A VINDICATION OF The Naked Truth, THE SECOND PART: AGAINST THE TRIVIAL OBJECTIONS and EXCEPTIONS (Of one FULLWOOD; (Styling himself) D. D. Archdeacon of Totnes in Devonshire) IN A LIBELLING PAMPHLET WITH A BULKY and EMBOSSED TITLE (Calling it) LEGES ANGLIAE, Or, The LAWFULNESS of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction IN The Church of England: IN Answer to Mr. Hickeringill's Naked Truth, the Second Part.  
By PHIL. HICKERINGILL.  
LONDON, Printed for Richard Janeway in Queens-bead-Alley in Paternoster Row, 1681.   

THE EPISTLE TO THE READERS.  
IN the days of Solomon, it was certainly true, That— of making many Books there is no end; 
Eccles. 12.12.  what is it then in our days; and since this German Engine and Invention of Printing is now so much Improved and Misimproved? Books seeming to engender one another, (like those Genets of Spain) the Offspring of every windy and Hypochondrick Vapour.  
I, that love my Pleasure and mine Ease so much, would now for ever take my leave, and last Farewell of the Press, if I could with a safe Conscience connive at the Insolence and empty windy Vapours of this Huffing man, whose flatulent Bluster has Begot (or rather Ravished) from me, this following Answer and just Reproof: To say nothing of his Insufferable and vainglorious Petulancy, in styling his Railing Libel— Leges Angliae, The Laws of England, too bulky to be comprised in his little Noddle, and little Scribble.  
I know full well that this Vindication is needless to all Considering and Understanding men, who have already nauseated the Trifling entertainment found in the Archdeacon's Pamphlet; The Frustration being so much the more enhanced by the Promises and idle Invitations of the specious Frontispiece and staring Title— (Leges Angliae) of his thin, futile and cobweb Contextures and Composures; and they will certainly judge this Vindication as unnecessary, as unworthy any solid Pen: But all men are not Critics, though his Mistakes are obvious and thick enough.  
And doubtless, He will miss of his End and Aim in every thing, but one, namely, of thinking thus to be taken notice of, for daring with such decrepit force to grapple with the Naked Truth, Thus purchasing indeed a Name and Fame, but with such Infamy, as makes him a Scandal even to Archdeacon's, and to all the D. D's of his little way.   

A Vindication of the NAKED-TRUTH, The Second Part; In Answer to a Libel called Leges Angliae, or the Lawfulness of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction in the Church of England.  
NO man (who has read the Book called the Naked Truth, the 2d part, and compared it with the (pretended) answer of Mr. Fullwood) can imagine that ever the Gentleman read the Book which he threatens to Answer.  
For many of the main Passages therein, he touches not at all; nay, against the numerous and pregnant Testimonies (from undoubted Law-Books, Civil, Cannon, Common and Statute Laws, Equity, Reason, and Conscience) against Procurations, Sequestrations, Synodals, and Visitations, etc. (To Vindicate the lawfulness whereof (above all other things) it behoved an Archdeacon to bestir himself to make Answer unto,) he produces not one Reason, or Argument, except the Statute of 15 Hen. 8. C. 7. which is only for Synodals, and Proxies to be granted from dissolved-Monastries, and not one word therein to vouch that unconscionable bougling of the richer Dignitories in preying upon the poor Vicars and Rectors, and the Inferior Clergy, and going snipps with them in all the Benefits in the Kingdom, shearing the Fleece of every flock, though they mind not at all the cure thereof.  
And for which they are smartly enough Chastised in Naked Truth— Quaer. 3d.  
But I'll do him right, and not o'reslip the least Tittle of his Arguments, (which I wish were stronger,) nor do I contend for Victory but for Truth.  
I am obliged to Track his Methods, and must therefore begin with the Frontispiece, a stately but most unproportionable Porch, to such a Crazy and rotten Fabric that only stands upon Crotches, and Crotchets; and if it were not for the little Sentences of Greek and Latin to unriddle the Hieroglyphic, it would be as Dark, Mysterious, and Unintelligible, as was of Old, Those of the egyptians; or as the Primitive painting, (whose Pens were glad to Surrogate to their Pencels, and write— This is a Cock, and This a Bull.  
At the Base of his Cathedral lies a Wench in black, or Mourning Apparel, with a Cross upon her, He makes her weep too, and make a face as if she had lost her Maidenhead, her Purity, her Virginity, and what would Disconsolate say if it could speak?  
For my part I'll have nothing to do with her; for he cannot with any face make her to lie there as a Portraiture of the present Church of England: for In nomine Domini— In the name of goodness what would those D. Ds. and Archds. be at? Have they not all the Sway, Power, Dominion, Honours, Manors and Preferments, in the greatest Courts and Counsels of the Nation? Surely, they will be ashamed to put singer in the eye and cry; In the name of God, (I say) what would these men be at? what would they have. And what do they want to keep a wawling, and weeping, and wailing? what? never satisfied? never glutted?  
The Papists indeed are crossed (of their Plots, blessed be God) but the Prelates have (as yet) no Cross upon them; therefore I'll not offer to guests what Mother he means that lies weeping there under the Cross, nor do I care, I am sure she is none of my Mother; be she what she will.  
Upon the Pinnacle of this Church of England sits a Pelican most kindly pecking and piercing her Breast to suckle her young with her dear hearts Blood, (and he makes her speak Latin too) Proprio vos sanguine Posco.  
Whereby he seems to Insinuate that this kind Pelican (his Prelatical little Church) has nourished Mr. Hickeringill with her dearest and most precious Treasures, her very Heartsblood, (such he takes her best Preferments to be) and indeed some men had as leeve part with their heartblood as their flush Ecclesiastical Promotions) calling him (in his Epistle to the Reader) A Divine of the Church of England, who hath also a share in her Government.— And yet this He, this ungrateful He, that has sucked her very Heartblood, and got her nearest and dearest blessings, she having taken him up, on to the Bench, and given him a share in her Government; for him thus now to fly in her face, nay, most ungratefully and slovenly to spew up and nauseate all this Heartblood, (those dear, dear Procurations, Synodals, Visitations, etc. dear as the very heartblood) and to throw them up, nay, at the face of this kind Pelican; Oh temporibus, Moribus!  
By all these Emblems I now perceive that this same Archdeacon knows not Mr. Hickeringill no more than he is willing to understand his Book; for the Mother he speaks of, has been always a Stepmother to the Author of the Naked Truth, and he never had any thing of her but Frowns and Blows, at best, but a bit and a knock; nay, when he had (above all others) disarmed the fanatics of their old Weapon that lay ready at hand to make use of and take up— (by writing, Curse ye Moroz) for which at lest this same Stepmother might at least have made him a Courtesy, and thanked him for his great pains;) not such matter, too much envy and Ingratitude reigns amongst a sort of unthinking Black-Coats, the Lumber of the Ship of the Church, that pester it in a Calm, and only help to sink it in a Storm.  
Nor has he any share in her Government, nor never will, till they show as good Authority for their Government and Jurisdiction Ecclesiastical, as he can for his, namely, 4 Patents, from 4 Kings of England, granted with all Royalties, Immunities, Jurisdictions and Privileges in the exempt Jurisdiction of the Soken in the County of Essex, and the Inheritance of the most Noble Earl Rivers, but in no Diocese, nor subject to any Archbishop, or Bishop, and of which Mr. Hickeringill is Commissary lawfully Constituted, and he and his Predecessors have been the only Ordinaries; from whose Sentence there is no appeal but, to the King in Chancery, (or the King in the greatest Court of Judicature in England, (or perhaps in the world) the House of Lords.  
But for this he has so little cause to thank the Bishops, that, I believe, they would take it from him (if they could) and by privy whispers, and Fictions, and Stories, do him all the mischief (good Catholics) that in them lies, for opposing their Usurpations and Encroachments, at least of some of them; and for vindicating the ancient Immunities, and Royalties of the (manyages enjoyed) Inheritance of that Noble Earl: and from Nasauces and Encroachments of greedy Neighbours that think they can never have enough; though (God knows) this Exempt Peculiar is but 3 Parishes, a Puinsul, almost encompassed with the Sea, and is not worth five pounds per Annum, to Mr. Hickeringill; who values the favour and good will of that Noble Lord (in conferring it on him without his seeking or Petition) more than twenty times the profit thereof; It being usually bestowed as the most Signal mark of favour, upon such, whom that Noble Family had a mind to Grace.  
But enough of the Pelican, Mother or Stepmother, and also of the Frontispiece, with which trifle I have too much busied myself and the Readers; Now for the Title, Leges Angliae; The Laws of England.  
But by what Title his pitiful Pamphlet can challenge or lay claim to so swelling a Title, shall be considered only by the Sequel.  Next his Epistle to the Reader. 
Wherein, at first dash, he endeavours to preoccupate and prepossess his Readers with an opinion of his Modesty, (good man!) he cannot wail nor whip his Adversary; (That's pity)— And yet he begs pardon that (he is such a Doe-little) he has not chastised so spiteful an Adversary according to his Merits and provocations, for he verily wants the Talon and dislikes the Sport.  
As if he should say, Time was, in his Juvinile years when he was (as indeed he was) a furious chastizing Pedagogue, another Whipping-Tom, that took pleasure to lash and slash, but those merry days are done, (that's happy for Mr. Hickeringill) He now verily wants the Talon and dislikes the Sport.  
What a Termagant Whipster would this have been, if he had taken pleasure and made a sport of whipping men according to their Merits and Provocations? But why he should at first step fall down of his knees and beg his Readers pardon for not chastizing Mr. Hickeringill, for not being cruel to him, for not bringing him to the Whipping-Post, I cannot imagine; I am sure if he cannot slash and lash, and chastise, if his Bridewel-Accomplishments have now forsaken his old withered Arm, he yet retains his Billing sgate; Old men can prate (however) and Scold, and so does he; He calls Mr. Hickeringill all to naught, he calls him Papist in the very next Page, (I suppose) for writing the Naked-Truth, and exposing the wickedness of Papists and their Popes in p. 2. of the Naked-Truth; nay, he makes another Hugh Peter of him, and that's somewhat strange, that Hugh Peter should be a Papist; and more strange that Mr. Hickeringill should be Hugh Peter's; and also afterwards he makes a Quaker of Mr. Hickeringill, nay, p. 6. He calls him both Papist and Hobbist, and most unmercifully tears him with Pun and quibble (for which a very Barber ought to be kicked) saying, I thought I had caught a Hobby, but war-hawk.  
And a great deal of bad Language this Archdeacon and D. D. does very liberally bestow upon Mr. Hickeringill in almost every page, the wont Attaques of such feeble and effeminate Disputants.  
Well— even what he pleases, he brings Mr. Hickeringill within two strides of the Gallows, saying, he takes him to be at Hugh Peter's Game, (I suppose for Preaching on— Curse ye Meroz and drolling upon Hugh peter's Sermon) and running his wicked race.  
I see there's no remedy (at present) against such a Cursing Railer, the next now, and all that remains, is to make Mr. Hickeringill Infidel, Pagan, Atheist, Turk, and great Magul; and yet this Modest Archdeacon cannot, nay, has not the Talon to Rail, and dislikes the Sport.  
Then last (he says) for Pride, Envy, wrath, Malice, Spite and Revenge, some say, he (Mr. Hickeringill) is a very Angel of light and somewhat more excellent—  
Bless thy seven Wits! dear D. D! for thou art the first that has made an Angel of Light— old excellent— Pride, Envy, Wrath, Malice, Spite and Revenge.  
The only modest expression in his Book is the last clause— To the Reader— where he confesses his unparalleled shallowness of Conception— saying. If others can find Truth in the man he cannot; So that— what has already got a verdict all England over, (except amongst the Archdeaconry, and men Byased with Interest,) its Grace is stopped by a sorry D. D. that confesses his Ignorance, and hates the Truth that thwarts his Gourmaudizing, would lessen his Paunch, animus in Patinis.  
Thus much for his Epistle, It's well it's no worse.  
The Proem.  
This Proem takes up all the sense, and also almost one quarter of doughty Pamphlet; Indeed it takes up too much Room— And Arbitrary Government of Will. the Conquerors Long Sword and Proclamation, is all the Reading he has shown throughout the whole Book, citing an old Edict— (out of spelman, but he conceals the Plagyary) and will not lose the Worm-eaten honour of some ambitious Antiquary: whilst he quotes the Record, and puts us to our Trumpets to guests how, or when or where he came honestly by it.  
Well, much good may it do him, when we come to it.  
And first like a Churchman (of the old stamp) he will permit his Majesty to come into the Church (that's more kindness then old St. Ambrose, Bishop of Milan, would show sometimes to the great Emperor Theodosius when he did not do as he would have him to do) nay, This Archdeacon opens the doors himself to let his Majesty into the Church, but he will not trust him which the Keys; as who should say, we will open the Church doors to your Majesty, and come in and welcome, whilst we continue good friends.  
But they that keep the Keys and can open the Church-doors to let his Majesty in, can also (whilst they have the keeping of the Keys) upon displeasure, lock him out; well, for this very trick and for another late Scotch trick; If I were a Privy-Councellour, I would advise his Majesty as Head of the Church, and Governor thereof, to keep the Keys of the Church in his Pocket, or hang them under his Girdle; if it be but because this Prelatical Champion, this same pitiful Archdeacon, like another Pope, or St. Peter, will keep the Keys of the Church, and will keep his Majesty from them, and would fain persuade him, that our Laws (to use his words p. 2. of the Proem) Exclude this purely Spiritual power of the Keys from the Supremacy of our Kings, except it be to see that Spiritual men do their duty therein. Belike this same Archdeacon carries the Leges Angliae, the Laws of England in his belly and greedy gut; for I am sure he carries them there or no where, he carries not these bulky Laws of England in his Brains, he has no Guts in his Brains. For, I pray, good D.D. where does our Laws exclude this purely Spiritual power of the Keys from the Supremacy of our Kings, if our Kings, (like good King David,) or wise King Solomon should have a mind to be Ecclesiastes?  
In the days (even) of Popery, I never heard of a King shut out even from the Topping-Pulpit, if he had a mind to climb so high; stout King Henry the 3d. made bold to Invade the Pulpit, took his Text Psal. 85.10. Righteousness and Peace have kissed each other; and then in his Sermon ad Clerum— to the Learned Monks of the Cathedral Church of Winchester, when he had a little self-end too (as some Pulpiters' have also had) in the case, namely, to Cajole the said Monks to Elect his Brother (Athelmar) Bishop of Winchester; 
Bak. Chron. p. 82.  Paraphrasing and enlarging upon his Text, and saying (to use his own words)— To me and other Kings, who are to govern the people, belongs the rigour of judgement and Justice; to you (who are men of quiet and Religion) Peace and Tranquillity; And this day (I hear) you have, for your own good, been favourable to my request, with many such like words; I do not know whether the King had got a Licence to Preach— from a Bishop. It seems the Clergy (than too) would favour Kings, in what was for their own good, and, if it were for their own good, would also permit the King to take a Text and Preach in their Cathedral-Church; how hardhearted, or straitlaced soever our Archdeacon proves, and will not suffer our Kings to have the Keys neither of the Church nor Pulpit; I say, therefore, some Kings would therefore keep the Keys of the Church themselves, and trust never a D. D. of you all with them, no, not the Pope himself.  
But what if I prove that our Kings at their Corronations, have at the same time been ordained Clergymen, they are no more excluded (then) by our Laws from the power of the Keys then Mr. Archdeacon or the Pope himself.  
What is Ordination, but the ordering, designing or setting a Man a part to some office? if, to the Ministry, than there are certain significant Words to that purpose; and what more significant Words for Ordination to the Priesthood, or making a Man a Clergyman, than those the Bishop uses to our Kings, namely, with Unction, Anthems, Prayers, and Imposition of hands (as is usual in the ordination of Priests) with the same Hymn,— Come Holy Ghost, Eternal God, etc. The Bishop saying, also, amongst other things, Let him obtain favour of the people, like Aaron in the Tabernacle, Elisha in the Waters, Zacharias in the Temple, give him Peter's Key of Discipline, and Paul's Doctrine.  
