Cornell aa Library ' D 515.T87S63 1914 y’s great lie ; the offic! NTA iit olin GERMANY’S GREAT LIE The German book criticized here was printed in English and is being circulated in the United States under the title of “TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY: FACTS ABOUT THE WAR” with the object of influencing America against Great Britain and her Allies. By a lucky chance it is now possible to give it to the British public, word for word, notwithstanding that every precaution was taken to prevent a single copy from entering this country. GERMANY'S GREAT LIE The Official German Justification of the War EXPOSED and CRITICIZED BY DOUGLAS SLADEN Author of “fees at Home,” “Secrets of the Vatican,” “Egypt and the English,’ ‘‘ Oriental Cairo, etc., etc. ae "ge sk é “¢ aN Naa nes & ss uh Cs S Cc ee: LONDON: HUTCHINSON & ‘CO. PATERNOSTER ROW =: 1914 CONTENTS PREFACE. 4 : : ‘ ‘ : - INTRODUCTION—From Heine to von Bernhardi : “TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY,” with criticisms by Douglas Sladen. : : ; ‘ F CHAPTER I LISTEN, ALL YE PEOPLE ! CHAPTER II HOW THE WAR CAME ABOUT Who is responsible for the War ?—Not Germany !|—England’s Policy !_—Her Shifting of Responsibility and promoting the Struggle while alone possessing Power to avert it ! CHAPTER III REICHSTAG AND EMPEROR England, France and Russia, unthreatened by Germany, go to War for Political Reasons—Germany defends her Independence and fights for her very Existence, for her Future as a Great Power—How a Peaceful People were imbued with the Spirit of War CHAPTER IV THE GERMAN MOBILIZATION The Clockwork of Mobilization; Perfect Order and Quiet Everywhere—General Acceptance by all Classes and Factions of the Necessities of a War not sought by Germany . CHAPTER V ARMY AND NAVY The German Army and Navy on the Watch—Four Million German Men in the Field—Thousands of Volunteers join the Colours to fight for Germany’s Existence, among them the Flower of her Scientific and Artistic Life . . . . . . . . . . vii 15 25 56 66 79 vi CONTENTS CHAPTER VI NEUTRALITY BY THE GRACE OF ENGLAND CHAPTER VII THE ATTITUDE OF GERMANY’S ENEMIES Germany overrun by Spies for Years Past CHAPTER VIII LIES ABOUT GERMANY The Machinations of England and France to put Germany in the Wrong—Lies on All Sides . CHAPTER IX GERMANY AND THE FOREIGNER Respect for the Foreigner—Russians willing to remain in Germany—lIll-treatment of Germans in Belgium and France 7 . : CHAPTER X COMMERCE AND TRADE RELATIONS BETWEEN GERMANY AND THE U.S.A. Germany’s Financial Rise since 1870—Export and Import with the U.S.A.—The Present Firm Condition of German Finance . A . CHAPTER XI WHO IS TO BE VICTORIOUS ? An Appeal to American Friends AFTERWORD How Americans and Germans love each other since the burning of Rheims Cathedral 94 116 133 160 172 184 » 195 PREFACE WITH a view of deceiving Americans as to the true causes of the outbreak of the war, an immensely influential committee of representative Germans, headed by Herr Ballin, chairman of the Hamburg-American Line of steamers, and Prince Biilow, German Imperial Chancellor Ig00-1909, prepared a book entitled, “‘ TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY: FACTS ABOUT THE WAR.” This book, which has no title-page, or any other indica- tion of its publisher or place of issue, has been jealously kept out of England, though it has been scattered broad- cast in America, and handed to certain American visitors (whom the German authorities thought they could trust), as they left Germany. Seeing the harm which this deliberate misstatement of facts may do, I have persuaded my friend, Sir George Hutchinson, to publish an edition of ‘‘ TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY,” with all its misstatements contradicted, paragraph by paragraph, in italics. It will be noticed that many of these contradictions are not in my own words, but extracts from speeches and letters of public men, as well as “ White Books,” and official reports in the daily papers. This is the only form in which “TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY: FACTS ABOUT THE WAR” can be procured in Great Britain, since the German authorities forbade its introduction here, knowing the storm of viii PREFACE exposure and derision with which it would be greeted by the English newspapers. The only way of being sure to bring the lies and the fallacies home to the reader was to place the contradictions and exposures immediately after them. But every word of the original book will be found reprinted in this volume, and every word is printed in roman type in its own chapter under its own chapter-heading. The criticisms are in every case printed in italics. As a sample of ‘TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY,” I need only quote one of its statements : “The German troops, with their iron discipline, will respect the personal property and liberty of the individual in Belgium just as they did in France in 1870.” To which I call Louvain, Malines, Dinant, Aerschot and Termonde to witness. The burning of the Cathedral of Rheims does not appear to have been covered by the insurance. DOUGLAS SLADEN. c/o Hutchinson & Co., Paternoster House, Paternoster Row, E.C. September 24th, I9r4. INTRODUCTION FROM HEINE TO VON BERNHARDI THE PROPHECY OF HEINE “ Christianity—and this is its highest merit—has in some degree softened, but it could not destroy, that brutal German joy of battle. When once the taming talisman, the Cross, breaks in two, the savagery of the old fighters, the senseless Berserker fury of which the northern poets sing and say so much, will gush up anew. That talisman is decayed, and the day will come when it will piteously collapse. Then the old stone gods will rise from the silent ruins, and rub the dust of a thousand years from their eyes. Thor, with his giant’s hammer, will at last spring up, and shatter to bits the Gothic cathedrals.”—Quoted in a letter to “ The Times,” Sep- tember 21st, 1914. WHAT VON BERNHARDI SAYS “We may expect from the Government that it wil prosecute the military and political preparations for war with the energy which the situation demands, in clear know- ledge of the dangers threatening us, but also in correct appreciation of our national needs and of the warlike strength of our people, and that it will not let any con- ventional scruples distract it from this object.” “Conditions may arise which are more powerful than the most honourable intentions.” “Our people must learn to see that the maintenance of peace never can be or may be the goal of a policy.” x INTRODUCTION “The inevitableness, the idealism, and the blessing of war, as an indispensable and stimulating law of develop- ment, must be repeatedly emphasized.” “The lessons of history thus confirm the view that wars which have been deliberately provoked by far-seeing statesmen have had the happiest results.” “Such decision is rendered more easy by the con- sideration that the prospects of success are always the greatest when the moment for declaring war can be settled to suit the political and military situation.” “Reflection thus shows not only that war is an unqualified necessity, but that it is justifiable from every point of view.” “If we sum up our arguments, we shall see that, from the most opposite aspects, the efforts directed towards the abolition of war must not only be termed foolish, but absolutely immoral, and must be stigmatized as unworthy of the human race.” These quotations are not continuous, but specimens of what may be found on almost every page in von Bernhardi’s “Germany and the Next War.” To them may be added, since, the destruction of Louvain, Malines, Termonde, Dinant, and Rheims Cathedral : “T must try to prove that war is not merely a necessary element in the life of nations, but an indispensable factor of culture, in which a true civilized nation finds the highest expression of strength and _vitality.”—von BERNHARDI. “My heart bleeds for Louvain.” —Tue KaisEr. The book “Truth about Germany” was produced under the charge of the following Committee and Board of Editors: HONORARY COMMITTEE ALBERT Battin, Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Ham- burg-American Steamship Company, Hamburg. PRINCE von BULow, Hamburg. Dr. R. W. DRrEcHSLER, Director of the American Institute, Berlin. Dr. D. Dryvanper, Chief Court and Cathedral Preacher, Berlin, FREIHERR VON DER GOLTZ, General Field-Marshal, Berlin. von GwInn_ER, Director of the German Bank, Berlin. Pror. Dr. von Harnack, Berlin. Prince von HatzFevpt, Duke of Trachenberg. Dr. HEINEKEN, Director of the North German Lloyd, Bremen. PrincE HENCKEL VON DONNERSMARCK, Dr. KarEmpr, President of the Reichstag, Berlin, Pror. Dr. EuGEN KUHNEMANN, Breslau. Pror. Dr. Lamprecar, Leipzig. Dr. THEopoR LEwALD, Director in the Ministry of the Interior, Berlin. Franz voN MENDELSSOHN, President of the Chamber of Commerce, Berlin. PrRIncE MinsTER DgRNEBURG, Member of the Prussian Upper House. Count von OpprErsporFF, Member of the Prussian Upper House and Member of the Reichstag, Berlin. Count von PosapowskKy WEHNER. Dr. WALTHER RaTHENAU, Berlin. Victor, DuKB OF RATIBOR. Dr. ScuMiDT, Ministerial Director, Berlin. Pror. Dr. von SCHMOLLER, Berlin. Count von ScHwERin Léwitz, President of the House of Deputies. WILHELM VON S1EBMBNS, Berlin, FREDERICK, PRINCE zU SOLMS-BARUTHs xii COMMITTEE—continued Max Warsura, Hamburg. SIEGFRIED WAGNER, Bayreuth. von WILAMOWITz-MOELLENDORFYF, Berlin. Pror. Dr. Wunpy, Leipzig. Frau GoLpBERGER (wife of Privy Councillor of Commerce G. Berlin. PRINCESS HENCKEL VON DONNERSMARCK. Tue DucHEss OF RATIBOR. TuE BARONESS SPECK VON STERNBURG. Frau von Trott zu Sorz (wife of v. Trott z. Solz, Minister of State). BOARD OF EDITORS Pau Deun, Author, Berlin. Dr. DREcHSLER, Director of the American Institute, Berlin. MatTTHIAS ERZBERGER, Member of the Reichstag, Berlin. Pror. Dr. Francke, Berlin. B. HutpERMANN, Director of the Hamburg-American Steamship Company, Berlin. Dr. Ernst JAckH, Berlin, D. NaumMAnn, Member of the Reichstag, Berlin. Count von OppEersporFF, Member of the Prussian Upper House and Member of the Reichstag, Berlin. Count zu REevENtLow, Author, Charlottenburg. Dr. Pau, RourRsBacH, Dozent of the High School of Commerce Berlin. Dr. Scuacut, Director of the Bank of Dresden, Berlin, FOREWORD TO CHAPTER I* The Times in a dispatch from its correspondent in New York on August 13th, 1914, says: “The Outlook (New York) to-day publishes a careful symposium setting forth the case for every nation engaged in the war. It follows this with a leading article, entitled ‘The War against Popular Rights,’ in which it says: “* History will hold the German Emperor responsible for the war in Europe. Austria would never have made her indefensible attack on Servia if she had not been assured beforehand of the support of Germany. The German Emperor’s consent to co-operate with England in mediation could have put a stop to Austria’s advance. To doubt that Germany and Austria have been in practical alliance in this act of brigandage—for it deserves no other name—is to shut one’s eyes to all the signs. The inevitable conse- quences of the Austro-German alliance, if it is successful, it required no prophet to see. It would reduce the Balkan States to the state of provinces of Germany and Austria. It would make Belgium and Holland Germanic provinces. It would create a Germanic empire which would extend from the North Sea to the Mediter- ranean. It would bring all Europe under the domination of this Germanic Empire, and would reduce Italy, Spain, Portugal, France and England to subordinate positions, if it did not make them dependencies. It would banish from Eastern Europe the democratic movement in which France and England are the leaders. It would discourage the hopes of the democracy in Spain, Italy, and Russia, and would enthrone autocracy from the Atlantic coast to Siberia, from the North Sea to the Mediterranean. ““* Because the German Emperor combines with remarkable ability for organization this medieval ambition to dominate all Europe, he is the greatest personal peril of the century to popular liberty and human development... .’” * This Foreword is not in the German Book. _NOTE.—The portions of each page which are in ordinary type give the complete text of ‘TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY: FACTS ABOUT THE WAR,”’ the official book circulated by the German Authorities in the United States to turn Americans against England and her allies; the portions printed in italics criticize the deliberate oe and ridiculous errors which crowd every page of e book. CHAPTER I LISTEN, ALL YE PEOPLE! RY to realize, everyone of you, what we are going through! Only a few weeks ago all of us were peacefully following our several vocations. The peasant was gathering in this summer’s peaceful crop, the factory hand was working with accustomed vigour. Not one human being amongst us dreamed of war. “Not one human being amongst us dreamed of war.” This sentence excludes a great many otherwise worthy persons from the category of human beings, for mobihzation notices had gone out to Germans in South America in time to get them home for the war—a matter of two months, at least. And one wonders what the people who were making the big stege-guns were thinking of. We are a nation that wishes to lead a quiet and indus- trial life. This need hardly be stated to you Americans. You, of all others, know the temper of the German who lives within your gates. Our love of peace is so strong that it is not regarded by us in the light of a virtue ; we simply know it to be an inborn and integral portion of ourselves. Since the foundation of the German Empire in the year 1871, we, living in the centre of Europe, have given an example of tranquillity and peace, never once seeking to profit by any momentary difficulties of our neighbours. 15 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE “ Never once seeking to profit by any momentary dtffi- culties of our neighbours.”” On pain of war Germany forced France to dismiss M. Delcassé from office at the time of the first Morocco incident ; on pain of war, she forced Russia (whom she had egged on into her disastrous Manchuria Expedition with the express purpose of weakening her) to acquiesce in Austria’s pivatical seazure of Bosnia and the Herzegovina in 1908. She seized a port in Morocco with the object of applying similar pressure to France in the Agadir incident three years ago, but compromised when she found that war with France meant war also with Great Britain, «’om she had treated as a negligible quantity ; and caused the present war by trying to humiliate Russia as she had humiliated her in 1909. And to crown all one may mention the Emperor’s telegram to President Kruger at the time of the Jameson Raid, and his proposal to France and Russia that they should join hm in annihilating England when she was paralysed by the Boer War. Our commercial extension, our financial rise in the world, is far removed from any love of adventure, it is the fruit of painstaking and plodding labour. “Our commercial extension is far removed from any love of adventure.” The seizure of Kiao-Chau, the German territory in China which Japan is now besieging, is a suffi- cient example to the contrary. We are not credited with this temper, because we are insufficiently known. Our situation and our way of thinking is not easily grasped. Everyone, is aware that we have produced great philosophers and poets, we have preached the gospel of humanity with impassioned zeal. America fully appre- ciates Goethe and Kant, looks upon them as corner-stones of elevated culture. Do you really believe that we have changed our natures, that our souls can be satisfied with military drill and servile obedience? We are soldiers, because we have to be soldiers, because otherwise Germany and German civilization would be swept away from the face of the earth. It has cost us long and weary struggles 16 Chap. I—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY to attain our independence, and we know full well that in order to preserve it, we must not content ourselves with building schools and factories, we must look to our garri- sons and forts. We and all our soldiers have remained, however, the same lovers of music and lovers of exalted thought. We have retained our old devotion to all peace- able sciences and arts: as all the world knows, we work in the foremost rank of those who strive to advance the exchange of commodities, who further useful, technical knowledge. Other nations have not seen the phases of the German character alluded to in the above paragraph. But they will readily admit the sacrifices of universal service and heavy taxation to which the Germans so cheerfully submit, so as to be able to fight they Eastern and Western neighbours at the same time, and that Germany has maintained the most poo military organization known in history without osing ground in Music or Learning, Art or Science. But we have been forced to become a nation of sol- diers, in order to be free. And we are bound to follow our Kaiser, because he symbolizes and represents the unity of our nation. To-day, knowing no distinction of party, no difference of opinion, we rally round him, willing to shed the last drop of our blood. For though it takes a great deal to rouse us Germans, when once aroused, our feelings run deep and strong. Everyone is filled with this passion, with the soldier’s ardour. But when the waters of the deluge shall have subsided, gladly will we return to the plough, and to the anvil. All foreigners will agree that it is because the Germans feli themselves bound to follow theiy Kaiser blindly that the present war has ensued. But it is difficult for them to take the view that it needs much to rouse German arrogance, which has hung over the head of Europe like the sword of Damocles tor nearly half a century. It deeply distresses us to see two highly-civilized nations, England and France, joining the onslaught of autocratic 17 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE Russia. That this could happen, will remain one of the anomalies of history. It is not our fault: we firmly believed in the desirability of the great nations working together, we peaceably came to terms with France and England in sundry difficult African questions. There was no cause for war between Western Europe and us, no reason why Western Europe should feel itself constrained to further the power of the Czar. That “‘ highly-civilized”” England and France find them- selves allied in this way to “‘ autocratic’ Russia ts no anomaly, because Germany has chosen to maintain an arnvy which upset the balance of Europe without the army of Russia in the other scale. As to the difficult African questions in which Germany peaceably came to terms with France and Eng and, see page 16. Since England and France relied on the Czar, they had to support him when he was threatened with war or humiliation by Germany. The Czar, as an individual, is most certainly not the instigator of the unspeakable horrors that are now inun- dating Europe. But he bears before God and posterity the responsibility of having allowed himself to be terrorized by an unscrupulous military clique. The English and the Americans consider that the man who has to bear before God and posterity the responsibility of listening to an unscrupulous military clique is, not the Czar, but the Kaiser—if, indeed, he had that excuse, and was not listening to the voice of the flatterers of his entourage even more than to the voice of his military advisers. Ever since the weight of the crown has pressed upon him he has been the tool of others. He did not desire the brutalities in Finland, he did not approve of the iniquities of the Jewish Pogroms, but his hand was too weak to stop the fury of the reactionary party. Why would he not permit Austria to pacify her southern fron- tier? It was inconceivable that Austria should calml see her heir-apparent murdered. How could she? Ail the nationalities under her rule realized the impossibility 18 Chap. I—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY of tamely allowing Servia’s only too evident and successful intrigues to be carried on under her very eyes. The Austrians could not allow their venerable and sorely- stricken monarch to be wounded and insulted any longer. “Why would not the Czar permit Austria to pacify her southern frontier?” asks the book, very disingenuously. It is notorious that when Austria first sought satisfaction from Servia, making the murder of the Archduke Francis Ferdinand the occasion, Russia, in her anxiety for the peace of Europe, brought considerable pressure to bear on Servia, urging her to give every reasonable satisfaction. Austria, however, demanded almost impossible terms from Servia, with an ultimatum of indecently short duration. Nothing short of a humiliation so absolute that the Balkan kingdoms would consider that Russia had not the power to protect them would satisfy Austria. This reasonable and honourable sentiment on the part of Austria has caused Russia to put itself forward as the patron of Servia, as the enemy of European thought and civilization. Russia had the candour to admit that Servia had, since her successes in two Balkan wars, been very difficult in her attitude towards Austria. And this she admitted not for- getting the provocation Servia had received from Ausinia, not only by the seizure of Bosnia and Herzegovina, but by being denied access to the sea, after her sacrifices and her heroic conduct in her two victorious wars. She therefore tried to make Servia reasonable in replying to the Austrian ultimatum. She was even willing to let Austria chastise Servia, provided that after the chastisement had been in- flicted she should be consulted as to the terms to be imposed upon Servia. Less she could not do without losing her position in Europe and especially in the Balkan peninsula. Undoubtedly the Servian agitation in the South-Slav provinces of Austria would have been extinguished as part of the pact. We know now that Austria, tf left to herself, would have been glad to accept Russta’s offer, also that Austrta advanced her claims at this moment in this peremptory way because 19 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE Germany had decided either to fight Russia before her military strength was any further advanced, or to inflict another humiliation on her like that of 1909, which would make the Balkan Slavs abandon Russia. Russia has an important mission to fill in its own country and in Asia. It would do better in its own interest to leave the rest of the world in peace. But the die is cast, and all nations must decide whether they wish to further us by sentiments and by deeds, or the government of the Czar. This is the real significance of this appalling struggle, all the rest is immaterial. Russia’s attitude alone has forced us to go to war with France, and with their great ally. The die has been cast, and the principal nations of Europe and Asia have decided that the cause of civilization is to be served by supporting the Czar against the Kaiser. The gigantic armaments, the incessant war-scaves, producing cataclysms on the Exchanges of Europe, the increasing frequency of ultimatums, make the establishment of a ‘‘ pax Romana” a“ sine qua non” for Europe. And this ts only . to be achieved by breaking up the military tyranny with which Germany has threatened it. This 1s not a war to save the skin of Servia or to further Pan-Slavism ; it is a war against violence and military autocracy—a war to give the world rest. : “ Russia’s attitude alone’ did force Germany into way with England and France because Russia defied the bully, and France would not forsake her ; the actual occasion of Eng-- land’s declaration of war was Germany's violation of Belgian neutrality. The German nation is serious and conscientious. Never would a German Government dare to contemplate a war for the sake of dynastic interest, or for the sake of glory. This would be against the entire bent of our character. Firmly believing in the justice of our cause, all parties— the Conservatives and the Clericals, the Liberals and the Socialists—have joined hands. All disputes are forgotten, one duty exists for all—the duty of deluding our country and vanquishing the enemy. 20 Chap. I—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY Will not this calm, self-reliant and unanimous readiness to sacrifice all, to die or win, appeal to other nations and force them to understand our real character and the situation in which we are placed ? The public opinion of Europe and America does no endorse the dictum of the book that “never would a German Government dare to contemplate a war for the sake of dynastic interest or for the sake of glory.” For surely the latter includes the reason for which this war ts being waged. Germany, as von Bernhardt has pointed out again and again, has aimed at the hegemony of Europe developing into the hegemony of the world. The crushing of France the absorption of Belgium, Holland, and Denmark, the stripping England of her navy, her colonies and her wealth, were all steps in this peaceful aim. Then the United States were to be defied for the possession of South America. Russia was apparently to be bought off, possibly by presenting her with Asia. Germany suddenly came to the conclusion that she might never again have such a favourable opportunity for this fal war. Russia and France would increase in military power at her expense faster than she would increase in naval power at England’s expense. Russia appeared to be in the throes of revolution, England unable to avert a civil war. ‘France had forgotten to keep her powder dry and was in a state of financial chaos. Therefore she deter- mined that Russia should lose power by submitting to humiliation, or if she refused to do this, France should be smothered by a military avalanche before Russia had time to mobilize. For Enghsh Governments Germany had such a contempt that she did not believe that any British Premier would declare war, however suicidal it might be for England to stand by, waiting to be extinguished when other nations were in the dust. Did Austria receive hey orders from the Kaiser, who proceeded to throw dust into the eyes of Europe until the psychological moment should arrive ? The war has severed us from the rest of the world, all our cable communications are destroyed. But the winds will carry the mighty voice of justice even acress the ocean. aI GERMANY’S GREAT LIE We trust in God, we have confidence in the judgment of right-minded men. And through the roar of battle we call to you all. Do not believe the mischievous lies that our enemies are spreading about. We do not know if victory will be ours, the Lord alone knows. We have not chosen our path, we must continue doing our duty, even to the very end. We bear the misery of war, the death of our sons, believing in Germany, believing in duty. “The war has severed us from the rest of the world, all our cable communications are destroyed. But the winds will carry the mighty voice of Justice even across the ocean.” With reference to this one is bound to remark that whatever the mighty voice of Justice has to say about the matter—and the world does not think that its verdict is for the Kaiser, the wanton destroyer of Joan of Arc’s Cathedral of Rheims— the winds must have been the medium through which “ Count John Bernstorff,” the German Ambassador in the United States, has received the war news with which he has been favouring the U.S. papers. The wind also takes German news to the Turkish and South American papers daily. And we know that Germany cannot be wiped from the face of the earth. “Germany cannot be wiped from the face of the earth.” Every sane man knows that; every sane man ts glad of tt. The quarrel of the world is not with Germany, which has done so much for music and scholarship, art and science. It is German militarism which all mankind outside of Germany—and a good deal of the mankind within its limits —desives to see wiped out. 22 FOREWORD TO CHAPTER II* By Robert Blatchford in the Daily Mail, August 25th, 1914. ‘This is not a royal war, nor a Government war, nor a war of diplomatic making ; it is a war of free nations against a devilish system of imperial domination and national spoliation. There can be no security in Europe until Germany is defeated.” “ The fact is we have stood by France and Belgium in this war because our national existence depended upon them.” “ And now Britain and her Allies must beat Germany or Germany will beat them.” “This war did not criginate in the murder of the Austrian Grand Duke. It arose out of the German desire to dominate the world. It is not a casual war, caused by some offence of yester- day; it is a deliberate war of aggression, for which German ambition has been arming and preparing for more than twenty ars. “This war did not spring up suddenly because a Servian fanatic threw a bomb. Its seed was sown by the Prussian military writer Clausewitz, the master of Bismarck. Since Prussia adopted the policies and strategy of Clausewitz this war has been coming. The Prussian attack on Denmark in 1864, upon Austria in 1866, and upon France in 1870, were steps towards this war; the build- ing of the German fleet, the fortification of Heligoland, the making of the Kiel Canal, the increase in the German Army, the imposition of the great German war tax of fifty millions, the construction of strategic railways to the Belgian border—all these were steps towards this war. “We could not keep out of this war because, had we been so cowardly as to desert the Belgians and the French, we should have had to fight Germany afterwards, and without allies,” Article from Die Wahrheit, August 5, quoted by the Times, 22nd August, 1914. “* From the first moment of the war, from every big and small aspect of the present sanguinary conflict, justice and civilization went against the Kaiser, and he has on his side only brutal and inhuman force and violence. * This Foreword is not in the German Book. 23 FOREWORD TO CHAPTER IL. “The ultimatum of Austria to Servia was a brutal demand of a Great Power to a small country. The Kaiser’s demand that Russia should not spoil Austria’s sanguinary meal in Servia was both unjust and stupid. The most terrible act, however, was the Kaiser’s declaration of war against Belgium. Such an act sets mankind again on the road to the days of barbarity and cannibalism. As for England, she fights in this war not for her present existence, but for her future existence, not for to-day, but for to-morrow. England knows, and the whole world knows, that a victorious Germany against all countries engaged in the war would lead to the political end of England.’ ” Article in the American Hebrew of New York, quoted by the Times, 22nd August, 1914. “* After forty-five years of peace Germany breaks its record, and plunges into war which not one of its defenders can fairly justify. It is criminal aggression and nothing else which led Germany to turn about, violate the neutrality of Belgium, and force its way into France. The campaign was clearly planned before the ultimatum was issued to Russia. The Kaiser will go down into history as the most patient War Lord that ever lived. He waited and waited, and then selected the most inopportune and unjustifi- able occasion to plunge his country into war. The world is on the brink of universal disaster. A madman in Europe moves and disturbs the “ balance of power.” ’” OA CHAPTER II HOW THE WAR CAME ABOUT WHO IS RESPONSIBLE FOR THE WAR ?—NOT GERMANY !— ENGLAND’S POLICY !—HER SHIFTING OF RESPONSIBILITY AND PROMOTING THE STRUGGLE WHILE ALONE POSSESS- ING POWER TO AVERT IT ! E book accuses England of being responsible for the war, of promoting it while she alone could avert tt, and ingenuously proceeds to remark that “‘ the very parties and persons who wanted the war, either at once or later, assert that the enemy wanted and began it.” No one will dispute the judgment of the book in this matter. It is an old and common experience that after the outbreak of a war the very parties and persons that wanted the war, either at once or later, assert that the enemy wanted and began it. The German empire especially always had to suffer from such untruthful assertions, and the very first days of the present terrible European war confirm this old experience. Again Russian, French and British accounts represent the German empire as having wanted the war. It ts unreasonable to suppose that Russia or France wanted the war when the book ttself points out that Russia and France in two years’ time would be so powerful that they would always be reminding the world that they were 25 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE invincible (see page 34). And it was really very ingenuous of Germany to force England into a war with her at a moment when our perfidious nation had the support of three other first-class powers, instead of politely waiting till Germany could take her alone at a moment of the most complete disadvantage. Only a few months ago influential men and newspapers of Great Britain as well as of Paris could be heard to express the opinion that nobody in Europe wanted war and that especially the German Emperor and his Govern- ment had sincerely and effectively been working for peace. Especially the English Government in the course of the last two years asserted frequently and publicly, and was supported by the Westminster Gazette and a number of influential English newspapers in the assertion, that Great Britain and the German empire during the Balkan crisis of the last few years had always met on the same platform for the preservation of peace. There is no doubt that during the Balkan war the German Emperor and Government did sincerely and effectively work for peace. But I do not see why the book empha- sizes this, for it only serves to emphasize the fact that the present war would have been averted if Germany had sincerely worked for peace. It leads us to the irresisteble conclusion that the Germans worked for peace in the Balkan war because their expectations as to its course had not been realized. Instead of destroying the power of the Slav States banded against Turkey, it showed (1) that if a European war hap- pened then, Russia and the Balkan nations would eat up Austria in a month, and be face to face with Germany, and (2) it gave Germany the hint of which she has taken such brilliant advantage—that her artillery needed over- hauling, since the Turkish Krupps were entirely outclassed by the French guns of the Allies. It was much more ad- vantageous to Germany that Austria should rob both Greece and Servta of the fruits of their victortes, which they expected on the Adriatic, and should inspire Bulgaria to wreck the Balkan League, which had proved so tnconveniently power 26 Chap. Il—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY ful. It is not to be forgotten that the King of Bulgaria is @ prince with Austrian connections. The late Secretary of State, von Kiderlen-Waechter, his successor Mr. von Jagow, and the Imperial Chancellor, von Bethmann Hollweg, likewise declared repeatedly in the Reichstag how great their satisfaction was that a close and confidential diplomatic co-operation with Great Britain, especially in questions concerning the near East, had become a fact. And it has to be acknowledged to-day that at that time the German and British interests in the a East were identical, or at any rate ran in ‘parallel ines. There has undoubtedly been a disposition in recent years for Great Britain and Germany to be more conciliatory to each other on Eastern questions. The pity was that at a critical moment the wisdom of Germany's statesmen went for nothing. The war party was strong enough to sweep them aside. The collapse of European Turkey in the war against the Balkan alliance created an entirely new situation. At first Bulgaria was victorious and great, then it was beaten and humiliated by the others with the intellectual help of Russia. Bulgaria was involved in war with the other Balkan powers by the machinations of Austria. The strength of the Balkan League threw a power as strong as Austria into the balance of Europe on the Russian side. To suppose that Russia took any part in breaking ti up, as this book suggests, ts sheer imbecility. To Austria, on the other hand, it was a matter of life and death to break up the League, and Bulgaria was so arrogant and so greedy that it was easy to seduce her. There could be no doubt about Russia’s intentions : she was preparing for the total subjection of weakened Turkey and for taking possession of the Dardanelles and Con- stantinople in order to rule from this powerful position ~ 27 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE Turkey and the other Balkan states. Great Britain and the German empire, which only had economic interests in Turkey, were bound to wish to strengthen Turkey besides trying to prevent the Moscovite rule on the whole Balkan peninsula. It follows that if Russia had had any idea of proceeding to acquire the Dardanelles and Constantinople, she would have preserved the Balkan League by every means in her power to incapacitate Austria from objecting. It is curious, too, if this was the aim of Russia, that she has shown no sign whatever of a design to take the Dardanelles or Constantinople. Servia had come out of the second Balkan war greatly strengthened, and with her territory very much increased. Russia had done everything to strengthen this bitter enemy of our ally Austria-Hungary. For a great number of years Servian politicians and conspirators had planned to undermine the south-eastern provinces of Austria- Hungary and to separate them from the dual monarchy. Undoubtedly Servia had come out of her two wars greatly strengthened as well as greatly increased in size. Undoubtedly Russia wished hey well, and had with difficulty restrained Slav feeling when Servia was deprived of half the fruits of her victories by Austria’s denying her access to the sea. Undoubtedly Greece was also angry with Ausiria for checking her Albanian aspirations. And Austria’s protégée and dupe, Bulgaria, had extinguished herself for the time being. It is equally certain that Servia owed Austria another grudge for serzing Bosnia and the Herzegovina, and made herself the centre of the aspirations of the various Serb peoples, in Austria as well as Servia, to be united in a greater Servia, just as the Italians of Lombardy and Venetia were freed from Ausivia and united to the rest of Italy half a century ago. But it ts more than doubiful if Russia had given Servia the smallest encouragement to begin active operations in any way. The Germans themselves acted on the belief that Russe would not be ready to fight till ue Had the Balkan League survived, the case would have been different; but Austria had checkmated this first move. 28 Chap. Il1—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY In Servia as well as in’ Russia prevailed the opinion that, at the first attack, Austria-Hungary would fall to pieces. In this case, Servia was to receive South Austria and Russia was to dictate the peace in Vienna. The Balkan war had ruined Turkey almost entirely, had paralysed Bulgaria, that was friendly, and had strengthened the Balkan states that were hostile to Austria. At the same time there began in Roumania a Russian and French propaganda, that promised this country, if it should join the dual alliance, the. Hungarian province of Sieben- buergen. The world may shortly know if Roumania has been promised, and has accepted, a Hungarian province as the price of joining the Triple Entente. Thus it became evident in Germany and in Austria that at St. Petersburg first by diplomatic and political, then also by military action, a comprehensive attack of Slavism under Russian guidance was being prepared. The party of the Grand Dukes in St. Petersburg, the party of the Russian officers, always ready for war, and the Panslavists, the brutal and unscrupulous representatives of the idea that the Russian czarism was destined to rule Europe—all these declared openly that their aim was the destruction of Austria-Hungary. If the Russian Grand Dukes’ military party and Pan- slavists have openly declared that their aim was the destruction of Austria-Hungary, the British Press has not thought the fate of Austria-Hungary of sufficient importance to chronicle these declarations. But the statement is absolutely untrue. Not the slightest proof of it has been offered. In Russia the Army, already of an immense size, was increased secretly but comprehensively and as quick as possible ; in Servia the same was done, and the Russian Ambassador in Belgrad, Mr. v. Hartwig, was, after the second Balkan war, the principal promoter of the plan to form against Austria a new Balkan alliance. 29 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE For the first time I find myself in complete agreement with the editors of the book. I have no doubt that the Russian Army was being increased as comprehensively, as quickly and as secretly as possible, and that the Russian Ambassador in Belgrad, von Hartwig, was doing his best to form a new Balkan alliance against Austria. In Bosnia during all this time the Servian propaganda was at work with high treason, and in the end with the revolver and the bomb. In Vienna and in Berlin the greatness and the purpose of the new danger could not remain doubtful, especially as it was openly said in St. Petersburg, in Belgrade and elsewhere that the destruction of Austria-Hungary was imminent. Doubiless the Servian agitation was being briskly main- tained, but it is admitted now that the murder of the Arch- duke and his wife were due to Bosnian revenge. One of the assassins had, in fact, previously been described by Austria to Servia as a“ harmless individual.”’ (See English White Paper.) It is the tradition of the Austrians to behave infamously to theiy subject-races. The tmminence of the dissolution of the Hapsburg Empire is one of the most intelligent forecasts in the book. As soon as the Balkan troubles began, Austria- Hungary had been obliged to put a large part of her army in readiness for war, because the Russians and Servians had mobilized on their frontiers. The Germans felt that what was a danger for their ally was also a danger for them, and that they must do all in their power to maintain Austria-Hungary in the position of a great power. They felt that this could only be done by keeping with their ally perfect faith and by great military strength, so that Russia might. possibly be deterred from war and peace be preserved, or else, that in case war was forced upon them, that they could wage it with honour and success. During the Balkan war Austria-Hungary had been obliged to keep a number of men under arms, because Russia had felt compelled to do so, and Servia was, of course, one of the 30 Chap. II—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY combatants. One can understand that Germany on hey part had to keep herself so ready for war that Russia might be deterred from it. But she was anxious not to be drawn into it herself. The time was not ripe. Now it was clear in Berlin that in view of the Russian and Servian preparations Austria-Hungary in case of a war would be obliged to use a great part of her forces against Servia, and therefore would have to send against Russia fewer troops than would have been possible under the conditions formerly prevailing in Europe. Formerly, even European Turkey could have been counted upon for assistance, that after her recent defeat seemed very doubtful. These reasons and considerations which were solely of a defensive nature led to the great German military bills of the last two years. Also Austria-Hungary was obliged to increase its defensive strength. It may be conceded that the reason why Germany has in- creased her military strength so much during the last two years is partly due to the fact that Austria would be obliged to use so much of her forces against Servia that she is no longer a balance against Russia. Much more was it due to the fact that Turkey, whom Germany reckoned as a member of the Triple Alliance, had been seriously crippled. Whoever considers carefully the course of events that has been sketched here, will pronounce the assertions of our enemies that Germany wanted the war, ridiculous and absurd. On the contrary, it can be said that Germany never before endeavoured more eagerly to preserve peace than during the last few years. Germany had plenty of opportunities to attack and good opportunities to boot, for we knew for years that the army of France was no more ready than that of Russia. The assertion that Germany wanted the war is not ridicu- lous and absurd. We have plenty of reasons for knowing that Germany not only wanted war, but meant to have tt. During the past year she had imported vast quantities of wheat from Canada. She had uniforms ready of the new 31 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE field-service grey for four million men the moment they were called to the colours, and she had raised far more than the jifty millions intended from the special levy on property. The fact that she had not attacked the Allies before this, in spite 7 the knowledge that they were not ready, is not conclusive. If, they were not ready, neither was her fleet, and she was waiting for the minute when circumstances would be more against them. In France, for instance, there was a tendency in politics which boded ill for keeping up military prepara- tions, as was shown in her difficulties over forming Govern- ments in the past year. The teachings of von Bernhardi in his ‘“‘ Germany and the Next War,” and similar writers, added to the behaviour of the Emperor in the present crisis, seem to prove that his reiterated assertion that the preservation of peace was his principal aim was accompanied by the mental reservation until the moment that Germany could snatch an advantage by breaking tt. But the Germans are not a warlike nation, and the German Emperor, with his government, has always shown how earnestly he meant his reiterated asser- tions, that the preservation of peace was his principal aim. He was actuated in this by the general considera- tion of humanity, justice, and culture, as well as by the consideration of German trade and commerce. ‘ This, especially the trans-oceanic commerce of Germany, “has increased from year to year. War, however, means the ruin of commerce. Why expose Germany needlessly to this terrible risk, especially as everything in Germany prospered and her wealth increased ? In addition to the pleasure of being considered a humane, just and cultured sovereign, he was doubtless moved by the consideration of German ivade and commerce. These were increasing by leaps and bounds, and war, as the book sententiously observes, means the ruin of commerce. There was every reason why he should not expose Germany to these terrible risks until he saw his enemies in a quagmire and had only to shoot them down. The presentation of the veiled ultimatum to Russia in 1909, and Germany’s behaviour 32 Chap. I—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY over the Agadiy crisis in 1911, are a sufficient comment on Germany's love of peace. No, the German army bills were merely meant to protect us against, and prepare us for, the attacks of Moscovite barbarism. But nobody in Germany has ever doubted for a moment that France would attack us at the first Russian signal. Since the first days of the Franco-Russian alliance things have become entirely reversed: Then France wanted to win Russia for a war of revenge against Germany; now, on the contrary, France thought herself obliged to place her power and her existence at the disposal of the Russian lust of conquest. Undoubtedly the last increase in the German army would not have been necessary had it not been for the collapse of Turkey, whom she regarded as a member of the Triple Aliiance, and the increasing military power of Russia, labelled by the book “‘ Moscovite barbarism,” though doubtless the Belgians would have preferred it to German civilization. Though the case is stated disingenuously, doubiless if Germany was at- tacked, it would be from the Russian frontier, not because France formerly wanted to win Russia for a war of revenge and had now ceased to do so, but, out of gratitude, thought herself under an obligation to place her power and her existence at the disposal of the Russian lust of conquest, but because France was likely at all times to want peace, and Russia, having grown immensely stronger since she was humiliated by Germany in 1909, was likely to strike the bully at the jirst attempt to renew the provocation. The weak link in the chain of reasoning is that there is no sort of proof either in this book or elsewhere that France and Russia had any scheme for attacking Germany. In the spring of 1914 the German press reported from St. Petersburg detailed accounts of Russia’s comprehen- sive preparations for war. They were not denied in Russia, and Paris declared that Russia would be ready in two or three years and then pursue a policy corresponding to her power; France, too, would then be at the height of her 33 2 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE power. If the German Government had desired war, on the strength of these accounts, which were true, it could have waged a preventive war at once and easily. It did not do so, considering that a war is just only when it is forced upon one by the enemy. Thus spring went by with the atmo- sphere at high tension. From St. Petersburg and Paris overbearing threats came in increasing numbers to the effect that the power of the dual alliance was now gigantic and that Germany and Austria soon would begin to feel it. We remained quiet and watchful, endeavouring with perseverance and with all our might to win over Great Britain to the policy of preserving peace. Colonial and economic questions were being discussed by the German and English Governments, and the cordiality between the two great Powers seemed only to be equalled by their mutual confidence. Here we have a frank declaration. “A war is just only when ut is forced upon one by the enemy.” Clearly, then, Germany cannot regard this way as just, for so far from being forced upon her, she forced it on Russia, who had actually come to an amicable agreement with Austria. This ts an ingenuous confession of Germany that she had, owing to the alarming reports of her military attaché in Russia, known since the spring that she must strike now if she was not to lose the advantage she had gained in military power by the fresh additions she had made to her army with the 1913 levy of fifty millions on hitherto untaxed sources (on capital instead of income). This fifty millions, or possibly more, had brought Germany to the height of her possible military power, and the other countries, though they had tried to take corresponding steps to increase their power, had not yet obtained full value out of them. Therefore, Germany’s chance had come. For a few months Germany delayed having “a quarrel Jorced on her by the enemy ’’—in this instance it was Russia trom whom she desired a “‘casus belli,” while she was endeavouring to detach Great Britain from the Triple Entente. Having this in her mind, her relations with Great Britain on Colonial and other questions were more cordial than they had been for a long time past. In July Germany either 34 Chap. I—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY considered that she had achieved her end with Great Britain or that tt never would be achieved (probably the former, as she was very badly served by her diplomats throughout), and inspired Austria’s ultimatum to Servia. At any rate, she knew that Great Britain would sympathize with Austria over the constant pin-pricks and provocation which she had received from Servia, and that, aif it could be made to appear that the war was all concerning Servia, the British Government would find the country very difficult to move. The famous poster of “ John Bull”—‘To Hell with Servia!”