aspiration (after the knowledge of the Vinaya) is baffled at the beginning (lit.*at one basketful of earth in making a mountain’), and one’s attention flags after attending to but one lecture. Even men of the highest talent can only succeed in the study 1 J-tsing seems to mean the Mahayana and Hinaydana. 16 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. after becoming grey-haired, while men of medium or little ability cannot accomplish their work even when their hair has turned per- fectly white. Books on the Vinaya were gradually enlarged, but became obscure, so that their perusal is the task of a whole life. A peculiar method has been adopted by teachers and pupils. They discourse on paragraphs, separating them into smaller and smaller sections ; they treat of the articles concerning the offences by dividing them sentence by sentence. For the labour expended in this method an effort is required as great as that of forming a mountain; and the gain is as difficult to acquire as the procuring of pearls from the vast ocean. Those who write books should seek to enable their readers to under- stand easily what they treat of, and should not use enigmatic language, which will require explanation afterwards, if ridiculed by others. As, when a river has overflowed, and its water has been swept into a deep well, a thirsty man wishing to drink of the pure water of the well could only procure it by endangering his life, so zt 2s difficult to gain a knowledge of the Vinaya after it has been handled by many men. Such is not the case when we simply examine the Vinaya texts themselves. In deciding cases of grave or slight offences, a few lines suffice. In explaining the expedients for settling cases, one does not require even half a day. Such is the general object of study among the priests in India and in the islands of the Southern Sea. In the Divine Land (China) the teaching of duty to others (propriety) prevails everywhere ; the people respect and serve their sovereign and their parents; they honour and submit to their elders. They are simple in manner of life, and meek and agreeable in character. They take what they honestly may take. Filial children and faithful subjects act with caution and economise their expenditure. The emperor governs beneficially millions of his subjects, pitying the unfortunate people! with great care (lit. ‘taxing his thought’) from dawn; while his ministers, whose minds are awake to State affairs even the whole night, execute their duties with respect ’ Lit. ‘as though they had fallen into ditches.’ si INTRODUCTION. 17 (lit. clasping the hands) and attention’. Sometimes an emperor greatly opens the way to the Triy4na? and invites the teachers, preparing hundreds of seats ; sometimes he constructs Kaityas (sepulchres) through- out his dominion, so that all the wise incline their hearts to Buddhism ; or he builds temples (Sangh4rama) here and there throughout his realm in order that all the ignorant may go and worship there to mature their merit. Farmers sing merrily in their fields, and merchants joyfully chant on board ship, or in their carts. In fact, the people who honour cocks (i.e. Korea, see below) and those who respect elephants (India), as well as the inhabitants of the regions of Chin-lin (lit. gold-neighbours) and Yii-lin (lit. Gem-hill) 3, come and pay homage at the Imperial Court. Our people manage their affairs peacefully in a peaceful state (or better, ‘peace and tranquillity are our objects’), and e.erything is so perfect that there can be nothing to be added. (Note by I-tsing): Those who respect the cocks are the people of Kau- li (Korea) which is called in India Kuku/esvara, Kukuéa meaning ‘ cock,’ isvara, ‘honourable. People in India say that that country honours cocks as gods, and therefore people wear wings on their heads as an orna- mental sign*. Those who honour elephants are Indians to whose kings the elephant is most sacred ; this is so throughout the five parts of India. As to the Chinese priests who have become homeless, they observe the rules and give lectures, while the students study seriously, and understand the deepest principles taught by their teachers. There are those who, having freed themselves from the bonds of worldly affairs, 1 Lit. ‘as if treading on thin ice.’ 2 Sravakayana, Pratyekabuddhayana, and Mahayana, according to the Dharma- sangraha II. 8 Chin-lin (lit. Golden Neighbours) is, according to Kasyapa, the same as ‘Chin Chou’ (lit. Golden Island), which corresponds to Skt. Suvarza-dvipa. The ‘Golden Island’ is the name once applied, by I-tsing, to Sumatra or at any rate to Stibhoga, where gold is said to have been abundant. Vii-lin (lit. Gem-hill) is, Kasyapa says, Vii-mén-kwan (lit. Gem-gate-pass), which was constructed near the Ko-ko River (probably Ko-ko-nor). 4 We do not know the origin of this story; but Korea is sometimes called Ki-lin, ‘ cock-forest.’ D 18 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. have retired to a deep valley, where they wash their mouths with the water of the stony stream or sit in woody thickets tranquillising their thoughts. Walking and worshipping six times a day, they strive to requite the benefits conferred by those of pure faith ; engaged in deep meditation twice a night, they become worthy of the respect of gods and men. These actions are authorised by the Sfitras and the Vinaya. How can there be a fault here? But on account of some misinterpretations handed down, the disciplinary rules have suffered, and errors constantly repeated have become customs which are contrary to the original principles. Therefore, according to the noble teaching and the principal customs actually carried on in India, I have carefully written the following articles which are forty in number, and have divided them into four books. This is called ‘ Nan-hai-chi-kuei-nai-fa-ch‘uan, i.e. ‘The Record of the Sacred Law, sent home from the Southern Sea.’ I am sending you with this another work of mine, ‘Ta-t'ang-si-yu-ku-fa-kao-séng- ch'uan,” ie. ‘Memoirs of Eminent Priests who visited India and Neighbouring Countries to search for the Law under the Great T'ang Dynasty’ (A.D. 618-907), and several Sitras and SaAstras, in all, ten books!. I hope that the venerable priests with mind intent on the promulgation of their religion, without having any prejudice, will act with discrimination and in accordance with the teaching and practice of the Buddha, and that they will not disregard the weighty laws described in this work because they deem the author of no note. Further, the principles and purports of the Sitras and SAstras handed down by the ancients minutely correspond with the Dhyana (meditation) doctrine (of India), but the secrets of calm meditation are difficult to de- scribe to you in my message. I have, therefore, only roughly sketched the practices of the Law which accord with the Vinaya doctrine, in order to send home in advance, and lay before you the words which rest on the authority of my teachers. My life may sink with the setting sun this day, still I work to do something worthy of the promotion of the Law; the burning Light may go out at the early dawn, yet I hope * Among these, there were Nagarguna’s Suhrdllekha, MA&trzkeda’s hymn in 150 verses, the Anitya-sfitra and others. INTRODUCTION. 19 that hundreds of lamps may continue to burn for the future. If you read this Record of mine, you may, without moving one step, travel in all the five countries of India, and before you spend a minute you may become a mirror of the dark path for a thousand ages to come. Will you, I pray, read and examine carefully the Tripizaka, and beat the Ocean of the Law, as it were, to stir up the four waves!; and resting on the authority of the five skandhas, launch the ship of compassion to carry across the beings who are plunged into the six desires. Although I have received the personal direction from my teachers, and have fully examined the deep purport of our doctrine, I must, nevertheless, further deepen and expand my knowledge; for if I do not, I am afraid I shall be an object of ridicule in the ‘ eye of wisdom.’ The following are the contents of the work :— 1. The non-observance of the Varsha does not entail degradation. . Behaviour towards the honoured ones. . Sitting on a small chair at dinner. . Distinction between pure and impure food. . Cleansing after meals. . Two jugs for keeping water. The morning inspection of the water with regard to insects. . Use of a tooth-wood in the morning. . Rules of the Upavasatha ceremony. . Special requirements as to raiment and food. 11. Method of vestments. 12. Garments of a nun.—Rules of burial ceremonies. 13. Rules as to sacred enclosures. 14. The Varsha of the Parishads. 15. The period of Pravaraza (relaxation after the Varsha). 16. The mode of using spoons and chopsticks. 17. Proper times for religious worship. 18, On evacuation. 19. Regulations for ordination. 20. The proper occasions for ablutions. 9D BWANA PW ND * Tie. ‘all the people.’ D2 20 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. 21. Concerning the mat to sit on. 22. Rules of sleeping and resting. 23. On the advantage of proper exercise to health. 24. Worship not mutually dependent. 25. Behaviour between teacher and pupil. 26. Conduct towards strangers or friends. 27, On symptoms of bodily illness. 28. Rules on giving medicine. 29. Hurtful medical treatment must not be practised. 30. On turning to the right in worship. 31. Rules of decorum in cleansing the sacred objects of worship. 32. The ceremony of chanting. 33. The unlawful reverence to the sacred objects. 34. Rules for learning in India. 35. On the propriety of long hair. 36. On disposing of the property of a deceased priest. 37. Use of the property of the Brotherhood. 38. The burning of the body is unlawful. 39. The bystanders become guilty. 40. Such hurtful actions were not practised by the virtuous of old. All the things mentioned in this work are in accordance with the Aryam(lasarvastivadanikaya, and should not be confounded with the teaching of other schools. The matters contained in this work resemble generally the Vinaya of the Dasddhyaya (Ten Readings). There are three subdivisions! of the Aryamflasarvastivadanikéya : 1. The Dharmagupta; 2. the Mahisasaka; 3. the Kasyapiya. These three do not prevail in India, except in the following places : Udyana, Kharakar, and Kustana, where there are some who practise the rules laid down in these schools. The Vinaya of the so-called Dasadhydya (Ten Readings), (though not unlike), does not belong to the Aryamflasarvastivada school. 1 Cf. p. 8, ili; there we have four subdivisions and here only three. That is, one school is called Malasarvastivada, and as it is the same name as that of the original school, I-tsing does not name it separately here. BEHAVIOUR TOWARDS THE HONOURED. 21 CHAPTER I. REGARDING THE NON-OBSERVANCE OF THE VARSHA (OR VASSA, SUMMER RETREAT). THE Bhikshus who did not observe the Varsha! fail, of course, to obtain the ten benefits? derived from it, but there is no reason why they should be degraded from their original position in the Order to a lower place. Nor is it seemly for a priest to be obliged to suddenly alter his action and pay respect to an inferior, one day, from whom but the day before he received due honour. Such degradation in rank was customary, however, (in China), though without any authority or proof in its support. For if, when observing the Varsha, one accept an invitation outside, it is as great a fault as theft. One should, therefore, carefully examine the principles on which the custom rests, and should never disregard them. The rank of a Bhikshu ought to be determined by the date of his ordination. Even if he have not observed the Varsha, let him not be degraded. If we read and examine the teaching of the Buddha, there is no authority in it (for this custom). Then who at some former date introduced this practice (among the Chinese) ? CHAPTER II. BEHAVIOUR TOWARDS THE HONOURED. ACCORDING to the teaching of the Buddha, when a priest is in presence of the holy image, and approaches the honoured teachers, it is right for 1 Varsha is originally ‘ rainy season,’ including four months from the middle of June to the middle of October. These four months are a period of retreat for the Buddhist priests, who are forbidden to travel, but live in some place away from their monasteries. This summer retreat is called the Varsha (Vassa in Pali), and kept up as the most important period in the Buddhist life. For further particulars see Childers’ Pali Dictionary, s.v., and Mahdvagga III, 5. B. E., vol. xviii. 2 Ten benefits are possession of garments, freedom in sojourning, &c.; the five privileges are given in Mahavagga VII, 1, 3, and the Vinaya-sangraha (Nanjio’s Catal., No. 1127). 22 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. IIL. him, except in case of illness, to have his feet bare; he is never allowed to put on sandals before teachers or images, and must always have his right shoulder bare and the left covered with his cloak, wearing no cap. He may walk about (with sandals, Gc.), in other places without blame, if he have (his superior’s) permission. In a cold region, a priest is allowed to wear small sandals or any kind of shoes suitable to the climate. Countries lying in different latitudes (lit. directions) have widely different climates. In following the teaching of the Buddha, some rules must admit of slight modification. It may reasonably be allowed that we should temporarily wear more clothes in the months of severe winter in order to protect the body, but during the warm spring and summer, one ought strictly to live in accordance with the Vinaya rules’. That one should not walk round the holy stipa with sandals on was taught expressly from the beginning. And it has long been proclaimed that a priest must never approach the temple (lit. gandhakudi) with his slippers? on. But there are some who perpetually disobey the rules; and it is indeed a grave insult to the golden rule of our Buddha. CHAPTER III. ON SITTING ON A SMALL CHAIR AT DINNER. " In India the priests wash their hands and feet before meals, and sit on separate small chairs. The chair is about seven inches high by a foot square, and the seat of it is wicker-work made of rattan cane. The legs are rounded, and, on the whole, the chair is not heavy. But for junior members of the Order blocks of wood may be used instead. They place their feet on the ground, and trays, (oz which food is served), } «Vinaya’ is the discipline laid down by the Buddha. The whole is called ‘Vinaya pi/akam;” the Pali text was published by Prof. Oldenberg, 1879. * The text has ‘pu-ra,’ which is, according to Kasyapa, a kind of shoes in Sanskrit, but I cannot find a Sanskrit word corresponding to the sound *. SITTING ON A SMALL CHAIR AT DINNER. 23 are placed before them. The ground is strewn with cow-dung, and fresh leaves are scattered over. The chairs are ranged at intervals of cne cubit, so that the persons sitting on them do not touch one another. I have never seen one sitting at a meal cross-legged on a large couch. The measurement of a couch according to the rule laid down by the Buddha ought to be the width of the Buddha’s eight fingers; as the Buddha’s finger is said to have been three times larger than that of an ordinary individual, the width of his eight fingers is equal to that of our twenty-four fingers. This is one and a half feet in Chinese measurement. In the temples of China (lit. the Eastern Hsia) the height of a couch exceeds two feet ; this of course is not to be used for sitting upon. For he who sits on it incurs the blame of using a high couch (one of the Buddha’s eight silas). Many Bhikshus of the present time break this rule; but how do they mean to exonerate themselves? All those who are guilty of this breach of rule should consult the code of measurement. But couches used in the temples of the Holy Rock and the Four DhyAnas (i.e. Aaturdhydna)! are one foot high; this height was laid down by the virtuous men of old and is indeed authoritative. To sit cross-legged side by side, and to have meals with knees stretched out, is not a proper way—pray notice this. I have heard that after the introduction of Buddhism into China, the Bhikshus were accustomed to sit on chairs (not cross-legged) at meals. Atthe time of the Tsin dynasty (A.D. 265-419) the error was introduced, and they began to sit cross- legged at meals. It is nearly 700 years (B.C.8; 700-692=8)* ago that the noble doctrine of the Buddha first passed into the East (China); the period of ten dynasties has gone by, each having its able representative. Indian Bhikshus came to China one after another, and the Chinese priests, of the time being, crowded together before them, and received instruc- tion from them. There were some who went to India themselves and witnessed the proper practice there. On their return home they pointed out wrong customs, but who of them has ever been followed ? 1 These are two Chinese temples, being Ling-yen (aie BH ) and Ssii-shan (py ile) respectively. There seem to have been several so-named temples in China ; Kasyapa mentions two as examples. ® This date must not be taken too literally. 24 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. IV. It is often said in the Siitras!, ‘Wash your feet after a meal;’ from this it is clear that they did not sit cross-legged on a couch (for there would be no use in washing feet, if they had not touched the ground). And also it is said: ‘Food is thrown down near to the feet ;’ from this we can see that the priests used to sit with their feet straight on the ground. The disciples of the Buddha ought to have the Buddha’s methods. Even if it be not possible to follow out his rules, it is wrong to ridicule them. If one sit cross-legged, and with his garment folded round the knees, it is difficult to keep clean and not to spill food (lit. to ‘ protect one’s purity ’), and spilled food and stains easily cling to the garment. To preserve what has been left from the meal, as is done in China, is not at all in accordance with Indian rules. By being gathered from the table the food pollutes the trays, and those who serve touch the clean utensils. Thus making the preservation of purity vain, no good result has as yet been obtained. Pray carefully notice these points, and see the comparative merit of each practice. CHAPTER IV. DISTINCTION BETWEEN PURE AND IMPURE FOOD. AMONG the priests and laymen in India, it is customary to distinguish between clean and unclean food. If but a mouthful of the food have been eaten, it becomes unclean (lit.‘ touched’); and the utensils in which food was put are not to be used again. As soon as the meal is finished, the utensils used are removed and piled up in one corner. All the remaining food is given to those who may legally eat such (i.e. the departed spirits, birds, and the like); for it is very improper to keep the food for further use. This is the custom among both rich and poor, and is not only a custom observed by us, but even by the Brahmans (Devas, gods). It is said in several Sdstras: ‘It is considered to be mean not to use a tooth-wood, and not to wash the hands after evacuation, and not to * See the Vagrakhhedika, translated by Prof. Max Miiller (i), p. 112, vol. xlix, S. B. E. DISTINCTION BETWEEN PURE AND IMPURE FOOD. 25 distinguish between clean and unclean food.’ How can we consider it seemly to use again the utensils that have already been touched, to preserve food remaining over in the kitchen, to keep in a jar the rice that has been left from a meal, or to put back the remainder of the soup ina pot? Nor is it right to eat next morning the soup and vegetables that have been left, or to partake later of the remaining cake or fruits. Those who observe the Vinaya rules may know something of this distinction, but those who are idle and negligent combine to pursue the wrong course. At a reception or any ordinary meals, no one ought to touch another or taste any fresh food until he has rinsed his mouth with pure water, and after each course, a mouthful of which would defile him, he must repeat the rinsing. If he touch another person before rinsing his mouth, the person touched is defiled and must rinse his mouth. When a man has touched a dog he has to purify himself. Those who have partaken of a meal must remain together on one side of the hall, and should wash their hands and rinse their mouths, and also wash the things used during the meal and the soiled pots. If they neglect these points, any prayers or charms that they may have offered will have no efficacy, and any offerings they may make will not be accepted by the Spirits. Therefore, I say, everything must be clean and pure, if you prepare either food or drink, intending to offer it to the Three Jewels, or to the Spirits, or mean it for an ordinary meal for yourselves. Until the person is purified after a meal or after evacua- tion, he is unfit to sit at table again. Even the world speaks of a fast for the purpose of purification. When people are sacrificing to Confucius in his temple, they ought first to clip their nails, and keep their body under control and free from defilement. Purification is required thus even in the matters concerning Confucius, his disciple Yen Hui, and others, and people do not offer the leavings from a meal. In pre- paring food for a reception or for an ordinary meal of the Bhikshus, there must be a superintendent in the matter. if there be a delay in preparing food at a reception, and if the guests fear that they should be behind the prescribed meal-time in waiting, the invited, be he priest or layman, can partake of a meal separately out of what has been provided, though not yet served. This is allowed by the Buddha, and does not cause guilt. E 26 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. Vv. I have heard that of late meals are often delayed till the afternoon (noon being the prescribed meal-time), while the preparation is being superintended by priests or nuns. This is not right, as one commits a fault in doing good. Now the first and chief difference between India of the five regions and other nations is the peculiar distinction between purity and impurity. Once upon a time when the Mongolians of the North sent men to India, the messengers were despised and ridiculed, as they did not wash themselves after evacuation, and preserved their food in a tray. This was not all; they were scorned and spoken ill of, as they sat together (on the floor) at a meal, with their feet straight out, and touching one another’s, and they did not keep out of the neighbourhood of pigs and dogs, and did not use a tooth-brush. Therefore those who are practising the Law of the Buddha ought to be very careful on these points. But in China the distinction of pure and impure food has never been recognised from ancient time. Although they hear my admonition on this point, they will not adhere to the rules, and will not be awakened until I shall see them and speak to them in person. CHAPTER V. CLEANSING AFTER MEALS. WHEN a meal is finished, do not fail to cleanse the hands. In getting the water, fetch a water-jar yourself or order others to do so. The cleansing may be done with water taken (from a spring) out of a basin ; or it may be done in some secluded place (where water is always at hand) or on a conduit (Pravali) or on the steps leading down. Chew tooth-wood in the mouth; let the tongue as well as the teeth be care- fully cleansed and purified. If the (unclean) spittle be yet remaining in the mouth, the religious fast may not be observed, while the lips should be washed either with pea-flour or with mud made by mixing earth with water, so as not to leave any taint of grease. Afterwards the water must be poured (for rinsing) out of the clean jar into a conch-shell cup, which is to be held over fresh leaves or in TWO JUGS FOR KEEPING WATER. 27 the hands. If the cup touches the hand, it is necessary to rub it with the three kinds of cleansing material, i.e. pea-flour, dry earth, and cow- dung’, and to wash it with water to take off the taint. In a secluded place water may be poured right into the mouth from a clean jar, but this is forbidden in a publicspot. After rinsing the mouth two or three times it will generally be cleansed. Before doing this it is not allowed to swallow the mouth-water or spittle. Any one breaking this rule and so lowering his dignity will be considered faulty. The saliva must be spit out before the mouth has been rinsed with pure water; if noontide be passed without cleansing, the offender will be guilty of failing to observe the prescribed time. Men know little of this point. Even if they know it, it is not easy to observe it rightly. Judging from this strict point of view, it is difficult indeed to keep entirely free from fault even if pea-flour or ash-water be used, for there may be a taint of food in the teeth or grease on the tongue. The wise should see this.and be careful in the matter. It is surely not seemly for any one to spend his time after meals chaffing and chattering, nor is it right to remain impure and guilty all day and night, without preparing wader in a clean jar or without chewing a tooth-wood. If such laziness be indulged in during one’s lifetime, no end of trouble is to be found. It is, be it added, also lawful to let one’s pupils fetch and pour out the clean water from a jar. CHAPTER VI. TWO JUGS FOR KEEPING WATER. THE clean water is kept separately from water for cleansing pur- poses (lit. ‘touched’ water) *, and there are two kinds of jars (i.e. kuzai and kalasa) for each. Earthenware or porcelain is used for the clean jar, and the jar for water for cleansing purposes (lit. ‘touched’ water) is made of copper or iron. The clean water is ready for drinking at any time, and the ‘touched’ water for cleansing purposes after having been to the urinal. The clean jar must be carried in a clean hand, and be 1 Kasyapa remarks that the Skt. for the cow-dung is ‘ Gomaya’ or ‘ Gomayi,’ and that Chinese cow-dung is unfit for the purifying purpose, being so dirty. E2 28 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. VIL placed in a clean place, while the jar for the ‘touched’ water should be grasped by the ‘touched’ (or ‘ unclean’) hand and be put in an unclean (or ‘touched’) place. The water in a pure and fresh jar can be drunk at any time; the water in any other jar is called ‘special water’ (more lit. ‘seasonable water, i.e. water to be used at certain prescribed times, probably kalodaka). To drink from a jar holding it upright in front is no fault; but drink- ing in the afternoon is not permissible. A jar must be made to fit one’s mouth; the top of the cover should be two fingers! high; in it a hole as small as a copper chopstick is made. Fresh water for drinking must be kept in such a jar. At the side of the jar there is another round hole as large as a small coin, two fingers higher than the drinking-mouth. This hole is used for pouring in water ; two or three gallons may be put in it. A small jar is never used. If one fear that insects or dust may enter in, both the mouth and the hole may be covered by means of bamboo, wood, linen, or leaves. There are some Indian priests who make jars according to this style. In taking water, the inside of the jar must be first washed in order to get off any dirt or dust, and then fresh water must be poured in. Is it seemly to take water without distinction between the clean and the unclean, or to keep only one small jar made of copper, or even to pour out the remain- ing water while the attached lid is held in the mouth? Such a jar is not fit to be used, for in it pure water cannot be distinguished from impure. Within such a jar there may be dirt or stain; it is unfit to keep fresh water in, and being small, the water is little in quantity, wanting about one gallon or two kilograms every time. As to the construction of a jar-bag, it is made of cotton cloth about two feet long and one foot wide, which is doubled by putting both ends together, and the edges which meet are sewed together. To its two corners cords about seven and a half inches” long are attached ; the bag * Two finger-widths (angulas), not ‘two finger-joints ;’ Kasyapa says ‘it would be about one Chinese inch.’ * The text has — BE ‘a span’ (vitasti), i.e. ‘the length of thumb and middle finger stretched ;’ this is twelve angulas long, or seven and a half inches, according to Kasyapa, For ‘ Sugata-vitasti,’ see Patimokkha, p. 8, note 2, S. B. E., vol. xiii. TWO JUGS FOR KEEPING WATER. 29 containing a jar is carried in travelling hung from the shoulder. The shape of the bag of a begging-bowl is similar to the above. It covers the mouth of the bowl in it sufficiently for dust to be kept off. The bottom is made pointed, so that the bowl does not move about. But the bag for the bowl is different from that for the jar, as is explained elsewhere}. A priest who travels carries his jar, bowl, necessary clothes, by hang- ing them from his shoulders over his cloak, taking an umbrella in his hand. This is the manner of the Buddhist priest in travelling. He takes also, if his hand be not much occupied, a jar for unclean water, leather shoes in a bag, at the same time holding a metal staff obliquely, and going about at ease. . .” At the season of pilgrimage to the Kaityas of Ragagrzha, the Bo-tree, the Vulture-peak, the Deer-park, the holy place where the SAala-trees turned white® like the wings of a crane (in Kusinagara), and the lonely grove that has been dedicated to a squirrel *. ’ The M@lasarvastivada-samyuktavastu, chap. xxxiii (Nanjio’s Catal., No. rr21). * Here there is a sentence, the meaning of which is not clear to me. The Chinese = bee FA Ae HE ES mem (4 seems to mean something like this : ‘The manner exactly corresponds to what is in the Parable of the Crow—the Sfitra on the moon’ The commentator says nothing but that the parable of the Bird—the Sfitra on the Moon is the name of one Sfitra, i.e. Sfitra on the Parable of the Crow and the Moon, which is, according to him, 23, vol. ii of the Catalogue of the Tripi/aka, published in the Ming Dynasty (Nanjio’s Catal., No. 948, the Xandropamana-stitra). But this Sitra has nothing corresponding to our sentences. The meaning of the context will not have to be altered even if we make out that particular sentence. 8 «This refers to the story that at the time of the Buddha’s Nirvadma the trees blossomed at once, though not in season (Mahaparinibbana-sutta V, 4, S. B. E., vol. xi, p. 86). * ‘The grove of the squirrel’ is the Kalantaka-nivapa, otherwise called the ‘Venu-vana.’ Kalantaka or Kalandaka is a bird which resembles the Chinese magpie (KAsyapa, so also I-tsing), but this must be a mistak: oe. ee “on es The Sanghabhedakavastu, chap. viii (Nanjio’s Catal., i 12h), gives “arr Perey OF a account of the grove as follows :— WEWwaAy FROWDE, ‘This bamboo grove belonged to a rich man at one time LAMHen Bigbisttae 3S WAREHOUSE | AMEN GORKER, LONDON, | WOT TO BE REMOVED FRG i 11. READING ROvwWtA, 30 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. VIL. In these seasons travelling priests assemble by thousands in every one of the above places day after day from every quarter, and all travel in the same manner (as described above). Venerable and learned priests of the Nalanda monastery ride in sedan-chairs, but never on horseback, and those of the Maharaga monastery do the same. In this case neces- sary baggage is carried by other persons or taken by boys ;—such are the customs among the Bhikshus in the West (India). CHAPTER VII. THE MORNING INSPECTION OF WATER AS TO INSECTS. WATER must be examined every morning. According as it is found in different places, i.e. in jars, in a well, in a pond, or in a river. The means also of examining it differ. Early in the morning jar- water is first to be examined. After pouring about a handful of it, by inclining the jar, into a pure bronze cup, a ladle made of bronze, a conch- shell, or a plate of lacquer-work, pour it slowly on a brick. Or, by means of a wooden instrument made for this purpose, observe the water for some moments, shutting the mouth with the hand. It is likewise well to examine it in a basin or ina pot. Insects even as small as a hair-point must be protected. If any insects are found, return the water again into the jar, and wash the vessel with other water twice until no insects was yet prince he used to take pleasure in the grove and wanted the owner to give it to him. This was declined. When the prince succeeded to the throne he took possession of this grove by force. The owner was vexed and died of heart-disease. After death he became a snake to take vengeance on the king. In spring the flowers were beautiful; the king went out to the garden together with many female attendants. He fell asleep after having enjoyed the garden walk. All maids went away from the king, charmed by the flowers; there was only one maid who was guarding the king with a sword. There appeared a poisonous snake ready to attack the sleeping king. At this very moment the Kalandaka shrieked noisily, and the maid on guard noticed the snake and cut it asunder. As a reward for the good service to the king, His Majesty dedicated this grove to the memory of the birds and named it ‘‘ Kalandaka-vezu-vana.”’ For Kalandaka *, see Mahavagga (S. B. E.) II, 1, 1 note; and for the eight aityas in the holy spots, see below, chap. xx, p. 108. MORNING INSPECTION OF WATER AS TO INSECTS. 31 are left in it. Ifthere is a river or a pond in the neighbourhood, take the jar there and throw away the water containing insects; then put in fresh filtered water. If there is a well, use its water, after filtering it, according to the usual manner. In examining well-water, after some has been drawn, observe it in a water-vessel, taking about a handful of it in a bronze cup, as stated above. If there is no insect, then the water can be used through the night, and if any be found it must be filtered according to the process mentioned above. As to the examining of the water of a river or pond, details are found in the Vinaya}. The Indians use fine white cloth for straining water; and in China fine silk may be used, after having slightly boiled it with rice-cream ; for small insects easily pass through the meshes of raw silk. Taking a piece of softened silk about four feet of the Hu-ch‘th? (name of acommon measure), lay it lengthwise by taking its edges, then double it by taking both ends, and sew them together so as to form them into the shape of anet. Then attach cords to its two corners, and loops to both sides ; and put across it a stick about one foot and six inches long, in order to stretch it wide. Now fasten its two ends to posts, while placing a basin under it. When you pour water into it from a pot, its bottom must be inside the strainer, lest some insects drop off together with the drops of water, and should hardly escape destruction by falling on the ground or into the basin. When water comes out through the strainer, scoop and examine it, and, if it contains some insects, then return ¢he water, and, if it is clean enough, use it. As soon as enough water has been obtained, turn up the strainer, which is to be held at both ends by two persons, put it into the ‘life-preserving vessel, rinse it with water three times, and again pour water over it outside. Pour in water once more in order to see, by means of straining it, whether some insects still remain in it. If no insects be found, remove the strainer in any manner. Even after being thus filtered, the water, when a night has passed, is liable to need examining again; for one who neglects to examine the water that has stood through a night, whether it contains insects or not, is said, in the Vinaya, to be guilty. 1 See the Vinaya-sangraha (Nanjio’s Catal., No. 1127). 2 By R in Chinese. 32 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. VII. There are many ways of protecting life while drawing water. The strainer just described is suitable in case of drawing water from a well. In a river or a pond you may filter the water by a double jar! within the willow vessel safely placed in the water. During the sixth or the seventh month the insects are so minute, and different from what they are in the other seasons, that they can pass even through ten folds of raw silk. Those who wish to protect life should try to set the insect free by some means or other. A plate-like tray may be used for the purpose, but the silk strainer is also very useful. The tray is generally made of copper, in India, in accordance with the rules laid down by the Buddha: one must not neglect these points. The life-preserving vessel is a small water-pot with an open mouth as wide as the vessel itself. It has two knobs on the sides of the bottom-part, to which cords are fastened. When it is let down into water, it is turned upside down, and, after having been plunged into water twice or thrice, it is drawn up. The high priests must not touch the filters used in the temple, nor the water kept in a room for filtering purposes. The lower priests who have not yet received full ordination, can take and drink any water ; but if they drink at an improper time they ought to use a clean strainer, clean jar, and pure vessels, such as are fit to be used. As regards living creatures, an injury to them is a sin, and is prohibited by the Buddha. It is this prohibition that is the most weighty of all, and an act of injury is placed at the head of the ten sins. One must not be neglectful of this. The filter is one of the six possessions? necessary to the priests, and one cannot do without it. One should not go on a journey three or five Chinese miles without a filter. Ifa priest be aware of the fact that the residents in the temple where he is staying do not strain their water, he must not partake of food there. Even if the traveller die on his way from thirst * or hunger, such a deed is sufficiefit to be looked upon as a splendid example. The daily use of water necessitates inspection. * This may be the Dazda-parissdvanam (a double strainer) of Kullavagga V, 13, 3, though the way of straining seems very different. ? For the six possessions, see chap. x, p. 54, i.e. the six Requisites. * This story is told in the Samyuktavastu, book vi (Nanjio’s Catal., No. 1121). Two Bhikshus from the south started for Sravasti to see the Buddha. They were USE OF TOOTH-WOODS. 33 There are some who use the strainer, but let the insects die within it. Some are desirous of preserving life, but few know how to do it. Some shake (or ‘ upset’) the strainer at the mouth of a well, and do not know the use of the life-preserving vessel. The insects will, no doubt, be killed when they reach the water of a deep well. Others make a small round strainer which only contains one quart or two pints. The silk of which it is made is raw, rough, and thin ; and in using it one does not look for the insects at all, but after hanging it at the side of the jar, others are ordered to do the actual inspection. Thus one pays no attention to the protection of life, and commits sins from day to day. Handing down such error from teacher to pupil, they yet think they are handing down the Law of the Buddha. It is indeed a grievous and regretful matter! It is proper for every person to keep a vessel for examining water, and every place must be furnished with a life-preserving vessel. CHAPTER VIII. USE OF TOOTH-WOODS. EVERY morning one must chew tooth-woods, and clean the teeth with them, and rub off che dirt of the tongue as carefully as possible. Only after the hands have been washed and the mouth cleansed is a man fit to make a salutation; if not, both the saluter and the saluted are at fault. Tooth-wood is DantakAsh¢#a! in Sanskrit—danta, tooth, and kashzha, a piece of wood. It is made about twelve finger-breadths in length, and even the shortest is not less than eight finger-breadths long*. Its size is like the little finger. Chew softly one of its ends, and clean the teeth with it. If one unavoidably come near a superior, whzle chewing the wood, one should cover the mouth with the left hand. thirsty, but the water around them was full of insects. The elder did not drink, and died: he was born in heaven. The younger drank and was censured by the Buddha. Much the same story is told in the Gaitaka Commentary (Rhys Davids’ Buddhist Birth Stories, vol. i, p. 278); and in Kullavagga V, 13, 2. 1 These passages are quoted in Julien’s Hiuen Thsang, liv. i, p. 55 note. 2 T.e. ‘angula’ = one twenty-fourth hasta. In Xullavagga V, 31, 2, the length of a tooth-stick is limited to eight finger-breadths. F 34 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. VIII. Then, breaking the wood, and bending it, rub the tongue. In addition to the tooth-wood, some toothpicks made of iron or copper may be used, or a small stick of bamboo or wood, flat as the surface of the little finger and sharpened at one end, may be used for cleaning the teeth and tongue ; one must be careful not to hurt the mouth. When used, the wood must be washed and thrown away. Whenever a tooth-wood is destroyed or water or saliva is spit out, it should be done after having made three fillips with the fingers, or after having coughed more than twice?; if not, one is faulty in throwing it away. A stick taken out of a large piece of wood, or from a small stem of a tree, or a branch of an elm, or a creeper, if in the forest; if in a field, of the paper mulberry, a peach, a sophora japonica (‘ Huai’), willow-tree, or anything at disposal, must be prepared sufficiently beforehand”. The freshly-cut sticks (lit. wet ones) must be offered to others, while the dry ones are retained for one’s own use. The younger priest can chew as he likes, but the elders must have the stick hammered at one end and made soft; the best is one which is bitter astringent or pungent in taste, or one which becomes like cotton when chewed. The rough root of the Northern Burr-weed (Hu Tai) is the most excellent ; this is otherwise called Tsang-urh or Tsae-urh, and strikes the root about two inches in the ground. It hardens the teeth, scents the mouth, helps to digest food, or relieves heart-burning. If this kind of tooth-cleaner be used, the smell of the mouth will go off after a fortnight. A disease in the canine teeth or tooth- ache will be cured after a month. Be careful to chew fully and polish the teeth cleanly, and to let all the mouth-water come out; and then to rinse abundantly with water. That is the way. Take in the water from the nose once. This is the means of securing a long life ' Kasyapa, quoting the Samyuktavastu, chap. xiii, says that the Buddha did not allow a tooth-wood or anything to be thrown away without making some noise beforehand for a warning. * The Dantakashzhas were bits of sweet-smelling wood or root, or creeper (Gataka I, 80; Mahavamsa, p. 23), the ends of which were to be masticated as a dentifrice, not rubbed on the teeth, and not ‘tooth-brushes’ as Childers translates. See Kullavagga V, 31, 1 (S.B.E.), note; Brzhat-samhita LKXXV; Susruta II, 135. RULES ABOUT THE UPAVASATHA-DAY. 35 adopted by Bodhisattva Nagarguna. If this be too hard to put in practice, to drink water is also good. When a man gets used to these practices he is less attacked by sickness. The dirt at the roots of the teeth hardened by time must all be cleaned away. Washed with warm water, the teeth will be freed from the dirt for the whole of life. Tooth- ache is very rare in India owing to their chewing the tooth-wood. It is wrong to identify the tooth-wood with a willow-branch. Willow- trees are very scarce in India. Though translators have generally used this name, yet, in fact, the Buddha’s tooth-wood-tree (for instance) which I have personally seen in the Nalanda monastery, is not the willow. Now I require no more trustworthy proof from others ¢ian this, and my readers need not doubt it. Moreover, we read in the Sanskrit text of the Nirvaza-stitra thus: ‘The time when they were chewing tooth-woods.’ Some in China use small sticks of willow which they chew completely in their mouth without knowing how to rinse the mouth and remove the juice. Sometimes it is held that one can cure a sickness by drinking the juice of the tooth-wood. They become impure, in so doing, contrary to their desire for purification. Though desirous of being released from a disease, they fall into a greater sickness. Are they not already aware of this fact? Any argument would be in vain! It is quite common among the people of the five parts of India to chew the tooth-wood. Even infants of three years old are taught how to do it. The teaching of the Buddha and the custom of the people correspond on this point, and help each other. I have thus far explained the com- parative merit of the use of the tooth-wood in China and India. Each must judge for himself as to whether he will adopt or reject the custom. CHAPTER IX. RULES ABOUT THE RECEPTION AT THE UPAVASATHA-DAY 1. I SHALL briefly describe the ceremony of inviting priests, in India as well as in the islands of the Southern Sea. In India the host comes 1 J.e. the fast-day; it is a day of religious observance and celebration for laymen and priests, and is a weekly festival when laymen see a priest and take upon themselves the Upavasatha-vows, i.e. to keep the eight Silas during the day. F 2 36 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. IX. previously to the priests, and, after a salutation, invites them to the fes- tival. On the Upavasatha-day he informs them, saying, ‘It is the time.’ The preparation of the utensils and seats for the priests is made according to circumstances. Necessaries may be carried (from the monastery) by some of the monastic servants; or provided by the host. Only copper utensils as a rule are used, which are cleansed by being rubbed with fine ashes. Each priest sits on a small chair placed at such a distance that one person may not touch another. The shape of the chair has been already described in chap. iii. It is not wrong. however, to use earthenware utensils once, if they have not been used before. When they have been already used, they should be thrown away into a ditch, for used vessels (lit. ‘touched ') should not be preserved at all. Consequently in India, at almsgiving places at the side of the road, there are heaps of discarded utensils which are never used again. Earthenware (of superior quality) such as is manufactured at Siang-yang (in China) may be kept after having been employed, and after having been thrown away may be cleansed properly. In India there were not originally porcelain and lacquer works. Porcelain, if enamelled, is, no doubt, clean. Lacquered articles are sometimes brought to India by traders ; pcople of the islands of the Southern Sea do not use them as eating utensils, because food placed in them receives an oily smell. But they occasionally make use of them when new, after washing the oily smell away with pure ashes. Wooden articles are scarcely ever employed as eating utensils, yet, if new, they may be used once, but never twice, this being prohibited in the Vinaya. The ground of the dining-hall at the host’s house is strewn over with cow-dung, and small chairs are placed at regular intervals ; and a large quantity of water is prepared in a clean jar. When the priests arrive they untie the fastenings of their cloaks. All have clean jars placed before them: they examine the water, and if there are no insects in it, they wash their feet with it, then they sit down on the small chairs, When they have rested awhile, the host, having observed the time and finding that the sun is nearly at the zenith, makes this announcement : ‘It is the time.” Then each priest, folding his cloak by its two corners, ties them in front, and taking up the right corner of his skirt, holds it by the girdle at his left side. The priests cleanse their hands with powder made of peas or earth-dust; and either the host pours water, or the RULES ABOUT THE UPAVASATHA-DAY. 37 priests themselves use water out of the Kuzdi (i.e. jars); this is done according as they find one way or the other more convenient. Then they return to their seats. Next eating-utensils are distributed ¢o the guests, which they wash slightly so that water does not flow over them. It is never customary to say a prayer before meals. The host, having cleansed his hands and feet (by this time), makes an offering to saints (images of arhats) at the upper end of the row of seats; then he dis- tributes food to the priests. At the lowest end of the row an offering of food is made to the mother, Hariti. At the former birth of this mother, she from some cause or other, made a vow to devour all babes at Ragagriha. In consequence of this wicked vow, she forfeited her life, and was reborn as a Yakshi ; and gave birth to five hundred children. Every day she ate some babes at Raga- grtha, and the people informed the Buddha of this fact. He took and concealed one of her own children, which she called Her Beloved Child. She sought for it from place to place, and at last happened to find it near the Buddha. ‘ Art thou so sorry,’ said the World-honoured One to her, ‘for thy lost child, thy beloved? Thou lamentest for only one lost out of five hundred ; how much more grieved are those who have lost their only one or two children on account of thy cruel vow?’ Soon con- verted by the Buddha, she received the five precepts and became an Upa- sika?. ‘ How shall my five hundred children subsist hereafter?’ the new convert asked the Buddha. ‘In every monastery,’ replied the Buddha, ‘where Bhikshus dwell, thy family shall partake of sufficient food, offered by them every day.’ For this reason, the image of HAriti is found either in the porch or in a corner of the dining-hall of all Indian monasteries depicting her as holding a babe in her arms, and round her knees three or five children. Every day an abundant offering of food is made before this image. Hariti is one of the subjects of the four heavenly kings? She has a power of giving wealth. If those who are childless on account of their bodily weakness (pray to her for children), making offerings of food, their wish is always fulfilled. A full account of her is given in the 1 The conversion of the mythical monster is said to have occurred in the sixteenth year of the Buddha’s ministry ; see Rhys Davids, Buddhism, p. 73. ® Katirmaharagadevas (Katummaharagika deva), Mahavagga I, 6, 30. 38 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. IX. Vinaya1; so I have only given it in brief. The portrait of ‘the demon mother of the children’ (Kuei-tze-mu) has already been found in China. There is likewise in great monasteries in India, at the side of a pillar in the kitchen, or before the porch, a figure of a deity carved in wood, two or three feet high, holding a golden bag, and seated on a small chair, with one foot hanging down towards the ground. Being always wiped with oil its countenance is blackened, and the deity is called Maha- kala or the great black deity. The ancient tradition asserts that he belonged to the beings (in the heaven) of the Great god (or Mahesvara). He naturally loves the Three Jewels, and protects the five assemblies ? from misfortune. Those who offer prayers to him have their desires fulfilled. At meal-times those who serve in the kitchen offer light and incense, and arrange all kinds of prepared food before the deity. I once visited the Pan-da-na monastery (Bandhana)%, a spot where the great Nirvaza was preached (by the Buddha). There, usually more than a hundred monks dine. In spring and autumn, the best seasons for pilgrimages, the monastery is sometimes unexpectedly visited by a multitude (of travellers). Once five hundred priests suddenly arrived there, about midday. There was no time to prepare food for them exactly before noon. The managing priest said to the cooks: ‘ How shall we provide for this sudden increase?’ An old woman, the mother of a monastic servant, replied: ‘Be not perplexed, it is quite a usual occurrence.” Immediately she burnt abundant incense, and offered food before the black deity ; and invoked him, saying: ‘Though the Great Sage has gone to Nirvamwa, yet beings like thyself still exist. Now (a multitude of) priests from every quarter has arrived here to worship the holy spot. Let not our food be deficient for supplying them; for this is within thy power. May thou observe the time.’ * The Samyuktavastu, chap. xxxi; Samyuktaratna-sfitra VII, 106. * The five Parishads are: (1) Bhikshus, (2) Bhikshuvts, (3) Sikshamam4s, (4) Sramazeras, (5) Sramazeris. For four Parishads see Childers, s. v. paris4 (f), where Sikshamam4s, i.e. the women who are under instruction with the view of becoming Sramaverts, are included in the Sramamerts. * This is no doubt a monastery in Maku/a-bandhana in Kusinagara, see Mahfparinibbana-sutta VI, 45, S.B.E., vol. xi, p. 129. RULES ABOUT THE UPAVASATH4A-DAY. 39 Then all the priests were asked to take seats. The food, provided for only the priests in residence at the monastery, when supplied was sufficient for that great multitude of priests, and there was as much remaining over as usual. All shouted ‘Good!’ and applauded the power of that deity. I myself went there to worship the spot; consequently I saw the image of that black deity before which abundant offerings of food were made. I asked the reason, and the above account was re- lated to me. In China the image of that deity has often been found in the districts of Kiang-nan, though not in Huai-poh. Those who ask him (for a boon) find their wishes fulfilled. The efficacy of that deity is undeniable. The Naga (snake) MahAmufilinda! of the Maha- bodhi monastery (near Gaya) has also a similar miraculous power. The following is the manner of serving food. First, one or two pieces of ginger about the size of the thumb are served (to every guest), as well as a spoonful or half of salt on a leaf. He who serves the salt, stretching forth his folded hands and kneeling before the head priest, mutters ‘Sampragatam’ (well come!). This is translated by ‘good arrival. The old rendering of it is Sam-ba? which is erroneous. Now the head priest says: ‘ Serve food equally.’ This word (Sampragatam) conveys the idea that the entertainment is well provided, and that the time of the meal has just arrived. This is what is understood according to the sense of the word. But when the Buddha with his disciples once received poisoned food from some one, he taught them to mutter ‘Sampragatam ;’ then they all ate it. As much poison as was in the food was changed into nourishment. Con- sidering the word from this point of view, we see that not only does it mean ‘well-arrived,’ but that it is also a mystic formula. In either language, whether of the East or of the West (i.e. in Chinese or in Sanskrit), one may utter this word as one likes. In the Ping and Fan * districts (in China) some pronounce Shi-chi, or ‘the time has arrived, which has a great deal of the original character. He who serves food, standing before the guests, whose feet are in a 1 Muédilinda, in Mah4vagga I, 3, comes to protect the Buddha, and even to hear the sermon; see S.B.E., vol. xiii, p. 80. * fF We "Hw. 40 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. IX, line, bows respectfully, while holding plates, cakes, and fruits in his hands, serves them about one span away from (or above) the priest's hands; every other utensil or food must be offered one or two inches above the guest’s hands. If anything be served otherwise, the guests should not receive it. The guests begin to eat as soon as the food is served; they should not trouble themselves to wait till the food has been served all round. That they should wait till the food has been served equally all round is not a correct interpretation. Nor is it according to the Buddha’s instruction that one should do as one likes after a meal. Next some gruel made of dried rice and bean soup is served with hot butter sauce as flavouring, which is to be mixed with the other food with the fingers. They (the guests) eat with the right hand, which they do not raise up higher than the middle part of the belly. Now cakes and fruits are served; ghee and also some sugar. If any guest feels thirsty, he drinks cold water, whether in winter or summer. The above is a brief account of the eating of the priests in daily life as well as at a reception. The ceremony of the Upavasatha-day is observed on a scale so grand that all the trays and plates are full of the cakes and rice remaining over ; and melted butter and cream can be partaken of to any extent. In the Buddha’s time king Prasenagit! invited the members of the Buddha’s Order, in order to offer them a feast, when drink, food, ghee, cream, &c., were served to such an extent that they overflowed profusely on the ground. There is some reference to this in the Vinaya texts. When I first arrived in Tamralipti, in Eastern India, I wished to invite the priests on a small scale one fast-day. But people hindered me, saying : ‘It is not impossible to prepare just enough food for the guests, but according to the traditional custom of olden times it is necessary to have an abundant supply. It is feared that men may smile, if the food supplied be only just sufficient to satisfy the stomach. We hear that you come from a great country in which every place is rich and prosperous; if you cannot prepare food in abundance you had better give up the idea.” Therefore I followed their custom, which is not at all unreasonable, for if the intention of giving food be generous the reward obtained for the good work will be correspondingly abundant. ’ Or Pasenadi, king of Kosala. RULES ABOUT THE UPAVASATHA-DAY. 41 He who is poor makes gifts, after a meal, of such trifles as he can afford. When the meal is finished the mouth is washed with a little water, which should be drunk. Some water must be poured out in a basin in order to wash slightly one’s right hand ; and that done, one can leave the table, when one should take a handful of food in the right hand and bring it out in order to give to others; this is allowed by the Buddha, whether the food belongs to the Buddha or to the Brotherhood. But to give away food before one eats is not taught in the Vinaya. Further a trayful of food is offered to the dead and other spirits who are worthy of offerings. The origin of this custom is traced to the Vulture Peak, as is found fully explained in the Sitras}. One should bring that handful of food before the elder (i.e. Sthavira) and kneel down; the elder should sprinkle a few drops of water and say the following prayer: ‘ By virtue of the good works which we are about to accomplish, may we generously benefit the world of spirits who, having eaten the food, may be reborn in a pleasant state after death. ‘The happiness of a Bodhisattva resulting from his good actions is limitless as the sky. ; “He who benefits others can obtain such results as this (the happiness of a Bodhisattva); one should continue such actions evermore.’ After this, the food is to be brought out and to be placed in a hidden spot, in a forest, grove, river, or pond, in order to give it to the departed. In the country on the rivers Yang-tze and Huai (in China), people prepare an additional tray of food on every fast-day ; this custom is the same as above. After the above ceremony is over the host (i.e. Danapati) offers tooth-woods and pure water to the guests. The custom of rinsing is the same as explained in chap. v. On taking leave, the invited priests pronounce the words: ‘All the meritorious deeds that have been done I gladly approve of? Each guest reads a gatha (a stanza) separately, but there is no religious ceremony after a meal. The priests can do what they like with the food left over (i.e. Ukk/ishzabhogana) ; they can either order a boy 1 I have not yet been able to find out this allusion. G 42 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. IX. to carry it away or give it to the needy who are entitled to eat such food. Or if it be in a year of famine and it be feared that the host is mean, one should ask the host if that which is over may be taken away. There is no rule, however, for a host himself to gather up the remains of the feast. Such is the general rule for receiving offerings on an Upavasatha-day in India. Sometimes the ceremony differs in one point or other: the host sets up holy images beforehand, and when noontide is at hand all the guests have to sit down and stretch forth their folded hands before these images, and each has to meditate upon the objects of worship. That done, they begin to eat. Sometimes the guests select one priest to go before the image and worship and praise the Buddha in a loud voice, kneeling down and stretching forth his folded hands. (Note by I-tsing): ‘Kneeling’ is to put the two knees down to the ground, with both thighs supporting the body. It was wrongly rendered by the ‘ Mongolian way of kneeling, in the older translations. But this is done in all the five parts of India; why then should we call it the ‘Mongolian way of kneeling?’ The chosen priest (see above) has to speak of nothing but praise of the Buddha’s virtues. The host (i.e. Danapati) offers lights and scatters flowers, with undivided attention, full of respect; he anoints the priests’ feet with powdered perfume and burns incense abundantly, which latter is not done by separate individuals 1. An offering of music, such as the drum and stringed instruments, accompanied by songs, is made if the host likes it. Then the meal begins as each is served; and when it is finished, water from a jar is poured out zz @ basin before each guest. Then the head of the table (i.e. Sthavira) pronounces for the sake of the host a short Danagatha. This latter is an alternative manner for receiving the offerings of food (on a fast-day) in India. But the Indian way of eating is different from that of China in various points. I wish now to roughly sketch the general mode of taking food according to the Vinaya rules. 1 It is often the case that several men burn incense one after another. On this occasion, I-tsing says, it is not done separately. RULES ABOUT THE UPAVASATHA-DAY. 43 Pa#kabhoganiyam and Pa#akhddaniyam are often mentioned in the Vinaya’, Bhoganiyam means what is to be swallowed and eaten (i.e. wet and soft food), and Khadaniyam, what is to be chewed or crunched (i.e. hard and solid food). Pa#ka being ‘five, we can translate the former by Chinese Wu-tan-shih? (i.e. five kinds of food), which has been hitherto known as the five kinds of proper food ? in the general sense according to the meaning. The five Bhoganiyas are: I. rice; 2. a boiled mixture of barley and peas; 3. baked corn- flour; 4. meat; 5. cakes. Pa#kakhddaniyam is to be translated by Wu- chio-shih (i.e. five kinds of chewing food): 1. roots; 2. stalks ; 3. leaves ; 4. flowers; 5. fruits. If the first group of five (i.e. Pa#kabhoganiyas) be eaten, the other group of five is in no wise to be taken by those who have no reason for taking more food, but if the latter five be eaten first, the former five can be taken as one likes. We may regard milk, cream, &c., as besides the two groups of the five mentioned above ; for they have no special name given in the Vinaya, and it is clear that they are not included in the proper food. Any food made of flour (such as pudding or gruel), 7f so hard that a spoon put in it stands upright without inclining any way, is to be included among cakes and rice. Baked flour mixed with water is also included in one of the five, if a finger-mark can be made on the surface of it. As to the five countries of India, their boundaries are wide and remote; roughly speaking, the distance from Central India to the limit in each direction (lit. east, west, south, and north) is about 400 yoganas, the remote frontier not being counted in this measurement. Although I, myself, did not see all these parts of India, I could nevertheless ascertain anything by careful inquiry. All food, both for eating and chewing, is excellently prepared in various ways. In the north, wheat-flour is abundant; in the western district, baked flour (rice or barley) is used above all; in Magadha 1 E. g. the Samyuktavastu, book x (Nanjio’s Catal., No. 1121), and Patimokkha, Pak. 37, S.B.E., vol. xiii, p. 40. For Khadantya and Bhogantya, Childers, s, v. 2 eye E in Chinese, Fy. TE in the older translation. G4 44 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. IX, (in Central India) wheat-flour is scarce, but rice is plentiful'; and the southern frontier and the eastern border-land have similar products to those of Magadha. Ghee, oil, milk, and cream are found everywhere. Such things as cakes and fruit are so abundant that it is difficult to enumerate them here. Even laymen rarely have the taste of grease or flesh. Most of the countries have the rice which is not glutinous in abundance; millet is rare, and glutinous millet is not found at all. There are sweet melons; sugar-canes and tubers are abundant, but edible mallows are very scarce. Wan-ching (a kind of turnip) grows in sufficient quantities ; there are two kinds of this, one with a white seed, the other with a black seed. This has recently become known as Chieh-tze (mustard seed) in China. Oil is extracted from it and used for flavouring purposes; this is done in all countries. In eating leaves of it as a vegetable we find them of the same taste as Wan-ching (a kind of turnip with a white root below the ground). But the root is hard, not like the Chinese turnip. The seed is somewhat larger and can no longer be considered ‘ mustard seed. The change in the growth of this plant is considered to be some- thing like the change of an orange-tree into a bramble when brought north of the Yang-tze River ?. When I was in the Nalanda monastery, I discussed this point with the Dhyana master Wu-hing %, but we were doubtful still and could not exactly distinguish one from the other. None of the people of all the ? Central India seems to have been suited for rice cultivation from early times. Names of king Suddhodana (Pure-rice), who settled in Kapilavastu, and his four brothers, Clear-rice, Strong-rice, White-rice, and Immeasurable-rice, show the importance of this cultivation to the Sakyas (see Oldenberg’s Buddha, p. 97 note). Hiuen Thsang, at the beginning of book viii (Julien, vol. iii, p. 409), speaks of Magadha as a very fertile country, good for the cultivation of various kinds of rice. * What he means here is this, that Indian mustard seed (Sarshapa) is larger than the Chinese ; its taste is like Chinese turnip, but the roots, being hard, are different from the Chinese; and that the difference may be accounted for by the difference of soil, just as an orange-tree becomes a thorn when it is removed from the Kiang-nan (south of the Yang-tze River) to the north of the river. * A Chinese priest whom I-tsing met unexpectedly in India, and whose Sanskrit name was Prag#ddeva; his biography is found in the second work of RULES ABOUT THE UPAVASATHA-DAY. 45 five parts of India eat any kind of onions", or raw vegetables, and there- fore they do not suffer from indigestion ; the stomach and the intestines are healthy, and there is no trouble in their becoming hard and aching, In the ten islands of the Southern Sea, the entertainment on the fast- day is made on a grander scale. On the first day the host prepares a Pin-lang nut?, fragrant oil prepared from Fu-tzit * (mustaka, Cyperus rotundus), and a small quantity of crushed rice placed on a leaf ina plate; these three items being arranged on a large tablet are covered with a white cloth, water is poured out and kept in a golden jar, and the ground in front of this tablet is sprinkled with water. After these have been prepared, the priests are invited. In the forenoon of the last day, the priests are asked to anoint their bodies and wash and bathe. When the horse-hour (midday) of the second day has passed, a holy image is conveyed (from the monastery) on a carriage or on a palanquin, accompanied by a multitude of priests and laymen, playing or striking drums and musical instruments, making offerings of incense and flowers, and taking banners which shine in the sun,—in this manner it is carried to the courtyard of the house. Under a canopy amply spread, the image of gold or bronze, brilliant and beautifully decorated, is anointed with some aromatic paste, and then put in a clean basin. It is bathed by all those present with perfumed water (gandhodaka). After being wiped with a scented cloth, it is carried into the principal hall of the house, where it is received amidst rich offerings of lights and incense, while hymns of praise are sung. Then the priest first in rank (Sthavira) recites the Danagatha for the host to declare the merit of a religious feast with regard to the future life. Then the priests are led outside the house to wash their hands and rinse their mouths, and, after this, sugar-water and Pin-lang fruits (i.e. betel-nuts) are offered to them in sufficient quantity ; then they withdraw from the house. In the forenoon of the I-tsing, Memoirs of Eminent Priests who visited India during the T'ang dynasty (Nanjio’s Catal., No. 1491); Chavannes’ translation, § 52, p. 138. 1 See chap. xxviii below, p. 137; onions forbidden, Aull. V, 34, 1. 2 T.e. betel-nut; it is called Pin-lang, from the Malay Pinang, which is the fruit of Areca Catechu. 5 Read +t for Fr 46 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES, IX. third day, the host, going to the monastery, announces to the priests: ‘It is the time. They, after bathing, come to the festal house. This time too the image is set up, and the ceremony of bathing it is held more briefly. But the offerings of flowers and incense and music are twice as grand as on the previous morning. Numerous offerings are arranged orderly before the image, and on both sides of it five or ten girls stand. in array ; and also some boys, according to convenience. Every one of them either carries an incense-burner, or holds a golden water- jar, or takes a lamp or some beautiful flowers, or a white fly- flapper. People bring and offer all kinds of toilet articles, mirrors, mirror-cases, and the like, before the image of the Buddha. ‘ For what purpose are you doing this?’ I once inquired of them. ‘Here is the field, and we sow our seed of merit,’ they replied; ‘if we do not make offerings now, how can we reap our future rewards?’ It may be said reasonably that such is also a good action. Next, one of the priests, on being requested, kneels down before the image, and recites hymns in praise of the Buddha’s virtues. After this two other priests, being requested, sitting near the image, read a short Sitra of a page or a leaf. On such an occasion, they sometimes consecrate idols (lit. bless idols), and mark the eyeballs of them, in order to obtain the best reward of happiness. Now the priests withdraw at pleasure to one side of the room; and, folding up their Kashayas (i.e. yellow robes), and binding their two corners at the breasts, they wash their hands: then they sit down to eat}. # As to the processes such as strewing the ground with cow-dung, examining water, or washing the feet, and as to the manner of taking or serving food, all these particulars are much the same as in India, with this addition, that in the islands of the Southern Sea the priests take the three kinds of pure meat* also. They frequently use leaves sewn together * (Note by I-tsing): Ka-Cha (Kashaya) is a Sanskrit word meaning the reddish colour (colour of Kan-da(?), an orchidaceous plant). It is not a Chinese word ; what then is the use of choosing for the transliteration the two Chinese words which indicate robes (i.e. aA ee; K being a sign of its being a robe), According to the Buddhist word of the Vinaya text, the three garments are all called Hivara. * Three kinds of pure meat: (1) Meat of animals, &c., is pure when it is not RULES ABOUT THE UPAVASATHA-DAY. 47 for plates as capacious as half a mat (on which they sit); and rice- cakes made of one or two Shang ! (a Shang=about 2} qt.) of non-glutinous grains, are prepared in such a plate. Having made similar vessels capable of one or two Shang of grains, they bring them and offer them before the priests. Then twenty or thirty kinds of food are served to them. This, however, is the case of an entertainment by comparatively poor people. If it be by kings or rich men, bronze-plates, bronze-bowls, and also leafed plates as large as a mat are distributed; and the number of the several kinds of food and drink amounts to a hundred. Kings on such an occasion disregard their own high dignity, and call themselves servants, and help the priests to the food with every sign of respect. The priests have to receive as much food as is given, but never to resist it, however excessive it may be. If they have only food just enough to satisfy, the host would not be pleased ; for he only feels satisfied when seeing food served over-abundantly. Four or five Shang of boiled rice and cakes in two or three plates are given to cach. The relations and the neighbours of the host help the entertainment, bringing with them several kinds of food, such as rice-cakes, boiled rice, vegetables for soup, &c. Usually the remainder of the food (i. e. UA#/ish¢abhogana) given to one person may satisfy three persons ; but in case of a richer entertainment, it could not be eaten up even by ten men. The food remaining over is left to the priests, who order their servants to carry it to the monastery. The ceremony of the Upavasatha-day reception in China differs from that of India. In China the host gathers the food left over, and the guests are not allowed to take it away. The priests may act according to the custom of their time, being self-contented and free from blame; thus the host’s intention of gifts is by no means incomplete. But if the host (i.e. Danapati) has made up his mind not to gather the food re- maining, and asks the guests to take it away, one may act as best suits the circumstance. seen that it is being killed for oneself; (2) When it is not heard that it has been killed for oneself; (3) When it is not suspected that it may have been killed for oneself. See Mahavagga VI, 31, 14, 2, S. B. E., vol. xvii, p. 117. K4syapa says that this is only a Hinaydna rule and is mean and low. 1 «Shang’ here represents the Sanskrit prastha= 32 palas. 48 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. IX. After the priests have finished eating, and have washed their hands and mouths, the remaining food is removed, the ground is cleansed, and flowers are scattered on it. There is illumination and burning of incense so that the air is perfumed, and whatever is to be given to the priests is ranged before them. Now perfume paste, about the size of a fruit of the Wu-tree (Dryandra-seeds), is given to each of them, and they rub their hands with it in order to make them fragrant and clean. Next, some Pin-lang fruit (betel-nuts) and nutmegs, mixed with cloves and Baros-camphor, are distributed : in eating these they get the mouth fragrant, the food digested, and the phlegm removed. These fragrant medicinal things and the others are given to the priests, after they have been washed with pure water, and wrapped in leaves. Now the host, approaching the priest first in rank, or standing before the reciter (of the Sitras), pours water from the beaked mouth of a jar (Kundi) into a basin, so that water comes out incessantly like a slender stick of copper. The priest mutters the Danagathas, while taking flowers, and receiving with them the flowing water. First, verses from the words of the Buddha are recited, and then those composed by other persons. The number of the verses may be many or few according to the reciter’s will, and according to circumstances. Then the priest, calling out the host’s name, prays for happiness upon him, and wishes to transfer the happy reward of good actions done at present to those already dead, to the sovereigns, as well as to the snakes (Nagas) and spirits ; and prays, saying, ‘May there be good harvests in the country, happy be the people and other creatures ; may the noble teaching of the Sakya be everlasting.’ I have translated these Gathas as seen elsewhere!. These are the blessing given by the World-honoured himself, who always said the Dakshivdgathas ° after the meal. This (Dakshivd) means a gift offered, while Dakshiziya is one worthy to be honoured with gifts. The Holy One, therefore, commands us that, after the meal, we should recite one or two Danagathas in order to reward the host’s hospitality ; and if we neglect it, we are against the holy laws, and are not worthy to con- * See the ‘ Rules of Confession,’ by I-tsing (Nanjio’s Catal., No. 1506). ® For the examples of Benediction, see Mah4parinibbana-sutta I, 31; Mahavagea VI, 35, 8; Gataka I, 119. RULES ABOUT THE UPAVASATHA-DAY. 49 sume the food offered. The rule of begging the remaining food is some- times carried out after the feast. Then gifts are distributed. Sometimes the host provides a ‘ wishing- tree’ (Kalpa-vrzksha), and gives it to the priests ; or, makes golden lotus- flowers, and offers them to the image of the Buddha. Beautiful flowers as high as the knees, and white cloth, are offered in profusion on a couch. In the afternoon, sometimes a lecture is given on a short Sfiitra. Some- times the priests withdraw after passing the night. When they depart, they exclaim ‘Sadhu’ and also ‘Anumata.’ SAdhu means ‘good!’ and Anumata is translated by the word Sui-hsi (or thou ‘art approved’)}. Whenever gifts are made to others or to oneself, one should equally express approval (i.e. Anumata) of the action, for, by rejoicing at and praising another’s gifts, one can obtain religious merit. The above is the general custom of entertainment on an Upavasatha-day in the islands of the Southern Sea. There is another custom followed by the middle class of the people. First day, the priests are invited and presented with betel-nuts ; second day, the image of the Buddha is bathed in the forenoon, the meal is taken at noontide, and Sitras are recited in the evening. There is still another custom practised by the poor class of people. First day, the host presents tooth-woods to priests and invites them ; on the morrow, he simply prepares a feast. Or sometimes the host goes and salutes priests, and expresses his wish of invitation without giving gifts. The custom of reception on a fast-day differs also in the Turkish and Mongolian countries such as Tukhéara (i.e. the Tochari Tartars) and Sali (west of Kashgar, peopled by Mongols or Turks ; sometimes spelt ‘ Suri’). In these countries the host first presents a flower-canopy and makes offerings to the Kaitya. A great crowd of priests surrounds the Kaitya and selects a precentor to offer a prayer ina fullform. That done, they begin to take meals. Rules about the flower-canopy are mentioned in the ‘Record of the West ®.’ 1 I-tsing here adds a note on the transliteration of Danapati. He, as usual, condemns the older translators. 2 We do not know what this book is. It does not mean Hiuen Thsang’s books ; much less F4-hien’s travels. It seems to be a book of his own. IH 50 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. IX, Although the ceremonies of an Upavasatha-day in different countries vary so much in the general arrangements as well as in the food, yet the regulation of the Brotherhood, the protection of purity, the mode of taking food with fingers, and all other rules are much the same. There are some members of the Order who practise some of the Dhitangas (i.e. special regulations of daily life for Bhikshus), such as living on alms and wearing only the three garments (i.e. paizdapatikanga and traixivari- kanga)!. Such a Bhikshu would not accept any invitation, and does not care for the gifts of any precious things such as gold, any more than for mucus or saliva, but lives retired in a lonely forest. If we turn to the East (China) and see the custom of reception on a fas¢-day, the host sends a note of invitation to the priests; and even on the next day he does not come and ask in person. When compared with the rules set by the Buddha, this practice seems short of due respect. The laymen ought to be taught the regulations. Coming to a reception one should bring a filter, and the water supplied for the use of priests must be carefully examined. After eating, one should chew a tooth-wood ; if any juice be left in the mouth, the religious ceremony of Upavasatha undertaken will not be complete. In such case the guilt of missing a prescribed time will be incurred, though one should pass the whole night in hunger. It is hoped that one will examine the mode of taking food in India, and discuss the Chinese custom by comparison. The merit of each practice will naturally be clear if one has more suitable points than the other. The wise must judge for themselves, as I have no time to devote to a full discussion here. Some time ago, I tried to argue as follows: the World-honoured One, the highest, the Father of great compassion, exercised mercy over the people who are plunged zz the sea of transmigration, his great exertion being extended over three great kalpas (i.e. long ages). Wishing that people would follow him, he lived for seven dozens of years preaching his doctrine. He thought that as the foundation of preserving the Laws, the regulations on food and clothing were the first and foremost ; but he was afraid that any earthly troubles might come of them, and he there- fore made strict rules and prohibitions. 1 For the three garments, see Mahavagga VIII, 13, 4, note, S.B.E., vol. xvii, p.212. For the Dhfitangas, see p. 56 below, note. RULES ABOUT THE UPAVASATHA-DAY. 51 The regulations are the will of the Master, and one should by all means obey and practise them. But on the contrary there are some who carelessly think themselves guiltless, and who do not know that eating causes impurity. Some observing one single precept on adultery say that they are free from sin, and do not at all care for the study of the Vinaya rules. They do not mind how they swallow, eat, dress, and undress. Simply direct- ing their attention to the Doctrine of Nothingness is regarded by them as the will of the Buddha. Do such men think that all the precepts are not the Buddha’s will? Valuing one and disregarding another results from one’s own judgement. The followers imitate one another and never look at those books of precepts; they copy only two volumes of the ‘Doctrine of Nothingness,’ and say that the principle contained in it embraces all the three deposits (i.e. Tripitaka) of scriptures. But they do not know that every meal, if unlawful, causes the suffer- ing of pouring sweat zz ell; nor are they aware that every step wrongly taken brings to one misery of living as a rebel. The original intention of a Bodhisattva is to keep the air-bag (which has been given to all beings that are floating in the sea of existence) tight, without leaking. Not overlooking even a small offence of our own, we can also fulfil the declaration that ¢hzs life is the very last. We can reasonably practise both the Maha(ydna) and the Hina(ydna) doctrines in obedience to the instruction of the merciful Honoured One, preventing small offences, and meditating upon the great Doctrine of Nothingness. If affairs have been well administered and our minds tranquillised, what fault is there in us (22 following both doctrines) ? Some are afraid of misleading others as well as themselves, and follow only one side of the teaching. Of course the law of ‘Nothingness’ is not a false doctrine, but the Canon of the Vinaya (moral discipline) must never be neglected. One should preach the morality (Sila) every fortnight, and at the same time confess and wash off one’s own sins; one should always teach and en- courage the followers to worship the Buddha three times every day. 1 KAsyapa says that the Nirvawa-sfitra refers to a Rakshasa’s asking the Buddha for an air-bag to cross the sea. But we do not find this allusion in the Pali text. H 2 52 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. IX. The teaching of the Buddha is becoming less prevalent in the world from day to day; when I compare what I have witnessed in my younger days with what I see éo-day in my old age the state is altogether different, and we are bearing witness to this, and it is to be hoped that we shall be more attentive in future. The necessity of eating and drinking is permanent, but those who are honouring and serving the Buddha should never disregard any points of his noble teaching. Again I say: the most important are only one or two out of eighty thousand doctrines of the Buddha; one should conform to the worldly path, but inwardly strive to secure true wisdom. Now what is the worldly path? It is obeying prohibitive laws and avoiding any crime. What is the true wisdom? It is to obliterate the distinction between subject and object, to follow the excellent truth, and to free oneself from worldly attachments; to do away with the existing trammels of the chain of causality ; further to obtain religious merit by accumulating numerous good works, and finally to realise the excellent meaning of perfect reality. One should never be ignorant of the Tripitaka, nor be perplexed in the teaching and principles contained in it. Some have committed sins as numerous as the grains of sand of the Ganges, yet they say that they have realised the state of Bodhi (i.e. true wisdom). Bodhi means enlightenment, and in it all the snares of passion are destroyed. The state in which neither birth nor death is found is the true permanence. How can we thoughtlessly say, as some do, while living in the sea of trouble, that we live in the Land of Bliss (Sukhavatt) ? One who wishes to realise the truth of permanence should observe the moral precepts in purity. One should guard against a small defect which results, just as a small escape of air from the life-belt may result, 27 loss of life; and one should prevent a great offence that makes one’s life useless, just as a needle the eye of which has been broken off becomes useless. First and foremost of all the great offences are those in food and clothing. Final Liberation (Moksha) will not be very far from one who follows the teaching of the Buddha, but transmigration will go on for evermore for one who disregards the noble words. I have thus far mentioned the lawful practices and briefly described the former examples, all resting on noble authorities, but not on opinions of my NECESSARY FOOD AND CLOTHING. 53 own. I hope that I do not offend you in my straightforward statements, and that my Record will help towards the solution of any doubts that you may have. If I did not exactly state the good and bad practices (of India and China), who would ever know what is good or bad in the two? CHAPTER X. NECESSARY FOOD AND CLOTHING. IT may be observed that the earthly body which requires support is only maintained by food and clothing, while the spiritual knowledge that is beyond the bond of births can only be increased by means of the principle of nothingness. If the use of food and clothing be against proper rules, every step will involve some crime; while tranquillisa- tion of the mind without moral regulation will cause more and more perplexity as one goes on meditating. Therefore those who seek for Final Liberation (Moksha) should use food and clothing according to the noble words of the Buddha, and those who practise the principle of meditation should follow the teaching of former sages in tranquillising their thoughts. Watch over the life here below, which is but a dungeon for the beings that have gone astray, but look eagerly for the shore of Nirvaza, which is the open gate of enlightenment and quietude. The ship of the Law should be manned ready for the sea of suffering, and the lamp of wisdom should be held up during the long period of darkness. There are express laws in the Vinaya text on the observance and neglect that are evident in the light of the regulations of clothing and the rules of eating and drinking, so that even beginners in the study can judge the nature of an offence. Each individual must himself be responsible for the results of his own practices, whether good or bad, and there is no need of argument here. But there are some who are, as teachers of the students, grossly offending against the Vinaya rules; there are others who say that the usage of the world, even if against the Buddha's discipline, does not involve any guilt. Some understand that the Buddha was born in India, and Indian Bhikshus follow Indian customs, while we ourselves live in China, and, as Chinese monks, we follow Chinese manners. ‘How can we,’ they argue, ‘reject the elegant dress of the Divine Land (China) to receive the peculiar style of garments of India?’ For the sake of those who 54 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. xX. adhere to this view I here roughly state my opinion, founded on the authority of the Vinaya. The regulations of clothing are the most important for the life of a homeless priest (i.e. Pravragya), and I should therefore mention here in detail the style of garments, because these cannot be neglected or curtailed. As to the three garments (collectively called ‘fivara’), the patches are sewn close in the five parts of India, while in China alone they are open and not sewn. I myself have made inquiry as to the custom adopted in the northern countries (beyond India) and found out that patches are sewn close, and never open in all the places where the Vinaya of the four divisions (i.e. Katurnikaya) is practised. Suppose that’ a Bhikshu of the West (i.e. India) has obtained a priestly dress of China; he would probably sew the patches together and then wear it. The Vinaya texts of all the Nikayas mention that the patches ought to be sewn and fastened. There are strict rules about the six Requisites and the thirteen Necessaries fully explained in the Vinaya. The following are the six Requisites of a Bhikshu :-— 1. The Sanghadi, which is translated by the ‘double cloak,’ 2. The Uttarasanga, which is translated by the ‘upper garment.’ 3. The Antarvasa, which is translated by the ‘inner garment.’ The above three are all called Aivara. In the countries of the North these priestly cloaks are generally called kashaya from their reddish colour. This is not, however, a technical term used in the Vinaya. 4. Patra, the bowl. 5. Nishidana, something for sitting or lying on. 6. Parisrdvaza, a water-strainer. A candidate for Ordination should be furnished with a set of the six Requisites }. The following are the thirteen Necessaries ? :— 1 The eight Parishkdras (Requisites) in the Pali texts are the bowl, the three robes, the girdle, a razor, a needle, and a water-strainer (Abhidhanappadipika, 439 ; the Ten Gatakas, 120). * Cf. Mahavyutpatti, 272, where the thirteen are enumerated, though not quite the same. See my additional note at the end. NECESSARY FOOD AND CLOTHING. 55 Sanghazi, a double cloak. Uttardsanga, an upper garment. Antarvasa, an inner garment. Nishidana, a mat for sitting or lying on. (Nivasana), an under garment. . Prati-nivasana (a second nivdsana). Sankakshika, a side-covering cloth. - Prati-sankakshika (a second sankakshika). . (Kaya-prozkhana), a towel for wiping the body. (Mukha-pro#é/ana), a towel for wiping the face. (Kesapratigraha), a piece of cloth used for receiving hair when one shaves. 12. (Kandupratikkhadana), a piece of cloth for covering itches. 