Which last clause was praetermitted (in times of Popery) from the Coronation of Hen. 6. 
Bak. Chron. 742.  till Charles 1. and Charles 2d.) lest it should imply the King to be more a Clergyman and Ecclesiastical person than these Archdeacon's could afford him; but our Gracious King Charles 2d. and his Father, at their Corronations, had the ancient forms of Crowning Kings revived, and in the Anointing, the Bishop said, Let those hands be Anointed with Holy Oil, as Kings and Prophets have been Anointed, and as Samuel, etc.  
Then the Archbishop and Dean of Westminster put the Coif on the King's Head, then put upon his body the Surplice, saying this prayer, O God the King of Kings, and Lord of Lords, etc.  
And surely (of old) the very Pope himself looked upon our anointed Kings as Clergymen, else why did the Pope make Hen. 2. his Legate De Latere here in England? the usual office of the Archbishop of Canterbury (usually styled) Legati Nati.  
Therefore, Mr. Archdeacon, you talk like an unthinking Black-coat, stocked with a little superficial Learning, when you say, our Laws exclude the King from the Keys of the Church, to which he has as good right as your D. D. Divinityship.  
And (indeed) to give the Man his due, he is glad (afterwards) to confess that Constantine and the Eminent Christian Emperors called Counsels and approved their Canons.  
Then, by your leave, dear D. D. They also, for the same reason, might, upon occasion, and if they had seen cause, also disprove the same; who then was Papa of old? Pa-ter Pa-trum? surely no other but he that is Papam, (I mean) Pa-ter Pa-triae?  
Into a volumn (beyond mine or the Readers Patience or leisure) must this Vindication swell, if I should trace him in all his Extravagancies, Impertinencies, and nauseous Repetitions, and therefore I must quit my first design, and summarily contract the crazy Principles and Postulata on which his mighty Fabric of the Laws of England is E●●●●ed  

CHAP. I  
In his first Chapter, after a great deal of prattle to no purpose, he Sets up the Propositions suggested by Mr. Hickeringill, and then he Batters them.  
The Propositions suggested by Mr. Hickeringill, are these following.  
1. THat before Hen. 8. All Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction in England, was derived from the Pope: as Mr. Cary. p. 6.  
2. That Hen. 8. When he annexed the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction to the Crown, he took it wholly away from our Ecclesiastical Ministers.  
3. That the Church had no Jurisdiction after Hen. 8. had annexed it to the Crown, till 1 Edw. 6.2.  
4. That if there be any Ecclesiastical Power in our Church, it cannot be executed but in the name and with the stile etc. of the King, according to 1 Edw. 6.2.  
5. That all our Ecclesiastical Power was lately founded in 1 Eliz. 1. as it Established the High-Commission-Court; And that Act being repealed, All Ecclesiastical Power was taken away with the Power of that High-Commission.  
Then most insultingly concludes, in these Words,— On a Rock consisting of these Sands, stands our mighty Champion, triumphing with his Naked Truth, etc.  
And truly if our mighty Champion stand thus Triumphing upon a Rock made of Sands, It is the first Rock made of Sands, that ever was seen in the World before: I have seen great hills of Sands, but never a Rock consisting of Sands before: for lively and natural expressions, and tough and sinewy Arguments, 'tis the very None-such of the D. D? Come, confess ingeniously, Is there not more and better Heads than your own in this Elaborate Work? Is it not the Six months' labour of a Prelatical Smectimnuus, or Club-Divines. Now for his Rancounter.   

CHAP. II.  
Wherein very Majesterially he asserts (contradictorily) In defiance of the said Propositions and Rocks of Sand, That Our Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction in England was not derived from the Pope, but from the Crown before the Reformation, by Hen. 8. Sed quomodo probas, Domine D. D?  
First by begging the Question, Petitione Printipij, And ask sternly and demanding in 8 bold Questions, first, Dare any Protestant stand to the contrary, etc.  
So that he has got Mr. Hickeringill upon the Lock, and upon the Hugg, the Devonshire and Cornish Hugg; Hang, or Drowned, there's no escaping; yield, or confess yourself a Papist, concluding that to say so, is not more like a Hobbist than a Papist. I thought I had caught a Hobby, but War-Hawk.  
To which I'll only say, that (as Seneca (in his Epistles to his dear Lucillus) speaking of Harpast (his Wife's Fool, a poor ridiculous creature) That if he had a desire to laugh at a Fool, he need not seek far, for he could find cause enough at home to laugh at himself, so) you Mr. quibbling Archdeacon need not be at charge to keep a Jester, you may find one ridiculous enough within the Corpse of your own Archdeaconry— Hobby-War-hawk.  
But then he falls, and grows calm, and leaves this bold Italian way of Reggin●… and comes to his proofs.  
First, Then our Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction was not derived from the Pope, but from the Crown before H. 8. because it was a known Law (25. Edw. 1. and 25. Edw. 3.) long before Hen. 8. that the Church of England was founded in Episcopacy by our Kings, etc. and not in the Papacy.  
1. I always thought (till now) that our Church of England (I know not for his Church of England) was neither founded upon Episcopacy, not the Papacy, but on Christ the Rock of Ages.  
2. The Popish Episcopacy (in the said two King Edward's time) and the Papacy were one and the same piece; the Pope the Head, they the Members, and derivative from him, influenced by him, and would never obey our Kings further than they list, as appears by stout Robert Archbishop of Canterbury, another Becket: And though the Kings made bold to recommend an Archbishop, or a Bishop to the Pope, yet the Pope Invested and chose whom he list; (the greater Usurper he, but who did or could help it?) till stout King H. 8. did behead the Pope, and made himself (by Parliament) Head of the Church.  
'Tis true, Rome was not built in a day, and neither did nor could extend its Suburbs and Commands as far as England, till William the Conqueror (the Pope's Champion) and who fought under the Pope's Banner (which he sent him for the Invasion of England) did with his French, and Normans, and all Gatherings, bring with his French and Italian Troops, the French and Italian Laws, and the French Mode of Ecclesiastical Polity and Jurisdiction; And therefore ('tis rightly noted) that till Will. the Conqueror, there was no Bishops Courts or Ecclesiastical Courts but the Hundred-Courts, (the only Courts of Justice in England in all Causes Ecclesiastical and Temporal.)  
But the Pope made his Champion Will. the Conqueror and all succeeding Kings after him, till H 8. set up such Ecclesiastical Courts and Jurisdiction (as were at Rome) wherein they Judged and proceeded according to the Pope's Canon-Laws, and he himself was the Head and Supreme of those Courts, and nothing more frequent than Appeals to Rome, till the 24. H●n. 8.12. ordained that there should be no Appeals thither, where he had emptied so much of his purse, and yet could not obtain a Divorce to his liking; if appeals to Rome from our Ecclesiastical-Courts, than they were only Rome's Inferior Courts.  
And was there ever any Statute made, from Will. the Conqueror, or rather Hen. 3. to Hen. 8. but by the consent of the Popish Clergy, that is to say, the consent of the Pope their Head; whose Laws they obeyed in defiance of their Leige-Lords and Sovereign Kings.  
I know there was old Tugging frequently betwixt our Kings and the Popes, and sometimes the staring people cried Now the Pope, than (in hopes) Now the King has got is; but, if any stout King did (as they did) try for Mastery with this Whore, and who should wear the Breeches, yet Pope Joan, or Pope John; or howsoever named, always got the better at long run.  
Of which I will Instance in some few particulars that first occur and come to mind, for I scorn to spend so many days as this D. D. (with his Smec-conjoyned) has been Months in Labour for the production of his Ridiculus mus.  
Robert Kildwardby Archbishop of Canterbury, 6. Edw. 1. Fleeced the whole Province of Canterbury (namely, the greatest part of the Kingdom of England) by his Provincial-Visitation, not by downright plundering of the Clergy, Churchwardens, and the poor and rich Sinners; (he knew a way worth two on't, the other had been the ready way to be hanged, for Edward 1. was neither Bigot, 
Antiq. Brit. Ec. p. 196.  Fook, nor Coward,) for He (saith Mat. Parker) being the Pope's Creature, went a visiting (as some do now a days) without any Commission from the King; no strange thing in those days, more strange in our days, now that they have not (as formerly) a Pope to back them, and whose Creatures they were in despite of the King; But this crafty Robert Kildwardby played the Fox in his Visitation; and See donis (saith the Historian) non imperitando sed artificiose, ut fratres sui ordinis solebant, suadendo locupletavit: that is, He enriched himself and filled his pockets, but how? not by an open violent way of force and command, but craftily, with sleight of Hand and Tongue, (as the Brethren of his Orders are wont to do) picked their pockets with a parccls of fair words.  
Why, that's better yet, than the Hectoring way, Come— Clergyman— deliver, your Purse, your Purse— for Procurations, Visitations, etc.  
The Naked-Truth on't was, the Pope (Nicholas 3d.) had a Cardinals Cap at Robert's service, if he would come up to the price on't, and bid like a Chapman; but all the craft lay in the catching— the Money to day the purchase.  
Whereupon Kildwardby does not go in the old Road of Procurations, Synodals and Vilitations, that (even in those times were not only grumbled at by (the Slaves) the Inferior Clergy, but many Canons and Decrees made against the same; (see Naked Truth 2d. part.) And therefore Robert went another way to work, namely, the way of Loans, or Gifts, (for they have often proved one and the same thing, though the public Faith has been surety and bound for repayment,) And therefore— Se donis artificiose suadendo locupletavit, he wheedled them out of their Moneys with a parcel of fair words; (why? that's fairer play, then to Hector and Browbeat the Clergy out of their Moneys with threats of Suspension, Excommunication, the Devil and the Gaol.  
But Rob. had no sooner done his Business, and won the Game, most neatly and above-board, filling his Coffers, but he begun to take pleasure (as Misers do) in looking upon the Beauty of his mighty Treasures, and liked their looks better than that of a Cardinal's Cap; but Old Nick (the Pope) heard of his good luck, (for he had Spies that told him all along how the Game went, and what good fortune the Archbishop had, and how he thrive in his Visitation-Provincial) whereupon Nichol. the Pope forthwith sends for him to Rome, and is resolved to go snips, and half Stakes, and therefore cries— half mine, and bids him divide the booty— these are not my words, nor the comment of a Hobbist and a Papist, but the very words of the Historian of those times,— A Nicalao 3. papa Romam ad praecium participandum accitus est; ab eoque 
Antiq. Eccl. Brit. 196.  Cardinalis Hostiensis & portuensis Episcopus creatus est: For half of that Money the Pope made him Cardinal of Ostia, and Bishop of Portua.  
I have heard of many a Thief that has robbed poor Men of 500 l. and been condemned, and yet have got a Pardon; And the Popes-Collector for Peter-pences (Polidor Virgil) does as smartly observe upon them and their Trucking for Souls and Benefices, (Lib. 17. Hist. Angliae.) Legem nunc prope eversam, etc. 
Polyd. Virg. 322. H. Ang.  telling what feats in those days Money could do in the Spiritual-Courts, and amongst Spiritual Men, and to purchase a Benefice, a Bishopric, or an Archdeaconry; but now a days there is a Law against Simony, and an Oath against Simony; yea, yea, so there was in those days.  
Thus that Pope was his Crafts-Master, and killed two or three Birds with one stone; you heard how dear he sold, and what a mighty price he got for a Cardinal's Cap, and a pair of Lawn-Sleeves; and one would have thought he might have sit down contented, and have slept quietly for that night, and never have writ Diem perdidi upon his Beds-head: But this was but a Lean-days-work in comparison of what he got by the very same Bargain, namely, The Vacancy of the Archbishopric of Canterbury, which was as good to him as ready Money in his Purse: It would not be long upon his hands, such Ware (as that) will off to one or other; or perhaps, he had promised the Gift and Donation thereof to one of his Harlots, no strange things even in those days.  
For his Wench, or he (I know not which) contracted for the said Arch-plshoprick with John Peckham (the fairest Chapman) and a notable Blade at the Canon and Civil Law; an Advocate, a glib Hackney-Tongue he had in his head, (says Matthew Parker) Lugduni cum esset, Jure civili atque Pontisicio operam dedit, in quâ causas tantâ furis peritiâ tractavit, etc. A notable bold Fellow (it seems he was) at the Bar, and (as is usual to such as are so well stocked with impudence) he knew it as well, and looked big, and high, and staring, surly, 
Mat. Paris. Hist. p. 90, 97.  and grim, Gestu, incessu, & sermone glorioso & elato fuit. And yet all those mighty virtues would not help him to preferment, but that he truckled underhand with the Pope's Wench, he knew the way to the Wood, and how the Market went, as well as another; and therefore in plain down-right-Symony (without the ceremonious equivocation of a Game at Tables with the Patron, buying a foundered Jade of him for 100 Guinnies, or making Friends to his Wife or Miss,) he became bound to the Pope in 4000 Marks, (a wonderful sum in those Days) and was esteemed above Seven Years purchase at that time for the said Holy-See of Canterbury.  
A good round sum for poor John Peckham (for so he styled himself) to soften the Hearts and melt into Money his Province, that had been reaped and fleeced a little before by Rob. Kildwardby his immediate Predecessor, Poor John came but to the glean and picking of Wool; but it's no matter, in 13 years (for so long he sat Archbishop) he paid off his Bond to the Pope, saw it cancelled, 
Antiq. Eccl. Brit. p. 206.  advanced all his Kindred to great estates, and left (all charges borne and debts paid) to his Executors 5305 l. 17 s. 2 d. and q. (making Nicholas of Knovile Rector of Maidston, and Simon de Greille his Executors.)  
A vast sum, 
Jo. Buleus. Scrip. Brit. cent. 4. c. 64. p. 348. 349. Godwins Catal. p. 78.  in those times, especially considering how poor and insolent he was when he first made the bargain with the Pope or his Leman, and entered into Bond; nay, and to his dying day he kept the old style, calling himself in his Letters constantly, Poor John Peckham, (like the blind Beggar of Bednal-Green) for good people enriched him out of mere charity and in compassion of his pitiful cries and importunate begging; and none could imagine, till their deaths, that they were worth a Farthing, all debts paid.  
Thus he begun some of his Letters, Johannes frater Cantuarensis Ecclesiae servus humilis, qui Regi suisque Ministris audaciter restitit, etc. In English— Poor John a Friar of Canterbury, the Churches humble servant, that always stoutly rebelled against the King and Court, etc.  
But though he was hard enough for this King (Edw. 1.) as stout as he was, yet the Pope was too hard for poor John; 'tis ill halting before a Cripple.  
For he was no sooner well warm in the See of Canterbury, and found the virtue and comfort of Lambeth, but he gins to cast about how he might cheat the Pope his Patron, because, quoth he, to deceive a deceiver is no deceit, and the 4000 Marks is a Symonical Contract, and being a cunning Lawyer, and also loving his Money, most ungratefully he went about to chouse the Pope of the Money, thinking he had Law enough of his side; and that a Simoniacal Contract and Bond is ipso facto void in Law and of no effect, strength nor virtue.  
But the Pope presently smelled him and his Tergiversations, and was as cunning as Peckham was crafty, and was resolved to rub up his memory and teach him better manners then to forget his Creator; and therefore without any dallying or Shall I? Shall I? he makes no more a do but fairly cursed the Archbishop by Excommunication (sent over and) nailed on the Cathedral Church doors of Canterbury, and also a Bull of Deprivation; upon condition tho', That if John paid the said 4000 Marks (the subject of the Quarrel) to the Lucan-Merchants within one Month after demand,) the Pope and Peckham would be as good Friends as ever.  
John Peckham thought of having a fair hearing at the Bar, and Advocates and Council on both sides, or perhaps John would have pleaded his own cause to make void the Bond; but some are Wiser than other some; the Pope knows a trick worth two on't, and without more ado, sends him to the Devil, and deprives him of his Archbishopric, except as before excepted.  