—voiced the sentiment of the country before the whole of the situation was understood. The murder of the Archduke Francis Ferdinand and his wife gave the War- party in Germany the chance they wanted. Without it they might have tried to make some other incident, but would probably not have succeeded, Then on the 28th of June occurred that frightful assassi- nation by Servians of the successor to the Austro-Hungarian throne, Archduke Francis Ferdinand. All the civilized world sympathized with Austria after the dastardly murder of the Archduke, who lost his life by a truly imperial intrepidity. But it was admitted later, that it was the work of Bosnians, who had been forced to become subjects of Austria against their will, AND NOT SERVIANS. The Greater-Servia propaganda of action had put aside the man who was especially hated in Servia as the powerful exponent of Austro-Hungarian unity and strength. This murder is the real cause of the present European war. Austria-Hungary was able to prove to a shuddering world a few days after the murder, that it had been prepared and planned syste- matically, yea, that the Servian Government had been cognizant of the plan. The murder of the Archduke Francis Ferdinand and his wife was not the real cause of the present war. There 35 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE ts nothing to show that the Servian Government was con- cerned in it in the smallest degree; it was the result of the annexation of Bosnia and the Herzegovina five years before. Although the bomb came from Servia, because it was not easy for the murderers to obtain their materials on Austrian soil, the murder was primarily an act of revenge for Austrian oppression of tts Slav subjects, however tt developed poltti- cally. It would be almost as reasonable to assert that the murder was engineered by Germany in order to have European opinion on the side of the Teutonic Alliance in the war which they were about to start. General von Bernhardi would be quite capable of coining one of his admirable epigrams to show that this was what a modern Machiavelli was bound to advise. The murder was not the cause of the war; whoever planned it, Germany seized upon it as a heaven-sent justification. The immense extent of the Servian revolutionary organization in the provinces of Southern Austria, the warlike spirit of the Servians and its instigation by Russia and France imposed upon the Vienna Govern- ment the duty to insist upon quiet and peace within and without its borders. No reasonable man could say that it may not have been necessary for Austria to insist on a definite cessation of the Servian revolutionary organtzation in its southern provinces, backed as tt was by the great military qualities of the Servian nation on its borders. It cannot have been instigated by Russia, much less by France, or Russia would not have pressed Servia to submit to Austria’s unconscionably unreasonable demands when it was quite certain that Austria could not reduce the Switzerland of the Balkans without many months of fighting and a battle or two of the kind which sent her flying out of Servia in August. It addressed to the Servian Government a number of demands which aimed at nothing but the suppression of the anti-Austrian propaganda. A_ perusal of the ultimatum addressed by Austria to the Servian Government will not confirm this view. 36 Chap. Il.—TRUTH AUSTRIA’S ULTIMATUM TO SERVIA “To achieve this end the Imperial and Royal Govern- ment sees itself compelled to demand from the Royal Servian Government .a formal assurance that it condemns this dangerous propaganda against the Mon- archy; in other words, the whole series of tendencies, the ultimate aim of which is to detach from the Monarchy terri- tories belonging to it, and that it undertakes to suppress by every means this criminal and terrorist propaganda. “In order to give a formal character to this undertaking the Royal Servian Government shall publish on the front page of its ‘Official Journal’ of the 26th June (13th July), the following declaration : “©The Royal Government of Servia condemns the propa- ganda directed against Austria- Hungary—t.e., the general ten- dency of which the final aim is to detach from the Austro- Hungarian Monarchy _ terri- tories belonging to it, and it sincerely deplores the fatal consequences of these criminal proceedings. “¢The Royal Government regrets that Servian officers and functionaries participated in the above-mentioned propa- ganda, and thus compromised the good neighbourly relations to which the Royal Government was solemnly pledged by its declaration of the 31st March, 1909. ‘““*The Royal Government, which disapproves and repu- diates all idea of interfering or attempting to interfere with the destinies of the inhabitants ABOUT GERMANY THE SERVIAN REPLY “The Royal Government has received the notification of the Austro-Hungarian Govern- ment of the roth inst., and is convinced that its answer will remove every misunderstanding that threatens to disturb the pleasant neighbourly relations between the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and the Servian Kingdom. ‘The Royal Government is certain that in dealing with the great neighbouring monarchy these protests have under no pretexts been renewed which formerly were made both in the Skupschtina and in ex- planations and negotiations of responsible representatives of the State, and which, through the declaration of the Servian Government of March 18th, 1909, were settled; further- more, that since that time none of the various successive Governments of the kingdom, mor any of its officers, has made an attempt to change the political and legal conditions set up in Bosnia and Herze- govina. The Royal Govern- ment is certain that the Austro- Hungarian Government has made no representations of any kind along this line except in the case of a textbook concern- ing which the Austro-Hungarian Government received an entirely satisfactory reply. Servia, dur- ing the Balkan crisis, gave evidence in numerous cases of her pacific and temperate policies, and it will be thanks to Servia alone and the sacri- fices that she alone made in the interest of European peace if that peace continue, 37 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE of any part whatsoever of Austria-Hungary, considers it its duty formally to warn officers and functionaries, and the whole population of the kingdom, that henceforward it will proceed with the utmost rigour against persons who may be guilty of such machinations, which it will use all its efforts to anticipate and suppress.’ This declaration shall simul- taneously be communicated to the Royal Army as an order of the day by His Majesty the King and shall be published in the ‘Official Bulletin’ of the Army. 38 «The Royal Government can- not be held responsible for utterances of a private char- acter such as newspaper articles and the peaceful work of. so- cieties, utterances which are quite ordinary in almost all countries, and which are not generally under State control, especially since the Royal Government, in the solution of a great number of questions that came up between Servia and Austria-Hungary, showed much consideration as a result of which most of these ques- tions were settled in the best interests of the progress of the two neighbouring countries. “The Royal Government was therefore painfully surprised to hear the contention that Servian subjects had taken part in the preparations for the murder committed in Serajevo. It had hoped to be invited to co- operate in the investigations following this crime, and was prepared, in order to prove the entire correctness of its acts, to proceed against all persons concerning whom it had received information. “Tn conformity with the wish of the Austro-Hungarian Government, the Royal Govern- ment is prepared to turn over to the court, regardless of sta- tion or rank, any Servian sub- ject concerning whose participa- tion in the crime at Serajevo proofs may be given toit. The Government pledges itself es- pecially to publish on the first page of the official organ of July 26th the following declara- tion : “©The Royal Servian Go- vernment condemns every pro- paganda that may be directed Chap. Il—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY ** The Royal Servian Govern- ment further undertakes : ‘1, To suppress any pub- lication which incites to hatred and contempt of the Austro- Hungarian Monarchy and the general tendency of which is directed against its territorial integrity ; ‘©, To dissolve immediately the society styled Narodna 39 against Austria-Hungary; that is to say, all efforts designed ultimately to sever territory from the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, and it regrets sin- cerely the sad consequences of these criminal machinations.’ “The Royal Government regrets that, in accordance with advices from the Austro- Hungarian Government, certain Servian officers and function- aries are taking an active part in the present propaganda, and that they have thereby jeopardized the pleasant neigh- bourly relations to the main- tenance of which the Royal Government was _ formally pledged by the declaration of March 31st, 1909. ‘The Government (what fol- lowed here was. similar to the text demanded), “The Roy Government further pledges\ itself : “1. To introduce a provision in the press law on the occasion of the next regular session of the Skuptschtina, according to which instigations to hatred and contempt of the Austro- Hungarian Monarchy, as well as any publication directed in general against the territorial integrity of Austria-Hungary, sliall be punished severely. “The Government pledges itself, on the occasion of the coming revision of the Constitu- tion, to add to Article XXII. a clause permitting the con- fiscation of publications, the confiscation of which, under the present Article XXII. of the Constitution, would be impossible, “2, The Government pos- sesses no proof—and the Note GERMANY’S GREAT LIE Odbrana, to confiscate all its means of propaganda, and to proceed in the same manner against other societies and their branches in Servia which engage n propaganda against the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. The Royal Government shall take the mecessary measures to prevent the societies dis- solved from continuing their activity under another name and form ; “3. To eliminate without delay from public instruction in Servia, both as regards the teaching body and also as regards the methods of in- struction, everything that serves, or might serve, to foment the propaganda against Austria- Hungary ; “4. To remove from the military service,; and from the administration in general, all officers and functionaries guilty of propagandd against the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy whose names; and deeds the Austro-Hungdrian Government reserves to /itself the right of communicating to the Royal Governmens ; “5. To accept the collabora- tion in Servia of representatives of the Austro-Hungarian Go- vernment in the suppression of the subversive movement di- rected against the territorial integrity of the Monarchy ; 40 of the Austro-Hungarian Go- vernment provides it with none —that the ‘ Narodna Odbrana’ Society and other similar asso- ciations have up to the present committed any criminal acts through any of their members. Nevertheless, the Royal Govern- ment will accept the demand of the Austro-Hungarian Go- vernment and dissolve the Narodna Odbrana Society, as well as all societies that may work against Austria-Hungary. ‘© 3. The Royal Servian Go- vernment agrees to eliminate forthwith from public education in Servia everything that might help the propaganda against Austria-Hungary, provided that the Austro-Hungarian Govern- ment gives it actual proof of this propaganda. ‘4. The Royal Government is also ready to discharge from military and civil service such officers—provided it is proved against them by legal investiga- tion—who have implicated them- selves in acts directed against the territorial integrity of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy ; the Government expects that, for the purpose of instituting proceedings, the Austro-Hun- garian Government will impart the names of these officers and employés and the acts of which they are accused. “5. The Royal Servian Go- vernment must confess that it is not quite clear as to the sense and scope of the desire of the Austro-Hungarian Govern- ment to the effect that the Royal Servian Government bind itself to allow the co-operation within its territory of repre- sentatives of the Austro-Hun- garian Government, but it never- theless declares itself willing to Chap. II.—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY “6. To take judicial pro- ceedings against accessories to the plot of the 28th June who are on Servian territory. Dele- gates of the Austro-Hungarian Government will take part in the investigation relating thereto ; "7, To proceed without delay to the arrest of Major Voija Tankositch and of the individual named Milan Ciganovitch, a Servian State employé, who have been compromised by the results of the magisterial en- quiry at Serajevo ; “8. To prevent by effective measures the co-operation of the Servian authorities in the 41 permit such co-operation as might be in conformity with international law and criminal rocedure, as well as_ with iendly neighbourly relations. “6. The Royal Government naturally holds itself bound to institute an investigation against all such persons as were con- cerned in the plot of June 15th-28th, or are supposed to have been concerned in it, and are on Servian soil. As to the co-operation of special dele- gates of the Austro-Hungarian Government in this investiga- tion, the Servian Government cannot accept such co-operation, since this would be a violation of the laws and criminal proce- dure. However, in individual cases, information as to the progress of the investigation might be given to the Austro- Hungarian delegates. “7, On the very evening on which your Note arrived the Royal Government caused the arrest of Major Voislar Tankosic. But, regarding Milan Ciganovic, who is a subject of the Austro- Hungarian Monarchy, and who was employed until June 15th (as candidate} in the Depart- ment of Railroads, it has not been possible to arrest this man up till now, for which reason a warrant has been issued against him. “The Austro-Hungarian Go- vernment is requested, in order that the investigation may be made as soon as possible, to make known in the specified form what grounds of suspicion exist, and the proofs of guilt collected at the investigation in Serajevo. ‘8, The Servian Government will increase the severity and scope of its measures against GERMANY’S GREAT LIE illicit traffic in arms and explo- sives across the frontier, to dismiss and punish severely the officials of the frontier service at Schabatz and Loznica guilty of having assisted the perpe- trators of the Serajevo crime by facilitating their passage across the frontier ; “9. To furnish the Imperial and Royal Government with explanations regarding the un- justifiable utterances of high Servian officials, both in Servia and abroad, who, notwith- standing their offical position, did not hesitate after the crime of the 28th June to express themselves in interviews in terms of hostility to the Austro- Hungarian Government; and finally, “to. To notify the Imperial and Royal Government without delay of the execution of the measures comprised under the preceding heads, s “The Austro-Hungarian Go- vernment expects the reply of the Royal Government at the latest by six o’clock on Satur- day evening, the 25th July.” 42 the smuggling of arms and explosives. ‘It goes without saying that it will at once start an investigation and mete out severe punishment to the fron- tier officials of the Sabac- Loznica line who failed in their duty and allowed those re- sponsible for the crime to cross the frontier. “9, The Royal Government is willing to give explanations of the statements made in interviews by its officials in Servia and foreign countries after the crime, and which, according to the Austro-Hun- garian Government, were anti- Austrian, as soon as the said Government indicates where these statements were made, and provides proofs that such statements were actually made by the said officials. The Royal Government will itself take steps to collect the necessary proofs and means of trans- mission for this purpose. “to. The Royal Government will, in so far as this has not already occurred in this Note, inform the Austro-Hungarian Government of the taking of the measures concerning the foregoing matters, as soon as such measures have been or- dered and carried out. ** The Royal Servian Govern- ment is of the opinion that it is mutually advantageous not to hinder the settlement of this question, and _ therefore, in case the Austro-Hungarian Government should not con- sider itself satisfied with this answer, it is ready as always to accept a peaceful solution, either by referring the decision of this question to the interna- tional tribunal at The Hague, Chap. I1L—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY or by leaving it to the great Powers who co-operated in the preparation of the explanation given by the Servian Govern- ment on the 17th-31st March 1909.” In the afternoon of July 25th Mr. Crackanthorpe, the British Representative in Servia, telegraphed : ‘* Belgrade, “ July 25th, 1914. “The Council of Ministers are now drawing up their reply to the Austrian Note. I am informed by the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs that it will be most conciliatory and will meet the Austrian demands in as large a measure as is possible. “The following is a brief summary of the projected reply : “The Servian Government consent to the publication of a declaration in the Official Gazette. The ten points are accepted with reservations. Servian Government declares themselves ready to agree to a mixed commission of enquiry so long as the appointment of the commission can be shown to be in accordance with international usage. They consent to dismiss and prosecute those officers who can be clearly proved to be guilty, and they have already arrested the officer referred to in the Austrian Note. They are prepared to suppress the Narodna Odbrana. “©The Servian Government consider that, unless the Austrian Government want war at any cost, they cannot but be content with the full satisfaction offered in the Servian reply.’”’ In the evening, as the Austrian Note had not been agreed to unconditionally, he had to supplement his first telegram with the following ominous message : ‘ Belgrade, “July 25th, 1914. ‘The Austrian Minister left at 6.30. ““The Government has left for Nish, where the Skuptschtina will meet on Monday. I am leaving with my other colleagues, but the Vice-Consul is remaining in charge of the archives.” Servia was on the point of accepting the demand, when there arrived a dispatch from St. Petersburg and Servia mobilized. Then Austria, too, had to act. Thus arose the Austro-Servian war. To say that Servia was on the point of accepting the demands of Austria when she had a dispatch from St. Petersburg 43 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE and mobilized instead, ts one of the most deliberate mis- statements in a book which is rich in them. Russia, as this book itself has emphasized, had every reason for desiring that there should be no war till 1916, when her siege artillery for smashing up German fortresses would be veady. In the face of this, it 1s not necessary to adduce the incontrovertible evidence of the Czar’s love of peace. Also, all the world knows what strong pressure Russia brought to bear on Servia to make her compose her quarrel with Austria. ‘‘ Then Austria, too, had to act,” says this veracious book. “ Thus arose the Austro-Servian war.” Austria, as Mr. Crackan- thorpe’s dispatch, quoted on the preceding page, shows, meant the war with Servia to take place immediately and irrevocably. Otherwise she would not have addressed to Servia an ultimatum so almost impossible of acceptance by a high-spirited and powerful nation—an ultimatum, moreover, to which submission had to be made within forty- eight hours. The chivalrous and peace-loving Count Bercht- old, to whom Europe owed so much during the Balkan war, let the cat out of the bag about this when he said that the vemonstrances of England came too late. Why did they come too late? Austria knew that England would take this line the moment the matter came to her ears, and could have laid the matter before her as much earlier as she chose. The remonstrance came too late because Austria intended it to come too late. In all human probability that phrase, signed by the unwilling hand of Austria’s Foreign Minister, was the death-warrant of the Empire of the Habsburgs. It is plain that Austria wished to present Europe with a “ fait accompli.” But a few days later, the Russian army was being mobilized, and the mobilization was begun also in France. At the same time, as the German White-Book clearly proves, the diplomacy of Russia and France asserted its great love of peace and tried to prolong the negotiations in order to gain time, for, as is well known, the Russian mobi- lization proceeds slowly. Germany was waiting, and again and again the German Emperor tried to win the Czar over to the preservation of peace, for he considered him sincere, and thought him his personal friend. Emperor 44 Chap. II—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY William was to be cruelly disappointed. He finally saw himself obliged to proclaim the state of war for Germany. Germany seems to have been anxious, before her brief connection with China was extinguished, to try her hand at Chinese diplomacy. “ A few days later,’ says this book, “the Russian army was being mobilized, and mobilization was begun also in France.” This was absolutely untrue as regards France. ‘The diplomacy of Russia and France asserted its great love of peace, and tried to prolong the negotiations . . . to gaintime .... The Russian mobiliza- tion proceeds slowly.” The committee who ‘produced this book are well aware that at any moment one word from the German Emperor would have brought Ausivia io a full-stop. France was not mobilizing, and did not mobilize tll a matter of hours before the war. The Kaiser knew that Russia would mobilize unless she could be bluffed into submission. He was guilty of playing with the peace of Europe as tf it had been a hand at poker. The Katser complains of the behaviour of the Czar. There was once a political play presented at the Criterion Theatre, in which a very militant Mr. Arthur Bourchier complained of being hectored by a very pacific Mr. Weedon Grossmith. “ Wild horses would not persuade me,” said Mr. Bourchier. “Am I those wild horses?” asked Mr. Grossmith. When his bluff failed, the Kaiser wept crocodile’s tears and pro- claimed a “‘ state of war’ for Germany, which is the code word for mobilization. The damning and conclusive answer to this piece of hypocrisy is the revelation of Sir Maurice de Bunsen that the German ultimatum to Russia was pre- sented ‘after’? Austria had given way and accepted the Russian demands. But at that time the Russian and French armies were already in a state of complete mobilization. As has been shown, the French army was not mobilized, nor were its mobilization arrangements at all perfect. Russia had mobilized upon the Austrian frontier, having divined that nothing but panic would stop the thick-headed 45 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE Austrians from proceeding with the campaign against Servia which they had promised themselves. At that time the London Daily Graphic wrote the following article, which shows how an English paper that was only slightly friendly to Germany judged of the situation at the time: “THe MOBILIZATION MYSTERY. “A general mobilization has been ordered in Russia, and Germany has responded by proclaiming martial law throughout the Empire. We are now enabled to measure exactly the narrow and slippery ledge which still stands between Europe and the abyss of Armageddon. Will the Russian order be acted upon in the provinces adjoin- ing the German frontier? If it is, then the work of the peacemakers is at an end, for Germany is bound to reply with a mobilization of her own armed force, and a rush to. the frontiers on all sides must ensue. We confess that we are unable to understand the action of Russia in view of the resumption of the negotiations with Austria. It is not likely that these negotiations have been resumed unless both sides think that there is yet a chance of agreement, but if this is the case, why the mobilization, which goes far beyond the limits of necessary precaution, and is, indeed, calculated to defeat the efforts of the diplomatists, however promising they may be? There may, of course, be a satisfactory explanation, but as the matter stands, it is inexplicable, and is all the more regrettable because it is calculated—we feel sure unjustly—to cast doubts on the loyalty and straightforwardness of the Russian Govern- ment.” The “ Daily Graphic’’* was the only paper, outside of the Ostrich Press, which loves to bury its head in the sand when war is on the horizon, which questioned Russia’s right to mobilize. Russia mobilized to save the peace of Europe. There was not the smallest doubt that if she refused to be humiliated without being ready to fight, Germany would declare war at once. Nothing but the spectacle of the strong * Always a most patriotic paper. 46 Chap. Il.—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY man armed and standing on the threshold could scare off the burglar who was threatening the House of Peace. When Russia had let pass the time limit set by Germany, when France had answered that she would act according to her own interests, then the German Empire had to mobilize its army and go ahead. Before one German soldier had crossed the German frontier, a large number of aeroplanes came flying into our country across the neutral territory of Belgium and Luxemburg, without a word of warning on the part of the Belgian Government. At the same time the German Government learned that the French were about to enter Belgium. “ Truth about Germany” sounds the top-note of hypocrisy with these words: ‘‘When Russia had let pass the time limit set by Germany, when France had answered that she would act according to her own interests, then the German Empire had to mobilize its army and go ahead.” (Why should Germany go ahead with Austria’s quarrel after Austria herself had come to an agreement with Russia? Of course it is patent that Germany feared that after all her efforts there WOULD BE NO WAR.) What did the bully expect? He had issued an impudent ultimatum to the masters of twelve millions of soldiers, irresistibly recalling the story of Canute when he had his throne set below high-water mark as the tide was coming in. It sounds lhe a piece of ill-timed humour that aeroplanes after this flew across neutral territory without a word of warning on the part of the Belgian Government. The Belgian Government may not have been looking out of their bedroom windows. ; The best reply to all this talk of Belgian neutrality having been infringed by France and Belgium ts that tt was never suggested at the time when Great Britain asked Germany her intentions about Belgium ; and it would have made a very plausible reply. But it clearly had not even been invented then, and is an afterthought “ ad hoc”’ for American consump- tion. France had not received the necessary invitation from Belgium to send her troops till August 5th or 6th. The French Ambassador in England had it telegraphed to him on August 47 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE 6th. German troops had already entered Belgium on August 4th. Then our Government with great reluctance had to decide upon requesting the Belgian Government to allow our troops to march through its territory. Belgium was to be indemnified after the war, was to retain its sovereignty and integrity. Belgium protested, at the same time allow- ing, by an agreement with France, that the French troops might enter Belgium. After all this and not till France and Belgium itself had broken the neutrality, our troops entered the neutral territory. Germany wanted nothing from Belgium, but had to prevent that Belgian soil be used as a gate of entrance into German territory. To say that “ at the same time the German Government learned that the French were about to enter Belgium” is another of the most colossal misstatements of a book which handles the truth very carelessly. The British Government, still in doubt as to whether it should enter the arena, on July 31st demanded categorical assurances from the French and German Governments that they would respect the neu- trality of Belgium. The French Government, without any veserve and with obvious sincerity, replied in the affirmative at once. The German Secretary of State said that he must consult the Emperor and the Chancellor before he could possibly answer. His insincerity was obvious. The Kaiser and the Chancellor did not answer, and the British Ambassa- dor delivered his ultimatum on August qth. There was this awkwardness about their answering Great Britain—that they were requesting, or had made up their minds to request, the Belgian Government to allow German troops to march through its territory. Belgium was to be indemmified after the war, to retain tts sovereignty and in- tegrity and all the rest of tt. Belgium refused point-blank, and said that it would defend its rights as a sovereign power with all tts forces. ‘‘ Truth about Germany ”’ was not“ Truth about Belgwum,” for tt says: “ Not till France and Belgium itself had broken the neutrality, did German troops enter Belgium.” This is an absolute lie, about on a pay with a 48 Chap. II—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY statement in the next sentence: “‘ Germany wanted nothing rom Belgium, but had to prevent that Belgian soil be used as a gate of entrance into German territory.” There is abundant evidence to prove that Germany had arranged to invade France through Belgian territory. Bern- hardi and other German military writers have always told us that this plan would be pursued, and we have good reason to know the soundness of Bernhardi’s forecasts! In the middle of July a warning came to Americans in Brussels from San Francisco, telling them to get out of Belgium by the end of the month, tf they wanied to get out at all. Little has as yet been said of Great Britain. It was Germany’s conviction that the sincerity of Britain’s love for peace could be trusted. At any rate Sir Edward Grey and Mr. Asquith asserted again and again in the course of the last few years that England wished friendly relations with Germany and never would lend its support to a Franco- Russian attack on Germany. Now this attack had been made ; Germany was on the defensive against two powerful enemies. What would Great Britain do about it? That was the question. The most naive confession in the whole book is: ‘‘ It was Germany's conviction that the sincerity of Great Britain’s love for peace could be trusted.” Can anyone doubt that British blindness and folly weve reckoned as an asset to Germany when the Kaiser determined on the war. England to Germany was Ethelred the Unready. That was the chief of the diplomatic blunders of the man upon whom the mantle of Bismarck had fallen. We will allow that the British Prime Minister and Foreign Minister promised the German Am- bassador évery time he asked them that England would never lend its support to a Franco-Russian attack on Germany. But we can be much more certain of the reply which the German Ambassador would have received if he had asked would Great Britain tolerate Germany's picking a quarrel with France and Russia to inaugurate a war of cones which was, in effect, asking Great Britain to watt for her turn until her Allies were overwhelmed. 49 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE Great Britain asked in return for its neutrality that the German forces should not enter Belgium. In other words, it asked that Germany should allow the French and Belgian troops to form on Belgian territory for a march against our frontier! This we could not allow. It would have been suicidal. It was in this context that Chancellor von Bethmann Hollweg immortalized himself with his phrase, “a scrap of paper.’ That, he gave the world to understand, was the German definition of a treaty. When Great Britain, as the price of her neutrality, demanded that Germany should respect the integrity of Belgium, which she, equally with Great Britain, had guaranteed, the candid German inquired if Great Britain was going to war for a“ scrap of paper” ! Great Britain announced that she would go to war tf Germany did not make up her mind to respect that scrap of paper before midnight. And the United States made a note of the phrase to guide it in its future diplomatic negotiations with Germany. It was in vain that Germany protested that tts neutrality would allow the French and Belgian troops to form on Belgian territory for a march against the German frontier. The whole thing is a lie, but the phrase ‘‘ and Belgian troops,” contains an insult too—to suggest that Belgium meant to attack Germany is a piece of colossal impertinence. Un- fortunately for Germany, Great Britain had addressed a similar note to France, and France had undertaken cate- gorically not to enter Belgium unless Germany entered it jist. It was not until at least a day after German troops had invaded Belgium that France received any invitation to send troops into Belgium. The German Government made Great Britain in return for its neutrality the following offers: We would not attack the northern coast of France, we would leave unmolested the maritime commerce of France and would indemnify Belgium after the war and safeguard its sovereignty and ntegrity. But Germany greatly desired the neutrality of Great Britain, for with Britain at war with her, her fleet and her 50 me Chap. Il—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY commerce would be confined to a handful of fifth-vrate ports in the Baltic, so she offered in return for British neu- trality to leave the northern coast of France unmolested, not to take any territory from France except her colonies, and to indemnify Belgium and safeguard its sovereignty and in- tegrity when the war was over. To this Mr. Asquith made lus famous reply in the House of Commons on August 6th: ‘INFAMOUS PROPOSALS. “What did that proposal amount to? In the first place, it meant this: that behind the back of France, which was not to be made a party to these communications at all, we should have given, if we had assented to them, free licence to Germany to annex in the event of a successful war the whole of the extra- European dominions and possessions of France. What did it mean as regards Belgium? If Belgium, when she addressed, as she did address in these last days, her moving appeal to us to fulfil our solemn guarantee of her neutrality, what reply should we have given ? What reply could we have given to that Belgian appeal? We should have been obliged to say that without her knowledge we had bartered away to the Power that was threatening her our obligation to keep our plighted word. (Loud and prolonged cheers. eet the House has read, and the country has read, in the course of the last few hours the most pathetic address by the King of the Belgians to his people. (Cheers.} I do not envy the man who could read that appeal with unmoved heart. (Cheers.) The Belgians are fighting, they are losing their lives. (Loud cheers.) What would have been the position of Great Britain to-day in the face of that spectacle if we had assented to this infamous proposal ? (Loud and prolonged cheers.) “Yes, and what were we to get in return? For the betraya of our friends and the dishonour of our obligations, what were we to get in return? We were to get a promise—nothing more (laughter)—as to what Germany would do in certain eventualities, a promise, be it observed—I am sorry to have to say it, but it must be put upon record—a promise given by a Power which was at that very moment announcing its intention to violate its own Treaty obligations (cheers), and inviting us to do the same. I can only say, if we had even dallied or temporized with such an offer, we, as a Government, should have covered ourselves with dishonour. We should have betrayed the interests of this country of which we are the trustees. (Cheers.} — . “T am glad to turn to the reply which my right hon, friend (Sir Edward Grey] made, and from which I will read to the House one or two of the more salient passages, because this document, No. tor, puts on record a week ago the attitude of the British 51 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE Government, and, as I believe, of the British people. My right hon. friend says: ‘His Majesty’s Government cannot for a moment entertain the Chancellor’s proposal that they should bind themselves to neutrality on such terms. What he asks us is in effect to engage to stand by while French colonies are taken and France is beaten so long as Germany does not take French territory as distinct from the colonies. From the material point of view ’— my right hon. friend (Sir Edward Grey) uses, as he always does, very temperate language—‘such a proposal is unacceptable ; for France, without further territory in Europe being taken from her, could be so crushed as to lose her position as a Great Power and become subordinate to German policy.’ “That is the material aspect. He proceeds: ‘ Altogether apart from that it would be a disgrace to us to make this bargain with Germany at the expense of France, a disgrace from which the good name of this country would never recover. (Loud cheers.) The Chancellor also in effect asks us to bargain away whatever obliga- tions or interests we have as regards the neutrality of Belgium. We could not entertain that bargain either.’ ”’ In spite of this Great Britain declared war on Germany and sides to-day with those Continental powers that have united for our destruction, in order that Moscovite bar- barism may rule Europe. We know that Germany did not deserve such treatment on the part of Great Britain, and do not believe that Great Britain by this action did a service to humanity and civilization. Great Britain did not join in the war in order that Mosco- vite barbarism might rule Europe, but to rid Europe’s long- suffering civilization from German militarism, which sat on tts neck and was choking it, like the Old Man of the Sea in the story of ‘ Sindbad the Sailor.” Probably not even Austria, which did not declare war on Great Britain for a good many days afterwards, would dis- pute that Germany nchly deserved this treatment from Great Britain. The United States, which, as this book observes, is the only great neutral Power, has preached from nearly every platform, pulpit and newspaper office on the North American continent, that Great Britain, like the Good Samari- tan, came to the rescue of Humanity and Civilization instead of standing by on the other side of the road while thieves massacred their victims, 52 Chap. II—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY To-day we are facing hard facts. Germany has to fight for her existence. She will fight knowing that the great Powers beyond the ocean will do her justice as soon as they know the truth. What Germany may expect from the United States ts the Judgment of Solomon, 53 FOREWORD TO CHAPTER III* Letter in The Times, September 22nd, 1914: * RUSSIA v. PRUSSIA. “But what are such facts as these to the profound intuitions of Mr. Keir Hardie and Mr. Ramsay MacDonald? On the other hand, they deplore our conflict with the cultivated and amiable Prussian Empire. Its huge fleet, its inexhaustible store of sub- marine mines, its carefully concealed preparation of hundreds of bomb-dropping aeroplanes and Zeppelius, its great system of strategic railways upon the Belgian and Polish frontiers, its secret manufacture of vast siege guns, its incessant increases of its stupendous army, its leap—prepared and armed—into this war, they regard as evidence of an excessive anxiety to keep the peace. Had we but let Germany ‘ finish’ Belgium and France, and reduce Russia to the present position of Austria in a Three-Emperor League, then the peace of the world, the security of Britain, the welfare of our millions of workers would have been assured for ever. We might then have given up building more warships, confident in the Kaiser’s secured good will. But for the wickedness of Sir Edward Grey. “We protest against this insult to the intelligence and self- respect of our fellow Britons which Mr. Hardie and Mr. MacDonald are offering, and we protest still more strongly against the stupid, ignorant, mischievous misrepresentation of a great, kindly, friendly people upon which their case is based, “C, HaGBERG WRIGHT. “HH. G. WELLs.” From The Times, August 6th, 1914. “New York, August 4th. ... The American Press holds that the German Emperor has proved himself the enemy of civilization, and it does not hesitate to say so in the strongest terms it can command. The Chicago Tribune decorates its article on the Kaiser’s invocation of Divine assistance with the single word ‘Blasphemy.’ The New York Times gives its complete editorial endorsement to the words of the Paris Temps that Russians, Frenchmen and Englishmen * This Foreword is not in the German Book. 54 FOREWORD TO CHAPTER III must stand united against ‘the powers of brigandage.’ In this war, says the New York World, Germany and Austria have no sympathizers even among the neutrals. It continues: “©The enlightened opinion of the whole world has turned against the two Kaisers as it turned against Napoleon when he sought to make himself autocrat of Europe. German autocracy is isolated, but what was begun as a war of autocracy is not un- likely to end as a war of revolution, with thrones crumbling and dynasties ending in exile. Civilization cannot rest at the mercy of despotism, and the welfare of mankind is not to be made the play- thing of autocracy. In the vanguard of the twentieth century in most respects, Germany has straggled back to the seventeenth century politically. The curse of medieval government has hung over her noblest achievements. Every impulse toward political freedom has been beaten back by the Mailed Fist. Austria’s quarrel with Servia was no affair of the German people. Russia’s challenge to Austria was no affair of the German people. Yet the very fate of the German Empire is thrown into the balance in order to halt the march of political freedom in Europe. Germany desires to crush, not Russian despotism, but French Republicanism. Britain is compelled to make France’s cause her cause.’ ” From The Times, August 29th, 1914. “ Toronto, August 27th. ** According to Colonel Hughes, Minister of Militia, sixty thousand citizens of the United States have offered to enlist in the Canadian Expeditionary Forces. These expressed the simple desire to fight for the British Empire. Application was even made in person to the Militia Department at Ottawa. Of course, no Americans could be enrolled.” 33 CHAPTER III REICHSTAG AND EMPEROR ENGLAND, FRANCE, AND RUSSIA, UNTHREATENED BY GERMANY, GO TO WAR FOR POLITICAL REASONS— GERMANY DEFENDS HER INDEPENDENCE AND FIGHTS FOR HER VERY EXISTENCE, FOR HER FUTURE AS A GREAT POWER—HOW A PEACEFUL PEOPLE WERE IMBUED WITH THE SPIRIT OF WAR. T may be well to quote the terms in which France and Russia were unthreatened by Germany. They are confessed by the writers of this book only two or three pages back in these words: “When Russia had let pass the time limtt set by Germany, when France had answered that she would act according to her own tnterests.’’ The German White Paper on the war with Russia uses these words : “ The Imperial Ambassador at St. Petersburg was ordered on the afternoon of July 31st to advise the Russian Govern- ment that Germany had declared a state of war as a counter- move to the mobilization of the Russian army and navy, which would have to be followed by mobilization unless Russia ceased her military preparations against Germany and Austria-Hungary within twelve hours, and so advised Ger- many. At the same time, the Imperial Ambassador at Paris was directed to request an explanation from the French Government within eighteen hours as to whether, in the case of a Russo-German war, France would remain neutral.” When did an ultimatum cease to be a threat? But instead of threatening Great Britain, Germany tried to cheat her. The result is that Germany, as the book says, is fight- ing for her very existence. And so are we. : 56 Chap. IIl—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY The last days of the month of July were days of anxiety and distress for the German people. They hoped that they would be permitted to preserve an honourable peace. A few months earlier, in 1913, when the centennial of the war for independence from French oppression and the twenty-fifth anniversary of Emperor William’s ascent of the throne had been celebrated, they had willingly taken upon their shoulders the great sacrifice of the so-called ‘‘ Wehrvorlage,” which increased the peace strength of the standing army enormously and cost one billion marks. They considered it simply as an increase of these peace insurance premiums. All reasonable people are prepared to admit that the German people, as distinct from the projectors of the present campaign and the courtiers of the German Canute, sincerely hoped that they would be “‘ permitted to preserve an honour- able peace.” And in so doing, they deserve the sympathy of the world. But they must have had a genius for self- eception if they considered the enormous additions to the army, and the war levy of fifty millions as “an insurance premium for peace.” It was like giving a boy a new gun and a hundred cartridges, and telling him on no account to put the cartridges into the gun. Our diplomats worked hard for the maintenance of peace, for the localization of the Austro-Servian war. So sure were the leading men of the empire of the preservation of general peace that at the beginning of the week which was to bring general mobilization they said to each other joyfully: ‘ Next week our vacation time begins.” But they were fearfully disappointed. Russia’s unexpected, treacherous mobilization compelled Germany to draw the sword also. On the evening of the first day of August the one word, Mobilization! was flashed by the electric spark all over the country. There was no more anxiety and uncertainty. Cool, firm resolution at once permeated the entire German folk. The Reichstag was called together for an extra session. The German method of diplomacy for the localization o. 57 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE the Austro-Servian war was a coup like the 1909 coup for the localization of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Austrian Empire. The bully had threatened again to knock Russia down tf she interfered. If the leading men of the German Empire were so sure of the preservation of general peace, it was because they believed that Russia would once more funk a fight. But as the book says: ‘‘ They were fearfully dis- appointed.” They call Russia’s refusal to be bullied an ““ unexpected, treacherous mobilization.” There was nothing for Germany to do but to fulfil her threat. It must be confessed that when Germany found that her challenge to fight was unexpectedly accepted, she behaved with the courage and dignity of a nation of warriors. Three days later, on the anniversary of the battles of Weissenburg and Spicheren, the representatives of the German people met. This session, which lasted only a few hours, proved worthy of the great historical moment marking the beginning of such a conflagration as the world had never seen before. The railroad lines were under military control and used almost exclusively for purposes of mobilization. In spite of all such difficulties, more than 300 of the 397 deputies managed to get to Berlin in time. The rest sent word that they were unable to come. On the evening of August 3rd the Imperial Chancellor called the leaders of all parties, including the Socialists, to his house and explained to them in a concise and impressive statement how frivolously Germany had been driven to war. If the German Chancellor was able to make “‘ a concise and impressive statement,” showing ‘‘ how frivolously Germany had been driven to war,” it was a masterpiece of -hypocrisy. For, at such a crisis, the Emperor must have trusted him to a certain extent, and he was therefore in all probability pretty fully aware of all the ingenious traps laid for England, France and Russia. He must have known of the studied precautions which were taken to prevent Servia by any possibility acceding to the Austrian demands: he must have known how the Emperor plotted to ensure Russia’s either accepting the humiliation of allowing Servia to be 58 Chap. III—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY crushed, or being compelled to fight: he must have known of all the ingenious expedients, especially the German Am- bassador’s continued residence in Paris long after the war had broken out, in order to lull the French into delaying theiy military preparations: he must have known ali the Jesuitical reservations made in the pourparlers between Germany and England in order, if possible, to keep England neutral. With all this private information in his head he had to maintain to the Reichstag that Germany had been “ driven frivolously to war,” and if he did it concisely and impres- ae he must be a master of speaking with his tongue in his cheek. But I suspect that the guileless writer of this book has done him an injustice. At the time of this meeting the unanimous acceptance of all war measures by the Reichstag was already assured. In numerous conferences the heads of the several depart- ments explained the contents and meaning of the bills to be submitted to the Reichstag. The participants of the conferences showed already what spirit would characterize the next day. The session of the Reichstag filled the entire German nation with pride and enthusiasm; the Reichstag maintained the dignity of the German Empire and the German people. In greater numbers than ever before, the deputies, high officers of the army and navy and the civil govern- ment assembled on August 4th, first in houses of worship to pray to God, and then in the royal castle of Berlin. The military character of the ceremony at the opening of the session showed under what auspices this memorable act took place. We may be sure that this meeting of the greatest men in Germany on such an historic occasion was impressive and dignified in the highest degree. The Kaiser entered the hall in the simple grey field uniform, without the usual pomp, accompanied by 59 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE chamberlains and court officials and pages in glitter- ing court dresses. Only state ministers, generals and admirals followed him to the throne, from where he read his speech, after covering his head with his helmet. His voice betrayed the strain under which he was labouring. Repeatedly he was interrupted by enthusiastic applause, and when he closed, a rousing cheer thundered through the famous White Hall, some- thing that had never before occurred since the erection of the old castle. Then came a surprise. The Emperor laid down the manuscript of his speech and continued speaking. From now on he knew only Germans, he said, no differences of party, creed, religion or social position, and he requested the party leaders to give him their hands as a pledge that they all would stand by him ‘‘in Not und Tod ’’—in death and distress. This scene was entirely impromptu, and thus so much more impressive and touching. The Kaiser has, one is sure, suffered from his chroniclers, for the German lacks the saving sense of humour which is demanded in the British or Amerscan journalist, and has made his sovereign appear with the adjuncts of the principal tenor in an opera and innumerable stage directions. I am sure that William II. was in reality manly, dignified and heroic in the highest degree, but your German journalist ts as crude in his methods as the monkish chroniclers of the Middle Ages. The Kaiser may be theatrical by disposttion, but on such an occasion, when the moment had at last arrived, his exalta- tion would have him feel like a genuine Nibelung. And it was hardly over, when the Reichstag—an un- heard of proceeding in such surroundings—began to sing the German national hymn: “Heil Dir im Siegerkranz.” The magnificent hall, until then only the scene of pompous court festivities, witnessed an outburst of patriotism such as had never been seen there before. To the accompaniment of loud cheers, the Kaiser walked out, after shaking the hands of the Imperial Chancellor and the chief of the General Staff, von Moltke. 60 Chap. III—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY One hour later the Reichstag met in its own house The Emperor had begged for quick and thorough work. He was not to be disappointed. Without any for- malities the presiding officers of the last session were re-elected—in times of peace and party strife this would have been impossible. This short curtain-raiser being over, the first act of the drama began. Before an over- crowded house, the Chancellor described simply and clearly the efforts of the Government for the preservation of peace. He stated cold facts, showing unmistakably Russia’s double dealing and justifying Germany’s beginning of a war which she did not want. The Chan- cellor had begun in a quiet, subdued tone. Then he raised his voice, and when, in words that rang through the hall, he declared that the entire nation was united, the deputies and the spectators in the galleries could sit still no longer. They rose, with them at first some Socialists, then all of them carried away by the impulse of the moment ; the members of the Federal Council, of the Press, Diplomats and the crowds in the_ galleries joined them. The whole multitude cheered and clapped its hands frantically. It reflected truly the spirit of the whole nation. The Speaker, who, under ordinary circumstances, would have suppressed the clapping of hands as unparliamentary and the demonstrations of the galleries as undignified, let the patriotic outburst go on to its end. When the Reichstag met in its own house, it did its work with soldierly brevity, though the Chancellor was compelled once more to describe the duplicity of Germany and ascribe it all to Russia. It was of no consequence, everyone believed him implicitly, and everyone present went mad with joy and patriotism. After a short intermission the business meeting began. Sixteen war measures had been introduced, the most important of which was the one asking for five billion marks to carry on the war. The leader of the Social Democrats read a statement explaining why his party, despite its opposition on principle to all Army and Navy 61 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE appropriations, would vote for the proposed bills. With- out further debates all the bills were passed, and shortly after 5 p.m. the Reichstag adjourned. At 7 p.m. the Emperor received the presiding officers of the Reichstag to thank them for their prompt and useful work. He signed the bills, which were immediately published and thus became laws. A war credit of two hundred and fifty millions was voted without any man in the rcom knowing exactly how it was going to be raised. The resolute attitude and quick work of the Reichstag reflected the unity and resolution of the entire nation. Sixty-seven millions of Germans feel, think and act with their elected representatives. No party, no class, no creed is standing back; all are imbued with one single thought: United Germany is unconquerable. Obviously no party, no class, no creed was standing back. Everyone present believed implicitly that united Germany was unconquerable. The entire German people ave united as never before in their history. Even one hundred and one years ago, in 1813, the entire population cannot have been so uniformly seized by the spirit of war as at the outbreak of this struggle, which is the people’s war in the truest sense of the word, and which was predicted by Bismarck. All reigning princes are going out to fight with the army, and have appointed their wives as regents. Instances include the Kaiser’s son-in-law, the Duke of Brunswick, who appointed his consort, the only daughter of the Emperor, as Regent. The princes call their people to arms, and they themselves stand ready to sacrifice all they have. We are told that the German people is united as it never has been before. If this is true, it is because they ave con- scious that the struggle is one of life and death. But if this is the people’s war, as the writers of this book maintain, 62 Chap. III.—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY it shows (which every humane person must be unwilling to believe) that the German people shares the Emperor's blind lust of power and is willing to submit to the most tyrannical militarism in order that there may be a German hegemony of Europe—a German Empire as absolute as that which groaned under the Roman Nero. Bismarck is said to have predicted that this would be a people's war. I cannot help thinking that Bismarck would have had some very acid things to say about this war, and especially about the diplomatic efforts of the Wilhclmstrasse which preceded it. This example from above carried the nation with them. The Reichstag knew parties and factions no more, and neither does the nation. The Emperor sounded the word which has become common property from Ké6nigsberg to Constance, from Upper Silesia to the Belgian frontier: “I know only Germans!” And yet how terribly is our nation disrupted by party strife. Iil-advised persons across our frontiers hoped that creed differences would make for disunion; Frenchmen and Russians expected to weaken our Empire with the aid of Alsatians and Poles. This hope has been destroyed— we are a united people, as united as was the Reichstag, the Socialists included. The latter have for years voted against all Army and Navy appropriations, have advo- cated international peace, and last year voted against the bills increasing the Army strength. In many foreign quarters strong hopes were nourished that this party would help them. But those men did not know our Ger- man people. Our civilization, our independence as a nation, was threatened, and in that moment party interest or creed existed no more. The true German heart is beating only for the Fatherland; east and west, north and south, Protestants, Catholics and Jews, are “a united people of brethren in the hour of danger.” When Germany was so threatened by Russia, when the German “ Peace Emperor’ was shamefully betrayed by the Czar of all the Russians, then there was but one sacred party in existence—the party of Germans. 63 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE No rumours have reached us to disprove the claim of the writers that all Germans, even Alsatians and Poles, are unanimous in their patriotism at the present moment, though the Poles may show their hand and be just as rapturous about Russia when the Russian armies enter Posen, for they have always been unconquerably hostile to Germaniza- tion in any form. It remains to be seen how the one sacred party in existence, the party of the Germans, will survive the Russian conquest of Prussian Poland. 64 FOREWORD TO CHAPTER IV* Letter from Mr. H. M. Hyndman, protesting against branding all Germans with the desire for war, in The Times, August 18th, I9I4. The demonstration against war in Berlin only the other day, in spite of the attacks of the police and the soldiery, was the most imposing ever held in that great city. From the very first the German Social Democratic Party, which polled no fewer than 4,250,000 votes at the last General Election, those being votes of men over twenty-five years of age; which receives weekly sub- scriptions from more than 1,000,000 persons; which has close upon 100 daily newspapers belonging to and issued by the party ; and which is estimated to form one-third of the German Army— from the very first, I say, this great body of working people has vehemently denounced the war. It has continued to do so in the face of bitter persecution, and, as is reported, of the imprison- ment and execution of some of its noblest leaders. Quite recently, not more than three days ago, its managers contrived to issue a stirring manifesto in favour of peace, though the journals of the party have been suppressed and the printing presses closed.’ ” The Times, August 25th, 1914. “ All have been struck by the wonderful readiness of Germany— striking evidence, if more were needed, of her long secret prepara- tions for war while she still pretended to seek peace; and they are thus able to discount, from their own experience, the allegation which has been sedulously circulated among the American visitors, to the effect that war has been thrust upon an unwilling and unexpecting Germany by neighbours jealous of her commercial success, “At Munich in particular, the scene appears to have been a very striking one. The park in Luisenstrasse was closed to the public, and for two whole days a stream of artisans and peasants, many in the picturesque costume of the Tyrol, passed in at one of the gates, emerging -at the other end as smart soldiers, fully armed and equipped. Everywhere entirely new outfits, complete to the last button, have apparently been issued to officers and men alike, to dazzle the eyes of the ladies of Paris. The men were carefully divided into groups according to height and marched off to the spot where uniforms to fit them were waiting.” * This Foreword is not in the German Book. 65 3 CHAPTER IV THE GERMAN MOBILIZATION THE CLOCKWORK OF MOBILIZATION ; PERFECT ORDER AND QUIET EVERYWHERE-—GENERAL ACCEPTANCE BY ALL CLASSES AND FACTIONS OF THE NECESSITIES OF A WAR NOT SOUGHT BY GERMANY.. HE German mobilization was the greatest movement of people that the world has ever seen. Nearly four million men had to be transported from every part of the empire to her borders. The manner in which this population is distributed made this task extremely difficult. Berlin, Rhenish-Westphalia, Upper Silesia and Saxony especially had to send their contingents in every direction, since the eastern provinces are more thinly settled and had to have a stronger guard for the borders immediately. The result was a hurrying to and fro of thousands and hundreds of thousands of soldiers, besides a flood of civilians who had to reach their homes as soon as possible. Countries where the population is more regularly distributed have an easier task than Germany, with its predominating urban population. The diff- culties of the gigantic undertaking were also increased by the necessity for transporting war materials of every sort. In the west are chiefly industrial undertakings, in the east mainly agricultural. Horse-raising is mostly confined to the provinces on the North Sea and the Baltic, but chiefly to East Prussia, and this province, the farthest away from France, had to send its best horses 66 Chap. IV—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY to the western border, as did also Schleswig-Holstein and Hanover. Coal for our warships had to go in the other direction. From the Rhenish mines it went to the North Sea, from Upper Silesia to the Baltic. Ammuni- tion and heavy projectiles were transported from the central part of the empire to the borders. And every- where these operations had to be carried on with haste. One can thus say that the German mobilization was the greatest movement of men and materials that the world has ever seen. The clockwork mobilization described goes far to prove that if the war was not sought by Germany, Germany was perfectly certain that the path it was pursuing might bring it to war at any moment. It was a marvel of efficiency and organization. And how was it carried on? No one could have wondered if there had been hundreds of unforeseen incidents, if military trains had arrived at their stations with great delays, if there had resulted in many places a wild hugger-mugger from the tremendous problems on hand. But there was not a trace of this. On the Monday evening of the first week of mobilization a high officer of the General Staff said: “It had to go well to-day, but how about to-morrow, the main day?” Tuesday evening saw no reason for complaint, no delay, no requests for instructions. All had moved with the regularity of clockwork. Regiments that had been ordered to mobilize in the forenoon left in the evening for the field, fully equipped. Not a man was lacking. There were no deserters, no shirkers, no cowards. Instead, there were volunteers whose numbers far exceeded the number that could be used. Every German wanted to do his duty. The most noteworthy thing was the earnest quietness with which the gigantic gathering proceeded. Not a city, not a village reported unrest or even an untoward incident. The separation was hard for many a soldier. Many a volunteer tore himself away from his dear ones with bleeding heart, but with face beaming with the light 67 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE of one who looks forward to victory. Following the Kaiser’s wish, those who remained behind filled the churches, and, kneeling, prayed to God for victory for the just German cause. The folk-war, brought on by the wantonness of the opponents, in itself brought peace and order, safety and discipline. Never, probably, have the police had fewer excesses to deal with than in the days of the mobilization, although great crowds gathered constantly in every city. This “ folk-war, brought on by the wantonness of oppo- nents,’ was remarkable for the orderliness of tts mobilization. This 1s indeed wonderful! The sixty-seven millions of the population of Germany, unless they are belied by the authors of this book, persuaded themselves that it was worth while to be tmmedtately shut out from the sea, on which they had built up such an enormous commerce, and to run the more than probable risk of losing their commerce alto- gether, and all their Colonial possessions, and their Navy, and their place in the world, im order that Russia might be humiliated and Austria allowed to crush Servia (which, though they did not know it, might be more than Austria could accomplish). More ardent students of politics, more ardent devotees of the aim that the German Emperor should be the successor not only of the Holy Roman Emperors, but of the Roman Emperors themselves, might grimly rejoice that the day had arrived for Germany to throw down her gauntlet and make good her claim to be mistress of the world, But I think that they were comparatively few—that the humiliation of Russia and the chastisement of Servia were “bonnes bouches’’ sufficient for the self-satisfaction of the ordinary Sausage-machine. The best criterion of the enthusiasm of the people is without doubt the number of volunteers. More than one million of these, a number greater than that of the standing army, presented themselves within a few days. There were sons of the nobility, university students, farmers, merchants, common labourers. No calling hung back. Every young man sorrowed when he was rejected. No section of the Fatherland was unrepresented, not 68 Chap. IV.—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY even the Reichsland Alsace-Lorraine, where, indeed, the number of volunteers was conspicuously great. When the lists in various cities had to be closed, the young men who had not been accepted turned away with tears in their eyes, and telegraphed from regiment to regiment, hoping to find one where there were still vacancies. Where the sons of the wealthy renounced the pleasures of youth and the comforts of their homes to accept the hardships of war in serving the Fatherland, the poor and the poorest appeared in like degree. In families having four or five sons subject to military duty, a youngest son, not yet liable for service, volunteered. The year 1870, truly a proud year 1870, saw nothing like this. At all events, according to the authors of this book, the war was received with universal enthusiasm. ‘‘ More than a mallion volunteers came forward within a few days.” I am afraid that this statement sounds suspicious. I cannot believe that the German military authorities, when there was any chance of their entering upon the greatest war in history, would be likely to leave out of the various classes available for service more than a million men of fighting age. If the writers include in this number the educated men who had done their year’s voluntary service and were merely anticipating the period at which they would be called to the colours, they would not be called volunteers in England ; they would be reservists. It is calculated that the only sons and others not liable to military service at all, who volunteered and were accepted, were under 50,000. I am not detracting from the merit of the patriots who would not wait till their turn came to be called up, but clamoured to be taken at once. All patriots ave splendid, and Germany is richer in patriots than almost any other country. I am only taking exception to the word “‘ volunteers,’ which is not used in the sense in which we should use it, and which has probably been advisedly used by the translator to influence American opinion. This ts not needed in the case of Germans, whose military ardour ts a proverb. A thing that raised the national enthusiasm still higher was the appearance of the troops in brand-new uniforms, 69 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE complete from head to foot. The first sight of these new uniforms, of modest field-grey, faultlessly made, evoked everywhere the question: Where did they come from? On the first day of mobilization dozens of cloth manufacturers appeared at the war ministry with offers of the new material. ‘‘ We don’t need any,” was the astonishing reply. Equal amazement was caused by the faultless new boots and shoes of the troops, especially in view of the recent famous ‘‘ boot speech” of the French Senator Humbert. Small arms, cannons and ammunitions are so plentiful that they have merely to be unpacked. In view of all this, it is no wonder that the regiments marching in were everywhere greeted with jubilation, and that those marching out took leave of their garrisons with joyful songs. No one thinks of death and destruction, every one of victory and a happy reunion. German discipline, once so slandered, now celebrates its triumph. The fatuousness of the writer or writers of this book is nowhere more hopelessly in evidence than in this paragraph. “A thing that raised the national enthusiasm still higher” (than the glory of Germany and her fight for existence) “‘ was the appearance of the troops in brand-new uniforms complete from head to foot. The first sight of these new uniforms of modest field-grey, faultlessly made, etc... . Equal amazement was caused by the faultless new boots and shoes of the troops, etc.” Two reflections are provoked by these banalities. The frst is: Could anything be more trivial in this crisis of their national existenée? And the second is: How could they have had fresh uniforms ready for four million troops uf war was not expected 7 Of course war was expected, for ‘small arms, cannons, and ammunitions”’ were so plentiful that they merely had to be unpacked, and so much had been said about what they were going to do that the troops were convinced of easy victory, and went away singing, which led the egregious writer of this book to remark: ‘‘ German discipline, once so slandered, now celebrates its triumph”—a “‘non sequitur,” as it appears to me. 7o Chap. IV.—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY There was still another matter in which the troops gave their countrymen cause for rejoicing. Not one drunken man was seen during these earnest days in the city streets. The General Staff had, moreover, wisely ordered that during the mobilization, when everyone had money in his pockets, alcoholic drinks were not to be sold at the railroad stations. Despite this, the soldiers did not lack for refreshments on their journey. Women and girls offered their services to the Red Cross, and there was no station where coffee, tea, milk and sub- stantial food were not at the disposal of the soldiers. They were not required to suffer hunger or any other discomfort. The German anti-alcoholists are rejoicing at this earnest tribute to their principles, which were at first laughed at, and then pitied, but triumphed in the days of the mobilization. It was humorous of the writer to remark in one sentence that the troops rejoiced thety countrymen because not one drunken man was seen in those days, and in the next sentence to mention that the drink-shops were shut. But one applauds the taking of these measures for sobriety in Germany as they have been taken in England and Russia. The elevation of the soldier is a matter of first-class importance, but he had better by far be drunk than murder Red Cross nurses or drive women and children in front of a column when it is exposed to the machine-guns of the enemy. It is pleasant to record that the troops were everywhere offered tea and coffee. The army is increased to many, times its ordinary strength by the mobilization. It draws from everywhere millions of soldiers, workmen, horses, wagons, and other material. The entire railway service is at its disposal. The mobilization of the fleet goes on more quietly and less conspicuously, but not less orderly and smoothly. Indeed, it is, even in peace times, practically mobilized as to its greatest and strongest units. For this reason its transports are smaller than those of the army; they are concentrated in a few harbours, and therefore do not attract so much public attention. The naval transports, 71 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE working in accordance to plans in connection with those of the army, have moved their quotas of men and materials with the most punctual exactitude. The naval reserve of fully-trained officers and men is practically inex- haustible. The faithful work of our shipbuilding concerns, carried on uninterruptedly day and night under plans carefully prepared in time of peace, has wrought for our navy a strong increase in powerful warships. I am afraid that the writer of this egregious book cannot be trusted as to military details. He says: “ The army is increased to many times its ordinary strength by mobilization.” Say for the sake of argument that the German army consists of a million men on a peace footing, does our author mean that after mobilization it was increased to twenty or forty millions ? Indeed, these figures do not seem to be large enough for him, since he says in the next sentence : ‘‘ It draws FROM EVERYWHERE MILLIONS of soldiers, workmen, horses, wagons, and other material.” At this rate it seems safer to put the strength of the army down at a billion; he is very fond of billions. And what does he mean when he says that the mobilization of the fleet goes on “ more quietly but not less orderly and smoothly’? And what does he mean by saying that the naval transports are smaller than those of the army ? or“ the faithful work of our shipbuilding concerns carried on uninterruptedly day and night under plans care- fully prepared in time of peace has wrought for our navy a strong increase in powerful warships”’? Does he mean by this that the German dockyards have been working day and night because they knew that war was certain in August, 1914, or does he mean nothing at all in particular ? As is known, the German fleet is built on the so-called “‘ assumption-of-risk ’’ plan. That is, it is intended that it shall be so strong that even the strongest sea-power, in a conflict with the Germans, risks forfeiting its former réle as a world factor. This “ risk” idea has been ham- mered into the heart of every German seaman, and they are all eager to win for the fleet such glory that it can be favourably contrasted with the deeds of the old and the new armies, 72 Chap. IV.—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY. We know that the German fleet is so strong in ships and guns that if it engaged our ficet and was properly fought, uw might be a very serious thing for us to have to fight a fleet of equal strength on the following day. But the question is : Would tt be properly fought ? Would the conscript German navy get as much out of their ships and guns as they ought ? They have not ventured on any engagement, either with the English ficet or the much weaker Russian fleet, and their single ships have given our single ships a very wide berth, and where they have had the misfortune to meet them, have run away. Any German cruiser which wishes to bear out the ‘‘ assumption-of-risk”’ theory has only to wait for an English cruiser, and she can have her “ duel a Voutrance,” and there is not an officer in the German navy who does not know this, and probably not a ship in the German navy which does not carry orders never to engage an English ship of anything like equal strength, for all the “ assumption-of- risk” theory so magnanimously printed here. The German seamen may be “ eager to win for the fleet such glory that tt can be favourably contrasted with the deeds of the old and new armies,” but their admirals and captains have never sought an action* in the whole existence of the German navy, and the German fleet has not ventured into the North Sea since the beginning of the war. Contrary to general expectation, the German fleet has taken the offensive, and the first loss of the war is on the English side and in English waters, the English cruiser Amphion running on to German mines in the mouth of the Thames. The idea of glory held by the writers of this book may be as distant from ours as their idea of taking the offensive. Our idea of taking the offensive is to come out and look for someone to fight—not to strew mines in the open sea, more dangerous to innocent vessels employed in commerce or fishing * Except the Kénigsberg, 3,350 tons, which, receiving informa- tion from a spy that the Pegasus, 2,135 tons, with guns of inferior range, was lying at anchor, steam-down, cleaning her boilers out and otherwise repairing, came in and put her out of action from a safe distance. 73 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE than to men-oj-war, which keep a look-out. This we put on a par with poisoning wells. Three of our smaller cruisers have, it is true, been blown up by these mines, but the men who laid them are not naval warriors but dastards of exactly the same class as the man who threw the land-bomb which killed the Archduke Francis Ferdinand.* Neither do we consider it taking the offensive for a battle cruiser like the ‘“ Goeben”’ to bombard towns on the Algerian coast as defenceless as Brighton and Margate. In the Baltic and the Mediterranean also German ships have taken the offensive against the enemies’ coast, as is shown by the bombardment by the Germans of the war harbour of Libau and of fortified landing- places on the Algerian coast. When the “ Goeben” and the ‘‘ Breslau” heard that England had declared war, they ceased to confide in the “isk idea,’ and steamed east as hard as they could, pre- sumably to make the Adriatic. They did not take advantage of the glorious opportunity of risk and serving their country presented by the fact that a French army was being transported from Algeria to France. When Nelson was chasing the transports which carried Napoleon’s army and the fleet which convoyed them, he told off four ships to engage the entire French fleet until the others had sunk the transports. The “ Goeben”’ and the ‘‘ Breslau,” if they had been animated by such a spirit, might have destroyed thousands of soldiers as well as inflicted great damage on the English men-of-war which guarded the crossing, before they were sunk, and they would have set the German navy the example of “ confiding in the risk idea” which it seems to need so badly. But they took advantage of the English men-of-war being busy and fled. Headed off the Adriatic by small English ships—the boastful Austrian navy declined to come out and help them— they ran into Messina. Italian neutrality was strict, and in twenty-four hours they came out again, after leaving their wills and their valuables with their consul. They came out * As this goes to press there is news of a really brilliant dash by German submarines which resulted in the torpedoing of three armoured cruisers, 74 Chap. IV.—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY with their bands playing, talking about death and glory, and the world, which did not know how little they meant, was thrilled with admiration. But the British fleet was not there: was it still convoying the French army across the Mediterranean ? there was only the little “‘ Gloucester,” about a match for the ‘‘ Breslau” (in armament, two six-inch and ten four-inch guns, in speed twenty-six knots). Though the ““Goeben”’ carried ten eleven-inch guns and was two knots faster, they did not turn and rend her, but fled before her to Constantinople. She hung on right up to the Dardanelles, chasing and shelling them—they passed in, and after holding up enemies’ merchant ships in neutral waters, were saved by being sold to Turkey, crews and al. , And this veracious book was published after the inglorious extt of the ‘‘ Goeben.”’ Thus the fleet, confiding in the “ risk ” idea now proved to be true, and in its earnest and courageous spirit, may look forward with confidence to coming events. But will not civilians have to hunger and thirst in these days? That is an earnest question. The answer is, No. Even in Berlin, city of millions, the milk supply did not fail for a day. Infants will not have to bear the privations of war. All provisions are to be had at reasonable prices. Empire, municipalities, and mer- chants are working successfully together to ensure that there shall be a sufficient food supply at not too great a cost. Not only is our great army mobilized, but the whole folk is mobilized, and the distribution of labour, the food question and the care of the sick and wounded are all being provided for. The whole German folk has become a gigantic war camp. All are mobilized to protect Kaiser, Folk and Fatherland, as the closing report of the Reichstag puts it. And all Germany pays the tribute of a salute to the chiefs of the army and navy, who work with deeds, not words. If this is true of Berlin, Berlin is more fortunate than Hamburg. 75 FOREWORD TO CHAPTER V the honour of nations gone; liberty gone. What is left? Ger- many—Germany is left—Deutschland ziber Alles. That is all that is left. That is what we are fighting, that claim to predominancy of a civilization, a material one, a hard one, a civilization which, if once it rules and sways the world, liberty goes, democracy vanishes, and unless Britain comes to the rescue with her sons, it will be a dark day for humanity. (Loud cheers.) “We are not fighting the German people. The German people are just as much under the heel of this Prussian military caste, and more so, thank God, than any other nation in Europe. It will be a day of rejoicing for the German peasant and artisan and trader when the military caste is broken. (Cheers.) You know his pretensions. He gives himself the airs of a demi-god walking the pavement—civilians and their wives swept into the gutter ; they have no right to stand in the way of the great Prussian Junker. Men, women, nations—they have all got togo. He thinks all he has got to say is, ‘“‘ We are in a hurry.” (Laughter.) That is the answer he gave to Belgium. ‘‘ Rapidity of action is Ger- many’s greatest asset,’’ which means, ‘I am in a hurry. Clear out of my way.” You know the type of motorist, the terror of the roads, with a 6o-h.p. car. He thinks the roads are made for him, and anybody who impedes the action of his car by a single mile is knocked down. The Prussian Junker is the road-hog of Europe. (Loud cheers.) Small nationalities in his way hurled to the roadside, bleeding and broken ; women and children crushed under the wheels of his cruel car ; Britain ordered out of his road. All I can say is this. If the old British spirit is alive in British hearts that bully will be torn from his seat. (Prolonged cheers.) Were he to win it would be the greatest catastrophe that befel democracy since the days of the Holy Alliance and its ascendancy.” 98 CHAPTER V ARMY AND NAVY THE GERMAN ARMY AND NAVY ON THE WATCH—FOUR MILLION GERMAN MEN IN THE FIELD—THOUSANDS OF VOLUNTEERS JOIN THE COLOURS TO FIGHT FOR GERMANY’S EXISTENCE, AMONG THEM THE FLOWER OF HER SCIENTIFIC AND ARTISTIC LIFE. HERE can be no greater contrast than that be- tween the United States and Germany in one of the most important questions of existence with which a state is confronted. In its whole history the United States has never had a foreign, a hostile force of invaders upon its territory ; foreign armies have never laid waste its fields. This is a tactful way of insinuating to the United States that they do not know what War means. But their great civil war, which lasted over the first half of the sixties, gave them as searching a test as any war of modern times. Until late in the last century, however, Germany was the battlefield for the then most powerful nations of Europe. The numerous German states and provinces, too, fought among themselves, often on behalf of foreign powers. The European great powers of that day were able, unhindered and unpunished, to take for themselves piece after piece of German territory. In the United States, on the other hand, it was years before the steadily increasing population attained to the boundaries set for it by nature. Our Bismarck was finally able, in the years from 1864 to 1871, to create a great empire from the many small 79 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE German states. As he himself often remarked, how- ever, this was only possible because his policies and diplomacy rested upon and were supported by a well trained and powerful army. It is well that Germany confesses that Bismarck’s policies and diplomacy rested on a large and well-trained army. The army wags Prussia, and Prussia wags Germany. If tt had not been under the heel of the army would Bavaria have consented to the present war? Would Hamburg have voted for tt >—Hamburg, which has fifteen hundred ships lying idle in its docks, and less sea-borne trade than many an African village! The Prussian Pretorians, headed unfortunately by theiy Emperor, have drenched Europe with blood to extend the area of their tyrannies. Nothing but the army 1s left of the Bismarckian policy. Would Bismarck have kept Alsace and Lorraine loyal to France by senseless persecutions? Would Bismarck have allowed Germany to go into the war with the whole civilized world except Austria ready to league against her? Would Bismarck have so gone to war that Italy could within the terms of the Triple Alliance refuse to join in on Germany's side? Would Bismarck have consented to a plan of campaign which was bound to make the unwilling English Radicals declare war on Germany with the ardour of jingoes ? Would Bismarck have forgotten to ascertain whether Japan would display an attitude which would liberate large Russian armies from Asia ?—Japan, which since she came into the war has sold to Russia her formidable siege-guns ! How the German Empire came into being at that time is well known. A war was necessary because the then so powerful France did not desire that North and South Germany should unite. She was not able to prevent this union, was defeated, and had to give back to us two old German provinces which she had stolen from the Germans. The old Field-Marshal von Moltke said not long after the war of 1870-71, that the Germans would still have to defend Alsace-Lorraine for fifty years more. Perhaps he little realized how prophetic his words were; but he and those who followed him, the German em- 80 Chap. V.