University of California Berkeley Mifcellaneous Pieces I N LITERATURE, HISTORY, AND PHILOSOPHY. BY MR. D'ALEMBERT, MEMBER OF THE ROYAL ACADEMY OF INSCRIPTIONS AT PARIS. TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH. LONDON: Printed for C. HENDERSON, at the Royal Exchange^ and fold byT. BECKET and P. A. DE HONDT, in the Strand. MDCCLXIV. l)6v ADVERTISEMENT. /fMONG the many trifling productions which are daily imported from our ingenious rivals the French* it is furprijing that fuch an author as Mr* D * Alembert Jhould be almofl unknown in our language. It may be a fufficient encomium upon the character of Mr* D^Alembert, to fay, that he was the friend of Mon- tefquiett when living, and the guardian of his reputation when dead : one thing, however, muft be acknowledged, that no writer has united the precijion of philofophy and the graces of poetry 'with morefuccefs. The principles laid down in his EJ/ay on Tranjlation are new and ingenious ; and it were to be wijhed, that the flnefl pajjages of the bejl clajjics were fele tied with the fame judgment, which the author has Jhewn in his Ex- traclsfrom Tacitus. The pieces in this volumt are more adapted to the gene- rality of readers than the reft of the author's compofitions, as they chiefly relate to hiftory and the b elks' lettres. The Memoirs rf Chriftina, queen of Sweden, contain many interefting fafts, interfperfed with obfervations that are pertinent, fpirited and concife.The Account of the Go- *uernment of Geneva would not have difgraced the pen of Tacitus or Salluft. The EJ/ay upon the Abufe of Criti- ifm on Religion is perhaps the befl and mofl candid defence of philofophy, anaphilofophers, thathasyet beenpublijhed. The Piece upon Eloquence difco*vers to us the true founda- tion of the fublime, and, by refolding it folely into the genuine fentiments of the heart, ftrongly conceived and clearly txprejfcd) expofcs the futility of thofe falfe fyftems of rhetoric^ ADVERTISEMENT. rhetoric, which would reduce eloquence to a mechtfoical fcience, when it is the gift of nature alone. The Alliance between learned Men and the Great Jhews the true way of living with great men, free from fertile adulation or cynical rufticity. None were ewer better qualified than Mr. jyAlembert to treat fo delicate afubjecl y as none ever received more diftinguijhed marks of refpeft without court- ing them at the expence of his honour or repofe : he hat given the rejult of his objervations without jpleen or va~ tiity ; the confcioufnejs of his own merit might have- excufed the one, and the favours he has received have tempted him to the other Great talents are the titles and dijiinftions of Nature, *wbzle thofe conferred by princes are often capricious or venal gratuities for the proftitution of virtue and honour : the former an the inherent unalien- able property of their pojjejjbrs ; the latter defcend alike to the hero and the knave. The editor is indebted for the tranjlation of the Effay on *afte to Mr. Gerrard, and for that of the Government of Geneva, and the Memoirs of Chrijlina y to another gen>- tkman. M I S C E L- MISCELLANIES. REMARKS ON TRANSLATION. THEY are not laws which I am now going to dictate. It would better become thofe writers among us, who h-ave engaged in tranflation with moft fuccefs, to fet themfelves up for legiflators. But they have done better than tranfcribe rules, they have given examples. Let us learn this art from their works, and not from certain confident decifions which are liable to difpute. Where are the precepts that -ought to be preferred to great models ? the Lift always enlighten, the firft may prove pernicious. In all kinds of literature, reafon has laid down a few rules, -caprice has multiplied them, and pedantry has forged fhackles, which prejudice reveres, and which ta- lents dare not break through. To which of the fine .arts foever we caft our eyes, we fee every-where me- diocrity dictating laws, and genius meanly Hooping to obey them. It is a fovereign imprifoned by his (laves. But if we will not fuffer it to be fubjugated, neither fhould we fuffer it to range without controuK B This 2 REMARKS ON TRANSLATION. This rule, fo ufeful to the progrefs of learning, /hould be extended, I think, not only to originals, but to works of imitation ; among which may be ranked tranflations. In this efiay we will attempt to fhun the two ex- tremes of rigour and indulgence, which are equally dangerous. We will examine the laws of translation, \vith refpect to the genius of languages ;, and then with refpect to the genius of authors ; and laftly, with relation to the principles which may be laid down in this kind of writing. - It is commonly imagined, that translation would ,be very cafy, if all languages were formed upon one : another. In that cafe, 1 dare fay, there would be nany indifferent tranHators, ^and few excellent. The former would confine themfelves fervilely to a literal verfion, and look no farther ; the latter would aim at feme thing more, harmony, and eafe of ftyle ; two qualities which good writers have never neglected, and .\vhich form the characterise of fome. The tranflatpr ought to have a nice difcernment, to diitingiiilh when a ftrict fidelity may yield to the graces of diction, without enfeebling the fentiment. One of -the great difficulties of writing, and efpecially of tranilatinf, is to know how far energy may be facri- ficed to noblenefs, correctnefs to eafe, and a rigorous iuilnefs to the mechanifm of ftyle. Reafcn is a fevere judge, whom we cught to fear. The ear, a haughty .one, that muft be uied wii! addrefs. Jt ought not to be laid down as a rule to tranflate literally, even in pdfuges where the genius of the languages corre- fponds. REMARKS ON TRANSLATION, 3 fponds, if the translation would be dry, harfli, and inharmonious. However, the difference of the characters of lan- guages, fcarcely ever permitting a literal verfion, faves the tranflator this difficulty, from the neceflity it lays him under of facrifking either agreement to y>recifion, x>r precifion to agreement. But the impcf- fibility of rendering the original word for word, leaves him a dangerous liberty; for, as he cannot give his copy a perfect refemblance, there is reafou to fear he will not give it fuch a one as it may have. Befides, as the niceties of our own language * re- quire fo much fludy to be well underftood, how muck more is necefiary to unravel the niceties of a foreign language ; and what is a tranflator without this -double knowledge ? The tranflators of the antients think themfelves the leail interefted in this remark. If the niceties of dkKon efcape them in the original, they efcape their readers too ; and yet, by an unaccountable fate, they are treated with more feverity 'than any other of their profeffion. A kind of fuperliition in favour of anti- quity difpofes us to imagine, that the antients always (xprefled themfelves in the happieft manner. Ouf ignorance turns to the advantage of tlte original, and -the prejudice of the copy. The tranflator always appears to come fhort, not of the idea the original gives us of himfelf, but of that which we have of him; and, to render the abfurdity complete, we 3d mi re at the fame time that mob of modern La- * The French language. B 2 tinifts* 4 REMARKS ON TRANSLATION. tinifls, moil of whom, being infipid in their own language, impofe upon us in a dead one ; fo true is it with refpect to languages, as well as au^- thors, that whatever is dead has a title to our ha- jnage. But is it true, fome perhaps will fay, that lan- guages have a different character ? We are not ig^ norant, that forne modern literati, who pique them- felves upon a philofophical fpirit, and who have given proofs of it fometimes, have maintained a con- trary opinion ; an abfurdity which, according to cuftom, has been charged upon the philofophical fpirit, but which it never dictated. In the hands of a man of genius every language is adapted to all ftyles. It will be either light .or pa- thetic, neat or fublime, according to the fubjeft and the "writer. In this fenfe languages have not a diilinguiihing character ; but, if they are all equally proper for the fame kind of work, they are pot equally fit to exprefs the fame idea. It is this in which the diverfity of their genius confifls. Languages^, in confequence of this diveriity, mufl have their mutual advantages over one another. But their advantage, in general, will be great, in pro- portion to their variety of turns, brevity of con- itruftion, licence, and richnefs. This richnefs does not confiil in a power of exprefiing the fame idea in a barren abundance of fynonimous terms, but every ^hade of an idea in different terms. Of all languages cultivated by men of letters, the Italian is the moil variegated, the moil flexible, and * the REMARKS ON TRANSLATION- 5 tlie moft capable of the different forms we may want to give it. It is not lefs rich in good tranilations, than excellent in vocal mufic, which is a fpecies of tranflation. On the other hand, our language is the moft fevere in its laws, the moft uniform in its con- ftru&ion, the moft contracted in its career. Can we wonder then that it fhould be the rock of tranflators, as it is alfo of poets ? But what Ihould be the refult of thefe difficulties ? To teach us to prize good au- thors, as they are incapable of giving us mean pro- ductions. If languages have their genius, authors likewife have theirs. The character of the original ought to be transferred to the copy. This is a rule which aught to be the more recommended, as it is pra&ifed the leaft ; and as readers are moft apt to difpenfe with the obfervation of it. How many tranflations are there which, like re- gular beauties, without foul, without phyfiognomy, reprefent in the fame manner works of the moft un- equal compofition ? This is, if I may fo exprefs my- felf, a kind of wrong fenfe, which does the moft harm to a tranflation. Others are hafty, and amend themfelves ; but thefe are endlefs and incorrigible. The blemifhes, which may be removed by cancelling them, do not deferve the name. It is not the faults, it is the coldnefs, which murders compofitions ; and they are almoft always more blameable for the things which are not there, than fjr thofe which the author has inferted* B 3 Ii o REMARKS ON TRANSLATION, Jt is the more difficult to do full juftice to an ori- ginal in a tranflation, as it is fo eafy to miftake his' iirokes, and to fee him only in one point of view* A writer, for example, fhall poflefs two properties in his ftyle, concifenefs and vivacity, which are not ne- cefiarily united, as brevity is often found with cold- nefs and insipidity. Yet a translator, in imitating him,, ihall be contented with aiming at concifenefs, without being lively ; and thus the molt beautiful part of the refemblance is wanting. But, indeed, how mould we put on the air of a Granger, if we are not fitted for it by nature. Men of genius ought to be translated only by thofe who refemble them ; and who, while they imitate them, are capable of being their rivals. A painter, of mo- derate merit in original drawing, may be a good co- pyift ; but for this a fervile imitation is all that is jieceiTary. The translator copies with colours which are peculiar to him. - The charadler of writers is distinguished either by their thoughts, or ftyle, or both, Thofe who excel in thoughts, lofe the leaft in pafiing from one language to another. Corneille would be eaiier translated than Racine ; and (what may feem a paradox) Tacitus than Salluft. Salluit, having faid every-thing, re- quires a tranflation that fcarce preferves him. Ta- citus, leaving much understood, and making his rea* der think, requires a tranflation only to lofe nothing. Writers, who join a refinement of ideas with that of flyle, afford more advantages to a translator, than whofe agreeablenefs is in their ftyle only. In the REMARKS ON TRANSLATION, | the firft cafe, one may flatter one's- felf with being able to transfer to the copy the character of the thought; and, confequently, at leaft part of the fpirit of the author. In the fecond place, if we do not render the diftion, we do nothing. Of the laft clafs of authors, fo peculiarly unfa-* vourable for translation, the leail ftubborn are thole whofe principal quality is to handle their language elegantly ; the moil intraftable are thofe whofe man" ner of writing is peculiar to themfelves. The Engliih have tranflated fome of Racine's tra- gedies well : I doubt whether they would tranflate, with the fame fuccefs, Fontaine's fables, the moil original work perhaps in the French language; or Anainte, a paftoral full of thofe details of gallantry and agreeable ftories, which the Italian language is fo well formed to exprefs, and which it mull be left in the in tire pofleflion of; or, in fhort, the letters of madam de Sevigne, fo frivolous as to their fubjeft, and fo feducing by their negligence of ftyle. Some foreigners have miftaken them, not being able to tranflate them. Indeed nothing cuts mort fo many difficulties, as mifapprehenfion. It has been afked, whether poets may be tranflated into verfe, efpecially in our language, which does not admit of blank verfe like the Engliih and Italian, and which will not excufe the want of rhime, either in the tranflator or the poet. Many of our writers, from a paiTion for difficulty, or poetry, have pre- tended, that it is impoflible to give a profe verfion of poets, without disfiguring them, . and fpciling their B 4 pria- 3 REMARKS ON TRANSLATION. principal charms, the meafure and harmony. It re- mains to inquire, whether rendering them into verfe 35 not, properly fpeaking, imitating, and not tranf- lating them. The fingle article of the different har- anony of the two languages raifes an infurmountablo bar againlt tranfiations in verfe. Can it be ima- gined, that our poetry, with its rhrmes, its he- snifticks always alike, the uniformity of its courfe, and, if I durft fay it, its monotony, can reprefent the varied cadence of the Greek and Roman poefy ? and yet the difference of harmony is the leaft ob~ ilacle. Afk fome of our beft poets, who tranfplanted into our language forne of the finelt paflages in Ho- mer and Virgil, how many times they have been forced to fubftitute, in the room of ideas they could not render, ideas of equal dignity taken from their own fund, to fupply imagery by fentiment ; energy of exprefFion, by vivacity of turn ; pomp of har- mony, by ftrength of thought ? Thofe fine verfes of Virgil upon fuicides are well known, Qui iibi leturn Infontes peperere manu lucemque perofi, Projecere animas. They detefl the light, and fling away their live?. The timid genius of our language will not allow this image, though fo noble and animating ; in the room of which one of our great poets has fubilituted thefe pretty verfes 5 Us REMARKS ON TRANSLATION. 9 Us non pu fupporter foibles et furieux, Le fardeau de la vie impofe par les dieux. Furious and weak they fink beneath the weight Of life's fad burthen by the gods impofed. Perhaps it would be difficult to decide the merit of thefe two poets ; but it is eafy to fee, that the French verfes are no tranflation of the Latin. To tranflate poetry into profe, is to turn a meafured air into re- citative : To tranilate it into verfe, is to change one meafured air into another, which is not inferior to it, yet not the fame. The firft a good copy, but feeble ; the fecond is a work upon the fame fubject, rather than a copy. But how mail we be able to do juftice to poets who have written in a foreign lan- guage ? We muft learn it. To bring thefe reflections to a conclusion. If the greatnefs of the difficulty conHitutes the principal merit, then he who tranflates has more merit than he who creates. In men of genius ideas are born without pains-, and the expreffion moil adapted to them fprings up along with them ; to exprefs in our own manner, ideas which are not our own, is almoft intirely the work of art, and this art is the more per- fect as it is the lefs difcovered ; but, let it be ever fo well conceal'd, we know that it exifts ; and for this reafon we prefer originals to works of imitation. Nature will not lofe her claim upon us. The pro- ductions at which ihe alone prefides, are thofc which B 5 tfrike jo REMARKS ON TRANSLATION. ftrike us the mod. Thus fruits in their natural foil, raifed with ordinary culture, and moderate care, are preferred to exotics, which are forced under the fame fun with much pains and induftry. We may tafte the lafl, but we have recourfe always to the firft. However, while we aflign to creative writers the firft rank, which they deferve, it is but juft to place good tranflators next to them, above thofe who hava wrote perhaps as well as poffible without genius. But there is a kind of fatality attached to thofe arts, which confift in altering the drefs of a flrange per- fonage. There are thofe whom we degrade by the 'moft unjuft prejudice. There are thofe to whofe me- rit we do not do fufficient juftice, and the tranflator is certainly among that number.^ This is not the only injuftice which renders their work fo ungrateful, and their number fo fmall ; for, though they nd fufficient difficulties which they can- not furmount, yet we take a pleafure in rivetting their chains, as if it was for the fake of being a bar to their encouragement, and to our own intereft. The firft hardlhip we impofe on them, or rather which they incur themfelves, is, to reft content with being the copyifts, inftead of the rivals, of the au- thors they translate : Superftitioufly devoted to their originals, they look upon it as facrilege, to dare to cmbellilh even pafTages that are feeble ; they dare not be fuperiors, and will not be at the pains to fucceed. It is juft as if an able engraver, in copying the (drawing of a great mailer, ihould forbid himfdf any - fine REMARKS ON TRANSLATION. it fine and delicate touches to hide its faults, or distin- guish its beauties. Obliged, as the translator is, fo often to fall fnort of his author, ought he not to be above him when he can ? It may be objected, that fuch liberty is in danger of degenerating into licentioufnefs. But, when the original is well chofe, the occafions for amendment or embellishment will occur very rarely ; if they are frequent, it is not worth translating. A fecond obstacle, which translators have made for themfelves* is that timidity which flops them, when with courage they dare fwerve from their modeL This courage confifts in Hiking new expreSTions to do juftice to lively and Strong paffages in the original. Thefe liberties ought to be ufed with fobiiety, they ought to be necerTary ; but when does that happen ? Is it in all cafes where the difficulty of translating arifes from the genius of language ? Each has its pe- culiar laws, which ought not to be violated. To /peak Latin in French would be a fantaltical teme- rity, inSlead of a happy boldnefs. But when there is room to believe, the author has adopted an exprei- iion of genius in his own language, then we may feek for a fimilar one. But what is an expreSIion of genius ? It is not a new word dictated by Singularity or idlenefs, but the neceSFary and exa& re- union of fome known terms, to render a new idea with energy. This is almoft the only innovation with which a translator may be indulged, Th 12 REMARKS ON TRANSLATION. The moft indifpenfable condition of ufmg new cxpreffions is, that they mall give the reader no idea of confcraint, though conftraint was the occafion of them. In converting with ftrangers of great fire, who fpeak our language with eafe and boldnefs, we nd, that they think in their own language, and tranilate into ours ; and we regret, that the fingular and forcible terms they make ufe of are not autho- rized by cuftom. The converfation of flrangers (fuppofmg it to be correct) is the image of a good translation. The original ought to fpeak our language not with that fuperftitious timidity which is felt for a native tongue, but with that noble liberty which knows how to em- belliili one language, by borrowing peculiar ftrokes from another. Thus the tranflation will have every quality to render it worthy of efleem ; that eafy and natural air, which is imprinted by the genius of the original, and, at the fame time, that tafte of the foil which a foreign .tincture muft give it. Good tranfiations are the beft calculated for enrich- ing language. This is the ufe I would make of them, which, in my opinion, is more proper, than what is hinted by a famous Satyrift of the laft age, who was as paffionate an admirer of the antients, as he was a fevere, and fometimes unjuft cenfor of the moderns. " The French, fays he, want tafte, and " only the tafte of the antients can form it amongft ' our authors and connoifTeurs ; and good traniia- ( ' tions would give that valuable tafte to thofe who V are not qualified to read the originals." If we want REMARKS ON TRANSLATION. 