In short, seeing he had met with his match, there was no remedy but the Money must be paid, not a Farthing bated of the Principal; only the Pope gave him a Years time (instead of the said Month) for the payment of so immense a sum.  
Of all which hard Measure Poor John Complains in his Letter to the Pope, in these very Words.— Ecce me creastis, & quanto creatura a sua naturaliter appetit perfici createre, sic in meis oppressionibus censeo per ves recreandum. Sane nuper ad me pervenit Cujusdam executionis Litera horribilis in aspectu & auditu terribilis, quod nisi infra mensem mercatoribus Lucanensibus cum effectu de quatuor millibus in arcarum quae in Romana Curia contraxi, extunc sunt excommunicationis sententia innodatus, & in Ecclesia mea & alijs. Majoribus pulsatis campanis, accensis Candelis, excommunicatus denuncior, singulis diebus Deminicis & festivis. Hanc tam graudem solutionem impossibilem sibi futurum, rescribit, etc.  
A great deal of heavy splutter he had (poor man) all the days of his Life, whilst he sat Archbishop, what with the Pope on one fide, the King on the other, and the Augustine Monks of Canterbury, who were wonderful Rich, and well worth the shearing and fleecing; 
Chron. William. Throne. col. 1960, 1961.  and therefore he would have gladly have been at it amongst them with Visitations: But they stood upon their guard, defied him, and bid him come at his Peril, or dare to meddle with their exempt Churches, of Menstre, Chistelet, Nordborne, Middleton and Faversham, etc. And that they would suffer none to visit them but the Pope and his Legate; which Privileges they contested with him Anno 1293. and maintained that they were no other than the Privileges of their ancient Foundation granted by Augustine the Monk, Apostle of England, (the Pope's Apostle) and first Archbishop of Canterbury; 
Anno Dom. 600. or thereabouts.  and confirmed by Pope Boniface, Agatho, Celestine, Calixt, Innocent, Vrban, Eugenius, Lucius, Alexander, Gregory, Innocent, Alexander and Honorius.  
But Peckham after a weary life took occasion to die, and there was an end of his Contests, his Creator (Pope Nicholas) departing his busy life a little before him, but first calling all his Cardinals into his Bedchamber, 
Saxoniae, l. 8. c. 35. Cent. Magd. 13. c. 10. col. 1091.  where he lay upon his Deathbed, and by the Prerogative of his Power; degrades them every man, and makes as many Friar-minor's (of his own Order) Cardinals in their Rooms, and charging them upon his Benediction to choose none but Friar-minors into the Papal-Chair for ever. Which they performed to their utmost, and until Sextus 4. was Pope, there was always a little-Pope lurking among the Fryar-minors, and he had his Cardinals, and pardoned Sins (I'll warrant) as well as the best Pope of them all; only he sold his Indulgences much cheaper and a better Pennyworth.  
This mischief happened An. 19 Ed. 1. and by Peckham's death, the King was freed of a Tiger of a Priest, that always resisted his Majesty tooth and nail, threatening and vapouring with his Bell, Book and Candle: But after their death, the King took heart, as by a memorable Example in our Common-Law Books happening at this time, may appear; before the Statute of Carlisle against Pope's Bulls and Provisions: For, A Subject of this Realm procured a Bull of Excommunication from the Pope against another Subject, and gave notice thereof to the Treasurer of the King; for which offence, Le Roy voluyt quill ust este trey & pendus, The King willed he should be drawn and hanged as a Traitor.  
Here's an Instance (Mr. D. D.) as pregnant as your 25 Ed. 1. against the Pope's Usurpations: But this was no thanks to John Peckham Archbishop of Canterbury, and the rest of the Bishops. For all resisted, all the Clergy, and did as much mischief as in them lay: But the King and Parliament got the day, An. 7. Edw. 1. and made John Peckham the Archbishop Recant his dissolute Canons made in the Convocation (at Rading) in these words:  
Memorandum quod venerabilis Pater Johannes Cantuarensis Archiepiscopus, venit coram Rege & Concilio suo in Parliamento Regis sancti Michaelis, 
Claus. 7 Edw. 1. m. 1. dorso. Revocationes Provisionum Concilii Rading.  anno Regni Regis septimo, apud Westm. & consitebatur & concessit quod de Statutis, Provisionibus & Declarationibus eorundem, quae per ipsum promulgatae fuerunt apud Rading, mense Augusti, Anno eodem, inter quasdam sententias Excommunicationis quas idem Archiepiscopus ibid., promulgabat.  
Primò, deleatur, & pro non pronunciata habeatur illa clausula in prima sententiâ Excommunicationis quae facit mentionem, de Impetrantibus literas Reglas ad Impediendum Processum in causis quae per sacros Canones ad forum Eoclesiasticum pertinere noscuntur.  
Secundò, quòd non Excommunicente Ministri Regis, licet ipsi non pareant Mandato Regis, in non capiendo Excommtnicatos.  
Tertiò, de illis qui invadunt Maneria Clericorum, ut ibi sufficiat Paena per Regem posita.  
Quarto, quod non Interdicat vendere victualia Eboracensi Arch●episcopo, vel alii venienti ad Regem.  
Quintò, quod tollatur Magna Charta de foribus Ecclesiarum; Consitetur etiam & concessit, quod nec Regi, nec Haeredibus suis, nec Regno suo Angliae, ratione aliorum Articulorum in Concilio Rading, Contentorum nullum prejudicium generetur in futurum.  
In English thus.  
Be it remembered, that the Reverend Father John Archbishop of Canterbury came before the King and the King's great Council of Parliament, in Michaelmas Term, at Westminster, in the seventh Year of his Reign, and confessed and acknowledged, that— of the Laws, Provisions, and Declarations, which were by him Promulgated at Rading, in the Month of August last passed, amongst other Sentences of Excommunication which the said Archbishop did there pronounce: First, Let that clause in the first Sentence of Excommunication (pronounced against all those that obtain the King's Prohibition to hinder Process in Ecclesiastical Courts, of such Causes as are known to appertain to Ecclesiastical Cognizance and Jurisdiction) be made null and void, and stand for nothing, as if it had never been made; as also,  
Secondly, That the King's Ministers of Justice shall not be Excommunicated, although they do not obey the King's Mandates for apprehending such as are Excommunicate. (Note by the way than that the Writ de Excommunicato capiendo (the only Weapon of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, and the only Prop of Ecclesiastical Courts) was not Common Law, but long after, (only Statute-Law,) and but in some Cases neither: 5 Eliz. 23. The Queen finding (that since the mist of Superstition was vanished by the Sunshine of the Gospel, the People could not discern any Terror in the Thunder of Excommunication for every petty cause, and therefore) that without the temporal Sword was also drawn to back it, her new High-Commission-Court, and consequently all other Ecclesiastical Courts (that had no Weapon but the Spiritual Sword of Excommunication) could strike no Awe, Terror nor Reverence into the obstinate and contumacious; much less into Delinquents.)  
Thirdly, That the Punishment inflicted by the King alone, upon those that Invaded the clergymen's Manors, should be held sufficient.  
Fourthly, That he would not hereafter interdict and forbid any one from selling any Meat or Drink to the Archbishop of York, (Whom the proud Prelate had Excommunicated about a Quarrel betwixt them for Precedency, etc. And therefore he thought thus to famish him, as happened after to Jane Shore Excommunicate: God deliver men from a furious Bigot and Proud Prelate, when he has Power to be Mischievous;) or any other that comes to the King.  
Fifthly, That Magna Charta be taken off from the Church doors; (For you must know, that the Impugners of Magna Charta were in this Synod of Rading again declared Excommunicate; which the King and Parliament did dislike, and would not suffer any such Sentence of Excommunication to pass, except for things thought worthy and deserving the same, in the Judgement of King and Parliament, who were Judges also even of the timing of an Excommunication, even in particulars, which had (like the Impugners of Magna Charta) been adjudged formerly to deserve to be struck with that Thunderclap, that grew so frequent, it lost its Terror;) the said Archbishop also confesses and does acknowledge, and grant, that neither the King, nor his Heirs, nor his Kingdom of England, shall receive any damage by reason of any of the said Articles contained in the Synod of Rading.  
Bless us! what work's here, to keep the Archbishop and his Clergy quiet, that a King and Parliament must use all the skill and Power of England (which commonly till Hen. 8. was all too little) to bind these Brats of Rome (and Creatures of the Pope, and Symonists,) to the good Behaviour, and to tie up their Hands and Tongues from doing the King, his Heirs, and his Kingdom of England any Mischief.  
And now (Mr. ) I have bestowed some little Pains (you see) to draw you a Picture in little, of those times of Edward 1. that you bring to make something to the purpose of exalting your Ecclesiastical Hierarchy and Jurisdiction, (from the Prospect of those times;) and what Honour you have got to your Hierarchy by this Provocation, Plume yourself with; but, I dare say, the Reader will say before I have done with you, that you had done your Church as much Service in the Convocation, where the men of your little ray, of your Talon and Improvements, would listen to your Leges Angliae with great admiration; rather than thus to neglect your great employment (there) by this impertinent Diversion of Writing and publishing the Laws of England, in which you have no more skill nor ability than you have in undertaking to Answer the Naked Truth.  
But to take a little further View (with the Reader's Patience) of those Popish times of King Edward, etc. before Hen. 8. which (the  thinks) do make so much for his Turn.  
Afflictions seldom come alone, as poor John Peckham found true, by sad Experience; for besides, that there was no help for it, but the 4000 Marks must be paid, or the Symonist Archbishop lose both Heaven and Earth, King Edward also for his Wars with Scotland was as needy of Money as the Pope, and he borrowed by way of Loan a whole Years Revenue of the Profits of the said Archbishopric, and that Loan (poor John Complains) being little better than a Benevolence, came in a very ill time; For, Robert Kilwarby the late Archbishop, and before him his Predecessor Boniface, had left the Archbishopric lean, cadaverous, forlorn, delapidated and Poor, the People too were exhausted by Wars and Seditions:  
For if they had had it, he could not (he would not) have wanted it; and the Pope too resolved that if the Archbishop or the People had it, he also could not (would not) want it; (as his Brother Pope used to say) he could never want Money so long as he could hold a Pen in his hand to write to his Ass, (meaning) England; for the whole World had not (I had almost said has not) such Religious Zealots and Bigots, that would run at all, right or wrong, in the Cause of Religion, Religion, (as Hud. says) whose Honesty they all will Swear for, though not a man of them knows wherefore.  
For the subtle Italian Papists that stand near, and sees within the Scenes, the Lives of Popes and Cardinals, etc. understand the Juggle, and will not give two Pence a piece for an Indulgence, that here in England will go currant for a hundred pounds; whilst the modest Papists at Rome smile at the known pious Frauds, and the rest Laugh right out, or (at least) in their Sleeves.  
But to return—  
Though the Pope Bubled poor John Peckham, as aforesaid, He also after he had got a little heart (Papae ad exemplum) does endeavour to Hector or Wheedle the King out of some Money by Texts of Holy Writ, (the very same that some Religious Bigots have made use of, to as vile ends in our times) in an insolent Letter to his Majesty, written 9 Edw. 1. beginning with these very words— Excellentissimo Principi, ac Dom. Edvardo, 
Spelman's Concil. p. 341, 342.  Dei gratiâ Illustri Regi Angliae, Domino Hiberniae, & Duci Aquitaniae, etc. Johannes permissione divinâ Cantuarensis Ecclesiae minister humilis, etc. Which see at large in Spelman; and after some Compliments, he falls on in downright Earnest— quia tamen oportet Domino magis quàm hominibus obedire— & ad praevaricationem Legum illarum, quae divina Authoritate absque omni dubio subsistunt, nullâ possumus humanâ constitutione ligari, nec etiam Jurament— That is (in plain English) the Archbishop told the King, he would be his humble Servant, and as loyal a Subject as the best, but only that he was bound to obey God rather than men, and that no humane Laws, no though he had Sworn to obey them, 
Acts 5.29.  should tie or oblige him to the breach of those Laws which are founded upon Divine Authority.  
Of which, he and the Pope were the Interpreters and Commentators; he might as well have told the King, he would be his humble Servant, when, where, and in what he list.  
For presently after he brings that of Isa. 10.1. to vanquish the King and Parliament that made him Recant (his own Canons) two years before; 
Isa. 10.1.  Dicente Domino per Prophetam, Vae qui condunt Leges iniquas, etc. woe unto them that Decree unrighteous Decrees, etc. (meaning the Statutes made by the King and Parliament;) for so he goes on— quia igitur ab antiquo tempore inter Leges & Magnates Angliae, ex parte unâ, & Archiepiscopos, Episcopos & Clerum ejusdem Regniex altera, duravit amara dissensio, pro oppressione Ecclesiae, contrà Decreta summorum Pontisicum, contra Statuta Conciliorum, contra Sanctiones Orthodoxorum Patrum, in quibus tribus summa auctoritas, summa veritas, summaque sanctitas consistunt, supplicamus Regiae Majestati, etc. huic periculosae dissentioni dignemur finem apponere salutarem, cui finis alitèr imponi non potest, nisi vos sublimitatem vestram praedictis tribus, scilicèt Decretis Pontificum, Statutis Conciliòrum, & Sanctionibus Orthodoxorum Patrum, juxtà Domini beneplacitum cùm Catholicis Imperatoribus dignemini inclinare, ex his enim tribus sunt Canones aggregati, & jura Coronae vestrae Christi Coronae supponenda, cujus sunt Diadema & Sponsae suae monilia, universae Ecclesiasticae Libertates,— (All which are most emphatical words, and most apt for our purpose to stop the Arch-deacon's Mouth, that would have the present Church of England and its Jurisdiction derivative from Edw. 1. and Edw. 3. Nor do I know any man more able (in all History) to write all that could be said for Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, Canon-Law, or Civil-Law, than the said Peckham; nor can any thing better represent the posture of Affairs in England as to Ecclesiastical matters, than the said Letter, which I will English faithfully, as followeth—)  
Because (quoth the Archbishop) there has been of old and long has continued a bitter Dissension betwixt the King and Parliament of England, on the one part; (God grant they may always be so, (as they ought to be but) one part,) and the Archbishops, Bishops, and Clergy of this Realm, on the other part, to oppress the Church, contrary to the Pope's Decrees, contrary to the Canons of Councils, contrary to the Sanctions of the Orthodox Fathers, in which three consists the Supreme Authority, the greatest Verity, and the choicest Piety: We entreat your Royal Majesty, that we should vouchsafe together to put an end to this dangerous Dissension and Differences, which can never be concluded, except you will please to submit your highness to the said three things, namely, the Decrees of Popes, the Canons of the Synods, and the Opinions of the ancient Orthodox Fathers, according to the Command of the Lord, and after the Example of Catholic Kings:  
For of these three are the Canons made, and the Rights of your Crown must submit to the Crown of Christ; the Church's Rights and Liberties, being the Diadem of Christ and the Ornament and Jewels of his Spouse, etc.  
Whence I make these plain Remarks.  
1. That as the Devil (Tempting our Blessed Saviour) accosted him with Holy Scripture in his Mouth, so does this filthy Symonist talk Scripture Language to the King and Parliament, whilst he himself hated to be Reform.  
2. That there was and has been an old Feud, Difference and Dissension, (and cannot possibly be otherwise) where the Laity are Governed by one Law, and the Clergy by another; the Laity a distinct and peculiar Party, on the one part; and the Clergy with other designs, a party in Opposition to the Laity, on the other part. The Devil and the Pope brought in that distinction of Laity and Clergy, (not God and Scripture,) and it was never a quiet World in Christendom since that time of making that distinction, which God never made.  
3. That when the King and Parliament Thwarts the Clergy and the Canons of their own devising, and made to gratify (as those of Rading aforesaid) only their Avarice, Ambition and Revenge; yet that is called— Oppressing the Church of God.  