—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY perors and the German war ministers, prepared them- selves for this coming defensive struggle, and unre- mittingly devoted their attention to the German army. Moltke was born a Dane, and therefore in a position to judge how strong were the feelings of provinces made captive by Germany. He also knew the Prussian officer, and how impossible his brutalities would make the conciliation of any captive province, He foresaw Zabern and might have prophesied Louvain. The principal preparation made by Germany for the present “ defensive’”’ struggle has lain, as one of our Under-Secre- taries of State has well pointed out, in the preparation of stege-trains with gigantic guns for the invasion of France and Belgium. From 1887 on there had been no doubt that in the event of war with France we should have to reckon also with Russia. This meant that the army must be strong enough to be equal to the coming fight on two borders—a tre- mendous demand upon the resources of a land when one considers that a peaceful folk, devoted to agriculture, industry and trade, must live for decades in the constant expectation of being obliged, be it to-morrow, be it in ten years, to fight for its life againet its two great military neighbours simultaneously. There are, moreover, the great money expenditures, and also the burden of universal military service, which, as is well known, requires every able-bodied male German to serve a number of years with the colours, and later to hold himself ready, first as a re- servist, then as member of the Landwehr, and finally as member of the Landsturm, to spring to arms at the call of his supreme war lord, the German Emperor. The men who in 1875 planned the war of extirpation against France when she began to recover from the war of 1870 were responsible for the Franco-Russian Alliance. It showed Prince Gortchakoff and the Czar Alexander what the invasion of Belgium has shown in the present war—that the policy of Germany is expressed by the naked cynicism of von Bernhardi’s “ Conditions may arise which are more 81 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE powerful than the most honourable intentions.” The same sentiment has been defined with yet more naked shameless- ness by the German Chancellor, von Bethmann-Hollweg,— in his dictum that ‘‘ a treaty is only a scrap of paper.” Germany's insecurity in living between two powerful and hostile neighbours was nothing in the opinion of Russia to the insecurity of living next door to a country with the politics of a brigand. As the brigand preys upon unsuspect- ing travellers, Germany was looking out for the opportunity to prey on unsuspecting neighbours. Hence the Franco- Russian Alliance, but for which Germany might have fallen on Russia’s rear while she was fighting Japan. As for the financial burden, by abandoning her designs against England, Germany could have done without an im- portant navy. Until the Kaiser’s telegram to Kruger England’s navy was on the side of Germany. Germany's navy is part of her equipment as a brigand. A warlike, militant nation would not long have endured such conditions, but would have compelled a war and carried it through swiftly. As Bismarck said, however, the German army, since it is an army of the folk itself, is not a weapon for frivolous aggression. Since the German army, when it is summoned to war, represents the whole German people, and since the whole German people is peaceably disposed, it follows that the army can only be a defensive organization. The book suggests that if Germany had not been a peaceful nation, she would have gone to war long ago to dis- arm other nations, after which she might have disarmed her- self, unless she preferred to remain armed, forcing the unarmed rest of Europe to pay for her armaments. But tt is not good policy for the most peaceful nation to declare wars for the conquest of her neighbours until opportunities make her success a certainty. Besides, if the German army were a purely defensive organization which would only be used to repel foreign aggression (and it must be remembered that the third,;member of the Triple Alliance refused to fight on the ground that this is purely a war of aggression), how could it have made such a war ? 82 Chap. V.—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY | The fact is, that this peaceful nation with an army purely for defensive purposes, has several times thrown down the glove, and reaped substantial advantages by the challenged nation not daring to pick it up. It must have been absolutely staggered when Great Britain, whom for once she was courting instead of challenging, instantly accepted war rather than betray her honour. If war comes, millions of Germans must go to the front, must leave their parents, their families, their children. They must. And this ‘must’? means not only the command of their Emperor, but also the neces- sity to defend their own land. Did not this necessity exist, these sons, husbands and fathers would assuredly not go gladly to the battlefield, and it is likewise certain that those who stayed at home would not rejoice so en- thusiastically to see them go as we Germans have seen them rejoicing in these days. Again, then, let us repeat that the German army is a weapon which can be and is used only for defence against foreign aggressions. When the aggressions come, the whole German folk stands with its army, as it does now. But aggressions come when the Kaiser orders them. He has only to give the word to Austria as he gives the word to Hamman for a campaign of lies against England in the Press and the “ amour propre’ of the nation insulted by Austria may be trusted to do the rest. The German people does not appear to be able to distinguish between manufactured and spontaneous aggressions. Or perhaps it does and is only grinning like a plucky boy who is going to be caned, when writers like the author of this book are explaining to the mocking American that this is a purely democratic and defensive war. It seems a pity not to add that it has the approval of the Salvation Army. The German army is divided into twenty-five corps in times of peace. In war-times reservists, members of the Landwehr, and occasionally also of the Landsturm are called to the colours. The result is that the German army on a war footing is a tremendously powerful organ. 83 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE powerful than the most honourable intentions.” The same sentiment has been defined with yet more naked shameless- ness by the German Chancellor, von Bethmann-Hollweg,— in his dictum that ‘‘ a treaty is only a scrap of paper.” Germany’s insecurity in living between two powerful and hostile neighbours was nothing in the opinion of Russia to the insecurity of living next door to a country with the politics of a brigand. As the brigand preys upon unsuspect- ing travellers, Germany was looking out for the opportunity to prey on unsuspecting neighbours. Hence the Franco- Russian Alliance, but for which Germany might have fallen on Russia’s rear while she was fighting Japan. As for the financial burden, by abandoning her designs against England, Germany could have done without an im- portant navy. Until the Kaiser's telegram to Kruger England’s navy was on the side of Germany. Germany’s navy is part of her equipment as a brigand. A warlike, militant nation would not long have endured such conditions, but would have compelled a war and carried it through swiftly. As Bismarck said, however, the German army, since it is an army of the folk itself, is not a weapon for frivolous aggression. Since the German army, when it is summoned to war, represents the whole German people, and since the whole German people is peaceably disposed, it follows that the army can only be a defensive organization. The book suggests that if Germany had not been a peaceful nation, she would have gone to war long ago to dis- arm other nations, after which she might have disarmed her- self, unless she preferred to remain armed, forcing the unarmed rest of Europe to pay for her armaments. But it is not good policy for the most peaceful nation to declare wars for the conquest of her neighbours until opportunities make her success @ certainty. Besides, if the German army were a purely defensive organization which would only be used to repel foreign aggression (and it must be remembered that the third;member of the Triple Alliance refused to fight on the ground that this is purely a war of aggression), how could tt have made such a war ? 82 Chap. V.—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY . The fact is, that this peaceful nation with an army purely for defensive purposes, has several times thrown down the glove, and reaped substantial advantages by the challenged nation not daring to pick it up. It must have been absolutely staggered when Great Britain, whom for once she was courting instead of challenging, instantly accepted war rather than betray her honour. If war comes, millions of Germans must go to the front, must leave their parents, their families, their children. They must. And this “must” means not only the command of their Emperor, but also the neces- sity to defend their own land. Did not this necessity exist, these sons, husbands and fathers would assuredly not go gladly to the battlefield, and it is likewise certain that those who stayed at home would not rejoice so en- thusiastically to see them go as we Germans have seen them rejoicing in these days. Again, then, let us repeat that the German army is a weapon which can be and is used only for defence against foreign aggressions. When the aggressions come, the whole German folk stands with its army, as it does now. But aggressions come when the Kaiser orders them. He has only to give the word to Austria as he gives the word to Hamman for a campaign of lies against England in the Press and the “ amour propre’ of the nation insulted by Austria may be trusted to do the rest. The German people does not appear to be able to distinguish between manufactured and spontaneous aggressions. Or perhaps it does and is only grinning like a plucky boy who is going to be caned, when writers luke the author of this book are explaining to the mocking American that this is a purely democratic and defensive war, It seems a pity not to add that it has the approval of the Salvation Army. The German army is divided into twenty-five corps in times of peace. In war-times reservists, members of the Landwehr, and occasionally also of the Landsturm are called to the colours. The result is that the German army on a war footing is a tremendously powerful organ, 83 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE Quite an important addition to its numbers can be made by calling in the German spies who are stationed in other countries. Our opponents in foreign countries have for years con- sistently endeavoured to awaken the belief that the German soldier does his obligatory service very unwillingly, that he does not get enough to eat and is badly treated. These assertions are false, and anybody who has seen in these weeks of mobilization how our soldiers, reservists and Landwehr men departed for the field or reported at the garrisons, anybody who has seen their happy, enthusiastic and fresh faces, knows that mishandled men, men who have been drilled as machines, cannot present such an appearance, If the German soldier is not badly treated by his officers, heis asad liar. For the books which deal with such subjects, in Germany as elsewhere, are full of his woes. In the present war great numbers of German prisoners have wounds at the backs of theiy legs and feet which they allege that they have received from the swords and revolvers of their officers, who march behind them and drive them into action in the solid masses which carried them to the gates of Paris, though men by the hundred thousand are said to have fallen by the way. Presuming that they are very well fed under ordinary circum- stances, one may note that from the time that they crossed the Belgian frontier the German commissariat arrangements for food have broken down. On the day the German mobilization was ordered we travelled with some Americans from the western border to Berlin. These Americans said: ‘‘We do not know much about your army, but judging by what we have seen in these days, there prevails in it and all its arrangements such system that it must win. System must win every time.” In this saying there is, indeed, much of truth— order and system are the basis upon which the mighty organization of our army is built. The enormous masses of men which Germany was able to throw upon Belgium within a few days of the beginning of the 84 Chap. V.—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY war show, even if some secret system of mobilization had been in operation, the wonderful organization of the German army. They were able to send out two million or more men, wonder- fully complete in armament and transport, even if they left the provisioning, or some of it, to the chances of what they could requisition in the occupted countries. But the American who said that “ system must win every time” was ignorant of a truth still more axiomatic in war—that where both sides are well organized, generalship and personal ascendancy are prime factors, and that where the generalship is pretty equal and the numbers are pretty equal, one nation may completely dominate another in battle. Apparently, though the officers are a military people, the men of the German army are not. The enormous heroism they have shown, the enormous military feats which they have accomplished in marching to the gates of Paris ave due to discipline and training, and above all to their exalted love of the Fatherland, which enables them to face terrible and hellish situations to which they have no berserking spirit to impel them. The individual German “ Tommy” does not want to “‘ go for” the individual English ‘‘ Tommy” as the individual English ‘‘ Tommy” wants to go for him. Now a word concerning the German officer. He, too, has been much maligned ; he is often misunderstood by foreigners, and yet we believe that the people of the United States in particular must be able to understand the German officer. One of the greatest sons of free America, George Washington, gave his countrymen the advice to select only gentlemen as officers, and it is according to this principle that the officers of the German army and navy are chosen. Their selection is made, moreover, upon a democratic basis, in that the officers’ corps of the various regiments decide for themselves whether they will or will not accept as a comrade the person whose name is proposed to them. The people in the United States have been very explicit about the German officer. We English trust that German hah as a class have been maligned. We are unwilling to elt ieve that the estimate can be true of them generally ; we are unwilling to believe that the picture drawn of them in “ Life 85 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE in a Garrison Town” is typical, true as it may be of the particular regiment in which the author was a lieutenant. There German officers ave made out to be drunken, bestial, caddish, dishonest, not even particularly brave, and, of course, abominably arrogant. We know, in spite of what Lieutenant Bilse has written, that the German army must be full of officers who are brave gentlemen as well as born aristocrats. We have heard innumerable instances of the noble manners of the best of them in their intercourse with foreigners. If they are arrogant to their men, it 1s because tt 1s the tradition of their service. If they drink heavily, it is because popular opinion does not condemn it, and it must be remembered that they rarely drink spirits, except in the form of “ petits verres.” “A drink” in Germany does not mean a whiskey-and-soda. The openness of their ‘“‘ amours” would in England be a public scandal, and in America would lead to wholesale murder. In connection with it, credit must be given to the German authorities for the measures taken to stamp out a disease which is infinitely more dangerous to the community than hydrophobia. The other side of the shield is a bright one. The German officer is devoted to the study of his profession, and has carried ee science to a higher degree than had ever been known efore. The rest of the paragraph will seem to Americans almost comical. George Washington would be hooted all over America tf he advised the American of to-day to “‘ select only gentlemen as officers.” West Point is absolutely demo- cratic as to the candidates who may submit themselves for the army entrance examination, though it turns out such a splendid article. To allow the officers of a regiment to black- ball a man who has been appointed to their regiment would not strike an Englishman or an American as democratic, but as rank snobbery. One sees that the German army is not, as many say, a tremendous machine, but rather a great, living organism, which draws its strength and life-blood from all classes of the whole German folk. The German army can develop its entire strength only in a war which the folk approve, that is, when a defensive war has been forced upon them. 86 Chap. V.—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY That this is true, will have been realized by our friends in the United States before this comes into their hands. _ The description “a great living organism, which draws us strength and l1fe-blood from all classes of the whole German folk” is, from the literary point of view, unfortunate. It ts too like the definition of a vampire, which is the American view of the German army, as well as our own. The statement that “ the German army can develop its entire strength only in a war which the folk approve’’ will strike the rest of the world as a gloomy prognostication of defeat. One asks aghast: Did the German people, which had built up in forty years a manufacturing interest, an overseas commerce, a mercantile fleet rivalling those of England and the United States, really wish to start a war, in which all these, and even the German Empire itself, might be lost, just to enable Austria to punish Servia for a murder with which Servia may have had nothing to do, or to crush and rob Servia because she feared her ?—Did the German people really, if all this talk of avenging the Archduke’s murder and freeing Austria trom the Servian menace was fudge, really wish to imperil everything dear to it in life, and a million German lives, just to humiliate Russia, and make the small nations regard her as a broken reed? If they did, history will record it as the most notorious instance of midsummer madness affecting a whole people. To use a homely business phrase, “It really was not good enough.” But then, we only have the word of the egregious writer of this book for iw, and we prefer to trust the German people. The German fleet is in like manner a weapon of defence. It was very small up to the end of the last century, but has since then been consistently built up according to the ground principles which Mr. Roosevelt has so often in his powerful manner laid down for the American fleet. The question has often been asked, what is there for the German fleet to defend, since the German coast-line is so short ? The answer is that the strength of a fleet must not be made to depend upon the length of coast-lines, but upon how many ships and how much merchandize go out from and enter the harbours, how great over-seas interests 87 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE there are, how large the colonies are and how they are situated, and finally how strong the sea-powers are with which Germany may have to carry on a war and how they are situated. To meet all these requirements there is but one remedy, namely, either that our fleet shall be strong enough to prevent the strongest sea-power from conducting war against us, or that, if war does come, it shall be able so to battle against the mightiest opponent that the latter shall be seriously weakened. The theory that the German fleet is a weapon of defence would be a very plausible one if the hireling German pro- fessor, who corresponds to Dr. Hammann in the newspaper world, had not been at such pains to brag about the rapidity with which it was going to overhaul the British navy, and what it was going to do to it when the overhauling was com- plete. Otherwise, it would have seemed only patriotic and natural that Germany should amass a respectable fleet to be able to dispute the Monroe doctrine, if her vital interests were assailed while she was establishing a new Germany in the south of Brazil, ov if she happened to be at war with Russia, and wished to prevent the Baltic becoming a Russian lake. A fleet up to the standard of France or Russia or Italy might have been classed as a weapon of defence. A fleet to make her equal the sea-power of England, which only kept up a very small army as a weapon of defence, could not fairly be classed in this category. No one disputes Germany's right to have such a fleet if she could afford it, but the Ballin-Bilow com- mitiee stultifies itself by taking the responsibility of a book which advances such foolish pretensions. The latter pari of the paragraph lets the real cat out of the bag. The fieet has to be equal to strong sea-powers “ with which Germany may have to carry on war, and has to be so strong that the mightiest sea-power cannot fight it without being seriously weakened.” If that is so, why this puerile blarney about it only being intended for purposes of defence ? Germany, as especially the Americans know, has become a great merchant marine nation, whose colonies are flourishing. Furthermore, since the land’s growing popu- 88 Chap. V.—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY lation has greatly increased its strength in the course of the last years, the mistrust and jealousy of Great Britain have in particular been directed against the development of our ocean commerce, and later of our navy. To the up- building of the German navy were ascribed all manner of plans—to attack Great Britain, to make war on Japan, etc. It was even declared by the English press that Ger- many intended to attack the United States as soon as its fleet was strong enovgh. To-day, when Great Britain has needlessly declared war upon us, the Americans will per- haps believe that our fleet was never planned or built for an attack on anyone. Germany desired simply to protect its coasts and its marine interests in the same manner in which it protects its land boundaries. It is realized in the United States as well as here that a fleet can be power- ful only when it has a sufficient number of vessels of all classes, and when it is thoroughly and unremittingly schooled in times of peace. We have tried to attain this ideal in Germany, and it may be remarked that the training of the personnel requires greater efforts here, since the principle of universal service is also applied to the fleet, with a resulting short term of service, whereas all foreign fleets have a long term of enlistment. That the German fleet was built for aggression against England or to frighten the United States from going to war against Germany for the enforcement of the Monroe doctrine— that it was not built to protect its coasts and tts marine interests, is amply shown by the fact that it has not been seen on the coast of the North Sea since the war began, and that it has not fought an action against a single British man-of- war (see pages 73 and 74) to prevent German commerce being swept from the sea, though there are both English cruisers and German cruisers in the Atlantic and the Pacific. Under these circumstances, what on earth has it to do with the idea of defence? Its sole aims are, if it gets the chance, to prey on British commerce or escort a German expedition to invade Great Britain. It must be admitted that it is a very sctenti- fically designed navy, with excellent ships and guns, always kept on something like a war-footing. Its personnel ts at present an unknown quantity. 89 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE The nominal strength of the German fleet is regulated by statute, as is also the term—twenty years—at the expiration of which old vessels must automatically be replaced by new ones. This fleet-strength is set at 41 line-of-battle ships, 20 armoured cruisers and 40 small cruisers, besides 144 torpedo-boats and 72 submarine vessels. These figures, however, have not been reached. To offset this fact, however, almost the whole German fleet has been kept together in home waters. Great Britain’s fleet is much stronger than ours, but despite this, the German fleet faces its great opponent with coolness and assurance and with that courage and readiness to under- take great deeds that mark those who know that their land has been unjustifiably attacked. I express no opinion as to how far the number of ships laid down in the schedule has been attained. That tt has not been attained the Germans assure us tn this book. To say that the German fleet faces the British with “ that courage and readiness to undertake great deeds that mark those who know that their land has been unjustifiably at- tacked’’ does not seem to English and Americans. to have been proved. The obvious fact is that the German fleet has been ordered to keep out of harm’s way, bitterly, as one may imagine, to the disgust of the bulk of the officers, who work with deeds not words. It is utterly incorrect to say, as has been said, that the German naval officers are filled with hatred for other navies, especially for the British. On the con- trary, the relations between German and English officers and men have always been good, almost as good as those of the Germans with the American officers. It is not personal hatred that inspires our officers and men with the lust for battle, but their indignation over the unprovoked attack and the realization that, if everyone will do his best for the Fatherland in this great hour, it will not be in vain even against the greatest naval power. We, too, are confident of this, for strenuous and faithful effort always has its reward, and this is especially true of our fleet organization. go Chap. V.—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY German naval officers are respected and popular with the officers of our own and other fleets. But one could wish that the German Admiralty’s idea of “ doing tts best for the Fatherland in this great hour’’ was not laying mines in open commercial waters, and skulking in forgotten harbours of South America and Africa until there is a chance of falling on an unsuspecting merchantman. The “‘ Dresden” and the “‘ Karlsruhe” and the “‘ Leipzig” can have a light- weight boxing match with an English cruiser of the same size at sight.* The United States realizes this as well as we, for it, too, has built up a strong and admirably-trained fleet by prodigious labour. As is the case with the German fleet, the American navy is also not built for aggression, but for defence. When the German fleet meets the American over a question involved by the Monroe doctrine it will be amusing to hear what Americans have to say upon this point of aggression or defence. * See note pages 73 and 74. gr FOREWORD TO CHAPTER VI* The Times, August 11th, 1914: ** As I find that the Chancellor’s Reichstag speech of August 4th has not been published in England, I will give here the vital passage. After dealing with the diplomatic and military issues, the Imperial Chancellor said : “© Gentlemen, we are now in a state of necessity, and necessity knows no law! Our troops have occupied Luxemburg, and perhaps (as a matter of fact, the speaker knew that Belgium had been invaded that morning) are already on Belgian soil. Gentle- men, that is contrary to the dictates of international law. It is true that the French Government have declared at Brussels that France is willing to respect the neutrality of Belgium as long as her opponent respects it. We knew, however, that France stood ready for the invasion. France could wait, but we could not wait. A French movement upon our flank upon the Lower Rhine might have been disastrous. So we were compelled to override the just protest of the Luxemburg and Belgian Govern- ments. The wrong—I speak openly—that we are committing we will endeavour to make good as soon as our military goal has been reached. Anybody who is threatened, as we are threatened, and is fighting for his highest possessions, can have only one thought—how he is to hack his way through (wie er sich durchhaut).’ Lloyd George in his Queen’s Hall speech on English, French and German neutrality : “There is no man in this room who has always regarded the prospects of engaging in a great war with greater reluctance, with greater repugnance, than I have done throughout the whole of my political life. There is no man either inside or outside of this room more convinced that we could not have avoided it without national dishonour. (Cheers.) I am fully alive to the fact that whenever a nation has engaged in any war she has always invoked the sacred name of honour. Many a crime has been committed in its name; there are some crimes being committed now. But all the same, national honour is a reality, and any nation that disregards it is doomed. Why is our honour as a country * This Foreword is not in the German Book. g2 FOREWORD TO CHAPTER VI involved in this war? Because in the first place we are bound in an honourable obligation to defend the independence, the liberty, the integrity of a small neighbour that has lived peace- ably, but she could not have compelled us because she was weak. (Cries of ‘Quite right!’) The man who declines to discharge his debt because his creditor is too poor to enforce it is a black- guard. (Cheers. ““We entered into this treaty, a solemn treaty, a full treaty, to defend Belgium and her integrity. Our signatures are attached to the document. Our signatures do not stand alone. This was not the only country to defend the integrity of Belgium. Russia, France, Austria and Prussia—(hisses)—they are all there. Why did they not perform the obligation? It is suggested that this treaty is purely an excuse on our part. It is our low craft and cunning, just to cloak our jealousy of a superior civilization which we are attempting to destroy. Our answer is the action we took in 1870. Mr. Gladstone was then Prime Minister. Lord Gran- ville, I think, was Foreign Secretary. I have never heard it alleged to their charge that they were ever jingoes. That treaty bond was this: We called upon the belligerent Powers to respect that treaty. We called upon France, we called upon Germany. At that time, bear in mind, the greatest danger to Belgium came from France and not from Germany. We intervened to protect Belgium against France exactly as we are doing now to protect her against Germany. We are proceeding exactly in the same way. We invited both the belligerent Powers to state that they had no intention of violating Belgian territory. What was the answer given by Bismarck? He said it was superfluous to ask Prussia such a question in view of the treaties in force. France gave a similar answer. 93 CHAPTER VI NEUTRALITY BY THE GRACE OF ENGLAND represented as having two faces. He could smile and frown simultaneously. This god Janus is the personification of Neutrality ac- cording to English ideas. Neutrality smiles when violated by England and frowns when violated by other Powers. J ree a mighty god of the ancient Romans, was This epigram on England and neutrality is the one real achievement of this remarkable book. It is a bright, pithy saying which will please all the enemies of England. But considering the pains taken by England to avoid the violation of neutrality, even in the case of a German ship carrying weapons to the Boers during their war with England, it is easy for Neutrality to be gracious when England does make a slip. The United States got a taste of England’s neutrality when, a century ago, the English impressed thousands of American sailors, taking them from American ships on the high seas, when they searched neutral ships and confis- cated the enemy’s property on board of them, until Congress in Washington voted for the declaration of war against England. In the great Civil War, 1861 to 1864, England had counted on the victory of the Southern States ; she recog- nized them as belligerents and supplied them with war- ships. This was not considered by England a breach of neutrality until the minister of the United States declared, on Sept. 5th, 1863, that unless England desisted, war would result. England yielded. 94 Chap. VI.—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY If the writer of this book had had any knowledge of history or notions of fairness, he would have perceived that England's yielding was the finest possible example of her fairness and neutrality. She could have fought against the Northerners side by side with the Southern States without the smallest ultimate risk to herself. Her fleet throwing men and supplies into the Southern ports and her money would have turned the scale without the shadow of a doubt. But she resisted the temptation as she resisted the temptation to send the Russian admiral’s fleet to the bottom when he fired upon the Grimsby trawlers (see page 97). All thinking Americans acknowledge her justice and magnanimity just as freely as the English acknowledge that it has been for the good of the world that the North did win. But, according to the old German proverb: “A cat cannot resist catching mice,” she secretly permitted the fitting out of privateers (the Alabama) for the Southern States and was finally forced to pay an indemnity of $15,000,000. England gained, however, more than she lost by this interpretation of neutrality, for by the aid of her privateers American maritime trade passed into English hands and was lost to the Americans. There are violations and violations. All violations of neutrality ave not of the same class as the German invasion of Belgium. And when a violation of neutrality has been urged against England, she has shown a more commendable readiness to submit the matter to arbitration than any other nation. Of all the great Powers, England has stood longest and most ardently for the principle of arbitration, instead of demanding redress by arms. She submitted the celebrated “ Alabama”? claim alluded to above to arbitration, and paid the three millions damages accorded against her without any ill-feeling. “May God’s vengeance fall on Germany! She has vio- lated Belgium’s neutrality |” the English piously ejaculate. They call themselves God’s chosen people, the instrument of Providence for the benefit of the whole universe. They look down upon all other peoples with open, or silent, 95 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE contempt, and claim for themselves various prerogatives, in particular the supremacy of the sea, even in American waters—from Jamaica to Halifax. England’s policy has always been to take all, to give back nothing, to constantly demand more, to begrudge others everything. Only where the New World is concerned has England, conscious of her weakness, become less grasping, since Benjamin Franklin “ wrested the sceptre from the Tyrants,” since the small colonies that fought so valiantly for their liberty rose to form the greatest dominion of the white race. When Germany violated Belgian neutrality, England did not appeal to heaven in the blasphemous and patronizing language of the Kaiser. But though she was ruled at the time by a Government which has always urged consideration for Germany, and though she was willing to make any other sacrifice except the national honour for the maintenance of peace, she declared war. The sarcastic reference to England's attempted claim of the supremacy of the sea comes wll in a book issued by a commitice with the chairman of the Ham- burg-American Steamship Company at tts head, for it is so undeniable that there is hardly a German ship, Hamburg- American or otherwise, afloat on the whole sea, except a few small cruisers and their colliers playing hide-and-seek. Nor ts it very becoming in Germany to say that England's policy has always been to take all and give back nothing, for she gave Germany Heligoland, and its Bight, in return for a little island off the east coast of Africa, and Germany would not have her New Guinea Colony (tf, indeed, she still has it and did not lose it with the Bismarck Islands, when they were conquered by the Australian expedition) if Great Britain had not made Queensland give it up a short time before. In the summer of r91I, during the Franco-German- Morocco dispute, the English were determined to assist their old enemies the French against Germany, and sta- tioned 160,000 troops along their coast, ready for embarka- tion. For the French coast? No indeed! For trans- portation to Antwerp, where the English were to unite with the French army and combine in the destruction of 96 Chap. VI—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY the German forces. But things did not reach that stage. England was not ready. England and France were re- solved not to respect the neutrality of Belgium—that same England that solemnly assures the world that she has never at any time or place committed a breach of neutrality. England has observed neutrality only when compatible with her own interests, which has not often been the case. Her whole dissimulating policy is much more questionable than our one breach of neutrality, committed in self-defence and accompanied by the most solemn promises of indemnity and restitution. This is a deliberate misstatement. Not a man was moved. These troops could only have been sent at the request of Belgium, and not at the request of France. Belgium would have been very glad to have them at the outbreak of the present war, and it would have been a very good thing from the Belgian point of view. It is not true that England has observed neutrality only when compatible with her own interests, or Germany would never have had the Kiel Canal. If England had consulted her own interests, she would obviously have prevented the dismemberment of Denmark. And when England did not sink the Russian fleet which had fired on the Grimsby trawlers as it was making its way to Japan, all the world wondered at our maintaining our neutrality, for Russia had been our persistent enemy in Asia and was actually at war with Japan, England’s Ally, though we were not bound to support Japan with arms unless a second power attacked her. Such a phrase as “ her whole dissimulating policy” is much more applic- able to Germany than England. Germany was pretending to do her best to maintain peace when she had given directions to Austria to make war inevitable. England was honestly straining every nerve to have peace maintained, and all the chancelleries of Europe knew as well as they knew their A BC that if war happened, the British Government knew that i was tts duty, and necessary to tts self-preservation, to fight on the side of France, but that the majority of the party in power was against England’s going to war if war could be honour- ably avoided. Germany was especially conscious of it, and traded on it. 97 4 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE Mr. Lloyd George, in his great Queen’s Hall speech of Sep- tember 10th, has told us in very plain English the true story of Germany's violation of Belgian neutrality : Just look at the interview which took place between our Am- bassador and great German officials. When their attention was called to this treaty to which they were parties they said: ‘ We cannot help that.” Rapidity of action was the great German asset. There is a greater asset for a nation than rapidity of action, and that is honest dealing. (Cheers.} What are her excuses? She says that Belgium was plotting against her; that Belgium was engaged in a great conspiracy with Britain and with France to attack her. Not merely is it not true, but Germany knows it is not true. What is her other excuse? France meant to invade Germany through Belgium. Absolutely untrue. France offered Belgium five Army Corps to defend her if she were attacked. Belgium said: ‘‘I don’t require them, I have got the word of the Kaiser. Shall Cesar send a lie?”’ England and France did not give up their plan of attack- ing Germany through Belgium, and by this means won the approval of the Moscovites. Three against one! It would have been a crime against the German people if the German General Staff had not anticipated this intention. The inalienable right of self-defence gives the individual, whose very existence is at stake, the moral liberty to resort to weapons which would be forbidden except in times of peril. As Belgium would, nevertheless, not acquiesce in a friendly neutrality which would permit the unobstructed passage of German troops through small portions of her territory, although her integrity was guaranteed, the German General Staff was obliged to force this passage in order to avoid the necessity of meeting the enemy on the most unfavourable ground. This is one of the most disingenuous paragraphs in a book whose whole purpose is to deceive. There was no question of England and France trying to win the approval of the Moscovites. Russia was the Power attacked, and Germany was attacking her. The whole conduct of the war shows that England and France could have had no idea of attacking Germany through Belgium because they were so unprepared for the contingency that, when they had Belgium on their side, and all her fortresses open to them, they had no plans 98 Chap. VI.—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY ready to take their advantage, while the Germans had every yard of their march through Belgium planned out. To say that “‘ the inalienable right of self-defence gives the individual whose very existence is at stake the moral liberty to resort to weapons which would be forbidden except in times of peril,” applies to the man whose house is burgled, not to the burglar. Germany was unfortunately the burglar, who, if he carries a Browning pistol, as a rule does so without making any pious EXCUSES. The contention that Germany had a right to force the passage of Belgium because Belgium would not consent to her neutral- ity being violated is the most impudent piece of treaty-breaking since the world began. Von Bernhardt has not lived in vain. The Germans have not forgotten the tone in which the French and Belgian press reported the frequent excursions of French Staff officers and Generals for the purpose of making an exhaustive study of the territory through which the armies are now moving, and who were received with open arms in Belgium and treated like brothers. Belgium has become the vassal of France. This is merely the German way of stating that French officers were frequently present at Belgian mancuuvres. So were German officers. General French had the same opportunities of an exhaustive study of German territory when he was present at the German manauvres. It 1s throwing dust in people’s eyes to talk of Belgium having become the vassal of France. Siy Edward Grey demanded from France a promise that she would respect the neutrality of Belgium as categorical as the promise he demanded from Germany. In essentials the dispatches were identical. France gave it; and that France meant what she said has never been disputed, and cannot be. It was in this connection that Mr. Lloyd George made one of the finest points of his great Queen’s Hall Speech—that France could have avoided the surrender at Sedan by violating Belgian territory. The French Army was wedged up against the Belgian frontier, every means of escape shut up by a ring of flame from Prussian cannon. 99 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE There was one way of escape—by violating the neutrality of Belgium. The French on that occasion preferred ruin and humiliation to the breaking of their bond. The French Emperor, French marshals, 100,000 gallant Frenchmen in arms, preferred to be carried captive to the strange land of their enemy rather than dishonour the name of their country. It was the last French Army defeat. Had they violated Belgian neutrality the whole history of that war would have been changed. And yet it was the interest of France to break the treaty. She did not doit. It is the interest of Prussia to break the treaty, and she has done it. (‘‘ Shame.’’} She avowed it with cynical contempt for every principle of justice. She says treaties only bind you when it is to your interest to keep them. What is a treaty ?saysthe German Chancellor. ‘‘ A scrap of paper.” Have you any five-pound notes about you? I am not calling for them. (Laughter.} Have you any of those neat little Treasury one-pound notes? (Laughter.) If you have, burn them; they are only scraps of paper. (Cheers.) What are they made of? Rags. (Laughter.) What are they worth? The whole credit of the British Empire. (Cheers.) In our place the Government of the United States would not have acted differently. ‘‘ Inter arma silent leges”’ —in the midst of arms the laws are silent. Besides, England had interfered beforehand in Germany’s plan of campaign by declaring that she would not tolerate an attack upon the northern coast of France. To say that President Wilson, with his international jurist’s mind, would have violated Belgian neutrality as ~ Germany did, would be an insult to the United States if it were not so ludicrous, and only the country of von Bernhardi would have pleaded as an excuse for violating Belgium’s neutrality that England had interfered beforehand in Germany’s plan of campaign by declaring that she would not tolerate an attack upon the northern coast of France. What would President Wilson say to this ? What on earth had it to do with Belgium? The German troops, with their iron discipline, will respect the personal property and liberty of the individual in Belgium, just as they did in France in 1870. This passage is one of the outstanding features of Germany’s appeal to posterity conveyed in the eighty-six pages of ‘‘ Truth about Germany ; Facts about the War.” 4 The destruction of Louvain is an instance of this “ iron 100 Chap. VI—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY discipline.’ The common soldiers are understood to have been appalled by it, but submitted to the orders of their general and their officers. It and the atrocities submitted by the Belgian Government to the President of the United States form the subject of an appendix at the end of this chapter. Mr. Lloyd George in his Queen's Fall speech, said : Belgium has been treated brutally—how brutally we shall not i know. We know already too much. What had she done? ad she sent an ultimatum to Germany? Had she challenged Germany? Was she preparing to make war on Germany? Had she inflicted any wrong upon Germany which the Kaiser was bound to redress? She was one of the most unoffending little countries in Europe. There she was peaceable, industrious, thrifty, hardworking, giving offence to no one. Her cornfields have been trampled down. Her villages have been burned to the ground. Her art treasures have been destroyed. Her men have been slaughtered ; yes, and her women and her children too. What had she done? Hundreds and thousands of her people, their neat, comfortable little homes burnt to the dust, wandering homeless in their own land. What was their crime? Their crime was that they trusted to the word of a Prussian King. - Iam not depending on them (i.e., the Belgians). It is enough for me to have the story which the Germans themselves avow, admit, defend, proclaim. The burning and massacring, the shooting down of harmless people. Why? Because, according to the Germans, they fired on German soldiers. What business had German soldiers there at all? (Cheers.) Belgium was acting in pursuance of a most sacred right, the right to defend your own home. But they were not in uniform when they shot. If a burglar broke into the Kaiser’s palace at Potsdam, destroyed his furniture, shot down his servants, ruined his art treasures, especially those he made himself—(laughter and cheers)—burned his precious manuscripts, do you think he would wait until he got into uniform before he shot him down? (Laughter.