13. (Bheshagaparishkarakivara)*, a cloth kept for defraying the cost of medicine (27 case of necessity). It is expressed in a Gatha as follows :— The three garments, the sitting mat (1, 2, 3, 4). A couple of petticoats and capes (5, 6, 7, 8). Towels for the body and face, a shaving-cloth (9, 10, 11). A cloth for itching and a garment for medicament (12, 13). These thirteen Necessaries are allowed to any priest to possess—this is the established rule, and one should use these according to the Buddha’s teaching. These thirteen, therefore, must not be classed with any other properties of luxury, and these items should be catalogued separately, and be marked, and kept clean and safe. Whatever you obtain of the thirteen you may keep, but do not trouble to possess all of them. All other luxurious dress not mentioned above should be kept distinct from these necessaries, but such things as woollen gear or carpets may be received and used in compliance with the intention of the givers. Some are wont to speak of the three garments and ten necessaries, but this division is not found in the Indian text, the thirteen having been divided into two groups by some trans- lators on their own authority. They specially mention the three garments, and further allow the ten things to be possessed. But what are the ten things? They could never exactly point them out, and thus allowed some cunning commentators to take advantage of this omission, _ MOO DW ARRY PH _ 56 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. X. and the character Shih (4+), meaning ‘ten,’ was interpreted by ‘ miscel- laneous’ by these commentators, but this cannot be the meaning attributed by the ancient authority in this case. The cloth for defraying the cost of medicaments allowed to the priest by the Buddha should consist of silk about 20 feet long, or a full piece of it. (One p‘i in the text =about 214 yardsin Japan.) A sickness may befall one on a sudden, and a means of procuring medicine hastily sought is difficult to obtain. For this reason az extra cloth was ordained to be kept prepared beforehand, and as this is necessary at the time of illness, one should never use it otherwise. In the way leading to religious practice and charity, the chief object is universal salvation. There are three classes of men as regards their ability, and they cannot all be led in one and the same way. The four Refuges!, the four Actions *, and the thirteen Dhitangas® were ordained for men of superior faculties. 1 Four Refuges: (1) Pamsukdlikénga; (2) Paindapatikanga; (3) Vrzksha- mfilikanga ; (4) Pftimfitrabhaishagya. For 1, 2, and 3, see note to the thirteen Dhitangas below ; and for 4, see chap. xxix, pp. 138-139. * Four (proper) Actions are given in the Mflasarvdstivadaikasatakarman, chap. i (I-tsing’s translation, No. 1131 in Nanjio’s Catalogue): (1) Not returning slander for slander ; (2) Not returning anger for anger; (3) Not meeting insult with insult ; (4) Not returning blow for blow. 5 Thirteen Dh&tangas are certain ascetic practices, the observance of which is meritorious in a Buddhist priest. These are sometimes enumerated as ‘ twelve’ Dhfitaguzas, see Kasawara’s Dharmasangraha LXIII. PAu CHINESE LITERAL TRANSLATION OF 5 EXPLANATION, THE CHINESE. 1. PamsukGlikangam 3s te HK Having the garments made (Skt. Pamsuktilika, 11) of rags from the dust- heap (pdmsu). 2. Tefivarikangam 44 K rs K Becoming a man who wears (Skt. Traikivarika, 2) only (three) garments. 3. Pindapatikangam oe ‘a E Begging constantly. (Skt. Paindapatika, 1) 4. Sapaddnafdrikangam RK 8 @, FE Begging from door to door. (Deest) NECESSARY FOOD AND CLOTHING. 57 The possession of rooms, the acceptance of gifts, and the thirteen Necessaries are allowed both to the medium and inferior classes of priests. Hence those whose wishes are few are free from faulty indul- gence in luxury, and those who require more do not suffer from want. Great is the compassionate Father (the Buddha), who skilfully answers the wants of every kind, who is the good leader among men and devas. He is called the ‘Tamer of the Human Steed’ (purushadamyasarathi). The passage relating to a hundred and one possessions (of which the Chinese school of Vinaya, Nan-shan, is wont to speak) is not found in the Vinaya text of the four Nikayas. Although there is a certain reference, in some Sifitras, to ‘One hundred and one possessions,’ yet it is meant for a special occasion. Even in the house of a layman whose possessions are many, the family possessions do not amount to fifty in number ; is it likely that the Son of the Sakya (i.e. Sakyaputra), whose earthly attachments have been shaken 5. Ekdasanikangam — op E Eating at one sitting. (Skt. Ekasanika, 7) 6. Pattapindikangam SI FB Begging with a bowl. (Deest) 7. Khalupakthabhattikangam 2K Ht a E Not receiving food twice (or (Skt. Khalupasbadbhaktika, 3) afterwards). 8. Arafiakangam fE [Say i He Living in an Arazya (forest). (Skt. Arazyaka, 9) 9. Rukkhamfilikangam his} ?) & Sitting under a tree. (Skt. Vrzkshamilika, 6) ; 10. Abbhokasikangam Be iE AE Residing in an unsheltered (Skt. Abhyavakasika, 8) ; place. 11. Sosdnikangam Be vr AE Visiting a cemetery. (Skt. Smasdnika, 10) 12. Yathasanthatikangam [ars E aps Taking any seat that may (Skt. Yathasamstarika, 5) be provided. 13. Nesaggikangam i op aK Being in a sitting posture (Skt. Naishadyika, 4) (even while sleeping). I give the Pali names because the number and order of the thirteen given in the Commentary exactly correspond with the Pali; see Dhfitahgam, Childers. The above 4 and 6 are wanting in the Sanskrit, while a new Dhfitagua called ‘ Nama- tika,’ i.e. ‘wearing a felt, is added, see Aullavagga V, 11, 1, note 3, S.B.E., vol. xx; Burnouf, Introduction, p. 306 ; Dharmasangraha, p. 48, note. I 58 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. X. off, should possess more than one hundred things? Whether this is permissible or not can be ascertained by appealing to reason. As to fine and rough silk, these are allowed by the Buddha. What is the use of laying down rules for a strict prohibition of silk? The prohibition was laid down by some one; though intended for lessening complication, such a rule increases it. The four Nikayas of the Vinaya of all the five parts of India use (a sé/k garment). Why should we reject the silk that is easy to be obtained, and seek the fine linen that is diffi- cult to be procured? Is not this the greatest hindrance to religion? Such a rule may be classed with the forcible prohibitions that have never been laid down (by the Buddha). The result is that curious students of the Vinaya increase their self-conceit and cast slight upon others (who are using silk). People who are disinterested and less avaricious are much ashamed of such, and say: ‘How is it that they regard self-denial as a help to religion?’ But if (the refusal of the use of silk) comes from the highest motive of pity, because silk is manufactured by injuring life, it is quite reason- able that they should avoid the use of silk to exercise compassion on animate beings. Let it be so; the cloth one wears, and the food one eats, mostly come from an injury to life. The earthworms (¢hat one may tread on while walking) are never thought of; why should the silkworm alone be looked after? If one attempts to protect every being, there will be no means of maintaining oneself, and one has to give up life without reason. A proper consideration shows us that such a practice is not right. There are some who do not eat ghee or cream, do not wear leather boots, and do not put on any silk or cotton. All these are the same class of people as are mentioned above. Now as to killing. Ifa life be destroyed intentionally, a result of this action (Karma) will be expected ; but if not intentionally, no guilt will be incurred, according to the Buddha’s words. The three kinds of meat! that are pure are ordained as meats that can be eaten without incurring guilt. If the spirit of this rule be disregarded, it will involve some offence though small. (In eating the three kinds of meat), we have no intention of killing, and therefore we have a cause or reason that makes our eating of flesh * See chap. ix, p. 46, note 2. NECESSARY FOOD AND CLOTHING. 59 guiltless. (Such meat is as pure) as any other thing which we receive as a gift, and therefore we have an example (or instance) which helps us in making our reasoning very clear. When the cause and instance (of our eating flesh) are so clear and faultless, then the doctrine we advocate becomes also clear and firm. Now the three branches of reasoning have been as clearly constructed as above!, and besides, we have the golden words of the Buddha to the same effect. What then is the use of arguing any further? As a doubtful reading of ‘Five Hundred’ (for ‘ Five Days’) has been originated by the pen of an author, and a mistaken idea about ‘Three Pigs’ (for ‘Earth-Boar’) has also been received as true by the believers*, (so people are led to confusion if we go on arguing things too much.) Such deeds as begging personally for cocoons containing silkworms, or witnessing the killing of the insects, are not permissible, even to a layman, much less to those whose hearts aspire to final emancipation. These deeds, when looked at in this light, prove themselves to be quite impermissible. But supposing a donor (i.e. Danapati) should bring and present (some such thing as silk cloth), then a priest should utter the word ‘ Anumata’ (i.e. ‘ approved’), and accept the gift in order to have a means of supporting his body while he cultivates the virtues; no guilt will be incurred by so doing. The ecclesiastic garments zsed in the five parts of India are stitched and sewn at random, with no regard to the threads of cloth being lengthway or crossway. The period of making (them) does not exceed three or five days. I think that a full piece of silk can be made into one cassock ® of five lengths, and into another of seven lengths, the Aning lengths being three fingers wide, the collar, an inch. This collar has three rows of stitching, while the lining pieces are all sewn together. These cassocks are used in performing a ceremony as occasion may demand. And why should we use a good and excellent one? 1 [-tsing is here trying to construct a syllogism according to the Indian logic; my translation of these passages is as literal as possible, though I am obliged to put in some words in brackets. 2 Fe. a for Hr. Af and = IK for B, BW are used as instances of mistakes in writing or misprints, but I cannot state how these mistakes came about. 8 «Kashaya,’ the yellow robe. 12 60 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. x. Economy is aimed at in using a ragged garment, One may sometimes gather pieces left on dust-heaps, sometimes pick up abandoned rags in the cemetery groves ; when one has accumulated them, one stitches them together and uses the cassock made of them to protect the body against the cold and hot weather. There are some, however, who say that in the Vinaya texts the ‘thing to lie on’ is the same thing as the three gar- ments (i.e. Tri#ivara), but when it became evident that, (among the‘ things to lie on’), one which is made of the silk from wild cocoons was prohibited, a strange idea was introduced, and it was considered that the priestly garments should not be of silk, and the priests became very particular about choosing linen as the material. But they did not know that in the original text the thing to lie on was, from the beginning, a mattress. Kauseya?(n.) is the name for silkworms, and the silk which is reared from them is also called by the same name Kauseya*(n.); it is a very valu- able thing and is prohibited to be used (for a mattress). There are two ways of making the mattress ; one way is to sew a piece of cloth so as to make a bag in which wool is put, the other is to weave (cotton) threads (into a mattress), the latter being something like Ch‘ii-shu * (a kneeling- mat’). The size of a mattress is two cubits wide and four cubits long ; it is thick or thin according to the season. Begging for a mattress is forbidden, but if given by others no guilt is incurred (in accepting it), but the (actual) use of it was not allowed (by the Buddha) *, and strict rules were laid down in detail. All these are the things to lie on, and are not the same thing as the three garments (i.e. Trifivara). Again, the ‘right livelihood’ mentioned in the Vinaya means, above : 49 K; the text has ay KK by mistake, ? This word occurs in Hiuen Thsang. See Julien, Mémoires, liv. ii, 68. ° For some reference to Kauseya, see Mahavagga VIII, 3,1; Julien’s Hiuen Thsang, I, 253; IJ, 68, 189. * The Chinese is we fig. It may be observed that this name is not Chinese, and that this mat was first brought from India. The Chinese is sometimes vie BRE ; I cannot yet find the Sanskrit equivalent. Perhaps Uraa. _° It is often the case that a thing is allowed to be possessed, but not allowed to be used. I-tsing may be thinking of a rule to the above effect, though this is not clear. NECESSARY FOOD AND CLOTHING, 61 all, one’s eating (lit. mouth and stomach). The tilling of land should be done according to its proper manner (i.e. to till land for oneself is not permissible, but to do so for a Buddhist community, Sangha, is allowable), while sowing or planting are not against the teaching (lit. the net of teaching). If food be taken according to the law, no guilt will be incurred, for it is said in the beginning ', ‘by building up one’s character one could increase one’s own happiness.’ According to the teaching of the Vinaya, when a cornfield is culti- vated by the Sangha (the Brotherhood or community), a share in the product is to be given to the monastic servants or some other families by whom the actual tilling has been done. Every product should be divided into six parts, and one-sixth should be levied by the Sangha ; the Sangha has to provide the bulls as well as the ground for cultivation, while the Sangha is responsible for nothing else. Sometimes the division of the product should be modified according to the seasons. Most of the monasteries in the West follow the above custom, but there are some who are very avaricious and do not divide the produce, but the priests themselves give out the work to servants, male and female, and see that the farming is properly done. Those who observe the moral precepts do not eat food given by such persons, for it is thought that such priests themselves plan out the work and support themselves by a ‘wrong livelihood ;’ because in urging on hired servants by force, one is apt to become passionate, the seeds may be broken, and insects be much injured while the soil is tilled. One’s daily food does not exceed one Shang, and who can exdure hundreds of sins incurred while striving to get even that? Hence an honest man hates the cumbersome work of a farmer, and permanently keeps away from it (lit. rejects it and gallops away for ever) carrying with him a pot and a bowl. Such a man sits still in a place in a quiet forest and takes pleasure in company with birds and deer ; being free from the noisy pursuit of fame and profit he practises with a view to the perfect quietude of Nirvava. According to the Vinaya it is allowable for a Bhikshu to try to gain profits on behalf of the Brotherhood (i.e. Sangha), but tilling land and injuring life are not permitted in the Buddha’s teaching, for there 1 In what or by whom? The text has ae Fy. 62 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. X. is nothing so great in injuring insects and hindering proper action as agriculture. In the books written, we have not seen the slightest refer- ence to acres of land (lit. ten acres, but ‘ten’ here is as much as to say ‘some’) that might lead one to a sinful and wrong livelihood ; but as to the rules on the three garments that may be faultlessly, nay, rightly carried out, how much? pen and ink have been wasted by people! Alas! these matters can only be explained to those who are believing, but not be discussed with those who are sceptical. I only fear that those who are handing down the Laws may embrace an obstinate view. When I for the first time visited Tamralipti, I saw in a square outside the monastery some of its tenants who, having entered there, divided some vegetables into three portions, and, having presented one of the three to the priests, retired from thence, taking the other portions with them. I could not understand what they did, and asked of the venerable Ta- shang Ting (Mahayana Pradipa®) what was the motive. He replied : ‘The priests in this monastery are mostly observers of the precepts. As cultivation by the priests themselves is prohibited® by the great Sage, they suffer their taxable lands to be cultivated by others freely, and partake of only a portion of the products. Thus they live their just life, avoiding worldly affairs, and free from the faults of destroying lives by ploughing and watering fields. I also observed, that every morning the managing priest (of that monastery) examined water on the side of a well; that, if there was no insect in it, that water was used, and if there was a life in it, it was filtered; that, whenever anything, even a stalk of vegetable, was given (to the priests) by other persons, they made use of it through the assent of the assembly ; that no principal office was appointed in that monastery ; that when any business happened, it was settled by the assembly ; and 1 J. has ie 4 instead of te HR 48, which is the reading of all other texts. The former is, no doubt, correct. we is certainly a mistake for ie : i is a word used for ‘left out’ in copying ; and thus ie HE might have been a marginal remark by a copyist, showing that here the character ie was left out ; but gradually these two characters might have got into the text. This is the only explanation I can give ; otherwise this passage is unintelligible. ? See Chavannes, p. 68, § 32. § 'Patimokkha, S.B.E,, vol. xiii, p. 33. NECESSARY FOOD AND CLOTHING. 63 that, if any priest decided anything by himself alone, or treated the priests favourably or unfavourably at his own pleasure, without regarding the will of the assembly, he was expelled (from the monastery), being called a Kulapati (i.e. he behaved like a householder). The following things also came under my notice. When the nuns were going to the priests in the monastery, they proceeded thither after having announced (their purpose to the assembly). The priests, when they had to go to the apartments of the nuns, went there after having made an inquiry. They (the nuns) walked together in a company of two, if it was away from their monastery; but when they had to go to a layman’s house for some necessary cause, they went thither in a com- pany of four. I saw that on the four Upavasatha-days of every month a great multitude of priests, all having assembled there late in the after- noon from several monasteries, listened to the reading of the monastic rites, which they obeyed and carried out with increasing reverence. I also witnessed the following things. One day a minor teacher (i.e. one who is not yet a Sthavira) sent to a tenant’s wife two Shing (prastha) of rice, carried by a boy. This action was considered to be a sort of trick. The case was brought by a person before the assembly. The teacher was summoned, examined, and he and his two accomplices admitted the charge. Though he was free from crime, yet, being ashamed, he withdrew his name (from the assembly), and retired from the monastery for ever. His preceptor sent him his clothing (which was left behind him) by another person. Thus all the priests submitted to their own laws, without ever giving any trouble to the public court. Whenever women entered into the monastery, they never proceeded to the apartments (of the priests), but spoke with them in a corridor for a moment, and then retired. At that time there was a Bhikshu named A-ra-hu-(not ‘shi’)la-mi-ta-ra (Rahula-mitra)! in that monastery. He 1 This Rahula-mitra may be the same as that Rahulaka whose verses are given in the Subhdsitavali of Vallabhadeva (2900), and in the Sarngadharapaddhati (138, 14). These verses are (see p. 104, Peterson’s Subhashitavali)— I. Subh. 2900: Yah kurute parayoshitsangam Vaakhati yaska dhanam parakiyam ; Yaska sada guruvrzddhavimant Tasya sukham na paratra na eha. 64. A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. X. was then-about thirty years old; his conduct was very excellent and his fame was exceedingly great. Every day he read over the RatnakiiZa- stitra!, which contains 700 verses. He was not only versed in the three collections of the scriptures, but also thoroughly conversant with the secular literature on the four sciences. He was honoured as the head of the priests in the eastern districts of India *. Since his ordination he never had spoken with women face to face, except when his mother or sister came to him, whom he saw outside (his room). Once I asked him why he behaved thus, as such is not holy law. He replied: ‘Iam naturally full of worldly attachment, and without doing thus, I cannot stop its source. Although we are not prohibited (to speak with women) by the Holy One, it may be right (to keep them off), if it is meant to prevent our evil desires.’ The assembly assigned to venerable priests, if very learned, and also to those who thoroughly studied one of the three collections, some of the best rooms (of the monastery) and servants. When such men gave daily lectures, they were freed from the business imposed on the monastics. When they went out, they could ride in sedan-chairs, but not on horse- back. Any strange priest who arrived at the monastery, was treated by the assembly with the best of their food for five days, during which he was desired to take rest from his fatigue. But after these days he was treated as a common monastic. If he was a man of good character, the assembly requested him to reside with them, and supplied him with bed-gear as suited to his rank. But if he was not learned, he was regarded as a mere priest ; and, if he, on the contrary, was very learned, he was treated as stated above. Then his name was written down on the register of the names of the resident priests. Then he was just the same as the old residents. Whenever a layman came there with a good II. Sarhga. 135, 14: Unnidrakandaladalantaralfyamana— Gufiganmadandhamadhupafzitameghakle ; Svapnespi ya pravasati pravihaya kantam Tasmai vishdvarahitaya namo vrzshaya. ? Two translations of this Sfitra exist in the Chinese Collection, one in A. D. 25-220, the other in a. p. 589-618 (Nanjio’s Catal., Nos. 251 and 51). > The text has the ‘Eastern Arya-dewsa,’ NECESSARY FOOD AND CLOTHING. 65 inclination, his motive was thoroughly inquired into, and if it was his intention to become a priest, he was first shaved. Thenceforth his name had no concern with the register of the state; for there was a register- book of the assembly (on which his name was written down). If he afterwards violated the laws and failed in his religious performances, he was expelled from the monastery without sounding the Ghavda (bell). On account of the priests’ mutual confession, their faults were prevented before their growth. When I have observed all these things, I said to myself with emotion : ‘When I was at home, I thought myself to be versed in the Vinaya, and little imagined that one day, coming here, I should prove myself really one ignorant (of the subject). Had I not come to the West, how could I ever have witnessed such correct manners as these!’ Of these above described some are the monastic rites, while others are specially made for the practice of self-denial; and all the rest are found in the Vinaya, and most important to be carried out in this remote period (from the Buddha’s time). All these form the ritual of the monastery Bha-ra-ha! at Tamralipti. The rites of the monastery Nalanda are still more strict. Conse- quently the number of the residents is great and exceeds 3,0007. The lands in its possession contain more than 200 villages. They have been bestowed (upon the monastery) by kings of many generations. Thus the prosperity of the religion continues ever, owing to nothing but (the fact that) the Vinaya (is being strictly carried out). I never saw (in India) such customs as are practised (in China), i.e. (in deciding a matter concerning the monastery), the ordinary officials have a special sitting at the court, and all the priests concerned in the matter attend there in a row, shouting and disputing, or cheating and despising one another, just like ordinary people. The priests run about to see off an officer who is leaving and to welcome a new one who is arriving. When the inspection or examination by the new officer does not reach so far as the matters or things of the monastery, the priests visit 1 Barahat or Varaha ? 2 3,000 (not 5,000) in chap. xxxii below, p. 153, and 3,500 in I-tsing’s Memoirs. See Chavannes, p. 97. K 66 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. X. the residence of the officer and ask the (same) favour through the under- officers (so hastily that) they omit inquiring after the officer’s health. Now why do we become homeless? It is because we wish to keep apart from the worldly troubles in order to abandon the dangerous path of the five fears1, and thereby to arrive at the peaceful terrace of the noble eightfold (path)? Is it right, then, that we should be involved in troubles, and once again be caught in the net (of sin)? If we behave so, our wish of attaining the perfect calm (Nirvama) will never be fulfilled. Nay, it may be said that we are acting en- tirely against ‘liberation’ (Moksha), and do not pursue the way to quietude (Nirvavza). It is only reasonable that we should support our life practising the twelve Dhitangas*, and possessing only the thirteen necessary things+, according to our circumstances. The influence of Karma (action) is to be done away with; the great benefits conferred by our teacher, our Sangha, and our parents are to be requited, and the deep compassion that was shown by Devas, Nagas, or sovereigns is to be repaid. To behave so is indeed to follow the example of the Tamer of the Human Steed (i.e. the Buddha), and to pursue rightly the path of Discipline (Vinaya). And I have thus discussed the mode of life of a priest, and also spoken of the present practices of (China and India). May all the virtuous not find my discussion too tedious ! The distinction of the four Nikayas (schools) is shown by the difference of wearing the Nivdsana (i.e. under-garment). The Milasarvastivada- nikaya pulls up the skirt on both sides, (draws the ends through the girdle and suspends them over it), whereas the Mahasanghikanikaya takes the right skirt to the left side and presses it tight (under the girdle) so as not to let it loose; the custom of wearing the under-gar- ment of the Mahdsanghikanikaya is similar to that of Indian women. The rules (of putting on the under-garment) of the Sthaviranikaya and of the Sammitinikaya are identical with those of the Mahasanghikanikaya, * Five fears are (1) failure of livelihood, (2) bad name, (3) death, (4) a birth in the lower form as an animal, &c., (§) worldly influence. * Rhys Davids, Buddhism, pp. 47, 108; Oldenberg, Buddha &c., p. 211. ° See above, p. 56, where thirteen Dhfitangas are mentioned. * See above, p. 55. NECESSARY FOOD AND CLOTHING. 67 except that the former (the Sthavira and Sammiti) leave the ends of the skirt outside, while the latter presses it inwardly as mentioned above. The make of the girdle (Kayabandhana) is also different 1. The nun’s mode of putting on the under-garment is the same as that of a Bhikshu of her respective school. But the Chinese Sankakshika, shoulder-covering robes, nivdsana, drawers, trousers, robe, and shirt, are all made against the original rules. Not only having both sleeves in one and the same garment, the back of which is sewn together, but even the wearing of the garment is not in accordance with the Vinaya rules. All manners of dress in China are Mable to produce guilt. Fa If we come to India in Chinese garments, they all laugh at us; we get much ashamed in our hearts, and we tear our garments to be used for miscellaneous purposes, for they are all unlawful. If I do not explain this point, no one will know the fact. Although I wish to speak straightforwardly, yet I fear to see my hearer indignant. Hence I refrain from expressing my humble thought, yet I move about reflecting upon those points. I wish that the wise may pay serious attention and notice the proper rules of clothing. Further, laymen of India, the officers and people of a higher class have a pair of white soft cloth for their garments, while the poor and lower classes of people have only one piece of linen. It is only the homeless member of the Sangha who possesses the three garments and six Requisites?, and a priest who wishes for more (lit. who indulges in luxury) may use the thirteen Necessaries2 In China priests are not allowed to have a garment possessed of two sleeves or having one back, but the fact is that they themselves follow the Chinese customs, and falsely call them Indian. Now I shall roughly describe the people and their dresses in Gambudvipa and all the remote islands. From the Mahabodhi eastward to Lin-i (i.e. Champa) there are twenty countries extending as far as the southern limits of Kwan Chou (in Annam)*. If we proceed to the south-west we come to the sea; and in the north Kasmira is its limit. There are more than ten countries (islands) in the Southern Sea, added to these the Simhala * One text has xX Hk for x lay (J.); the latter is the better reading. 2 See p. 55 above. * See p. 12 above. K 2 68 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. X. island (Ceylon). In all these countries people wear two cloths (Skt. kambala). These are of wide linen eight feet long, which has no girdle and is not cut or sewn, but is simply put around the waist to cover the lower part. Besides India, there are countries of the Parasas (Persians) and the Tajiks 1 (generally taken as Arabs), who wear shirt and trousers. In the country of the naked people? (Nicobar Isles) they have no dress at all; men and women alike are all naked. From Kasmira to all the Mongolic countries such as Sali, Tibet®, and the country of the Turkish tribes, the customs resemble one another to a great extent; the people in these countries do not wear the covering-cloth (Skt. kambala), but use wool or skin as much as they can, and there is very little karpasa (i.e. cotton), which we see sometimes worn. As these countries are cold, the people always wear shirt and trousers. Among these countries the Parasas, the Naked People, the Tibetans*, and the Turkish tribes have no Buddhist law, but the other countries had and have followed Buddhism; and in the districts where shirts and trousers are used the people are careless about personal cleanliness. Therefore the people of the five parts of India are proud of their own purity and excellence. But high refinement, literary elegance, propriety, moderation, ceremonies of welcoming and parting, the delicious taste of food, and the richness of benevolence and righteousness are found in China only, and no other country can excel her. The points of difference from the West are: (1) not preserving the) purity of food (see chap. iv) ; (2) not washing after having been to the urinal (see chap. xviii below); (3) not chewing the tooth-woods (see chap. viii). There are some also who do not consider it wrong to wear an! unlawful garment; they quote a passage from an abridged teaching| (Samkshiptavinaya) which reads as follows: ‘If i ? Chavannes, p. 25. \ 2 Chavannes, p. 100. 