4. That Kings must always (under the notion of submitting to God and Christ) submit their Sceptres, Crowns and Dignities, to Religious Zealots and Bigots, when they get the Power; and they'll have it too, or they'll want of their will.  
5. That the Clergy, Archbishops and Bishops accounted themselves, and were taken and accepted for the Church of England.  
6. That the Pope was Head of this Church, his Decrees their Rule and Canons to walk by, and carry on their Ecclesiastical-Courts and Jurisdiction.  
7. That their Laws were contrary to the sense of the King and Parliament.  
8. That the King and Parliament were sometimes (though but a little, little time) too hard for those Archbishops, Bishops and Clergy, of whom the Pope was Supreme head.  
9 That it is impossible that our present Archbishops, Bishops, and Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, can derive their Authority for Ecclesiastical Courts from the Popish Archbishops, Popish Canons, Popish Bishops (that had the Pope for their head) since our Clergy, Archbishops and Bishops, do renounce the Pope's Supremacy.  
10. That the Ecclesiasticals before Hen. 8. (whilst the Pope was their head) looked upon the Kings of England as their Inferiors; and that the King and Parliaments Sentiments and Decrees should truckle to theirs; And if some had not some strange Relics, they would not dare (as this Archdeacon does) to write, and defend a Jurisdiction and Courts in England, without special Authority and Commission from the King.  
And for him to say, They Keep Courts by Common-law, is the idlest of all his dreams.  
1. Because before Will. the Conqueror there was never any Spiritual Courts Kept distinct from the Hundred-Courts; and if they have right to keep them there at the Bailiffs house, let them come, but instead of Chancellors, Surrogates, and Officials, and Archdeacon's, must sit for Judges there (as now and of Old) two honest Freeholders; let them come then, with their Ecclesiastical Courts founded in the Common-law before William the Conqueror.  
2. The Common-Law (this D. D. calls, p. 51.) long and granted Use in the whole Land; but then if they plead for their Ecclesiastical Courts according to ancient use and custom, they must keep them in Places, Times, and by such Laws and Judges, as were of the ancient use and custom.  
3. The Common-Law of England is ancienter than our Christianity; but Bishops, as now in England, much less Archbishops, (for Austin the Monk (sent hither by the Pope) was the first Archbishop) and much less Archdeacon's, are the Inventions of men, and the favour of Kings, at first, of Popish Kings; for before Austin the Monk, 
Anno Dom 〈◊〉  England had neither Lord Bishops nor Lord Archbishops after the manner they are now, therefore neither they nor their Courts (as now kept) have any foundation in Common-law.  
4. By his own showing, that Edict of William the Conqueror enjoins that no Bishop nor Archdeacon hold Pleas any longer in Hundret, nor bring any Ecclesiastical cause to the Judgement of Secular men; Therefore William the Conqueror (the Pope's Champion) brought with him this new distinction of Clergy and Layty, and Ecclesiastical Judges and Secular Judges; for it seems Ecclesiastical Causes (as well as Secular) were brought in the Hundret Court to the Judgement of Secular men, not Ecclesiastical men.  
5. The said Proclamation ordains every man to do right to God and the Bishop, not according to the Hundred, but according to the Canons and Episcopal Laws.  
Which answers the greatest Stress of the D. D. Answer, The Conqueror with the Pope brought in the Canons and Episcopal Laws, and when the Pope's head was cut off and his Supremacy taken away, vanish also did his Canons and Episcopal Laws.  
And the Popish King and Parliament in Hen. 8. time knew it as well, and therefore when they had made the King Head of the Church, as well as State (a fatal distinction of Church and State, and often makes a Kingdom divided against its self) cutting off all Appeals to Rome, 24 H. 12. (in the very next year) they found a necessity to abrogate all Popish Canons that were contrariant to the King's Prerogative, and the Laws and Statutes of this Realm, but such as were not so contrariant and repugnant to remain in force.  
And to that purpose there was to be a Book of such Canons compiled by thirty two Commissioners, party per pale, one moiety Clergy and the other Lay; but they did nothing, and so that project in the Statute came to nothing; And for my part, in the Knowledge I have in the ancient Councils and Canon's, (in the making whereof the Pope had the great hand) they might as well seek a needle in a bottle of Hay, as seek for Canons (amongst the old ones) suitable to the new face of our Church when it had lost its old wont head, that had Authorized and Fathered the English Church and all Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction from William the Conqueror, till 24 Henry 8. which was 467 long years, and during the weary Reigns of twenty Kings together; who were so tired with the Pope's Insolence, that some of them (as King John) meditated rather to turn Turk, than undergo the Infamy as well as Tyranny and Cruelty, in being (all his Reign) so shamefully Priestridden; complaining and bemoaning himself, that after he subjugated himself and his Sceptre to the Pope of Rome, nothing prospered that he undertook ever after.  
Therefore hard is the fate of that Man, much more of that King and Kingdom, that are under the Tyranny of these Bigots.— How do they wrest the holy Scriptures to surrogate their preposterous Hierarchy, as did the said Popham Archbishop, in his said Letter to the King, (Edw. 1.) aforementioned, quoting— Mat. 16.19. Whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth shall be bound in Heaven: and threatening the King with death— from Deut. 17.12. And the man that shall do presumptuously, and will not hearken unto the Priest, (that standeth to minister there before the Lord thy God) or unto the Judge, even that man shall die.  
Then, he threatens the King with Deut. 17.18, 19, 20. and with Luk. 10.16. He that heareth you, heareth me, and he that despiseth you, despiseth me; And he that despiseth me, despiseth him that sent me: which (saith the Archbishop) St. Dyonisius expounds— jerarchis in his quae agant jerarchicè, obediendum est, sicut a Deo motis— To the Hierarchy or Prelates in what they act as Prelates, we ought to obey them, as those that are influenced by God himself.  
Then he quotes Deut. 17.8, 9, 10, 11. and Heb. 4. and Mat. 17.5. Mat. 28.20. Acts 3.22. Mat. 18.19, 20. Mat. 18.17. Mat. 10.20. as Impertinent as tedious to insist upon, concluding his Letter in a menacing way,— from Lambeth, November, Anno Dommi 1281. and the third year of his Translation.  
Instancing also (for his Platform and imitation in this his contumacy) the example of Thomas Becket, and Boniface, his Predecessors, as fierce and Seditious as himself.  
But wise King Edw. 1. like his Grandfather Hen. 2. and his Father Hen. 3. would not so easily part with the Reins of Government; for he disannulled (not only the Rading-Canons as aforesaid,) but also the Lambeth-Canons, Anno 1281.  
Even as his Grandfather Hen. 2. abrogated all the Canon Law (being then Duke of Normandy) and particularly the Canons of the late Council of Rheims, And by Proclamation forbidding (Hugo Archbishop of Rouen) to put the same in Execution; and threatening Pope Innocent 2. that if he would not restrain the said Archbishop therein, he would turn Protestant (so I translate the words of the King's letter to Pope Innocent;) Minatus est Apertè divortium ab Apostolicâ sede, nisi praesumptio illius Archiepiscopi reprimeretur.  
Which so frighted the Pope, that he was glad to knock under and yield to the time; (foreseeing a Storm approaching) he very wisely made fair weather on't, (to use his own words;)— Quod prefectò quamvis Justum fuerit, 
Mat. Paris. Hist. Aug. p. 96, 97.  & à nobis in Concilio Rhemensi mandatum, pro ejus tamen charitate aliquando condescendere (quando non ascendere possumus) debemus, et pro tempore, ipsius voluntati assensum praebere. That is (saith the Pope)— What was done in the Council of Rheims, was nothing but what was Just and right, and also by us Commanded; nevertheless for charity sake we must be lowly and condescend then when we cannot climb and ascend and be uppermost, and for the present, give our assent and consent to the Kings will and pleasure. And there had been a fatal divorce (or beginning of Protestanism) from Rome by another Henry, (Hen. 2.) long before Hen. 8. if Pope Innocent had been as stiff and inflexible as was Pope Clement to Hen. 8.  
So that all along, those (that please to observe our Statutes, Histories and Chronicles, they) will find, that ever since our Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction was brought from France and Rome by William the Conqueror, sometimes the Churchmen and (their head) the Pope had the weather-gage, and sometimes the Kings, as they happened to be some more prudent, some more weak, some more potent, and some in greater straits than other; of which last condition, namely, when our King's affairs were in a Peck of troubles and distresses, the Pope and his Janissaries (the Popish Prelates,) always wrought upon their necessities, and (most unmanly) would never give them fair quarter, when they had them down; None so cruel as Women and cowardly Gownmen when they get men at advantage; many Instances whereof you may see in the reigns of King John, the King Henry's, and the King Edward's, etc.  
So that— now Canon-Law, now Statute-Law— now the Church, and now the State, now the Lord Archbishops and Lord Bishops, and now the Lords temporal and the Common's had the upperhand: but the Bishops carried it for the most part, and always at long run, whilst they had the Pope or the High-Commission on their side; And (even since) they have lost those two main Pillars, I do not see but it may be (yet) in great measure true, what the Learned Spelman says was Currant (of Old) even to a Proverb,— Os Sacerdotis Oraculum esset Plebis; Os Episcopi Oraculum Regis & Reipublicae; Both King, People and Commonwealth took all for Gospel that the Bishops and Priests said and persuaded.  
And therefore no wonder at what Mr. Archdeacon says, p. 49. That our great Churchmen had no small hand in making all our Laws, both Ecclesiastical and Civil; and made bold to sit upon the Benches with the Judges, in the King's Palace and Court, in the Council and Parliament; In the County, with the Earl and Justices of the County, in the Sheriff's County-Court with the Sheriff, and in the Hundred-Courts with the Lords of the Hundred.  
All true to a Tittle; why, who durst take them by the Lawn-sleeves and ask them what they had to do there? They had as good have taken a Bear by the Tooth, the stoutest Layman of them all.  
Besides, a Scholar was a rare Bird in those days; Ignorance is the Mother of Popish Devotion; and therefore neither Lords, nor Parliament-men, nor Judges, had any more Learning than needs must, no, nor skill in Laws.  
So that the Clergy did all; who swayed the King's Counsels but they? who were Lord Chancellors, Lord Treasurers, Lord Chief Barons, Lord Chief Justices, Master's of the Rolls, but they?  
Was not Nigel Bishop of Eli (in H. 1. time) Lord Treasurer, and wonderful skilful in the Laws and Court of the Exchequer? Was not Martin de Patishal Clerk and Dean of Paul's made Lord Chief Justice of the Kings-bench (in H. 3. time) because of his skill in Law? 
Brail.  So also was William de Raleigh Clerk, made one of the Judges of the Kings-bench; Henry de Stanton Clerk, Lord Chief Justice of the Common-pleas; and the Parson of Oundell in Northamptonshire, made Master of the Rolls, with thousands more, even to our times, 
Bract. Rot. Pat. 17. E. 2.  and in man's memory; was not the Bishop of Lincoln, William's, Lord Treasurer? (so also Bishop Juxton Bishop of London:) And Archbishop Laud did all in all with King Charles 1. And in the Case of Ship-money, and the Loans and Benevolences, (those hard shifts,) that good King might well repent that ever he followed such precipitate Counsels.  
And therefore, (Mr. Archdeacon,) it is no great Credit to you (nor for your Jurisdiction Ecclesiastical) to quote all the 12 Judges and their Subscriptions, to vouch your Citations in your own Name, and not in the Name and Style of the King, because that Opinion was subscribed by 12 Judges,— 

John Brampston, L. C. J.  
John Finch, L. C. J.  
Humph. Davenport, L. C. B.  
Will Jones.  
Jo. Dinham.  
Ri. Hutton.  
George Crook.  
Tho. Trevor.  
George Vernon.  
Ro. Berkley.  
Fr. Crauly.  
Ri. Weston.    
For they were very man of them, except Hutton and Crook, condemned by Parliament, for betraying the Rights and Properties of the Kingdom in the case of Ship-money.  
And therefore, (Mr. Archdeacon) I except against the Judgement and Opinion of your 12 Judges (very legally) in the cons truction of the Statute of Edw. 6.2. Alas! good men, to say otherwise, it was as much as their places were worth, (besides the Terror of the Star-chamber, and High-Commission-Court, and indeed every Spiritual Court, which were then as horrible as the Spanish Inquisition, and so much the more cruel that by the Oath ex Officio a man was bound to accuse himself, which is not required by the Inquisition of Spain.  
And therefore some have observed, that when the severe part of the Law, as in Sentences, Fines, etc. has been put to the Vote in the Star-chamber and other Courts against Offenders, the Clergymen there, (who should have been Exemplary in Mercy and Charity, and not for summum Jus,) were always more rigid and fierce than the Laity.  
As for Instance, when Mr. Chambers, 5 Carol. 1. said (and only privately to the Privy Council, called thither to answer for not paying Customs,) That the Merchants in England were more wrung and screwed than in foreign parts:— And what if it had been true? why may not our Laws screw them, and enact bigger Customs and Excise, (as of Wines, etc. we do;) where's great mischief? Why; for this he was to be fined in the Star-chamber, (for the words are not other where actionable:) And the Chancellor of the Exchequer he was for fining him (for those words) 500 l. so also voted the two Lord Chief Justices: Ay, but when it came to the Bishops— Doctor Neal Bishop of Winchester— cries— 3000 l. then also Doctor Laud Bishop of London— 3000 l. At last the business was adjusted, and the Fine settled— 2000 l.  
Therefore, (Mr. ARchdeacon) do not vapour and tell us of the opinion of the Judges when High-Commission-Court and Star-chamber were up; do not we know, who penned the Proclamation's; and who did the business, and every man's business that durstst and in his way?  
You may as well say, That Attorney General Noy was a great Lawyer; who doubts it? does it therefore follow that Ship-money (his Invention) was Legal? Anno Domini 1632.  
And the Judgement of a whole House of Commons might surely stand in Competition with the opinion of a single Archdeacon, though he had some of the Judges on his side; although it was that House of Commons in 1640. for not one in Ten of them were Rumpers.  
Resolved— That the Clergy in a Synod or Convocation hath no power to make Canons, 
Vote of the House of Commons.  Constitutions, or Laws Ecclesiastical, to bind either Laiety or Clergy without a Parliament: And that the Canons are against the fundamental Laws of this Realm, against the King's Prerogative, Property of the Subjects, the Right of Parliaments, and do tend to Faction and Sedition.  
And therefore, your Doughty work and Leges Angliae, which (you seem) to commend as the sense of a Convocation, and you their Prolocutor, saying, p. 66. So whether it seem good to the King and his High Court of Parliament, to augment or lessen it (Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction) or to continue it as it is, we, (we again) shall still maintain our Loyalty (that's kind) and manifest our duty, and cheerfully submit ourselves.  
I am glad to hear it; if this cheerful submisson be the sense of your Brethren, and that you have (Mr. Archdeacon) from them authentic Letters of Credence for this Manifesto.  
But I doubt it; for (certainly) your Brethren are better Scholars, and better principled than to own such an idle and impertinent Discourse as this of yours, that is throughout so lose, futile, and tending to such arbitrary Principles, that indeed none are so fit to answer you as a Parliament, if they do not think it beneath them to take notice of such a Prater; that has so little Judgement as to think it possible to prove the Spiritual Courts and Jurisdiction, (as now practised) to be Common-Law Courts, much less Statute-Law-Courts; which is next to be considered, in his   

CHAP. III. Whose Title is, That  
KING Henry 8. did not, by renouncing the power pretended by the Pope, make void the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction; neither was it void before it was restored by 1 Edw. 6.2.  
And to prove this Negative, he's at it again with his old way of Questions, but that he shows a little more warmth and wrath against Mr. Hickeringill in this Ironical Sarcasm— Pray Mr. Wiseman where, and by what words did H. 8. cut off, as you say, all these ordinary Jurisdictions?  