13 want tafte, I know not where it is fled. It is not, at leaft, the fault of the models in our language, which are inferior to the antients in no refpecls. To men- tion only the dead ; who will dare to place Sophocles above Corneille, Euripides above Racine, Theo- phraftus above Bruyere, or Phaedrus above Fontaine ? Let not our claflical library confift folely of tranfla- tions, nor let us exclude them. They will multiply good models ; they will affift us in underftanding the character of writers, ages, and people ; they will teach us to perceive thofe fhades, which diflinguifh abfolute and univerfal tafte from national. The third arbitrary law t which tranflators are fubje6l, is the ridiculous conftraint of tranflating an author from beginning to end. By this means the translator, fatigued and chilled by the weak paf- fages, languishes in the molt excellent parts ; be- fides, why mould he be put to the torture to give an elegant turn to a falfe thought, or to be nice upon a common idea ? It is not to bring the faults of the antients to light, that we tranfplant them into our language, but to enrich our learning by what is ex- cellent among them. To tranflate them by parcels is not to mutilate them, it is to paint them in profile, and to advantage. What entertainment can there be in a tranflation of that part of the ^Eneid, where the harpies rob the Trojans of their dinner ; or of thofe cold, and fometimes grofs pleafantries, which disfigure the harangues of Cicero ; or of thofe pafr fages in an hiflorian, which prefent nothing intereft- ing to the reader in point of matter or llyle ? Why, in I 4 REMARKS ON TRANSLATION. in iliort, fhould we transfer into another language that which has only graces in its own, like the de- tails of agriculture and paftoral life, which are fo agreeable in Virgil, and fo infipid in all the tranf- lations which have been made of them ? Why fhould not the wife rule of Horace, to ne- glect what we cannot fucceed in, be as applicable to translations as any other kind of writing .* Our learned men would find a confidcrable advan-^ tage, in tranflating by parcels certain works, (which contain beauties fufficient to make the fortune of a number of writers,) whofe authors, if they had a* much tafte as genius, would eclipfe writers of the rfl rank. What pleafure, for inftance, would Se- neca and Lucan give thus opened and tranflated by a mafterly hand ? Seneca, fo excellent to cite, and fo tirefome to read fucceflively forward, who turns round the fame object with a brilliant rapidity ; in this re- fpecl: different from Cicero, who always keeps ad- vancing, though flowly, to his end. Lucan, the Seneca of poets, fo full of mafculine and true beau- ties, but too declamatory, too monotonous, too full of maxims, and too void of images. The only writers who have a title to be tranflated intirely, are they whofe agreeablenefs confifls in their very negli- gence, fuch as Plutarch in his lives of illullrious men, where, quitting and refuming his fubjed every inftant, he converfes with his reader without tiring him. I am led by the preceding to another reflection, which, though it has not a direct relation to the pre- fer REMARKS ON TRANSLATION. i Tent matter, may be ufeful. The authors we can put into the hands of youth in the courfe of iludy are but a fmall number, and of them it is a ftill fmaller part which we can teach them to enter into and underftand ; yet their memory mufl be pro- mifcuoufly charged with good, indifferent, and wretched, juft as this part happens to turn out; while the true beauties, thanks to the little tafte of the ge- nerality of matters, are commonly the leaft noticed. Would it not be infinitely better to feleft, from the different works of each author, the moft excellent pafTages, and to lay before the reader nothing of the antients, but what deferves to be retained ? Thus, they would not only become pofiefied of their thoughts in general, but the beft of them ; they would be acquainted with the ftyle and genius of a great num- ber of their writers ; in fhort, they would have the advantage of cultivating their minds, while they formed their tafte. Such a collection need not be immenfely large, if it was made with choice, and the common term of ftudy would be long enough to render it familiar : We cannot enough recommend it to fome able fcholar, to undertake this work, He ought, however, to have two qualities rarely united, a profound intimacy with the antients, and a free- dom from all fuperltition in their favour. He ought not to be like that enthuiiaflic wodhipper of Homer, who, having undertook to mark all the fine paffages in that great poet, had, in three readings, marked the whole from one end to the other. Could fuch a man flatter himfelf, that he knew the true beautks of Homer, 16 REMARKS ON TRANSLATION. Homer ? or could Homer himfelf have been pleafed with fuch an admirer ? I return to my fubjecl. The principles of tran- lating laid down here are fuch as 1 have followed in rendering different paffagcs of Tacitus. Some of them have already appeared ; and as the public reliih them, and wifh for more, it is to oblige them that I have added a greater number, the fruits of a few moments leifure left me, after fix years of painful la- bour of a different kind. However, I am far from pretending to have extracted all that is remarkable in his works. The prejudices of a tranflator apart, as he is beyond comparifon the greateft hiilorian of antiquity, fo he furnilhes us withmoft pafiages worthy of being fele&ed. Neverthelefs, perhaps this will be fufficient to point out the different kind of beau- ties of which we find models in this incomparable author, who has painted men with fo much energy, truth, and addrefs, afFeding events in fo pathetic a manner, and virtue with fo much fentiment ; whopof- feiTed, in fo high a degree, the true eloquence of ex- prefiing great things fimply ; and who may be re- garded as one of the belt mailers of morality, by that fad, but ufeful knowledge of men, which may be learnt from his works. He is accufed, I know, of giving too bad a portrait of human nature, that is, of fludying it too well ; of being obfcure, which means only, that he did not write for the multitude ; of having too rapid and concife a ftyle, as if it was not the greatefl merit of a writer, to fay a great deal in a few words. It REMARKS ON TRANSLATION. 17 It is impoffible to tranflate a great genius, unlefs k be with vivacity and enthuiiafm ; but, if he be alfo a profound writer, it requires time to ftudy how to render him - r befides, in order to avoid all at once the coldnefs and negligence of fome works of tafle^ it feems necefTary to write quick, and to correct flow. Convinced of thefe principles, I made this effay with rapidity, and 1 reviewed it afterwards with as much, rigor and exaftnefs as I was capable of. The principal thing to which I applied myfelf, was to preferve the precifion, the noblenefs, the brevity of the original, as far as might be permitted for my fmall talents, (with the feeble affiftance of a language fo difficult to manage as ours, fo ungrateful, fo drawl- ing, fo equivocal,) to contend with fuch a writer as Tacitus. In thofe pafTages where it was impoffible to be as clofe as the original, I have broken the ftyle to render it more lively, and to fupply by that means, though imperfectly, that concifenefs I was not capable of attaining. I have attempted, in mort, to render his fpirit where I could not render his words. The pieces I have published are retouch'd in fome places, and the objeft of moil of the alterations has been, to make the alteration more forcible and concife, without de- ftroying the fenfe of the original, or giving any hardnefs and aridity to the ftyle. I have reftored the true fenfe in two or three paflages where I was before miilaken. I have fometimes departed from the fenfe adopted by others, and fometimes from that which has had the fan&ion of a whole mob of commentators and IS REMARKS ON TRANSLATION*. and tranflators; I believe never without good reafons. In general, where the fenfe appeared to me disputable or doubtful, I have always chofe the beft, as there is always reafon to think that is the author's. Some- times, where it was impofllble to give his full mean- ing to common readers, without a multitude of words, I have preferred leaving his beauties to the fagacity of the intelligent reader, to annihilating them by a paraphrafe.- Sometimes, indeed, I have taken the liberty to alter his fenfe a little, when it feemed to prefent an image or idea that was puerile ; for my juft admiration of Tacitus does not blind my eyes to that fmall number of paflages, where he appears to me to fall beneath himfelf. Such, for example, in my opinion, is that part 0f the life of Agricola, where Tacitus oppofes the rednefs of Domitian's- countenance, to the palenefs of the wretches whom he caufed to be executed in his prefence, where he remarks, that this colour being natural, preferved the face of the empejror from the imprefiion of fhame ; a trifling and frivolous circumflance, neither worthy of the genius of the hiftorian, nor the hateful and af- fecting picture he gives of fo many innocent victims, and a tyrant who could lee them expire. Whatever be the reft of the plan I have laid down in this tranflation, I ought not to expect it will be relifhed by all the world. In this fubjedt, more than any other, each reader has, if I may fo fpeak, his peculiar ftandard, or, if you will, his prejudices, to which he expects a tranflator will be conformed. Hence, nothing perhaps is more rare in literature, than REMARKS ON TRANSLATION". t$ than a tranflation generally approved. If it be liked en the whole, how many particulars are there which give a handle to criticifm r I mould think myfelf happy in obtaining the fuf- frage of a final! number of men of letters, who, by an intimate knowledge of the nature of the two laiv- guages, the genius of Tacitus, and the true prin- ciples of translating, are capable of eftimating the pains I have taken ; with refped to thofe who only believe they are, I have nothing to exped, or to demand from them. The only favour I wim to receive from thofe whom I acknowledge to be true judges is, not to confine themfelves to the difcovery of my faults, but to offer jne at the fame time the means of corroding. them. Of all the injuries tranflators have a right to refent, many of which I have already remarked, the prin- cipal is the manner in which they have been accuf- torned to be cenfured. I don't (peak of thofe filly, vague, falfe cri-ticifms, which deferve no attention, J fpeak of cenfure that is not without grounds, and equitable in appearance. Yet even this, I fay, in fubjeds of tranflation, .is not warrantable. We may judge of a free work without referve, and content ourfelves with expofmg its faults in a juft criticifm, becaufe the author was mailer of his plan, of what he ought to fay, arui the manner of faying it ; but the tranilator is in a flate of conftraint on all fides ; Obliged to advance in a narrow and fiippery path, not of his own chufing, and fometimes to throw himfelf cm one fide to efcape a precipice - 9 fo that, to criticife upon 2d REMARKS ON TRANSLATION. tipon him with juftice, it is not fufficient to (hew he has committed a fault, he mufl be convinced, that he could have done better, or as well, without fo doing ; In vain will it be to reproach him, that his tranflation Wants a rigorous juftnefs, if it cannot be proved, thaf he could preferve this juftnefs without ceafing to be agreeable ; in vain will it be to pretend, that he has not given the full idea of his author, "unlefs it can be fhewn, that it was poffible, without rendering the copy feeble and languid. In vain will it be to ac- cufe his tranflation of harfiinefs, if another is not fubilituted in its ftead, more natural and forcible. To correct the miftakes of an author is merit in a common critic, but is a duty in the cenfor of a tran lation. It is not to be wondered at then, if, in this kind of writing, as in all others, good critics mould be as fcarce as good compofitions. And why mould it be fo ? Satyr is fo very convenient ! The generality of readers are lavifh of it to fhew their acutenefs. *Tis true learning alone that gives us a fecurity, I will not fay for being elleemed, but I will fay, for being read. DIS. pISCOURSE BEFORE THE FRENCH ACADEMY. ME ssi E URS> BEING engage4 in abftraft iludies from my youth, and iince obliged to devote myfelf to them by my .adoption into a learned and celebrated Society, I mufl content myfelf with loving and ad- .miring your labours,, The votes you have honoured me with, are not to he imputed fo much to my Writings as to my featiments for you, my zeal for jhe glory of letters, and my attachment to thofe, y/ho, in imitation of your example, render them re- /pedtable by their talents, and their manners. Thefe aje the tit.les which I bring here ; they do me ho- jriour, and they coil me nothing to maintain. But, firs, this is fpeaking too much of myfelf : The firil duty, which gratitude obliges me to, is to forget myfelf, that I may attend to what you are in- terefted in, and partake in that concern you now ex- prefs for the lofs you have fuilained. The biihop of Vannes was only indebted to himfelf for the repu- tation and honours he enjoyed : He was a flranger to the fupplenefs .of addrefs, the bafenefs of intrigue, and all thofe contemptible meafures, which lift men. to dignities by meannefs. He was eloquent and vir- tuous, and thefe two qualities intitled him to epifco- pal hoaours, and your fuffrages, Permi U DISCOURSE BEFORE Permit me to introduce the homage I owe to his memory, "by fome reflexions upon that art for which lie was diftinguiihed. Thefe reflections are drawn from your works, and they are fubmitted to your judgment. Eloquence is the talent of conveying with rapidity and force to the minds of others, thofe fentiments with which we ourfelves are affeded. This fublime talent has its origin in an uncommon fenfibility of what is grand and true. The fame difpofition of mind, which makes us fufceptible of a lively and fingular emotion, is fufficiently qualified to give an external reprefentation of them ; fo that there is no art in eloquence, fmce it requires nothing but to feel. It is not for the fake of- producing beauties, but avoiding faults, that the rules of great matters have been militated. Nature forms men of genius, as fhe forms precious metals in the bowels of the earth, rough, irregular, and allayed with different matter. Art is of no more fervice to genius than it is to me- tals ; it adds nothing to their fubftance, it only fepa- rates that which is foreign, and difplays the genuine work of nature. According tothefe principles, firs, which are yours, nothing can be truly eloquent, but what preferves this character in palling from one language to an- other. The fublime will always be transferred, and often the ilyle. Why do the Cicero's and the De- mofthenes's intered thofe who read them in a dif- ferent language from their own, though mutilated and traveitted > The genius of thofe great men. breathes THE FRENCH ACADEMY. 25 breathes ftill ; and, if I may Co exprefs myfelf, the print of their fpirit cannot be effaced. To be eloquent, without afpiring to the glory of it, nothing more is required, than a genius elevated with great objeds. Defcartes and Newton, (pardon this example in a geometrician who dares to fpeak of eloquence before you) Defcartes and Newton, thofe two legiilators in the art of thinking, whom I n ; of the- Aliobroges, at that time a Roman province : He: came A SHORT ACCOUNT OF, &c. 57 came there to flop the progrefs of the Helvetians r known fmce by the name of Swifs. -When Chrifti- anity was introduced, it became an epifcopal fee, fubjecl to the bifhop of Vienna. At the beginning of the fifth century, the emperor Honorius gave up the government to the citizens, who were difpofTefTed of it again in 5 34, by the French king, When Charlemagne, towards the end of the eighth, century, went to attack the kings of Lombardy, and to deliver the Roman pontiffs from thofe tyrants, (foe which he was rewarded with the imperial crown) he came to Geneva, and made it the general rendezvous of his army. It was afterwards annexed as an in- heritance to the German empire, and Conrad was crowned there in 1034. But the fucceeding em- perors, occupied in more important bulineis, which the reHlefs fpirit of the holy fee was perpetually fur- milling for more than 300 years, overlooked Geneva, which infenfibly mock off the yoke, and became an imperial city, having the biihop for its prince, or rather its chief magiilrate, whofe authority was re- ftrained by that of the citizens. The arms they took from that time were expreffive of this fort of mixed government, an imperial eagle on one fide, there- verfe, a key, reprefenting the power of the church, with this device, " Foil tenebras lux." The city of Geneva {till retains thefe arras, after having renounced the Roman church. They have nothing in common with the papacy, but the keys, which they bear upon their efcutcheoh.; and it I* foni thing iingular, that they retain even thefe, aftcc D 5 having 58 A SHORT ACCOUNT OF having broke, with a kind of fuperftition, every other connection with Rome: They feem to have ima- gined, that the device " Poft tenebras lux," which, as they thought, exprefTed exaftly their religious con- dition, would not allow them to make any alteration in the other parts of their arms. Their neighbours the dukes of Savoy, counte- nanced fometimes by the bifhop, made many attempts upon the liberty of the Genevois, which they bravely repelled, fupported by the alliance of Fribourg and Eerne. It was at that time, that is, about the year 1526, that the council of the two hundred was efta- "blilhed. The opinions of Luther and Zuinglius began then to gain ground ; they had been embraced at Berne, were approved of by the Genevois, and, in 1535? eftablimed among them ; popery was abo- lifhed, and the bifhop, who flill takes upon him the title of bifhop of Geneva, without having any more jurifdiction there, than the bifhop of Babylon has in his diocefe, has been fmce that time refident at Annecy. 4 There is yet to be feen, between the two gates of the town's hall at Geneva, a Latin infcription, in memory of the abolition of the Catholic religion : The pope is there called Antichrift. This expref- fion, which, in the iirft fervours of liberty and inno- vation, might be indulged to that uncultivated age, feems to us, at this time, rather unworthy the philo- fophic fpirit of Geneva. Let us recommend to them to fubftitute, in the ftead of this rude and injuricus memorial, THE GOVERNMENT OF GENEVA. 59 memorial, fomething better, and with more truth and fimplicity. In refpeft to the Catholics, the pope is the head of the true church: To Proteilants, the wifer and more moderate of them, he is a fovereign prince in- titled to refpect, though not obedience ; but, in an age like this, the notion of Antichrift fhould be for- gotten. To maintain their liberty againfl the enterprizes of the dukes of Savoy, and of their own biihops, the Genevois ftrengthened themfelves farther by an al~ Hance with Zurich, but efpecially with France. By thefe they were enabled to refill the armies of Charles Emmanuel, and the treafures of Philip the fecond, a man whofe ambition and defpotifm, cruelty and fuperftition, have loaded his memory with the execrations of all poilerity. Henry the fourth, who had fent 300 foldiers to aid the Genevois, had him- felf foon after cccafion for their afuftance, which proved ferviceable to him during the time of the league, and on other occafions ; aad from Iience the Genevois, as well as the Switzers, derive thofe pri- vileges which they enjoy in France. Defirous of doing honour to their city, the Gene vois invited Calvin amongfl them, who had very de- fervedly gained a high reputation : He was a man of the firil rank in point of learning ; wrote Latin as well as a dead language would allow, and French with a purity very rare in that age. This excellence, which able grammarians admire even now, rendered his writings much fuperior to moll of his own time ; as 60 A SHORT ACCOUNT OF as the works of MefTrs, de Port Royal are diftinguifhed at this day, on the fame account, from the barbarous rhapfodies of their adverfaries and cotemporaries. Calvin, who was an able lawyer, and a wife divine,, though heretical, compofed, in concert with the ma- giftrates, a body of civil and ecclefiaflical laws, which received the fan&ion of the people in the year 3 43, and are become the eftablifhed laws of the re- public. The fuperfluous wealth of the church, which, be- fore the reformation, ferved only to pamper the luxury of the bilhops, and their dependants, was em- ployed in founding an hofpital, a college, and an academy. But the wars, in which Geneva was en- gaged for near 60 years, retarded the progrefs of thc- arts, and of commerce, as well as the fciences. In jine, the ill fuccefs of the efcalade, attempted by the duke of Savoy in 1602, is the epocha of the tran- quillity of this republic. The Genevois repulfed their enemies, who had attacked them by furprize ; and, to deter the duke from attempting fuch kinds of enterprizes for the fu- ture, they ordered three of his principal generals to be hanged. They thought they had a right to treat as criminals and robbers, thofe who attacked their city, without having made any declaration of war ; for this fmgular and modern piece of policy, of inaking war without any declaration, was at that time unkown in Europe ; and though it has been a practice ever fince among the larger Mates, it is too injurious to fmall ones ever to be relillied by them. Puke THE GOVERNMENT OF GENEVA. 