}) They were dealing with those who had broken into their households. Rheims Cathedral was one of the most precious heritages of all mankind; as it did not belong to any individual, the German troops, with their iron discipline, probably saw no reason why they should respect it. The Belgians would have been wise if they had per- mitted the passage of the German troops. They would have preserved their integrity, and besides that, would have fared well from the business point of view, for the army would have proved a good customer and paid cash. The idea that the Belgians should put their neutrality Ior GERMANY’S GREAT LIE up to auction is in von Bernhardi’s best manner. He might have illustrated it with a cartoon of Germany as the wolf making the suggestion to Belgium as Little Red Riding-Hood. The suggestion here, “it may be dishonourable, but tt will pay,” is thoroughly German. Throughout there is no reference to the fact that by treaty Belgium was bound to preserve her neutrality. Germany has always been a good and just neighbour, to Belgium as well as to the other small powers such as Holland, Denmark and Switzerland, which England in her place would have swallowed up one and all long ago. It is difficult to understand why Belgium, Holland and Denmark should have been less afraid of ‘‘ their good and just neighbour,” Germany, whose access to the sea they barred, than of England, who, had she possessed them, would have needed an army of four millions to defend her frontiers from “the good and just neighbour” in return for getting ports not so good as her own on the sea which she already dominates! It is inconceivable that England, if she had been in Germany’s position, would have been such a fool as to knock her head against the stone wall of Switzerland. The idea of Germany being a good and just neighbour to Denmark, whom she robbed of Schleswig-Holstein and the site of the Kiel Canal, will strike the Americans, for whom the book was written, as very humorous. They will suspect “ Count John Bernstorff’’ of having inspired this passage. It does not appear that Holland’s view of the good and just neighbour differs from that of Belgium and Denmark. The development of industry on the lower Rhine has added to the prosperity of Belgium and has made Antwerp one of the first ports on the Continent, as well as one of the most important centres of exchange for German- American trade. It may be admitted that German commerce has added greatly to the prosperity of Antwerp. Antwerp liked German commerce, but she liked Germany so little that she made the fortifications of Antwerp on the land side the most powerful in Europe. 102 Chap. VI.—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY Without Germany Belgium could never have acquired the Congo. When England meditated taking possession of the Congo, claiming that great rivers are nothing but arms of the sea, and consequently belong to the supreme maritime power, King Leopold turned to Germany for protection and received it from Bismarck, who called the Congo Conference of 1884-5 and obtained the recogni- om by the Powers of the independence of the Congo tate. England certainly never made any such preposterous claim. If Germany did assist, not Belgium, but the late King of the Belgians, to acquire the Congo State, 1t was only because Belgium was a small Power from whom, in the fullness of time, she would be able to steal the Congo, even if she did not steal Belgium with it. England was a great Power, with such a gigantic fleet that there was no chance of stealing any colonies from her until she was herself conquered. The struggle of the German States in Europe has some points in common with the struggle of the Independent States of North America (from 1778 to 1783), for it is directed chiefly against England’s scheming guardianship, and her practice of weakening the Continental Powers by sowing or fostering dissension among them. It is one of the prize lies in the collection to say that the Austro-German Alliance is “‘ directed chiefly against Eng- land’s scheming guardianship, and her practice of weakening the Continental Powers by sowing or fostering dissension among them.” It is universally recognized that no one has worked harder for a concert of Europe than Sir Edward Grey, and all through the Balkan crisis he worked success- fully, though under great difficulties. The Triple Alliance of Germany, Austria and Italy was formed because Germany was afraid of Russia, which she perceived would become too powerful if allied to a strong France. The sympathies of England were at the time with Germany, and were wantonly alienated by the present Kaiser. Until 1911, when Mr. Lloyd George uitered his warning 103 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE over the second Morocco incident, any German milt- tary politician would have screamed with contemptuous laughter at the idea of England having the pluck to fight about anything, or the sense to stand by her friends. Until last month Germany regarded the possibility of England's interference as negligible. There is only one resemblance between the present war and the American War of Independence, and that is that England lost then because most of the rest of the world was leagued against her power over the sea, as most of the rest of the world is now leagued against Germany’s hegemony. While continually protesting her love of peace, England has carried on no fewer than forty wars during the latter half of the nineteenth century, including the great Boer war. She has long imperilled, and in the end has suc- ceeded in disturbing, the peace of Europe by her invidious policy of isolating Germany. Germany, on the other hand, has proved herself since 1871 to be the strongest and most reliable security for the peace of Europe. It is true that England had many wars in the last half of the nineteenth century, but none of them, except the Crimean War, were of her own seeking, and of the others only the South African and Indian Mutinies were of any great importance. Lo say that she has long imperilled the peace of Europe by her policy of isolating Germany, since Germany's attempt to make a coalition with Russia and France against her, is to turn the truth inside out. Nothing but the knowledge that King Edward VII. had arranged an entente of nearly all non-Teutonic Europe (including Italy, which was nominally the ally of the Teutonic Powers) kept Germany from going to war with first this State and then the other to rob them of provinces as she had robbed France and Denmark. When German military brigandage has once been extinguished, there will be peace in Europe for fifty years. The policy of sowing dissension, practised by England more industriously than ever in recent years, cannot 104 Chap. VI.—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY possibly meet with the approval of the peace-loving citizens of the United States, and should be condemned on merely humanitarian as well as commercial grounds. “The peace-loving citizens of the United States” know better than anyone else how anxious Great Britain has been to refer every international trouble to arbitration. They know that Sir Edward Grey went so far as to offer to make a General Peace Treaty with the U.S.A. They know that Germany, if she were powerful enough to bully the United States and at the same time keep her powder dry for Europe, would upset the Monroe doctrine to-morrow to establish German colonies in South America, and they will see no humanitarian reasons for being suspicious of England, who ts watching the brigand in Europe. England aims at being mistress of the Old World in order to occupy either an equal, or a menacing, position towards the New World, as circumstances may dictate. For this purpose she has encouraged this war. The German Federated States of Europe are defending them- selves with might and main, and are counting in this struggle for existence on the goodwill of the United States of America, for whose citizens they cherish the friendliest feelings, as they have proved at all times. All Americans who have visited Germany will surely bear witness to that effect. Nothing is further from England than aiming at a hegemony of the continent of Europe. When she owned half France as well as the British Islands from the twelfth to the fifteenth century, she never once invaded what is now Germany. And her historians are unanimous in the contention that losing her possessions in France gave England her position in the world. She has not the slightest wish to be the mistress of the Old World, except as regards the southern peninsula of Asia, known generally as India. She desives absolute peace. in Europe, absolute detachment from Europe in all matters except commerce, in order to be the centre of a great Imperial Federation of Colonies. Germany is as aware of this as America is, and she knows 105 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE that a man has to be as mad as the drowned King of Bavaria to wmagine that England has the smallest design at the expense of the United States. Americans will hardly believe their senses when they read that a representative committee of Germans like Prince Biilow, Field-Marshal von der Goltz, Count Reventlow, and the heads of the Hamburg-American and the North German Lloyd Steamship Companies and the Deutsche Bank, have seriously allowed a book to go forth under their names, which suggests that England has got up this war in Europe with a view to attacking the United States afterwards. The poor attacked Germany and Austria, who really precipitated thts war so deliberately, advance this tomfoolery as a reason why the United States should extend them thet active sympathy in the struggle. The American will enjoy his character for simplicity, 106 GERMAN ATROCITIES APPENDIX—ON THE GERMAN ATROCITIES AT LOUVAIN, DINANT, AERSCHOT AND TERMONDE Tue Press Bureau issued this translation of the second report of the Belgian Commission of Inquiry on the violation of the Rights of Nations and of the Laws and Customs of War: To Mons. CarToN DE WIART, MINISTER OF JUSTICE. Antwerp, August 31st, 1914. S1r,—The Commission of Inquiry have the honour to make the following report on acts of which the town of Louvain, the neighbourhood and district of Malines have been the scene: The German army entered Louvain on Wednesday, August 19th, after having burnt down the villages through which it had passed. As soon as they had entered the town of Louvain the Germans requisitioned food and lodging for their troops. They went to all the banks of the town, and took possession of the cash in hand. German soldiers burst open the doors of houses which had been abandoned by their inhabitants, pillaged them, and committed other excesses. ; The German authorities took as hostages the Mayor of the city, Senator Van der Kelen, the Vice-Rector of the Catholic University, and the senior priest of the city, besides certain magistrates and aldermen. All the weapons possessed by the inhabitants, even fencing swords, had already been given up to the municipal authorities, and placed by them in the church of Saint Pierre. GIRL RAPED In a neighbouring village, Corbeck-Loo, on Wednesday, August 19th, a young woman, aged twenty-two, whose husband was with the army, and some of her relations were surprised by a band of German soldiers. The persons who were with her were locked up in a deserted house, while she herself was dragged into another cottage, where she was raped by five soldiers successively. In the same village, on Thursday, August 20th, German soldiers fetched from their house a young girl, about sixteen years old, and her parents. They conducted them to a small deserted country house, and while some of them held back the father and mother, others entered the house, and, finding the cellar open, forced the girl to drink. They then brought her on to the lawn in front of the house, and raped her successively. Finally, they stabbed her in the breast with their bayonets. When this young girl had been abandoned by them after these abominable deeds she was brought back to her parents’ house, and the following day, 107 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE in view of the gravity of her condition, she received extreme unction from the parish priest, and was taken to the hospital of Louvain, as her life was despaired of. On August 24th and 25th Belgian troops made a sortie from the entrenched camp of Antwerp, and attacked the German army betore Malines. The Germans were thrown back on Louvain and Vilvorde. On entering the villages which had been occupied by the enemy, the Belgian army found them devastated. The Germans, as they retired, had pillaged and burnt the villages, taking with them the male inhabitants, whom. they forced to march in front of them. Belgian soldiers entering Hofstade, on August 25th, found the body of an old woman, who had been killed by bayonet thrusts. She still held in her hand the needle with which she was sewing when she was killed. A woman and her fifteen or sixteen-year-old son lay on the ground, pierced by bayonets. A man had been hanged. WORSE THAN THE TORTURES OF THE INQUISITION. ROASTING VICTIMS At Sempst, a neighbouring village, were found the bodies of two men, partially carbonized. One of them had his legs cut off at the knees; the other had the arms and legs cut off. A work- man, whose burnt body has been seen by several witnesses, had been struck several times with bayonets, and then, while still alive, the Germans had poured petroleum over him, and thrown him into a house to which they set fire. A woman who came out of her house was killed in the same way. A witness, whose evidence has been taken by a reliable British subject, declares that he saw on August 26th, not far from Malines, during the last Belgian attack, an old man tied by the arms to one of the rafters in the ceiling of his farm. The body was completely carbonized, but the head, arms and feet were unburnt. Further on, a child of about fifteen was tied up, the hands behind the back, and the body was com- pletely torn open with bayonet wounds. Numerous corpses of peasants lay on the ground in positions of supplication, their arms lifted and their hands clasped. The Belgian Consul in Uganda, who is now a volunteer in the Belgian army, reports that wherever the Germans passed the country has been devastated. The few inhabitants who remain in the villages tell of the atrocities committed by the enemy. Thus, at Wackerzeel, seven Germans are said to have successively violated a woman, and then to have killed her. In the same village they stripped a young boy to the waist, threatened him with death, holding a revolver to his chest, pricked him with lances, and then chased him into a field and shot at him, without, however, hitting him. Everywhere there is ruin and devastation. At Buecken many inhabitants were killed, including the priest, who was over eighty years old. Between Impde and Wolverthem, two wounded Belgian soldiers 108 GERMAN ATROCITIES lay near a house which was on fire. The Germans threw these two unfortunate men into the flames. At nightfall on August 26th, the German troops, repulsed by our soldiers, entered Louvain panic-stricken. Several witnesses affirm that the German garrison which occupied Louvain was erroneously informed that the enemy were entering the town. Men of the garrison immediately marched to the station, shooting haphazard the while, and there met the German troops who had been repulsed by the Belgians, the latter having just ceased the pursuit. THE SACK OF LOUVAIN Everything tends to prove that the German regiments fired on one another. At once, the Germans began bombarding the town, pretending that civilians had fired on the troops, a suggestion which is contradicted by all the witnesses, and could scarcely have been possible, because the inhabitants of Louvain had had to give up their arms to the municipal authorities several days before. The bombardment lasted till about ten o’clock at night. The Germans then set fire to the town. Wherever the fire had not spread, the German soldiers entered the houses and threw fire grenades, with which some of them seem to be provided. The greater part of the town of Louvain was thus a prey to the flames, particularly the quarters of the upper town, comprising the modern buildings, the ancient cathedral of St. Pierre, the University buildings, together with the University Library, its manuscripts and collections, and the Municipal Theatre. The Commission considers it its duty to insist, in the midst of all these horrors, on the crime committed against civilization by the deliberate destruction of an academic library, which was one of the treasures of Europe. The corpses of many civilians encumbered the streets and squares, On the road from Tirlemont to Louvain alone a witness counted more than fifty. On the doorsteps of houses could be seen carbonized bodies of inhabitants, who, hiding in their cellars, were driven out by the fire, tried to escape and fell into the flames. The suburbs of Louvain suffered the same fate. We can affirm that the houses in all the districts between Louvain and Malines, and most of the suburbs of Louvain itself, have practically been destroyed. A REFINEMENT OF TORTURE On Wednesday morning, August 26th, the Germans brought to the station squares of Louvain a group of more than seventy-five persons, including several prominent citizens of the town, amongst whom were Father Coloboet and another Spanish priest, and also an American priest. The men were brutally separated from their wives and children, and, after having been subjected to the most abominable treatment by the Germans, who several times threatened 109 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE to shoot them, they were forced to march to the village of Campen- hout in front of the German troops. They were shut up in the village church, where they passed the night. About four o’clock the next morning a German officer told them they had better go to confessional, as they would be shot half an hour later. About half-past four they were liberated. Shortly afterwards they were again arrested by a German brigade, which forced them to march before them in the direction of Malines. In reply to a question of one of the prisoners, a German officer said they were going to give them a taste of the Belgian quickfirers before Antwerp. They were at last released on the Thursday afternoon at the gates of Malines. THE BURNT WHITE FLAG It appears from other witnesses that several thousand male inhabitants of Louvain who had escaped the shooting and the fire were sent to Germany for a purpose which is still unknown to us. The fire at Louvain burnt for several days. An eye-witness, who left Louvain on August 30th, gave the following description of the town at that time: “‘ Leaving Weert St. George’s,” he says, “T only saw burnt-down villages and half-crazy peasants, who, on meeting anyone, held up their hands as a sign of submission. Before every house, even those burnt down, hung a white flag, and the burnt rags of them could be seen among the ruins. At Weert St. George’s I questioned the inhabitants on the causes of the German reprisals, and they affirmed most positively that no inhabitant had fired a shot, that in any case the arms had been previously collected, but that the Germans had taken vengeance on the population because a Belgian soldier belonging to the gendarmerie had killed an Uhlan. CONTINUED INCENDIARISM AT LOUVAIN “The population still remaining in Louvain have taken refuge in the suburb of Heverle, where they are extremely crowded. They have been cleared out of the town by the troops and the fire. The fire started a little beyond the American College, and the town is entirely destroyed, except for the Town Hall and the station, Furthermore, the fire was still burning to-day, and the Germans, far from taking any steps to stop it, seemed to feed it with straw, an instance of which I observed in the street adjoining the Town Hall. The cathedral and the theatre are destroyed and have fallen in, as also the library; in short, the town has the appearance of an ancient ruined city, in the midst of which only a few drunken soldiers move about, carrying bottles of wine and liqueurs, while the officers themselves, seated in arm-chairs round the tables, drink like their men. In the streets the swollen bodies of dead horses rot in the sun, and the smell of fire and putrefaction pervades the whole place.” IIo GERMAN ATROCITIES HOW THE GERMANS RUN AMOK IN A COUNTRY THEY INVADE The Commission has not yet been able to obtain information about the fate of the Mayor of Louvain and of the other notables who were taken as hostages. The Commission is able to draw the following conclusions from the facts which have so far been brought to its notice: In this war the occupation of any place is systematically accom- panied and followed—sometimes even preceded—by acts of violence towards the civil population, which acts are contrary both to the usages of war and to the most elementary principles of humanity. The German procedure is everywhere the same. They advance along a road, shooting inoffensive passers-by, particularly bicyclists, as well as peasants working in the fields. In the towns or villages where they stop they begin by requisi- tioning food and drink, which they consume till intoxicated. Sometimes, from the interior of deserted houses, they let off their rifles at random, and declare that it was the inhabitants who fired. Then the scenes of fire, murder, and. especially pillage, begin, accompanied by acts of deliberate cruelty, without respect to sex or age. Even where they pretend to know the actual person guilty of the acts they allege they do not content themselves with executing him summarily, but they seize the opportunity to decimate the population, pillage the houses, and then set them on fire. After a preliminary attack and massacre they shut up the men in the church, and then order the women to return to their houses, and to leave their doors open all night. , SCREENS OF CIVILIANS IN ACTION. ABUSE OF THE WHITE FLAG AND THE RED CROSS From several places the male population has been sent to Germany, there to be forced, it appears, to work at the harvest, as in the old days of slavery. There are many cases of the inhabitants being forced to act as guides, and to dig trenches and entrenchments for the Germans. Numerous witnesses assert that during their marches, and even when attacking, the Germans place civilians—men and women—in their front ranks, in order to prevent our soldiers firing. The evidence of Belgian officers and soldiers shows that German detachments do not hesitate to display either the white flag or the Red Cross flag, in order to approach our troops with impunity. m the other hand, they fire on our ambulances and maltreat the ambulance men. They maltreat, and even kill, the wounded. The clergy seem to be particularly chosen as subjects for their brutality. Finally, we have in our possession expanding bullets, which had been abandoned by the enemy at Werchter, and we ossess doctors’ certificates showing that wounds must have been inflicted by bullets of this kind. ; IIt GERMANY’S GREAT LIE The documents and evidence on which these conclusions rest will be published in due course. The President, (Signed) CoorEMAN. The Members of the Commission, (Signed) Count GoBLET D’ALVIELLA. RYCKMANS. STRAUSS. Van CUTSEM. The Secretaries, (Signed) CHEVALIER Ernst pz BuNSWYCK. OrtTs. Statement issued by Official Press Bureau, August 30th, 1914: “The assumption of the German commander was, under the circumstances, so wide of probability, that it can only be supposed that, in the desire to conceal the facts, the first idea which occurred to him was seized upon as an excuse for an act without parallel in the history of civilized peoples. “Louvain, a town of 45,000 people, a seat of learning, famous for its ancient and beautiful churches, and other buildings, many of them dating from the fifteenth century, has been utterly destroyed by one of the Kaiser’s commanders, in a moment of passion, to cover a blunder of his own men, “A town which in the Middle Ages was the capital of Brabant ; a University founded in 1426, and ranked in the sixteenth century as the first in Europe; an Hétel de Ville dating from 1448, one of the most beautiful examples of late Gothic architecture; several churches of about the same date, to name one only, St. Pierre, with its wonderful stained glass windows, its beautiful tabernacle and its richly carved organ, dating from 1556—all these have gone to revenge a fancied offence against the troops of the Kaiser. “Only yesterday it was announced that the Emperor William had stated that ‘the only means of preventing surprise attacks from the civil population has been to interfere with unrelenting severity and to create examples which by their frightfulness would be a warning to the whole country.’ The case of Louvain is such an ‘interference,’ without even the miserable excuse suggested. “Louvain is miles from the scene of real fighting. In inter- national law it is recognized that ‘the only legitimate end which the States would aim at in war is the weakening of the military forces of the enemy,’ and the rules under the annex to Convention IV. of 1907, which expanded and amended the provisions of the Declaration of Brussels, lay down ‘any destruction or seizure of enemy property not imperatively called for by military necessities ’ as forbidden. “In destroying the ancient town of Louvain the German troops have committed a crime for which there can be no atonement, and humanity has suffered a loss which can never be repaired.” rI2 GERMAN ATROCITIES MURDERS AT DINANT The Daily Mail, September 8th, 1914: ‘* Ostend, Monday. “The Germans in a few hours by shell-fire and incendiarism have destroyed Dinant-sur-Meuse. “The women were confined in convents, while hundreds of men were shot. “A hundred prominent citizens were shot in the Place d’Armes. ““M. Hummers, the manager of a large weaving factory employ- ing two thousand men, and M. Poncelet, the son of a former senator, were both shot, the latter in the presence of his six children. “The Germans appeared at the branch of the National Bank, where they demanded all the cash in the safe. When M. Wasbeize, the manager, refused to give them the money they tried to blow the safe open. Not succeeding in this, they demanded the com- bination for the lock. The manager refused, whereupon the Germans shot him immediately, together with his two sons. “The Prussians assert that these excesses have been committed because shots had been fired, though admittedly without result, from the heights overlooking Dinant.”—Reuter. MURDERS AT AERSCHOT The Times, August 26th, 1914: “They then compelled the inhabitants to leave their houses and marched them to a place two hundred yards from the town. There, without more ado, they shot M. Thielemans, the Burgo- master, his fifteen-year-old son, the clerk of the local judicial board, and ten prominent citizens. They then set fire to the town and destroyed it.” From the Belgian Minister’s statement ‘Murder of the Mayor of Aerschot.” DESTRUCTION AT TERMONDE The Daily Telegraph, September 2oth, 1914: “On Wednesday, accompanied by M. Braun, I made a successfu attempt to enter Termonde under most dangerous conditions. In some parts the streets were occupied by German soldiers. What a sight met our eyes! The Termonde I had known under circum- stances so different—a quiet, pretty market town—now little more than a huge heap of blackened ruins. The Grande Place, with the exception of the Hétel de Ville, on the roof of which the German flag hung limply, as though it were ashamed to float over the desolate scene, was in ruins. The hotel at which I had 113 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE so often dined was reduced to a mass of débris. ‘Termonde, indeed, was a city of desolation, caused by the devastating German hordes of savages. Here I obtained full proof of the statement of M. Thibbaut, regarding the treatment of women and the horrible debaucheries of the invaders. The scene at Termonde and the knowledge of what had happened there were enough to rouse every Christian to a determination to see that a nation capable of such enormities shall be wiped out for ever.” JUSTIFICATION IN THE LEADING GERMAN NEWSPAPERS The Times, August 31st, 1914: From The Times correspondent at Copenhagen, August 28th. “The Vossiche Zeitung’s account of the destruction of Louvain as a punishment for an alleged organized attack by the inhabitants on the German troops is characteristically cold-blooded. ‘ The art treasures of the old town exist no more.’ Lovers of art will grieve, it continues, but there was no other way of punishing this population, whose devilish women poured boiling oil over the German troops. “The Lokalanzeiger says the world will realize that the blame rests with the half-civilized population.” 114 FOREWORD TO CHAPTER VII * The Right Honourable D. Lloyd George in his speech to the Welsh at the Queen’s Hall, September roth, 1914. The world owes much to little nations (cheers) and to little men. (Laughter and cheers.) This theory of bigness—you must have a big empire and a big nation and a big man—vwell, long legs have their advantage in a retreat. (Laughter.) Frederick the Great chose his warriors for their height, and that tradition has become a policy in Germany. Germany applies that ideal to nations. She will only allow six-feet-two nations to stand in the ranks. But all the world owes much to the little five-feet-high nations. (Cheers.) The greatest art of the world was the work of little nations. The most enduring literature of the world came from little nations. The greatest literature of England came from her when she was a nation of the size of Belgium fighting a great empire. The heroic deeds that thrill humanity through generations were the deeds of little nations fighting for their freedom. Ah, yes, and the salvation of mankind came through a little nation. God has chosen little nations as the vessels by which he carries the choicest wines to the lips of humanity, to rejoice their hearts, to exalt their vision, to stimulate and to strengthen their faith, and if we had stood by when two little nations were being crushed and broken by the brutal hands of barbarism our shame would have rung down the everlasting ages. (Cheers.) But Germany insists that this is an attack by a low civilization upon a higher. Well, as a matter of fact the attack was begun by the civilization which calls itself the higher one. Now, I am no apologist for Russia. She has perpetrated deeds of which I have no doubt her best sons are ashamed. But what empire has not ? And Germany is the last empire to point the finger of reproach at Russia. (Hear, hear.) But Russia has made sacrifices for freedom —great sacrifices. You remember the cry of Bulgaria when she was torn by the most insensate tyranny that Europe has ever seen. Who listened to the cry? ‘The only answer of the higher civilization was that the liberty of Bulgarian peasants was not worth the life of a single Pomeranian soldier. But the rude bar- barians of the north, they sent their sons by the thousands to die for Bulgarian freedom. (Cheers.] * This Foreword is not in the German Book. 115 CHAPTER VII THE ATTITUDE_OF GERMANY’S ENEMIES GERMANY OVERRUN BY SPIES FOR YEARS PAST F Germany has been overrun by spies for years past, she cannot complain of it without recalling the old fable of the pot calling the kettle black, for the number of her own spies must be a serious strain on the recruiting for the army—unless, indeed, there is a secret law of the Deutsches Reich that when aman has passed the age at which he can serve in the Land- sturm he should take his place in the noble army of spies. Her enemies can only wish that Germany should be so hard pressed that she should call up her spies to take their place in East Prussia. If Germany is overrun with spies, tt is quite certain that they must nearly all be Russians. The French and English supply of lingutsts is too limited. On the other hand, the whole of Europe, especially England, ts overrun with this lowest division of the Katser’s army. It goes without saying, that in time of war the respective participants seek to gain for themselves every possible advantage, including, as not the least of the advantages, that of having public opinion on their side. It is equally understandable that governments, for political or military reasons, often endeavour to conceal their real intentions until the decisive moment. In this matter, however, as in the conduct of war itself, there exists the basic principle, acknowledged throughout the civilized world, that no methods may be employed which could not be employed by men of honour even when they are opponents. The pot pursues its task of blackening the kettle. The writer of this book hints that people at war have to try and win 116 Chap. VII—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY public opinion to their side, and that their Governments are sometimes obliged to conceal their real intentions till the last moment, but that there is a “ basic principle, acknowledged throughout the civilized world, that no methods may be em- ployed which could not be employed by men of honour even when they are opponents.” This ts too bad ; it ts like throw- ing mud at von Bernhardt. Besides, it is like telling some of the highest-placed personages at Potsdam that they are no gentlemen. Prince Lichnowsky is in the Kaiser's black books because his second telegram, saying that England had not promised to keep France neutral 1f Germany went to war with Russia, but only if Austria went to war with Russia, by herself, was suppressed in the German Foreign Office. The late General Grierson was the victim of a similar piece of treachery. Letter from ‘‘A. Gunner,” friend and brother-officer of the late Sir James Grierson, reporting conversation with him, in The Times, August 26th, 1914: “T asked him why he did not stay out his full time at Berlin when military attaché. He said: ‘ Because I simply could not stand any more of it. The place is a perfect hotbed of intrigue.’ ‘What sort of a man is the Kaiser himself?’ I inquired. ‘Oh,’ he said, ‘he is all right. He’s a gentleman. But those around him are perfectly poisonous. This is the sort of thing they do. One day the Emperor suddenly said to me: “I am told, Colonel Grierson, but I need hardly say that I don’t for one moment believe it, that you have given away to the French all the secrets of our Q.Fy Artillery. Now I wish you would find out where that statement comes from, and put it in the form of an official report, and send it in to me through the War Office, saying that you do so by my special personal request.’ In less than a week,’ Sir James continued, ‘I found that it originated with , exactly as I expected it had, and so I duly sent it in as requested. Shortly afterwards I went on leave for about a month, and when I returned, the first thing the Emperor said to me was: “‘ Oh, Colonel Grierson, you never sent me in that report I asked you for about our Q.F. Artillery.” ‘‘I beg Your Majesty’s pardon,” I said, ‘‘ but I sent it in in less than a week after you asked for it.”” ‘‘ Well,” said the Kaiser, ‘(I have never received it. But 1 will inquire about it.” Sure enough, the very next morning,’ said Sir James, ‘a whole row of them were down at my place, headed by himself, making most profuse apologies for the unfortunate oversight by which my report had been delayed, etc.’ ” One cannot, unfortunately, acquit Russia of the charge of employing improper politics against Germany. It 117 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE must, unfortunately, be said that even the Czar himself did not, at the breaking out of hostilities against Germany, show himself the gentleman upon a throne which he had formerly been believed by everyone to be. The Russian Emperor addressed himself to Kaiser William in moving and friendly expressions, in which, pledging his solemn word and appealing to the grace of God, he besought the Kaiser, shortly before the outbreak of the war, to intervene at Vienna. There exists between Austria-Hungary and Germany an ancient and firm alliance, which makes it the duty of both governments to offer unconditional support to each other in the moment that either one’s vital interests come into question. There can be no doubt that the existence of Austria-Hungary is threatened by the Servian agitation. Despite this, the German Emperor, in offering his final counsels respect- ing the treatment of Servia and the concessions to be made to Russia, went, in his desire for peace, almost to the point where Austria could have had doubts of Germany’s fidelity to the obligations of the alliance. The accusation that the Czar did not keep faith with Germany vesolves itself into the Katser attributing his own insincers- ties to the Czar. Undoubtedly the Czar did in the most solemn manner appeal to the Kaiser to intervene at Vienna, to prevent Austria proceeding to extremities with Servia before the great Powers had done their best to straighten out the question. Undoubt- edly there is the closest alliance between Germany and Austria to support each other unconditionally when any vital interest of either is in question. Allow that the existence of Austria- Hungary was threatened by Servian agitation, though integrity is the proper word, the German Emperor told Eng- land and Russia that he must leave his ally unfettered to form her own opinions ; the writer of this volume of blandishments informs the gutleless American that the German Emperor “in offering his final counsels respecting the treatment of Servia, and the concessions to be made to Russia, went in his desive for peace almost to the point where Austria could have had doubts of Germany’s fidelity.”” Austria had the best possible reason for doubting its fidelity, having sent the 1r8 Chap. VII—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY ultimatum to Servia at Germany’s orders and insisted on an answer in forty-eight hours, to demands so outrageous that there was practically no chance of the war not happening. In a remarkable letter to ‘‘ The Times,” of September 22nd, Mr. W. Llewellyn Williams puts the whole matter in a nutshell. “‘ Inter alia’”’ he says: “It almost looks as if the Kaiser had hoped to play the same yéle again in July, 1914 (as in 1909). The White Paper contains ample evidence (see, e.g., Nos. 32, 47, and 71) that both Germany and Austria believed that the Powers of the Triple Entente were not prepared to go to war over Servia. The precipitancy of Ger- many, therefore, in sending the ultimatum to Russia on July 30th, at a time when Austria had not ‘ banged the door,’ may be explain- able on the supposition that she wanted to score another diplo- ae triumph on her own account and share none of it with her y.” He then proceeds to prove the guilt of Austria with damning terseness ¢ ‘On July zoth the Russian Ambassador, anticipating no crisis, left Vienna on a fortnight’s leave of absence. No sooner was his back turned than Austria, on July 23rd, delivered her ultimatum to Servia. The ultimatum was accompanied by a forty-eight- hours’ time-limit. Before, therefore, the Russian Ambassador could return to Vienna it was probable that the time-limit would have expired. ‘On the very day when the ultimatum was delivered at Belgrade the French Ambassador called on Count Berchtold, and (says Sir M. de Bunsen) ‘ was not even informed that the Note was at that very moment being presented at Belgrade.’ Nor was this all. At the moment when he was keeping the French Ambassador in the dark, Count Berchtold knew that the President of the French Republic and the President of the French Council could not ‘reach France, on their return from Russia, for four or five days.’ (Sir G. Buchanan’s dispatch, dated July 24th.) “Sir Edward Grey saw that, if the situation was to be saved, the time-limit would have to be extended. For the reasons given, there were grave difficulties in the way of France and Russia inter- vening in time. Representations were therefore sought to be made in Berlin and Vienna. The Kaiser seems to have been away from home, and the German Foreign Minister was evidently not in the confidence of his Imperial master, and knew no more than the rest of the world of the Austrian ultimatum. (Sir H. Rumbold’s dis- atch, July 25th.} Worse than all, Count Berchtold, the Austrian ‘oreign Secretary, who should have been at his post in Vienna 119 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE during those anxious forty-eight hours when the sands were running out, was away at Isch] on July 25th, and could not be approached. (Sir H. Rumbold, July 25th.} “Comment is unnecessary: On July 24th Sir G. Buchanan, writing to Sir E. Grey, said: “It looks as though Austria purposely chose this moment to present their ultimatum,’ “Ts it not clear that Sir G. Buchanan’s suspicion was well- founded, and that Austria and Germany conspired together to place an intolerable affront on the Powers of the Triple Entente, and hoped by the low cunning which is sometimes dignified by the name of ‘diplomacy’ to do so with the impunity which they enjoyed in 19097” Nevertheless, Russia at this very time not only continued its mobilization against Austria, but also simultaneously brought its troops into a state of preparedness for war against Germany. It is impossible that this could have been done without the order of the Czar. The conduct of the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, of the Chief of the General Staff and of the War Minister was of a piece with this attitude of the ruler. They assured the German ambassador and the German military attaché upon their word of honour that troops were not being mobilized against Germany and that no attack upon Germany was planned. The facts, however, proved that the decision to make war upon Germany had already been reached at that time. The reason which impelled the Czar and his chief advisers to employ such base tactics with the help of their word of honour and appeals to the Supreme Being is plain. Russia requires a longer time for mobilization than Germany. In order to offset this advantage, to deceive Germany and to win a few days’ start, the Russian government stooped to a course of conduct as to which there can be but one judgment among brave and upright opponents. No one knew better than the Czar the German Emperor’s love of peace. This love of peace was reckoned upon in the whole despicable game. For- tunately the plan was perceived on the German side at the right time. Advices received by Germany’s represen- 120 Chap. VII—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY - tative in St. Petersburg concerning the actual Russian mobilization against Germany moved him to add to the report given upon the Russian word of honour a state- ment of his own conviction that an attempt was obviously being made to deceive him. We find also that the character of the Russian operations had been rightly comprehended by so unimpeachable an organ as the English Daily Graphic of August Ist, which said: “ If the mobilization order is al.o carried through in the provinces bordering on Germany, the work of ‘the pre- servers of peace is ended, for Germany will be compelled to answer with the mobilization of her armed forces. We confess that we are unable to understand this attitude of Russia in connection with the renewal of the negotia- tions with Austria.” Germany, who had all along pooh-poohed the capacity of Russia to make an army which could match her own, suddenly became aware, in the spring of 1914, that within a couple of years Russia would have three to five millions more soldiers than Germany, and of excellent quality, that her field-artillery was already magnificent, and that by 1916 she would have a huge supply of a new siege gun, which would superannuate any fortress. If Germany was to have the hegemony of Europe, for which she had been plotting and arming since 1870, France must be smashed at once, and Russia scotched before she became invincible. A war could be forced over Servia, and if Russia would by any chance submit to another humiliation like that of 1909 (the Bosnia-Herzegovina seizure), Servia and Greece could be smashed up, to rob Russia of her prestige and future allies. The subjugation of Servia was to be followed by the seizure of Salonika. Germany was practically ready for war; Russia had few railways, and many of her forces were at vast distances, as tt was beheved. It soon became clear that Russia considered the integrity of Servia vital, and might be put into the scales with Austria. England, France and the third member of the Triple Alhance, Italy, were sincerely anxious for peace. They imagined thai the German Emperor would be as anxious, because he had striven so hard to keep the peace of Europe during the Balkan War. They did not know that the Balkan Wars Tar GERMANY’S GREAT LIE had disappointed his calculations—that he would have been at a disadvantage if the Triple Alliance had had to fight against the Triple Entente with his existing artillery, and with the Balkan League on the side of Russia. He would not join the three Western Powers in making representations to Ausiria ; he represented that he could do nothing, whereas, since Austria was merely acting as his catspaw, the one word “ stop” would have been sufficient. He could have stopped it by holding up his little finger. He sent disingenuous telegrams to the Czar and King George. He told the Western Powers that the Austrian Ambassador was having perfectly friendly conversations with the Russian Foreign Office, and he went on making his preparations for war with feverish haste, without formally mobilizing, having already, on the day that Austria's ultimatum expired, com- menced wrecking the Stock Exchange of London and the Paris Bourse (to which he had thoughtfully devoted the sums of four millions and two millions respectively), so that England and France might be too paralysed financially to move. He knew that all the other Stock Exchanges except those which had been forewarned, would follow. The Czar, a simple, straightforward, God-fearing man, not easily moved, then took up the attitude which ‘‘ Truth about Germany ”’ denounces as unworthy of a gentleman upon a throne. He saw that Austria did not mean business unless the penalty was war, so he mobilized his army corps on the Austrian frontier. Germany felt cruelly injured by such behaviour, and grew so restive that the Czar mobilized the army corps on her frontier also. Then came the double ultimatum. Russia was asked to give an undertaking within twelve hours that she would demobilize, and France was asked to reply within eighteen hours if war with Russia meant war with her. Russta in a bored and dignified way declined to give any answer. France said that she would do what suited her. And Germany declared war. It should be added in fairness to Russia that, after she had begun to mobilize, she was as sincerely desirous of peace as ever. She mobilized because she saw that she could not preserve peace with honour without mobilizing. She would either have had to fight unprepared or to accept another humilvation. 