Mr. Hickeringill told you enough of it in the Naked Truth, which read over seriously before you answer any more such Books (good Mr. D. D.) He told you, that when the Pope's Supremacy and Head was be-headed, and the King made Supreme Head of the Church (as well as State) and of the Spirituality as well as Temporality, by Act of Parliament:  
The same King and Parliament devised also, and advised, by what Laws this new face of the Church (having got a new head, sure it had a new face) should be guided and governed.  
Therefore the King and Parliament enact, that the King shall appoint Thirty-two Commissioners, not to make new Laws, but compile them out of the old ones; so that they were not repugnant to the King's Prerogative, nor the Laws of the Realm.  
But that was a thing impossible, for most of the Canons being forged at Rome (or Licenced there, and Confirmed) and also they supposing the Pope Head of the Church (which was against the Laws of this Land) nothing could be done; and the reason is already given in the former Chapter, at large; so that less shall need to be said to this Chapter, or indeed to the remaining part of his mighty Volume, or Leges Angliae.  
And truly, that King Henry 8. had so much to do to keep and secure his new acquests— (the Abby-Lands, Monastries, etc.) and to Counterplot the Pope and his Emissaries; and on the other side, the English Bishops were so consternated (at the sudden and total downfall of their Brethren and Sisters (the Friars, Abbots and Nuns) that they were in a bodily fear, lest that King (thus fleshed) finding the sweetness of the Booty, should hunt after more Church-Lands: And therefore Mr. Archdeacon needed not ask the Question, Was that watchful Prince asleep? no, (surely) nor yet the watchful Bishops (I fear) did not sleep very quietly, but were always troubled in their sleep, crying out,— oh— this fat Manor is upon the go— And these brave Walks, Houses and Orchards are a departing—  
And as dreams sometimes prove unluckily true, so did these dreams; for soon after was (first) exchanged with the two Archbishops by the Statute of 37. Henry 8.16. Sixty-nine fat and stately Manors (named in the said Statute) at one time from the Archbishop of York, and also a great many brave Country-houses, and rich Manors from the Archbishop of Canterbury, and from Edmond Bishop of London; which See was particularly named in the Statute.  
But some may say, that the Abby-Lands which the King gave in exchange, were not comparable in value to the said Archbishops Lands and Manors.  
Who can help that? if they did not like those Abby-Lands (I suppose) they might have let them alone.  
Thus the King having been busied in the 24th year of his Reign, with cutting off the Roman Head, and all appeals to Rome, then troubled with his Abby-Lands, beginning with the lesser Monastries, 27 Henry 8.28. those digested, than the great Monastries and Nunneries, 31. Henry 8.13. than the next year the brave Houses, Lands and Revenues of the Templars, called the Knights of the Rhodes, and of St. John of Jerusalem; 32. Henry 8.24. than the Free-Chantries, Hospitals, etc. in 37. Henry 8.4. and in this his last year, that sad exchange with the Archbishops, and Bishop of London, 37. Henry 8.16.  
I do not see any cause, Mr. Archdeacon, why any flesh alive should say, that either the King or the Bishops were asleep for Thirteen years together, in which time every one had work enough to be watchful.  
The best on't is, that the man thinks he can answer all Mr. Hickeringill's Arguments (in the Naked Truth) with a Story which he tells, p. 14. and so silly and so little quadrating with the question in controversy, that it is not worth the answering, nor his observation thereon— namely, that though the Lords (of the Manors) were changed, yet the Customs, and Courts, and Officers were not changed.  
No, were not the Customs, Courts nor Officers changed? God forbidden, for than it must still be a Custom, that neither the Bishop nor the Archdeacon may lawfully Marry: it will still be a Custom to excommunicate (as it was of old) all that did not pay the Pope the first fruits, and tenths, if the Customs be not changed; and a thousand such exceptions could I make, if it were not below me to take notice of all his idle and impertinent Whimsies and Stories, obvious enough to every learned and ingenuous Reader, without my remark or asterisque to expose it.  
Nor does any body deny, but that King H. 8. willing to have a Divorce from Queen Katherine, from Rome, and not able to obtain the same, got it at home; the said Statute of Appeals cutting off all Appeals to Rome, and enabling the King's Courts, Spiritual and Temporal, to determine the same, Any Foreign Inhibitions, Appeals, Sentences, Summons, etc. from the See of Rome, etc. to the Let or Impediment in any wise, notwithstanding. 24. Henry 8.12.  
Whence note,  
1. The design of the Statute is to cut off Appeals to Rome, this Realm of England being an Empire of itself, governed by one Supreme Head.  
2. Therefore no need of such Appeals, when they may be with less trouble ended here within the King's Jurisdiction, in Courts Spiritual and Temporal.  
3. That Statute limits the cognisance of all matters cognisable in Spiritual Courts, to these Three sorts— namely, Causes Testamentary, Matrimonial, or Divorces, Tithes, and Oblations, and Obventions; and if they can prove their Courts to be lawful Courts, and by lawful Authority, who ever doubted but those Three things were matters and causes of Ecclesiastical cognisance? but they are not content to keep themselves there; and therefore the great design (of the Naked Truth) is not in the least to check their proceed in those Three Particulars, but their exorbitances in meddling with Church Wardens, the Oath of Churchwardens, exactions illegal and unconscionable in their Fees, in despite of the Statutes, in Probate of Wills, Procurations, Sequestrations, Synodals, Licenses to Preach, Visitations, etc.  
4. The Archbishops, Bishops and Clergy in Convocation, in less than Twenty years after this Statute, found so little Authority in this 24. Henry 8.12. for keeping Spiritual Courts, and exercising Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction (it coming in but by way of Parenthesis, and not the purport and main design of the Statute) that they all acknowledge and confess, uno ore, and 2. Phil. and Mar. that their Jurisdiction and Liberties Ecclesiastical, were taken away, and desired their restauration; and surely they better understood their Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction in those days, than this Archdeacon can possibly at this distance, in these days.  
Lastly, The Temporal as well as Spiritual Courts are enabled by 24. Henry 8.12. to determine the controversies in this Realm, without Appeals, and yet none of them take upon them to Sat without the King's special Commission and Authority, except petty-Hundred-Courts, etc. which are Common-Law-Courts; but so are not the Ecclesiastical (at best) further than Ecclesiastical matters may still by the Common Law be tried before the Lord of the Hundred, or his Steward and the Freeholders; and the Bishop also and Archdeacon may be suffered to come into the Room; but whether they may come in without knocking, or must sit or stand, be covered or uncovered, when they come there, by the Common Law, (it seems) it is not by (our D. D.) the great Common Lawyer as yet determined.  
And therefore it is much better for the Archdeacon, at least much more proper for him, to leave these doubtful matters (as whether 1 Edward 6.2. be now in force, and how far, and to what Commissioners the 13 Car. 2.12. does extend (wherein the Author of the Naked Truth would not peremptorily assert any thing) to the decision of a Parliament, or wiser heads than his own.  
Then in Chap. 3. Sect. 2. the D. D. tells of another Statute, 31 Henry 8.3. and citys the words, but most egregiously false; there is not one such clause in 31 H. 8.3. But if there were, as perhaps (I will not deny) something to that purpose in another Statute, that Archbishops, Bishops, etc. may wear the Tokens, and Ensigns, and Ceremonies of their Order; and whilst they do nothing but what to their Office and Order does appertain, no body will trouble themselves about them.  
And more false also is what he would make 25 Henry 8.19. speak, as though by that Statute the Convocation hath power reserved (by the same Act) of making new Canons, provided the Convocation be called by the King's Writ, and have the Royal assent and Licence to make, promulgate, and execute such Canons.  
If this be true, I do not know but the Lambeth-Canons (exploded and condemned by Act of Parliament) and those of King James, are all Statute-Law; for the Convocation (that made them) were called by the King's Writ, and they were confirmed also by the Royal assent—  
In a matter of this consequence, let us turn to the Statute, and trust our Archdeacon henceforward no further than our own knowledge.  
That of 25. Henry 8.19. gins thus—  
The Title.  
The Clergy in their Convocation shall enact no Constitutions without the King's assent.  
And as the Title, so the body of the Act, Where the King's humble and obedient subjects, the Clergy of this Realm, etc. promise in verbo Sacerdoti, that they will never presume to attempt— premulge, or execute any new Canons, etc. unless the King's Royal Assent and Licence be to them had, to make, promulge and execute the same—  
Now is this D. D. an honest man? when the Statute only binds them to good behaviour; namely, not to presume without the Royal assent; but does not enable them to make any new, though they have the Royal Assent?  
False also, most impudently false, is his next quotation of a Statute 37 Henry 8.16. But if he mean 37 Henry 8.17. still it is false, either through Imprudence, or unparelleled Impudence; for there is not one word to the matter in question, but the whole Statute is only a Licence to Marry, a Licence for civil Lawyers to Marry; and that though they be Married, yet that shall not make them uncapable of being Commissaries, Chancellors, or Vicars-general, or Officials; but does not create or constitute any Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, or Courts to put them in.  
Indeed, the said 37 Henry 8.17. is a clear and evident explanation of the 25 Henry 8.18. that thereby the King and Parliament did look upon all Ecclesiastical Canons, Ordinances and Constitutions, formerly made, to be null, and void, and repealed, and of no effect by the said 25 Henry 8.18. saying, that the Bishop of Rome and his adherents, minding utterly as much as in him lay to abolish, obscure and delete such power given by God to the Princes of the earth, whereby they might gather, and get to themselves the government and rule of the world, have in their Councils, and Synods Provincial— made divers Ordinances and Constitutions— And albeit the said Decrees, Ordinances and Constitutions by a Statute made 25 Henry 8. be utterly abolished, frustrate and—  
1. By this it is evident, that as the King, Pope and Bishops had all work enough to look to themselves, and that King Henry, and his Parliament, and Bishops, were still Popish; so if the Spiritual Courts had any Jurisdiction, yet they had none but by way of Parenthesis in the said Statute of Appeals.  
2. And that only in causes Testamentary, Marriage, or Divorce, Tithes or Oblations—  
3. And to Judge of these, and determine, was impossible, because they had no Canons, Decrees, nor Laws Ecclesiastical, by which to Judge and determine of them.  
4. And therefore Mr. Archdeacon, though by what has been said, your Official might keep Spiritual Courts, although he were Married, so also he might keep Spiritual Courts, although he did nothing but whistle there all the while, or throw stones at all that came near him; for Sentences and Decrees cannot be made but according to a Canon Law or Rule; and Canons there were none in force at that time, in the said Judgement of the House of Commons.  
And therefore though you had never so much Authority and Commission for keeping your beloved Courts, what's that to the Naked Truth? Have you any Commissions for Extortions in Probate of Wills, for illegal Extortions of Money, for Citations, Licenses to Preach, Institutions, Inductions, Sequestrations, Synodals, Procurations, Money from Churchwardens, Commutations, Visitations? to confute which, is the great import of the Naked Truth; and you have not one word in your Leges Angliae to say for them, or for yourselves, or to justify by whose, or by what Commission, or by what Canons you act and proceed.  
It is a most dangerous and fatal thing sure, for a man to think as the Papists do think (in these days); whereas I thought, a man might have believed, that Jesus Christ is the Son of God, and a thousand things more that the Papists believe, and yet keep out of harms way.  
But no; our desperate D. D. has (p. 22.) got Mr. Hsckeringill upon the Hip again, and gores him too with one of the unavoidable Horns of the sharpest of Arguments, a Dilemma (in these words) namely,—  
I leave it to Mr. Hickeringill himself; for if he think that that Convocation (namely, in Queen mary Reign) spoke that which was not true, he hath said nothing to the purpose (so his business is done that way). But if he think they did speak truth, than he thinks, that the Jurisdiction of the Church of England, as derived from the King, according to the Statute of Edw. 6. or in Hen. 8's time, was no lawful Jurisdiction; that is, Mr. Hickeringill thinks as the Papists think: War hawk again Mr. Hickeringill, and a Praemunire too.  
Let him even pick and choose, I see there's no escaping, yield or die; there's no fence against a Crambee-Pun and Quibble; the second assault is always irresistible.  
And yet this Joke is not so witty as it is sharp and poignant, insinuating, that Mr. Hickeringill's opinion is a Popish opinion; so in plain English he says before— Chap. 2. Sect. 2. In these words— Thus our ancient Ecclesiastical Governors and Laws depended upon the Crown, and not upon the Pope, by the Laws of England, and in the Judgement of all the States of the Kingdom before H. 8. and so did also the execution of those Laws, by those Governors in the same public Judgement— All this is true, and the very Naked Truth in other words varied. And what of all this? listen— a little better than Mr. Hickeringill 's Popish opinion.  
And why, I pray, Mr. Archdeacon, why this unsanctified Epithet of— Popish— To vindicate in the words of the ingenious Hudribas— 
When you at any thing would rail,  
Than you make Popery the Scale,  
To take the height on't and explain  
To what degree it is profane.   
Well, look to thy hits D. D. for all the corpse of thy Archdeaconry, together with the Extortion money in Visitations, Synodals and Procurations, will not be able to pay the damages that you and your Bookseller Royston are like to undergo, forfeit and pay, for bringing that scandalous imputation of Popery so often in your Book against Mr. Hickeringill, who though he has not much Ecclesiastical Emoluments to lose thereby, if the imputation be true, yet he pays the King Assessments, and finds Arms for above 200. l. per annum, temporal estate of inheritance; a third part whereof (besides other mischiefs) are forfeit, if you can prove him a Papist; and if you cannot, 'tis fit that on the Gallows which was set up for innocent Mordecai, that wicked Haman should be hanged thereon; and the mischief which you wickedly designed against him, 'tis but just it should fall upon your own Pate; and that you and your Bookseller should for the Libel fall into the same Pit which you have in malice and wickedness digged for the innocent. Alas! you do not know Mr. Hickeringill (the man you scandalise) in time he'll make you know him better, I dare assure ye; as he has, and will do to some others, such railers, liars and slanderers as yourselves; sure Mr. Archdeacon you do not say your Prayers, you do not (sure) say your Litany D. D.  
But all your provocations cannot make Mr. Hickeringill render you railing for railing, the wont attacks of effeminate and doting old men.  
The Author of the Naked Truth is so much against the Pope's Supremacy, and all other Religious Bigots, that some think (as does this Archdeacon) that he gives the King too many, even all the Keys of the Church.  
For 'tis undoubtedly true, that the Crown of this Realm of England is, and has been (before H. 8.) Imperial; that is, de jure, not the facto; thanks to the wicked Usurper, the Pope and his Legates, like that Paudolfus, who in huffing pride set his Ecclesiastical foot upon this Imperial Crown in King John's time; or like those Popes that made the Emperors themselves hold their Stirrups.  
This ought not to have been done, it was not the jure, it was commonly de facto done, before H. 8ths' time: and thus (with his Quixot-chivalry) he assaults the Windmills set up by his own brains, like boys that set up their Shrovetide-Cocks only to throw at, and busy themselves.  
As for example, Chap. 2. Sect. 3. he says, the Statutes grant Consultations and Appeals into Chancery from the Spiritual Courts— 'Tis true, but what then? it only supposes that the Spiritual Courts meddle with those appealable Causes, (as Matrimony, Tithes, etc.) which are but very few.  
And whereas he says, the Bishops may deprive, and have Statute-Law for so doing; 'tis false, they have indeed power by 1 H. 7.4. to commit a Minister that has committed Incest or Fornication, to the Gaol, but for no other offence; and that Statute was made upon force, when the Laity durst not meddle with a Clergyman, though a muderer, without consent of his Ordinary.  
However the Clergy then were so goatish, numerous, and high-fed, that no man could keep his wife or daughters from those lazy and buxom Abby-Lubbers; and so let the Bishops (still) for Incontinency send the Delinquent to Gaol; but (I thank you) not such matter, Incontinency is now as modish and fashionable a sin as ever; I have known Two or Three notorious Whoremasters (Ministers in Essex) convict, but they scaped the Gaol, and one of them (a Scotchman) that had two Bastards in one year, got a Pardon.  
The sin of Adultery and Fornication is a filthy and abominable sin in all men, especially in Divines, but as long as it is the Mode, it will sinned great Patrons to countenance and abet it; sweet-lips cannot forbear so sweet a sin.  