6*. Duke Charles having loft his generals, and finding himfelf thus repulfed, gave over all thoughts of making himfelf matter of Geneva. His example ferved for a leflbn to his fucceflbrs ; and, fmce that period, Geneva has been gradually increaling in in- habitants, riches, and improvements, in the bofom of peace. Some inteftine diflentions indeed (the la'lt of which happened in 1738,) have now and then difturbed a little the tranquillity of the ftate, but they have been all happily compofed under the me- diation of France, and the confederate cantons ; and their fecurity againft foreign dangers is now better provided for than ever, by two late treaties ; one con- cluded in 1749 with France, the other in 1754* with the king of Sardinia. It is very remarkable, that a city, which contains fcarce 24,000 inhabitants, and whofe fcattered terri- tory confifls not of 30 villages, fhould be a fovereign ftate, and one of the moft flourilhing cities of Europe ; enriched by her liberty and her commerce, ihe fre~ quently beholds every-thing around her in flames, without having any lhare in the calamity. The events which diflurb the reft of Europe, afford her only an amufing fpectacle, which (he obferves without taking any part in them. Attached to France by treaties and by commerce, to England by commerce and re- ligion, fhe is too prudent to intereft herfelf in the wars that embroil thefe two powerful nations ; me pronounces witk impartiality upon the juftice of their contefts, and judges all the fovereigns of Europe, without flattering, injuring, or fearing them. Tk* 62 A SHORT ACCOUNT OF The city is well fortified, particularly on the fide of that prince from whom it has moft to fear, the king of Sardinia. On the fide of France it is almoft open and defencelefs ; but difcipline is kept up as in a military place, the arfenals and magazines well fur- nifhed, every citizen is a foldier, as in Switzerland and antient Rome : The Genevois are allowed to go into foreign fervice, but the republic does notfur- nifh any ftate with regular bodies of men, nor does it fuffer an inrolment within its own territories. Though the individuals are rich, the government is poor, from that averfion which the people mew to new taxes, how little burthenfome foever. The re- venues of the flate do not amount to ;oo,>co livres of French money ; and yet, by the admirable ceco- nomy with which they are, managed, they are fuf- ficient, and even afford a furplus for extraordinary emergencies. The people of Geneva are divided into four cla/Tes. I. Citizens Who are the fons of burgefles, and born in the city; thefe only, are intitled to any fhare in the magiftracy. 2. BurgefTes Who are the fons of burgefles or citizens, but born in a foreign coun- try or ftrangers, who have obtained the freedom of the city, which the magiilrates have a power to be- ftow : Thefe may be appointed of the general council, and even cf the grand council, called the council of 200. 3. Inhabitants Strangers, who have the permiilion of the magiftrates to live there, but no other privilege. 4. Natives The fons of inhabitants -, thefe have fome privileges their fathers have TH GOVERNMENT OF GENEVA. 63 have not, but are excluded from all mare in the go- vernment. At the head of the republic are four fyndics, the members of which continue only for one year, and cannot be re-elefted till the expiration of four years : To thefe are joined a fmall council, confining of 20 counfellors, a treafurer, and two fecretaries of ftate ; and another corps, which is called the corps of juftice. The daily occurrences which require difpatch, whe- ther of a criminal or civil kind, are the province of thefe two bodies of men. The grand council is compofed of 2^0 citizens, or burgeffes ; thefe determine upon the more impor-' tant affairs of the civil government, grant pardons, coin money, cleft the members of the petit council, and deliberate on what is proper to be laid before the general council, which comprehends the whole body of the citizens and burgefTes, except thofe under 20, bankrupts, and thofe who are rendered infamous : . To this afiembly belongs the legiflative power, the right of making peace and war, concluding treaties, imposing taxes, and electing the principal magiftrates, which is done in the cathedral, with great order and decency, though the number of the electors is about 1500. It is obfervable from this account, that the go- vernment of Geneva has all the advantages, without any of the inconveniences, of a democracy. Every thing is under the direction of the fyndics : All inea- fures for public deliberation proceed from the petit council, and are returned there to be put in exe- cution* 64 A SHORT ACCOUNT OF cution. ^The city of Geneva feems to have taken for its model that wife law of the antient Germans re- corded by Tacitus ; ' De minoribus rebus prin- " cipes confultant, de majoribus omnes ; ita tamen,, ** ut ea quorum penes plebem arbitrium eft, apud " principes prxtradlentur." The civil law of Geneva is almoft intireiy a tran- fcript of the Roman civil law, with fome modifica- tions ; for inftance, a father is not allowed the free difpofal of more than half his fortune, the reft is di- vided equally amongft his children. This law fe-v cures, on one hand, the dependance of the child ; and prevents the injuftice of the father, on the other. M. de Montefquieu, with reafon, calls that an ex- cellent law, which excludes from all public employ- ments thofe who do not difcharge their fathers debts after his death ; and yet with more reafon, thofe who do not pay their own. The degrees of confanguinity, within which mar- riage is prohibited, are not extended beyond thofe of the Levitical law. Thus, germain-coufms are al- lowed to marry, but the prohibited degrees admit of no difpenfation. Divorce is allowed in cafe of adul- tery, or wilful defertion after judicial proclamations. Criminal juftice is executed with more regularity than rigour. The torture, which is now laid afide in moft countries, and Ihould be every-where, as a ufe- lefs cruelty, is abolifhed at Geneva. It is only made ttfe of to criminals under fentence of death, in order to difcover their accomplices, where it is necelTary. The THE GOVERNMENT OF GENEVA. 6$ The perfon accufed has a right to a copy of th& proceedings againfl him) and may require the affift~ ance of his parents, and of an advocate, who is al- lowed eight hours to defend him before the judges* Criminal fentences are pronounced in public by the fyndics with much folemnity. Hereditary dignity is unknown at Geneva : The fons of the firit magiftrate are loft in the crowd, till their own merit diftinguifhes them ; nobility and riches confer neither rank- nor privilege, nor give any facility of advancement to the offices of the ftate. All folicitation for places is ftriclly prohibited : Public employments are fo little lucrative, they af- ford no temptations for the avaricious : They are ob- je&s only to nobler minds r by the confideration and refpeft they procure. Few difputes come to a legal trial, they are gene- rally adjufted by common friends, by the advocates, themfelves, and by the judges. Their fumptuary laws forbid the ufe of jewels and embroidery, limit the expence of funerals, and oblige- all the citizens to walk on foot in the ftreets, car- riages being allowed only in the country. Thefe laws, which are regarded in France as too fevere, nay, almofl barbarous and inhuman, by no means abridge the real conveniences of life, which are al- ways to be obtained at little expence ; they retrench- only the pageantry of it, which contributes not to. happinefs, aiid often produces ruin, without any ad- vantage* There 66 A SHORT ACCOUNT OF There is, perhaps, nowhere fo many happy mar- riages ; Geneva has, in this refpeft, the Hart of our manners atleaft two centuries: The reftraints upon luxury remove the fear of a multitude of children ; and by this means luxury is not, as in France, one of the greateft obftacles to population. Plays are not fuffered at Geneva, not becaufe they difapprove of thefe diverfions themfelves, but they are afraid, it feems, that a turn for drefs, for difli- patiqn and licentioufnefs, mould be introduced among their youth, by fuch entertainments. Is it not pof- fible, however, to remedy this inconvenience, by wife and well executed laws for the conduft of the players ? By fuch means Geneva might enjoy thefe amufements, preferve their manners, and have the benefit of both. Dramatic reprefentations would form the tafte of the citizens, and give them a deli- cacy of feeling, and an elegance of fentiment, which are very difficult to be acquired without this refource. Learning would improve, licentioufnefs would not increafe, and Geneva might unite the wifdom of Sparta, with the politeneA of Athens. There is another confidcration worthy the regard of fo wife and learned a republic, and ought, per- haps, to perfuade them to admit thefe entertainments. That barbarous prejudice again ft the profeffion of a player, that kind of ignominy which we throw upon thefe people, who are fo neceiTary to the progrefs and fupport of the fine arts, is certainly one of the prin- cipal caufes of the irregularities they are reproached with. They feek, in the indulgences of pleafure, fome THE GOVERNMENT OF GENEVA. 67 fome recompence for that want of refpeft, which theif profefTion cannot obtain. A comedian, amongft us, who behaves well, de- ferves a double fhare of refpeft, and yet we fcarce think him intitled to any. The fcribbler, who in- fults the public diftrefs, and fupports himfelf by it ; the courtier, who cringes and bows, but pays no debts ; thefe are a fort of people we honour moft. If comedians were not only tolerated at Geneva, but properly regulated, countenanced, refpecled as the/ deferve; and, in fhort, put upon the fame footing with the reft of the citizens, this city would foon have the advantage of pofleffing what is thought fo rare, and yet is mader fo by our own fault, a company of refpe&able comedians, which would foon become the beft in Europe. Perfons of good tafte, and of a turn for the theatre, who are afraid of hurting their cha- racters with us, by this fort of employment, would refort to Geneva, in order to cultivate, not only with- out reproach, but with refpecl, a talent fo agreeable and uncommon. Refiding here, which many of the French think fo melancholy, from the want of public entertainments, would then be living amongft liberal pleafures, and in the bofom of liberty and philofo- phy ; and ftrangers would no longer be furprifed at feeing, in a place where decent and regular enter- tainments are forbidden, the permiflion of thofe grofs and buffoon farces, which are equally oftenfive to good taile and good manners : This is not all ; in a little time, the example of the comedians of Ge- neva, the regularity of their conduit, and the regard paid 63 A SHORT ACCOUNT OF j>aid to them, would ferve as a model to the come- dians of other nations, and a le/Ton to thofe who have hitherto treated them with fo much rigour, and even Contempt ;- We mould no longer fee them pen- fioned by the government, and anathematized by the church: Our prieits would lofe the habit of ex^ communicating, our citizens of defpifing them; and a frnall republic would have the honour of having re- formed Europe in this point, a more important one perhaps than we are aware of. Geneva has an university, which they call an aca- demy, where youth are educated without expence : The profe/Tors are eligible into offices of Hate Many of them have become magiRrates, and this privilege contributes much to keep up the emulation and fame of the academy. Some years ago they eftablifhed a fchool for defigning. The advocates, fcriveners, and phyficians, form feveral bodies, into/ which none are admitted, till after public examina* tion. All the trading companies have likewife their regulations, their apprenticefhips, and their gover- nors. Their public library is a well chofen collection of books, confifling of fix and twenty thoufand volumes, and a great number of MSS. The books are lent to all the citizens, every one reads and informs himfelf ; and, by this means, the people of Geneva are better inftru&ed than any-wjiere elie. They find none of thofe inconveniences, which we fuppofe would follow the fame indulgence amongfl us ; perhaps the Ge^ nevois and our politicians may both be in the right. Geneva THE GOVERNMENT OF GENEVA. 6* Geneva was the firft, after England, in adopting the practice of inoculation for the fmall-pox, which, has been eftablilhed with fuch difficulty in France; which however is eftablifhed, notwithftanding many of our phyficians ftill oppofe it, as their predece/Tors did the circulation of -the biood, the ufe of emetics, and many other inconteftable truths, and practical improvements. All the fciences, and moft of the arts, have been cultivated with fo much fuccefs at Geneva, that it is furprifing to fee the lift of learned men and artifts of every kind, which this city has produced within the two laft ages. It has even had the good fortune fometimes to be the refidence of celebrated ftrangers* whom its agreeable fituation, and the liberty it en- joys, have invited to retire thither. M. de Voltaire, who has refided there for the laft feven years, finds, among thefe republicans, the fame marks of efteeiri aftd confederation, which he has received from fo many monarchs. The art of making clocks and watches is in great perfection at Geneva ; more than five thousand people are employed in it, that is to fay, more than a fifth part of the citizens. The other arts, agriculture efpecially, are not neglected. Their great care and labour is a remedy againft the natural poverty of the foil. All the houfes are built of frone, which very often prevents fires; affiftance is immediately had, when they da happen, by their admirable regulations for extinguiming fires. 7 o A SHORT ACCOUNT OF The hofpitals at Geneva are not, as in other places, a mere refuge for infirmity and difeafe, the poor tra- veller is hofpitably entertained in them ; and betides, a number of fmall contributions are .received there, and doled out to poor families, to enable them to live, without leaving their homes, or their employ- ments. The hofpitals expend yearly more than treble their revenue : Such is the munificence and cha- ritable difpofition of thefe people. What remains, is to fay fomething of the religion -of Geneva ; a fubjeft more interefting, perhaps, to philofophers than any other : We will therefore enter into this matter with fome particularity, defiring our reader, however, to remember, that we are writing hiftory, not controverfy, and that to relate is not to approve. The ecclefiailical conftitution of Geneva is pure Prefoyterianifm ; no biihops nor canons; Not that they difapprove of Epifcopacy, but, as they have no faith in the divine right of biihops, they think pallors, not quite fo rich and important as biihops, agree better with a fmall republic. The miniilers are either pallors, like our pariih priefls, or poilulans, as .our priefis without benefice. The revenue of the pallors does not amount to above 1200 livres, without any cafual profits : The ftate makes this allowance. The church has nothing. o The miniiters are not admitted till they are 24 years of age, and then not till after very iiricl examinations, ; both of their learning and morals. It were much to fre wiihed our church would follow this example. The THE GOVERNMENT OF GENEVA. 71 The clergy have nothing to do with funerals, it is a mere aft of the police, and is done without any pa- jade : They think at Geneva all pomp on fuch occa- fions ridiculous. They bury their dead in a large cimetery, at a convenient diftance from the city; a cuftom that mould be followed every-where. The clergy of Qeneva are men of exemplary man- ners : The minifters live in great harmony together ; they are never feen, as in other countries, difputing with bitternefs upon fubjefts that are not intelligible; perfecuting one another, accufmg one another inde- cently before the magiftrates : It is necefiary, how- ever, that they agree in thofe articles that are thought .efTential to religion. Moft of them do not believe in the divinity of Chrift, of which Calvin, their chief, was fo zealous a defender, and on which ac- count he had Servetus burned to death. When they are told of this barbarity, which throws a ftain upon jhe charity and moderation of their patriarch, they ido not attempt to defend him ; they acknowledge, that Calvin did a very blameable thing, and they content themfelves (if it is a Catholic they are talking to) with pppofmg to the death of Servetus, the ho:~ rid day of St. Bartholomew (which every honeft frenchman wifhes to blot from our hiflory, even with his blqcd,) and .the puniihment of John Hufs, which die Catholics themfeives, they fay, do not venture to juftify ; where humanity and good faith were equally violated ; and which mould cover the memory of the emperor Sigifnxond with eternal difgrace. ft 73 A SHORT ACCOUNT OF It is no inconfiderable proof of the progress of human reafon, fays M. Voltaire, that it has been al- lowed to fay, in a book printed at Geneva with public approbation,, (An efTay on univerfal hiftory by this author) " Calvin had a bad heart with a good un- del-Handing, the death of Servetus appears at this * l day abominable." We prefume, the encomiums, *lue to this noble liberty of thinking and writing, belong equally to the author, to his age, and to Ge- neva. How many countries are there, in which phi- lofophy has made equal progrefs, but where truth is itill in captivity, where reafon dares not raife her yoice, to reprobate what me condemns in filence, and where too many pusillanimous writers, whom they called learned, pay refpecl: to prejudices, which they iinight remove with equal ctecency and fuccefs. The notion of hell, one of the great articles of our creed, many of the clergy of Geneva do not be- lieve in. They think it injurious to the Deity to fuppofe, that a Being of fo much goodnefs and juilice vihould be capable of ptmifhing our faults with ail eternity of torment. , They explain away, as well as they can, the pa 4ages of Scripture, which exprefsly contradift this opinion, afTerting, that no paftage in the facred books fhould be literally interpreted, againft which hu- manity and reafon revolt. They believe, however, that there are fufFerings in another life, but thefe ^only temporary : Thus Purgatory, which was one of the principal caufes of the feparation of Proteftants from the Roman communion, is the only puniihment they THE GOVERNMENT OF GENEVA. 