122 Chap. VII—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY It is customary among civilized nations that a formal declaration of war shall precede the beginning of hostilities, and all powers, with the exception of some unimportant scattered states, have obligated themselves under international law to observe this custom. Neither Russia nor France has observed this obligation. With- out a declaration of war, Russian troops crossed the German border, opened fire on German troops and attempted to dynamite bridges and buildings. In like manner, without a declaration of war, French aviators appeared above unfortified cities in South Germany, and sought, by throwing bombs, to destroy the railways. French detachments crossed the German border and occupied German villages. French aviators flew across neutral Holland and the then neutral Belgium to carry out warlike plans against the lower Rhine district of Germany. A considerable number of French officers, disguised in German uniforms, tried to cross the Dutch- German frontier in an automobile in order to destroy institutions in German territory. In this paragraph the Germans accurately describe their own violations of French and Russian territory and divide them impartially between the Russians and the French. Attempting surprises in uniforms taken from the dead or from prisoners is a specialty in German tactics. By this means and by bringing up quick-firing guns in Red Cross wagons and by a judicious abuse of the white flag (see page III), they have treacherously inflicted much damage on a generous and sporting enemy. Whatever either side did before the formal declaration of war, no important results were achieved. The French certainly cannot be accused of invading Germany before the declaration, because, to avoid collisions, they withdrew all their men ten kilometres from the frontier, except where there was any position to be held, and then they were kept in the position. It is plain that both France and Russia desired to compel Germany to make the first step in declaring war, so that the appearance of having broken the peace might, in the eyes of the world, rest upon 123 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE Germany. The Russian government even attempted to disseminate through a foreign news agency the report that Germany had declared war on Russia, and it refused, contrary to the usage among civilized nations, to permit to be telegraphed the report of the German Ambassador that Russia had rejected the final German note concerning war and peace. This is exactly on a par with the German refusal of the British Ambassador’s telegram under similar circumstances. Germany, for its part, in the hope that peace might yet be maintained, subjected itself to the great dis- advantage of delaying its mobilization in the first decisive days in the face of the measures of its probable enemy. When, however, the German Emperor realized that ae was no longer possible, he declared war against rance and Russia honourably, before the beginning of hostilities, thus bringing into contrast the moral courage to assume the responsibility for the beginning of the conflict as against the moral cowardice of both opponents, whose fear of public opinion was such that they did not dare openly to admit their intentions to attack Germany. Far from France and Russia desiring to compel Germany to make the first step, so that the blame of breaking the peace might rest on Germany, they did not desire to have war at all. But Germany declared war because she had made up her mind to do so unless she obtained what she wanted. Russia’s refusal to allow the report of the German Ambas- sador to be telegraphed was a purely technical grievance. As Germany was ready for war before she allowed the crisis to commence, she could allow the enemy to mobilize without injuring herself. I cannot understand why the writer of this book makes such a fal-lal about Germany having the courage to declare war against France and Russia honourably, while they lacked the moral courage to take the responsibility of beginning and maneuvred for the blame of it to fall upon her. The book attributes it to their fear of public opinion, a likely enough reason if they were trying to maneuvre her inio making a declaration. But why should they? It was clear enough that the war was her 124 Chap. VIIL—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY doing. England, the most pacific of them all, was the only country to declare war. Germany, moreover, cared in a humane and proper manner at the outbreak of the war for those non- combatant subjects of hostile states—travelling sales- men, travellers for pleasure, patients in health resorts, etc.—who happened to be in the country at the time. In isolated cases, where the excitement of the public grew disquieting, the authorities immediately intervened to protect persons menaced. In Russia, however, in France, and especially in Belgium the opposite of decency and humanity prevailed. Instead of referring feelings of national antipathy and of national conflicting interests to the decision of the battlefield, the French mishandled in the most brutal manner the German popu- lation and German travellers in Paris and other cities, who neither could nor wished to defend themselves, and who desired solely to leave the hostile country at once. The mob threatened and mishandled Germans in the streets, in the railway stations and in the trains, and the authorities permitted it. However the Germans may have behaved to the ordinary non-combatant subjects of hostile states, such as commercial travellers, tourists and invalids, it is certain that they behaved much worse to Ambassadors and Consuls than their oppo- nents did. Reuter’s telegram to “The Times”’ about the departure of the Russian Ambassador is an example, and a foreign Consul at Danzig has yet worse to tell; and official veports show that the ill-treatment of Russians in Germany is quite as bad as anything done to Germans anywhere. The occurrences in Belgium are infamous beyond all description. Germany would have exposed itself to the danger of a military defeat if it had still respected the neutrality of Belgium after it had been announced that strong French detachments stood ready to march through that country against the advancing German army. The Belgian government was assured that its interests would be conscientiously guarded if it would permit the German 125 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE army to march through its territory. In answer to this assurance was a declaration of war. In making this declaration it acted perhaps not wisely, but unques- tionably within its formal rights. It was, however, not right, but, on the contrary, a disgraceful breach of right, that the eyes of wounded German soldiers in Belgium were gouged out, and their ears and noses cut off; that surgeons and persons carrying the wounded were shot at from houses. It is frankly impossible to understand what the writer meant this paragraph to prove. What was infamous ?— that there were strong French detachments ready to march through the country against the Germans may be disproved by the fact that when the Germans had violated Belgian territory and the Belgians needed and besought the help of France as soon as ever they could get tt, there were few French troops ready to advance into Belgium, and the French had no plans whatever for utilizing Belgian defences to delay the German advances. The assurances to Belgium that all her interests would be “conscientiously guarded” if she would break her treaty and allow the German army to pass through Belgium— offered by one of the Powers which had guaranteed her treaty—may be characterized as one of the most blackguardly political suggestions in history. The alleged outrages on the wounded and the doctors are German outrages attributed to Belgians. Private dwellings of Germans in Antwerp were plundered, German women were dragged naked through the streets by the mob and shot to death before the eyes of the police and the militia. Captains of captured German ships in Antwerp were told that the authorities could not guarantee their lives. German tourists were robbed of their baggage, insulted and mishandled, sick persons were driven from the German hospital, children were thrown from the windows of German homes into the streets and their limbs were broken. Trustworthy reports of all these occurrences, from respectable and responsible men; are at hand. We perceive with the 126 Chap. VII—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY deepest indignation that the cruelties of the Congo have been outdone by the motherland. When it comes to pass that in time of war among nations the laws of humanity respecting the helpless and the unarmed, the women and children, are no longer observed, the world is reverting to barbarism, The Germans are here attributing to the Belgians in Antwerp the ordinary German procedure. Even in war times, humanity and honour should still remain the distinguishing marks of civilization. The English believed that “ even in war time, humanity and honour’ would have received more consideration from the people who talked so much about culture and their civilizing mission. That French and Russians, in their endeavours to spy upon Germany and destroy her institutions, should dis guise themselves in German uniforms is a sorry testimony to the sense of honour possessed by our opponents. He who ventures to conduct espionage in a hostile land or secretly to plant bombs, realizes that he risks the penalty of death, whether he be a civilian or a member of the army. Up to the present, however, it has not been customary to use a uniform, which should be respected even by the enemy, to lessen the personal risk of the spy and to facilitate his undertaking. It is inconceivable that the great Germans who allowed their name to be attached to this book could have seen tts contents. The whole history of the war teems with the treacherous use of the uniforms of their enemies by Germans —oficers as well as privates. At its very opening a motor- load of Germans disguised as English officers made a dash into Liége to capture or kill General Leman, and the Hon. Archer Windsor-Clive, the well-known cricketer, who has died of his wounds, was shot at close quarters by a German officer dressed in an English military cloak whom he was in 127 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE the act of saluting. The writer of the paragraph probably meant to delude Americans with academical condemnations. For a number of years there have been increasing indications that France, Russia and England were systematically spying upon the military institutions of Germany. In the eight years from 1906. to 1913, II3 persons were found guilty of attempted or accomplished espionage of a grave nature. The methods employed by these spies included theft, attacks upon military posts and the employment of German officers’ uniforms as disguises. The court proceedings threw a clear light upon the organization and operations of espionage in Germany. This espionage was directed from central points in foreign countries, often in the small neigh- bouring neutral states. Repeatedly it appeared that the foreign embassies and consulates in Germany assisted in this work ; it was also discovered that Russia, France and England were exchanging reports which they had received concerning Germany’s means of defence. It ts to be understood from this paragraph that Germany totally disapproves of the use of spies, and has never had any in her employ. In Germany itself, in eight years only, one hundred and thirteen foreigners were found guilty of attempted or accomplished espionage of a grave nature. Considering German methods, it may be taken for granted that at least a hundred of them were innocent. The offences included theft, and attacks on military posts, and using German officers’ uniforms as disguises. If one Englishman was caught in a German uniform during those eight years, he must have been quietly murdered, for tt never came into the papers, which devoted volumes to the two officers who were caught and imprisoned for years on a discredited scoundrel’s false accusation that they had been making observations of German coast defences. What spies there were in Germany, for linguistic reasons, must have been Russians, or Germans in the pay of their enemies. These may have included a certain number of Alsatians and Lor- rainers who wished to be French subjects. But they would be peculiarly liable to suspicion. On the other hand, foreign 128 Chap. VII—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY countries have swarmed with German spies, who, if they had been hunted out with German thoroughness, would have made an army corps. This espionage system was supported with large funds. It endeavoured whenever possible to seduce military persons and officials to betray their country, and, when this was not possible, it devoted its attention to doubtful characters of every sort. It began its work with petty requests of a harmless appearance, followed these with inducements to violations of duty, and then proceeded with threats of exposure to compel its victims to betray their country further. Exact instructions, complete in the minutest detail, were given to the spies for the carrying on of their work; they were equipped with photographic apparatus, with skeleton keys, forged passes, etc.; they received fixed monthly salaries, especial bonuses for valuable information, and high rewards for especially secret matters, such as army orders, descriptions of weapons and plans of fortifications. Principal attention was paid to our boundaries, railroads, bridges and impor- tant buildings on lines of traffic, which were spied upon by specially trained men. With the reports of these spies as their basis, our opponents have carefully planned the destruction of the important German lines of com- munication, It is really very amusing to have the instructions, equip- ment and “modus operandi” of the German spy system divulged to the world by the German authorities in the spirited sketch supplied by this paragraph of the machina- tions of foreign governments. That the net was a wide one we know from the instance of the Liverpool boy clerk, whose attention was. drawn to the fact that his modest earnings could be supplemented by easy-and well-paid employment. , He wrote to the German Foreign Office, or something equally high-sounding, about it, and was given instructions which led to his examining the forts, chefly shoddy affairs used for the training of Territorials, round Liverpool. The German War Office complained that his reports were not of much technical value, and the liberal pay he recewed 129 5 GERMANYS GREAT LIE for them all told was two pounds, sent in Enghsh Postal Orders. This came out when he was tried and sentenced in a British law court a few months ago. The extraordinary watchfulness of the German military officials immediately before the declaration of war and since then has been able to render futile the whole system of foreign attempts against our means of communication in every single instance, but a great number of such attempts have been made. All these things prove beyond doubt that a war against Germany has long been planned by our opponents. The mention of the extraordinary watchfulness which rendered futile the whole system of foreign attempts against German means of communication just before the war— attempts of which ninety-nine per cent. could only have existed im German nerve attacks or the fiction in which their Official Press delighits—is only an introduction to the state- ment that “‘ all these things prove beyond doubt that the war against Germany has long been planned by our opponents.” I30 FOREWORD TO CHAPTER VIII * LIES NAILED TO THE COUNTER From the Daily Mail correspondent : “‘ New York, Monday, September 7th. “The Press of the United States to-day calmly and emphatic- ally rejects the appeal for the sympathy of this nation made by the leading savants, authors, statesmen, financiers and industrial magnates of Germany in the form of a book giving the Kaiser’s case under the title ‘“‘ The Truth about Germany.” “In dealing with this appeal the New York Times observes : ‘No voice or pen, however eloquent-or gifted, can convince an impartial world of the justice of Germany’s cause or change the rooted belief of right-thinking men that she is battling for ends that, if attained, would retard, rather than advance, the cause of civilization and make the peace, prosperity, and happiness of the nations less secure. ““« These men of Germany ask us to give no heed to the lies of their enemies. In this land of enlightenment public opinion does not take form on anybody’s lies. We take no count of perversions gent out from London or Paris. We have sought truth in its undefiled sources in the British White Paper and in the memorandum of the German Foreign Office, in the observed and acknowledged policies of the combatant nations, and in the utterances of their men of authority. The princes and professors who pay us the compliment of this appeal to our candid judgment will not impeach the testimony of their Foreign Office. ““* Tf there was suspension of judgment in the first weeks of the war, all doubt vanished and full conviction came when the official documents and records were published. The American people there read of the untiring efforts of Sir Edward Grey to reach a peaceful adjustment through a conference of the Powers, of his appeals, to which France, Russia, and Italy gave an immediate assenting response and which Germany alone met with evasion, excuse, disfavour, and refusal. “From the German memorandum they learn that the Kaiser’s Government had from the first sustained and encouraged Austria .in a policy of war, and had denied the rights of any other Power to stand between her and the Servian objects of her wrath. It is * This Foreword is not in the German Book. 131 FOREWORD TO CHAPTER VIII. wholly futile, it is an affront to our intelligence for these German suppliants for our favour to tell us now that Russia and England brought on the war, that Germany did not choose the path of blood, that the sword was forced into the hands of the German Emperor; nor can our favour or sympathy be won by misrepre- senting the motives of England, France and Russia. “«Tn the face of Sir Edward Grey’s labours for peace, why tell us that England ‘‘ encouraged this war’’ because she was deter- mined to check the commercial growth of Germany? Why tell us that the war was ‘‘ provoked by Russia’”’ because of an out- rageous desire for revenge ? “«These German advocates talk as though we had just arrived from the moon. We are unmoved by their picture of the Slav peril. Why is it that Germany fears the Slav? England is not afraid; France has no fear; Italy, Belgium and Holland are all undisturbed. We should like to see a satisfactory answer to the question why, when all the rest of Europe is calm, Germany stands in terror of the Slav ? “*The authors of this book make a wretched defence of Ger- many’s crime against international morality and her invasion of neutral Belgium. ‘In our place the Government of the United States would not have acted differently.”’ Speak for yourselves, gentlemen. Our recent repeal of a statute that was by a great part of our people deemed to be in conflict with one of our treaties speaks for us.’ “The article refers to the disgust with which the inhabitants of the United States listen to the Kaiser’s ‘ blasphemous invocations to Divine favour upon his bloody enterprises’ and concludes: ‘These gentlemen of Germany plead in vain. We can give them no help. To quote their own words in a truer sense than their own, “ The country of George Washington and Abraham Lincoln places itself upon the side of a just cause and one worthy of humanity’s blessing.” ’ ” 132 CHAPTER VIII LIES ABOUT GERMANY THE MACHINATIONS OF ENGLAND AND FRANCE TO PUT GERMANY IN THE WRONG—LIES ON ALL SIDES ERMANY has now not only to battle against a world in arms, but it must also defend itself against lies and slanders which have been piled up around it like a hostile rampart. There is no cable at our disposal. Eng- land has either cut the cables, or is in possession of them. No German description of what has actually occurred can be sent by telegraph; the wires are carrying into the world only the distortions of our enemies. Germany is shut off as with a hedge from the outside world, and the world is supplied solely with news given out by our enemies. This language is strictly true; for the boldest, nay, the most impudent imagination would be unable to invent anything to exceed the false and absurd reports already printed by foreign newspapers. In view of what we have experienced during this first week of the war, we can already calmly assert that when the editors of foreign newspapers come later to compare their daily news of this week with the actual occurrences as testified to by authentic history they will all open their eyes in astonishment and anger over all the lies which’ the countries hostile to Germany have sent over the cables to bamboozle the whole world. This German complaint to America about lies reminds me of the famous picture in the Vatican of Alexander VI., the most wicked of all the Popes, with his eyes fixed on a por- trayal of the Resurrection. One would have thought tt a painful subject for him. The Germans cannot even be 133 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE true to themselves, for while their accredited Ambassador in Washington, “‘ Count John Bernstorff,” has been giving to the United States the correct version of everything that has hap- pened, this chapter in this book tells us on the authority of Prince Biilow, Ex-Chancellor, Field Marshal von der Goltz, and the rest of them, heads of all the greatest institutions in Germany, that “no German description of what has actually occurred can be sent by telegraph. . . . Germany is shut off as with a hedge from the outside world.” Poor“ Count John Bernstorff,” lying so bravely! Has he found out yet that Germany's National Committee has announced to the civilized world that it is impossible for him to have received any German description of what has actually occurred ? One wonders how the committee dares to say that ‘‘ the most impudent imagination would be unable to invent anything to exceed the false and absurd reports already printed by foreign newspapers.” The German official reports dissemi- nated by their own wireless, beggar the ordinary newspaper imagination. They have reached such a pitch that even the newspapers of Holland—poor little Holland! which has to act as a sort of office for German communications with the outside world—has no newspaper which will print them. The Germans have had to start a Dutch newspaper of their own for the purpose. GERMAN PAPER TO BE STARTED IN HOLLAND From the Globe : “The Hague, September 14th. “A new paper, De Toesdend, which is financed in Germany, is now circulated at The Hague for the dissemination of German news in the Dutch language. “The Dutch papers have refused to be influenced by German agents.’—Exchange Special. And the Press of the rest of the world, notably that of Italy, the sleeping partner in the [riple Alliance, and the United States, for which this feeding-bottle book was prepared, ladles derision on to the official German reports, which, uf they serve any use at all, serve to keep the German public in the dark about what theiy Government does not wish them to know. Take, for instance, the statement that there are two hundred and twenty thousand French, English, Russian and Belgian 134 Chap. VIII—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY prisoners in Germany, not including the forty thousand prisoners captured in Maubeuge, or the statement issued just before the middle of September that the total German losses in the war amount to four thousand killed and under twenty thousand wounded—this after a couple of million men had been attacking in close formation for two or three weeks ; this after the carnage at Lunéville, where the killed were estimated at twenty-five thousand! The same official wireless agency sent the news to Grand Canary, faithfully recorded in its newspaper, which has arrived in London, that at the battle of Heligoland the Germans lost five small cruisers, but the English seven large battle-cruisers. These ttems deserve mention in any list of war-ltes. It may be impossible to control newspapers, even when you have a Hammann and a special bureau for the purpose, devoted entirely to securing that nothing which is not abso- lutely true shall find its way into print, But the official reports of War Offices stand on a different footing, and until the German authorities imitate the English and Russian authorities in issuing no reports until they are absolutely certain of theiy truth, in checking every attempt to exaggerate, in chronicling disasters as faithfully as victories, it is no good sending complaints to America of lies about Germany. It is unkind of Munich to have had riots demanding the truth from the Government. Much of all this has already become ridiculous ; we must laugh over it despite the solemnity of the crisis in which we are living—for example, the bestowal of the cross of the Legion of Honour upon the city of Liége by the French President because it victoriously repulsed the attack of the Germans. Witness, too, the telegrams of congratu- lation sent by the King of England and the Czar of Russia to the Belgian King upon the victory of Liége! The joy over such “‘ German defeats” will prove just as brief as the jubilation over such “ Belgian victories.” Such lies have short legs, and the truth will in any case soon overtake them. Undoubtedly the confusion between Liége and its forts betrayed President Poincaré into a position which must have 135 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE seemed supremely ridiculous to German eyes. But it was no funnier than the “ Goeben”’ and the“ Breslau” steaming out of Messina with bands playing and colours flying and protesta- tions of death or victory when they were only going to run away to the Dardanelles and be sold like unredeemed pawnbrokers’ pledges to the Turks. These things will happen unless you are as careful as the British Official Press Bureau. But there are other lies of a more serious character and of more dangerous import—all such as misrepresent Germany’s attitude and defame German character. Such defamation is designed to disturb old friendships and transform them into bitter estrangement ; such defamation can also attain its hostile purpose wherever people do not say daily to themselves: ‘It is an enemy that reports such things about Germany; let us be wise and suspend our judgment till we know actual results, till we know what is surely the truth.” There ave two classes of Germans, one consisting of ordinary kindly human beings, concerned with the usual interests of civilized beings, and distinguished by ability in music, scholarship, science or art, more frequently, perhaps, than individuals in other nations. The other class is concerned with Germany’s mission to subdue the world by “ hacking its way through ’’—the people to whom von Bernhardi’s book ts Gospel. This class lays Germany's attitude open to mis- representation and her character to defamation, and a suffi- ciently strong indictment can be laid against her without either one or the other. Let us select several facts as examples and as evidence —facts connected with the preparation for this war, as well as with the conduct of it thus far. All the cables controlled by the English-French-Russian coalition disseminate the lie about the ostensibly “ pre- ventive war” that Germany wished and prepared for. The German ‘ White-book ’’ prints documents proving THE WHITE PURITY OF THE GERMAN CON- SCIENCE as represented by Kaiser, Chancellor, and people. 136 Chap. VIII—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY It reveals also the profound grief of the German Kaiser over the sly and insidious perfidy of the Czar, toward whom he steadily maintained German fidelity even in hours of grave danger. What Russia did was more than a mere attack, it was a treacherous assault. The following facts prove this : The German mobilization was ordered on August rst, whereas Russia began to mobilize fully four weeks earlier, or about the beginning of July. Papers found on several Russian harvest-labourers arrested in the district of Konitz show that the Russian military authorities had already by July 1st—7.e., immediately after the tragedy at Sarajevo—sent to the leaders of these men mustering- in orders, which were to be distributed immediately after a further word should be given. These con- fiscated papers prove that Russia hoped to be able to mobilize against Austria before Germany could get official information of Russia’s measures. The Russian authori- ties purposely avoided the usual course of sending these orders through the Russian consuls, and they assigned “military exercises” as the object of this call to the colours. It ts quite certain that Germany meant to go to war this summer, and made Austria send the ultimatum to Servia with that object. Mobilization papers to Germans in distant paris of the world prove ths. If Russia did send mustering-in orders to her harvest-labourers in Germany on July Ist, it does not prove that any military measures were intended. It was merely a proper precaution growing out of the murder of the Archduke Francis Ferdinand, to get them out of a hostile couniry (where they were in large numbers) in case of trouble. To say that German mobilization was ordered on August Ist, whereas Russian mobilization began four weeks earlier, 1s reversing the order of things. Germany was as good as mobilized before she inspired Austria to send the ulttmatum, though her formal mobilization was not announced till the war was breaking out. Russia only mobilized when it became apparent that Germany and Austria meant to try and squeeze her. On July 31st British steamers were forcibly detained at Hamburg and not allowed to proceed after that day. 137 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE July 25th: Military exercises at Krasnoye-Selo were suddenly broken off, and the troops returned at once to their garrison. The manceuvres had been called off. The military cadets were advanced at once to officers instead of waiting, as usual, till autumn. These two moves were in consequence of Austria’s ulti- matum to Servia, and there is no proof that the further word was given. It is interesting to find that these were military exercises: so the ostensible reason was probably the true one. July 26th: All ships and boats are forbidden to sail in the waters between Helsingfors and Yorkkele; and navigation between Sweden and Finland is closed. July 28th: Partial mobilization ; 16 army corps to be increased to the strength of 32 corps. On the same day the Czar begs for friendly mediation, and on the same day the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs and the Russian Minister of War give the German military attaché, upon their own initiative, their solemn word of honour that no mobilization has taken place. July 26th: Considering the fondness the Germans have shown for mines, the precaution was not unnecessary. July 28th: There was no reason why the Czar should not have been quite honest in his desire for peace while he was taking a precaution against surprise from a nation whose von Bern- hardis have always urged it to take every advantage it could to neutralize the superior strength of an enemy by “ slimness.” The German jingoes, when they drank “ to the day ’’—mean- ing the day on which the German fleet was to meet the English —always meant to use every device they could to prevent tt being a square stand-up fight between the two fleets. The English fleet was to be weakened first with every form of insidious attack. The Russian is no fool; he may be just as good as the German in avoiding the technical forms of mobilization while he secures most of tts effects. And, after all, this quibbling about the technicalities of mobilization is not vital. It is a mere form of diplomacy. The vital point 138 Chap. VIII—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY at issue among all these rvecriminations was: the sincerity of the desire for peace. Russia sincerely desired peace, but did not mean to be caught napping. Germany meant to slap Russia in the face if she would not fight. These two central facts make all the recriminations about mobilization super- fiuous. July 30th: The second and third Russian cavalry divisions appear on the German frontier between Wirballen and Augustov. The Czar issues a ukase calling to the colours the reserves in 23 entire governments and in 80 districts of other governments; also the naval reserves in 64 dis- tricts, or 12 Russian and one Finnish government ; also the Cossacks on furlough in a number of districts; also the necessary reserve officers, physicians, horses and wagons. July 31st: General mobilization of the whole Russian army and navy. The German steamer Evtel Friedrich, which keeps up a regular service between Stettin and St. Petersburg, is stopped by a Russian torpedo-boat and brought into Reval, where the crew were made prisoners. The Russians blow up the railway bridge on Austrian territory between Szozakowa and Granica. July 30th and 31st: As the bellicose intentions of Ger- many became more and more obvious, the Czar made extensive preparations on the first of these two days, and ordered a general mobilization of his army and navy on the second. It was necessary to turn the tables on Germany, and let her know what Austria’s persisting in her course meant. On July 31st the Czar sent the following telegram to the Emperor : “T thank thee from my heart for the mediation, which leaves a gleam of hope that even now all may end peacefully. It is technically impossible to discontinue our military operations, which are rendered necessary by Austria’s mobilization. We are far from wishing for war, and so long as the negotiations with Austria regarding Servia continue, my troops will not undertake any provocative action. I give thee my word upon it, I trust with all my 139 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE strength in God’s grace, and I hope for the success of thy mediation in Vienna, and for the welfare of our countries and the peace of Europe. “ Thy most devoted, “ NICHOLAS.” The Czar makes no attempt here to conceal his military operations. It was indisputable that Austria had already given the orders to mobilize against Russia. The Kaiser ne with a long telegram, which ended up with a distinct threat. “In answer to thy appeal to my friendship and thy prayer for my help I undertook mediatory action between the Austria- Hungarian Government and thine. While this action was in progress thy troops were mobilizing against my ally, Austria-Hungary, in consequence of which, as I have already informed thee, my mediation was rendered nearly illusory. Nevertheless, I have continued it. “ Now, however, I receive trustworthy news of your serious preparations for war even on my eastern frontier. The responsibility for the safety of my kingdom compels me to take definite retaliatory measures. My efforts to maintain ae peace of the world have now reached their utmost possible amit. “It will not be I who am responsible for the calamity which threatens the whole civilized world. Even at this moment at lies in thy power to avert it. Nobody threatens the honour and power of Russia, which could well have waited for the result of my mediation. The friendship which I have in- herited from my grandfather on his death-bed for thee and thy kingdom has always been holy to me. I have remained true to Russia whenever she has been in sore straits, and especially during her last war. The peace of Europe can still be main- tained by thee if Russia decides to cease her military measures, which threaten Germany and Austria-Hungary.” On July 31st the German Chancellor telegraphed to the German Ambassador at St. Petersburg: ‘ Mobilization, however, must follow unless Russia ceases within twelve hours all warlike measures against us and Austria-Hungary, and gives us definite assurance thereof.” And on August Ist 140 Chap. VIII--TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY the Chancellor telegraphed to his Ambassador that unless the Russian Government had given a satisfactory answer, he was at five o'clock to hand to wt a declaration which culminated in the following words: ‘‘ His Majesty the Emperor, my august Sovereign, in the name of the Empire, takes up the defiance and considers himself in a state of war against Russia.”’ , The Chancellor had on July 31st wived to his Ambassador at Paris: ‘‘ Mobilization inevitably means war. Kindly ask the French Government whether it will remain neutral 7 a Russian-German war. Answer must come within eighteen ours.” Russia refused to answer, and the French Premier declared that ‘“‘ France would do that which might be required of her by her interests.” The German Ambassador at St. Petersburg demanded his passports at once. But the German Ambassador at Paris took no overt action, for some tortuous reason, which was doubiless intimately connected with military movements. Night of August 1: Russian patrols attack the German railway bridge near Eichenried and try to surprise the German railway station at Miloslaw. A Russian column crosses the German frontier at Schwidden, and two squadrons of Cossacks ride against Johannisburg. August 1: (at last) Germany’s mobilization. And France ? July 27: The Fourteenth Army Corps breaks off its manceuvres. July 31: General mobilization. August 2: French troops attack German frontier posts, cross the frontier and occupy German towns. Bomb-throwing aviators come into Baden and Bavaria ; also, after violating Belgium’s neutrality by crossing Belgian territory, they enter the Rhine Province and try to destroy bridges. Only after all this is the German Ambassador at Paris instructed to demand his passports. The ingenuousness of the writer of this German apologia in imagining that American readers would be simple enough I4I GERMANY’S GREAT LIE to be worked into a state of indignation by his tabulation of a few minute and utterly unproved and unlikely frontier incidents in Russia following the declaration of war, and twaddle about French aviators violating neutrality by flying over Belgian territory following France’s rejection of the German ultimatum, leads up to the hypocritical protest : “Only after all this is the German Ambassador at Paris instructed to demand his passports.” The French suspected him of trying to do a little espionage, so long was he in removing his unwelcome presence. And England ? In London war must already have been decided upon by July 31; the English Admiralty had even before that date advised Lloyd’s against insuring German ships. On the same day the German Government gave emphatic support in Vienna to the English mediatory proposal of Sir Edward Grey. But the entire English fleet had already been assembled. To say that England had decided upon war by July 31st ts one of the crudest absurdities in the book. The answers to the German ultimatum to France and Russia were not given until August Ist, and as there was no question of Germany’s declaring war on Great Britain, she was not concerned until a state of war existed between her allies and Germany. That the Admiralty should warn Lloyd's not to insure German ships—the ships of a nation on the verge of war—was not very extraordinary. The statement that the German Government gave emphatic support in Vienna to the English mediatory proposal on the same day would be called an undiplomatic name by Americans, knowing as they did long before this wonderful book was published that Austria got up the whole business to oblige Germany. The entire English fleet had undoubtedly been assembled, but America knows just as well as Germany that it was assembled for the monster review of their ships which the English are in the habit of holding every July. It may be mere coincidence that England has been assembling her entire fleet for review every year at the time latd down by the German War Office as the proper moment for 142 Chap. VIII—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY invading an enemy's country, because the maximum amount of damage can be done to its harvests. On July 31st, as I have said, British ships were already detained in Hamburg. Of course, English public opinion was and still is divided. As late as August the Daily Graphic wrote in _ reference to the Russian mobilization order: ‘‘ Will the Russian order also be carried out in the provinces on the German frontier? If so, then the labour of the peace- preservers is at an end, for Germany is compelled to answer with the mobilization of its armed forces. We confess that we are not able to understand this attitude of Russia, in view of the resumption of negotiations at Vienna.” And a leaflet distributed in the streets of London said that ‘‘a war for Russia is a war against civilization.” As I have said, outside the Ostrich Press, the “‘ Daily Graphic” was the only paper which questioned the wisdom of Russia in being prepared for war if she was going to exercise any restvaining influence over Austria and Germany. Russia being, according to German complaints, well served by spies, was probably aware throughout the negotiations that Germany had instigated Austria’s move, and under the form of an entreaty to intervene was urging the Kaiser to reflect before he plunged Europe into war. That opinion in England is not divided has been amply proved by the National Liberal Club's inviting the Constitutional Club to join it in pro- moting a great recruiting meeting (in which the Labour Party took a prominent part) and by the patriotic speeches of the Irish leaders, and by thousands of Irish Nationalists singing ‘‘ God Save the King’’ on a football ground at Belfast on Saturday, September 19th. There is nothing to prove that the leaflet mentioned in this paragraph was not paid for by Germany. Hammann’s Press Buveau was equal to efforts quite as brilliant as this. A telegram from the British Ambassador at St. Petersburg, dated August 1st, 1914, establishes the fact that Germany and Austria could have been under no disillusion as to the result of Austria’s persisting. “ He (M. Sazanof) went on to say that during the Balkan crisis he had made it clear to the Austrian Government that war with Russia must inevitably 143 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE follow an Austrian attack on Servia. It was clear that Ausirian domination of Servia was as intolerable for Russia as the dependence of the Netherlands on Germany would be to Great Britain. It was, in fact, for Russia a question of life and death. The policy of Austria had throughout been both tortuous and immoral, and she thought that she could treat Russia with defiance, secure in the support of her German ally. Similarly the policy of Germany had been an equivocal and double-faced policy, and it mattered litile whether the German Government knew or did not know the terms of the Austrian ultimatum ; what mattered was that her intervention with the Austrian Government had been postponed until the moment had passed when its influence would have been felt.” So much as to the preparations for the war; and now we take up the conduct of the war itself. By glancing at the foreign press during this one week we have been able to collect the following specimen pieces of news: London: The British Admiralty reports that the British fleet had driven back the German fleet to the Dutch coast. There is not one word of truth in this. The Admiralty itself appears later to have recovered its senses—at least, it denied a Reuter story about a ‘great English naval victory near the Dogger Bank.” But the English manufactories of lies are already so actively at work that Members of Parliament have protested in the House itself against the “lying reports of the English press.” The British Admiralty report that the British fleet had driven back the German fleet to the Dutch coast may not have a word of truth in it—tf it was ever issued. It is highly unlikely that the German fleet went near enough to them to be driven, and the Germans may have no difficulty in proving that their fleet had never left harbour. The British Admiralty. has been most sober about operations in the North Sea; tt has preserved an almost absolute silence about them. 144 Chap. VIII—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY Paris: From Paris the assertion was made and disse- minated throughout the world that ‘the landing of English troops in Belgium; they were enthusiastically received by the population. The landing proceeded rapidly, and in the best order, as the agreement between the two General Staffs guaranteed the perfect carrying- out of the disembarkment plans.” Not a single word of this is true. At present not one English soldier has been landed. There was not a word in the English papers about the landing of English troops on the Continent until they had been there for three days. The source of the information at Paris zs not given, but tt is the kind of rumour that any irresponsible French paper might have circulated. In a similar way the Baltic Sea has become the scene of invented “‘ battles ’—of ‘‘ German defeats,”’ of course: the Russian Baltic Fleet sank a German war vessel in a battle that never occurred. In the English papers it was the German Baltic fleet which destroyed a large Russian ship in a battle that never occurred off the Aland Islands. And: “The Russian vanguard has crossed the German frontier without meeting any opposition.” As a matter of fact, there is not a single Russian soldier on German soil. All inroads have been repulsed, and the German offensive has everywhere been successful. If there was not a single Russian soldier on German soil when these lines were written, there are plenty now. A Dutch newspaper prints the following report from France : “ Belfort: Many hundreds of Alsatians are joining the French army with great enthusiasm, also many 145 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE Italian-Swiss. A large number of Alsace-Lorrainers are waiting near the frontier with a view of crossing it at a favourable opportunity to fight on the French side.” Such absurdity in the face of the unbroken unanimity of the entire German people and despite the manifest enthusiasm of the Alsace-Lorrainers for the German cause. The sympathy of the Alsace-Lorrainers with France 1s notorious. If Bismarck had lived and remained in power, he would not have permitted the stupid tyranny and outrages which kept Alsace and Lorraine from contemplating any reconciliation with Germany. We know that just before the war Alsatians and Lorvainers attempting to go to France were murdered in cold blood. Any spies France may have in Germany, except renegade Germans, and they cannot be many in so patriotic a country, unless they are rebels against the cruel militarism, must for linguistic reasons be Alsatians or Lorrainers. A pure Frenchman would have the greatest difficulty in passing for a German. As to the love of Alsace and Lorraine for Germany—have they already forgotten the Zabern incident ? Though Lieut. von Férstner, the brute who began it, was the first German officer taken prisoner in the war,* and von Reuter, the Colonel of the regiment, has been killed. As the Italian-Swiss goes to France in large numbers in the cheap restaurant business, it is highly likely that there is an Italian-Swiss element in the French army. The Italians themselves have formed a legion to fight for France. The men of Italian descent in the Austrian army, and many thousands of them are compelled to fight and are serving against Russia, surrender whenever they get the opportunity. Equally stupid and made up for incurably credulous readers is an official report of the French War Ministry— not a private rumour, be it noted, but an official com- munication. It says: ‘‘A young Frenchman reports under oath that he was arrested, along with several other Frenchmen, at the railway-station in Lérrach while on * He has since been reported killed fighting in the German ranks, so he must have been retaken. 