No body denies, but Procurations, Synodals, Robbing by the Highway, Visitations and Picking of Pockets (in spite of Laws, Canons and Decrees of Holy-Church to the contrary, in spite of Equity and Conscience, in spite of Mercy, Pity and Compassion, has been (in times of Prelacy) in spite of Christ's command, and the Apostles command (not to wrong men for filthy lucre's sake) has been, I say, an old and ancient practice; and indeed, in the days of Popish Prelacy and the High Commission, they did what they list, who durst control or gainsay?  
But now that Popish Prelacy and the High Commission are nulled and made void, and all their Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction so precarious, and no authority for their Procurations and Synodals, no authority to call Churchwardens and Ministers before them to a great Town and Tavern, no authority for such Visitations, much less to demand money for the same; no authority (neither) to demand money in Ecclesiatim-Visitations: (and yet they will have six shilling and eight pence ready money, and visit Twenty Churches in a day (a very special Trade). They will not be put off with a little Victuals, Bread and Cheese, or Pottage: no— these Ecclesiastical fellows are high fed.)  
And truly to spoil all their Courts, though they had never so lawful an authority, let but the people follow this following advice, and you will not long be troubled with them.  
Namely, When the Minister and Churchwardens are cited to come to a Visitation at a great Town, and there is a great Tavern, take no notice of it, refuse to be hurried from your business, your families and your homes against Law; let them proceed against you as far as they dare; if they excommunicate you for contempt, a good Action of the case lies against them, for there is neither Statute-Law, nor Common-Law, nor Civil-Law in England to justify such Citations and Visitations.  
Indeed, there is old Canons in times of Popery, to justify, that there has been Ecclesiatim Visitations: namely, for the Visitor or Bishop to come to your Churches, and see how you do; but it is against all Law, Equity and Conscience— to see how your Pockets do.  
Therefore if they come, Ecclesiatim Visits, give them such poor fare as the Vicar feeds upon; if they be hungry feed them, do not fat them, do not feast them, and I'll secure, you shall not be often troubled with them thence following; but give them not a cross of money, and fear not that ever they'll disquiet you very often.  
As it is in the Naked Truth— if their visitationes morum prove not to be visitationes nummorum, I'll be your warrant, you shall not need a new Act of Parliament to stave them off.  
So, if they call upon you, and cite you to prove a Will, or take an Administration, though the Sumner or Appariter come Forty Miles, do not give the knave a Groat, but for him, and his Masters, and the Citation or Process, give him Three Pence, and no more, as by Statue, 23. Hen. 8.9. 1. Eliz. 1.  
If they ask or demand any more, sue them upon the said Statute, inan Action of debr, or qui tam— five Pounds due to the King, and five Pounds to the party grieved.  
The like penalty upon them, if you sue them for taking more for Administrations or Probat of Wills than is allowed by Statute; nay, if they will not give you back your Will, when proved, into your own keeping, upon demand, there lies a swingeing Action against them, as Baron Weston declared at Chelmsford the last Assizes in open Court to the Country, exhorting them to bring such Actions against those Ecclesiastical fellows (so he styled them) and if they brought such Actions before him, he would make examples of them.  
The cry, the common-cry against the extortions of these Ecclesiastical fellows, was loud and clamorous all over England, and reached the ears of the King and Parliament in Henry 8ths time (as in good time it may again) which occasioned the Statute of 21 Henry 8.5. as appears by the Preamble of that Statute against their extortions, in these very words,— namely,—  
Where in the Parliament holden at Westminster, in the 31st. year of the Reign of the Noble King of Famous Memory, Edw. 3. upon the complaint of his people for the outrageous and grievous fines and sums of money, taken by the Ministers of Bishops, and of other Ordinaries of Holy Church, for the Probat of Testaments, and for the Acquittances by the said Ordinaries to be made concerning the same: The said Noble King in the same Parliament openly charged and commanded the Archbishop of Canterbury, and other Bishops for that time being, that amendment thereof should be had: and if no amendment thereof should be had, it was by the authority of the same Parliament accorded, that the King should thereof make inquiry by his Justices, of such oppression and extortions, etc. And where at the Parliament holden at Westminster, 3 Hen. 5. it was recited, that the Commons of this Realm had oftentimes complained there in divers Parliaments, for that divers Ordinaries do take for the Probation of Testaments, and other things thereunto belonging, sometimes XL. s. sometimes LX. s. and sometimes more, against Right and Justice; where in time of King Edw. 3. men were wont to pay for such causes but 2. s. 6. d. or 5. at most, by which unlawful exactions, etc.  
Then it follows in the Statute, and is enacted, that none of these Bishop's Ordinaries, Archdeabons, Commissaries, Chancellors, Officials Registers, Scribes, Praisers, Summoners, Appariters, or other their Ministers, shall take or demand for Probation, Writing, Sealing, Registering, making of Inventories, or giving of Acquittances, or for any other manner of cause concerning the same, any more than what follows, namely,  
Where the goods of the deceased amount not to more than 5. l.  
 l. s. d. To the Register For the Probat of the Will 00 00 06. To the Register Or if an Admistration, than also 00 00 00. To the Register And to the Judge 00 00 00.  
Where the goods of the deceased amount to more than 5. l. and yet under 40. l.  
 l. s. d. To the Bishop, or Ordinary 00 02 06. And to the Register 00 01 00.  
For such Probat, Inventory, or Administration, Where the goods of the deceased amount to above 40. l.  
 l. s. d. To the Ordinary, or Judge Ecclesiastical 00 02 06. And to the Register for Probat of such a Will 00 02 06. And for Administration of such goods of that value, to the Register 00 00 00. Or the Register, or Scribe may refuse the said 00 02 06.  
And if he please, may take and demand a penny for writing every ten lines of such Testament, each line to contain ten Inches.  
For Inventories they usually take 40. s. a Press (as they call it) that is, the length of an ordinary sheet of Parchment.  
But by this Statute, for Inventories not one farthing.  
Here's (now) one would think, a Law to keep them in awe, but it signifies nothing, they have got so many cunning startingholes to creep out, 'tis hard to catch a Fox.  
For if they be Indicted for extortion, or that you bring an Action of Debt upon the Statute, or a qui tam— namely,  l. s. d. Due to the King for every such extortion 05 00 00. Also to the party grieved 05 00 00.  
But here too you will be baffled again, except you punctually observe these following Conditions: If it be a Will that is to be proved,  
1. You must bring the Witnesses along with you to prove the Will, and that it is the true, whole, and last Testament of the Testator, and that the Executor also believes the same to be the last Will and Testament of the Testator. 21 H. 8.5.  
2. You must bring Wax also (soft Wax) ready for the Judge to put to, and affix the Seal of the Court, if the goods of the deceased amount not to five pounds. 21 H. 8.5.  
3. You must bring two Inventories, fairly written and Indented, the one to be left with the Ordinary, the other to be carried away by the Executor, or Administrator. 21 H. 8.5.  
4. The very Individual Will and Testament of the Testator you must carry away with you again, so soon as it is Registered, as 21. H. 8.5.  
5. You must carry with you good Witnesses of the Tender of the said Fees.  
And keep but to these Conditions, which are plain and easy, and there is never a Register, or Chancellor, or Sumner of them all that will give many hundreds of pounds for the Place, nor will you be much pestered with these Ecclesiastical-Courts, or Ecclesiastical fellows: (for that now belike is the word, Ecclesiastical fellows); nor with Archdeacon's, although they had never so good Authority for keeping Courts, and sending Citations in their own names, and not in the name and stile of the King (their head) and the head of the Church, as well as State; and as all other his Majesty's Courts are kept in England.  
Indeed the Courts-Baron, and Courts Leet, etc. are kept in the name of the Lord of the Leet, Hundred, etc. they being the Lords-Courts properly, and not the Kings-Courts, no more than his Lands or Manors are properly the King's Lands and Manors.  
But the Courts of Justice, whether Ecclesiastical or Civil, ought surely to be open to all the King's Liege people, and have the King's Authority, name and stile, not only for their Warrant and Authority, but to give them thereby life, vigour, power, Granduer and Majesty.  
And 'tis strange to me, that men who have taken the Oath of Supremacy, have bid desiance to the Pope, and do not pretend to set up a Commonwealth in a Commonwealth, nor any Government independent of the Crown Imperial of this Realm, nor have no privy designs (at some time or other) to stand (as of old) upon their own legs without dependence upon the King (whom both Papists, Presbyterians, Fift-monarchy-men, etc. endeavour to subjugate to their discipline) should be so awkward, and loath to have their Processes and Citations go out, and run (as other Writs) in the King's name and stile; and it were but for their own ends to agrandize their Processes and Proceed; except (as formerly) the Clergy do take care to have as little dependence upon a Layman as possibly may be; and I say again, it will never be well, nor our differences cemented, until Lay and Ecclesiastical men be one and the same, with one and the same ends and designs (in this Kingdom) where all Ecclesiastical and Lay-power is united, and one and the same, in one Head, our Sovereign Lord the King.  
'Tis this Bigottism that undoes us, and wars upon the score of Religion that (above all other things) has blooded all over the woeful face of Christendom.  
But let me hear of no more Extortions for Visitations, Procurations, Synodals, Institutions, Inductions, Ordinations, Licenses to Preach, Sequestrations, Pilling and Polling the Clergy, nor (in Probate of Wills) the Laity; and in Visitations, Churchwardens.  
And when they have done, and (Performed their said Great Duties) if (after that) they cry out, for want of work and Employment, let them (also) sit upon as many Benches, as shall be thought fit.  
It is acknowledged, also, That Convocations are, always have been, and aught to be Assembled by the King's Writ only; no doubt on't, (for else they are an Unlawful Conventicle:) And there let them Sat together, till I, or any Body else disturb them, or meddle with them.  
The Power to make Laws for the Church, was ever in the (King and Parliament only;) and who ever denies the same, 'tis fit they should severely Answer it in a Parliament: Have a care of a Parliament, (Mr. Archdeacon;) Have a care of a Praemunire, War-Hawk; (I will not say,) War-Buzzard.  
I had almost forgot to touch upon one String, with which he makes a great Sound and Noise in his Proem; and that is, to prove, That Chancellors, Registers, Summoners, Officials, Commissaries, Advocates, Notaries, Surrogates, etc. ejusdem farinae, are all Church-Officers Jure Divino, and according to Holy Writ: Ay! But where? What Chapter? What Verse? (It follows as close as any thing) In 1 Cor. 12.28. Helps in Government.  
The Registers are but to Make (I thought that had been the Judge's Office, to Make) and keep the Acts of Court, etc. Advocates and Proctors, to Order and Manage Causes; And Apparitors, to Serve Process, and Execute Mandates, etc.  
Then this Remark;— Mr. Hickeringill is a Man of great Experience in Spiritual Jurisdiction, and need not be told of these plain Matters; (having said in the first words of this Paragraph,) But, How Witless, and Quaker-like is this? And, How unlike Mr. Hickeringill?  
Sometimes he makes (Mr. Hickeringill) a Hobbist, a Papist, a Statist, and a Man of great Experience in Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction; and now a Witless Quaker; (Even just what the Good Old Gentleman pleases.)  
But sure, Mr. Archdeacon does mistake, and Mr. Hickeringill is not a Man of so great Experience, but he had need to be told of these Plain Matters again and again, before it can be beaten into his Head; That the Apostle (who never had Register, Surrogate, Apparitor, nor Commissary, Official, nor Advocate, (nor the Primitive Church) no, not so much as an Archbishop, or an Archdeacon) should ever intent, or mean any such Creatures, when he told the Corinthians of, Helps in Government.  
Well, of a D. D. 'tis an Incomparable Finder, a Piercing and Quicksighted Commentator for a Man of his Age, that cannot see without Spectacles.  
For Proctors, Summoners, and Apparitors, are just such Helps in Government, in the Church; as Squire Dun, and Gregory, in the State; namely, Helps to Ruin many. Alas! Poor Primitive Church of Christ! That made a Shift to subsist many Hundreds of Years, (by Miracle surely) and yet never had these Ass-sistants, or Helps in Government.  
Such Helps in Government, (God knows!) 
Plut. Lives, p. 940.  as are far more fit to People the City that Plutarch speaks of, called Poneropolis: God grant them a good Shipping; they'll meet with many of their Brethren in Spain and Italy.  
And it is as senseless to Defend these Ecclesiastical Fellows by Magna Charta, because such as They (if they still be Papists, as those were) were (then) Members of Holy-Church, and brought hither from Rome by William the Conqueror.  
For by that First Clause of Magna Charta, That the Church of England shall be Free, and have all Her Liberties, etc. can never be meant, (as the Archdeacon would insinuate) that it is a Sin to alter that Frame of Government, and the Rights and Libertyes of Holy Church: For Peter-pences, First Fruits, and Tenths to the Pope, Investiture of Bishops, etc. with many other, were then the Right and Liberties of Holy Church, (as aforesaid) when Magna Charta was Made.  
I have not willingly omitted to give Answer to all, and every the idle Cavils and Exceptions in his Book: Once for all, (by way of Conclusion; for I am quite tired with his Impertinencies) let the Reader Read the Statute of 1. Eliz. 1. and he will find,  
1. That the Popish Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction of the Church, at the Making of that Statute, was cut off utterly, by the Name of all Foreign Powers, Repealing the 1. and 2. Phil. & Mar. 8. whereby the See of Rome had been again set up in England, from whence (that Statute confesses with great Contrition) (to use the Words of that Statute,) They had a long while wandered, and strayed abroad; and in which Statute, the Protestant Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction (set up by Edward 6.) is Disannulled.  
2. That therefore by 1. Eliz. 1. it appears, there was then neither Popish nor Protestant Jurisdiction Ecclesiastical.  
3. That therefore full Power and Authority is granted to the Queen, Her Heirs and Successors, to set up the High-Commission-Court, the Soul and Life of all the other Inferior Ecclesiastical Courts.  
4. That this High-Commission-Court might (for the Greatness thereof, for the Novelty thereof, and for the Grievous Vexations thereof) be called Extraordinary; yet all the Inferior and Subordinate Courts were all of a Piece: It was the Head-Court, whither all Appeals at length might come; and it animated all the Rest: and when it was Disannulled, and that Head Beheaded by 13. Car. 2.12. all the little Inferior, and Ordinary Ecclesiastical-Courts, were held Dead in Law, and Spirit-less. And when we shall persuade the King and Parliament to Revive Them, God only knows.  
But let us suppose, that they have Right in their Ecclesiastical Courts to take Cognizance of causes Testamentary, Matrimonial, of Tithes and Oblations; and by 1. Eliz. 2. for not coming to Divine Service: What's this to Visitations, Churchwardens, and the Oath of Churchwardens, Procurations, etc.  
In Causes Testamentary, (whether Men be cited, or not cited) I will (as I am an Ecclesiastical Judge) give my Countrymen this honest Council (without a Fee) merely for the Public Weal:  
Bring your Will (if you be Executor and Inventory as aforesaid) as also, make the same application to them, if you be next of Kin to the Deceased, and have Right to take Letters of Administration) keep to the former Instructions, and Tender them the aforesaid Fees: And if you be an Administrator, then according to a late Act, (for an Administration-Bond, tender them One Shilling more.) If they Refuse to Dispatch you, without Frustratory Delay, go away: And what ever you are Damnifyed thereby, the Law will give you Right, and Satisfaction and Reparation upon them.  
And if they be thus held to Justice, and to take no more than due and legal Fees, there needs no Act of Parliament to Discountenance the Ecclesiastical Courts.  
And indeed they cannot afford to buy their Offices, and yet get no more than legal Fees; for the value of Money is so different from what it was in Henry the Eighths' time, (when a Harry-groat was the chiefest Silver-Coyne, and would have bought as much Victuals as Half-a-Crown will now) that they cannot afford to keep Clarks, nor to write and Register Wills at this day for the Legal Fees.  