73 they believe in after death ; Another inftance to be added to the hiflory of human contradictions. In fhort, perfect Socinianifm is the religion of moft of their paftors ; rejecting every-thing that is called myftery, they imagine the firft principle of a religion thaf is true, is, to propofe nothing as an article of faith, that is not reconcileable to reafon : Thus, when they are urged with the neceflity of revelation, fo e- fential a doftrine of Chriftianity, they fubftitute the term of utility, which they like better. In this, if they are not orthodox, they are at leaft confident with their own principles. A clergy, who think In this manner, mould have a fpirit of toleration, which is a fufficient reafon to make them regarded with an evil eye by the minifters of other reformed churches : One may venture to fay, however, without intending to approve in other re- fpedls the religion of Geneva, that there are few countries where the theologians and ecclefiaftics are greater enemies to fuperftition ; on the other hand, as intolerance and fuperilidon ferve only to multiply unbelievers, there are fewer complaints at Geneva, than in other places, of the progrefs of infidelity ; which is not to be wondered at. Religion there is confined almoft intirely to the adoration of one God, at leaft among thofe who are not of the multitude ; a reverence for Chrift, and for the Scriptures, are perhaps the only points that diftinguifh. from pure Deifm the Chriftianity of Geneva. Toleration is not the only good quality of the ec- clefiaftics; obferving ftriftly the duties of their fun&ion, E they 74 A SHORT ACCOUNT OF they are the firft in giving the citizens an example of fuhmiffion to the laws. The .confiftory, eftablifhed to fuperintend their con-duct, inflict only fpiritual pu- nifhments. The difFering interefts of church and Hate, which, in times of ignorance, have lhaken the crowns of fo many emperors, and which we know but too well have been the caufe of dreadful cala- mities even in more enlightened ages, are quite un- known .at Geneva. The clergy do nothing without the approbation of th.e .magi (bates. Their worfhip is fimple and plain ; no images, no /lights, no ornaments in their churches. They have JAift ROW new- fronted their cathedral in a good tafte, pei haps, in a little time, they may decorate the in- N fide of their churches : Where, indeed, Ihould be the inconvenience of having pictures and llatues, direct- ing the people, if they "thought proper Jiot to pay any worlhip to them, to regard them only as memo- rials intended to reprefent, in a Striking and agreeable manner, the great events of religion ? Superilition would cot be encouraged by this, .and the arts would improve. V/e fpeak here as the reader would think, on the principles of the Genevois clergy, not on thofs of the Catholic faith. Their church fervice confifls of fermons and hymns ; their fermons are in a great meafure confined to fub- jefts of morality, by which they are fo much the bet- ter.; *heir finging is in a wretched taile, and die French verfes they fing frill worfe : One would hope they will make forne .reform in this refpeft. They lately placed an organ in the cathedral, and per- haps, THE GOVERNMENT OF GENEVA. 7$ "haps, in time, may perform the religious worlhip in- bv'cter language," and with better mufic. In other re- fpefts, truth obliges us to fay, the Supreme Being is worihipped at Geneva with a decency and fobriety not to be found in our churches. We fhould not probably have faid fo much, if we had been writing upon the government of a great monarchy. In the eye of philofophy, the republic of bees is not lefs interefting than the hiflory of a mighty kingdom ; and perhaps it is only in little Hates that we can find a perfect model of political government. If religion will not allow us to think the Genevois have taken the beft means to fecure the kappinefs of another life, reafon obliges us to con- fefs, they are almoil as happy as they can be hi this.- O fortunatos minium fua il bona norint ! E 2 'HE THE AfitJSE OF CRITICISM IN RELIGION* Qusc caput a call regionibus oftendebat. FAther Laubruflel, an author of little note, and lefs merit, publifhed a work, which has been long fi nee forgot, with the fame title that this bears. His aim was to revenge religion of thofe impo- tent attacks which infidelity and herefy have made againft it. The enterprise was very laudable, and it is to be lamented that he was not more happy in the execution of it ; and that he has fo frequently fubftituted declamations and injuries in the room 6f reafoning ; however, without approving his logic, we may reckon fomething to the account of his zeal, if zeal ought to cover a multitude of trifles, as charity a multitude of fins. The object we have in view is very different from this, but not lefs ufeful, and we mail endeavour to execute it better. It is to vindicate philofophers from the re- proach of impiety with which they have often been unjuftly charged, by afcribing to them fentiments not their own ; giving forced interpretations to their words ; drawing from their principles odious and falfe confequences which they difavow ; in a word, by fligmatizing as criminal,, or dangerous, opini- ons which Chriflianity has no.t forbid. Among the innumerable abufes with which criticifm may be reproached, there is none more pernicious than that we are complaining of : it is highly neceiTary therefore THE ABUSE OF, &cv 77 therefore we mould pull ofF the mafk, and difcoun- tenance it. The importance of this fubjeft, perhaps, would require a confiderable work ; the reflexions I am going to lay before the reader are but a plan or {ketch ; may they meet with the approbation of thofe fages who equally underfland the rights of faith and reafon ; may this fcheme of an apology be cfteemed and adopted by fojne of our celebrated writ- ers, more worthy and more capable of executing it than myfeif. II. The firft duty either in defending truth or en- quiring after it, is to be jujl ; we will begin with ac- knowledging that the advocates for Chriflianity have fome reafon to be appreheniive for it, at leafl as far as they ought to be for that whic& is not the produc- tion of man. It is not to be diiTembled that Chri- flianity is ncw-a-days indecently attacked in a great number of writings. It is true the manner in which it is commonly done, is fufrkient to iktisfy thofe who might be alarmed by the attack. The defire to lay aiide all the reibraint of pafilon, and the va- nity of thinking different from the multitude, have made more unbelievers than the illufions of fophifm, if indeed we are to include in the number of un- believers all thofe impious perfons who only wifh to appear fo, and, as Montaigne fays, would fain be worfe than they are able. Such a mower of arrows: fhot from all fides againfl Chriflianity, has thrown fome of our moft pious writers into confternation. Engaged to fuftain- the caufe and honour of religion, E 3 which 7 3 THE ABUSE OF which they believe to be in danger, becaufe they fee it outrageoufly befet, they lie in ambufh, if I may fa fpeak, to furprife infidelity in every new book, and it muft be confefled, that they have found out a fad and plentiful crop : but fome among them, like foldiers tranfported by an impetuofity of courage and ardour beyond their rank, expofe themfelves to be attacked in flank ; and in the vehemence of their zeal and their refearches, betray an indifcretion dan- gerous to their caufe. When they have not been able to find real impieties, they have been obliged to forge imaginary ones, to have the honour of -com- bating them. They have fuppofed intentions when crimes have been wanting, and have gone fo far as to accufe filence itfelf. " Socrates, faid-a Roman, I am attacked on account ' of my words, becaufe I am innocent in my actions. " So might one of our philofophers fay, I am attacked on account of my thoughts, becaufe I am irreproach- able in my words. Dionyfius, the tyrant of Syra- cufe, put to death one of his fubjecls who had con- fpired againft him in a dream. There is feldom wanting a falfe zeal to carry injuflice ilill further than credit or power. The tyrant puniilied dreams ; the enemies of philofophy fuppofe them, demand the blood of the guilty, and it is but rare that they have not obtained it, to the mame of reafon and hu- manity. III. Nothing has been more common than the charge of irreligion brought againft learned men by thofe who have no pretenfions to philofophy. Pericles had fcarce CRITICISM IN RELIGION. 79 fcarce credit enough to fave Anaxagoras, accufed of atheifm by the Athenian priefts, for having pre- tended, that the univerfe was governed by one Su- preme Intelligence, according to general and inva- riable laws. The aftfes of Socrates were Hill fmoak- ing, when Ariitotle, being cited by fanatical ene- mies before the fame judges, was forced to Ihun pef- fecution by flight. " We m nil not expofe, fly s he", " phiiofophy to a fecond injury." The fuperftitious Athenians, who applauded the impiety of Ariflophan'es, suffered him to turn the objects of their worfhip into ridicule, and would not fufter any other to be fub- flituted in their ftead. No-body was forbid to fpeak of the Divinity among the Greeks, but thofe only who were capable of doing it worthily. But with- out riling fo high as the age of Anaxagoras, So- crates and Ariftotle, let us confine ourfelves to what is paffing in our own, IV. The famous jefuit Harduin, oneof thefirflmen of his age for the depth of his erudition, and one of the laft for the ridiculous ufe he made of it, had cnce the extravagance to compofe a piece on pur* pofe'to put under the ban of atheifm, without fhamc or remorfe, refpeftable authors, many of whom had fjlidly proved the exillence of God in their writ- ings ; an abfurdity well worthy of a vifionary, who pretended that moft of the beft works of antiquity were compofed by monks of the nth century. This pious fceptic in attacking, as he did, the certainty of almoft all hiilorical monuments, deferved more t'iaa any man the name of an enemy to religion, E 4 if Po THE ABUSE OF if his opinions had not been too ftupid to have any followers. " His folly, fays a celebrated writer, *' takes away the heinoufnefs of his calumny; but *' thofe who repeat this calumny in our age, are ** not always reckoned fods, and they are often very " dangerous." Naturally intolerant in their opini- ons, however indifferent they are in themfelves, thefe men feize with eagernefs every thing which may ferve for a pretext to render theif opinions refpeclable. They want to conned with Chriftianity the mcft con- tentious metaphyfical queftions, and the moft arbi- trary fiyflems of philofophy. In vain does religion, fo ilmple and precife as it is in its doclrines, rejec"l conilantly an alliance which difhonours it ; it is on account of this imaginary alliance that it has been imagined to have been attacked in thofe works where there is not the leaft fufpicion. Let us enter into a detaii with -relation to this point, and ihew with what injuftice the wifeft and mofl refpedlable philo- fophers have been treated on a fubjec~l of fuch im- portance* V. Give me matter and motion and I will make a world, faid Defcartes once, and after him one of his followers. This proportion, which has been regarded as injurious to God, is, perhaps, the fublimell thing which philofophy has pronounced of the glory of the Supreme Being ; a thought fo profound and fo great could only come from a great genius, who, on one ilde, perceived the necefiity of an Almighty Intelligence to give exiftence and impulfe to matter, and who perceived, on the other, the fimplicity and the CRITICISM IN RELIGION. 81 the variety not lefs to be admired of the laws of motion ; laws, by virtue of which the Creator has included ail events in the firft, as their feed, and need nothing to produce them but a word, according the fublime language of Scripture. This is all that the proportion of Defcartes can mean, to one who is difpofed to underftand it ; but the enemies of rea- fon, who only perceive the worki of the Supreme Be- ing in miniature, and who offer him a worlhip that is rigid, pusillanimous, and bounded like themfelves, difcern nothing in the purer and fublimer homage of philofophy, but a proud fabricator of fyftems, who feems to wiih to put himfelf in the place of the Di- vinity. VI. The Newtonians admitted a vacuum and at- traction; this was very near the phyfic of Epicurus; now this philofopher was an atheift, and therefore the New- tonians muft be the fame ; fuch is the logic of one of their adverfaries. Notwithftanding, it is true that no philofophy is more favourable to the belief of the be- ing of a God than Newton's. For how mould the particles of matter, which have no action themfelves, be able to tend towards one another, unlefs this ten- dency was excited by the Omnipotent will of a So- vereign Mover ? A Cartefian atheift is one who is miftaken in his principles ; a Newtonian atheift would be fomething worfe, a philofopher who draws falfe conclufions. VII. " When I lift up my eyes to heaven, faid an M impious man, I believe I fee traces of the Divinity, " but when I look around me" Look within you, E 5 one 2 THE ABUSE OF. one might anfwer, and woe be to you if* that proof is not fufficient. Indeed nothing elfe is neceffary but to defcend into ourfelves, to difcover the workman- fhip of a Sovereign Intelligence which has given us exigence, and has preierved us in it. That exigence is a prodigy which cannot ftrike us too much, becaufe it is a continual one. It brings back to our mind every inftance of a Supreme Power on which we de- pend. But the more fenfible the impreffion of his acting is upon ourfelves and all furrounding objects, the more inexcufable are we in feeking it in minute and frivolous objects. A learned in an, of modern times, who was fo perfuaded of the exiilence of God, that he 'has inveftigated and given new proofs of it ; neverthelefs thought it is his duty to attack certain pu- erile, and even indecent arguments, by which certain authors have attempted to efiablim this great truth, but in reality have only injured and degraded it. This phi- lofopher took thofe weapons out of the hands of atheifts, which the weaknefs of thefe authors lent them ; would one expect he mould be charged with furniihing them ? yet this is what thofe ignorant or treacherous cenfors have been fofcandalous as to reproach him with. Thus the illuftrous Boerhaave was once accufed of Spinozifm > becaufe having heard that this fyftem was badly at- tacked by fome unknown perfon more orthodox, he afked him, if he had read what he was going to con- fute. VIII. The fame philofopher, too eafily moved by the differences of certain fcholailics about the arguments for the exiilence. of God, has pretended, that the proofk CRITICISM IN RELIGION. 83 proofs, on which it refls, are not, properly fpeaking, demonilrations ; that they turn only upon very great probabilities, and that they derive their invincible force from their multitude and their union. We are far from believing that no proof of th-e being of God is rigoroufly demonflrative, but we are not the more difpofed therefore to tax with atheifm thofe who think otherwife. The exigence of Cxfar is not de- monitrated like the theorems of geometry ; is that a reafon for entertaining the leaft doubt about it ? Li an infinity of matters, many arguments may form in the mind, by their concurrence, a conviction as ftrong as that which fprings from demonflradon, tho' each particular in itfelf is only probable, as a con- currence of teflimonies in the fupport of a facl pro- duces a certainty as irreverftble as that of geometry, though of a different kind. This is what Pafcal has before remarked on the proof of the being of God ; and was Pafcal ever fufpefted of doubting this truth ? The enemies of that great man have faid, that it was a fufiicient anfvver to his 18 provincial letters to re- peat i& times that he was a heretic, but they never once dared to fay that he was an atheift. IX. Some writers have maintained that the explicit anddiftind notion of the creation, is not to be found cither in the Old or New Teftament. This after- lion has been attacked as impious ; it would have been more natural t have diicufied this point by an examination of the pafiages themfelves, and this ex- amination would not have been difficult ; but what- ever fide we take, it feems to me that faith has nothing to $4 THE ABUSE OF to fear ; this needs fome explication. The creation* as the theologians themfelves confefs, is a truth which reafon itfelf teaches, a neceflary effect of the exiftence of a firft Being. This notion then is of the number of thofe which revelation fuppofes, and upon which there is no occafion for it to fpeak in an ex- prefs and particular manner. It is fufficient that the facred books affirm nothing in contradiction to it. It is on this account we do not accufe them ; and when fome of the ancient Chriftian fathers, as it is pretended, did not exprefs themfelves with fufficient clearnefs on the fubjecl: of creation, is it a reafon for believing they thought matter to be eternal ? X. The opinion which has been attributed to two or. three fathers upon the nature of the foul, has raifed the fame clamour, and deferves the feme anfwer. If we may believe different critics, thofe fathers had not very diftinft ideas about the fpirituality of the thinking principle, and feemed to have made it ma- terial. The pretenfion, however, of thefe critics, whether well or ill-founded, has furnimed a handle to accufe them of that rnaterialifm they attribute to. others ; for, now-a-days, materialifm, which we fee every where the hydra, has feven heads to combat ; but if two or three ecclefiafUcal writers have been in an error, which we do not pretend to determine, what has this miftake to do with religion ? are the philo- fophical pro >fs for the fpirituality of die foul lef& convincing ? cannot we allow the full force to thefe proofs which Defcartes firft inveftigated and explained, and believe, that fome of the fathers of the church were CRITICISM IN RELIGION. 85 were not acquainted with them ? But, fay they, thofe who maintain that the diftindl idea of creation is not to be found in the Scripture, nor the fpiritaalit/ of the foul in the ancient do&ors^ do it only becaufe they pretend that the world is eternal, and the foul matter. If they pretend this, they ought to be con- vinced of the contrary,- nothing is more neceflary or more juft ; but it mould teem not to be the likelieft way that can be chofe to mifreprefent them, efpe- cially when they acknowledge, as many have done in the moft exprefs terms, thofe two truths which they are charged with calling in queition. XI. It is not enough to Hand up againft impiety, we muft not be miftaken in the kind of impiety we at- tack. " I am accufed, faid a Tyrrhenian one day, of " materialifm. This is juft as if a Conftitutionary " mould be accufed of Janfenifm; if I was to doubt, " it would rather be upon the exiflence of matter than " of thought. I know nothing of the former, but 4< from the equivocal report of my fenfes ; and I know ** the other by the infallible teftimony of interior fen- ' timent ; my own thought affures me of the exirt- " ence of a thinking principle. The idea which I '* have of body and extenfion is much more uncertain '* and obfcure, and upon this objeft I only entertain *' a reafonable fcepticifm. Thus inftead of being a '* materialift, I am inclined to deny the exiftence of *' matter, at lead fuch as my fenfes reprint to me ; '* but it appears to me wifer to be filent and to " doubt." The 86 THE ABUSE OF The name of materialift (I cannot help repeating itj is become now-a-days a kind of war-hoop; it is a qua- lification which is indifcriminately applied to all kinds of unbelievers, and even to thofe whom we want to iligmatize as fuch. in all religions, and in all times, fanaticifm has not plumed itfelf, either upon equity or juftice : Jt has given to thofe, whom it wanted to damn, not the names they deferved, but thofe which would do them moft hurt : Thus, in the primitive times, the Pagans- gave all Chriilians the name of Jews. XII. During the reign of the Ariftotelian philofophy, that is, for many ages, it was believed, that all our ideas came from the fenfes ; and it could not be ima- gined, that an opinion, fo conformable to reafon and experience, mould ever be regarded as dangerous. It was even forbid, on pain of death, to teach a contrary doctrine. The pumfhment was, it mufbbe confefTed, a little hard, whether our ideas are derived from fenfe or not. It is right all the world ihould live ; but the prohibition and the penalty prove the religious at-' tachment of our fathers to an antient opinion, " that " fenfation is the fource of all knowledge." Def- eartes came, and faid, " The foul is fpirkual : Now, ' what is a f^iritual being without ideas ? The foul < therefore has ideas from the inflant its exigence " commences, that is, it has innate ideas." This reafoning, joined to the attraction of a new opinion, feduced many fchools ; but they went farther than their mafter. From the fpirituality of the foul, Def- cartes concluded innate ideas ; one of his difciples concluded CRITICISM IN PvELTGION. '.87 concluded more, that to deny innate ideas, was to deny the fpirituality of the foul - r perhaps they would have made innate ideas an article of faith, if they could have diffembled, that this pretended truth was only difcovered in the laft century. We have feen theologians carry their extravagance fo far,, as to maintain, that the opinion, which unites our ideas to our fenfations, endangers the myftery of original fin, and the grace of baptifm. It is thus, that the moll inconteltable maxims in philofophy and the ma- thematics have been attacked, under pretence of their feeming oppoiltion with fome dodrine of faith : Befides, is it impoflible to combat innate ideas, by the fame weapons of religion which eilablifhed it ? Muft not an infant, who has the idea of God, as the Cartefians pretend, from the breaft, and even from the womb, alfo know the duties owing to God, which is contrary to the firft principles of religion and common fenfe ? Will any one fay, the idea of God exifts in infants, without being developed ? But what are ideas which the foul poflefTes without knowing them, and the things which it knows without thought, and yet is obliged to learn afterwards, as much as if it had never known them ? A fpiritual being, fome may fay, muft necefTariiy have ideas from the mo- ment it exifts. It is eafy to anfwer, that this being, in the firft moments of its exigence, may be confined to fenfation ; that a' capacity of thinking is fufficient to conflitute it immaterial, fince that power,, by the confeffion of all divines, belongs only to a fpiritual fubftance. But further, to decide in what fpirituality confiH:> 88 THE ABUSE OF confifls, and whether it be the nature of a fpiritual being to think, or even to perceive always, what di- ftincT: idea have we of the nature of the foul ? Let us afk Malebranche, who will not be fufpecled of con- founding mind with matter. In fine, it is by our fenfes that we have the knowledge of corporeal fub- ftance : It is therefore through their means, that we have been taught to regard it as incapable of will and fenfation, and confequently of thought : From thence refult two confequences ; the firfl, that we owe to our fenfations and reflections the knowledge we have of the immateriality of the foul; in the fecond place, that the idea we have of fpirituality is ne- gative, which teaches what a fpiritual being is not, without informing us what it is f it would be pre- fumption to think otherwife, and weaknefe to believe we muft think otherwife to be orthodox. The foul is neither matter nor extenfion, and yet it is fomething ; though grofs prejudice, fortified by habitude, leads us to judge, that what is not matter is nothing. See where philofophy conducts us, aad where it leaves us 1 XIII. That ftraage madnefs, of wifhing to convert into doctrines the mofl groundlefs opinions concerning the foul, is not peculiar to our age. We will relate only a tingle example. Hincmar, archbifhop of Rheims, who got Gothefcale fo well fcourged at the council of Quercy, while it was proving that Gothefcale was blameable, procured the condemnation of one John Scot Erigones, who, among many real errors, main- tained, that the foul was not in the body. It is dif- ficult CRITICISM IN RELIGION. 