5 Chavannes, pp. 13, 14. * We know very little of the introduction of Buddhism into Tibet. In a.p. 632 the first Buddhist king of Tibet sent an envoy to India to get the Buddhist Scriptures, J-tsing’s date is a.p. 671-695, and says that that country had no Buddhism. We know, however, that some of the Parasas (Persian settlers) had become Buddhists in Hiuen Thsang’s time (see Hiuen Thsang under Persia), and Tibet too was Buddhistic in his time. NECESSARY FOOD AND CLOTHING. 69 anything which is considered to be impure in one country is considered pure in another, it can be practised there without incurring any guilt.’ But this passage was misunderstood by some translators; the real meaning is not like the above, as I have fully explained elsewhére?. ~~ As to the things that are used by a Bhikshu of China, nothing but the three garments are in accordance with the rules laid down by the Buddha. When we incur guilt by wearing an unlawful garment we must give it up. In a warm country like India one may wear only a single piece of linen through all the seasons, but in the snowy hills or cold villages one | cannot subsist (without some more clothes) even if one wish to keep to | the rules. Besides, to keep our body in health and our work in progress | is the Buddha’s sincere instruction to us; and self-mortification and toil \ are the teaching of heretics. Reject our teacher or follow another ; | which would you do? The Buddha allowed the use of a garment called ‘Li-pa 2,” which can be worn in any cold regions; this is enough to warm one’s body, and there is no religious blame in using it. Li-pa in Sanskrit can be translated ‘abdomen-covering cloth.’ I shall shortly describe here how it is made. Cut a piece of cloth so as to have no back and to have one shoulder bare. No sleeves are to be attached. Only one single piece is used and made just wide enough to put on. The shoulder part (which may be called a short) sleeve of the cloth is not wide and is on the left-hand side; this must not be wide and large. It is tied on the right-hand side so that the wind may not touch the body. Kumaragiva came to China about a.p. 401, and translated fifty Sanskrit books into Chinese. Nanjio’s App. li, 59, 104-105. 184 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. XXXIV. the Bhadanta Hiuen Thsang followed out his professorial career in his own country. In this way, both in the past and present, have teachers spread far and wide the light of Buddhism (or ‘the Sun of the Buddha’). To those who learn the doctrines of ‘existence’ and ‘non-existence’ the Tripizaka itself will be their Master, while for those who practise the DhyAna (meditation) and Prag#a (wisdom) the seven Bodhi-angas ' will be a guide. The following are the (most distinguished) teachers who now live in the West. G#Anakandra, a master of the Law, lives in the monastery Tiladha (in Magadha)?; in the Nalanda monastery, Ratnasimha ; in Eastern India, Divakaramitra®; and in the southernmost district, Tatha- gatagarbha. In Sribhoga? of the Southern Sea resides SAkyakirti, who travelled all through the five countries of India in order to learn, and is at present in Sribhoga (in Sumatra). All these men are equally renowned for their brilliant character , equal to the ancients, and anxious to follow in the steps of the Sages. When they have understood the arguments of Hetuvidya (logic), they aspire to be like Gina (the great reformer of logic); while tasting the doctrine of Yogakarya they zealously search into the theory of Asanga. When they discourse on the ‘non-existence’ they cleverly imitate Nagarguna; whilst when treating of the ‘existence’ they thoroughly fathom the teaching of Sanghabhadra. I, I-tsing, used to converse with these teachers so intimately that I was able to reccive invaluable in- struction personally from them (lit. ‘I came closely to their seats and desks and received and enjoyed their admirable words’). * The seven constituents of Bodhi, i.e. recollection, investigation, energy, joy, calmness, contemplation, and equanimity. See Childers, s. v. bogghango; Burnouf, Lotus, 796; Kasawara, Dharma-samgraha, § 49; Mahavyutpatti, § 39. * Tiladha monastery is Tiladzaka of Hiuen Thsang (Julien, Mémoires, viii, 440, and Vie, iv, 211). I-tsing mentions this monastery as two yoganas distant from Nalanda in his Memoirs (see Chavannes, p. 146, note). Modern Tillara, W. of Nalanda. Cf. Cunningham, Ancient Geography of India, i, 456. ® A Divakaramitra is referred to as a Buddhist Bhadanta in the Harshafarita, the Kashmir edition, pp. 488 and 497. M. Fujishima gives Sakramitra by ‘mis- take. See Julien, Méthode pour Déchiffrer les Noms Sanscrits, p. 70. * For Sribhoga, see my note, pp. 143-144. THE RULE AS TO HAIR. 185 I have always been very glad that I had the opportunity of acquiring knowledge from them personally which I should otherwise never have possessed, and that I could refresh my memory of past study by com- paring old zotes with new ones. It is my only desire to receive the light handed down from time to time, and my satisfaction is in the fact that I have learned the Law [in the morning], and my wish is to dispel my hundred doubts rising as dust, and (if my wish be fulfilled in the morning) I shall not regret dying at eventide 1. While still gathering a few gems left behind on the Vulture Peak, I picked up some very choice ones; when searching for jewels deposited in the Dragon River (Naganadi=Agiravati), I have obtained some excellent ones. Through the unseen help of the Three Jewels and by the far-reaching influence of the royal favour, I was enabled at last to turn the course of my travel eastward, sailed from Tamralipti?, and arrived at Sribhoga °. Here I have remained over four years, and, employing my time in various ways, have not yet determined to leave this place for my native country. CHAPTER XXXV. THE RULE AS TO HAIR. THROUGHOUT the five divisions of India no one with unshaven head (lit. ‘with long hair’) may take all the final vows (lit. ‘may receive the complete precepts’), nor is there any precedent for this in the Vinaya, nor did such a custom ever exist of old. For if a priest conform to the same habits as a layman, he cannot abstain from faults. If one cannot carry out the precepts, it is useless to vow to observe them. Therefore if a man’s mind be set on the priesthood, he should demand to be shaved, wear the coloured cloak, purify his thoughts, and make the 1 Cf. Confucius’s saying, HH Fal te) 4A AY Hy a in the Lun-yi.— Legge, Analects, p. 168 (Clarendon Press, 1893). ? An ancient trading-port in E. India, near the mouth of the Hooghly. 5 See above, pp. 143-144, note 3. Bb 186 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. XXXV. ‘ Final Liberation’ his aim. He should observe the five, and then the ten precepts, without fail, He who vowed to observe all the precepts with a perfect mind should practise them in accordance with the Vinaya texts. After having learnt the Yogd#d4rya-sdstra (No. 1170), he ought to study thoroughly Asanga’s eight Sdstras. (Note by I-tsing): The eight Sastras are— 1. Vidydmatra-vimsati(-gatha)-sdstra or Vidyamatrasiddhi (by Vasu- bandhu) (Nanjio’s Catalogue of Chinese Tripitaka, No. 1240). 2. Vidyamatrasiddhi-tridasa-sdstra-karika (by Vasubandhu) (Nanjio’s Catal., No, 1215). 3. Mahaydnasamparigraha-sdstramila (by Asanga) (Nanjio’s Catal., Nos. 1183, 1184, 1247). 4. Abhidharma(-sangiti)-sastra (by Asanga) (Nanjio’s Catal. No, 1199 ; Commentary by Sthitamati, No. 1178). ; 5. Madhyantavibhaga-sdstra (by Vasubandhu) (Nanjio'’s Catal., Nos. 1244, 1248). 6. Nidana-sastra (Nos. 1227, 1314 by Ullangha, No. 1211 by Sud- dhamati). 7. Satralankara-zika (by Asanga, No. 1190). 8. Karmasiddha-sdstra (by Vasubandhu, Nos. 1221, 1222). Although there are some works by Vasubandhu among the above- mentioned SAstras, yet the success (2 the Yoga system) is assigned to Asanga (and thus the books of Vasubandhu are included among Asanga’s). When a priest wishes to distinguish himself in the study of Logic he should thoroughly understand Gina’s eight Sastras. (Note by I-tsing) : These are— 1. The Sastra on the meditation on the Three Worlds (not found). 2. Sarvalakshawadhyana-sastra (karika) (by Gina) (Nanjio’s Catal. No. 1229). 3. The Sastra on the meditation on the object (by Gina). Probably Alambanapratyayadhyana- sastra (Nanjio’s Catal., No. 1173). . The Sastra on the Gate of the Cause (Hetudvara) (not found). The SAstra on the gate of the resembling cause (not found). . The Nyayadvara(taraka)-sastra (by NAgArguna) (Nanjio’s Catal., Nos. 1223, 1224). nn p THE RULE AS TO HAIR. 187 7. Praghapti-hetu-sangraha(?)-sastra (by Gina) (Nanjio, No. 1228). 8. The Sastra on the grouped inferences (not found). While studying the Abhidharma (metaphysics) he must read through the six Pddas?, and while learning the Agamas? he must entirely investigate the principles of the four Classes (Nikaya). When these have all been mastered, the priest will be able successfully to combat heretics and disputants, and by expounding the truths of the religion to save all. He teaches others with such zeal that he is un- conscious of fatigue. He exercises his mind in contemplating the ‘Two- fold Nothingness.” He calms his heart by means of the ‘ eight Noble Paths,’ attentively engages himself in the ‘four Meditations,’ and strictly observes the rules of the ‘seven groups’ (Skandhas) 3. Those who pass their life in this manner are of high rank. There are those who, though they cannot act as the above, but must remain at home, yet are not bound much by home affairs. They live 1 These are six different treatises on Metaphysics, which all belong to the Sarvastivada School, Nos. 1276, 1277, 1281, 1282, 1296, and 1317. 2 These are the Agamas (a division of the Tripisaka) :— (1) Dirghagama (30 Sfitras, cf. Dighanikaya, 34 suttas). (2) Madhyamagama (222 Sfitras, cf. Maggimanik., 152 suttas). (3) Samyuktagama (Samyuttanikdya, 7760 suttantas). (4) Ekottaragama (Anguttaranikdya, 9557 suttantas). There are five ‘ Nikayas’ in Pali, the fifth being Khuddakanikaya (15 sections). 3 The seven Skandhas contain certain priestly offences :— (1) Paragika offence is that which involves expulsion. (2) Sanghddisesha offences are thirteen in number, and require suspen- sion and penance, but do not involve expulsion. (3) Sthfilatyaya is a grave offence (Thullatfaya). (4) Prayaséittika offences are ninety-two in number, and require con- fession and absolution (Pasittiya). (5) Naisargika are thirty in number. They are the Prayaséittika sins, accompanied with forfeiture (Nissaggiya). (6) Dushkrzta, ‘sinful acts’ (Dukkata). (7) Durbhashita, ‘ evil speaking’ (Dubbhasita). See Apattikhandho, Childers’ Pali Dictionary, Xullavagga IX, 3, 3. Bba2 188 4 RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. — XXXV. uprightly and are desirous to quit worldly cares. If they are asked for anything, they offer it to the deserving. They wear very simple dress, only desiring decency. They hold firmly the eight precepts, and remain diligent throughout their lives. (Note by I-tsing): The eight precepts are—(1) not killing, (2) not stealing, (3) not committing adultery, (4) not telling a lie, (5) not drinking an intoxicating beverage, (6) neither taking pleasure in music, nor wearing garlands and anointing with perfumes, (7) not using a high and wide couch, and (8) not taking food at forbidden hours. They trust in, and respect the Three Honourable Ones (i.e. the Three Jewels), and devoting themselves to the attainment of Nirvava (or aiming at Nirvava) they concentrate their thoughts on it. These are the persons next in order (to the high classes). There are those who, remaining within the confines (ef worldly affairs), support their wives and bring up their children. They honour those superior to themselves most respectfully, and have mercy on those that are lower than themselves, They receive and keep the five precepts, and always observe the four fasting-days (Upavasatha). (Note by I-tsing): The four fasting-days are— (a) In the dark half of the moon (the moonless half, Kalapaksha), the 8th and 14th (in Pali, also ‘ A¢ézami’ and ‘ Katuddasi’), or the roth and 15th. (2) In the bright half of the moon (the moonlit half, Sukrapaksha), the 8th and 15th (in Pali, also ‘A¢¢Zami’ and ‘ Pazkadasi’). On these days one should receive the eight precepts, and che rite is called the ‘ Holy Practice. If one receive only the eighth precept with- out the other seven (‘not eating except at a prescribed time’ is the eighth precept, see above), one’s merit (lit. ‘cause of happiness’) is very small. The purpose of the eighth precept is to prevent the other seven precepts’ being transgressed, but not to keep one’s stomach hungryin vain. They behave toward others with sympathy, and carefully restrain themselves. They pursue some faultless occupation, and pay tribute to the authorities. Such are also regarded as good men. ARRANGEMENT OF AFFAIRS AFTER DEATH. 189 (Note by I-tsing): By faultless occupation is meant trading, because it does not injure life. It is customary at present in India to regard traders as more honourable than farmers ; this is because agriculture injures the life of many insects. In cultivating silkworms or in slaughtering animals one contracts a great cause of suffering. Many millions of lives will be injured during the whole year. If accustomed to such practice for a long time, though without considering it faulty, one will suffer the retribution in numberless ways in future births. He who does not follow such occupation is called the ‘faultless.’ But there are graceless people who, spending their lives in an aim- less manner, do not know the three Refuges (i.e. Refuge to the Buddha, the Dharma and the Priesthood), and do not observe a single precept during the whole of their lives ; how can these men who do not under- stand that Nirvava is a state of perfect tranquillity be aware that their future births will revolve like a wheel ? Under this misapprehension they commit sin after sin. Such persons form the lowest class. CHAPTER XXXVI. THE ARRANGEMENT OF AFFAIRS AFTER DEATH. THERE is a full description in the Vinaya of the manner of arranging the affairs of a deceased Bhikshu. I shall here briefly cite the most important points. First of all an inquiry should be made as to whether there are any debts, whether the deceased has left a will, and also if any one nursed him while ill. Zf there be such, the property must be distributed in accordance with the law. Any property remaining must be suitably divided. This is a verse from the Udana (a division of the Tripizaka)": ‘Lands, houses, shops, bed-gear, Copper, iron, leather, razors, jars, 1 See Max Miiller, Dhammapada, S.B.E., vol. x, p. ix, and Childers, s. v. Tipisakam. About twenty lines beginning with this Udadna are found agreeing verbatim in the Vinaya-sangraha (Nanjio’s Catal., No. 1127), vol. vii, chap. xxix, p. 38, in the Japanese edition (Bodl. Jap. 65). 190 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. XXXVI. Clothes, rods, cattle, drink, food, Medicine, couches, the three kinds of Precious things, gold, silver, &c., Various things made or unmade; These should be classed as divisible or indivisible, according to their character. This is what was ordained by the World-honoured Buddha.’ The following is the specification:—Lands, houses, shops, bed-gear, woollen seats, and iron or copper implements are not distributable. Among those last named, however, large or small iron bowls, small copper bowls, door-keys, needles, gimlets, razors, knives, iron ladles, braziers, axes, chisels, &c., together with their bags; earthen utensils, i.e. bowls, smaller bowls, kuzdikas (pitchers) for drinking and for cleansing water, oil-pots and water-basins are distributable; the rest are not. Wooden and bamboo implements, leather bedding, shaving things; male and female servants; liquor, food, corn; lands and houses, are all to be made the property of the priests assembling from every quarter. Among these, things which are movable are to be kept in storehouses, and to be used by the assembly. Lands, houses, village- gardens, buildings, which are immovable, become also the property of the assembly. If there remain clothes or anything wearable, whether cloaks, bathing-shirts, dyed or undyed, or waterproofs, pots, slippers, or shoes, they are to be distributed on the spot to the priests then assembled. A garment which has one pair of sleeves cannot be divided, but a white garment which is made double may be divided as one likes. Long rods are to be used as banner-staffs before the Gambinada- varza image of the Buddha. Slender ones are to be given to the Bhikshus, to be used as metal staffs. (Note by I-tsing): The origin of the image called ‘Gambdanadavarza’ is mentioned in the Vinaya. When the Buddha was not among the assembly, the members of the order were not very reverential; this circumstance caused the rich Anathapizdada to ask the Buddha, saying, ‘I wish to make a Gambiinadavarva (golden coloured) image of thee, to put in front of the Assembly.’ The Great Master allowed him to make this image. ARRANGEMENT OF AFFAIRS AFTER DEATH. 191 The metal staff is in Sanskrit ‘Khakkhara}, representing the sound (produced by the staff, when carried in walking). The old translator translated it by ‘metal staff, for the sound is produced by metal; you can call it ‘staff-metal’ if you like. As I myself saw, the staff used in the West (India) has an iron circle fixed on the top of it; the diameter of the circle is two or three inches, and at its centre there stands a tube-like metal butt four or five angulas in length. The stick itself is made of wood, either rough or smooth, its length reaching to a man’s eyebrows. About two inches down from the top circle there is fastened an iron chain, the rings of which are either round or elliptic, and are made by bending a wire and joining its ends in another ring, each being made as large as you can put your thumb through. Six or eight of these chains are fastened through the top circle. These chains are of iron or copper. The object of (using) such a staff is to keep off cows or dogs while collecting alms in ¢he village. It is not necessary to think of carrying it so as to tire one’s arms. Moreover, some /volishly make the staff all of iron, and place on the top four iron circles. It is very heavy and difficult for an ordinary person to carry about. This is not in accordance with the original rules. Quadrupeds, elephants, horses, mules, asses for riding, are to be offered to the Royal Household. Bulls and sheep should not be distri- buted, but belong to the whole assembly. Such goods as helmets, coats of arms, &c., are also to be sent to the Royal Household. Miscellaneous weapons, after having been made into needles, gimlets, knives, or heads for metal staffs, are distributed among the priests then assembled. If not sufficient for all the priests, the elders alone may take them. Things such as nets are made into network for windows. Paints of good quality, such as yellow, vermillion, azure, blue, green, are sent to the temple to be used for colouring images and the ornaments around. White and red earth and inferior blue substances are distributed to the assembled priests. The wine if it is nearly sour is to be buried in the ground, and when it has turned into vinegar the priests may use it. 1 This name seems to have been used as meaning a staff carried by Buddhists, though not a proper Sanskrit word. See Mahavyutpatti, 268; H. Th. ii, 509. Cf. ‘Kattara-davda,’ Mahavagga V, 6, 2; Kullavagga VIII, 6, 3, and Gataka i, 9. 192 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. XXXVI. But if it remain sweet it must be thrown away, but it must not be sold. For the Buddha has said: ‘ Ye Bhikshus, who have been ordained by me, must not give wine to others, nor take it yourselves. Do not put wine into your mouths, even so little as a drop fallen from the point of a reed. If one eat corn-flour mixed with wine, or soup made from the dregs of wine, one is guilty. One must not be doubtful on this point, for there is a prohibitive rule about this in the Vinaya. I know that the monastery of the Holy Rock! (in China) uses water for mixing corn-flour. The former residents of this monastery had sense enough to avoid using wine for this purpose, thereby incurring no guilt. Medical substances are to be kept in a consecrated (lit. ‘ pure’) store, to be supplied to sick persons when needed. Precious stones, gems, and the like are divided into two portions, one being devoted to pious objects (Dhammika), the other to the priests’ own use (Sanghika). The former portion is spent in copying the scriptures and in building or decorating the ‘Lion Seat.’ The other portion is distributed to the priests who are present. Things such as chairs inlaid with jewels are to be sold, and (the receipts) are to be given to those present. Wooden chairs are to be made common property”. But the scriptures and their commentaries should not be parted with, but be kept in a library to be read by the members of the Order. Non-Buddhistic books are to be sold, and (the money acquired) should be distributed among the priests then resident. If deeds and contracts are payable at once, (the money is) to be realised and to be immediately distributed; if they are not payable at once, the deeds should be kept in the treasury, and when they fall due, (the money) should be devoted to the use of the Assembly? Gold, silver, wrought or unwrought goods, shells (cowrie, Kapardaka), and coins, are divided into three portions, for the Buddha, for Religion (Dharma), and for the priesthood (Sangha). The portion for the Buddha is spent in repairing the temple, stipas that contain holy hair or nails, and other ruins. The portion belonging to Religion is used for copying the scriptures and building or decorating the ‘ Lion Seat.’ Another portion belonging to the Assembly is distributed to the resident priests. : in Ee ‘Ling-yen,’ above, p. 23, note 1. > Of the Aatuddisasangha. USE OF COMMON PROPERTY OF THE SANGHA. 1093 The six Requisites! of a priest are to be given to the sick nurse. The fragmentary articles remaining are to be suitably divided. A full account of this subject is found in the larger Vinaya. CHAPTER XXXVII. THE USE OF THE COMMON PROPERTY OF THE SANGHA, IN all the Indian monasteries the clothing of a Bhikshu is supplied out (of the common funds) of the resident priests. The produce of the farms and gardens, and the profits arising from trees and fruits, are distributed annually in shares to cover the cost of clothing. Here is a question. Seeing that the rice or any other food in possession of the deceased becomes the property of the church, how can an individual priest obtain his share from what has become church property? We reply thus: the giver presents villages or fields in order to maintain the priests in residence. Is it reasonable then that he who gives food should wish the recipient to live without clothing? Further, if we examine the actual management (of daily affairs), a householder gives clothing to one who serves him. Why should the head of the community refuse a similar gift? Therefore it is lawful to supply clothing as well as food. Such is the general opinion of the priests of India, though the Vinaya rules are sometimes silent, sometimes explicit on this point. The Indian monasteries possess special allotments of land, from the produce of which the clothing of the priests is to be supplied. The same is the case in some of the Chinese temples. By virtue of the original intention of the giver of the field, any one (living) in the monas- tery, be he priest or layman, can obtain gifts from the same source. But no one will be at fault if he do not partake of the food. A gift to the church, whether a field, or house, or some insignificant thing, is understood to be given for the clothing and food of the priests. There is no doubt whatever on this point. If the original intention of the bene- factor was unreservedly charitable, then the benefits of the gift can be considered as conferred upon all, though presented to the church only. * See chap. x, p. 54 above. Cc 194 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. XXXVII. Thus the church can make use of the benefaction as it likes, without any fault, as long as it carries out the original intention of the giver. But in China, an individual generally cannot get clothing from the church property, and is thus obliged to provide for this necessity, thereby neglecting his proper function. Not that one who obtains his food and clothing should live without any bodily or mental labour, but it is a fact that one can be much freer, if one lives in the monastery engaged simply in meditation and worship, without needing to take thought about pro- curing clothes and food. ° With nothing but the three garments (made of rags) from a Pamsu (dust-heap), begging food from house to house, living under the trees in an Aramya (forest), one may lead the holy life of an ascetic’. Inward meditation and knowledge increase in proportion as one’s aim is firmly fixed on reaching the Path to Final Liberation (Moksha). Love and compassion being shown outwardly, one’s mind is directed to the Ford of Salvation. A life ended in this way is the highest. The priestly garments must be supplied out of the common property of the resident priests, and anything such as bed-clothes, &c., must be equally distri- buted, but not be given to an individual only ; thus church property should be guarded by them more carefully than their own possessions. If there be several contributions, the church should give away i charity the greater and keep the smaller. This is in accordance with the noble teaching of the Buddha, for he expressly said: ‘If you use things properly, there will not be any fault found in you. You will be able to maintain yourselves sufficiently, and be free from the trouble and cost of arduously seeking a Livelihood.’ It is unseemly for a monastery to have great wealth, granaries full of rotten corn, many servants, male and female, money and treasures hoarded in the treasury, without using any of these things, while all the members are suffering from poverty. The wise should always act according to the proper judgement of what is right or wrong. There are some monasteries which do not supply food for the resi- dents, but divide everything among them, and make them provide their 1 Such a life of the old Buddhists still existed in I-tsing’s time, see p. 50 above. The life is in accordance with the Dhfitangas, see p- 56, note, above. THE BURNING OF THE BODY IS UNLAWFUL. 195 own food, and such monasteries do not admit.a stranger to reside there. Thus those who come from any quarter are induced by these monas- teries themselves to lead an unlawful life (or, ‘the authorities of such a house would be responsible for the unlawful manner of life of all the priests coming in contact with them’). Evil retribution would inevitably overtake those who cause such an unlawful practice, and no one but they themselves would suffer future consequences. CHAPTER XXXVIIL. THE BURNING OF THE BODY IS UNLAWFUL. For the Buddhist mendicants there is but one method of study to pursue. Those who are but beginners in the study are intent on becom- ing brave and bright, while ignorant of their Sacred Books. They follow in the steps of those who considered the burning of fingers as a devout deed, and the destroying of their body by fire as a blessed action. They follow their own inclination, thinking in their heart such actions to be right. True, there are some references to such deeds in the Siitras, but they are meant for laymen, for it is right for them to offer, not only any treasures in their possession, but even their own life, when needed. Therefore it is often said in the Sfitra: ‘If a person incline his heart to the Law,’ &c., and thus it does not refer to the mendicants themselves. Why? The homeless mendicants should strictly confine themselves to the rules of the Vinaya. If they are not guilty of transgressing them, they are acting in conformity with the Satra. If there be any transgression of the precepts, their obedience is at fault. As priests, they should not even destroy one stalk of grass, though the temple be covered with it. They should not steal even a grain of rice, though they be starving in a lonely field. But it is right for a lay- man, such as he who is known by the name of ‘ Lovely-to-see-for-All- Beings ', to offer food by roasting his own arm. The Bodhisattva 1 In Sanskrit, Sarvasattvapriyadarsana, who is constantly addressed as ‘ young man of good family.” The story of burning his body, &c., is told in Saddharma- puzdarika XXII, in which Prof. Kern recognises a Buddhist version of the myth of the phoenix, see S. B. E., vol. xxi, p. 378 seq. Cc2 4 196 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. XXXVIU. gave away his male and female offspring*, but a mendicant need not look for a male and female in order to give away. The Maha- sattva offered his own eyes and body*, but a Bhikshu need not do so. Hsien Yii (Réshi-nandita?)! surrendered his life, but this is not a precedent to be followed by a Vinaya student. King Maitribala sacrificed himself, but the mendicant ought not to follow his example. I hear of late that the youths (of China or India, probably the former) bravely devoting themselves to the practice of the Law, consider the burning of the body a means of attaining Buddhahood, and abandon their lives one after another. This should not be. Why? It is difficult to obtain the state of human life after a long period of transmigration. Though born in a human form a thousand times, one may yet not have wisdom, nor hear the seven Bodhyangas 2, nor meet the Three Honourable Ones (Ratnatraya). Now we are lodged in an excellent place, and have embraced an admirable teaching. It is but vain to give up our insignificant body after having studied but a few slokas of the Sitra. How can we think much of such a worthless offer, so soon after we have begun to meditate on ‘impermanence P’ We ought strictly to observe the precepts, requiting the four kinds of benefits * conferred upon us, and engage ourselves in meditation in order to save the three classes of beings*. We must feel how great a danger lies even in a small fault, just as if one were holding an air-tight bag (in) swimming across a bottomless sea. We must be strictly on our guard while practising to gain wisdom, just as in putting the spurs into a running horse on thin ice. Thus conducting ourselves and helped by good friends, our mind will be stable till the last moment of our life. With resolutions rightly formed, we should look forward to meeting the coming Buddha Maitreya. If 1 According to Kasyapa this was an epithet of Maitribala, whose Gataka is found in the Gatakamalé (8th). See Kern’s edition, p. 41. 