146 Chap. VIII—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY the homeward journey from Baden; and they were led through the whole city under a military escort. One of the Frenchmen shouted ‘Hurrah for France!’ and was at once shot down. Three others who protested against this suffered the same fate; and so did a fifth man, who thereupon had called the Germans murderers. The rest of the Frenchmen, proceeding to Switzerland by rail, heard shots fired in the adjoining compartment ; they discovered that two Italians had been shot by Ger- mans because one had protested against the opening of the window, and another had jostled a German.” Does such stuff call for any refutation at all ? As the German soldiers in Belgium cut down women and children whenever they uttered a Belgian sentiment, the state- ment is probably incapable of refutation. Any outrage short of murder might, under the circumstances, even in times of peace have happened against the Italians. But in time of war, after Italy had refused to fight for Germany, the operation would have been invested with an atmosphere of holy zeal for the Fatherland. From The Times, August 31st, 1914: “The leading Italian journal, the Corrieve della Seva, of August 2ist contains the following particulars of massacres of Italians by German troops in France and Germany : «At Jarny (Meurthe-et-Moselle) an Italian named Bachetta kept a small café much frequented by Italian miners. Towards 8 am. of August 3rd, several battalions of the 68th German Infantry entered Jarny, brushing aside the French defence. The Germans lost one killed and four wounded. The inhabitants of the town were immediately accused of having fired upon the German troops, whose commander ordered all the male inhabitants to assemble in the principal square. The women and children, who tried to accompany their fathers and husbands, were driven away with the butt-ends of rifles or pricked with bayonets. One Italian woman, named Trolli, who strove to prevent her husband, who was ill in bed, from being taken to the square, was severely wounded. German patrols then searched every house. “¢In the Italian café several miners’ picks and other implements were found. Thereupon fifteen Italians, whose names and birth- places are given by the Corrieve della Seva, were arrested and immediately shot. “None of the Italians had offered any resistance or been guilty of any offence save the possession of their working tools.’ 147 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE “The same journal publishes particulars of a massacre of Italian emigrants by German soldiers at Magdeburg. Some three thousand Italian workmen, who had been employed on railway construction. at Duisburg and Cologne, were sent to Magdeburg and herded together in a barracks outside the town. On the evening of August 11th one of the workmen announced that a train would be ready next day to take them to Italy. The announcement was loudly cheered. The soldiers on guard outside the rooms ordered the Italians to be silent, but as silence could not be restored imme- diately, an order was given to fire. Some soldiers fired high, but others fired directly into the mass, the fusillade being continued for twenty minutes. How many Italians were killed is not known, as there were several separate rooms, to which the panic-stricken workmen were confined while the dead and wounded were removed. One of the victims was a boy of twelve years.” A typical example of how it is sought to work on public opinion by means of systematic lying is afforded by the capture of Liége. The fact is that this Belgian stronghold, along with its forts, which contained a garrison of 20,000 men, was taken by storm on August 7th by the German troops, who fought with unparalleled bravery, and that 3~-4,000 Belgian prisoners of war are already on their way to Germany. Yet on August gth—two days after the fall of Liége— a dispatch was still sent to the Dutch press, stating: “The Liége forts are still in Belgian hands.” The German cannot resist the temptation to doctor military reports and dispatches. It does not seem ever to occur to him to adhere to the text of truth in them; they are merely sermons delivered against the enemy or to influence opinion at home. The persons who concocted and published Mr. John Burns’ anti-war speech at the Albert Hall (a speech which J. B. never delivered) must be authorities on “ systematic lying.” In this matter of Liége he really had an opportunity of scoring with the plain truth. But such a proceeding seemed unnatural. The English mixed up the town of Liége with the forts from ignorance. The town itself was at the mercy of any force which determined to rush it, disregarding the zone of fire between any two of the forts, and sufficiently large to smash through the Belgian lines 148 Chap. VIII—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY connecting the forts. The Germans brought up an immense force, and advancing in close formation, regardless of loss of life, soon took the town. With this they had the opportunity of pouring derision on President, King and Emperor, who decorated or congratulated the defence of the forts, when the town, which the forts were designed to defend, had fallen. Not content with this, they claim the reduction of the fortress a week or two before it was reduced. And on August 8th—36 hours after the fall of Li¢ge— a dispatch was sent from Paris to the newspapers of Rome, saying: ‘‘ The Germans lost 20,000 men at Liége, and asked for an armistice of 24 hours. Liége has not yet fallen. The English landed 100,000 men at Antwerp, who were received with jubilation by the population. President Poincaré, upon the proposal of Doumergue, the Minister of War, conferred on the city of Liége the Cross of the Legion of Honour.” Another newspaper reported as follows: “ The King of England sent a congratulatory dispatch to the King of Belgium upon his victory at Liége; seven German regiments were slain.” One naturally regards any northern war news from Rome with suspicion, unless the source is mentioned. For the only news which Italy can get which does not pass through France must emanate from Germany, which allows no news favourable to the Allies to pass even to its own people. We know that the English had not landed at Antwerp, and did not cross the Channel at all till long after this date. If they had landed at Antwerp, the Germans would have had to fight every inch of their way to Brussels. But we cannot feel as certain that the Germans did not lose twenty thousand men in casual- ties in the assault on the strong Liége forts, which they were unable to breach till the arrival of their eleven-inch howitzers. Trying to storm forts of this class with masses of men in close formation is a very expensive proceeding. But the slaying of seven German regiments, which contain three thousand men each, does not tally with a total loss in killed, wounded and prisoners of twenty thousand men. 149 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE Against the congratulations to Liége upon its resistance one must set the reports of German naval victories with which the German official wireless has flooded Italy to make her join her late Allies. At Paris itself a note of the French War Ministry— published on the evening of August 7th, Liége having fallen in the early morning of that day—mentions the resistance of Liége, and says that the forts are still holding out; that the Germans who had entered the city on Thursday by passing between the forts, had evacuated it on Friday; and that the Belgian division that went to the assistance of the city had therefore not even made an attack. The official note concludes from all this that the resistance of the Belgians was seriously disturbing the plan of the Germans, who were building hopes upon a rapid success. And four full days after the capture of Liége the French Minister at Berne reported officially: “‘ Liége has not yet been taken; the German troops were repulsed.” There does not seem to be any difference of merit or demerit between the French, who spoke of the fortress as if it was the town, and the Germans, who spoke of the town as tf tt was the fortress, except that the Germans knew that they were throwing dust in the eyes of the public, and the French possibly did not. Of one thing there is not the smallest doubt, and that 1s that the resistance of the Belgians did seriously disturb the plan of the Germans by delaying their operations against France for a fortnight. At Copenhagen the following dispatches were pub- lished: ‘‘ The English and French troops had effected a junction with the Belgian army, and had entered Liége and made many German prisoners, among them a nephew of the German Kaiser.” Copenhagen is one of the chief magazines of German lies. It is humorous that a French ov Belgian le should have varied the monotony. In view of recent revelations one has 150 Chap. VIII—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY a shrewd idea that these reports emanated from a German source which hid itself under the name of “ Paris.” Similarly at Stockholm: ‘The Germans had suffered a severe repulse.” This reads like a German wireless telegram in which the word Germans has been substituted by mistake for French or Russians. Again a dispatch from Paris to Rome: ‘“ The Germans had been driven back behind the Moselle and were begging for an armistice ; the French had passed Namur and were pressing forward in forced marches, while 500,000 English were falling upon the German flank.” Rome, im this instance, must have felt the need of some- thing sensational to balance the German fiction with which she was supplied, and invented some news and labelled it “ Paris.” Every newspaper of the least importance in Europe has been aware for many years that the English expeditionary army only consisted of about a hundred and Jifty thousand men. If they had had five hundred thousand there would have been no war. Even the Prussian military chiefs, arrogant as they were, would not have wished to attack France and Russia with half a million English on their flank, or have contemplated entering Belgium when it would have meant the landing of this enormous English army. Still another official report from Paris: ‘‘ Liége is becoming the grave of the 150,000 Germans who are breaking their heads against its walls; the Belgians had taken 3,000 prisoners, who were in a terrible con- dition ; but for their good fortune of falling into captivity they would have starved to death.” In contrast to all this let us take the unvarnished truth as in the reported simple words of the German Quarter- master-General : ‘‘ We are now able to report upon Liége without doing any harm. . . . We had only a weak force at Liége four days ago, for it is not possible to prepare for such a bold undertaking by collecting large masses of 151 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE men. That we attained the desired end in spite of this is due to the excellent preparation, the valour of our troops, their energetic leadership, and the help of God. The courage of the enemy was broken, and his troops fought badly. The difficulties against us lay in the exceedingly unfavourable topography of the surroundings, which consisted of hills and woods, and in the treacherous participation of the entire population in the fighting, not even excluding women. The people fired upon our troops from ambush, from villages and forests—fired upon our physicians who were treating the wounded, and upon the wounded themselves. Hard and bitter fighting occurred; whole villages had to be destroyed in order to break the resistance, before our brave troops penetrated the girdle of forts and took possession of the city. It is true that a part of the forts still held out, but they no longer fired. The Kaiser did not want to waste a drop of blood in storming the forts, which no longer hindered the carrying out of our plans. We were able to await the arrival of heavy artillery to level the forts one after the other at our leisure, and without the sacrifice of a single life—in case their garrisons should not surrender sooner. . . . So far as can be judged at present the Belgians had more men for the defence of the city than we had for storming it. Every expert can measure from this fact the greatness of our achievement; it is without a parallel... . “ (Signed) VON STEIN, “ Quartermaster-General.”’ The Quartermaster-General von Stein has a name which has since become very familiar, owing to his accidentally telling the truth about the German defeat on the Marne. He announced that several thousand Germans and fifty of theiy guns had been captured. The effect on Germany was so bad that he was severely censured. He hastened to say that the Germans had not lost fifty guns and those thousands of prisoners, but that he meant that they had taken that number from the French. He was not truthful ; the Germans had lost fifty guns. Here also von Stein lets the truth out of the bag. He admits 152 Chap. VIII—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY that it was not true that all the forts had surrendered—that some of them still held out, but no longer fired, which meant that they were reserving their ammunition until the Germans sent up they heavy masses to try again to storm them. No sane man will quarrel with the Kaiser for ordering them to be left alone until the heavy guns came up which could veduce them without loss of life. There is a characteristic von Stein note at the end of the report, in which he believes that the Belgians had larger forces at Liége than the Germans. It is not the German people alone that will have cause to remember Liége ; the whole world will do well to learn from the case of Liége that an organized manufactory of lies is trying to deceive the public opinion of all the nations. Glorious victories are converted into ‘“ defeats with heavy losses,” and the strong moral discipline of the German troops is slanderously described in the reports of the imaginative, phrase-loving French as cruelty— just as, in 1870, the Prussian Uhlans were described as thrusting through with their lances all the French babies and pinning them fast to the walls. The enemies of Germany will certainly have reason to remember Liége, not only as a place whose. valiant resistance had a great effect in upsetting the German plans for taking France by surprise, but as a place where they had, to use the schoolboy’s phrase, “an awful sell.” They certainly thought that Liége could laugh at the German attack until the English and French had time to come up and relieve it. In the face of the outrages they committed at Louvain, Dinant and Termonde, the fact that the Uhlans did not play tent-pegging with the Belgian babies while their officers attended to burning the town, ts to be ascribed not so much to the strong moral discipline of the German troops as to the fact that if they could make Belgium a German province, Liége, with its manufactories for weapons and locomotive engines, would become one of the chief manufacturing towns of the German Empire. To burn Liége would not be burning an adored national monument of the enemy, but burning bank-notes which could be converted into gold at sight. 153 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE How far the grande nation has already degenerated, and how far the Belgian population, akin to the French both in blood and in sentiments, imitate the French in their Balkan brutality, is illustrated by two examples. One of these, in the form of a German official warning, says: “The reports at hand about the fighting around Liége show that the population of the country took part in the battle. Our troops were fired upon from ambush. Physicians were shot at while following their profession. Cruelties were practised by the population on wounded soldiers. There is also news at hand showing that German patrols in the vicinity of Metz were fired at from ambush from the French side.” “ Franc tiveur”’ accusations were pari of the German plan of campaign in 1870, and were so useful that they form a much more prominent part this time. The population ave terrorized by wholesale executions and burnings, on the paltriest evidence, for sniping. The English, on the other hand, allowed the largest latitude to the enemy in this respect in the Boer War. Innumerable German outrages against the Red Cross ave reported. “Tt may be that these occurrences are due to the com- position of the population in those industrial regions, but it may also be that France and Belgium are preparing for a guerilla warfare upon our troops. If the latter alterna- tive should prove true, and this proof be strengthened through repetitions of these occurrences, then our opponents will have themselves to thank if this war be carried on with unrelenting severity even against the guilty population. The German troops, who are accustomed to preserve discipline and to wage war only against the armed forces of the hostile state, cannot be blamed if, in just self-defence, they give no quarter. The hope of influencing the result of the war by turning loose the passions of the populace will be frustrated by the unshaken energy of our leaders and our troops. Before neutral foreign countries, however, it must be demonstrated, even at the beginning of this 154 Chap. VIIL—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY war, that it was not the German troops who caused the war to take on such forms.” The details of the cruelties, here only hinted at, on the Belgian and French side, are supplied and proved by an eye-witness, a German physician, who reports: ‘‘ We have experienced from the Belgian population, from men, women and half-grown boys, such things as we had hitherto seen only in wars with negroes. The Belgian civilian population shoots in blind hatred from every house, from every thick bush, at everything that is German. We had on the very first day many dead and wounded, caused by the civilian population.”’ The writer of the book assumes that the stories about civilians attacking troops are true, and says that it may be “* due to the composition of the population tn those industrial regions,” or may be due to France and Belgium having deter- mined on a system of guerilla warfare, in which case way is to be ‘‘ carried on with unrelenting severity even against the guilty population.” Doubtless Louvain represents the German militarists’ idea of severity, but even German troops can forget themselves sometimes. ‘‘ Accustomed as they were to preserve discipline and wage war only against the armed forces of the hostile state,’ when they were driven back from Paris they wrecked the furniture of all the chateaux of the Marne, and broke into the wine-stores of all the great growers of champagne. The report that in the mining districts of Belgium, by way of discouraging the resistance of civilians, they filled up the mine-shafis when the miners were down in the mines has had a greater influence in promoting the recrusting among the miners of Northumberland and Yorkshire than any feeling of patriotism for their country. Officers, before they countenance measures of vengeance against civilians taking part in warfare, should remember that where large national questions may leave a socialistic population lke miners quite cold, a fiendish piece of cruelty to one of their own class in the exercise of his profession may light a flame which ts never extinguished. “Women take part as well as men. One German had 155 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE his throat cut at night while in bed. Five wounded Germans were put into a house bearing the flag of the Red Cross; by the next morning they had all been stabbed to death. In a village near Verviers we found the body of one of our soldiers with his hands bound behind his back and his eyes punched out. An auto- mobile column which set out from Liége halted in a village; a young woman came up, suddenly drew a revolver, and shot a chauffeur dead. At Emmenich, an hour by foot from Aachen, a sanitary automobile column was attacked by the populace on a large scale and fired at from the houses. The Red Cross on our sleeves and on our automobiles gives us physicians no protection at all.” The Germans seem to have forgotten that the Flemings ave of the same blood as the Boers, and that the Belgian papers reprinted the rapturous applause with which any outrage committed by the Boers against British stragglers, or under a treacherous use of the white flag, or 1m any other way, was received by the German Press. That was blessed by the eternal spirit of freedom, that was inspiring a small Power to a heroic resistance against a big bully. It was unfortunate that the Belgians should see the matter in exactly the same light as the Boers. I think that the English may in fairness admit that the Belgian peasantry, when the war began, did not understand, and very likely could not be made to understand, that they must not fight tooth and nail against the invader. But the Germans should have been satisfied with the same punishment as the English meted out in cases of genuine treachery in the South African war—to burn the house or farm from which the shot came, not the whole town, and to shoot anyone caught committing a murder or destroy- ing a vailway line, or anything else which might cause death to the Englsh troops. The English allowed men without uniform to band together for the defence of their village. They only punished treachery, and this is one of the principal causes which has made the Dutch in South Africa so loyal to the English in the present crisis. They have no inefface- able memortes. , Enemies on all sides! With dishonourable weapons 156 Chap. VIII—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY against us, and with documentary lies for the rest of the world! Let us calmly allow them to continue lying and slandering as they have begun—it will result finally in injuring themselves. The world will very soon see through this impudent, unabashed game; and it will finally side with the people which keeps to the truth. Only the weakling lies and swindles; the strong man loves and honours truth. Let us act like the strong man in the struggle ! It is very unkind of the writers of this book to apply such hard names to the German Ambassador in the United States. Surely he will resent their describing his efforts on their behalf as “this impudent, unabashed game,’ and being called a “ weakling’? Is tt not a miliiary offence to use such language of von Stein, Quartermaster-General of the German Army? These two men have done their best and, as far as one can make out, are acting under instructions from higher quarters. To be serious, the writers of this book can have no sense of humour when they talk of documentary lies for the rest of the world—whtle the rest of the world is pouring derision on the wireless messages sent out by the German official lies bureau, and even Holland, on which they can exercise most pressure, refuses to print them any longer. Nothing is more certain than that American opinion will finally side with the people which keeps to the truth. It knows to-day that the official report from Russia which says that Austria has lost two hundred and fifty thousand men in killed and wounded and a hundred thousand in prisoners is true ; and it cannot have the same respect for the Wolff Agency. A Swiss paper has taken the trouble to add up the losses of the Allies in the Wolff reports, and finds that ‘‘ the French have up to the present lost 880,000 men in killed and prisoners. “The Germans claim to have captured: 177 generals, 1,213 flags and 11,982 cannons. ; “ According to the agency, the British army has already been annihilated twice, and as for the Russians, the Germans claim to have made 800,000 of them prisoners, and conducted them to Berlin.” The Wolff Agency is the go-between which has endeavoured 157 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE to bring the Havas Agency, Reuter’s and the other telegraphic services of the world into line with the Hammann Official Press Bureau in Berlin. The two agencies named hastened to repudiate the statement so far as they are concerned. Some day even the Canary Press* will turn. * Hammann takes care to keep a paper in the Canary Islands au courant with wireless. 158 FOREWORD TO CHAPTER IX * The Times, August 8th, 1914: “FRENCH AMBASSADOR INSULTED.” “ JOURNEY TO FRONTIER.” “. .. After being refused permission to leave Germany through Holland or Belgium, as he intended, he accepted an offer to travel through Vienna, but a few hours later received from an official of the German Foreign Office a notification that he and the staff of the Embassy would be taken to Denmark, though it might be impossible for him to obtain a passage from Denmark to England or France. ... The journey to Denmark lasted more than twenty-four hours. No food was provided. On nearing the Kiel Canal soldiers entered the train; windows were ordered to be pulled up, and blinds were drawn. The Ambassador and his staff, as well as the ladies and children, were ordered to remain motionless and not to attempt to touch their hand baggage. A soldier was placed at the door of each compartment with a revolver in his hand and his finger on the trigger. After having been treated almost as a prisoner in Berlin, the Ambassador was treated in the train as a dangerous individual. “Shortly before reaching the frontier the Ambassador was informed that the train would not proceed unless he paid imme diately for the cost of it. He was told that the amount would be approximately 5,000 f. (£200). In payment he drew a cheque for that amount on one of the principal Berlin banks. It was refused, and immediate payment in gold was demanded. With great difficulty the sum was collected in gold from the various members of the staff and from the Russian Consul-General at Darmstadt. On receiving the cash the German officer in com- mand of the train, Major von Rheinbahen, gave his word of honour that the journey would be completed.” * This Foreword is not in the German Book. 159 CHAPTER IX GERMANY AND THE FOREIGNER RESPECT FOR THE FOREIGNER—RUSSIANS WILLING TO REMAIN IN GERMANY—ILL-TREATMENT OF GERMANS IN BELGIUM AND FRANCE ESPECT for the foreigner, protection for his person R and property have at all times been considered sacred among civilized people. Germany can without exaggeration claim to have upheld this respect and this protection in these fateful days. Except for a few in- significant incidents which took place in several large cities, where the natural excitement of the people and the legitimate defence against an insolent system of spying led to the molesting and arrest of foreigners—mostly Russians—the measures taken against the citizens of hostile nations did not exceed what was absolutely neces- sary to the safety of the country. Among the insignificant incidents which took place in large cities may be mentioned the treatment of a British Consul, who comes of a family famous in our diplomatic service, at one of the chief sea-ports of Germany. He and his wife and his daughter were invited by one of the chief officials to a friendly dinner. While they were at dinner a man came in with a letter. The official smiled and tossed off a glass of champagne ; then he smiled again and tossed off another glass of champagne ; then he smiled again and tossed off a third glass. By that time he was thoroughly excited, and cried out: ‘ Yes, the best of news! War is declared.” Then he turned to the Consul and his wife and daughter, and called 160 Chap. IX.—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY them dogs and pigs and reptiles, and rang the bell and sent for soldiers, who dragged them away and spat all over the Consul’s wife. They took them to a prison where they threw them into a filthy room with thieves and criminals. They left them there for two days without any food or water or sani- tary arrangements. Then they dragged them out again and pushed them into a train, still without any food or drink. The train went on and on, until they were bundled out at a station to change trains. The daughter was by this time so exhausted that she was nearly dying. Looking for someone to save her life, she saw a Red Cross nurse attending to some- one, and implored her to give her a drink of water. The German nurse turned round and called them “ Dogs of English,” and said that she would rather die than do tt. The Imperial Government and_ likewise the Federate States have refrained from expelling en masse Frenchmen, Russians, Belgians, and Englishmen. It was, of course, unavoidable to take measures for the detention of such persons as seemed suspicious and for the internation of strangers liable to be called to take arms against Germany. This took place in cities, ¢.g., Berlin, where these men were taken away as “ prisoners of war,’ as soon as the “state of war” had been proclaimed, and placed in special rooms or camps. Lodgings and food such as seem requisite were provided and the treatment of these prison- ers is, according to their own opinion, very kind. The Germans pride themselves on having refrained from expelling “en masse”’ the male subjects of the Allies. They have more than refrained. Quite elderly men—persons of European reputation—were unable to get away, as well as enemies of military age, whom all states detain in war. Their treatment seems to have been quite fatr.. The Russian agricultural labourers constitute a special group of foreigners in Germany : there are about 40-50,000 of them, men and women. From various parts of the country, it is unanimously announced that these people are very glad not to be obliged to return to Russia. They are glad to remain in Germany, LOI 6 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE and willingly continue their work of gathering the rich German grain, potato and hay crops. Should there be any difficulties, these workmen would also have to be internated. There were, according to this account, when war broke out, forty or fifty thousand of these Russians who had not obeyed the caution sent them from their country to get out of Germany. Whether they are willing or not, they have to remain there to do the harvesting as usual. There are no complaints to be made about the general treatment of the women and children of the enemy who happen to be in Germany. In some places they receive a great deal of rudeness, in others infinite kindness, but they are never, I believe, maltreated. No measures at all have been taken against women and children belonging to hostile states. They are left free to move about as they wish. Should they remain in Germany they can be sure that they will be subject to no other inconvenience except such as the general state of war inflicts upon Germans. The authorities will protect their persons, and their private property is respected. Nobody will touch it—as nobody has touched it so far. The reports of the treatment of neutrals vary. Americans were at first frequently taken for English people, and suffered accordingly. Many Americans who have come over to England ave boiling with indignation at the treatment which they have received, and these people, returning to America, are thorns in the side of “Count John Bernstorff’”’ and the German-Jews who run the German-American papers and ave organizing a Press campaign to influence American opinion in favour of Germany. The other Jewish papers are among the most severe critics of German militarism. If the German people and the German Government consider the respect they owe the foreigner as a sacred law, even though the foreigner belongs to the enemy, this respect is enhanced by affection and gratitude in the case of foreigners whose countries are friendly or neutral. 162 Chap. IX.—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY Thousands and thousands of Americans, Swiss, Dutch, Italians and Scandinavians are still living in German countries. They may be sure that they live as freely here as any German citizen. Should it be possible for them to return home, the best wishes will accompany them. The property they leave here will be protected. This is guaran- teed by the authorities and by influential private persons. Should they stay in Germany, however, the German people will express their sense of gratitude for any friendly help they may lend, by increased respect and protection. According to the American refugees, the German treatment of all foreigners except neutrals of nations whom they were trying to conciliate was very bad indeed. The full brutality of Prussian militarism was turned upon these unfortunate people. A short time after the war broke out, the Kaiser, desperately conscious of the isolation of Germany, gave orders that the Americans and the Dutch and the Swiss were to be con- ciliated in every possible way. The Swiss are allowed to import the food supplies and coal supplies which they draw from Germany as usual, and the Dutch ave allowed to pass in and out of Germany, in uniform or plain clothes, as they please, and are allowed to use bicycles, motor-cycles, and motors with a freedom from restriction and red-tape which they have never enjoyed in their lives before in Germany. The Swiss are specially favoured, because there seems to be no doubt that the Kaiser meant to throw a force through Switzerland on France, and was confronted by such a force that he was frightened and drew back. The Swiss were suspicious of his intentions, and had two hundred thousand men ready, which, in an impreg- nable country like Switzerland, was far too big a bite even for the Kaiser. He has been especially anxious to efface the memory of the Basle incident. The Swiss are glad to enjoy favours, but remain ready to strike on any real provocation. As to the Italians, they have been treated quite as badly as the English or French—are being punished, in fact, for not declaring war on Germany’s side. Immense pressure has been brought upon them to change their minds, and should they do so, there will doubtless be a marked difference in the treatment of the Italians in Germany. The bid for Italian support is shown by the swarm of German commercial travel- 163 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE lers in Italy who are offering Italian shopkeepers impossible discounts, tmpossible terms of credit and delivery with un- heard-of dispatch. A strong contrast is noticeable between Germany’s attitude towards foreigners and the facts revealed just now as to the treatment meted out in inimical countries not only to Germans but to other foreigners. Truly, in England, there has been some effort to act according to the usages of civilized nations when engaged in warfare. Germans and Austrians have been insulted and molested ; there has been some occasional destruction of property in stores; but as far as can be judged, these were excesses of an uncontrollable mob. A general expulsion has not been ordered, and it is to be hoped that the Germans living in the United Kingdom and in its colonies will not suffer too heavy damages, in person or in property. Germany allows England one merit ; whereas other coun- tries except Germany are behaving very badly to enemies “and other foreigners,’ England has made some effort to act as a civilized nation. Germans and Austrians have been insulted and molested, and their stores occasionally wrecked. This, it may be remarked, was not due to wantonness on the part of the mob, but was solely where the proprietor could not deny himself the pleasure of insulting the English, or was trying to make a“ famine” profit out of the war. It acknowledges that Germans and Austrians have not been expelled. Since they have not they ought to be in concen- tration camps. It is certainly wrong that there should be any of the fighting age, or otherwise able to do damage, at large in England, and the fact that many hotel-managers and waiters—a larger percentage of the former has not suffered—are still employed, and an immense number of Germans are still controlling various businesses in London and elsewhere, is wrong and dangerous. An exact account of their property should be taken, so that it may be restored to them intact after the war, and where they have businesses, these should be placed in the hands of official receivers ov trustees. 164 Chap. IX—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY Russia, France and Belgium, on the other hand, have by the ill-treatment and plundering of foreigners living in their countries, struck themselves out of the list of civilized nations. Innumerable reports from expelled or fugitive people prove this, and official reports confirm them. Also the press of neutral, neighbouring countries, such as Switzerland, Holland and Italy is full of similar complaints. Owing to the scarcity of news from Russia, the facts known so far only concern St. Petersburg, where German and Austrian men and women, residents or transients, were beaten or stoned in the streets. Here were also some cruel mutilations and murders. It is certain that Russia, France and Belgium have not ill-treated any foreigners except theiy enemies, and there is strong evidence to prove that the numerous Germans in Antwerp were being well treated until it was discovered that practically all of them were serving the enemy in some treacherous way or other, like the German at Zanzibar who sent a message to the “ Kaenigsberg’”’ that the ‘‘ Pegasus” was undergoing repairs and unable to get up steam. Then the Belgian indignation became very strong, but none of the alleged barbarities appear to have been true. Austrians and Germans were not turned out of Paris until the siege of Paris appeared to be imminent at the beginning of September. So many were expelled then that there could have been no general expulsion before. Russia keeps her affairs to herself, but the behaviour of her soldiers in the field has been so good compared with that of the Germans that there is no reason why she should have behaved badly to German and Austrian residents. Indeed, her police arrangements are so thorough, that tt may have been possible to allow them their usual liberties. To say that Switzerland, Holland and Italy are full of complaints about the behaviour of the Allies is one of the most colossal falsehoods in. a book where they grow large. The Italians have not moved out of France or England, the only two countries in which there are any great number of them. They have been living entirely unmolested and on such cordial terms that they have been holding huge meetings to enlist Italian legions to serve in the English and French armies. 165 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE The relations between Switzerland and France and Italy and France are so cordial that the French have withdrawn nearly all their garrisoning forces on the Swiss and Italian borders. Holland is chiefly concerned with Belgium, and Germany knows better than anyone else how cordial the relations of the two countries are, and how furious the Dutch are over the German atrocities in Belgium. The beautiful building of the German Embassy in St. Petersburg was attacked by the mob. And the police watched all these misdeeds with crossed arms or even assisted. Probably what took place in Petersburg also occurred in other Russian cities; we shall soon know. The appended cutting from“ The Times” shows how justified the Russians were in raiding the German Embassy at St. Petersburg. Using the Embassy for the distribution of weapons and seditious literature is one of the most disgraceful episodes tn the history of diplomacy. The Times, August 8th, 1914: ‘“St. Petersburg, August 7th. “The outrage on the German Embassy has brought a strange aftermath. From trustworthy witnesses I hear that large quantities of rifles, revolvers, and seditious proclamations were discovered by the wreckers. It looks as if the German Embassy had been used as a secret centre for revolutionary propaganda.” There are a great many complaints against the French and the Belgians. On the evening of August 1st, the mobilization was announced, and the next morning the official order was posted on the walls that within 24 hours from the beginning of the day, all Germans and Austrians, irrespective of age, sex or profession, would have to leave France. Those who remained and could not reach the boundary would be taken to the south-western part of the country and imprisoned. As mentioned on the preceding page, there is the plainest 166 Chap. IX.—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY evidence that Germans and Austrians were not expelled from France on the 1st August, because a general expulsion of them from Paris had to be proclaimed a month later, when Paris feared a siege. There were few trains for Belgium or Switzerland. Thousands and thousands who had to abandon their property, rushed to the stations with wife and children, fought for room in the overcrowded trains, surrounded by a howling mob, and even then were punched and slapped by policemen. During the trip there was nothing but misery. Men and women fell ill, children died. The refugees had to cross the Belgian boundary, walking a distance of 6-7 kilometers in the middle of the night, dead-tired, their luggage stolen—sometimes, it is said, by officials. In Belgium the same tragedy occurred as in France. With his usual total lack of humour and imagination, the writer of this egregious book describes what happened in Germany to the French and other enemies, and says that this is the way in which the French behaved to the Germans. And then came the salvation. The cordial, hospitable reception by the Germans in Holland and Switzerland is unanimously praised and appreciated. Holland is rather suspected of having shown special favour to Germans, but it is difficult not to be kind and courteous to a burglar who holds a loaded automatic pistol to your head. The Dutch doubtless had to deserve all the nice things which the Germans say about their behaviour. The Swiss seem to have behaved well to all foreigners, but as Switzerland was at peace with all of them, and Switzer- land’s national business of keeping hotels and pensions depends on having a plentiful supply of the raw material in the shape of foreigners requiring accommodation, there is no veason why Switzerland should not have welcomed them. But Switzerland was not only glad to receive all the foreigners who had been turned out of any country and could pay for 167 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE theiy accommodation. The Swiss felt that humanity com- pelled them to charge exiles the lowest possible prices, though the refugees would not get bedrooms in the finest and most expensive hotels for a shilling a night, like they can in Berlin. One admires the Germans very much if this is true, as is alleged ; there must be many refugees in Berlin, and to give them rooms at this moderate price strikes me as being magnificent, The reports of brutal acts from Paris, Antwerp, Brussels would be incredible, were they not confirmed hundred-fold. The most brutal and insulting threats of death were flung by processions of people going through the streets, to all those who looked like foreigners. They were severely ill- treated. Houses and stores were upset, furniture and the like was thrown into the streets, employees and working people were dragged out, women were stripped and pushed through the streets, children were thrown out of windows. Knives, swords, sticks and revolvers were used. One could fill books with the details, but they are all equally cruel. Not only Germans and Austrians were expelled and ill- treated, but citizens of neutral states shared this awful lot. Thousands of Italians were expelled, as well as numerous Roumanians. The press in both countries complains bitterly and asks what has become of those who remained in France and were imprisoned in the South— but nobody knows. The details of brutalities in Paris, Antwerp and Brussels are, in most of their viler and more picturesque aspects, fictions of the fertile brain of Hammann and the papers and people whom he hires to “invent” for the German authorities— the people who have made“ wireless ’’ almost synonymous with “ false” im the matter of news. If the writer of this book, in repeating the fictions of Hammannias, had confined himself to Germans and Austrians, he might have had some chance of being believed, because Hammannias would have supplied him—with Germans, at any rate, who would have given their evidence according to the directions of the Bureau ; uf he could not have got Germans from Paris and Antwerp and Brussels, he would have got Germans from his office, and the 168 Chap. IX—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY world would not have known that they had never left Berlin. There were really great openings in this direction, but in an unguarded moment he added : ‘‘ Citizens of neutral States shared this awful lot. Thousands of Italians were expelled as well as numerous Rumanians.” The writer of this book is one of the most foolish liars I ever had to criticize. We know—and he knows, if he knows anything of current events—that the Governments of Italy and Rumania can hardly prevent their people from taking up arms for France and Belgium and “‘ their great Allies, Eng- land and Russia.’ If thousands of Italians and Rumamans have been subjected to such awful treatment by the French and Belgians, why ave the Italians and Rumanians straining at the leash to fight for these countries against the good neigh- bours of Germany and Austria? Why is the Press in Italy trying to lash the Government into declaring war against Austria and Germany for the peoples who have oppressed them so cruelly ? If what he says about Italians and Rumanians is so palpably and absolutely untrue, why does the writer deserve any credence in what he has to say about their fellow-victims trom Germany and Austria? Ananias might have written it himself. History will place this ill-treatment and oppression of foreigners on record. The responsibility rests, not with an uncontrollable mob, but with the government and the authorities of the two countries who have always boasted of their culture. If Germans and Austrians were so badly treated in France and Belgium, and the responsibility rests not with the mobs but with the Governments and authorities, cannot the destruc- tion and massacres at Louvain, Dinant and Termonde, and the bombarding of the incomparable Cathedral of Rheims, be traced directly to the Kaiser’s order to employ “ frightful- ness” (of outrages, behaviour, etc.) for terrorizing the peoples of invaded countries? The German military commanders who actually gave the word for these destructions would never have done so if they had expected the disapproval of the Katser. He is said to have given special orders to his Zeppelins to try 169 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE and drop bombs upon Oxford, so as to give England something to remember. It would have been better thai the world should have gone without the picture which he has painted and the opera which he has composed—priceless as they are—than that he should do this ! 