89 cult to conceive in what this pretended herefy could confift ; for it is the property of the body only to be in one place rather than in another; and, if they had been as vigilant againft materialifm in the 9th cen- tury as at prefent, John Scot would have had a good chance for accufing his adverfary. The foul is united to the body in a manner altogether unknown to us, and inexplicable by all the dark metaphysics of the fchools ; but, in the time of Hincmar, they were too ignorant to know how to doubt. XIV. If the philofopher, always obliged to exprefs himfelf clearly, ought not to allow himfelf any improper exprelfions on fo delicate a fubjeft, he ought not to condemn too lightly, and without explication, equi- vocal expreflions on a fubjeft which is likewife fo obfcure, and which gives us fuch little hold to rea- foning and to language : For example, an author, who fhould fay now-a-days, that the foul " is efTen- *' tially the fubftantial form of the human body,'* would at leaf* be fufpedled of materialifm. Never* thelefs, whoever mould advance fuch a proportion, would only repeat the firft canon of the general council of Vienna. The truth is, the word form is a vague term, to which the fathers of the council un doubtedly applied a catholic fenfe, and confequently r we may be permitted to ufe it, if we fix the fame fenfe to it. In a modern work this canon is mentioned and ex- plained, to prevent the abufe the materialifls of our days might make of it. This apologift might repent him of his zeal, if a good aftion mould be repented of; $o THE ABUSE OF of; for, notwithftanding the ferious and fimple ton^ of his defence, he has been foolifhly accufed of an intention to turn into ridicule the doctrine of the cecumenic council. XV, This is not the only example of equivocal ex- preffions ufed differently in the fchools, or even adopted now-a-days by whole feds of philofophers. Male- branehe, and his difciples, called God, the Univerfal Being. The Spinoziib would not exprefs themfelves otherwife. The Scotifls allow God to be extended^ eternal, immenfe, immoveable, indivifible; and it is only by involving themfelves in an obfcure jargon, that they defend their making him corporeal, or at lead extended : Neverthelefs, it would be unjuft to accufe Malebranche of Spinozifm, or the Scotiils of confounding God with fpace. Why fhould not the fame indulgence be fhewn to men as little inclined to deceive as they ? And it is the more equitable, as there is no fubject where an intention to injure finds more plaufible pretences of exerting itfelf, than re- ligion. Expreflions that are innocent in themfelvea, cr in the fenfe affixed to them by their author, are often made fufceptible of an erroneous or dangerous fenfe, efpecially when feparated from that which goes before, and that which follows. To convince us of this, it is fuincient to caft our eyes upon the innu- merable abufes, which error has made of Scripture expreflions. XVI. The metaphyfical opinions of the philofophers have not been the object of a thoufand declamations only, their fy Items too, concerning the formation and ay- rang: meat CRITICISM IN RELIGION. 91 rangement of the univerfe, have met with the fame fate. Matter is not eternal ; it muft have begun therefore to exiit ; here is a point where we may dif- fer : Has God ranged in order the different particles of matter from the time that he created them, or was it a greater or lefler time that chaos continued, before the feparation of the particles ? here philofpphers may be divided. Indeed, if there be nothing in body but figure and motion, as found philofophy intimates, what difficulty is there in fuppofing, that the Supreme Being, after creating matter, and forming it inftantly into a fingle, homogeneous mafs, apparently ihape- lefs, fhould imprefs upon its different particles that movement, which is necefTary to feparate, or bring them to one another, and produce by this means dif- ferent bodies ; and that light, ftars, animals, and plants, fpring from this great operation, the work of the eternal Geometrican, in that fucceffion and time the Creator prefcribed ? This grand and noble idea, fo far from being a contradiction to divine power and goodnefs, ferves to difplay them before our eyes. Befides, the exiflence of chaos, before the feparation of its particles, is an hypothecs necefTary to the phy- fical explanation of the formation of the terreftrial globe. The Supreme Being had power, at the fame inftant, to create and arrange the world, without having for- bid the philofopher from inquiring, in what manner he might have produced it in a longer time, and by virtue of laws of motion eftabliihed by the Author of nature. The fyflem of this philofopher may be more or $2 THE ABUSE OF or lefs confident with phenomena, but the naturalifl, not the theologian, muit judge him. Thus the New- tonians, to explain the figure of the earth, fuppofed that it was originally a fluid. Thus Defcartes thought it once a fun, obfcured by a thick cruft which co- vered it; an hypothecs which has occasioned as much pitiable chicanery among divines, as folid objections among philofophers. XVII. No natural philofopher now-a-days doubts, that the fea has covered a great part of the earth. It appears impoflible to attribute folely to the deluge all the veitiges which remain of fo antient an inunda- tion ; this opinion has been attacked, as contrary to Scripture : We need only open the book of Geneiis, fo fee how unjuft fuch an imputation is, "On the third " day God faid, let the waters afTemble together in one " place ; and there was dry land." Has this pafTage any need of a commentary ? Perhaps we might find, in the fame chapter, proofs of the exigence of chao* before the formation of the world, if we had not al- ready obferved it is of no confequence to religion^ provided that we do not maintain the eternity of chaos. But we cannot omit, without cenfure, on this occafion, the bad judgment of a modern critic. The illuftrious hiilorian of the academy of fciences, in one of his extracts, faid, thatfifh were thefirft inhabit* ants of our globe : The cenfor inveighs with all his might againft the impiety, not believing that he had Scripture for his voucher. Confult Genefis, and we find, that he either wants honelty or memory, for we there read, that CRITICISM IN RELIGION. 93 that fifh were in reality the firil animals that were created. X VIII. No perfon is ignorant, that the pafTage in the book of Jofliua, which has been both injudicioufly at- tacked and defended, was the caufe-of Galileo's misfor- tunes. " Wherefore, fay your quick geniufes, did Jofhua *' order the fun to Hand ftill, inilead of commanding " the earth? What difficulty could there be for an ** author, who pretends to be infpired, to defcribe " things as they really are ? Why mould the Holy " Spirit, which dictated the Scriptures, lead us into " a phyfical error, while it clears up our duty $** " You ought to believe, anfwer .the inquifitors on -** the other hand, that the fun turns round the earth ; *' the Holy Spirit, which ought to know, aiTures you " of it, and it cannot deceive you." One might reply to them both, that, in indifferent matters, the Scripture makes ufe of -the language of the people. But this anfwer is not fufficient j it feems to me, that, in order to confound the impiety of one fide, and the \veaknefs of the other, we fhould add, that the Scripture mull fpeak the language of the people, in order to be underflood ; that a miffionary, preaching among favages in this manner, " I announce to you, " that God, who makes the earth we inhabit roll 41 round the fun," would engage no attention to his difcourfe. It is necefTary for us to hold another kind of language to induce them to hear us ; we muft imi- tate, in fome meafure, the example t>f him, who had recourfe to a fable to difpofe the Athenians to liilen to him. In a word, we ihould firit of all make them Chrilttans ; 94 THE ABUSE OF ChrifUans ; and afterwards, if we pleafe, or if we can, make them aitronomers. When they are fuch, they will not 'leek for fyftems of the world in ill-under- flood paflages of Scripture ; and, in forming their opinions, they will prefer the obfervatory, to the holy office. They will be like the king of Spain, who, as Pafcal informs us, chofe rather to believe the antipodes on the authority of Columbus, who came from thence, than rejedl them, on account of pope Zechariah, who never had been there. Let us j-efpecl Scripture fo as never to ufe it profanely ; and let us leave madam Dacier to juitify the talking of Achilles's horfes in Homer, by the difcourfe of Ba- laam's afs. XIX. Opinions purely metaphyilcal, and fyflems concerning the formation of the world, have not fur- nifhed the only pretences for arraigning philofophers ; calumny has neglected nothing that might conduce to the fame purpofe. Can one refrain from fentiments of pity or indignation, to fee one of our moil cele- brated writers accufed of impiety by journalifts, for having faid, that Jordan is but a fmall river, that Paleftine was, at the time of the crufades, what it is now, one of the moft barren countries of Alia ? Critics accumulate paffages of Scripture to prove, that it was very fertile in Joihua's days : But what do all thefe pafTages prove of this place in the time of Saladin, or of its prefent flate ? Why may not God have avenged the death of Chrift, by turning its riches and abundance into fterility ? Or rather, (for the fimpleil explanations are always the beft) \vhy may CRITICISM IN RELIGION. 95 trray not a country, enflaved and unpeopled, become barren by that very depopulation ? But, when they are determined to make a writer fufpecled, every- thing is impiety in his lips ; his proofs of the being of God are treated as fophifmsj his arguments in fa- vour of .religion,, as pleafantries levelled againft it. Let him write againft fuperftition and fanaticifm, it is Chriftianity he aims at : Does he plead for the civil toleration of every religion, it is only to ihew his indifference to all. XX. Give me, faid Fontenelle, in his hiftory of ora- cles, but half a dozen men who are capable of being per- fuaded, that it is not the fun which makes the day, and I will not defpair of bringing all nations, by their means, into the fame belief. If any-thing in the world is inconteftable, it is aiTuredly this propofition, of which the abfurd religions of Afia and Africa fur- r.iih but too melancholy and linking a proof. What have the cenfors of the hiftory of oracles made of this ? " Why it only wanted half a dozen more, fay " they, to make it an impious affertion." The im- piety, however, is intirely their own ; for, if half a dozen were capable of feducing mankind into error, does it follow, that twelve different perfons .could not lead them into truth ? In what refpefts can the many juft and folid obfervations, which have been made in modern times, upon prejudice, credulity, falfe pro- phecies, and falfe miracles, affect thofe invincible Arguments by which true religion is fupported ? XXI. The fathers of the church, the fir.it defenders of jChriflianity, did not diftruft in this manner the gocd- nefs $6 THEABUSEOF nefs of their c&ufe. They were not afraid of ob- jections, nor open day ; they were ignorant of falfe attacks, and pufillanimous precautions. Many wri- ters of our days, worthy to follow them in fo noble a career, have imitated their example ; but if the re- fpeclable caufe of the gofpel has had its Pafcals and Bofluets, it has likewife had its Chaumeiux and its Garafle's. XXII. The abufe of criticifm in religious matters is pernicious to religion itfelf on many accounts ; for the diiingenuity and trifling with which a good caufe it fometimes defended; for the confequences drawn by the multitude from the vague charge of irre- ligion brought againit the philofophers, for the mo- tives which have induced men, pretendedly good, to declare war againfl reafon ^ in fliort, from the little union, and reciprocal animofity, of its adverfaries ; each of thefe obje6U merits a feparate article, and we will devote a few moments to them. XXIIL The Encyclopedia will furnim us with the fub- jec~l of the firfl article. Under fubflantial forms we men- tioned the argument of the Cartefians againfl the fouls of beafts, drawn from this principle of St Auftin, that, *' under a juft God, no creature could fufFer, 4< who had not deferved it;" an argument well known in the fchools, which Malebranche has availed himfelf of with much force ; and which fenfible phi- lofophers and divines have always looked upon as very difficult to confute. In explaining this argu- ment, it was remarked at the fame time, that this was at mofl an objection, which ought not to hurt thofe CRITICISM IN RELIGION. 97 thefe proofs, there are of the fpirituality of the foul, of its immortality, and of Divine juilice and pro- vidence. What has one of the adverfaries of the Encyclo- pedia made of this ? He has pretended, that the only defign of this article was to ridicule this prin- ciple of St. Auftin ; and to prove it, they have con- cluded from the principle, that he looked upon brutes as machines, an opinion very far from the good doctor's thoughts, and the honour of which folely belongs to his pretended apologift. Thus it is not the Encyclopedia, but its ridiculous adverfary, who accufes one of the moft refpe&able fathers of the church of abfurdities and falfe conclufions, and in this manner it is that religion is defended. Accord- ing to this new apoflle, it is not poffible to be Chrif- tians without believing brutes to be machines. Thus from St. Peter, to Defcartes, there have been no Chrifli- ans. But this writer aflonimes us with equal abfur- dities, when he pretends, that moral duties are not known by reafon, and that the exigence of the body is a truth of revelation, and maintains, in fhort, jigainft unbelievers, that the foul is of its own na- ture immortal ; a proportion which is blafphemous, ilnce it robs the Supreme Intelligence of one of his moft effential attributes. The uncreated Being alone is of his eflence immortal. Our foul exiils only by the will of this Being, who thinks proper to give it an eternal exiflence, which it receives every inftant by a continual creation. It is not by the diffolution of the parts that the foul ceafes to be as the body does ; it F is 9 3 THE ABUSE OF is in relapfing into that non-entity, from whence the authorof nature drew it, and to which it is liable every inftant to return. Thefe are the firfl elements of Chriftian metaphyfics, which the author ought to have been intruded in before he wrote. It muft be a fad and humbling circumflance to be obliged to learn this doctrine of thofe very perfons whom he faxes with denying them. XXIV. Thofe who exercife their critical talents with moll violence, and confequently with indifcre- tion, aflame fometimes the air of moderation, when they are fure of attacking with advantage. I know not by what fatality the champions of Chriflianity have adied otherwife, and fupported the intereft of God with injurious malignity. They have this dif- advantage, that they prejudice the reader againfl the advocates of religion, they exafperate, and confe- quently alienate thofe minds which would be recon- ciled by moderation ; in ihort, they hinder the critic from bellowing upon the arguments all the regard and attention that is due to them. When they content ithemfelves, for example, as enthufiafts fometimes do, with faying of atheifts, that they are not honeft, and that atheifm has its fource only in libertinifm, this undoubtedly may be true in general ; but have they any reafon to expect to make profelytes by thefe means ? Although the interefl we have in denying a truth may render our unbelief fufpefted, this intereft is not a fufficient reifon for being condemned, when "better proofs may be offered. The more a wife man examines the evidence of God's exiflence, the more intelli- CRITICISM IN RELIGION. 99 intelligence will he derive from thence, and the more ought he to be in a difpofition to offer him a reafon- able worfhip, the only one which truly honours him, and which is. one of the firft of his precepts. The beft method of maintaining that atheifts can- not be honeft, is to prove, with the greateft clearnefs, the truth they oppofe. Let us not imitate a modern writer, who began with advancing that there were no infidels, and ended with refuting them ; befides, of what Signification to truth are the motives of thofe who deny it ? what, does it contribute towards convic- tion to difallow our adverfaries probity and good faith ? This is imitating the fchoolmafter in the fable, who fcolded the boy for drowning himfelf, and made an harangue before he would fave him. Can it be de- nied, in ihort, that many philofophers, ancient and modern, accufed of atheifm or fcepticifm, have been, in appearance at leaft, irreproachable in their con* jduft, and Ihewn themfelves as regular in their man- ners, as blind and inconclulive in their opinions ? ' Strike, but hear," faid Themiftocles to Eurebiades; one might fay to thefe pretended champions of reli- gion, " ftrike, but reafon." Alas ! it is to be feared fuch wife and prudent advice as this might be re- peated a long while without effect. Excefs in every thing is the element of man ; his nature is to be paffi- onate upon all fubjedls which engage him ; modera- tion is to him a ftate of violence ; it is only through conftraint or reflexion that he fubmits, and when the importance of the caufe he defends, ferves for a pre- text to his aniraoiity, he abandons himfelf to it with- F 2 out ico THE ABUSE OF out decency or remorfe. Has falfe zeal then for- got that the Gofpel has two precepts equally indif- penfable, the love of God, and our neighbour ? and does it imagine that the belt way of keeping the firft is by violating the fecond ? XXV. The defence of Chriftianity has not only been prejudiced by afperfions, but by the nature of the accufations, and the character of the accufed. The more heinous it is to propogate irreligion, the more criminal it is to accufe others of fo doing who are innocent ; in this cafe particularly, it is more necef- fary that we judge of men by what they have written, than by what they are unjuftly fufpe&ed of having thought, cr intended to fay. Faith is the gift of God, which is not to be procured of ourfelves *, and all that foci- ety ordains, is to refpeft this precious gift in thofe who have the happinefs to enjoy it ; it belongs to men to judge of difcourfe, and to God, of the heart. Thus the charge of irreligion, efpecially when brought before the public, cannot be fupported by proofs too convincing and notorious. But this precaution, fo equitable in itfelf, is ftill more neceffary when a ce^ lebrated writer is attacked, whofe name is fufficient to give weight to his opinions, even to thofe he is * If he means ty faith the belief of the ChrifKan religion in general, it is to be procured of ourfelves by the exercife of com- mon candour, like the belief of any hiftcrical event or moral truth j but if he means the belief of fome dolrines of human invention, falfly afcribed to Chriflianity, he may call it fupernatu- ral, if he pleafes. falfely CRITICISM IN RELIGION. 