2 See Childers, s. v. Bogghango. 5 The benefits conferred by the Buddha (1), king (2), parents (3), and bene- factors (4). * The world of passion (Kamaloka); that of form (Rapaloka); that without form (Arfipaloka), i.e. Tribhava. THE BYSTANDERS BECOME GUILTY. 197 we wish to gain the ‘lesser fruition’ (of the Hinaydna), we may proceed to pursue it through the eight grades of sanctification!. But if we learn to follow the course of the ‘ greater fruition’ (of the Mahayana), we must try to accomplish our work through the three Asankhya Kalpas. I have never heard any reason why we should rashly give up our life. The guilt of suicide is next to the breach of the prohibitions in the first class*. If we carefully examine the Vinaya texts, we never see any passage allowing suicide. We learn from the Buddha’s own words the important method of controlling our sensations. What use is it to burn our body in destroying our passions? The Buddha did not allow even castration, but on the other hand he himself encouraged the releasing of fishes in a pond. The Buddha’s word forbids us to transgress a weighty precept and follow our own will. We are disregarding his noble teaching if we take refuge in such a practice as burning our bodies. But we are not discussing concerning those who wish to follow the practice of a Bodhisattva without receiving the Vinaya rules at all, and to sacrifice themselves for the good of others. CHAPTER XXXIX. + THE BYSTANDERS BECOME GUILTY. AN action such as burning the body is regarded usually as the mode of showing inward sincerity. Two or three intimate friends combine and make an agreement among themselves to instigate the young students to destroy their lives. Those who first perish in this way are guilty of the Sthdla-offence*®, and those who later follow their example are liable to the Paragika-offence*, for they wish to obtain a reward whilst disobeying the law (prohibiting suicide), and firmly adhere to their ill-formed resolution, seeking death by transgressing the precepts. Such men have never studied the Buddha’s doctrine. If fellow-students en- courage this practice they incur the guilt (that cannot be atoned for), ™ See Childers, Ariyapuggalo. ? The first are the Pardgika-offences, see Childers, s. v. 5 The grave offences, see Childers, s. v. Thilo; p. 187 above. 4 The first and worst group of offences, see Childers, s. v. 198 a RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. XL. just as when the eye of a needle is knocked off (it can never be restored). Those who say to one : ‘Oh, why do you not throw yourself into the fire ?’ commit the sin (which cannot be undone), just as a broken stone cannot be united. One has to be careful of this point. The proverb says: ‘It is better to requite the favours of others than to destroy one’s own life, and it is better to build up character than to defame one’s name.’ It was the Bodhisattva’s work of salvation to offer his body to a hungry tiger’. It is not seemly for a Sramava to cut the flesh from his body in order to give it away instead of a living pigeon. It is not in our power to imitate a Bodhisattva. I have roughly stated what is right or wrong according to the Tripifaka. The wise should be fully aware of what is the proper practice to follow. In the River Ganges many men drown themselves every day. On the hill of Buddhagaya too there are not unfrequently cases of suicide. Some starve themselves and eat nothing. Others climb up trees and throw themselves down. The World-honoured One judged these misled men to be heretics. Some intentionally destroy their manhood and become eunuchs. These actions are entirely out of harmony with the Vinaya Canon. Even those who consider such practices to be wrong are afraid of sinning if they prevent such actions. But if one destroy life in such a way, the great object of one’s existence is lost. That is why the Buddha prohibited it. The superior priests and wise teachers never acted in any such harmful way as the above-mentioned. I will now state in the following chapter the traditions handed down by the virtuous men of old. CHAPTER XL. SUCH ACTIONS WERE NOT PRACTISED BY THE VIRTUOUS OF OLD. Now as to my teachers, my UpadhyAaya (i.e. teacher in reading) was the venerable Shan-yii? (a Chinese priest), and my Karmasarya (i.e. teacher in discipline) was Hui-hsi®, Master of Dhyana (i.e. medi- tation). After the seventh year of my age I had the opportunity of 1 See notes at the end. 3 He iE 2 #3 AA. J. has Ea Au. SUCH ACTIONS ARE UNPRECEDENTED. 199 waiting on them. Both of them were teachers of great virtue who lived in the monastery Shén-t‘ung, built (A.D. 396) by the Dhydna-master, (Séng-) Lang, a sage of the Chin-yii Valley of T‘ai Shan. Shan-yii was a native of Teh Chou, and Hui-hsi, of Pei Chou! Both thought that the solitary forest life, though good for one’s self, had little power to benefit others, and came to P‘ing-lin, where, according to rule, they took up their abode in the temple of ‘Earth-Cave’ (T‘u-k‘u), overlooking the clear stream named ‘ Stooping Tiger?’ The temple is situated about forty Chinese miles west of the capital of Ch‘i Chou (in Shan-tung). They were in the habit of preparing an unlimited store of food, by which means they could freely supply the people or make offerings to the Buddhas. Whatever gifts they received, they gave away freely and willingly. It may be said of them that their Four Vows (Pravidhana)? were limitless as heaven and earth, and the salvation they preached to the people by the Four Elements of Popularity (Sangraha-vastu *) was very liberal, and those who were saved by them were innumerable as the sand or dust. They dutifully built temples wherein to live, and did many meritorious deeds. Now I shall briefly state the seven virtues of my Upadhyaya, Shan-yii. 1. The Wide Learning of my Teacher. Besides his deep insight into the Tripizaka, he was well read in very many authors. He was equally learned in both Confucianism and Buddhism, and skilled in all the six arts of the Confucian school. He was well versed in the Sciences of Astronomy, Geography, and Mathe- matics, the Arts of Divination, and the Knowledge of the Calendar ; thus he could explore the secret ‘of anything, had he cared to do so. How vast in him was the Ocean of Wisdom, with its ever-flowing tide! How brilliant was his garden of literature, with its ever-blooming flowers! 1 N 4a — hh , lit. ‘The worldly connexions of He #& TE TR 7 A WR y these priests were respectively in the provinces Teh and Pei,’ which is another way of saying ‘they were born there.’ Other editions except J. have an unintel- ligible reading here. Teh Chou is Chi-nan in Shan-tung. OR J tet iia, bot J. bas BE for FR PY Gh BB. * See Childers, Sangaho; Mahavyutp., § 31. 200 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. XL. The works of his own production, the pronouncing dictionary of the Tripisaka, and several word-books have been handed down to later generations. He used to say, ‘There is no character 7 Chinese which I do not know’ (more lit. ‘It is not a character, if I do not know it’). 2. The Immense Ability of my Teacher. My teacher was skilled in writing according to the styles of the ‘Seal Character; Chuan and Chou!, and also the styles of Chung and Chang*?. He had a good ear for the musical notes of string- and wind- instruments, as in the case of Tzii Ch‘i®, who could tell whether the lute of Yi Po-ya expressed a peak or a stream. He could use the axe as skilfully as the artisan Shih removes a (little bit of) mud like a (fly’s) wing*. Thus it may be said of him that a wise man is not a mere utensil® (as we should say, ‘he is not a one-stringed instrument’). 3. My Teacher’s Intelligence. When my teacher was studying the Sftra of the Great Decease (Mah4parinirvava-stitra), he read it through in one day. When he re-read the same for the first time he finished the whole in four months, care- fully testing the hidden doctrine contained in it, and earnestly searching * (1) Ze, Chuan, the ‘ seal’ character, is said to have existed in two styles, the greater and the smaller. The ‘ greater seal’ is said to have been invented about B.C. 800 by Shih-chou, a minister of the Chou dynasty, while the ‘smaller seal’ style is assigned to Li-ssti, the notorious minister of the first Ch'in emperor (B.c. 221-210), In this ‘smaller seal’ style is written the first Chinese dictionary, ah we ‘Shuo-wén,’ published a.p. 100. See p. 203, note 4, below. he (2) +B Chou, the ‘seal’ character, named after the inventor, is identical with the ‘ greater seal,’ above-mentioned. ® (1) $i A of Wei (a.p. 220-260),who wrote the ‘Official Servant’s’ style well. (2) ie is ie i who was skilled in the running hand. 3 : . . « $i -F- By (a connoisseur of music), name of a musical woodcutter in the story of FR 44 a, a lute-player who never played after the former’s death. * Shih once removed a little bit of mud on the top of the nose with his axe ° Cf. the Analects, book ii, p. 150, ef F- X pe SUCH ACTIONS ARE UNPRECEDENTED. 201 for its deep meaning. In educating a little boy he was in the habit of beginning with half a character; one cannot imagine his having occasion to grasp his sword (on account of anger with his pupil). He would instruct a man of great ability as if he were filling a perfect vessel, and the instructed would have the benefit of being beautified by precious gems. Some time ago, when people had become destitute of principle during the last period of the Sui dynasty (A.D. 589-617), my teacher removed to the town of Yang! in consequence of the disturbance. Many priests agreed, when they saw him there, that he was but a fool, as he was plain and rustic in personal appearance. They compelled the new- comer to read the Sitra of the Great Decease, and ordered two under- teachers to see it done sentence by sentence. His tone was grave and sorrowful as he raised his voice in reading. From sunrise till afternoon all the three cases of the Sfitra were read through. There was no one amongst those present who did not praise and congratulate him, and they bade him rest, greatly commending his wonderful powers. People know this incident full well, and this is not merely my own eulogy. 4. The Liberality of my Teacher. Here is an instance of his bargaining. Whatever price one demands, that he gives. Be the article dear or cheap, he does not mind, and never beats down the price. If some balance be due to him and the debtor bring the sum, he will not receive it at all. Men of his time considered him a man of unsurpassed generosity. 5. The Loving-kindness of my Teacher. With him honesty had a greater weight than riches. He followed the practice of a Bodhisattva; when one begged from him, he never refused. His constant wish was to give away three small coins every day. Once during a cold winter month there came a travelling priest named Tao-an, who had walked a long way, braving a heavy snow- storm, and his feet were bitterly frozen. He was obliged to stay in the village for a few days; his swollen feet were wounded and covered with sores. The villagers conveyed him in a carriage to the monastery 1 Yang-chou, in the province of Kiang-su. pd 202 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. XL. where my teacher dwelt. As soon as the latter came out to the gate and saw the poor man’s feet, without regard to himself he bound up the sores with his own garment. The garment was one newly-made and worn that day for the first time. The bystanders would have hindered him, saying that he had better get an old garment so that he should not stain the new one. In reply he said: ‘When rendering help in a case of bitter suffering, what time have we to make use of anything but what is at hand.’ All those who saw or heard of this action praised him much. Although such a deed is not in itself very difficult to accomplish, nevertheless its like is not often practised. 6. My Teacher’s Devotion to Work. My teacher read through all the eight classes of the Prag#aparamita- sitra a hundred times, and read the same again and again when he afterwards perused the whole of the Tripizaka. As regards the practice of the meritorious deeds necessary for entrance into the Pure Land (Sukhavati), he used to exert himself day and night, purifying the ground where the images of the Buddhas were kept, and where the priests abode. He was rarely seen idle during his life. He generally walked bare-footed, fearing lest he should injure any insects. Training his thought and directing his heart, as he did, he was hardly ever seen inactive and remiss. The stands of incense dusted and cleaned by him were beautiful, like the lotus-flowers of Sukhavati that unfolded for the sake of the nine classes of the saved beings}. The sight of the hall of the S&tras, decked and adorned by him, was something like the sky above the Vulture Peak, showering down the Four Flowers. One could not but praise his religious merit when one saw his work in the sanctuary. He was personally never conscious of getting tired ; he expected the end of his life to be the end of his work. His leisure from reading he devoted to the worship of the Buddha Amitayus (= Amitébha). The four signs of dignity were never wanting in him. The sun’s shadow never fell upon him idle (i.e. ‘he never wasted a minute of time marked by the sun’s course’). The smallest grains of sand, 1 See my Amitdyur-dhyana-satra, iii, S. B.E., vol. xlix, p. 188 seq. SUCH ACTIONS ARE UNPRECEDENTED. 203 when accumulated, would fill up heaven and earth. The deeds which make up salvation are of various kinds. 7. His Fore-knowledge of the Decrees of Heaven}. One year before his death, he collected all his own writings and other books in his possession, and heaping them up into a great pile, he tore them up and made them into mortar to be used (as material) for the two statues of the Vagra®, which were then in preparation. His pupils came forward and remonstrated with him, saying: ‘Our Honoured Master, if it be necessary to use papers, let us use blank papers instead.’ The Master replied: ‘I have long been entirely taken up with this literature, by which I have been led astray. Ought I to-day to allow it to mislead others? If I do, it is as bad as causing one to swallow a deadly poison or leading one into a dangerous path. That would never do. A priest may lose sight of his proper function if he attain too great success in secular work. The permission to do both is given by the Buddha to men of superior talent only, but zzdulgence in any but one’s proper avocation will lead to great error. What one does not wish to have oneself, must not be given to others*.’ On hearing this, the pupils retired, saying : ‘It is well.’ But the important books, such as Shuo-wén 4 and other lexicons, were given to the pupils. He then taught them, saying: ‘When you have done a rough study of the Chinese classics ; Fy fii: I-tsing borrowed this term from Confucius’s saying (Analects, book ii, 4). That is to say, ‘he knew the time of his death beforehand.’ : & ki] hy AG The ‘Diamond’ may mean the ‘ Diamond-Hero,’ i.e. VagrapAvi, a name of Indra as a guardian god of Buddhism. But the use of the character ‘ Diamond’ in Buddhistic Chinese is not strictly confined to its literal sense, and it may mean here some images of the Buddha. 8 Analects, book xii, 2, Confucius’s saying: ‘not to do to others as you would not wish done to yourself.’ * att Oe The famous dictionary compiled a.p. 100 by 5F E. Hsii Shén, and containing about 10,000 characters, analysed with a view to prove the ‘hieroglyphic’ origin of the Chinese language. See p. 200, note 1, above. Dds 204 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. XL. and history, and acquired a vague knowledge of the characters, you should turn your attention to the Excellent Buddhist Canon. You must not let this snare prove too great an attraction.’ Previous to his death he told his pupils that he was certainly going to leave this world after three days; that he should die while holding a broom ', and his remains were to be left in the marshy wilderness. Early in the morning on the third day he walked by the clear stream, and sitting down quietly under a white willow-tree which stood desolate, near to the green waving reeds, he passed away holding a broom in his hand. One of his pupils, the Dhydna-master, Hui-li by name, went to see his teacher there early that very morning. But what is it? The latter is silent. The pupil drew near and touched the master’s body with his hands. He felt warmth still proceeding from the master’s head, but the hands and feet were already cold. Then weeping, he called together all the distant friends. When all had assembled, the priests grieved and wept so much that the sad scene might be compared with the red river? pouring out its stream of blood on the earth; his lay-followers also sobbed and cried, so that the confused crowd might be compared to the gems on the precious mountain broken to pieces. Sad it is that the tree of Bodhi should wither so soon; it is also piteous that the vessel of the Law should sink so suddenly. He was buried in the west garden of his monastery. He was sixty-three years of age. What he left behind him after his death consisted of only three garments, a pair of slippers and shoes, and the bed-clothes which he was using. When my teacher died, I was twelve years old. The great elephant (i.e. ‘great teacher’) having departed, I was destitute of my refuge. Laying aside my study of secular literature, I devoted myself to the Sacred (Buddhist) Canon. In my fourteenth year I was admitted to the Order, and it was in my eighteenth year that I formed the intention of travelling to India, which was not, however, realised till my thirty- seventh year. On my departure, I went to my late master’s tomb to ’ Perhaps as a sign of his not forgetting the sweeping of the sanctuary until death. * Lit. ‘the golden river.’ SUCH ACTIONS ARE UNPRECEDENTED. 205 worship, and to take leave. At that time, seared foliage of the trees around had already grown so as to half embrace the tomb, and wild grasses filled the graveyard. Though the spirit world is hidden from us, nevertheless I paid him all honour just as if he had been present}, While turning round and glancing in every direction, I related my intention of travelling. I invoked his spiritual aid, and expressed my wish to requite the great benefits conferred on me by that benign personage (lit. ‘ face’). The Dhydna-master, Hui-hsi, my second teacher, exclusively devoted himself to the study of the Vinaya. His mind was clear and calm. He never neglected the devotional exercises which were to be performed, six times day and night. He was never tired of teaching from morning till night the four classes of the devotees? (Bhikshu, -vi, Upasaka, and Upasika). It may be said of him that even in time of confusion he is quite free from alarm, nay, that he is more peaceful and quiet ; and no one, be he priest or layman, has ever found him partial. The Saddharmapuzdarika was his favourite book; he read it once a day for more than sixty years; thus the perusal amounted to twenty thousand times. Although he happened to live during the troublous times of the last period of the Sui dynasty (A.D. 589-617), and to wander here and there guided by fate alone, yet he never relinquished? his determined idea (of reading). He possessed the six organs of sense in perfection, and the four elements* of a healthy body. He never had any illness during the sixty years of his life. Whenever he began to recite the Stitras near the stream, there appeared an auspicious bird which came and alighted in a corner of the hall. ' While he was reciting, the bird also cried as if it were influenced by his voice, and as if listening to him. He was ever good in disposition, and well acquainted with musical 1 An 4E < ae see Analects, book iii, 12. 2 py Be. 8 J. reads J¥¥, i.e. ‘incurable disease,’ while the other texts read BS, ‘to abandon,’ which I follow. * py De four great constituents of the body: earth, water, fire, and air. 206 ad RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. XL. notes!. He was especially skilled in writing the running hand, and also the ‘clerk’s style” He was never weary of guiding and instructing. Although he did not care much for the study of secular books, yet he was naturally gifted and well versed in them. Both his Gatha on the six Paramitas and the words of prayer composed by him were written on the lamp-stands of the Temple of the Earth-cave*. Afterwards when he was engaged in copying the Saddharmapuzdarika (the ‘ Lotus of the Good Law’) he compared the styles of the famous handwritings (of old), and chose the best of all 3 (in copying). Breathing out the impure air, and keeping scents in his mouth, he was in the habit of purifying himself by washing and bathing. Suddenly there once appeared miraculously on this Siitra a relic of the Buddha. When the copy of the Siatra was finished, the title on each scroll was impressed in golden letters, which were beautiful by the side of the silver hooks of the scroll *. He deposited them in the jewelled cases, which, being in themselves bright, added to the brilliancy of the gemmed rollers. The then ruling emperor came to T‘ai Shan, and hearing the news, asked the owner to present the copy to the imperial household, to be used in worship. These two teachers of mine, Shan-yii and Hui-hsi, were the suc- cessors of the former sage, (Séng-) Lang the Dhydna-master. Lang the Dhyana-master was born in the time of the two dynasties of Ch'in ®, and was celebrated beyond all the five classes of people. He received offerings from all quarters ; he in person visited the gate of every almsgiver. He taught men according to circumstance and ability. His deeds were suited to the needs of the devotees. The exercise, how- ever, of his personal influence was far above the worldly affairs. The 1 * yy bf, i. 2 . * He HS Se BCH AE RAY ABLE AE. This is a very strange sentence. My translation follows the explanatory marks of the separate Japanese edition. 2 Turku, see p. 199 above. * Fin EF GF at 4 E jf. My translation follows KAsyapa. * A splendid specimen of the MS. of the Chinese Saddharmapundartka can be seen in the library of the Indian Institute, Oxford. ° The former Ch'in, a.p. 350-394, and the latter Ch'in, a.p. 384-417. SUCH ACTIONS ARE UNPRECEDENTED. 207 temple of Shén-t‘ung’ (i.e. ‘Miraculous Power’) was named thus after him. His religious character was beyond our understanding. Full information is given in his separate biography (Liang-kao-séng-ch‘uan). At that time the rulers respected Buddhism, and people were devotional (about A.D. 350-417). When they were intending to build this temple, on entering the forest they heard a tiger roaring near the northern stream of T’ai Shan. On emerging from it they again heard a horse neighing? in the southern valley of the mountain. The water in the Heavenly Well?, though constantly drawn, never decreased, and the grains in the Celestial Granary °, though perpetually taken out, did not diminish in quantity. The man himself has long disappeared, but the influence left behind him is not yet lost. These two teachers of mine, and another resident priest, the venerable Dhydna-master, Ming-teh, were well versed in the Vinaya doctrine and fully acquainted with the purport of the Sifitras. As instructors of the disciples they severely prohibited the practice of such things as burning one’s fingers or destroying one’s body by fire +, which were never taught by the Buddha. I myself received instruction from these teachers in person, and did not get my information from a hearsay statement. You should also carefully examine the above points of the sages of old, and give your attention to the teaching of the ancients. From the time that the white horse® was unbridled till the dark elephant was saddled °, Kasyapamatanga and Dharmaraksha °, illumining the world by their rays (of wisdom), became as it were the sun and moon of the Divine Land (China), and K‘ang-séng-hui and Fa-hien®, by : mit i , built a. D. 396, above, p. 199; Liang-kao-séng-ch'uan, book v. 2 J-tsing perhaps has in his mind the story told of Asvaghosha, the author of the Buddhafarita, that he miraculously made horses neigh before a king. 3 These were perhaps made in memory of Séng-Lang the Sage. * J-tsing comes back here to the subject of this chapter. 5 These two priests came to China a.n. 67, the first translators of Buddhist texts, which are said to have been brought loaded on a white horse. The White Horse monastery was built at Lo-yang. One work of translation is ascribed to KAsyapam4tanga, and five to Dharmaraksha. Nanjio’s Catal., App. ii, 1-2. 6 K‘ang-séng-hui, an Indian of Tibetan origin, who came to China a.p. 241, 208 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. XL. virtue of their example, became the ford and bridge to the Celestial Treasure House (India). Tao-an and Hui-yen' were stooping like tigers on the south of the rivers Yang-tze and Han; Hsiu and Li? were flying high like falcons on the north of the rivers Hwang and Chi. Successors in the Order were found regularly and continuously; thus the wave of wisdom has been perpetuated uncorrupted. Devout laymen praised and appreciated the unceasing fragrance of the Law. We have never heard that any of those teachers allowed the practice of burning one’s fingers. Nor have we ever seen the burning of one’s body permitted by them. The mirror of the Law is before our eyes, and the wise should carefully learn therefrom. The Dhyana-master, Hui-hsi, used, in the stillness of the evening, to sympathise with me in my boyhood, and comforted me with many a kind word. Sometimes his talk was about the (frailty of) yellow leaves (i.e. about impermanence), so that he might divert me from my intense longing for my mother. Sometimes he spoke to me telling me of the habit of young crows 3, and urging that I should strive to repay the great love with which I had been brought up. Sometimes he said: ‘You must arduously strive to promote the prosperity of the Three Jewels, so that they may not cease 4 and translated two works. Fa-hien is a well-known Chinese traveller in India, A.D. 399-414; translated four works and wrote the account of his own journey. I-tsing here probably refers to Fa-hien’s travel by saying ‘the dark elephant was saddled. Kasyapa has no explanation. Nanjio’s Catal., App. ii, 21, 45. + Tao-an died a.p. 389. He first proposed to use the common surname Shih= Sikya, and was followed everywhere. Hui-yen, who submitted himself to the Eastern Tsin, a.p. 317-419, was the founder of the White Lotus Society. The Pure Land School was first preached by him. He sent his disciples to Udydna to get Sanskrit texts, a.p. 408. : ae tk and ie JB, i.e. Hui-hsiu and Fa-li. Both lived in the time of the Sui dynasty (a.p. 589-618), Hui-hsiu being a teacher of the Mahdayana- samparigraha School. For F4-li, see next page. * Je. ‘filial piety.” In China crows are said to return to their parents as much food as they receive while young. SUCH ACTIONS ARE UNPRECEDENTED. 209 to exist; nor should you indulge in the study of secular literature to such an extent as to render your life useless.’ Even when I had reached the age of ten years, I could only listen to his instruction; I was not yet able to fathom his meaning. Every morning at the fifth watch I went to his room to ask what to do. Each time the master showed his affection by patting me with his hand as lovingly as a kind mother fondles her child. Whenever he had any nice food, he used to give me the most delicate portion. If I asked him for anything, I was never disappointed. My Upadhyaya, Shan-yii, was a strict father to me, while the Dhyana-master, Hui-hsi, was a tender mother. Thus our relations were almost as perfect as though we had been kinsmen. When I reached the age of Ordination, Hui-hsi became my Upa- dhyaya. Once after I had sworn to the Precepts, when he was taking the air on a fine night, suddenly as he was burning incense, my master, overcome by emotion, thus instructed me: ‘It is long since the Great Sage attained Nirvaza, and now his teaching is becoming misinterpreted. Many are those who wish to bow to the Precepts, yet few are they who observe them. You must abstain with firm resolve from the important things prohibited, and not transgress the first group (meaning the Paragika-offences). If you are guilty of any of the other transgressions, it is I who will suffer in hell on account of you. Besides, you ought not to do such hurtful things as to burn your fingers or destroy your body with fire’ On the same day that the Holy Precepts had been graciously imparted to me, I was thus instructed and happily favoured with his pity. Since that time I have made such a strenuous effort that whenever I found myself liable to fail, I feared greatly that I had already com- mitted an offence, however small it might be. I devoted myself to the study of the Vinaya for five years. I could fathom the depth of the comments composed by F4-li}, the Vinaya teacher, and explain accurately the principles treated by another Vinaya teacher, Tao-hsiian?, in his works. As soon as I had become ¢ ye iz died a. p. 635. A teacher of the Nirvaza School, and author of the commentary of the Xaturvarga-vinaya. See p. 208, note 2. - 8 ‘a died a.p. 667. The founder of the Vinaya School, author of some eight works. See Nanjio’s Catal., App. iii, 21. Ev¢€ 210 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. XL. acquainted with the Vinaya rules (lit. ‘observance and transgression’), my teacher ordered me to deliver one lecture on this subject. While I was attending his lecture on the Greater Sitra’, I went round begging food, having only one meal, and sat up all night, without lying down. The forest monastery where we lived was very distant from the village, but I never neglected this practice. Whenever I think of the kind instruction of my great teacher my tears overflow.—_I do not know whence they come. We see that, when a Bodhisattva wishes in pity to save those who are suffering, he is willing to throw himself even into the blazing flame of a great fire, and, when a philanthropist thinks of looking after a child of poverty he watches even the narrow entrance of a small house. This is no mistake. I received all instruction personally from him, and I did not learn from him by hearsay. One day he graciously said to me: ‘At present I do not lack those who wait on me, and you should no longer remain with me, for it hinders your study.’ Then I departed from him, witha metal staff in my hand, for Eastern Wei, where I devoted myself to the study of the Abhidharma(-sangiti) and the Samparigra- hasdstra (Nanjio’s Catal., iii, Nos. 1178, 1199 ; 1183, 1184, 1247). From thence I went to the Western Capital (Si-an Fu), carrying a satchel on my back, and there I studied diligently the Kosa and the Vidy4amatra- siddhi (Nanjio’s Catal., iii, Nos. 1267, 1269; 1197, 1210, 1238, 1239, 1240). On my departure for India I returned from this capital to my native place, I sought advice from my great teacher Hui-hsi, saying: ‘Venerable Sir, I am intending to take a long journey; for, if I witness that with which I have hitherto not been acquainted, there must accrue to me great advantage. But you are already advanced in age, so that I cannot carry out my intention without consulting you.’ My teacher thus answered me: ‘This is a great opportunity for you which will not occur twice. (I assure you) I am much delighted to hear of your » A separate Japanese edition takes this sentence quite differently. It seems inadmissible to take K AK as ‘ generally.’ ? His home was in Fang-yang, now Chao-chou (Hx) in Chi-li. SUCH ACTIONS ARE UNPRECEDENTED. 211 intention so wisely formed (lit. “I am aroused by your righteous reasons”). Why should I indulge any longer my personal affection? “If I live long enough (to see you return), it will be my joy to witness you transmitting the Light. Go without hesitation; do not look back upon things left behind. I certainly approve of your pilgrimage to the holy places. Moreover it is a most important duty to strive for the prosperity of Religion. Rest clear from doubt.’ Thus not only was my intention graciously approved, but now I had his command, which I could not in any case disobey. At last I embarked from the coast of Kwang-chou (Canton), in the eleventh month in the second year of the Hsien Héng period (A.D. 671), and sailed for the Southern Sea. Thus I could journey from country to country, and so could go to India for pilgrimage. On the eighth day in the second month in the fourth year of the Hsien Héng period (a. D. 673), I arrived at TAmralipti1, which is a port on the coast of Eastern India. In the fifth month I resumed my journey westwards, (while) finding com- , panions here and there. Then I went to the Nalanda monastery and to the Diamond Seat, and thus at last visited all the holy places. Then I retraced the course of my journey and arrived at Sribhoga?. It may be said of him that he was a great, good, and wise teacher, who perfected the Brahmafarya (religious studentship), and mastered the true teaching of the Purushadamya-sdrathi (Tamer of the human steed, i.e. the Buddha). Nor do we err in speaking thus. In fact he became the typical man of the period, satisfying the needs of the world and guiding the life of mankind. I was brought up and instructed by him personally until I reached manhood. Coming across this raft in the ocean of existence I advanced one day’s voyage (nearer to the shore). I was fortunate enough to discover the Ford of Life in association with these two teachers. Good actions or charity, however insignificant, are generally praised in songs and music by the people. How much more then should such great wisdom and benevolence as that of my teachers be eulogised in poem or composition! My poem is as follows :— ‘My loving father and mother! You protected me in the past ages. 1 Cf. chap. xxxiv, towards the end, p. 185. Ee 2 212 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. XL. You brought and entrusted me in my boyhood to the care of these intelligent teachers. You did this, suppressing your love and grief, while I was still a helpless child. Whilst taking lessons, I practised from time to time what I had learnt. I rooted my character in the soil of good admonitions and rules. The two teachers! were to me as sun and moon giving light. Their virtues may be compared to those of the Yin and Yang (i.e. “the positive and negative principles that pervade nature”). The point of my sword of wisdom was sharpened by them. And by them also my body of the Law was nourished. They were never tired in their personal instruction. Sometimes they taught me through- out the whole night, taking no sleep; sometimes for the whole day, without any food. The most gifted man looks often as if he is possessed of no special talent, and yet such a man’s wisdom is too deep to be gauged by us. Such men were my teachers. ‘Light disappeared from the Mount Tai (his two teachers left T’ai Shan, see the beginning of this chapter). Virtue was hidden in the riverside of Ch‘i (the two teachers came to Chi, and settled there; one died in Ch'i). The sea of wisdom was in them vast, and stretched far. The grove of meditation flourished luxuriantly. Their styles of com- position were very elegant; their power of mental abstraction very wonderful. “Grind, but you cannot reduce the mass. Dye, but you cannot make it black*.” On the eve of his departure from this world, my teacher (Shan-yii) showed a strange sign. A curious example was manifested when the bird listened to a man’s reading °. While I was still young, one (Shan-yii) passed away‘, leaving the other (Hui-hsi) behind. Whatever meritorious deeds I may have accomplished, I offer as masses for the deceased. To one I would repay after his death the benefits conferred on me during his lifetime. To the other may I be able to requite his kindness in his lifetime, though I be far separated from him. May we meet each other some day in order that we may prolong our happiness. ‘May I receive their instruction at each successive birth, in order to secure Final Liberation. I hope that my charity may increase to a mountain-height by the practice of righteousness. 1 Shan-yii and Hui-hsi. ? ani BE. 3 P. 205 above. 4 P. 204 above. SUCH ACTIONS ARE UNPRECEDENTED. 213 ‘Deep as the depth of a lake be my pure and calm meditation. Let me look for the first meeting under the Tree of the Dragon Flower}, when I hear the deep rippling voice of the Buddha Maitreya. Passing through the four modes of birth®, I would desire to perfect my mind, and thus fulfil the three long Kalpas (ages) required for Buddhahood.’ Fearing lest my readers should think my statement about the literary power of my teacher groundless, I shall give a specimen of his style. Once on the fifteenth day of the second month (this day was kept up as the day of Nirvava)*, priests and laymen crowded to the South Hill— where (Séng-) Lang the Dhydna-master resided (T‘ai Shan). They visited the strange objects of the ‘Heavenly Well*’ and ‘ Celestial Granary £,’ and: worshipped at the holy niche and the sacred temple. There they performed a grand ceremony of worship and almsgiving. About this time all the literary men in the dominion of the king of Ch‘i assembled there, each having oceans of writings and mountains of literature at his command. They were all vying for distinction ®, and boasting of their excellent character ®. It was proposed that they should compose a poem celebrating the statue of the deceased Lang and his temple, and they unanimously put my teacher Hui-hsi forward to compose the same. He accepted the offer without hesitation. 1 Tree of the dragon-flower, meaning a Naga-tree. There is a belief that the coming Buddha Maitreya will be born in Ketumati and gain Buddhahood under a Naga-tree, after the manner of Saékyamuni, who gained Buddhahood under the Bodhi-tree. ? Four modes of birth, i.e. (x) birth from the womb, (2) from eggs, (3) from moisture, (4) miraculous birth. See p. 3 note, above, 3 In Buddhaghosa’s Samanta-pdsadika it is said: ‘ Visikha-puzxamadivase patAtisasamaye parinibbute Bhavagati.’ The corresponding passage of the Chinese translation of Buddhaghosa’s introduction has: ‘The Buddha having entered Nir- via early in the morning of the 15th day of the 2nd month.” See Oldenberg, Vinaya-pi/akam, iii, p. 283 ; and my additional note to p. 14, at the end. * See p. 207, note 3, above. > Lit. ‘like an awl in a sack.’ 6 Lit, ‘having a precious stone in a box.’ 214 A RECORD OF BUDDHIST PRACTICES. XL, It seemed just as if the flowing stream had stirred up its waves and helped him while he was writing on the walls. He did not stop for a moment, but continued writing with fluent pen. He finished without delay the composition, which needed no addition or correction. His poem was as follows :— ‘In great brightness shone the Sage of old. Far and wide as the ocean was his excellent counsel spread. A lonely valley was his resort, and here was his residence. Good fortune smiled upon him to no purpose. Vast and desolate are the mountains and rivers through eternity. Men and generations pass away with the passing ages. Spiritual knowledge alone can fathom the problem of non-existence. What else do we see but the picture of the old Sage left behind ?’ Having seen this poem of my teacher, the whole assembly of literary men were of one mind in greatly admiring it. Some deposited their pens on a branch of a pine-tree, whilst others threw their inkpots down the side of a rock. They said: ‘Si Shih! (name of a woman whose beauty was regarded as ideal) has shown her face; how can Mu Mo? (name of an ugly woman who served the Yellow Emperor) make her appearance?’ There were many clever men present, but none was able to compete with the rhymes. The rest of my teacher’s works are separately collected. I, I-tsing, respectfully send greeting to all the venerable friends of the Great Chou®, with whom I used to hold light conversation (Vahya-katha) or discuss the sacred Law (Dharma-kath4), with some of whom I made acquaintance when I was young, while others became bosom friends in * Be itt 5 FE. s K Ja. ‘Great Chou,’ meaning ‘ China,’ for the reign of the usurper queen (a. D. 690-704) was called ‘Chou’ (not ‘Chou,’ a.p. 951-960). The supposition that the occasional notes in I-tsing’s texts are by a later hand, because the notes use the words ‘ Chou-yuen,’ = i.e, the ‘language of Chou,’ must be given up at once when we see that I-tsing himself uses the name ‘ Chou’ for ‘ China.’ Compare p. 7 note, above; and also Chavannes, Memoirs of I-tsing, p. 203, note to p. 36. SUCH ACTIONS ARE UNPRECEDENTED. 215 middle age; the more gifted of these became spiritual teachers, but many insignificant men were among them. In the forty chapters of the present work I have treated only of important matters, and what I have recorded is customary at the present time among the teachers and pupils of India. My record rests distinctly on the words of the Buddha, and is not evolved from my own mind. Our life passes swiftly like a rapid river. We cannot prognosticate in the morning what will happen in the evening. Thus fearing lest I may not be able to see you and state these things to you in person, I send the record and present it to you before my return. Whenever you have time to spare, pray study the matter recorded in the book, and thus you may approach my heart. All that I state is in accordance with the Aryamilasarvastivadanikaya (School) and no other. Again I address you in rhyme as follows :— ‘The good doctrine of our master have I respectfully recorded. Oh, that great and gracious counsel! All rests on the noble teaching of the Buddha; I cannot say that my humble intellect has sought it out. I may not have any chance of a personal meeting with you. Thus I send on my record to you beforehand. I shall be happy if you find this work worth keeping. Let it even accompany you in your carriage. Let the word of a humble man even such as myself be accepted. Following in the footprints of sages of a hundred past generations, I sow the beautiful seed for thousands of years to come. My real hope and wish is to represent the Vulture Peak + in the Small Rooms? of my friends, and to build a second Ragagrzha City in the Divine Land of China.’ 1 Gridhrakfi/a near Ragagrzha, now called Sailagiri. 2 Name of a peak of the mountain Sung in Honan where many of his friends lived. I-tsing perhaps uses this name in both senses. NAMES OF THE BOOKS WHICH ARE REFERRED TO IN I-Tsinc’s Works, BUT NOT FOUND IN THE INDIA OFFICE COLLECTION. 1. py F 2. The ‘ Record of the West,’ i.e. India. Si-fang-chi. See p. 49, note 2, above, and folio 25°, vol. i, Nan- hai-ki-kwei-nei-fa-kwhan (sic), No. 1492 (India Office copy). 2, py Tr + fila {ii The ‘ Lives of the Ten Virtuous Men of the Si-fang-shih-teh-ch‘uan. West.’ See p. 181 above, and folio 11, vol. iv, of Nan-hai-ki-kwei-nei-fa-4whan (sic), No. 1492 (India Office copy). 3. HW Dy % The ‘Record of the Madhyadesa.’ Chung-fang-lu. See Chavannes, Memoirs of the Eminent Priests who visited India during the T‘ang Dynasty, by I-tsing, p. 88; and folio 18%, vol. i, of Ta-than-si-yu- kin-fa-kao-san-Awhan (sic), No. 1491 (India Office copy). All the above seem to have been I-tsing’s own works. They may be found in some of the Buddhist libraries of China, Korea, or Japan. ADDITIONAL NOTES. Tothe Map. Transfer La¢a to the Gulf of Cambay, according to the note to p. 9 below. Page 2, note 2. Lieh-tze says in his work, bk. i, p. 4 a, ‘ The pure and light air rose and became heaven, while the turpid and heavy (air) descended and became earth.’ Compare Faber’s Licius, p. 4. P.2,n.5. The Sankhya Philosophy is dualism (Prakvzti and Purusha). ‘One’ may be a misprint for ‘two, though all the existing texts read ‘one’ here. P. 3,n.3. For the eighteen Buddha-dharma, see Hardy’s Manual of Buddhism, p. 381. P.6,n.1. The Sitra of the Buddha’s Last Instruction can only be the Maha- parinirvaza-stitra. Inthe Pali text, VI, 5, we read: ‘It may be, O Bhikshus, that there may be doubt or misgiving in the mind of some Bhikshu as to the Buddha or the Truth or the Sangha or the Path or the Way (Buddhe va Dhamme va Sanghe va Magge va Pa¢ipadaya va). Inquire, Bhikshus, freely, &c.’ The Buddha repeated this three times, but all were silent. Thereupon Ananda (not Aniruddha as in Chinese) said: ‘Verily I believe that in the whole assembly no one has any doubt as to the Buddha, &c.’ See S.B.E., vol. xi, p. 113. I-tsing mentions two recensions of this Stitra, belonging to the Mahaydna and Hinaydna. The latter being in Java was probably the Pali text. He saw the Mahayana text and examined it, but only obtained a copy of one chapter of it. Chavannes, Memoirs, p. 61. P.9, n. 1. Laézais mentioned in the Bvzhat-samhita LXIX, 11, together with Sindhu, SurAsh¢ra (Surat), Bharoach, and MAlva (J.R.A.S., vol. vii, p. 94). I-tsing says that it is in W. India, and mentions it often with Sindhu. A Chinese, Hiuen-chao, in going to La¢a, passed Va-ka-la (supposed to be Valkh), Kapisa, and Sindhu, and then reached there (Chavannes, pp. 23-26). Prof. Biihler informs me that Lata is Central Gujerat, the district between the Mahi and Kim rivers, and its chief city is Broach (Bharukazffa). P.14,n.1. The Sudarsana-vibhashé Vinaya, a commentary to the Vinaya, was a bare translation of Buddhaghosa’s Samantapasadika from the southern Buddhist books. The introductory portion agrees with the PAli text, indeed, word for word, verses in Pali being also represented in verse in Chinese. It, of course, contains some verses of the Dipavamsa, which are quoted by Ff 218 ADDITIONAL NOTES. Buddhaghosa. I am trying to translate the historical portion of this work. It is interesting to see that a work of Buddhaghosa, who went to Ceylon A.D. 430, and thence to Burma A.D. 450, was translated into Chinese A. D. 489, and that the name of the author should never have been known in China. P. 22, n. 2. Pu-ra, in full Pu-ra-bha-da-ra (the original uncertain). ‘The shoes are those in which cotton or some things of that kind are added to leather and stitched together; the middle part is higher (than the other)’ (the Sudarsana-vibhashd, vol. xvii, p. 13 a). They seem to be something like ‘ shoes with thick lining’ (Mahdvagga V, 13, 13); ‘I allow the use of the Gazam- gaztipAhanam’ (Upanah). e P. 27, 1.25. The ‘touched’ water jar seems to represent the Pali AZamana-kumbhi, a ‘water-pot used for rinsing purposes,’ Mahavagga I, 25, 19. P. 29,n. 4. Kalandaka or Kalantaka is no doubt ‘squirrel,’ but not a bird. The Chinese translation of SamantapAsAdik4, commenting on this word in the Suttavibhanga, Parag. I, 5, 1, ‘ Vesdliya avidiire Kalandaka-gamo nama hoti,’ names it a ‘forest-rat” Compare Rhys Davids, Mahdparin.-sutta III, 57 (p. 56); Burnouf, Introd. 456. The story is differently told in Hiuen Thsang, Mémoires, liv. ix, p. 29. P. 54,n.2. The Thirteen Necessaries :— MAHAVYUTPATTI, 272. I-TSING. MaHAvaAGGa VIII, 20, 2. 1. Sanghatt I. 1. Sangatt ber 2. Uttarasanga op 2, Uttarasanga = 3. Antarvasa 35 3. Antaravasaka 5 4. Sankakshika 7. 5 . Sankakkhika’. (Kallav. X, 17, 2, and Bhikkhunipasit. 96.) 5. Pratisankakshika 6. Nivasana Bic 3 4 é x . Nivdsana. (Mahavag. I, 25, 9, &c.) 4. Pratinivasana 6. ‘ ‘ 7 i : . Padéinivasana*, (Mahavag. I, 25, 9; Aillav. VIII, 17, 3.) 8. Kesapratigrahaza 11, g. Snatrasdéaka Deest . : : ‘ ‘ . Udakasasika. (Mahavag. VIII, 15,7.) to, Nishidana 4. 5. Nistdana 11. Kazdupratizkfadana 12. 4. Kandupatikkhadt * 1 Davids-Oldenberg: vest. The old Comment.: Sankaskfikan ndma adhakkhakam ubhanabhi tassa pazikehadanatthaya (Vinaya-pitaka IV, p. 345). 2 A second undergarment ’ in Chinese. The ‘house dress’ ? (Davids-Oldenberg). 8 Mahavagga VIII, 17,1; Pad¢imokkha, Padittiya go. It is four spans by two spans, some- times called Vavabandhanakola, Mahay. VI, 14, 5. ADDITIONAL NOTES. 219 MAHAVYOUTPATTI, 272. 12, VarshasasiZivara Deest 13. Parishkarafvara 13. Bheshaga-parish- kara-Atvara 9. Kaya-pro#khana 10. Mukha-pro#kfana I-TsING. ManAvacca VIII, 20, 2. 4. Vassikasarika * 9. Parikkhara-Zolaka? 8. Mukhapuzshana- Rolaka 6. Pakkattharaza * P. 71, n. 4. Compare the words of Mahakaésyapa in Buddhaghosa’s Samantapa- sadika (p. 283): ‘Yadva dhammavinayo ti/‘hati tava anatitasatthukam eva pavazanam hoti, vuttaw h’ etam Bhagavata: yo vo maya Ananda dhammo ka vinayo ha desito pagifatto so vo mam’ A&fayena sattha ti.’ P. 85, n. 1. As the Karttika month begins in the middle of the Chinese eighth month, which is generally the day of autumnal equinox, we can compare the months as follows :— FIVE SEASONS CHINESE INDIAN. Six SEasons 4. (in the Vinaya) *. (from 16th till 15th day). ee . ae Nov.-Jan. ‘ Sisiraz (Thaw). Winter Io-II sg, ‘ausha, cee EE Meenee Jan.-March Vasantah (Spring). 12-1 i Phalgunah i me 22 dala? March-May Grishmad (Summer). Spring 2-3 95 Vaisakhah a4 0 n wir May-July Varshah (Rain). om 33 Ashadhah ay dey pelea am) Rainy Season’ 5-6 33 Sravanah Last Season’ the 16th of the 6th month July-Sept. Sarat (Harvest). 6-7 months Bhadrapadah Long Season }r8 3 Asvinah } ag H tah (Winte a5 Karttikah® { Sept.-Nov. emantah ( T), P. 86. Pravarava is the closing ceremony of the Varsha residence, lasting only } The ‘robes for the rainy season.’ ? Mahavagga VIII, 20,1. This is a piece of cloth requisite (for making water-strainers or bags), but it seems to take the place of ‘ bheshaga-parishk4ra-Atvara ’ of I-tsing. 3 The bed-covering or cushion to sit on. 4 Prof. Max Miiller, Veda-samzhita IV, p. xxxv. 5 See above, pp. IOI, 102. bg te ® The earlier period of the Varsha. So also in Mahavagga III, 2, 2: ‘The earlier time for entering upon the Vassa is the day after the Asa//a full moon.’ ; 7 The later period of the Varsha. Mahavagga: ‘The later period (for entering upon the Vassa) is a month after the As&/ha full moon. For the connection of the double period with that of the Brahmazas and Siitras, see S. B. E., vol. xiii, p. 300, note. 8 The ceremony of the Kafhina-Astara is on. the 16th of the 8th moon. Further, see Mahavagga VII, 1, 3, note. Ffa2 220 ADDITIONAL NOTES. one day. It is also an occasion for giving presents to the priests. See Mahdvagga IV. Pali, pavarava (f.). P. 95, 1. 16. ‘Two dozen years’ is ‘two Chi’ in Chinese. Chi generally means twelve; if so here, it will be twenty-four years. We have only twenty years from 671 till 692, when he sent the Record. Chi is also used for ten, and so here; and it is ‘two decades,’ or ‘two rounds.’ Compare p. 4, Ll. 18; he uses ‘eight decades’ (Chi) for the Buddha’s age, who is said to have lived eighty-one years. P. 100, n. 3. Compare the Ekasatakarman (No. 1131), bk. i, fol. 9 (Bodl. Library), where the way of measuring the shadow is explained at length. P. 102, nn. 1, 3. The three seasons are otherwise enumerated : 1. Hemanta (winter) ; 2. Grishma (summer); 3. Varsha (rain). P. 108, n. 1. Compare the eight Stipas in Mah4parinib.-sutta (towards the end), and Csoma, Asiatic Researches, vol. xx, pp. 296, 315. P. 110, n. 1. Kasyapa’s measure of Nishidana agrees with that of the Pasimokkha VII, Paésittiya 89. He takes Sugata-vidatthi as the ‘Buddha’s span,’ as in Dickson’s translation (J. R. A. S., vol. viii, p. 118). James d’Alwis, the “Accepted Span’ (J. A. S., Ceylon, 1874); compare S. B. E., vol. xiii, p. 8, note 2; p. 54, note 3. P. 114, n. 1. I-tsing’s description of the Xankrama of Nalanda, where the Buddha used to take walks (Chavannes, Memoirs, p. 96) :—‘Au centre est un petit “Kaitya.” De Vest de l’autel & Yangle de la salle, il y a l’emplacement d’un promenoir de Fo (Buddha); il est fait de rangées de briques; il est large denviron deux coudées, long de quatorze ou quinze et élevé de plus de deux. Sur le promenoir on a fagonné, avec de la chaux qu’on a laissée blanche, des représentations de fleur de lotus ; elles sont hautes d’environ deux coudées et larges de plus d’un pied; il y en a quatorze ou quinze; elles marquent les traces des pieds de Fo (Buddha).’ P.125,n.1. The eight kinds of Syrup (pana) :— I-tsing’s explanation given in the Ekasata- karman, bk. vi. The Pali in Mahavagga, bk. vi, 35, 6. 1. Kokapdna. 3. Kofapana. ‘The Xoka is sour like Prunus mume The plantain syrup (Buddhaghosa and (plums), and in form like the pods of Profs. Oldenberg and Rhys Davids). Gleditchia sinensis, Lam. The Koka Koka may also be cocoa-nut or plant (or tree) is also called “ Tan- cinnamon, according to Bohtlingk da-li” (Tazduliya? or perhaps for and Roth, s. v. Kadali; so Buddhaghosa: Kofa- panan ti a¢¢hika-kadali-phalehi kata- pana). The pericarp is one or two finger-breadths in width, and three or four inches in length. Indians eat it regularly (perpetually), ADDITIONAL NOTES. I-tsing’s explanation given in the Ekasata- karman, bk. vi. 2. Moéapana. ‘The Moéa is proper banana (or plan- tain; Chinese, Pa-chiao); when we put a little pepper on the fruit and press it hard with the fingers, it changes itself into fluid.’ 3. Ku-la-ka-pana (Kolaka, ‘black pep- per’?). ‘The fruit is like the sour date (i.e. wild spinous date, a variety of Zizy- phus vulgaris, Lam.).’ 4. Asvatthapana. ‘This is the Bodhi-tree; the syrup is prepared from the fruit of the Bodhi- tree.’ 5. Udumbarapana. “Its fruit is like Li (Prunus communis, Huds.; a plum).’ (Phonetically it can also stand for Ut- pala, ‘lily;’ we have in Pali Saldka, ‘water-lily,’ but I-tsing says the ‘fruit,’ not the ‘ root.’) 6. Parisakapana. “Its fruit is like Ying-yii (Vitis labrusca, L., a kind of wild grape-vine).’ 7. Mridhvikapana. ‘This is the syrup prepared from the grapes.’ 8. Khargtirapana. “It is like a small date in its shape. It tastes bitter but somewhat sweet. It comes mostly from Persia, but grows also in the Madhyadesa (India), but that which grows in India tastes somewhat differently. The tree grows wild (independently), and resembles 221 The Pali in Mahavagga, bk. vi, 35, 6. 4. Moapana. Mofa-panan ti anad¢hikehi kadali- phalehi kata-panaz (Buddhaghosa). This is also the plantain-tree, but there seems to be some difference between Moa and Xoé£a with regard to seed (A/thika). (1). Ambapana (mango). 1, 2, 5, 7 of the Pali have no corre- sponding names in I-tsing’s list. (2). Gambupdna (rose-apple). (5). Madhupana (honey). 8. Pharusakapana. This is the Grewia Asiatica of Linnaeus. See Béhtlingk-Roth, s. v. Partisaka (Oldenberg and Rhys Davids). 6. Muddikapana. The grape-juice. (7). SAldkapana (root of the water-lily). 222 ADDITIONAL NOTES. I-tsing’s explanation given in the Ekasata- karman, bk. vi. Tsung-li (Trachycarpus excelsa, Thbg., a species of palm). It bears fruit abundantly. When it was brought to P‘an-yii (Kwang-tung) people called it “ Persian date” (com- pare 11,623 Giles). It tastes much like a dried persimmon (Diospyros kaki, L. F., or date plum, often called “China fig’’).’ (Khargtira is the wild date-palm tree, Phoenix sylvestris.) I-tsing further explains the five fruits allowed by the Buddha in the Ekasata- karman (Nanjio’s Catal., No. 1131), bk. v, p. 69, of the Japanese edition :— The Pali in Mahavagga, bk. vi, 35, 6. (1) Haritaka. (4) Mariza. (2) Vibhitaka. (5) Pippali (not Pippala, as in Mahavagga (3) Amalaka. VI, 6, 1). These five agree perfectly with those given in Mahavagga VI, 6, I. P. 127, n.1. The eight sections of Medicine which I-tsing describes are no doubt the eight divisions of the Ayur-veda. He mentions an epitomiser of these divisions, who seems to have been a famous physician and contemporary of I-tsing (or just before I-tsing). This epitomiser may be Susruta, who calls himself a disciple of Dhanvantari, one of the Nine Gems in the Court of Vikramaditya. Prof. Wilson says in his Works, vol. ili, p. 274 :— ‘The Ayur-veda, which originally consisted of one hundred sections, of a thousand stanzas each, was adapted to the limited faculties and life of man, by its distribution into eight subdivisions, the enumeration of which conveys to us an accurate idea of the subject of the Ars Medendi amongst the Hindus. The eight divisions are as follows :— I. Salya (I-tsing’s (1) cure of sores). The art of extracting extraneous substances, grass, earth, bone, &c., accidentally introduced into the human body, and by analogy, the cure of all phlegmonoid tumours and abscesses. Salya means a dart or arrow. Il. Salakya (I-tsing’s (2) art of acupuncture). The treatment of external organic affections or diseases of the eyes, ears, nose, &c. It is derived from Saldk4, ‘‘a thin and sharp instrument,” and is borrowed from the generic name of the slender probes and needles used in operation on the parts affected. The above two divisions constitute the surgery of modern schools. ADDITIONAL NOTES. 223 III. Kaya-#ikits& (I-tsing’s (3) treatment of the diseases of the body). The application of the Ars Medendi (Aikits4) to the body in general (KAya). It forms what we mean by the science of medicine. IV. Bhiata-vidya (I-tsing’s (4) treatment of demoniac disease). The restoration of the faculties from a disorganised state induced by demoniacal possession, The art vanished before the diffusion of knowledge, but it formed a very important branch of medical practice through all the schools, Greek, Arabic, or European. V. Kaumara-bhvztya (I-tsing’s (6) treatment of the diseases of children). The care of infancy, comprehending not only the management of children from their birth, but the treatment of irregular lactic secretion, and puerperal disorders in mothers and nurses. VI. Agada (I-tsing’s (5) Agada medicine). The administration of antidotes —a subject which, as far as it rests upon scientific principles, is blended with our medicine and surgery. VII. Rasdyana (I-tsing’s (7) application of the means of lengthening one’s life). Chemistry, or more correctly alchemy, as the chief end of the chemical combinations it describes, and which are mostly metallurgic, is the discovery of the universal medicine—the elixir that was to render health permanent, and life perpetual. VIII. Vagikarawza (I-tsing’s (8) methods of invigorating the legs and body). Promotion of the increase of the human race—an illusory research, which, as well as the preceding, is not without its parallel in ancient and modern times.’ Prof. Wilson further remarks:—‘ We have, therefore, included in these branches all the real and fanciful pursuits of physicians of every time and place. Susruta, however, confines his own work to the classes Salya and Salakya or surgery; although, by an arrangement not uncommon with our own writers, he introduces occasionally the treatment of general diseases and the management of women and children when discussing those topics to which they bear relation.’ (See Wilson’s Works, vol. iii, p. 276.) P. 164,n.1. Visvamtara-sudana. Prof. H. Kern wrote to me in answer to my inquiry about the name :—‘I have not met with Sudana as a name or surname of Visvamztara, neither in Sanskrit nor in Pali sources. Even the word as an appellative, a Bahuvrihi compound, though explainable, is unknown to me. H.K,’ P. 169, n. 3. As the statement that a Nestorian Missionary was translating a Buddhist Stitra will probably surprise my readers, I think it best to give a full account of the fact from a Buddhist book. It is indeed curious to find the 224 ADDITIONAL NOTES. name of MESSIAH in a Buddhist work, though the name comes in quite accidentally. The book is called ‘The New Catalogue of the Buddhist Books compiled in the Chéng Yiian Period’ (A.D. 785-804), in the new Japanese edition of the Chinese Buddhist Books (Bodleian Library, Jap. 65 DD, #5 DN, p. 73; this book is not in Nanjio’s Catalogue). The seventeenth volume (p. 73) gives the story, which runs as follows :— ‘ Pragfia, a Sramava of Kapisa in N. India, came to China via Central India, Sivzhala (Ceylon), and the Southern Sea (Sumatra, Java, &c.), for he heard that Maf#gusri was in China. He arrived at Canton (Kwang-tung). In the third year of the Chien Chung period (A.D. 782) he came to the Upper Province (North). In the second year of the Chéng Yiian period (A.D. 786) he met a relation of his, who came to China before him. ‘He translated, together with King-ching, a priest from Persia named Adam, who was in the monastery of Ta-ch‘in (Syria), the Sha¢p4ramita-sfitra from a Mongolian text. They finished seven volumes. But at that time Prag#a was not acquainted with the Mongolian language, nor did he understand the language of T‘ang (Chinese). King-ching (Adam) did not know the Brahma language (Sanskrit), nor was he versed in the teaching of the Sakya (Buddha). Though they pretended to be translating the text, yet they could not, in reality, obtain a half of its precious (meanings). They were seeking vainglory privately, and wrongly trying their luck. Some people presented a memorial (to the Imperial Court) accusing them of this fact; the will of the accusers was done. The Emperor (Té-tsung), who was intelligent, wise, and accomplished, who revered the Canon of the Sakya (Buddha), examined what they had translated, and found that the principles contained in it were obscure and the wording was rough. “1 Moreover, the Sahgharama of the Sakya and the monastery of Ta-ch‘in (Syria) differ much in their customs, and their religious practices are entirely opposed to each other. King-ching (Adam) ought to hand down the teaching of MESSIAH (Mi-shi-ho)’*, and the Sakyaputriya-Sramawas should propagate the Siitras of the Buddha. It is to be wished that the boundaries of the doctrines may be made distinct, and the followers may not intermingle. The right must remain away from the wrong, just as the rivers Ching and Wei flow separately.’ For Adam and his famous monument, see Dr. Legge’s Christianity in China in the Seventh and Eighth Centuries (Clarendon Press). P. 173,n. 4. I meant to give here Kasyapa’s Devanagari for all these names, and his explanations of their meanings, but I omit them for the present, hoping to get a better MS. of the commentary in time. As to the style of the Devandgari characters, Prof. Biihler thinks that they are very bad corruptions of a model in ' Hereafter the sentences seem to be a part of the imperial edict. f Wee Pp =) in Chinese. ADDITIONAL NOTES. 225 rather ancient Siddha-matv7ka script, somewhat similar to that of the Horiuzi palm-leaves (see Anecdota Oxoniensia, Aryan Series, vol. i, pt. 3), but perhaps 100-150 years later (A.D. 700-750; the original palm-leaves date A.D. 609) ; and that the copyist had no notion of what he wrote. The names of the cases in Pazini are :— 1. Nom. Prathamé (the first). 5. Abl. Apaddana, Pa#isami. 2. Acc. Karman, Dvitiya. 6. Gen. Shash/fi (the sixth). 3. Inst. Karaza, Trittya. 7. Loc. Adhikaraza, Saptami. 4. Dat. Sampradana, Xaturthi. 8. Voc. (a nom.) Amantrita. The case-relations in Ka#£ayana’s Grammar (Senart, Kado V1) :— 2. Kammaw (or by some, Upayoga). 5. Apaddnazz (or by some, Nissakka). 3. Karazam. 6. Sami. 4. Sampadanam. 7. Okaso or Avakdso (or by some, Bhummo). P. 180,n. 3. That the Pei-na of I-tsing would probably be a grammatical work called Beda was pointed out to me by Professor G. Bihler. I add here his note to me, dated October 9, 1895 :— ‘There is a title in Sanskrit which would correspond to your “ Pe-na,” “ Pe-wa,” or “Pi-da,” and that is Bedi. A work of this name, Beda-vritti (aetgfa), is mentioned in Mr. S. K. Bhandarkar’s Catalogue of the MSS. in the Deccan College, Bombay, 1888, p. 146, No. 381, and in Aufrecht’s Catalogus Catalogorum, p. 198, under Ganmambhodhi (meaning “ the ocean of birth,” and the commentary is appropriately called Bed4-vvrtti, i.e. “the boat-commentary,” to cross the ocean). “Now Bed is the same as Veda, and means “a boat” (see BW. sub voce), or as much as Nauka, which again is a very common title for Sanskrit works, as you may see from the Catalogus Catalogorum. I think this is the Sanskrit equivalent of the mysterious Pe-na or Pe-da. But, of course, I do not know what Bhartvzhari’s “ boat” was. I-tsing’s description of it is very vague—as vague as most of his descriptions, which make me doubt that he ever read the works he mentions. G. B.’ P. 181, 1.12. Sthiramati and Sthitamati. There seems to be a certain confusion between the two names on the part of Chinese translators. In Hiuen Thsang, Sthiramati is Kien-hui and Sthitamati An-hui. I-tsing here has An-hui, but it seems to be meant for Sthiramati (so also Kasawara and Fujishima). Sthira- mati and Guzamati are often (if not always) mentioned together. Both were in -NAlanda (Mémoires, liv. ix, p. 46); a monastery in Valabhi was inhabited by the two (Mémoires, liv. xi, p. 164). In a Valabhi grant published by Prof. Buhler (Ind. Ant., 1877, p. 91), the grantee is the monastery Sri Bappapdda (1. c., 1878, p. 80), built by Afarya Bhadanta Sthiramati; and Prof. Biihler thinks that it must be the same monastery as that mentioned by Hiuen Thsang. The Life of Buddha, by Ratnadharmaraga (compiled 1734, a translation by Gg 226 ADDITIONAL NOTES. Schiefner, 1848), mentions Sthiramati as Asanga’s pupil, and Guzamati as that of Vasubandhu. This again makes the two contemporaries. In our Record also the two are put together (if ur restoration be correct). So far all is in harmony. In the Chinese Pifaka, Kiuen-hui’s work was translated as early as A.D. 397-439 (No. 1243). As the two names have a somewhat similar meaning and sound, there seems to have arisen a confusion, and it is advisable to take I-tsing’s An-hui as Sthiramati, as it appears with Guzamati in this as in the other accounts. But it is also possible that Sthitamati was a contemporary of these two. Compare Taranatha’s Buddhismus, p. 160. P. 196, Il. 1 and 3. The would-be Bodhisattva who gave away his son and daughter is Visvantara (Vessantara, known as Sudana in Chinese). See Kern’s Gataka- mala IX; Hardy’s Manual of Buddhism, p. 120; Xariyapifaka, No.9. The story of giving away the eyes, &c., is told in the Sibi-gataka (Kern, l.c., p. 9); Fausbdll, Gataka, vol. iv, No. 499, p. 402. P. 198, ll. 7-9. For ‘one who offered his body to a hungry tiger,’ see the Vyaghri- gataka (Kern, Gatakaméla, p. 2), and in the Chinese translation (No. 1312), vol. i, p. 3a. For ‘one who saved a living pigeon,’ see the Sibi-gataka, p. 6a, in the Chinese text (1. c.); the Sanskrit text is quite different from the Chinese. CORRIGENDA. Page 5, line 17. Read ‘ Prince MAra’ for ‘Prince of Mara.’ P. 7, 1.16. Read ‘t4-chung-pu’ for ‘ ta-séng-pu.” P. 9, 1. 13. For‘ Tu-fan’ read ‘ T'u-fan’; this aspiration seems to be important, as the original is a derivative of ‘T‘ub’ with ‘P‘od,’ both meaning ‘be able.’ Mongol.,‘T‘iibet’ (so pronounced); Marco Polo, ‘ Thebeth’; Chinese, ‘ T‘u-po-t'‘o,’ ‘ T‘u-p‘o,’ or ‘T‘u-fan.’ Giles gives ‘ Turfan’ for ‘T'u-fan” (see his Dictionary, No. 3383), but here it is Tibet, because I-tsing often mentions in his Memoirs the Chinese princess who married Srof-tsan-gam-po, king of Tibet in his time, and calls her ‘ T‘u-fan-kung-chu,”’ Chavannes, Memoirs, p. 50 (§§ 18, 19); the Chinese, vol. i, p. 9 b. P. 17, 1.16. Read ‘Kukkuta’ for ‘ Kukuta,’ P. 35, note 1. Omit ‘ weekly.’ P. gt, 1. 26. Read ‘-kurt’ for ‘-kuti,’ P. 118, 1.4. Read ‘ A-shé-li’ for ‘ A-shao-li” P. 165, 1. 7 from bottom. Read ‘ Dharmaraksha’ for ‘Saighavarman.’ P. 180, 1. 18. Read ‘ Beda or Veda’ for ‘Beaa or Veda.’ INDEX. Words in italics are Chinese. All the Chinese transcriptions from Sanskrit or Pali are also distinguished in the same way. Abhidharma, page 187. Abhidharma-kosa-sdstra, xxi, xxvi. Abhidharma-kosha, 176. Abhidharma-sangiti-sdstra, 186, 210. Abhimanyu, x. Aconitum Fischeri, 128. Aditya-dharma, xlviil. Adularia, 135. Agada, 127. Agama (= Nikaya), 187. Agiravati, 6, 185. Agiata Kauzdinya, 4. Agriculture, 62, 189. Afarya, 96, 116, 118 (A-shé-li). Akshobhya, xlviii. Alexander, x. Alopen (or Olopuen), xxviii. Alphabet, x-xii, 171. Amantrita (vocative), 174. Amitayus or Amitébha, xxvii, xlviii, 162, 202. Amogha, 103. Amoghasiddha, xviii. Ananda, 5. Anathapindada, 190. Anda (egg), 3- Aniruddha, 6. Anitya-sfitra, 82. An-tao, DhyAna-master, xxxii. Antarvdsa, 54, 55, 78. Anumana, 177. Anumata, 49, 59. Apattipratidesana, 8g. Arabs, 68. A-ra-hu-la-mi-ta-ra (Rahulamitra), 63. Aranya, 194. Arogya, 115. Arfipadhatu, 130. Arya-desa (India), lii, 118, 154. Aryamarga, 162. Aryasatya, 162. Asanga, lv, lvili, 181, 184, 186. Asankhya Kalpas, xxvii n., 197. A-shan (O-shan), xxxix, |. Ash/adhatu, lvi, 172, 173. Asoka, xii, xxi, lvi, 14, 73, 161 n. Asvaghosha, date of his works, Ivi; his date, lvii, lix, 153, 165, 181. Aupapaduka (miraculously born), 3 n. Avalokitesvara, 162. Avidya, 168. Avigfapta, 147. Gg2 228 Avyaya-vrztti, xiii. A-we7 (assafoetida, Hingu), 128. Ayur-veda, lvi, 128, 222. Ayuthya, li. Bahusruta, 104, 180. Bahuvafana (plural), 173. Bali (P‘o-li), xxxix, xlviii. Bandhana monastery, 38. Baroos camphor, 129. Bathing, 107. Beda (Pei-na), lvii, 180 n., 225. Bhartrzhari, xiv, lvii, 178, 179. Bhartrzhari-sastra, lvii. Bhavaviveka, lviii, 181. Bheshagaparishkara, 55. Bhikshuz?i, 78, 81. | Bhoga, xxxili, xxxiv (see also Sri- \ bhoga). Bhoganiyam, 43. Bimbisara, 13. Bodhi, xxxii, 52. Bodhidruma, xxvii. Bodhisattva, xxii, 198, 201, et passim. Bodhyanga, 196. Boehtlingk (Professor), xi, xiii, Bo-tree, 29, 114. Brahmafarin, 106. Brahmaéarya, 211. Brahma-language, xxxi. Brahmanic hostility, xxiii n. 3. Brihmans, xii ; (Devas), 24; regarded as the most honourable, 182. Brahmardash/ra, lii, 118, 156. Buddhagayé, liii, 198. Buddhaghosa, his Samantapésddika in Chinese quoted, xx n., 14 nN. 1, 213 n., 217. INDEX. Buddhafaritakavya, lvi, 165. Biihler (Hofrat Professor), xiii, xiv, 180 N., 217, 224, 225. Burnell, xiii. Cambodja (Chén-/a), xlii. Cappeller (Professor), xiii. Cases, names of the eight, 173 n., 225. Catarrh, 113. Ceylon, lii, 10; Simhala, 10, 68, et passim (Séng-ho-lo, see Chavannes, p- 66); Ratnadvipa, lii (Pao-chu, see Chavannes, p. 63). Cha-ga-ra (Dahara), 104. Champa, xxii, xxiv, xxxvi n., li, ro, 12, 67. Ch'ang-an (Western Capital), xxvi, XXVil, xxviii, xxxvi (see also Sv-an-/u). Chanting, 152. Chaos, 3. Chéng-ku (Salagupta), xxxv. Chén-ti, 168. Chi-chi (a temple), xxxv. Chieh-tze (mustard seed), 44. Ch'ten-trit-wén, 162. Ching-hsing, 115, 140. Chin-lin, 17. Chin-ma, 147. Chin-shih, 130. Chin-yii Valley, 199. Cho-chou (=Fan-yang), xxv n. 1, xxviii. Chop-sticks, go. Chou, the Duke of, 82. Chou, great (name of China), 118, 214 n. 3 (see Wu-hou below). Chiieh-ming (Haliotis), 113. Ch'ue-ld, 177. Chii-lu, 131. INDEX. Ckun-chtu, 178. Chiin-chiin (Lady), xxix n. 2. Ch'ti-shu (kneeling-mat), 60. Cleansing material (three kinds of), 27. Clepsydra, 1; of Nalanda, 144, 145. Clothing, 53, 59, 193. Cock Mountain (Kukku/apadagiri), xxix. Confucianism, 199. Confucius, 25, 175. Consecrated grounds, five, 82. Council of Vaisal?t, 6; of Vihara, 6. Dabag (Java), xlvii, xlviii. Dahara, 104. Dakshina, 141. Dakshivdgatha, 48. Damodaragupta, xiii. Danagatha, 42, 45, 48. Danapati, xxix, 41, 47, 59, 159. Danda-parissdvanam (a double strainer), 32 n. Danta-kashtha (tooth-wood), 33, 34 n. Darapati (or Dvarapati), li. DasAdhydya-vinaya, xxii, 13, 20. Deane (Major), xii. Deer Park (Mrigadava), xxix, xxxiii, 4, 29, 114. Deva (Arya-deva), his date, lvii, lix, 181. Devanam-indra, 167. Deva-putra, 136. Dhammapariyéya, 151 n. Dhammika, 192. Dhanvantari, 131 n. Dharma, eighteen, 3. Dharmadhatu, xxxiii. Dharmagupta School, xx, xxii, xxiv, 20. Dharmakfrti, xlvi, lviii, lix, 181. 229 Dharmapala, xiv, xxvi, lvii, viii, 179,181. Dharmaraksha, 183, 207; 165 n. 4 (where Sanghavarman is given instead by mistake). Dhatupasha, lvi, 172. Dhatutarangin?, xiii. Dhita, 10, 106. Dhitanga (thirteen), xxvi, 50, 54, 55, 56-57 n.; (twelve), 66, 166. Dhyana, 5, 18, 80, 130, 184. Dhyani Buddha, xlviii. Diamond-seat (Vagrasana), 115. Digambara (naked ascetic), 2. Divakaramitra, lviii, 184. Dondin, xlix. Dulva (oDul-ba) = Vinaya, xxii. Dvddasa Aksharazi, ]xii. Dvarapati (Dvaravati, Ayudhya), lix, ro, 129. Dvaravatt, xlix, li. Dvivasana (dual), 173. Eight precepts (Sila), 188. Eighteen Schools of Buddhism :— Among guardians of the Vinaya, 6. The points of difference very small, 6. The Aryamflasarvastivadanikaya, ve 9, 12, 13, 19. Its Tripi/aka, its subdivision, 8, IQ. Universally adopted in the Southern Sea, ro. The Aryasammitiyanikaya, 7; 12. Its Tripi‘aka, its subdivision, 8. Its geographical division, 9. The Aryamahdsanghikanikaya, 9, 13. Its Tripi/aka, its subdivision, 7. Rejected in Ceylon, 10. 230 The AryasthaviranikAya, g, 10. Its Tripi/aka, its subdivision, 7. The only school in Ceylon, ro. As they at present exist, 8. Books treating of eighteen schools, 8 n. The Dharmagupta School, 13. As to the difference between the schools, 13. Separated in Asoka’s time, 14. Whether they are Mahayana or Hinaydna is not settled, 14. The Dasadhyaya School, 20. The Dharmagupta, Mahisdsaka, and Kasyapiya Schools, 20. (See also Sarvastivada, Sammitiya, Sthavira, Mahasanghika, &c.) Ekavafana (singular), 173. Equinox, xlv n., 143. Eshmunezar, xi. Fafuh, a temple in Fen-chou, 94. Fé@-hien, xvii, XXi, XXVi, 139 N., 207. Fé-li, 209; as Lt, 209. Fan-chang (in Vaisali), xxxilii. Fan-yang = Cho-chou or Juju, xxv. Fet-tan, 135. féng-cht, 133. Five Parishads (assemblies), 38, 85. Five Skandhas, 14, 19. F6-kue-ki, xvii. Food, 24, 53. Fo-shih-pu-lo (Bhogapura), xxxix, 1, 10. Four Noble Truths, 14, 147, 162. Fuh-tt, 168. Luh-is6, 168. Fujishima, xix, 174 n. fu-nan, li, 12. INDEX. Funeral, 78. Fu-tst (mustaka), 45. Fu-tsze (Aconitum variegatum), 128. Gambudvipa, xlvi, lii, 13, 14, 67, 136, 143, 181. Gambinadavarna, 190. Gandhakuft, xxxii, 22, 123, 155. Gandhamadana, 136, 182. Gandhodaka, 45. Ganges (Ganga), 52, 198. Garments, 72. Gatakaméla, lvi, 162, 163, 177. Gatha, on the Chain of Causation, 151; beginning with ‘O Tathagata,’ 156. Gayaditya, xiv, lv, lvli, 176 n. Gayapida, xiii. Getaka (Satavahana), lvi, 159. Ghan/a, 65, 145. Ghan/t, 108. Gi-in-la-ka, 159 (see Getaka). Gimftavahana, 163. Gimfitavahana-na/aka = Naganandam, xlviii. Gina, xlvi, ly, lviii, 158, 181, 184, 186. Ginaprabha, lviii, 181. Ginseng (Aralia quinquefolia), 128. Givaka, 133. G#anakandra, lviii, lix, 184. Giidna-prasthana-sdstra, xxi, Gold, 190, 192. Golden lotus-flowers, xli, xliv, 49. Goldstiicker (Professor), xiii. Grammar, 168 seq. Grammatical Works I-tsing, lvi-lvii. Gridhrakfi/a (Vulture Peak), xxvii, xxxii, 215 (see also Vulture Peak). mentioned by INDEX, Gulma (Chii-lu), 131. Gunamati, lviii, lix, 181. Gunaprabha, lviii, lix, 181. Hair, 185. HHat-tung, 144. Harikela, xlvi. Harftaka, 128, 134. Hariti (a Yakshi), 37. Heliacal rising and setting of the con- stellation Sagittarius, xxix n. 8. Heéng-shan (a tea), 140. Hetuvidyd, 176, 184. Himalaya, 136. Hinayana, xxii, xxv, xlvili, 11, 14, 51, 157) 197- Hindu, 118. Hirazyavatt, 5, 6. Hiuen Thsang, ix, xiv, Xv, Xvii, xxii, xxvi, 184. Ho-ling (or Po-ling, Kalinga), xxxix, xlvii, 11. Homer, xi. HHo-nan (Wa-nan), 126. Hlonan-fu, 183. HHo-shang, 117. Hsiao-king, 162. LHsieh-po, 131. Asien-yii (Rishi nandita?), 196. Hst-hsin (Asarum Sieboldii), 128. Hsing-tao, 115. Astu and Liz, 208. Huat-poh, 39. Hu-chth (name of a common measure), 31. ; Hut-hsi, \-tsing’s teacher, xxv, xxviii, 198, 205, 208. Hut-lt, 204. 231 Hut-ssit, 133. Hut-yen, 208. Hwang River, 208. Hwut-seng, xvii. Iabadiu (of Ptolemy), xliii, xlviii. India, names of, lii, 43 (see also Gambu- dvipa). Inscriptions, xi, xii. Insulae Nudorum (the country of the Naked People), xxx. Iron, not produced in the Nicobar Islands, XXX. {sdna-pura (Cambodja), li, lii. Tsvara, Xviii. f-tsing, ix, xili, xiv; his Life and Travels, xxv—-xxxviii; his protector, XXviii. Java (Shéf'0), xlii, xlviii. Julien, Stanislas, ix, xviii. Ju-niu-wo, 83. Ka-cha (=Ka-ka in the map), xxx n. 3, XXXill, XXXIV, XXXViil, xlvi. Kaitya, 17, 29, 49,87; eight, 108, 114, 150, I51. aitya-vandana, 119, 121, 122. Kakravartin, 121, Kalapaksha, 188. Kalasa, 27. Kalevala, xi. Kalevipoeg, xi. Kalhava Pandita, xiii. Kalinga (4o-dng), xxxix, xlvii, xlix, ro. K4lodaka, 28. Kalpa-stone, 71. Kalpa-vrzksha (wishing-tree), 49. 232 Kambala (cloth), 60 (see also /an- man). Ka4na-deva, li. Kan-da (yellow colour), 77- Kandra, lviii, 164, 183. Kandragupta, x, xv. Kandraktrti = Deva, lix. , Kandupratitkhadana, 55. Kang-chou, Xxix. Kang-séng-hut, 204. Kanishka, xxi, lix. Aanhkrama, 114, 220. Kan-man (sarongs, Kambala), xliv, 12. Kanoj, xxii, liii. Kanyakubga, see Kanoj. Kapardaka (cowrie), 192. Kapha, 132. Kapilavastu, lili, 4. Karaka, the physician, lix. Karma, xxxiv, xxxv, 3, 58, 66, 83, 99. Karmadana, 84, 102, 145, 148-149. Karmadharaya, 168. Karmafarya, xxvi, 104, 106, 198. Karmasiddha-sastra, 186. Karma-suvarza, li. Karp4sa (cotton), 68. Karttika, 85, 219. Kasawara, ix, Xv, xvili, xix, Ix. KAashaya (yellow robe), xxxii, 46, 54, 74, 78, 79. Kashgar, xxii. KasikAvrctti, xii, xiii, lvii, 175, 176. Kasmira, x, xiii, liii, 67. Kasyapa Matanga, xvii n. 1, 183, 207. Kasyapiya School, xxiv, 20. Kataka, xiii. Kashina, 85. Ka-tt, 85. INDEX. Katurmaharigadevas, 37 n. 2. Katurvargavinaya, 13. Katyayaniputra, xxi. Kau-li (Korea), 17. Kauseya (silk), 60. Kavi literature, xlix. Kaviraga, xiii. Kavyalankara, xiii. Kéyabandhana, 67. Kayapro#khana, 55. Kern (Professor), 165 n. 1, 223. Kesapratigraha, 55. Khadaniyam, 43. Khakkhara (a metal stick), 191. Kharatar, lili, 20. Khilas, the three, lvi, 172. Kiang-nan, 13, 39, 86. Kiang-ning, Xxvil. Ki-chi (Sankakshika), 79. Aikitsavidya, 169 n. Kina, 118, 136, 137. King-ching (Adam), 169, 224. Kr-stn-tso, 82. Kitchen, 84. Aivara, 54. Klesa (passion), 3, 15- Kochin, 11. Kong-chou, xxviii. Korea (Kau-i), liii; Kukku/esvara, 17. Kshamé, 89. . Kshemendra, xiii. Kshira, xiii. Kuet-lze-mu, 38. Ku-fei-ch'u, 83. Kukku/apadagiri (Cock Mountain), xxix, XXxill, Kukku/esvara (Korea), 17. Kula, 82. INDEX. Kulapati, 63. K'u-lun (Pulo Condore), xxxix, xlix, 10, II, 12. Kumiaragiva, lvi, 183. Kumiarila-bha/a, xxiii n. 3. Kuzai, 27, 37, 48, 94. Kuzdika, 190. Kung-in-ch th, 83. Kun-lun (Malay) language, 1. Kérni (=Mahabhashya), xviii, lvii, 178. AKtunikara, xiv, 178 n. Kusinagara, xxxiii, lili, 29, 145. Kustana, lili, 20. Kusfilaka, 78. Kwan-chou, li, 12, 67. Kwan-hst, 144. Kwang-chou (Canton), 211. Kwang-tung =Canton, xxvii, xxxiv, 11. Lacquer works (not in India), 36. Lambri, xxxviii. Lankasu (Kamalanka), li, 9. Lan-wu-li (Lambri), xliii. Las, the ten, 173, 174. Laaa, liii, lxiv, 9, 137, 217. Leathers, 77. Liang-kao-séng-ch'uan, 20%. Ling-yen, on the mount Tai, 94. Lin-¢ (Champa), liin., 10, 12, 67. Lin-nan, south of the Plum Range, xxix. Lin-yu, 82. Lion seats, 192 (see also Simhdsana). L7-pa (the original uncertain), 69. Loha (iron), xxxi. Lo-jén-kuo (Nicobar), xxxix. Lokagyesh/ha, 3, 131. Lo-yang, 133. Lung-mén, 177. 233 Madhyadesa (India), xxxiv, lii, 118. Madhyamika of Nagarguna, xxii, 15. Madhyantavibhagasdstra, 186. Magadha, xxili-xxiv, 8, 43, 44. Mahabhashya, x, xiv, lvii, 178 n. Mahabhita, 126 n., 130. Maha-bodhi, xxxi, xxxiv, 67. Mahabodhi-vihara in Gaya, xxii n. 5; XXXi, XXxiin. 23 39, 145. Mahakéla (name of a mountain), 9 n., (god) 38. Mahakampa, ‘li. ° Mahakasyapa, 219. Mahamuiéilinda, 39, 80. Mahaparinirvama-sfitra, 162, 200, 217. Maharéga monastery, 30. Mahasambhava, li. Mahasanghika School, xx; its geogra- phical distribution, xxiii, xxiv, 7. Mahdasattva, 164, 183. Mahasila, 98, 99. Mahavibhash4-sastra, xxi. Mahfayana, xxii, xxv, xlvili, 11, 14, 51, 157, 197. Mahaydnasamparigraha-sdstramfiila, 186. Mahesvara, 38, 157, 172. Mahisasaka School, xx, xxi, xxiv, 20. Ma-huang (Corchorus capsularis), 128. Maitreya, xxxiii, 196, 213. Malacca, xli. Malaiur, xlv. Malaria, 140. Malayu, xxx, xxxiv, xxxix, xl-xlvi, ro. Manava, 105, 155 Nn. Mafigusri, 136, 169. Manoratha, xiii. Mara, 5. Mat, to sit on, 110. Hh 234 Mata, see Matr7ka. MAa~Aara, minister of Kanishka, lix. Matipura, xxii. Matrzké, Ixiii n. Matrzkeda, lv, 156, 157. Maurya, x. Medical substances, 190, 192. Medicine, 130, 131, 133, 139; eight sections of, 222. Mesha, xi. Messiah (Mi-shi-ho), 224. Ming-ching, 130. Ming-hing, 176. Ming-teh, 207. Mo-chia-man (Maghaman), xxxix, 1, 10. Mo-ho-hsin (MahAasin), xxxix, xlvii, 10. Moksha, 14, 52, 66, 80, 161, 194. Mo-lo-yu (Malayu), xxxix, xl—xlvi, 10. Mongolian kneeling, 42. Months, names of, 219. Moses, xi. Mrigadava (at Benares), xxix, 4 (see also Deer Park). Mukha-pro#khana, 55. Milagandhakus? (Root Tower or Temple), xxxii (see Gandhakué)). Malasarvastivadaikasata-karman (Nan- jio’s Catal., No. 1131), 83, 95 n. 4. Mfilasarvastivada School, xx ; note on this school, xxi; its geographical distribution, &c., xxiv. Mu-mo, 214. Mustaka (Cyperus rotundus), 45. Myrobalan, 128. Naga, 39, 48, 164. Naga Mahamuiilinda, 39, 80. Naganadf (Dragon River), 4, 185. INDEX. Naganandam, xlvi, 163 n. Nagapatana (Negapatam), xlvi. Nagarguna, his Suhrdllekha, lvi; his date, lvii, lix, 35, 158, 166, 181. Naga-tree, xxxili, 213. Nairaf#igana, 4, 6. Naked People, the country of, xxx, 68. Nalanda, xvii, xxxi, xxxil, Xxxili, xxxiv, 9, 30, 35; the rites of, 65, 86, 103; clepsydra in, 145; number of priests in, 154; 177, 211. Nalikera (cocoa-nuts), xxxi. Nalikera-dvipa (Cocoa-nut XXXvViil n. 2. Nan-hat-chi-kuet-nat-fa-ch'uan, xviii, 18. Nan-shan (a Vinaya School), 57. Navigation, between Persia, India, Su- matra, and China, xxviii n. Nepala, liii, (Chavannes, ind. Népaul). Nestorian Missionary, 169, 223. Nicobar Islands, xxviii n. 5, xxxviii, 68. Nidana (Causation), 3, 81; a Gatha on the twelve, 150, 161. Nidana-sAstra, 186. Nikaya (Agamas), four, 187. NikAya (the four schools of Buddhism), XX. Nilanetra (= Deva), lix. Nirvaza, xxi, 6, 15, 38, 66, 96, 167, 188; day of, 213. Nirvava aspiration (Visarga), lxiii. Nishidana, 54, 55, I10, 220. Nivasana, 55, 66, 67, 77, 96. Nun’s dress, 78. Nydyadvara-sdstra, 186. Nyayadvara-taraka-sastra, 177. Nyayanusara-sdstra, xxi. Island), INDEX, Olopuen (Alopen), xxviii. Omniscient (Sarvag#a), 3. Onions, not eaten in India, 45, 138. Opapatiko, 3 n. Ordination, 95 seq. Pachyma Cocos, 128. Padartha (six categories), 2. Paindapatikanga, so. Palazdu, 135. ~Pa-lin-féng (Palembang), xliii. Pamsu, 194. Pazini, lvi, 178; date, x; Sfitra, 172. Pa#kabhoganiyam, 43. Paftkakhadantyam, 43. Pafkasila (five precepts), 4, 157. Pan-ti (Vande), 126. Pan-yit (Kwang-tung), xxix. Paragika-offence, 88, 197. Paramartha, 183. Paramartha-satya, 167, 168. P4rasas (Persians), 68. Parimandalanivasa, 76. Parisravana, 54. Pasa, 96, 99. Pa-tfa, in Yang-chou, 94. Pasaliputra, xx, XXii. Patafigali, x, xiii, xiv, lvii, 178. Patra, 54. Pei-na (Beda), lvii, 180, 225. P'in-p'&n Island (Pempen), xxxix, xlviii, 10. Persia, xxii, xxvi n., liii. Phlegm, 127. Pien Cht'ao, 129. Pi-king, in Annam, li, 12. Pillow, 112. Ping Chou, 169. 235 Pin-lang (Skt. pfiga), xxx n. 4, xli, 45, 48. Piper longum, 140. Pippalt, 135. Pi-to, 131. Pitta (P2-#0), 131. Pr-yu-an-ta-ra (Visvantara), 164. Poh-nan (Fu-nan), li, 12. P'o-l (Bali), xxxix, xlviii, 10. P*0-lu-shi (Pulushih), xxxix, xl, ro. Porcelain (not in India), 36. Poshadha (=Uposhadha), 88. P'0-to, 131. Pradakshiza, 140. Pradakshivam krz, 141 n. Pragfa, 5; threefold, 162, 184. Pragfagupta, lviii, 181. Pragfaparamita-sfitra, 202. Prag#apti-hetu-sangraha-sAstra, 187. Pranalt (conduit), 26. Prasenagit (king), 40. Prastha, 63. Pratimoksha, 103. Prati-nivdsana, 55. Pratisdkhya, x. Prati-sankakshika, 55. Pratyantaka, xxxiil. Pravarana, 86, 89. Pravragita, 96. Pravragya, XXv, 54. Pretas (spirits), 161. Prickly heat, 107. Prome, li. Property (church), 193. Piiga, 85, 155- Pulo Condore (K‘u-dun), xxxix, xlix, 10, 129, 145, 169. Pu-ra (a shoe), 22 n., 218. Hh2 236 Purusha (as a measure), 100. Purusha (declined), 173. Purushadamyasarathi, 57. Pu-sa (Poshadha), 88. Pushpamitra, x. Pfiti-mukta-bhaishagya, 139. Ragagrzha, xxii, lili, 29, 37, 107, 114. Raghavapandviya, xii. Rahula-mitra, lviii, 63. Ratnadvipa (Pao-chu, Ceylon), lii (see also Ceylon). Ratnasambhava, xlviii. Ratnasimha, lviii, 184. Ratnatraya, 10, 196 (see also Triratna). Root Temple (Mflagandhakust), xxxii. Sabbatthivada School, the questions directed against this, xxi (see Mala- sarvastivada). Sabda-vidya (grammar), xxx, Xxxi, 169. Saddharmapumdarika, 162, 195 n., 205. Saddhiviharika, 116. Sadhu, 49, 153. Sadvahana, see Satavahana. Sakya, 3, 48, 57, 82. Sakyadeva, lvi, 158. SAkyakirti, lviii, lix, 184. SAkyamuni, 114. Sala-tree, 6, 29, 108, 166. SAlivahana, lix. Salutation, 90, 115, 1213; threefold, 155. Samagri, 87. Samanta-pasadika, xx (see under Bud- dhaghosa). Samataza, li. INDEX. Samkshipta-vinaya, 68, go. Sammitiya (=Sammiti) School, xxiv, 4, 66, 140. Samparigraha-sdstra, 210 (see Maha- yana-). Sampragatam, 39. Samvrzti-satya, 167. San-bo-tsat_ (San-fo-ch't) = Sri-bhoga, xlii seqq. Sandals, 22, 77. Sandhimat, xiii. Sanghabhadra, xxi, lix, 181, 184. Sanghadisesha, 88. Sangharama, 17. Sanghatt, 54, 55, 78. Sanghika, 192. Sankakshika, 55, 67, 75, 78, 96. Sankarasarya, xxiii n. 3. Sankhadatta, xiii. Sankhya system, 2, 217. San-kuet, 89. San-léng, 134. Sarbaza, xliii. Sardhasataka Buddhastotra, lv. Sartra, 82. Sarongs, xliii Kambala). Sarshapa (mustard seed), 44. Sarvag#a (Omniscient), 3. Sarvalakshavadhyana-sastra, 186. Sarvasattvapriyadarsana, 195. Sarvastivada-nikdya, xxi-xxiv, 7, 8, 9, 10, 20, 66, 75, 76, 140. Sasté Devamanushyazam, 3. Sdtavahana (or Sadvahana), lvi, lix, 159. Sat? (Satee), xliii n. 2. Siyawa’s Sarvadarsana-sangraha, xxi, xxii. 7 (see also Kan-man, INDEX. Schénberg, xiii. Schools of Buddhism: eighteen under four heads, xxiii; geographical dis- tribution of them, xxii. Seasons (four or six), 102; the Indian and Chinese seasons compared, 2149 ; (three), 220. Séng-ho-lo (Simhala), lii (see Ceylon). Séng-lang, 199, 206. Seven Parishads, 96. Seven Skandhas, 5, 187 n. Shadow, the measuring of the, roo. Shan-hing, I-tsing’s companion, xxvii. Shan-ju, 121. Shan-tung, XXv. Shan-yi, 1-tsing’s teacher, xxv, Xxvill, 198. Shao-shth mountain, 71. Shéng - chéng - liang - pu School), 8. Shéng-hén-pén-shuo-yi-chieh-yu-pu (Sar- vastivada), 8. Shéng-shang-tso-pu (Sthavira School), 7. Shéng-td-chung-pu (Mahasanghika), 7. Shen-st (Kwan Chung), 13. Shén-fung monastery, 199. Shi-ch't, 077. Shth-li-fo-shth (see xl-xlv. Shin-nio Taka-oha (a Japanese Prince), xlv n. Shu-Chuan (Ssit-Ch'uan\, xxxi, 9. Siam, no Buddhism, xxiv, 12. St-an Fu (Ch ang-an), XXxvi, 210. Stang-yang, 36. Siddha-kosa (Sittan-z6), 1x. Siddha-/z#é-chz, 1x, lxii. Siddhirastu, 170. (Sammitiya Malayu), xxxix, 237 Sikshamana, 97. Sikshananda, xviii. Sikshapada, 96. Silabhadra, xiv, lviii, 181. Siladitya, his Nagdnanda, lvi, 163. Silk, 58, 60. Siloam, xi. Simhakandra, lviii, 181. Simhala-island (see Ceylon), xxxii, xlvi, lii, ro. Simhasana, 153. Sindhu, lii, lili, 9. Singhapura, xlv. St-shih, 214. St-t'an-chang (Siddha-composition), lvi, Ixli, 170. Six Paramitas, 206. Six Requisites, 54, 57, 193- St-yu-ki (Hsi-yii-cht), xvii. Skirt, 76, 78. Sleshman (Hsieh-po), 131. Snake-bites, 135. So-to-pho-hdn-na (Satavahana or Sadva- hana), 159. Span (vitasti), 28. Sramazera, 96. Sravastt, liii. Sri-bhoga, 5, xl-xlvi, 144, 184, Hi = Tikshatra or -kshetra, li, 9. Sri-Nalanda, see Nalanda. Sroh-tsan-gam-po, lix. Sthavira, 104. Sthavira-nikaya, see Theravada. Sthiramati, lviii, 181, 225. Sthitamati, 225. Sthla-offence, 197. Stipa, 22, 82, 138, 150, 151, 192. 238 Subhadra, 4. Subhashita, 153. Sugata-vidatthi, 220. Suhrvzllekha, lvi, 158, 166. Suicide, 197, 198. Sut-shih, 175, 182. Sukhavati (Land of Bliss), xxvii, 52, 162, 202. Sukrapaksha, 188. Sfili, lili, 49, 68, 69, 119, 169. Stinya, 179. Sun-yun, xvii. Sup (cases), 173. Surabaja, 1. Sushvagata, 124. Sfitralankara-sdstra, lvi, 165. Sitralank4ra-/tka, 186. Svagata, 124. Syrup (eight kinds of), 125, 220. Ta (To, stipa), 121. Ta-ch'éng - iéng (Mahayana - pradipa), xxxi, 62, Ta-ch'in (Syria), 129. T‘az, mountain, xxv. T‘at Shan, 206, 212, 213. Tat-tsung, Emperor, xxv. Tajiks, liii, 68. 154, 185, 211. Tang-kuet (Aralia cordata), 128. T'an-lan (Don-ran), 133. Tan-ma-ling (Tana-malayu), xliii, xlv. Tan-shih (red stone), 135. Tan-tan (Natuna), xxxix, xlviii, 10. Tao-an, 201, 208. Tao-hstian, 209. Ta-fang-si-yu-ku-fa-kao-séng-ch'uan, 18. INDEX. Tathagata, 115, 156, 165. Tathagatagarbha, lvili, 184. Ta-ts'in, XXXvi. Tativa, twenty-five, 2. Tecoma grandiflora (Z“zao), 112. Teh Chou, 199. Theravada = Sthavira-nikadya, xx; its geographical distribution, &c., xxiil, xxiv, 66 (see Eighteen Schools). Thirteen Necessaries, 54, 55, 663; those of the Mahavyutpatti and the Maha- vagga compared, 218. Three Jewels, 10, 25, 147, 166, 185, 188, 208. Tibet (Zu-fan), lili, 9, 68. Tt-huang (Rehmannia glutinosa), 77. Tiladha, xlvi, 184. Tin, 173, 174. Tinanta, 174. Tiryagyoni, 161. Tooth-wood, 24, 33. Traifivarakanga, 50. Travels of I-tsing, xxv—xxxviii. Tri-dosha, 131. Trifivara, 60, 74, 84, 166. Tripi/aka, the net for catching people, Xxxi, xxxii, 19, 120, 202; the Tripi- fakas of various schools differ, 6; number of the slokas in the, 7; the same given by Hardy, 7 n.; Asoka’s © dates in the Chinese Tripiéaka, 14 n.; he who studied all the three is treated specially, 64; the master, 184. Triratna (Three Honourable Ones), 153, 160, 176 (see also Three Jewels). Treshna (thirst), 3. Triyana, 17. Tsin-chou, Xxvii. INDEX. L"u-fan (Tibet), liii. Tukhara, iii. Tukhara (the Tochari Tartars), 49. Tu-ku (Earth-cave), 199, 206. Tung-ch'uan (China), 115. Turks (Zi-chiieh), liii, 68. Typha latifolia (P'), 112. Tstt Chit, 200. Udaharana, 179. Udana, 189. Udbhigga, 3 n. 4. Udyana, xxii, liii, 20. Ugro-Finnish, xi. Ukkhishfabhogana, 41, 47. Umbrella, 74. Unddi-sfitra, lvi, 174. Upadhyaya, xxv, 96, 104, 116, 117 (Ho-shang), 198. Upasaka, 96, 205. Upasampada, xxvi, 100, 119. Upasampanna, 100. Upasika, 37, 205. Upavasatha (Uposatha), 19, 40, 42, 50, 63; in the Islands of the Southern Sea, 45; in China, 47; four times monthly, 63; dates of the ceremony, 188. : Uttardsanga, 54, 55, 78. Vagta, 203. Vagrasana (Diamond-seat), xxxvii, 115. Vahya-katha, 214. Vaibhashika, a Buddhist school, xxi. Vaisall, xxxiil, liii. Vaiseshika system, 2. Vakya-discourse, xiv, lvii, 180. Vakyapadtya, xiv, lvii, 180. 259 Valabht (Wala), lili, 177. Vamana, xii, xiii, lvii, 176 n. Vandana, 115. Varanasi (Benares), liii. Varkas-kuéi, 91. Varsha= Vassa, xxviii, 21, 86, 103. Vasubandhu, xxi, ly, lviii, 157, 181. Vasumitra, xxi. Vata (P’0-é0), 131. Vattagd4mani, xii. Vedas (Wer-f0), not written, 182. Velakakra, 143. Vibhagyavadi= Theravada, xx. Vibhasha, xx. Vidya (five sciences of India), 127. Vidyamatra, xiv, 179. Vidyaméatrasiddhi of Dharmapala, xxvi, 210. Vidyamatrasiddhi - tridasa-sAstra-kariké, 186. Vidyamatra-vimsati-gatha-sdstra, 186. Vigfapta, 147. Vimalakirti, xxxiii n. Vinayadhara, xix. Vinaya-dvavimsati - prasannartha-sstra, 140. Vinaya literature, number of its re- censions in existence, xx; Table of I-tsing’s translations, xxxvii. Visarga (Nirvaa aspiration), Ixiii. Visvamtara, lviii, 226 (see P2-yu-an- ta-ra). Vitasti (span), 28. Vriksha, 174. Vritti-sfitra, lvii vritti). Vulture Peak (Gr¢dhra-k(i/a), XXXii, 29, 114, 185. (see also Késika- Xxvii, 240 Vyakarama (prediction), 157; (grammar), 169. Wan-ching (a turnip), 44. Wan-hiuen-isé (envoy to Stladitya), Xxxiii n. Water-jars (two kinds of), 27. Water-strainers, 31. Weber (Professor), x, xi. Wer-na, 148. Wen-ch'a, Wi, 173, 174. Wilson (Professor), xiii. Writing, the styles of, Chuan,Chou,Chung, Chang, 200; clerk’s style, 206. Wu-chti-chu-chia (Utkatuka), 123. Wu-hing, xvi, 44. Wu-hou of Chou, the Usurper Queen, xviii, lili n. 6, 7 n.1, 214 n. 3. Wu-tan-shih, 43. Yama, 95. INDEX. Fang-fu=Fang-chou, xxviii, 201. Fang-tze, 208. Yavada (V’a-f'0-/a), xliv, xlviii. Vavadi (Va-p'o-f2), xliv, xlviil. Yavadvipa, xliv, xlviii. Yavanant, x, Xi. Fen-hut, disciple of Confucius, 25. Fen-mo-lo-chou (Yavana-dvipa ?), lii. Fi and Chén, names of constellations, Xxix. Fr-king, 175, 178. Yogatarya of Asanga, xxii, 15, 184. Fiian-chth (Polygala sibirica), 128. Fii-chin-hsiang (Kunkuma), 128. Fii-hsén, in the city Hsing, 94. Fi-kwat, \xii. Fu-lin (Gem-hill), 17. 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