170 FOREWORD TO CHAPTER X* THERE is no such thing as commerce between Germany and the United States. It has ceased to exist. The Americans will them- selves manufacture the raw materials, which they have hitherto been selling to Germany, and will supply the customers, who have hitherto been buying from Germany. * This Foreword is not in the German Book. 171 CHAPTER X COMMERCE AND TRADE RELATIONS BETWEEN GERMANY AND THE U.S.A GERMANY’S FINANCIAL RISE SINCE 1870—EXPORT AND IMPORT WITH THE U.S.A.—THE PRESENT FIRM CON- DITION OF GERMAN FINANCE OLITICIANS and commercial men must base their plans upon facts, as they are, and not as they wish they were, otherwise they fail. France has closed its eyes not only to the great intellectual and moral assets of Germany, but also to its commercial resources. The foolish person (or persons) who wrote this book appears to be 1gnorant that Germany’s commercial develop- ment 1s largely due to money borrowed from France. One could understand France being blind to the “ moral assets” of Germany, but she must know something of the commerce carried on with her money. France has repeatedly declared that Germany could not effect a serious political opposition, because a war would result in the ruin of its commercial and financial strength. This we heard in the Morocco crises, also in the Balkan wars. It was owing to Germany’s having to compromise the last Morocco crisis because England, and especially France and Russia, called in theiy money, that Germany took care to secure her own finances, and try and wreck other people's, before she put into execution the carefully-laid plot to force 172 Chap X.—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY on a European war this summer by making Austria demand from Servia what could not be given without Russia’s declaring war. From the British Ambassador in Vienna’s report, it is quite clear that Germany forced on the war as suddenly as kicking over a bucket, when Austria realized that if she did not withdraw she would have Russia on her, without adoubt. Nor, considering that Austria has lost three hundred and fifty thousand men wm fighting Russia and another fifty thousand in fighting Servia, can she be blamed for having qualms. On August ist, the very day that Germany declared war on Russia, the Austrian Ambassador informed Sir Edward Grey that Austria had neither ‘‘ banged the door” on compromise nor cut off the conversations. Austria did not declare war on Russia till August 6th, and the French Ambassador at Vienna did not demand his passports till August 12th. Great Britain informed the Austrian Ambassador that a state of war would exist between the two countries from midnight of the same day. But the report of the British Ambassador at Vienna shows that Austria kept all the Ambassadors, except Germany’s, completely in the dark till her ultimatum against Servia was launched. She doubtless believed that the Powers of the Triple Entente were too unready for war to object to the “‘ fait accompli,” Germany’s love of peace, which was tested in the above-mentioned cases, strengthened the French in their error. He, however, who has taken the trouble to visit Germany and the Germans in their places of employment —and especially Americans in recent years have done this, however also many English,* who in vain have protested against the war with Germany—he can testify to the astonishing commercial advancement which Ger- many has made since its political union by Bismarck. The error of the French lay in their imagining that Ger- many had a love of peace. The writer of this book only shows an astonishing ignorance of the world when he supposes * This is German-English grammar. 173 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE that any Government was blind to “‘ the astonishing com- mercial advancement of Germany.” A few facts and statistics may recall this to memory. The population of Germany has, since 1870, immigrants excluded, increased from 40 millions to 67 millions, round numbers. Incomes and wages in particular have approximately doubled during the last generation ; savings- deposits have increased sixfold. Although, only a generation ago, commerce and trade employed only about two-fifths of the population, now more than three-fifths are engaged in this field of work, and Germany, as a result of its agricultural economy and increased intense farming, is to-day the third largest agricultural country of the world. In the coal and iron industries, Germany is second only to America. In one generation its coal production increased two and a half-fold, its iron production almost fourfold. During the same period of time the capital of the German banks increased fourfold and their reserve-fund eight- fold. Characteristic of Germany is the fact that hand in hand with this active private initiative is a strong feeling for the great universal interests and for organic co-operation of private and state resources. This feeling explains the perfect working of our state activities, in particular our railways, 95 per cent. of which are owned by the Government, and which yield essentially higher revenues than those in England or France; it explains further the willing assumption of the great financial burdens which general insurance imposes upon those engaged in private enterprises, and which to-day is proving a blessing to almost the entire labouring force of Germany, to an extent which has not yet been realized by any other country. We may take it for granted that the writer is for once talking both sense and truth when he puts down the popula- tion of Germany at sixty-seven millions in round numbers. We need not dispute the vulgar fractions he employs in saying what proportion of Germans are engaged in agricul- ture, and what in manufacture and trade. We will allow him to say what he likes about the increases in German 174 Chap X.—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY banks without dispute, unless we are thinking of investing in them. We have nothing but admiration for the organic co- operation of private and state resources and private and state activities in German commerce and manufactures. We believe that England could not do better in this and many other phases of commerce than imitate the noble and patriotic example of Germany. That the German Government has created in less than half a century such a mighty commercial fabric will redound to ats credit for ever. What economic value to the world has a nation which for more than forty years has concentrated all its energy in peaceful industry ? Does anyone deny that Germany’s great technical and commercial advancement has been a blessing in respect to the development of the world? Has not the commercial advancement in Germany had the effect of awaking new productive powers in all parts of the world and of adding new territories which engage in the exchange of goods with the civilized nations of the world ? But it ts not so clear that the great technical and com- mercial advancement of Germany has been a blessing in the development of the world. As far as England and the United States are concerned, she may have started all sorts of new lines in commerce and taught more nations of savages to buy European goods; but it has all been done to benefit Germany, and, as far as she has had the power, in her own territories and colonies, she has done her best to exclude British products, and in other countries, especially in the British Islands, she has done her best to ruin English manu- facturers by underselling. She has done more harm to English manufacturers than any country in the world. If German manufacturers are ruined by the war, or excluded from British possessions, the trade of Great Britain would leap up by tens of millions. And tf in addition to the disappearance of German manufacturers from the market, the German shipping business is killed, Great Britain and 175 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE the United States will benefit almost beyond the dreams of avarice. Has not the writer of this paragraph thought of that ? Since the founding of the new German empire German foreign trade has increased from 5$ to approximately 20 billion marks. Germany has become the _ best customer of a great number of countries. Not only has the German consumption of provisions and luxuries ‘m- creased in an unusual degree, also that of meat, tropical fruits, sugar, tobacco, and colonial products, but above all else that of raw materials, such as coal, iron, copper and other metals, cotton, petroleum, wool, skins, etc. Germany furnished a market for articles of manufacture also, for American machinery, English wool, French luxury articles, etc. One is absolutely wrong in the belief that the competition of German industry in the world market has been detrimental to other commercial nations. Legitimate competition increased the business of all concerned. I have no doubt that the figures given of the increase of German foreign trade since the founding of the new empire ave substantially accurate; but, when he talks of Germany being the best customer of a great number of countries, he omits to emphasize the fact that with the excep- tion of French luxury articles and American machinery, nearly every German import which he mentions in this paragraph is either of raw materials or something which Germany cannot produce. If England, for instance, ceased to sell Germany coal, of which she ought not to sell her a single ton, what would England's exports to Germany look like ?—especially if raw wool were also deducted, and reserved for manufacture by Yorkshire mills. The competition of German indusiry may not have been detrimental to some nations, but to England it has been homicidal, and if the war should end, as we hope and believe, in the destruction of the German power, the putting back German manufacture, commerce and shipping for half a century will be worth any sum of money which the war costs to England. 176 Chap. X—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY The United States of America has reaped especial profit from Germany’s flourishing commercial condition. Ger- many purchases more from the U.S.A. than from any other country of the world. Germany buys annually from the U.S.A. approximately $170,000,000 worth of cotton, $75,000,000 worth of copper, $60,000,000 worth of wheat, $40,000,000 animal fat, $20,000,000 mineral oil and the same amount of vegetable oil. In 1890 the import and export trade between Germany and the U.S. amounted to only $100,000,000, in 1913 to about $610,000,000. Germany to-day imports from the U.S. goods to the value of $430,000,000, while she exports to the U.S. nearly $180,000,000 worth. No nation there- fore can judge as well as the U.S. what German commerce means to the world. What profit does the United States reap from Germany's flourishing condition ? If she exported thirty-six millions’ worth of manufactures to Germany, instead of Germany exporting them to her, and imported the eighty-six millions’ worth of raw materials from Germany instead of exporting them to Germany, the American nation would be under an obligation to Germany. As it ts the boot ts on the other leg. If England is supplying her own wants and those of her Colonies, and a vastly increased proportion of the neutral markets, instead of letting Germany do it, she can take all these raw materials from the United States, and more into the bargain. In what condition are the finances of Germany? In this field our opponents will be obliged to change their views. In 1912 Germany’s national debt was about 14 marks per capita lower than England’s. The public debt of France per capita was far more than double that of Germany. Germany, however, has large national assets which offset its liabilities. For example, the stocks of the Prussian railways alone exceed by far the aggregate amount of the Prussian debt, the income of the railways alone is essentially greater than the amount which the interest and amortization of the entire state debt demand. 177 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE If Germany's national debt is fourteen shillings per head lower than England’s, assuming that it is, and only half that of France, assuming that it is, the reason ts on the surface. Germany exacted two hundred millions from France as a war indemnity, and Great Britain, stead of exacting a war indemnity from the Boers, actually gave them money to enable them to get over the effects of the war. Besides, in the last ten years Germany’s debt has been increasing and ours decreasing. Great Britain's railway-stocks, when they are added together, present a formidable amount, and we regard them with suspicion, instead of supporting them as the Prussians support their railway stocks. The war, which according to the French conception was destined to bring about the financial and commercial ruin of Germany, has brought forth the astonishing result that the famous French money market was the first to fail in this crisis. As early as July 25th, before the re- jection of the Austrian Ultimatum by Servia had been made known, the offer of 3 per cent. redeemable French notes to the French exchange was so great that the Chambre Syndicale des Agents de Change, in the interest of the public, prohibited the quotation of a lower rate than 78 per cent., while bids of 74 per cent. had already been submitted. Sale in blank was absolutely forbidden, and in the coulisse business was at a standstill. A few days later, the July liquidation, in the official market as well as in the coulisse, was postponed until the end of August, which action proved the necessity of a period of grace. On July 31st the French savings banks, at the command of the government, suspended daily payments and paid out sums to the amount of 50 francs, fourteen days’ notice being necessary. That the war did not bring about the financial and com- mercial ruin of Germany directly it was declared is due to the fact that Germany knew that it was going to be declared, and did not declare it until she had rigged the money market by making every arrangement she could to conserve her own position, and sending agents with enormous sums of money— 178 Chap. X.—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY it 1s rumoured four millions for England and two for France —to London and Paris to create such slumps that the London Stock Exchange and the Paris Bourse should break. And broken they would have been if the plot had not been dis- covered. Paris led the way in meeting the crisis by pro- hibiting the sale of the French “‘ rentes,” which correspond to our Consols, below a certain price, and by only allowing sums up to fifty francs to be drawn from the savings banks, and that with a fortnight’s notice. The London money market, too, has hardly stood the war test. On July 30th, the Bank of England was obliged to raise its rate of discount from 3 to 4 per cent., several days later to 8 per cent., and again after a few days to the incredible rate of Io per cent. In contrast to this, the President of the German Reichsbank was able on the Ist of August to declare that the directorate, because of the strength of the Reichsbank and the solid constitution of the German money market, did not consider it necessary to follow England’s example. The German Reichsbank has therefore not exceeded the rate of 6 per cent. Worse yet was the fact that England on August 2nd was obliged to require grace on exchange and France on eo 3rd grace on its accounts-current and Lombard oans. London, some days later, pui the bank rate up to 10 per cent., and closed its Stock Exchange on account of the dumping of foreign shaves on the London market. The wisdom of this was shown by the fact that the situation was saved, and the rate reduced in a few days to five per cent.— which our author takes care not to mention. There were two reasons why Germany did not have to make counter- moves of the same magnitude. It knew that the crash was coming, having engineered it, and it did not have to meet a rush of sales of shares from other countries, because other countries were afraid to sell their shares on the Berlin Bourse, for fear that the German purchasers would default. Although along with England and France, also Russia, 179 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE Austria, Italy, Belgium and other nations required tem- porary credits, Germany to date has not deemed it necessary to ask for time in meeting its obligations. Savings banks, other banks and financial institutions are meeting all demands without restriction. The fact that the English money market, which up to the present time has been considered the financial centre of international trade, has failed, will bring many a serious thought to all commercial men interested in the world market. In other words, as Germany could not be trusted to pay for what it bought, there was not the same rush to sell shares there ; and as the whole financial situation had been carefully arranged, savings banks and other banks and financial institutions were ready. The English money market did not fail; it simply closed to prevent any more members of its Stock Exchange being hammered owing to the failure of foreign clients to pay up, and to prevent the leading shares being wrecked by professional slumpers with the resources of a hostile nation behind them. To compare the real situations of the English and German money markets, one has only to contrast the way in which the war loans are being subscribed. In England as fast as an instalment is put on the market, tt as subscribed three times over. The German loan appeared to be in danger of failure, because other nations would not look at it, in fact Germany openly confessed that she would get no financial assistance from neutrals. The impassioned appeals of the Press for Germans to bring out their savings seemed to be falling on deaf ears. At first its chief chance of a successful flotation seemed to lie in German-American bankers putting their patriotism to the land of their extraction before their pockets. German commerce has doubtless been temporarily injured by the war, but the esprit de corps and organiza- tion which animate the German nation are not only a firm foundation for German commerce, but also a strong support for the further development of the commerce and trade of the entire civilized world, if, as we hope, peace soon is re-established. 180 Chap X.—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY It would not be too much to say that German overseas commerce, with the exception of some peddling with Scandi- navia, has ceased to exist. If Germany is beaten in the war, she will have to begin again from the very beginning her ship- ping business and all trade outside the borders of Germany. q81 FOREWORD TO CHAPTER XI* By the Right Hon. Winston Churchill in his great Recruiting Speech of September 11th. “ By one of those dispensations of Providence, which appeals so strongly to the German Emperor—(laughter)—the nose of the bulldog has been slanted backwards so that he can breathe without letting go. (Laughter and cheers.) We have been successful in maintaining naval control thus far in the struggle, and there are also sound reasons for believing, that as it progresses the chances in our favour will not diminish but increase. In the next twelve months the number of great ships that will be completed for this country is more than double the number which will be completed for Germany—(cheers)—and the number of cruisers three or four times as great. (Cheers.) Therefore, I think I am on solid ground when I come here to-night and say that you may count upon the naval supremacy of this country being effectively maintained as against the German Power for as long as you wish. (Cheers.) .. . “IT was reading in the newspaper the other day that the German Emperor made a speech to some of his regiments, in which he urged them to concentrate their attention upon what he was pleased to call ‘French’s contemptible little Army.’ (Laughter.) Well, they are concentrating their attention upon it—(laughter and cheers)—and that Army, which has been fighting with such extra- ordinary prowess, which has revived in a fortnight of adverse actions the ancient fame and glory of our arms upon the Continent —(cheers)—and which to-night, after a long, protracted, harassed, unbroken and undaunted rearguard action—the hardest trial to which troops can be exposed—is advancing in spite of the loss of one-fifth of its numbers, and driving its enemies before it—that Army must be reinforced and backed and supported and increased and enlarged in numbers and in power by every means and every method that every one of us can employ. “ There is no reason why, if you set yourselves to it—I have not come here to make a speech of words, but to point out to you the necessary and obvious things which you can do—there is no doubt that, if you set yourselves to it, the Army which is now fighting so valiantly on your behalf and our Allies can be raised from its present position to 250,000 of the finest professional soldiers in the world, and that in the new year something like 500,000 men, and from * This Foreword is not in the German Book. 182 FOREWORD TO CHAPTER XI that again, when the early summer begins in 1915, to the full figure of twenty-five Army Corps fighting in line together. The vast population of these islands, and all the Empire, is pressing forward to serve, its wealth is placed at your disposal; the Navy opens the way for the passage of men and everything necessary for the equipment of our forces. Why should we hesitate when here is the sure and certain path to ending this war in the way we mean it toend? (Cheers.) ‘There is little doubt that an Army so formed will, in quality and character, in native energy, in the comprehension which each individual has of the cause for which he is fighting, exceed in merit any army in the world. We have only to have a chance of even numbers, or anything approaching even numbers, to demonstrate the superiority of free-thinking active citizens over the docile sheep who serve the ferocious ambitions of drastic kings. (Cheers.) Our enemies are now at the point which we have reached fully extended. On every front of the enormous field of conflict the pressure upon them is such that all their resources are deployed. With every addition to the growing weight of the Russian Army —(cheers)—with every addition to the forces at the disposal of Sir John French—(cheers)—the balance must sag down increasingly against them.” 183 CHAPTER XI WHO IS TO BE VICTORIOUS ? AN APPEAL TO AMERICAN FRIENDS HE American citizen who is now leaving Europe, which has been turned into an enormous military camp, may consider himself fortunate that he will soon be able to set foot in the new world where he will be enabled again to take up his business pursuits. In the meantime, old Europe is being torn asunder by a terrible war among its various peoples. It will make him happy again to greet mountain and valley, field and garden, which are not threatened, nor trampled down by armies, or covered with blood; again to see cities in which business and traffic are not brought to a standstill by calling in all men capable of military service; and he may thank fortune that his people have been given room enough in which to expand and to permit them freely to unfold their power; that they are spared the great necessity of resisting the tightening ring of enemies in the east and west, on land and water, in a struggle for national existence. Doubtless the American who has been on the continent of Europe since the war began, especially in France or Belgium, will not know how sufficiently to thank his Creator for having removed him from all possible enemies, east or west, by land or sea, except the pacifically-minded sister-nation of Anglo- Saxons. His experience will have made him feel more than that. It will make him realize what an accursed thing militarism is, 184 Chap. XI—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY and tt may not unlikely have inspired him with the determina- tion to throw his power also into the scale, if Germany, that is militarism, cannot be crushed without wt. He will say: “One thing shall not be—never again shall a continent be trampled into a wilderness and millions of men seck each other's deaths, with all the inventions of modern science, to gratify the insensate ambition of one man.” To him the German Emperor is the modern Nero, who has been fiddling with ballet-music while he has been preparing to burn, not Rome, but all Europe. But the American will feel the effects of the fate of the old world. Even though he knows his own country is not directly involved, he will certainly realize that the great net of international traffic and the progress of his country are connected by many strong ties to the life and prosperity of the European peoples. He will be affected by every victory and defeat, just as by the sun and rain in his own country. He will doubtless remember that of all European countries, Germany is the best customer of the United States, from which she purchases yearly over one billion marks in cotton, food, metal and technical products. If Germany is economically ruined, which is the wish of Russia, France and England, and all allied friends of wretched Servia, it would mean the loss of a heavy buyer to America, and thereby cause a serious loss to America which could not easily be made good. It would be a great blow to American export trade, of which Germany handles not less than 14 per cent. yearly. It is certain that the American will feel the effects of the war in which Europe and Asia ave engaged. It is certain that he will realize how every great commercial interest in his country is connected with Europe; that he will be affected by every victory and defeat. But if the Germans imagine that he will be affected in his judgment against militarism by re- membering that they purchase fifty or a hundred millions a year of raw materials from him, they are mistaken. He knows that the world will want just as much of them whether Germany buys a dollar's worth of them or not. And, in any case, he 185 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE will adhere to his judgment with American grit and clear- sightedness. It would be no blow to American export trade, permanently ; it might result in the United States exporting these materials not raw but manufactured, at a double profit ; and if it were a blow, he would stand it, being repaid by the cessation of the constant menace to peace which is so ruinous to trade. The material loss is not the only feature. In the economic struggle in the world markets, American and German commercial men have learned mutually to appreciate one another, to appreciate one another more highly than do any other two rivals. The time is long past when the American pictured the German as one of thousands, shut up in a room, surrounded by documents and parchments, speculating about the unknown outside world, and the same is true of the German’s idea of the American—a money-hungry barbarian. Two nations in which so much kindred blood flows and which are con- nected by so many historical events understand each other better to-day than formerly. Above all, they have a mutual understanding regarding the ideal in com- mercial life: A man engaged in work not for the sake of the profit, but for the sake of the work he is doing; one who gives all his strength to the task, and who works for the general welfare of the people as a whole, consider- ing his position as an office and his wealth as an obliga- tion, not as the final aim, but as a basis for the realization of higher attainments. He places the value of character and the development of the creative powers of man higher than all economic success. Two nations united by such common inclinations and ideals, boldness of enterprise, far-sightedness, quickness of decision, admiration for intellectual achievements, cannot help being exceedingly congenial to each other. What concerns one to-day, concerns the other. However much the American may respect and like the German merchant and manufacturer in business, he loathes German ambitions, and regards Germany as the only menace to the Monroe doctrine. He will not allow any regard 186 Chap. XI—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY with which the German’s quickness as a business man inspires him to divert him from his distrust, fear and hatred of the policy of Germany. Since Rheims and Louvain he regards ‘“ money-hungry barbarian” as the correct definition of a German. The fine phrase ‘‘ what concerns one to-day, concerns the other ’’ does not to the American’s mind suggest the United States and Germany, but the United States and England— the sister Anglo-Saxon nation, whose daughter Canada occupies half the North American continent. This wonderful book, the activities of ‘‘ Count John Bernstorff” and the German-Jews who own newspapers in the United States, all the traps of Hammann’s press bureau, all the blandishments of the Kaiser, will not seduce the United States from the simple question which lies before them: Would Germany, with all Europe crushed into submission under its heel, be a good neighbour ? And the answer to this is among ninety-nine hundredths of native-born Americans: No. Does it sound like a paradox when I say Germany’s struggle concerns not only her own destiny, but to a considerable extent that of America? Does the United States consider itself entirely immune from the warlike complications brought about by the Servian murder of princes and Russia’s breach of faith? In any event, it will be difficult for it to say: ‘‘ What’s Hecuba to me?” One thing should be clearly understood on the shores of the five oceans, that the cause of this most terrible war does not emanate from the dark Balkans, or from a Russian military group, but from envy and hate which healthy, young and striving Germany has aroused in her older rivals; not because this or that demand was made by one cabinet and refused by another, but because it was believed there was finally an oppor- tunity to destroy the hated opponent who threatened to put the other Western European powers in the shade. The answer to this paragraph is that it would be a bad day for Germany if the United States did not think ttself outside the quarrel. The United States know quite well, without Germany pointing it out to them, that the war was not brought 187 ‘'GERMANY’S GREAT LIE about by the Servian murder of princes, or Russia’s breach of faith. There is nothing to show that the murder of princes was Servia’s, and there vs clear evidence to prove that the breach of faith was not Russia’s. As the writer of this book says: “This war did not emanate from the dark Balkans or the Russian military group.” But still less did it emanate from the “ envy and hate” which‘ healthy, young, striving Germany has aroused in her older rivals.” In spite of anything that Germany can say, it knows that the person who sought “ an opportunity to destroy the hated opponent who threatened to put the other European Powers in the shade” was the German Kaiser. The Kaiser had discovered that Russia could “ outbuild’”’ his army—two to one. His whole tortuous plot for forcing war upon Russia before Russia had time to arm every man of the fighting age, and to supply him with the most perfect weapons, has been demon- strated to the complete satisfaction of every man in the United States who is not an Anglophobe German. The transparent sophistries of this book were discounted long before it reached America. It will deceive no one, and it will show everybody that it was written with the intent to deceive. Bernstorff might have written it, and it will receive no more attention than if he had written it. And for this reason England and France put their strength into the service of criminal and brutal Servia. “The history of Servia is not unblotted. What history in the category of nations is unblotted? The first nation that is without sin, let her cast a stone at Servia—a nation trained in a horrible school. But she won her freedom with her tenacious valour, and she has maintained it by the same courage. If any Servians were mixed up in the assassination of the Grand Duke, they ought to be punished. Servia admits that. The Servian Government had nothing to do with it. Not even Austria claimed that. “What were the Austrian demands? She (Servia) sympathized with her fellow-countrymen in Bosnia. That was one of her crimes. She must do so no more. Her newspapers were saying nasty things about Austria. They must do so no longer. That is the Austrian spirit... . Servian newspapers must not criticize Austria. . . . Servia said: ‘ Very well, we will give orders to the newspapers that they must not criticize Austria in future, neither Austria, nor Hungary, nor anything that is theirs.’ (Langhter.) Who can doubt the valour of Servia, when she undertook to tackle 188 Chap. XI1—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY her newspaper editors? (Laughter.} She promised not to sym- pathize with Bosnia, promised to write no critical articles about Austria. She would have no public meetings at which anything unkind was said about Austria. That was not enough. She must dismiss from her Army officers whom Austria should subsequently mame. But these officers had just emerged from a war where they were adding lustre to the Servian arms—gallant, brave, efficient. (Cheers.) I wonder whether it was their guilt or their efficiency that prompted Austria’s action. Servia was to under- take in advance to dismiss them from the Army; the names to be sent on subsequently. Can you name a country in the world that would have stood that? Supposing Austria or Germany had issued an ultimatum of that kind to this country. (Laughter.) ‘You must dismiss from your Army and from your Navy al those officers whom we shall subsequently name.’ Well, I think I could name them now. Lord Kitchener (cheers) would go, Sir John French (cheers) would be sent about his business. General Smith-Dorrien (cheers) would be no more, and I am sure that Sir John Jellicoe (cheers) would go. (Laughter.) And there is another gallant old warrior who would go—Lord Roberts. (Cheers.) . . . It was not guilt that she (Austria) was after, but capacity.”—Mr. Lloyd George in his Queen’s Hall speech. To the United States, Servia, which is in many ways only just emerging from the primitive condition, and there- fore has not learned all the ctvilities of civilization, is not a criminal and brutal nation. It is a gallant little nation, fighting for its freedom, and for the nationality of the ancient Serbian vace. To the American mind, its undaunted and successful resistance of Austria is exactly parallel to the undaunted and successful resistance of Switzerland to Austria, immortalized in “ William Tell.” For one man, not a German or an Austrian, in America who sides with Austria, there must be a thousand who side with Servia. The following statistics will, perhaps, throw some light on the development of the foreign trade of the principal countries from 1870 to I913 :— 1870 I9Q13 (in Billions of Marks). Great Britain ‘ Q ‘ - 9,180 23,280 France ‘ . e : : 4,540 12,300 Russia ‘ ‘ . ‘ . 2,000 5,580 Germany . - : > . 4,240 20,440 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE In these forty-three years, which have been decisive in the development of international economy, England, France and Russia have not been able even to increase their foreign trade three times, while Germany and the United States have increased theirs five times. The trade of Germany and the United States has increased from 7.6 to 38 billion marks. If these figures show nothing else, they show on which side the American sympathy will be. The fact that Germany runs the United States closer in increase of trade than any other country, would not appeal to the practical American as a reason for sympathy ; he would not allow sentiment to guide him in the matter. He would say: “If there is any danger of this man cutting me out, I should like to see something happen to him.’ And if, in addition to that, the rival had the reputation of being a noted duellist who was always trying to pick quarrels, he would say : “ Let's get a sheriff's posse and hunt him down, as outlaws are hunted in the mountains of Tennessee.” To the American mind at the present moment the Kaiser is just an outlaw being hunted down by the sheriff's posse of Europe. And the destruction of Rheims Cathedral, the most glorious in the world, will not diminish the impression. This war, provoked by Russia because of an out- rageous desire for revenge, supported by England and France, has no other motive than envy of Germany’s position in economic life, and of her people, who are fighting for a place in the sun. “Right or wrong, Germany must not grow.’ That is the turning point of a policy which the French Republic drilled into the Moscovites. As Americans know perfectly well that Russia did not provoke the war at all, but did all she could to prevent it, and has never shown any desire for revenge against Germany for the humiliation of 1909, and has never shown the slightest envy of Germany's economic position, this paragraph will “ leave them cold.”’ Igo Chap. XI—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY The Prussian idea of Germany’s place in the sun, according to the American definition, consists of all the world except the United States and Russia. Instead of Russia proclaim- ing that “‘ Right or wrong, Germany must not grow,” it is Prussia proclaiming that “ Right or wrong, Germany must grow. Russia did not need to have any policy drilled into her by the French Republic. It is because she foresaw that the German Emperor aimed at being a Napoleon, and was making preparations to bring all Europe to his feet, that she took upon herself the responsibility of ‘‘ shaking the loud spoiler down.” Let us consider the adversaries of Germany. Russia, the classic land of power and terrible exploitation of the people for the benefit of a degenerated aristocracy. The people of the United States is well aware of the genuine desire of the present Czar to be the redeemer of his people from thety servitude, and of Europe from the servitude of war. The idea of a Peace Commitiee—of setting up Arbitration Machinery—at The Hague was his, and if he has been creating and perfecting a gigantic army, it has only been to carry out the military axiom “‘ si vis pacem para bellum ”—because Germany has declared repeatedly that she would not agree to any limitation of armaments, and declared by the pens of her Bernhardis that she aimed at the Hegemony of Europe, and meant to take it whenever she considered the opportunity to have arrived—as in this year 1gt4. In the same way it was this Czar who gave his people the Duma, this Czar who has given back their national life and autonomy to the Poles. It is the German people which is being exploited for a degenerate aristocracy, not the Russian, and this degeneracy takes the form of a callousness to the sufferings of Europe and a readiness to sacrifice ife—the lives of millions—beyond the diseased imagination of the worst of the Roman Emperors. France, a type of a nation in which there is not even enough enterprise to increase the productiveness of the country. Igl GERMANY’S GREAT LIE Against France for not warring against American commer- cial supremacy Americans will feel no grudge. Paris is thei ideal of cultured vepose. There is a saying that the good American when he dies hopes to go to Paris. Of all the paradoxical reasons which could be urged for the United States siding against France the one given here seems to be the most ‘‘ damned foolish.” England, which has so long felt its glory vanishing and in the meantime has remained far behind its younger rival in financial and economic equipment. And Americans are invited to condemn England because she has left off going to war for glory, and ts far behind Germany im waging an economic war against the commerce of the United States. Does the German take the American for a fellow-burglar who will be drawn into partnership with him because he points out that England and France are good fat cribs to be cracked, and that Russia is their enemy, the police- man, It is England’s coming forward as a special constable which has interfered with his present burglary. One can easily imagine the feelings of these peoples when they observe the rapid and successful growth of Germany, and one wonders if these same feelings will not one day be directed against the youthful North American giant. It is a matter of common knowledge that these are precisely the feelings of Germany at the present moment against the youthful North American giant, whose Monroe Doctrine blocks the way to her nefarious designs upon South America. If there were no United States, she would very quickly pick a quarrel with Brazil, which would entail the cession of that portion of the country in which the three million Germans have setiled. The rapid and successful growth of the United States 1s not a thing of yesterday, like Germany’s ; so England, France and Russia have had plenty of time to make up their minds about the youthful giant. On the other hand, it had always been an axiom of the Pan-Germans, which they have made no attempt 192 Chap. XI—TRUTH ABOUT GERMANY to conceal, that when Germany had made herself mistress of Europe, she would call the United States to account—in other words, pick a quarrel with them, reduce them to impotence, and tear the Monroe Doctrine up like a scrap of paper. And the Umited States know perfectly well that it would be their turn next tf Germany won in the present war. In this war it shall be decided which is the stronger ; the organized inertia of the tired and envious, or the unfolding of power in the service of a strong and sacri- ficing life. These phrases are very fine-sounding, and their truth will be recognized. If there is any nation of those which are at war which could be accused of “‘ the organized inertia of the tired and envious,” it 1s Austria. And it was the unfolding of power in the service of a strong and sacrificing life by Russia which made Germany determine to plunge Europe into war this summer. Servia, too, deserves the compliment. And so, in spite of all the callous wickedness which she has shown in deluging Europe with blood to secure the triumph of her militarism, does Germany. Germany will lose all because she has forced a number of nations which lived for peace to unfold power for her destruc- tion. She will lose because she has designed to establish a hell on earth if she won. She will lose because she has allied her- self with “ the organized inertia of tired and envious” Austria. She will lose because pride comes before a fall. She will lose because the world will be the better for her fall, And if she cannot be made to lose in any other way, the United States will join her enemies to secure the triumph of the right. To know that we have American friendship in this struggle will mean a great moral support for us in the coming trying days, for we know that the country of George Washington and Abraham Lincoln places itself only on the side of a just cause and one worthy of humanity’s blessing. Germany is right. The United States will place themselves on the side of a just cause and one worthy of humanity's 193 7 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE blessing. It is not difficult to imagine the lofty moral denun- ciation with which George Washington would have greeted the Kaiser's plot against mankind, and the scorn which Abraham Lincoln would have poured on “ Truth about Germany.” What would he have said ? What will President Wilson have to say to the Kaiser’s letting War loose on Art at Rheims? 194 AFTERWORD HOW AMERICANS AND GERMANS LOVE EACH OTHER SINCE THE BURNING OF RHEIMS CATHEDRAL. The New York Tribune: “‘ Germany continues to violate Humanity as well as the Rules of War.” * * * * * * * “The crime of battering this noble and venerable edifice is left to a nation boasting that its mission is to impose its culture on the rest of the world, and which describes the present war as a war on its part for the protection of Western European civilization against the semi-barbarous Muscovite.” * * * 6 * * * ‘*In breaking the rules of war Germany is encouraging other nations to do likewise, but the most crushing rebuke to Germany’s pretensions that she is conducting a war in defence of culture is the fact that the public opinion of the world is not ready to believe that France and Great Britain would ever do in Cologne and Munich what Germany has done in Louvain.” * * * * * * * ‘We shall doubtless hear more of the Kaiser’s bleeding heart, but no banalities of that sort can blind us to what now looks like the congenital insensitiveness of the German nature to the obliga- tions of civilized man.” The New York World : “Tf the reports are true Prussian militarism has surpassed in vandalism the record of centuries. Since the ruin of the Parthenon no such deed has affronted the world.” The New York Times : Finally, the venerable Dr. Charles W. Eliot, President Emeritus of Harvard University, arraigns German militarism as the “ funda- mental trouble with civilization,” and reminds the world that history has never ceased to call the destroyers of the Alexandria Library “ fanatics and barbarians.” 195 GERMANY’S GREAT LIE The New York Sun: “Louvain and Rheims! Even Attila, King of the Huns and the Scourge of God, spared the historic city of Troyes and its treasures of art when Troyes fell within the area of his military operations.” * * * * * * * “Tt is hard to escape from the conclusion that the cathedral was made a target in a wanton spirit of destruction.” GERMAN PAPERS PUBLISHED IN AMERICA. From the Daily Telegraph New York Correspondent : ‘“‘German papers printed here roundly abuse Americans for their attitude regarding Rheims, and the Staats Zeitung, owned by Hermann Ridder, who claims personal friendship with the Kaiser, is particularly bitter. ‘The daily lamentations here over the atrocities and barbarities by Germans are dictated by English hypocrisy,’ says the Staats Zeitung. ‘We advise Americans first to put their own house in order before they, as hypocritical devotees of England, dare to criticize the barbarisms and lack of freedom of other nations.’ Ridder concludes by protesting that ‘ the graft atrocities in the public life of the United States, from railroad corporations to the police forces,’ are as culpable and hateful as any of the atrocities laid at the doors of the German invaders.” Printed at The Chapel River Press, Kingston, Surrey.