101 falfely accufed of. What advantage did religion de- rive from the imputations and -invectives fo often cad upon the illuftrious author of the Spirit of Laws ? On the one hand, they have not been able to convift him of having meant the lead injury to the Gofpel, of which he fpeaks with the greateft refpeft through- out his work : on the other, the infidels have glo- ried in a chief fo generoufly given them ; they have accepted with gratitude this prefent, and the name of Montefquieu has been more ferviceable to them, than the pretended blows he is accufed of levelling againft Chriftianity. Authority is the great argument of the multitude ; and infidelity, faid a man of genius, is the faith of libertines. After fo many writings and pious railings againft the author of the Spirit of Laws, the feniible defenders of religion, who at firft kept filence, at length broke it (perhaps a little too late) to vindicate this philofopher themfelves. They felt the weight of a name which they had oppofed, and did not forget to blot it out of the lilt of mifcreants, where it had been rafhly placed. XXVI. Should we wifh to know one of the princi- pal caufes of this declared war againft philofophers : The divines of France are divided into two parties, who have long detefted and tore one another in pieces for the glory of God, and the good of the church and ftate. The weakeft of the two, after exhaufting all that malice or calumny could invent to defeat their adverfaries, concluded with taxing them of indifference towards the doftrines of the Gofpel, attacked every day in innumerable writings. Senfible of this re- F 3 proach 102 THE ABUSE OF proach, and piqued in honour, they Teem to have united with the weaker to fall foul upon all infidels indifcri- jninately, whether real or fuppofed. This offenfive alliance ought naturally to have put a ftop to the war that has been kindled in the bofom of the Gal- lican church above thefe ico years, but, unhappily for religion, it does not produce this effect, and one cannot fay r on this occafion, " facli funt amici ex ipfa die ;" on the contrary, this declared war a- gainlt the common enemy, has only furniflied the two parties with a new pretext for reviling one ano- ther with the more fury and fcandal ; a late Unking- example will be a fad proof of what we now ad- vance : there appeared lail year a work famous for a great number of editions and criticifms that were made upon it, which we condemn, with the author, as far as they are found worthy of cenfure. The Journalifts of Trevoux, who have enjoyed the privi- lege of abufing every-thing under the name of irre- ligion, whether 5 it mentioned it or no, made a very brife attack upon this work in their vulgar dogma- tical ftyle, and have endeavoured even to leflen the talents of this author; bat in this laft refpeft, indeed, they muft permit us to be of a different opinion from them ; matters of tafte and philofophy are a profane fort of knowledge, in which they dare no* pique themfelves with being infallible. Divinity is their fort, and yet it is a province which good men now contell with them. However, thefe journalilts enjoyed their viclory peaceably, till a periodical con-? sealed writer, a more declared enemy to them than even CRITICISM IN RELIGION. 103 even to the infidel, came to make his charge in his turn againft the fame book, which had been fo zea- louily and largely attacked already. But it happened that the blows of this new bruifer fall much hea- vier upon the journalifts than the work itfelf. " Be- ' hold, fays he, the effects of the abominable morality " of the cafuifts, behold the do&rine of the Cafnedis, " the Tamborins, the Berruyers and their brethren, " confecrated in this pernicious production." The reafonable men, on the other hand, exclaim in their turn : " See the brethren of the Cafnedis, the Tam- " borins, and the Berruyers, well recompenced for " their zeal and religion, avenged in a very edifying ** manner. 5 ' Indeed, if thefe critics accufe one ano- ther of being in the principles of the -author con- demned, one of them muft neceflarily be difhonelt ; let us not think of taxing them in common, and de- ciding their quarrel like the procefs of the wolf and the fox before the ape. XXVIf. When we fee the author of a libel, twenty times difgraced by the magiftrate, declaim againft infidels, we cannot help thinking of Calvin, who burnt Servetus. But fanatics are always auftere ; in accufing the perfon who differs from them in opinion of irre- ligion, they give themfelves an air of zeal, which is always agreeable to partymen ; they have the fatis- faftion of calumniating government, which is indiffe- rent to them, in comparifon of what they call the caufe of God, which is in reality their own. However, this may be faid with confidence, if thofe are to b$ puniflied who do moil harm to Chriftianity, fanatics, F 4 ought i 4 THE ABUSE OF ought mueh rather to be fupprefled than infidel What idea muft the people form of religion when they fee its minifters anathematizing each other, till authority forces them to that filence which charity itfelf ought to prefcribe ? Don't we believe, that the fcandalous difputes of divines of our days, upon matters often futile, and always unintelligible, have not done more mifchief to Chriilianity, than the feeble reafbnings of the impious ? Why fhall they not produce the fame effect upon the deifls, which the quarrels of the Dominicans did upon the emperor of China? " Thefe men, fays he, are come " 5000 leagues to preach to us a do&rine upon *' which they are not agreed themfelves." In fine, what can have a greater tendency to {tumble the weak, and make irreligion triumph, than fo many contradictory works as we have feen accumulated in thefe later times upon grace, the character of the true church, and miracles ? The public, at laft, has contented itfelf with being ignorant of thefe works, and defpifmg their authors ; and they, in revenge for not being read, have attacked thofe who are. XXVIII. Let us plead, as much as lies in our power, in favour of humanity and philofophy, againft their unj uft complaints . Fads will fuifice without rea- fonings, and, perhaps, will have greater force. Open ecclefiaftical hiftory, which is always fo ufeful to the Chriftian and the philofopher ; to the Chriftian, to animate him by examples of virtue, and the accom- pliihments of the divine Promifes, in fpite of the op- pofition of all the powers of the earth ; to the phi- lofopher CRITICISM IN RELIGION. 105 lofopher, by the incredible and numberlefs monu- ments it prefents to him of human extravagance, and the evils which fanaticifm has produced. We might ihew, by a detail of thefe evils, how govern- ment has interefted itfelf in defending and fupporting men of letters, who, being convinced of the true doctrines of the faith, have had the juftice and the equity to feparate what did not belong to it. It is, indeed, to them that fovereigns owe the confirmation of their power, and the deflru&ion of a tribe of abfurd opinions, hurtful to the ftate ; on the contrary, it is by confounding thofe objects with religion which are foreign to it, that the people have groaned fa long under the temporal power of ecclefialtics, that excommunications, thofe refpeftable arms of the church, have been lavifhed to fupport rights purely human, and often ill-founded; that the fon of Charle- main, as a flave rather than a Chriftian, underwent ten times, fucceffively, the ignominy of a public pe- nitence, which fome bifhop had the aflurance to com- mand him, and which he merited only by the bafenefs of fubmitting to it* ; that an cecumenique council, in the * In 822 and 823 Lewis, who was called the Debonnairv hut who much better deferved the appellation of the Weak, fnbmitted to a public penance at Attigny and Soifibns ; the firft time, for putting to death his nephew who had revolted againft him j the fecond time, for not receiving the law from his children. " The " biftiops, who impofed this penance, pretended, that it was not " lawful for him to refujne the royal dignity, St. Ambrofe did F 5 " no t 106 THE ABUSE OF the age of fervitude and ignorance, durft not openly proteft againft the defigns of an audacious pontiff, who imagined he had a right to deprive an emperor of his patrimony* 5 that one of our kings, to ex- piate e< not draw fuch confequences from the penitence of Theodofius ; '* will any one fay, that that great Saint wanted courage to avail ** himfelf of the authority of the church, or that he was lefs '* wife than the bifhops of the ninth century ? Thefe bifhops, f< much more hardened, declared themfelves againft Lewis the " Debonnair, in favour of his children, and ftirred up that civil " war which ruined the empire of France. Specious pretexts were not wanting ; Lewis was a weak prince, governed by his " fecond wife j the empire was in diforder j but they fliould have *' had fome regard to confequences, and not pretend to expofe a tf monarch to the fame penance as a fimple monk." The two penances of this prince, efpecially the laft, which he deferred the leaft, were attended with the moft mortifying circumftances. Ebbon, archbifhopof Rheims, who had dared to degrade his matter, \vas indeed depofed the year after, but the emperor was di (ho- noured. * In 1245, at the firft general council of Lyons, pope Innocent IV. publicly depofed, in the prefence of the council, Frederic JI. all the fathers holding a lighted candle, which he regarded as a tacit approbation, but very unjuftly ; for it is evident, as M. Fleury obferves, that this depofition was not made with the approbation of the council, as other decrees. But, fay the Proteftants, why the candle and their filence ? To this obje&ion it is anfwered, that the greateft part of the ecclefiaftics were, in general, of the opinion, that the popes had power over the temporal CRITICISM IN RELIGION. 107 plate the crime of burning 1300 ecclefiaftics, took the refolution of killing ioo,coo perfons in Syria to fhevv his penitence* ; that fools have plundered their own families to enrich ignorant and ufelefs monks ; that the ridiculous controverfies of the Greeks upon abfurdities, have haftened the deftruclion of their em- pire f ; that uncertain and cruel proofs were regarded temporal kings, but that God did not permit that this opinion (hould be confirmed by a pofitive fuftrage of the oecumenic coun- cil 5 and the filence of the church afiembled, is not always a mark of approbation, efpecially in matters not expr.efsly relative to the faith. * It is well known that the abbe Suger, as great a ftatefman as the abbe de la Clarivaux was an orator, oppofed this unfortu- nate croifade, which Lewis the Young undertook by the advice of St. Bernard. The event juftified the fears of the minifter, and confuted the promifes of the preacher. Lewis took up the crofs to conquer Paleftine, and drive out the Saracens, his expedition ended in divorcing his wife at his return, and lofmg, by that means, Poitou and Guienne. In vain did St. Bernard wi/h to juftify himtelf, by imputing to the fins of the warrior the mifcarriage of that enterprise j he forgot that the nrft croifade was more fucccfs- ful, though its champions were not more worthy of fuccefs, and he did not fee, fays M. Fleury, that a proof is never conclufive, which is not always fo. f About the middle of the I4th century, certain weak monks of Mount Athos, whofe brains were turned by long and fre- quent failings, imagined they faw upon their navel the light of Mount Tabor, ajid fpent their time in contemplating it, a moft F 6 deplorable io8 THE ABUSE OF as the judgments of God, the confequence of which was often the condemnation of the innocent, and the acquittal of the guilty * ; that one of the richefl parts deplorable herefy ! They pretended further, that this light was uncreated, being no other than God himfelf. Barlaam, their ad- verfary, ftill more ridiculous than they in giving them a ferious anfv/er, had credit to get an afiembly convened at Conftantino- pie againft thefe vifionaries, little aware that he himfelf fhould be condemned there ; however, this was the confequence. The emperor Andronicus Paleologus harangued the pretended council with fo much vehemence that he died a few hours afterwards, an exit worthy an emperor. It was this Andronicus Paleologus who abandoned the fea-coaft of his dominion to ruin, becaufe he was afiured that God was fo well fatisfied with his zeal for die church, that his enemies durft not attack him, The fame em- peror regretted the time, which the management of his affairs ilole from theological debates. The quarrel of the Greeks about the light of Tabor, lafted till the definition of the empire, and continued with violence while Bajazet was befieging Conftanti- nople. All thefe ridiculous controverfies, in which the empe- rors took part, haftened their downfal, in making them neglect the government. * One may read in a great number of works a detail of thefe fort of proofs, and the reafons why they were abolished ; all forts of queftions were generally decided in this manner : they went fo far as to throw two miflals into the fire, to try which was the beft j the moft extraordinary event, and the leaft expected by them, happened on this occafion, they were both burnt. A Clerk of Provence fubmitted himfelf to the fiery trial, to prove a re- velation CRITICISM IN RELIGION 109 parts of the world has been depopulated by mon- fters, who put the inhabitants to death by puniihing them into conversion ; that one half of our nation has heen bathed in the blood of the other ; in fine, that the ftandard of rebellion has been put into the hands of fubjefts againft their fovereigns, and a fword into the hand of fovereigns againft their fub- jefts*. It is by the light of philofophy that we have been delivered from fo many evils. A few intrepid men velation which he faid he had of the difcovery of the holy fpear. The prieft died. The event would always have been equally uniform in all trials, if they had been honefily managed j but in ages of ignorance, as well as others, there are men who know how to cheat. * We cannot conclude thefe notes better than by a pafTage of M. Fleury. " It is melancholy, I am very fenfible, to relate " thefe unedifying facts, but the foundation of hiftory is " truth. There are two forts of perfons who are difpleafed with " the relation of thefe things 5 the firft are the profane politi- " cians, who, not knowing true religion, confound it with falfe 5 " they are afraid of diminifhing its refpect in the minds of the " people, that is to fay, according to them, of undeceiving " them. I will not difpute with thefe politicians. One ought to " begin with inflructing and converting them j but I ought to " fatisfy, if pofiible, thofe fcrupulous good men, who, through " a miftaken zeal, fall into the fame misfortune of fhuddering < { where there is no danger to be apprehended. What are you " afraid of, I would fay ? of finding out the truth ? Do you love " then to remain in error, at leaft in ignorance ? and can you ' flay there with fafety, you who ought to inftrucl others?'* liave no THE ABUSE OF have fometimes dared, at the peril of their liberty, their fortunes, and their lives, to open the eyes of fubjects and kings. The gratitude which they have a right to demand of our age, ought to be eftimated by the importance of the fervices they have rendered, and the molt real effect of this gratitude is in the protection which ought to be given to their fuccef-* fors. This protection, we can fay with pleafure, finds fewer obftacles every day, in proportion as the fpirit of philofophy, which fpreads continu- ally, communicates itfelf to the more found and wife part of the divines, and renders them more in- dulgent, or more equitable in matters which are not their object. We do not live in thofe times, when it was a crime to teach any other philofophy than Ariflotle ; with a little more ignorance and au- thority it had been made^ law of the ftate, as it is flill among our neighbouring nations *. XXIX. We need but caft our eyes upon thofe un- happy nations, who are victims to fo ridiculous a law, to convince us of the fad effects which arife from fear, * Our fathers faw but little more in 1624, when, at the re- queft of the univerfity, and efpecially of the Sorbonne, it was forbid by an arret of parliament, " on pain of death to hold or ** teach any maxim contrary to ancient and approved authors, ** or to enter into any debate but fuch as ftiould be approved " by the doctors of the faculty of theology." By the fame ar- ret feveral perfons who had compofed and publi/hed thefes againft the doctrine of Ariflotle, were either reprimanded or ba- niihed. and CRITICISM IN RELIGION. in and the impoffibility of being inftrufted. Will pof- terity believe it of our days, that there was printed in one of the capital cities of Europe, a work with this title, Syftema Ariftotelicum de formis fubftantialibus & accedentibus abfolutis, 1750? will they not imagine it was a miftake of the prefs, and that it ought to be read 1550? Such, however, in the midft of the eighteenth century, is the deplorable ftate of reafon, in one of the fineft regions of the earth, in a nation otherwife refined and polite ; while the fciences are making fuch progrefs in England, France and the Proteftant part of Germany* I fay the Proteftant part ; for we muft acknowledge, with forrow, the prefent fuperiority of the univerfities of that party to the Catholic fchools. It is fo ftriking, that ilrangers, travelling in thofe places, and paffing from a Catholic univerfity to a neighbouring Proteftant one, cannot help thinking, they have removed 400 leagues or lived 400 years ; that they have got from Sala- manca to Cambridge, or from the age of Scotus to that of Newton. We make this remark with the more freedom, as the difference of light and knowledge in thefe regions cannot be afcribed to their different re-^ ligions. In France, where the Catholic doftrine is followed and refpe&ed, the fciences are cultivated with great fuccefs. In Italy itfelf they are not neglected ; doubtlfs for this reafon, becaufe the fovereign pontiffs, for the moft part fenfible and wife, and knowing the abnfes which fpring from ignorance, can more readily fupprefs in Italy the tyranny of fubaltern inquifitors, where it is neceiTary ; for every thing ferves as a pre- 4 text ii2 THE ABUSE OP text to this contemptible and mifchievous wretches to extinguifh light, and obftruct the progrefsof the mind. XXX. It feems to me, that one way of reducing their dominion in thofe unfortunate countries where they happen ilill to rule, is to encourage, as much as pofllble, theftudyof thedemonftrative fciences. Princes who govern thefe people, and would have them ihake off the yoke of fuperftition and ignorance, encourage the increafe of mathematicians among them. This will produce philofophers in time. The moft delicate orthodoxy has no contention with geometry. Thofe who believe they have an intereft in keeping the mind in darknefs, mould they be forefighted enough to know the effect of the progrefs of this fcience, would want a pretext for hindering its fpreading. The ftudy of geometry will foon lead to that of found phyfics, and this to true philofophy^ which, by the light it will diffufe all around, will foon rife fuperior to all the efforts of fuperftition; for thefe efforts, however great, become quite ufelefs when a nation is once enlightened. XXXI. It is doing injury to religion, to endeavour to fupport it by ignorance. The provinces of philo- fophers and divines are like thofe of the fpiritual and temporal powers ; nothing can be better diftinguimed than the refpeclive rights of each ; but as fometimes the fpiritual power, having fhook off the temporal yoke which oppreffed it, is willing to opprefs in its turn : fo fome minifters of religion, after emerging from the darknefs which an infolent philofophy endeavoured to throw over them, have been willing, in their turn, to lock in this philofophy within the bounds which reli- gion CRITICISM IN RELIGION. 