But who dare Make himself wiser than the Law; when the High-Commission-Court was up, there was no dealing with them, nor with their extortions; And ever since that Court has been defeated, no Parliament has (as yet) thought them worthy of larger Fees; and why should men be wiser than what is written, and enacted in the Statutes of this Realm?  
No doubt but the settling of these Ecclesiastical-Matters, and the Kerbing these Ecclesiastical Fellows, are things of weight and great Consequence, deserving the most serious debate of the highest Judicature, a Parliament; But till they have time, or till they think fit to take some Order herein, I have shown you how to do their business.  
Nor have I done this, out of Malice and Spleen, against these Ecclesiastical Fellows, that do so Huff the Country, and the Inferior Clergy, but in Detestation of their Avarice and Extortions, Aggravated with such insufferable Insolence, that I speak but the sense of the Common-Cry of the Country against them, as Loud and Obstreperous, and for the same exorbitances, as in the Reigns of Edward the Third, Henry the Fifth, and Henry the Eighth, when those three Statutes were made on purpose to check their Insufferable Pride and Greediness.  
And for an Example to them, I'll only Instance in the said Popish King Edward the First, how he made an Example of them. 1. In England, 2. Scotland. 3. Ireland.  
1. In England, when John Roman Archbishop of York, Excommunicated Anthony Beck Bishop of Durham, for Imprisoning John de Amelia, and william de Melton, public Notaries, sent by the Archbishop to Summon before him and the said Bishop, then employed in the Kings-Service, in the Northern parts, the Archbishop admonishing him thereunto, Once, Twice, Thrice, and still the Bishop (or his Ministers,) refusing to release them, the Archbishop thunder's out the Curse (against him) of Excommunication, to the Prior of Boulton in Craven, to cause the same to be published in the Churches of Alverton and Darlington, beginning, 
Claus. 20. E. 1. m. 2. Dorso Brevia Regis.  Johannes Permissione dia Eborac. Archiepiscopus, Angliae primas, Dilecto in Christo filio Priori de Boulton, etc. Dat. apud Sanctum Martinum juxta viterbium 13. Kal. Maii, Anno Gratiae, 1292. & Pontificatus nostri Septimo; In the seventh year of our Popedom.  
(For Papa, or Pope, was the Common Compliment every little Bishop passed upon his brother Bishop, in those days; of which, I can Instance in many Records, if needful.)  
This difference was decided by Parliament. 
See placita Parliam. An. 21. Ed. 1. nu. 17.18.  Johannes Archiepiscopus Eborum Attachiatus fuit ad respondendum Domino Regi, de placito, quare cum placita de Imprisonamento & alijs transgressionibus in Regno Regis contra pacem Regis factis, ad Regem & Coronam— Idem Archi-Episcopus per Johannem Priorem de Bolton in Cravene Commissarium suum, in venerabilem Patrem Antonium-Episcopum Dunelm. etc. Die mercurii prox. ante festum S. Jacobi Apostoli Anno vicessimo apud Derlington, etc. Sententiam Excommunicationis in dictum Antonium, etc. fecerit fulminari, etc. In Regis contemptum, etc. in despectum ipsius Regis 20. Mill. Librarum, & hoc offered Rioardus de Bretenil pro Domino Rege verificare, etc.  
Et Archiepiscopus venit & defendit omnem contemptum & totum, etc. & dicit quod Ipse nihil fecit in contemptum Regis, nec contra dignitatem suam, etc. & dicit, quod de sententia a Canone lata & per ipsum declarata, in curia Domini Regis non debet respondere; sed tamen salva libertate Ecclesiae suae ob Reverentiam Domini Regis vult plane declarare factum suum, etc.  
Et Richardus de Bretenill qui Sequitur, pro rege dicit, quod Praedictus Episcopus Dunelm. Habet duos status, viz. Statum Episcopi quoad Spiritualia, et Statum Com. Palatii quoad. Ten. sua Temporalia, etc. too long here to Recite; (I can show the whole process in Parliament) where the Archbishop was voted to be committed to Prison, to Absolve Bishop Anthony, and to pay what fine the King pleased, which was Four Thousand Marks of Silver (an Immense Sum, in those days) but the Archbishop was vastly Rich, and though the Son of a whore (a poor Chambermaid) yet she had the wit to lay the Bastard at a Rich Man's door; Fathering it upon one John Roman, Treasurer of York, who educated him very well, made him a Scholar; and 
* H. de Knighton. de event Aug. l. 3. c. 7. Col. 2507.  Henry De Knighton says, he was a right Roman, for he inherited the Roman Avarice of those days, as well as the Name; being the first Archbishop that wheedled himself into the estate of the deceased that died Intestate, or that gave Letters of Administration, in England; (and yet this deep-read Archdeacon makes the common Law depose and Justify their proceed in Spiritual Courts) Pretending (that since the Poor Soul died without a Will, and so (Consequently) had not taken care to Redeem his Soul out of Purgatory, by giving the Priests his Goods, Money or Lands, for so many Masses to that purpose; therefore the Archbishop (Piously) took that care upon him; yet he himself happened to die (though not Intestate, yet) so suddenly, (for two judgements in Parliament against him, (namely, the aforesaid,) and, presently after, for endeavouring to defraud the King of Three-hundred pounds of Money belonging to one Bonamy, a banished Jew, and which he would have been fingering for himself, knowing that the Money lay in the Priory of Bridlington within his Jurisdiction) Broke his heart, his Executors would not, or durst not meddle with his Goods.  
Executores enim sui se intromittere noluerunt, 
Ibid  ita quod non proprio sed potius alieno fiebant expensae funerum, & in ecclesia sua cum honore simplici repositus est, non enim panis vel obolus pro anima ipsus dabatur: unde justo dei Judicio contigit, ut qui subditorum bona & maxim ab Intestatis sitiret, subita quasi morte praeventus, nullum vel modicum ex Testamento suo proprio consecutus est Emolumentum: That is (saith Henry De Knighton) His Executors would not meddle with the Execution of his Will, so that his Funeral expenses were defrayed, out of other Men's, rather than his own Estate; he was buried in his own Church after a very homely manner; for not a bit of bread was given to the poor, nor one farthing, to pray for his Soul; by the just Judgement of God upon him, that he that did so thirst after Intestates Estates (especially) dying in his province, being prevented by a sudden death, got none or very little benefit by his own last Will and Testament.  
The second Instance shall be in Scotland; for King Edward the first was King thereof, at least, by conquest, (King Edward the Conqueror of Scotland) when the Bishop of Glasgow having a spite, and a pique against a Minister of his Diocese, Deprived him of his Living Tortiously and Arbitrarily, whereupon King Edward the first by his Letters to his Lieutenant, or Guardian of Scotland, restored him upon the Petition of John Comyn, in these words.  
Al Tres honourable prince e noble, 
In Bundle. Brevi●…n & petic. in Tur. Load. An. 24. E. 1.  e a son Trescher signur lige sire Edward par la grace Dieu, noble Roy Dengleterre, le ce ou, si luy plest, Johan Comyn Kaunk il set e poet de Honour e de Reverence Come a seon seignur lige. Chire sire si vus plest, io vus pri especialment ke vus deyngnet mander vostre Lettre au Gardeind Escoce pur mettre mesh Robert Mounsycitien partur de ceste Lettre en la eglice de grant Dalton, de la quele sire Robert Evesk de Glascou, etc. 'tis too tedious further to recite.  
The last Instance is a Record of a Fine set upon the Bishop of Cork in Ireland for holding Plea (in the Spiritual Courts) of things belonging to the King's Crown and Dignity, for which he was amerced 140. l. 
Claus. 20. E. 1. m. 13. Hibern. pro Roberto nuper, Corcagensi Episc.  to be Levied upon his Goods and Chattels, in these words:  
Cum venerabilis Pater Robertus Cortagiensis Episcopus huper coram venerabill patre, S. Tuamensi Archi-Episcopo tunc Justis. Regis Hiberniae, amerciatus esset ad centum libras pro contemptu, & idem Episcopus Amerciatus esset postmodum coram eodem Justice. ad quadraginta libras, pro eo quod advocavit se tenuisse placita in Curia Christianitatis and Coronam & Dignitatem Regis spectantia, etc. Teste Rege apud Westm. primo die Decembris. 20. R. R. E. 1.  
And 'tis observable this great Fine was set by an Archbishop of Tuam, than the King's Lord-Chief-Justice in Ireland.  
For indeed (in those days) The Clergy were the greatest Lawyers and had the greatest places; 
Bak. Chron, p. 50.  and yet they would not suffer any Clergyman to be subject to temporal Magistrates, by a Canon made, B. Steph. in a Synod held at London by Henry Bishop of winchester, the Pope's Legate.  
'Tis true King Henry the Second opposed this Canon, and Thomas Becket Archbishop of Canterbury that stood up for it, and the Contest almost ruined them both. But no King like King Henry the Eighth, 
Bak. Chron. p. 95.  and Edward the First, for keeping the Crown safe from the usurpations of the Clergy; this latter not suffering any Prelates to sit in the Parliament at Saltsbury, Anno. 1274. and took their great Treasures hoarded up in Churches, and Monasteries, and put it in the Exchequer.  
And though stout King (Edward the Third) struggled hard, and a long time tugged with John Stratford Archbishop of Canterbury, who threatened the King, that he would exercise his Ecclesiastical Authority and proceed to Excommunication of his Officers, though not of himself, Queen, or Children; yet the great Offices of the Realm were executed by Clergymen in his Reign; for at one time when Simon Langham was Arch Bishop of Canterbury, he was also Lord Chancellor of England; (a Place that Becket resigned when he was made Archbishop of Canterbury, denying to be at the Helm of the Common Wealth, and the Church both at once;) william Wickham Archdeacon of Linclon was Keeper of the Privy Seal: David Willer Parson of Sommersham, Master of the Rolls; Ten Benesised Ministers Civilians, Masters of the Chancery; William Mulse Dean of S. martin's Le Grand, chief Chamberlain of the Exchequer, Receiver and Keeper of the King's Treasure and Jewels; William Aksby Archdeacon of Northampton, Chancellor of the Exchequer; William Dighton Prebendary of St. Martin's, Clark of the Privy Seal; Richard Chesterfield Prebend of St. Stephen's, Treasurer of the King's House; Henry Smatch Parson of Oundel, Master of the King's Wardrobe; John Newnham Parson of Fenny-Staunton, one of the Chamberlains of the Exchequer; John Rawsby Parson of Harwick, Surveyor and controller of the King's Works; Thomas Brittingham Parson of Asby, Treasurer to the King for the part of Guifness, and the Marches of Calais; John Troy's a Priest, Treasurer of Ireland.  
But certainly a Gospel-Minister may find work enough, (though he be a Bishop or Arch Bishop) in the Works of his Ministry; and most Honour; I am not for Alterations and great Changes, yet certainly the Face of our Church of England is not only comely, but beautiful and well guarded by the Statutes of Uniformity, and Confining all Places of Honour and profit in the Kingdom to the sons of the Church, and to such only as can Conform to Her Liturgy and Administration of the Blessed Sacraments.  
And what would men be at? what would they have more? than a certain settled Religion (as in Holland) which (alone) is countenanced, (alone) Entrusted with affairs of State, Places of Honour or Profit both at Sea and land; indeed other Religions or Modes of worship, are rather connived and winked at, than encouraged, both in England and Holland.  
And will no face of a Church please some men, but the Blood-red, Bloaty and Sanguinary Carbuncle Fiery Face of an Inquisition, Canon's, or High Commission, or Low Commission Courts, unkown to the Primitive Church and Christians, that were content to serve God, though they had not power to Damn, and Cram and Ram, (etc. Oaths, Canons, Creeds) down men's Throats in spite of their Teeth.  
But on the other hand, I abhor the novelty, as much as the Ruin, I foresee, in Men that are so given to Change and Reformation, that nothing terminates their designs but total Destruction.  
They cannot be content to sweep the house, but they must pull it down, and how to set up one (a better) in its room, more cleanly, and more convenient, they have neither skill nor will to inquire; like the late Reformers (in the late times) that pulled down and pulled down, without considering what next to set up and erect, or knowledge how to do it.  
And indeed the Extortions in the Spiritual-Courts are inconsiderable in comparison of those amongst the numerous fry of Common-Lawyers, Attorneys, Clarks, notaries, Sollcitors, Splitters of Causes, etc.  
Whose numbers are almost numberless, and now they are born, they must be kept; and if one or two Lawyers in a Country be enough to disquiet the same, what are all those growing and threatening swarms, twenty times more than in the days of Qeen Elizabeth, who astonished and affrighted at the wonderful growth of the numbers of Lawyers, Attorneys, Pettifoggers and Solicitors in her time, seeming to threaten some alteration; (as the Spirit that Conjurers raise, (some say,) will fall upon their Masters for want of other work and employment) was comforted by the Learned Lord Treasurer Burleigh, with this answer, Madam the more Spanyells (always) the more Game.  
And there may be the more sport for the Lawyers, but still the Country, the poor Countryman, the Laborious Countryman (the staff of bread,) is there Decayed and Impoverished; through numerous Shoals of Beef Eaters and Man-Eaters, which (if they were honestly put to Sea and the Plantations) the sturdy young fellows would do good work, and live with less care, less shifts, more honestly, nay, more profitably also both for themselves, and their country.  
And therefore, though I have told you that the Spiritual-Courts are naught, stark naught; yet where shall we mend our market?  
For I am certain that the Fees of Lawyers, and the pretty devices (to fill up Atturnyes Bills) (in despite of 3. Jacob.) so notably of late found out and enhanced, That a man might have tried two causes twenty years ago as cheap as he can try one now.  
Some Men never know when they have enough; ten shillings or twenty (at most) use to be the Highest Fee for the best Sergeant that came to the Bar; now, every Petty Counce looks asquint and lakes it in disdain, if you proffer him Silver and not Guinies; Two, Three, Four; nay, Ten or Twenty Guinies, some of them think all too little.  
And if you do not satisfy these Breath Sellers, (and 'tis almost impossible to satisfy them) they may perhaps leave You, and your Cause, in the Lurch; or find out some Quirk● or Quiditty, or 〈◊〉 Trick, to unravel all you have done: And then fet you to begin again, and at it again; more Guinies again.  
And therefore, Men that try, will certainly find, (perhaps too late) that Seldom comes a Better.  
All violent Changes distemper a State, which Caesar's Murderers found to their Cost, repenting they did not rather Submit to the Time, and endure his Usurpation, (the Ruin of the bravest Commonwealth, that ever was in the World) rather than by such Violence, to give the better Colour to the Pretences of his Successors, who wanted Caesar's Incomparable Clemency, and Magnanimity.  
I'll Conclude with the Story of Pacavius Calavinus, a Man of Great Authority in Capua, (the Second City of Italy) who by a wile had shut up, and secured the Senate, and Chief Magistrates of that Famous City, in the Guild-Hall there; being Men Bad enough in all Conscience; and the Common Cry against them for their Enormities was not Louder, nor more Universal, than in England of late Years, against the Rump, or Committee of Safety.  
But Pacuvius (having made them thus fast) called the People into the Forum, or Marketplace, to hear their Good Pleasure, and what Sentence or Punishment they would doom them unto: With one Mouth the People, Ne●…ine Contradicente, Condemned them to Death and Torture, and to be drawn out by Lot, one by one to Execution; but not one to Suffer, till another was chosen by the People to supply his Place; (for they knew, they could not subsist without Justice, and consequently Justices and Governors.)  
First, That One (on whom the Lot happened to fall) was called out by Pacuvius, and Sentenced to be cut off, as a Pernicious and Rotten Member: But (First) saith Pacuvius, Make Choice of another better Qualifyed to supply his Place.  
This unexpected Speech bred a Distracted Silence, and the Multitude were put to a Grievous Plunge; one thought upon One Friend; and another, of Another; every one as his Interest, Relation, Friendship, or Acquaintance most persuaded; at length, one of the Boldest of the Rabble ventured to Name One, Fittest (in his Opinion) to Succeed.  
And no sooner was he Nominated, but the Multitude (who had other Designs, for other Friends of Their Own; or some Just Cause of Digust against Him that was proposed,) by a general Consent of Voices, did Condemn this New-Magistrate with a more Loud, and Universal Outcry, than the former old Senator, who was bad enough, but not Guilty of so many Hundred Imperfections and Faults, as was Objected against this New-Upstart.  
So that these Contradicting Humours growing more Violent and Hot, every one following his private Affection or Malice, a far greater Confusion and Hurly-Burly ensued upon the Nomination of a Second and Third; for in Choosing fit Successors, the Multitude could never agree.  
At last, weary of this Tumultuous Toil, One sneaked Home one way; Another, another way; Scattering and Stealing away from this Rabble-Rout, every one with this Resolution, That, since all Men are frail, Mortals not Angels, of Two Evils, best to choose the Least; that some Diseases are safer to be Endered, than Cured; and better an Old Evil, (of which we know the Worst, and have had Experience) than a New-Evil, that we know not whither it will tend, or where it will End; and Finally, That Seldom comes a Better.  
Let these Elegant French-Verses finish the Discourse, (made by Pi●…rack, the French-Poet; but more Honestly, than Elegantly.)  

Aim l'estat tel que tu le voîs estre  
S'il est Royal, aim la Royante,  
S'il est de peu, ou bien Communante,  
Aim l'aussi, car Dieu t'y a faict naistre.   

Love thou thy Country's State, whether it be  
A Commonwealth, Senate, or Monarchy:  
All Change is fatal, count then that the best,  
In which thy Country finds most Peace, most Rest.     

AN ABSTRACT OF THE PREMISES, IN A SHORT CONCLUSION.  
'TIs evident (then) by his own Showing, That there was no Ecclesiastical Courts distinct from the Hundred-Courts, and Lay-Courts, till the Pope's Champion brought over that New French and Italian Mode, with a long Sword into England; and Odo Bishop of Bayeux, (Brother to the Conqueror) assisting to set up the Pope's Usurpations in Spiritual Courts, or Spiritual Tyranny, forbidden by Christ, and his Holy Apostles; who pretended not to this Hierarchy or Frelacy, Names as Unknown, as Arch-Bishops or Arch-Deacons, (Chancellors, Officials, Surrogates, Advocates, Proctors, Summoners, and the rest of that kind) to the Primitive-Church.  
Secondly, That it is great Impudence for the Clergy, much more for the Frelacy, to call themselves the Church; as if the Lay-People were not as much Members of Christ; nay, as Learned, Prudent, Modest, and Honest, as the best of them, I will not except the Pope himself: And that to Style the Clergy alone the Church or Holy Church, is contrary to the constant Style, and Dialect of Holy-Writ; as appears by Mat. 16.18. Act. 2.47.— 5.11.— 8.1.— 11.26.— 13.23.— 14.27.— 14.23.— 15.3, 22, 41.— 16.5.— 20.17, 28. Rom. 16.1, 4, 5, 16, 23. 1 Cor. 4.17.— 10.32.— 14.4, 5, 23, 33, 34. 1 Cor. 16.1, 19 2 Cor. 1.1.— 8.1.18, 19.23, 24.— 11.8, 28.— 12.13. and in all other places (which are numerous) throughout the Holy Scripture.  
Thirdly, That by the Oath given always to Excommunicate persons before they be Absolved (namely, Stare & parere mandatis Ecclesiae, to stand to, and obey the Commands of the Church) by Church, they always mean themselves, the Prelacy, or Governing Men of the Church; And by Holy-Church being free (in Magna Charta) was, and must be meant the Clergy, and the Pope their Head; but how Holy they were in those Times, what Symonists, and (consequently) Perjured Persons, appears fully in the Premises. By the Angel of the Church of Ephesus (Rev. 2.1, 8. the Prelates say by Angel (there) is meant the Bishop or Presbyter; by the Church (there them) must be meant, the Christian People of Ephesus; and if these Clergy, in Edw. 1. (such as Old Nich. Pap. and Archbishop Peckham, etc.) were Angels, they were black ones surely.  
Fourthly, That from the Reign of William the Conqueror, to Hen. 8. The Clergy, or Ecclesiastical Men had one Head, namely, a Foreign Head, the Pope; and the Laiety another Head, the King.  
Fifthly, These Two Heads (namely) The Pope the Head of the Church, and the King the Head of the State, were (ever and anon) knocking one against the other, and the English-Clergy always sided with their Head, the Pope, to make the other Temporal Head bow down, and submit to this Spiritual Head.  
Sixthly, That when this Spiritual Head would not submit to the Temporal Head, and Gratify the King's will (in the desired Divorce betwixt King H. 8. and His Queen) (who had been Twenty Years his Wife.) He caused this Pope, his Spiritual Head and Forreign-Power to be Beheaded, and cut off; till it was restored, and patched on again, by 1. Phil. and Mar. 8. And indeed what ever that resolute King Henry did will, that will soon became a Law: if the King would have Queen Katherine Divorced, and her Daughter Mary declared Illegitimate, Yea, quoth the Stature 25. H. 8.22. when His Will was to have the Princess Elizabeth Legitimate, and inheritable of the Imperial Crown of this Realm, Yea, quoth the Statute 25. H. 8.22. Again when he was minded to make her uncapable of the Crown, Yea, quoth the Statute, 28. H. 8.7.  
And Lastly, when his Will and His Mind was changed, and that both the Princess Mary and Elizabeth (though it was Impossible but one of them was Illegitimate, and both of them so declared Illegitimate in the said Statutes) should be capable to Inherit (as they both did) the Imperial Crown of this Realm; Yea, quoth the Parliament, 35. H. 8.1. when the Bishops grumbled that they had not their old Procurations out of the Dissolved Monasteries, and Consequently, could not pay him their First-Fruits and Tenth's (though the King knew it was against their own Laws and Canons to have any) yet the King (willing to stop their Mouths) and knowing that to take some Men by the Pocket, is as bad as to take them by the Throat, rather than he would disoblige them (he being also at variance with the Pope) he allows them these little snips, out of his large New-Conquests and Acquests, by the Statute 34. and 35. H. 8.19. But made them only recoverable in Ecclesiastical-Courts, and only such as were paid Ten Years before the Dissolution of Monasteries, which now is a thing Impossible to prove; their own Registers being no competent Witnesses, being Parties, and their Register-Books no Records.  
7. That all the remaining Years of the Reign of Hen. 8. (after the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction here in England had no dependence of the Pope) they had no Laws, no known Canons, nor Rule to Proceed upon, and if they kept Courts, these Ecclesiastical Courts could take no Cognizance but of Three or Four things, namely, Causes Testamentary, Matrimonial Ties, and Obventions, and (such perhaps they have cognizance of at this Day) if they have Authority for keeping Courts, and have any Laws or Canons (other than Acts of Parliament to direct them) which (I think) they have not.  
8. That when the Ecclesiastical Courts, and Jurisdiction had got a Protestant-head, it also had a Protestant-face, by 1. Edw. 6.2. and 'tis senseless to Imagine, that that Statute was not constantly put in Execution, and all Processes in the Name and Style of the King.  
9 This Protestant-face of Ecclesiastical Authority was Blasted by 1. Mar. and in its Room was again set up the Pope's head, and the Popish-Church, by 1. Phil. and Mar. 8. and Foreign Powers, and Jurisdiction Ecclesiastical after the Old Italian or Romish Mode.  
10. This Popish Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction and Foreign Powers were Defeated (in 1. Eliz. 1.) by repealing 1 Mar. and 1 Phil. Mar. 8. that had repealed 1 Edw. 6.2. which had been under restraint and made of no Force by the Repeal aforesaid, and thence resumed its former Vigour and Virtue, but of that Quere: All the Reason in the World for it, as Mr. H. Cary learnedly insists.  
11. When 1. Eliz. 1. had cancelled all the Popish Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction and Spiritual-Courts, there was none, till the same Statute gave the Queen and Her Heirs and Successors Power by Commission to settle a new Form and Face of Government Ecclesiastical.  
12. That Branch of 1 Eliz. 1. that gave the Queen and Her Heirs this Power and Authority (being repealed by 13. Car. 2.12.) For my Part (I must say) It is beyond my Apprehension to find out where the Authority of Ecclesiastical-Courts can or does consist, or subsist; or who gave them the Authority they pretend to; not the Pope, (as of Old,) not the Common-Law, (I am sure) nor can possibly the Canon-Law, or Statute-Law.  
13. Grant they have Authority, It is but in Three or Four particulars, Causes Testamentary, Matrimonial, Tithes, and for neglecting to come to Divine-Service, by 1 Eliz. 2. or (at most) but those Ten Things in 5. Eliz. 23. de excommunicato capiendo, enumerated; what's this to justify their great extortions in Probates of wills, and Administrations, and their illegal Proving the same, and keeping Men's Wills contrary to that Statute? What's this to Justify the Force of any Canons at this Day? Or who made them Laws of England without a Parliament? What's this to Justify the Pilling and Polling the Churchwardens, and the inferior Clergy by Procurations, Articles of Visitation, Oaths Arbitrarily imposed upon them both for Canonical Obedience? What's all this to their great Business (in Visitations, and Court-keeping) namely, The Money-Business?  
And lastly, what a shameful thing it is to Impose upon the consciences of the Clergy an & c- Oath of canonical obedience condemned by Act of Parliament, in condemning the canons of 1640. in 13 car. 2.12.  
What Insolence, for a Bishop to commend the observation of those Canons, which the King and Parliament have condemned by Statute? Quer. What punishment do such Incur? and for Imposing Oaths upon Churchwardens to inquire into the breach of such late Canon's? which cannot be possibly, the Laws of England, if made since the days of King Henry the 8th. Their shameful and illegal extortions are a Thousand times more sufferable and pardonable than these Arbitrary Impositions of Oaths, to torture and rack men's conscienees, if not to precipitate them into Purjury; nay, (except God be more merciful than they) eternal damnation, making men swear Stare mandatis Ecclesiae, to obey the commands of the Church, and to obey his Majesty's Laws Ecclesiastical, when it is not defined what or where these Ecclesiastical Laws are; the wisest of them all will not, cannot, dare not tell, nor determine. I'll bid this Arch Deacon farewell with the same compliment he passes upon Mr. Hickeringil in his last words, bidding him not be wiser than the Law.  
If this D. D. had not been wiser than the Law, he had not writ such a thin discourse, and yet face it with a Bulky and Imbost-Title, styling it Leges Angliae. If the Spiritual Court keepers were not wiser than the Law, they would first prove their Courts Legal, their Canons Legal, their Fees Legal, their Extortions and Impositions of Oaths (upon the consciences of the King's Subjects) Legal.  
Nor writ I this to weaken their Authority, but that it may, (if it seem good to the King and Parliament) prove Instrumental to give them a just Authority, and a true face of Power, and also limit their Exorbitances: There's no wise man nor good man that favours Anarchy. The King's Throne (which God long preserve) is established by Justice and Law, and 'tis the People's Happiness to be governed and guided by honest Laws, not Arbitrary Canons, Impositions and Methods, but such as are of the right English Make and Temper, enacted by King and Parliament.  
And I dare justify, That there is nothing in the Naked-Truth, but what is good for the Clergy, (as well as the Laity,) if they will lay aside Prejudice and Pertinacy; Pride and Covetousness.  
Finally, for I am hearty weary of the Company of this same Totnes-Arch-Deacon, and with conversing thus long with such an impertinent D. D. that has not his fellow among them all for Insolence and Impudence, in defaming and belying a Gentleman he never saw, nor knows any harm by, except perhaps from malice, that never speaks well and seldom speaks true; or from fame, which was a liar of old; and long before ever there was an Archdeacon heard of in Christendom.  
And now at length to make Mr. Hickeringil the Common odium, nothing will serve but to make him a Papist, a Hobbist, etc. when all his Enemies that know him, have not effrontery to deny, but that he has more Loyalty than to be a Papist, more Conscience than to be a Simonist, (though an Arch-Deaconry of Totnes might be put into the bargain and Seal,) more Honour and Ingenuity than to be a Parasite, more Reason than to be an Atheist, more Religion than to be an Hobbist, and more Honesty and Plaindealing than to be  in a Dissembling Age of Sycophantry.  
But after all this bespattering Language, how inhuman it is in an Archdeacon, and a D. D. so unmercifully to attack Mr. Hickeringill with Pun and quibble, a persecution beyond the plague of Barbers, in an Itchy endeavour to be witty (forsooth) in despite of Nature and his Stars, who have all entered sufficient Caveats against it?  
Then for the Serious part (if there be such a part) in his Idle Pamphlet; Is it not Quixolisme, beyond the relief of Hellebore, to style his Insignificant babbling— Leges Angliae?  
Make Bonfires of your Cook, your Littleton, your Crook, Dyer, Statute-Books and Common Law-Books; for behold (here) in thrifty Querpo, Leges Angliae, the Laws of England, price 8 d.  
Nor less madness is it, in him, or more Idle vapour, than to appear thus publicly upon the Stage as the chavalier, or champion of Mother-Church, in answer to Mr. Hickeringil's Naked-Truth, when he only tickles over the Skirts of the business, and says not one word in answer to the main drift and design of the Naked-Truth; namely, in answer or vindication of the Canon's Authority to keep Eclesiastical Courts or to impose Oaths of Canonical Obedience upon the Clergy, or to impose Oaths upon the Churchwardens; nor one word does he say to vindicate their unjust and unconscionable Impositions and Extortions upon the Clergy, in Procurations, Institutions, Licenses to Preach, Ordinations, Inductions, Sinodals, Visitations, etc. and yet (most Impudently) styles his Book, An Answer to Mr. Hickeringill, etc.  
Nor does that Statute 25. Hen. 8. give any Authority to Arch-Bishops, or Bishops to keep Ecclesiastical courts or jurisdiction, except such as was then practised when the Statute was made, namely, Popish Courts, Popish Articles of Visitation, Popish Habits, and Palls, and to be worn by Popish Arch-Bishops, and Bishops; But we have none now: You know Hen. 8. (that made that statute) lived and died a papist, as aforesaid. But what is that Statute however to justify your Arch-Deacon's Courts? that Spiritual creature is not Named in 25. Hen. 8.  
Well, come Mr. Archdeacon, Friends must part; I'll (even) bid you farewell, and shake hands with you, in hopes never to meet with you again; but because I am in your debt for that witless Quibble,— Hobby War-Hawk; I'll pay you Quid Pro Quo, in the same coin; namely, an Anagram for your Pun and Quibble; nay, an Anagram, as Silly (if possible) as your Quibble,— War-Hawk— Fra-Fulwood, (Anagram) War-dul-Fool.  
THus has it cost me some pains (the Labour of Six days, not Seven days, I protest) to answer the Six Months Abortive Throws of a sibling, quibbling, fribling, fumbling Archdeacon.  
And 'tis enough, (at least) as much as is needful, and more than I could well afford upon so despicable an Opponent; besides a subtle Anagram frankly vouchfafed to him, and ex abundanti, liberally thrown (and given him) into the bargain.  
To teach his costive-wit more Sobriety, than to attack the Naked-Truth, (only with Impertinencies; and Pun and Quibble) In his next attempt, when peradventure he makes a second adventure.  
Which, not I (so much as the the Booksellers) greedily expect from him, or rather some more modest, more solid, and better accounted champion of the Kirk's.  
But enough (I say) at present, not only because I am in haste, and have other more Important affairs in hand, than to spend much time with such a Scribbling D. D.) but chief because the Naked-Truth is Luscious, too much at a time is apt to Glut and Nauseate; to eat much Honey is not good.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
The Husbandman, with wary Hand  
(Not with whole Sack-fulls) Sows the Land;  
But Thriftily contrives his Gain,  
By Handfuls Husbanding the Grain.  
FINIS.   

London, Printed for R. Janèway, in Queens-Head Alley in Pater-Noster-Row.