113 gion prefcribes. Their feveral rights appear, at this time of day, too well fixed, too well underilood and determined, to have any thing to fear from each other's attacks. It is their intereft to be united, as it is for two powerful princes to be upon amicable terms; and if, on the one hand, Chriftianity, being fupported by divine and human laws, be eflablifhed on the mofl durable foundation ; on the other, there is room to believe, that the phiiofophers of the eighteenth century, while they juftly refpecl: the doctrines of faith, will defend their interefts with more force and advantage than the princes of the twelfth century defended their crowns. XXXII. This is the fubflance of the reflections which feemed proper to be made at this time of day, upon criticifm in points of religion. I doubt not but they will be approved, when they are examined without prejudice, and with the light of found phi- lofophy. I believe I am fufficiently fortified againfl the attacks of weak and hypocritical fanatics ; but with regard to perfons who are prejudiced againft me out of a fmcere, but miflaken, zeal, I lhall refpedl the caufe, without dreading or approving the effect of it ; and content myfelf with replying in the words of Cicero, Iftos homines fine contumelia dimittamus, funt enim & boni viri et quoniam ita ipfi fibi videntur, beati. AN AN ESSAY UPON THE ALLIANCE BETWIXT LEARNED MEN, AND THE GREAT. Sine ira et ftudio quorum caufas procul habeo. TACIT. To M. L' Abbe De Canaye, of the royal academy of infcription and belle letters. Accept, my good friend, the fruits of our philofophical converfations, in which you are equally concerned with myfelf. To whom can I prefent them with more propriety than to you, whofe example fo well fhews, how happily one may live without the great, and whofe company how eafily they may be difpen- fedwith? Whatever pains I may have taken in this efTay, to fpeak the truth in a manner the lead ofFenfive, confident with integrity, I cannot hope to pleafe all the world: However, men of letters will admire my courage, honeft men will applaud me, and you will love me the more. HE R E are no people who have not continued a JL long time in a ftate of barbarifm, or rather of ignorance : for it is not yet decided whether they are fynonymous expreflions or not. Our own nation, from aft infinity of caufes which are no lefs dangerous to explain, than eafy to perceive, remained many ages buried under the profoundeft ignorance. This indeed was not to be lamented, if we may credit fome philofophers, who pretend to afcribe the deprava- tion of human nature to the influence of knowledge. For, UPON THE ALLIANCE, &c. For, as this enlightened age is corrupt, thofe philofophers conclude, that it is the confequence and effel of the progrefs of fcience. If they had lived in thofe periods which we call barbarous, they would then have regarded ignorance as the enemy of virtue. The wife man, who calmly contemplates all ages as well as his own, difcerns among all mankind a pretty near refemblance. Be this as it will, our day is at laft come; but, as the night has continued long, the twilight and the dawn have been long alfo. Charles V. (one of the wife!!, and, confequently, one of the greateft of princes who ever reigned, though lefs celebrated than a mob of kings who have been only fortunate or power- ful) made fome efforts to revive in his dominions a taile for the fciences. He had undoubtedly the wifdom to perceive, in the midft of the troubles which difturbed his reign, that the cultivation of letters was one of the moft infallible means of fecuring the tranquillity of a monarchy, for a reafon which, on the contrary, may render them pernicious to republics, becaufe, when purfued too far, there is an attraction attending them which engro/Tes mens attention, and makes them cold to every other object. His fuccefTors, either too ignorant, or too defpo- tic, feemed to negleft the wife views of Charles: But the original movement, though enfeebled, flill fubfifted till the time of Francis I. who gave to Ian- guiming genius a new impulfe. This prince was hap- pily born with a difpofidon to love men of learning, or at leaft with a difcernment that led him to protect them: 1 16 UPON THE ALLIANCE BETWIXT them : for we may defend them without loving them ; and intereil or vanity often make men dupes with re- fpect to the motives of their regards for them. Their gratitude, in return, to this monarch was without paralel. Men of letters, like the people, think themfelves indebted to princes for the leaft privi- leges ; and (what is truly memorable in the hiftory of genius and the human heart) the title of Father of letters contributed more to efface the innumerable faults of Francis I. than the more refpe&able name of Father of his people availed to cancel thofe of Lewis XII. Hiftory feems to have placed the flrft of thefe two kings in the fame rank with his rival in glory, Charles V. who, though greatly his fuperior in abi- lities, could not engage fo many pens in his praife, and who neglected the vanity of being the idol of learned men, for the lefs real, but more deftru&ive honour, of being the terror of Europe. The nobility of France, though always fond of following blindly the example of their kings, did not difcover the fame tafle for letters as Francis I. Little removed from thofe times when the heroes, who knew not how to read, could gain battles, and fubdue provinces, they were confcious of no glory but that of arms ; and here we find one of thofe cir- qumftances in our hiftory, in which pride and pre- judice prevailed over the defire of paying court to the monarch. The natural difpofition of the courtiers to ignorance, found more indulgence under the kings who fucceeded him, who were rather to be called prote&ors of letters, than zealous friends ; I except neither LEARNED MEN AND THE GREAT. 117 neither Charles IX. the author of fome verfes, which, perhaps, would never have been mentioned if they had not been wrote by a fovereign, nor even Henry IV. who, as fome fay, gave fufficient encouragement to learned men, but who treated all hisfubje&s nearly as well ; becaufe, having conquered his kingdom, he had the affections of his people to engage, and any marks of diftinclion ihewn to a fmall number of par- ticular men, might have tended to alienate the minds of the multitude. However, on the one hand, as the power of the king increafed, on the other, the moot of knowledge, which bloomed under Francis I. became fruitful in the centre of the nation, without fpreading itfelf much towards the extremities ; or, in other words, it flourimed not among the poor, whofe fubfiftence confined them to hard labour, nor among the rich, who fpent their lives in idlenefs and intrigues. At laft Lewis XIV. appeared, and the refpeft he mewed to men of letters foon gave the tone to a nation long accuflorned to receive it from its lords. Ignorance ceafed to be the dear privilege of the nobility ; know- ledge and genius, having recovered their reputation, furpafled thofe bounds which unadvifed vanity feemed to have prefcribed. Philofophy, animated by the efleem of the monarch, by flow fteps rofe out of the dungeon to which imbecility and fuperftition had confined it. Prejudice gradually retreated, without noife or violence, becaufe it is the nature of philo- fophy to force no barriers, but to wait till they fall down before it, and to turn afide when they will not. Even UPON THE ALLIANCE BETWIXT Even fciences me did not give birth to, and geniufes, lealt qualified for her fervice, were not left deftitute of encouragement. The diffusion of a philofophical fpirit through all books, and all ranks, forms that period of time when a people may be faid to be -moft enlightened. It is then that the body of the nation begins to have vvif- dom ; or, whic-h is nearly the fame, begins to per- ceive how much it is defective, after the labour of two centuries to procure it. It is then that the great begin to be felicitous, not only about the works, but the perfons, of moderate, as well as diftinguifhed re- putation; they are eager, from vanity at leaft, to reward abilities with marks of efleem, often more in*- terelted than fincere. Snatched from their folitude, learned men fee themfelves translated to a new vor- tex, where they have frequent occafions of obferving how injudicioufly they are placed. This experiment I have tried, and it may be ufeful when we do not try it too long : the reflections which it fuggefled to me fhall be the fubject of this eflay. As mankind in the fame circumftances, and with limilar intereft, fee nearly the fame things, I doubt not but other learned men have made the fame obfervations before me ; fo much the vvorfe for thofe to whom they are new. However, the greateft number muft be ftran- gers to fome or other of them, becauit they were made in a country where I was only a paflenger ; and we cannot fpeak with freedom of the nations we have vifited, till our return. I wifh my reflections may be of fome advantage to thofe who fhall follow me in the LEARNED MEN AND THE GREAT. 1 19 the fame courfe ; but if I cannot propofe to myfelf fo reafonable a defign, I will imitate thofe travellers who, though too well fatisfied to have any defire of recommencing their adventure, cannot help enter- taining others with an account of them. It is not furprifing that the company of the great ihould have fome attractions for learned men. The real or apparent advantages to be drawn from fuch a connection, eafily prefent themfelves : the inconve- niences are only known by experience. Such is the misfortune of felf-love, that, though it receives the deepeft wounds from that which did not feem able to aiFecl it, though it is very often more eafily deceived than fatisfied, it lays itfelf open to the advances of every-thing that may flatter, and never fufpecls that which may do it an injury. The firft advantage which men of letters find in the world is, that they are more celebrated at leaft, if not more known, and appear before a tribunal dif- ferent from that of their rivals. To unfold, and, at the fame time, to eftimate this advantage, it is necef- fary to rife higher, and to examine upon what prin- ciples, and in what manner, we endeavour to arrive at that glory which is founded on great talents. The more genius a man has, the more difcontented he is with it : I appeal to perfons of wit of all ages and nations. It is true, the examination they make of themfelves is in fecret : the pleadings and fen- tence of this procefs are both carried on in the privy- chamber, if I may ufe fuch an expreflion, and they would be forry if the determination was confirmed by the 120 UPON THE ALLIANCE BETWIXT the world. On the contrary, the efleem of others is a fubftitute to the unfavourable opinion we enter- tain of ourfelves ; it is the ftafF upon which felf-love fupports itfelf. There are but two kinds of men who are perfectly fatisfied in their judgments of them- felves, a perfect genius, which never exifted, and a per- fect fool, which is common enough ; the inability of the laft to underiland his own ignorance, fupplies that which he does not know ; from hence it hap- pens, that, in the diftribution of happinefs, fools are far from having the woril mare. I doubt not but men of letters, who have taken the pains to look into themfelves, and to think like philofophers, will readily admit the truth of what I advance. The merit of mens writings is like that of their hearts, none can pronounce upon it fo well as themfelves, becaufe none can have fo near a point of view, nor fo long an acquaintance. It is in con- fequence of this, that the more the excellence of a work confifls in fomething intrinfic and independent of opinion, the lefs felicitous we are of the appro- bation of others : from whence it comes, that the fatisfaction ariiing from the fludy of geometry is fo pure and complete, the progrefs we make in that fcience, and the degree of excellence to which we attain, may be meafured, I might fay, with the fame accuracy as the objects to which it relates. . We have no occafion to recur to the eftimate of others, except in thofe cafes where there is no eila- blifhed flandard, and there we hope they will be fa- vourable to us. Now, in fubjects of tafte and the belles LEARNED MEN AND THE GREAT. 121 belles lettres, it confifts in .a certain kind of value, which is always arbitrary in part, if not wholly fo, at leaft as far as negligence, paffion, or caprice, in- terfere in raifing or depreffing it. This makes it evi- dent to me, that, if mankind were to live feparate, -and to employ themfelves in the purfuit of fuch ob- jects as their prefervation dictated, they would prefer the ftudy of the ufeful, to the entertaining fciences. We devote our thoughts to the latter for the advan- tage of others, to the former for our own. A poet in a defart ifland would, in my opinion, be a very idle character in comparifon of a geometrician. Jt is natural to conclude, from thefe reflections, that the defire of reputation, though natural to mankind, is fufficient to mortify them, when philofophically confidered. But, without examining fo fevere a con- fequence, let us go a little farther, and purfue all the frauds, or, as Montaigne fays, all the lures of ielf-love. Though it is jealous of the power of deceiving others, it muft not deceive them too grofsly ; for they may foon be convinced of their miftake, and avenge themfelves by a contempt as unjuft as their efteem. Befides, mould the illufion of others continue, the more grofs it is, the more is the flattery of felf-Iove diminiihed ; the pleafure we rind in impofmg upon others, is conttituted, in part, of the fatisfaftion that is felt in feeing oarfelves better judges than they of our own qualifications and abilities ; but, to make this fatisfaction as pure and perfect as poflible, it is of importance to have our caufe before difinterefted G arbiters, 222 UPON THE ALLIANCE BETWIXT arbiters, who mall have no motives, from rivalf; or paftion, to deprefs us; fo well fkilied, as not be fufpefted of pronouncing uithout examination ; and fo ftiperficial, as to give us no reafon to dread ihe feverity of their judgment. This, if I am not miilaken, is the reafon why th generality of learned men feek after the eitcrm and protection of the great. it is taken for granted their education has given them fome judgment, at leaft we nnd this prejudice generally eftablifhed, and, as vanity finds an r-dvan- tage here, it avails itfelf of it: for philosophers themfelves never fail to foment prejudices which may benefit, with the fame ardour that they attack thofe which may hurt them. They are principally felicitous to retain in the caufe thofe among the great who, without devoting themfelves to the profeffion of letters, cultivate them in a certain degree, but are not indebted to them either for their fortune or diftinclion ; having nothing to fear from the acutenefs of their penetration, the 'find in them precifely that mare of undemanding which does not alarm the jealcufy of their ielf-love. Neverthelefs, as this fort of half connoiiTeurs is rare among the great, he does not confine himfelf to aim only at the eftcem of the molt celebrated, but per- fuades himfelf to prefs into his fervice the whole body, becaufe he hopes that, his admirers being the greateft number, their approbation will draw a mul- titude of folfowers after them. The fuffrages ct this troop of fubalterns would be a little flattering, if they LEARNED MEN AND THE GREAT, 225 they flood alone, but, when adorned by a leading vote, they not only increafe their number, but ac- quire a kind of additional value. Self-love, infatiable in its appetite for glory, feeks to efpoufe to its in- tereft thofe among the great who have moil of theie echoes at their command; a lefs delicate vanity Is content with ranking one or two great names in the number of its patrons. Such is the real or pretended utility which men of letters think they draw to their reputation from a commerce with the great; I mean by this word all thofe who, either from their anceflors or themfelves, have attained a con/iderable diftindtion in fociety : for in a ftate fo monarchical as ours, where xhere i^ properly fpeaking, but one lord, the power -;of the prince blends the ftate happily together. Opulence, the proof of independence .and credit, readily joins irfelf by its own authority to high birth ; aiad I do not know but it would be wrong to prevent it. The inferior ftates, who are poflefled of neither of them, endeavour to place themfelves in the fame line, with a view, undoubtedly, of lefiening the number of that clafs of men who are above them, and to bring the different condkions of Hfe to that equality which is fo natural, and to which they are always tending, without being confcious of it. I will now, with -permiffion, cool yefti mate, without caprice or flattery, thefe Difpenfers of renown, and the right which they ufurp, or are .entitled 4o, of de- liv.erijag their oracles. It 12 j. UPON THE ALLIANCE BETWIXT It is but juft, however, for me previoufly to declare, that it is rot my intention here to eftablifh any prin- ciples or facts, which are abfolutely univerfal ; fome exceptions there are, I acknowledge it with pleafure: birth and fortune neither exclude talents, nor beflow them. Firft of all, I fhall not be timorous in branding with the name of prejudice the common opinion, -which fup- pofes the Great to have a better education than others; and confequently, (if equal in other re fpects) to be more intelligent judges. The education they receive being wholly confined to external accomplifh- rnents, may qualify them to impofe on the people, but not to judge of men. What a fatire upon our manners is Philip's letter to Ariilotle on the birth-day of Alexander* ! What would Socrates have faid of the public education we give to our young nobility, of the puerilities which we encourage in them, as if there * ( ( The gods (were the words of Philip to the finefr genius of f( that age) have given me a Ton ; but I thank them not fo much " for giving me one, as for giving him in the time of Ariftotle." This letter, which equally redounds to the honour of the prince and of the philofopher, ought to immortalize Philip in the etieem of wife men, more than thofe dangerous abilities with which he forged the chains of Greece. Such letters to philosophers have been now a long time obfolete ; I don't mean only from princes, but from perfons who have no hope of becoming fuch. But now 1 fpeak of the Great only by the bye, and becaufe it has a necef- fary relation to my. fubjeft. What a world of matter would fo important a point fugged ! was LEARNED MEN AND THE GREAT. i:j was nothing better to be taught them ? Senfiblc of the fituation of youthful minds, who are molt fufcep- tible of the imprefllons of goodnefs, grandeur, and truth, he had but too frequent occafion to inculcate upon their matters, the maxims which are fo appli- cable to our prefent manners, that " youth could " not be too much refpefted." But how afto n iflied would he have been to fee per- fons living in the midfl of a religion fo meek and lowly as ours, and fo well calculated to humble the mind of man, continually afKefting to remind the no- ble pupils of the glory of their name and birth, and for want of more real and honourable motives, having recourfe to fuch as thefe ; inftead of repeating to them, as they always mould, that all mankind are their equals by the intention of nature ; that on account of talents, many are their fuperiors ; and that a great name, to him who knows how to think, is of as great weight and value as the moft pompous equipage ! I doubt not but this cenfure of the public education of the Great, which is unfortunately too juft, will be oppofed by thofe encomiums which celebrated perfons have given them. I anfwer, that they only fpeak of what it ought to be, or, if what they faid of it might be true in their days, it is palpably different now. I dare fay to thefe feges, " Come and fee." I am as little folicitous about another objection, from there having been a few happy geniufes, whofe fmgular talents have not been ftifled by a bad education. It would be equally as pleafant to pretend there is no difficulty G 3 in 126 UPON THE ALLIANCE BETWIXT in poliming the Mufcovites, becaufe the Czar was born among them. It is with this rich fund of ideas and capacity, that fo many of the Great judge and condemn what they ought to revere. They have not even the forry iatisfa&ion of knowing where they are unjuft. Having neither received from others, nor acquired of them- felves, the principles of criticifing upon any thing, is it aflorafhing, that they mould be ignorant of any difference either in writings or in men ? The writer, who vifits and flatters them molt, however little in himfelf,, is to them the firft of his order; as the courtier is moft in the graces of the minilter who fo- licits with moil afliduity. This man of letters is their oracle, and their council, and they are the echo of his ridiculous decifions. This affords us a profpeft, not lefs agreeable than philofophical, to fee how widely they vary in their judgments: the current fentiments, which their flat- terers take care to di&ate to them, are their own again, becaufe they have none but from them. The lail work cf a famous man, who has not had the good fortune to pleafe them, is always the worft of his productions: and they never begin to do him juftice, till fome new performance of his offers new food to their fatire ; they then declare * that his former piece difcovered fome ' ingenuity ; but what can be expefted from a genius * quite exhaufted ?' The moft effe&ual method of making thefe Ariitar- chufcs more circumfpecl:, would be to prevail upon tjiein LEARNED MEN AND THE GREAT. fz 7 them to give their opinion under their own hand. At the end of a very few years, when the fury of cabal and the fpirit of party yield to the decifion of tha wife, thefe unrelenting, but ignorant, judges would be found either contradi&ing themfelves or the public ; for notwithitanding all the injuries charged fo often upon the public, and fometimes fo defervedly, it ge- nerally determines with judgment and equity. It is true, the public which judges, that is to fay, which thinks, is not conftituted of thofe who pronounce, nor of all who read. Its decrees are not tumultuous ; fometimes it gives a fecond examination, where preju- dice and paflion feemed to think they had decided the caufe ; and its oracles committed to the truft of a fmall number of celebrated men, at. leail teach the multi* tude the opinions they are to form. Befides, it is among men of letters, and among them only, that they muft expeft to meet with themfelves, that is, with perfons of the fame art, (whatever it be) capable of estimating the true beauties of a work, and the degrees of difficulty that have been furmounted in executing it. If the Great have any right to be efteemed found judges, it is only fo far as they are; in the flri&eft fenfe, men of letters themfelves. A mere admirer of an art feldom reafons with fo much judgment, I will not fay as an accompliihed artift, but as an indifferent one. It is in vain to imagine, that a talent fo eafy and common as that of compofing bad works, (which may be dignified by the honourable appellation of works of The Society) gives a title to the requifite qualities of a judge. G 4 It 128 UPON THE ALLIANCE BETWIXT It requires an exertion of all the powers we poflH5 r to obtain a jult knowledge of the iecrets of an art ; ifr is no lefs than a gift flowing fromthe generous profu- iion of nature. Now, to difplay all the efforts in our power, we muft not confine our views in writing to the little circle of friends or complaifant flatterers ; we muft addrefs our performances to the world, or at leaft finifh them with the fame pains, as if they were to make their appearance in it. Woe be to the author, whoie work feeks only the pafTport of his own times, or obtains no more than the fan&ion of five or fix votes, already engaged by a previous perufal ! I appeal to thofe abortive produc- tions, which their iiluftrious authors condemn fo juftly to perpetual obfcurity, and which thofe who are privy to them, muft one day as extravagantly defpife, at they before applauded them. I appeal to the genuine fentiments of the public, when by fome misfortune or fome ill addrefs of vanity, thefe performances venture to make their public appearance. Perhaps fome may fay, " What, will you bring a man of letters to be *' judged by his rivals ? what indulgence has he to *< hope for from the emulation of a competitor, at leafl " when he has not been able to fettle his own judgment ' concerning himfelf ?" To anfwer this obje&ion, I muft remark, that among men of letters, who purfue the fame path, as there are different talents, fo there are different clafles. Thefe clafles are fufficiently marked of themfelves ; and men of letters, by a kind of tacit convention, form this diftindlion without in- tending it. Each LEARNED MEN AND THE GREAT. 129 Each perfon, indeed, I muft confefs, endeavours to advance himfelf to a clafs more elevated than he is qualified to fill ; but there is no reafon to fear, left the federal ranks mould be overturned by thefe preten- fions ; for vanity can never be deluded beyond a cer- tain degree : the fole effeft of this is, to reduce the number of the claries, for they can never be confound- ed all together: beftdes, he who fhould afpire to uni- verfal and perpetual monarchy, even though he mould be worthy of it, would run a great rifque of finding many malecontents ; that anarchy which deftroys po- litical ftates, gives ftrength and fubfiftence to the literary republic. It is with fome difficulty that any magiftrates are endured ; but kings are utterly unfupportablc. The different clafTes being thus conflituted, and each having nothing to diftinguifh it from its neigh- bours, if we are not equitably tried in our cwn clafs, we may may obtain juflice at leaft in the inferior or fuperior ones. If we -were to confult thefe differ- ent claiTes feparately, there would refult from the combination of their fuffrages, a decifion on which we may fafely rely, when we are not qualified to pafs judgment on ourfelves. Thus the fentiment of com- mon foldiers and fubalterns, is a far more equitable teft of the abilities of a general, than that of prejudiced rivals, or corrupted flatterers. It is the fame in thecourfe of literature ; the determination of conncifTeurs produces fometimes a flow effect, becaufe it finds itfelf frequently encountered by a great number of unjuft and clamcf- rous decifions. It is as true with refpeft to tafle and G 5 genius 1 30 UPON THE ALLIANCE BETWIXT ! genius as philofophy; nothing is more rarely pofTefTed, wore impracticable to acquire, nor more commonly pre- tended to. Hence fo many reputations ufurped, for a time at leaft, which while they call forth moderate talents, only difcourage great ones, and humble them by letting them fee through what hands fame is diflri- bnted. Hence that mob of petty focieties and tribu- nals, where great geniufes are mangled to pieces by perfo-ns not worthy to read them. If perfons of diiUnguifiied talents did but poflefs a little more practical philofophy than they do, it would be an entertainment to them to fee the quarrels of thefe little focieties we are fpeaking of, and the contempt they affect for one another, or rather the flridl juftice with which they treat each other's merit ? the high and decifive air with which they fpurn the fentence of their rival, to make it ridiculous ; and, in Ihort, the neologifm they have introduced into our language, from which better writers are fcarce able to fecure themfelves. ,A profpeft like this, viewed with the eyes of calm' reafon,ismore than fufficient toconfole true philofophy under the lofs of a multitude of frivolous voices. Like a powerful fovereign, rendered by his fuperior forces inacceflible to every attack, he may look down and fee at a diflance barbarous corfairs mangling one another, after attempting, in vain, to injure the fron- tiers of his dominions; but philofophers, or rather thofe who profefs themfelves fuch, like fovereign princes, cannot difiemble the kail infult; and the LEARNED MEN AND THE GREAT. 131 defire of returning vengeance often proves more hurt- ful to them than the infults themfelves. We are little acquainted with the nature of envy, if we think we can filence it, by appearing too fenfible of it : this is only giving it that confequence which it defires. Pofterity had been ignorant of the very names of Bcevius and Maevius, if Virgil had not been fo weak as to mention them in his verfes. Men of letters, of a certain ran-k, degrade themfelves by anfwering fatire ; and they are blamed for it by the public, which fometimes takes a malignant pleafure in the fhafts that are thrown againfbthem. A marr; whofe talents and genius give him the confcioufnefs of deferving reputation, may let the public voice alone. He need not trouble himfelf with dictating what it ihall determine ; but wait, if I may fay fo, for future fame to come and take his orders. He will foon put to filence every inferior voice, as the force of the fun- damental found in a concord deftroys every di/Tonance which tends to alter the harmony. But the man of letters is fo litde of a philofopher, as to be chagrined becaufe juftice is not done him ; and fo imprudent as to fuffer his refentments to be blazed abroad. Then envy redoubles her attacks, and even ridicules him for not enjoying the reputation of his own excellent works. In ihort, we.muft ad in fame as cautioufly as in ficknek ; impatience is fatal in either of them. How many men are there diftin- guiihed for their rare endowments, to whom we may apply the rebuke formerly made to a Carthaginian general, " The gods do not give all talents to one : G 6 " you 132 UPON THE ALLIANCE BETWIXT " you have that of obtaining a vi&ory, but not that " of ufmg one." Renown is a kind of game of commerce, where chance fometimes gets a fortune; but where merit acquires, in general, more certain gains ; provided, that'while it ufes the tricks of gamefters, it does not expofe itfelf to be betrayed by them. But it is too frequently confidered as a mere lottery, where perfons imagine they make their fortune by inventing falfe tickets. When I confider the empire of letters, I think I fee a fpacious place, crouded with a multitude of empirics mounted upon ilages, calling to pafTengers, and deceiving the people ; who begin with laughing at them, and end with being their dupes. It is by thefe means fo many writers gain a kind of name in the world. Would you be applauded for a wit ? tell the public aloud that you are one. You will be ridiculed by a great number : you will impofe, however, upon fome fools, who will gather round you. The mob will thicken more and more ; and thole who would not hearken to you at firft, fhall either fall in with the opinion of the multitude at laft, or be forced to hold their tongues. Thus the reputation of fome literati, when com- pared with their works and their perfons, is a very extraordinary phenomenon, which cannot be accounted for ; but which muft be admitted, out of refpect to what is called the public. We muft recolledt on this occafion, the ftory of the naturalift, who upon attempt- ing to explain why caverns are warmer in fummer than, winter, LEARNED MEN AND THE GREAT. 133 winter, faid, Perhaps it was owing to one caufe; and perhaps to another; and perhaps it was not true. I mall not declaim before learned men on the com- mon-place topics of contempt of glory, fo often re- commended, and with fuch little fincerity, by philo- fophers. I will not feek to degrade motives, which without having, if you will, any real foundation, are the fprings of every thing great, ufeful, and agree- able among mankind. The efteem of our cotempo- raries and fellow-countrymen is a felicity by common agreement ; and fo univerfally is it acknowledged for fuch, that it would be fenfelefs, ufelefs, and dangerous to undeceive the world in this point. But as public efteem is the objedl which calls forth great perfor- mances, it is by great performances alone that we muft feek to obtain it, or at leaft to deferve it ; and not to ufurp it by idle and defpicable machinations. Write as if you was in love with glory : ac~l as if you was indifferent to it. Thefe confiderations chiefly belong to thofe, whom we call wits ; and whofe works being intended to be read, meet with the worft judges. They are lefs neceffary to thofe who are engaged in the demonflrative fciences, where merit does not {land fo much in need of the eftimation of others to determine it. But it would tempt one to be of a different opinion, to fee the artifice they have recourfe to, to obtain fuffrages, that are more pompous than honourable ; and the envenomed hatred they carry about them, which they have not the prudence to conceal ; yet thefe men have the 154 -tJPON THE ALLIANCE BETWIXT the modefty to call themfelves philofophers ; as if phi^ lofophy, before it pretended to regulate the fyftem of the world, fliould not teach us to begin with ourfelves, and to fet a proper value upon every objtft. We place the hatred of poets next to that of women : I don't know but it would be right to rank that of thefe men betwixt them both, or at their head. A fevere epigram exhaufts all the vengeance of a poet. The rage of a philofopher is more cenflant and inflexi- ble, though it has no more for its object, perhaps, than to fland in the lift of the partizans of a woman, who takes herfelf for a great peribnage, only becaufe ihe has overcome the fatigue of reading pliilofophical books, without underftanding them. I am far from imagining this a juft portrait of all thofe who run the noble career of fcience ; neither am I willing to make any particular application : this would be disfiguring, and fpoiling by fat ire, an eflay which I would have folely dedicated to truth. General paintings are only permitted by philofophy and hu^ manity. It is true, if we feldom apply them, they will be little ferviceabk ; but portraits of a peculiar kind* and ftriking likenefe, are flrll kfs. To avoid the like reproach, let us draw a veil over the intercourfes of the learned. When I fpeak of the learned, I don't mean by that term thofe who may be called perfons of erudition.; they are a nation little known, and not very numerous or commercial, and quite innocent of this charge. Moil of them belonged to the fixteenth century, and had the good fortune to be ftrangers to ours. Happy vvuld it be, if cur phi- lofophers LEARNED MEN AND THE GREAT. 135 lofophers and geometricians lived together like them ; their labour profited the world, without making fo much clamour; and in this refpeft they were better. A ftranger wrote a book with this title, " Of the " quackery of the learned :" this title promifed much. If unfortunately the book did not prove a good one, it was not becaufe the author wanted memoirs, but becaufe the memoirs wanted an author. However, if he had travelled in France, he had deprived his book of an excellent chapter. To examine things without prejudice, why do we prefer to a man of erudition whom we negleft, a phi- lofopher and geometrician whom we underftand lefs, and who contributes, feemingly, nothing to our amufe- ment ? Opinion and eftablifhed cuflom have certainly a great (hare in fo arbitrary a preference. What has brought into fafhion geometricians fo much of late ? It ufed to be regarded as an inconteftable thing, that a geome- trician, being tranfportedoutof his own fphere, could not poilibly have common fenfe. It was eafy, indeed, to rectify this miflake by reading Defcartes, Hobbes, Pafcal, and many others: but that was toomuch trouble* To how many perfons have thefe great men never yet exifted ! In England they were contented in having the greatelt genius of his age ; in France they would not have been fatisfied if he had not been an agreeable man. In fine, a geometrician, of the rft reputation, matched from us by Pruflia, is found to poiTefs, in an uncommon degree, all that engaging fprightlinefs which we fo much admire, and which he adorned by more fubftantial qualities, that fpright- linefs 136 UPON THE ALLIANCE BETWIXT Hnefs which geometry is no more likely do deftroy where it is, than the belles lettres are to give where it is not. All at once our eyes are open to behold as it were a new and extraordinary phenomenon. We are aftonimed to find that a geometrician is not a kind of favage. Immediately, as we keep no medium in our judgment, a geometrician is a fight indifcriminately fought after. 'Tis true, this madnefs does not lalt long ; not becaufe it is found to be a madnefs, but becaufe no madnefs is of long continuance in our na- tion. It ftill fubfifts, though in an inferior degree. But if I was one of thefe geometricians, I mould not be much elated with the reception they meet with. The elogium beftowed on them are only relative to the unfavourable idea formerly conceived of them. He is a great geometrician, they fay, and an agreeable man too ; encomiums fufficiently mortifying in their principle, andfimilarto thofe we give noblemen. Should the laft happen to reafon tolerably well on a work of fcience or belles lettres, we extol their fagacity to the fkies ; as if a man of quality was forced, by his rank, to be lefs inftrucled than others in the fubjeclon which he fpeaks. In a word, in France we treat geometricians and the nobility as we do Turkim and Perfian ambaf- fadors. We are furprifed to find good fenfej in the moft ordinary degree, in a perfon who is neither a French- man nor a Chriftian ; and, confequently, we catch at every trivial and foolifh thing that drops from their lips, as fo many apophthegms. In truth, were we to trace the motives of thofe elogiums, which fome perfons are fo prodigal of, we ihould find enough to confole LEARNED MEN AND THE GREAT. 137 confole us under their fatire, and, perhaps, even their contempt. I cannot quit this fubjec~l without making fome re- flections on that paffion we affect for Grangers. What I am going to fay will be the lefs a digreffion, iince flrangers, being fo well received every where now-a- days, and efpecially when they are rich and of great name, they conflitute a particular party in the world ; which deferves obfcrvation, as they are courted by men of letters for the fake of their beloved reputa- tion. When we attentively confider the grangers tran planted amongft us, whom we reproach by the elo- giums we are fo profufe of, we rarely difcover any other motive for them than a ridiculous prejudice in our own favour, joined to an ambition of humbling our fellow-countrymen. . I mould be forry if the Englifh, whom we affect to praife in preference to others, mould be dupes to thefe motives. I may be accufed, perhaps, of revealing a fecret of ftate; but I believe I am going to commit no great crime. However it happens, I confefs, that with all the efleem I have for their perfons, I have dill more for their nation : and I am as little curi- ous to fee an Englishman at Paris, as I mould be to fee a Frenchman at London. Such a lord arrived here, with a very great reputation, who appears in conver- fation to be no more than a common perfon. He may be a great ftatefman, and know how to treat the molt important fubje&s in the fenate, in his own lan- guage, and yet Hammer in a ftrange tongue, among a peopl 13 UPON THE ALLIANCE BETWIXT a people whofe cuftoms, interefts, ridieuloufnefs and littlenefs he is utterly unacquainted with. It is to men of letters, we muft ackowlcdge, that the Englifh nation is indebted for the prodigious good fortune it has met with among us. Inferior to the French in matters of tafte and agreeablenefs, but fu- perior in merit, at leaft in the number of excellent philofophers me has produced, fhe has gradually communicated, in the works of her writers, that pre- cious liberty of thinking, which reafon knows how to improve, which men of wit abufe, and which fools murmur at. So many French pens have celebrated England, that their elogiums feemed to have calmed the natio- nal hatred, at leaft on our part: for it muft be agreed, that in this point we have the advantage of them a little; and they agreeable perfonage when he is forced upon them, yet do not fail to fupport themfelves conftantly under it, by the advantage they flatter themfelves with de- nying from it to their fortune. It is pardoning them to pity them l They might eafily be convinced by their own experience, that this method of arriving H at -UPON THE ALLIANCE BETWIXT at a fortune is very tedious, and by no means certain, and that a great many complaifances and bafeneflbs are necefTary to accomplifh this mofl defpicable fervice. A third clafs, not fo numerous, includes thofe, who, -having formed in the morning the moil ferious projects -of continuing free, begin the 'evening with being /laves, and who, at a,ll times, bold and timid, noble vand intereiled, feem to rejeft with one hand, what .they are flretching out the other to lay hold of. The little confidence between their fentiments and .conducl makes them refemble certain amphibious ani- ,mals, whofe nature is not determined, though their .exiflence is out of all doubt. In this lafl clafs, in my ^apprehenfion the mofl criminal, we may rank thofe,, who, after having paid incenfe to the great in public, pull them in pieces among particulars, and make a .great parade among their equals in .philosophy, which cofts them very little. This clafs is more extenfive than we are apt to imagine. They imitate thofe Jfe&s of antient philofophers, wjio, after worfhipping publicly in the temple, ridicule Jupiter in private; uith this difference, -that the philofophers of Greece and Rome were obliged to frequent the temple, but nothing obliges the others to offer worfhip to mens perfons. I do not mean to fix the fame reproach upon thofe .who live with the great, only to tell them the truth. This is, doubtlefs, the mofl hpnourable part we can p.t before men ; but have they deferv-ed that wa jQiould run fuch rifques ? Lucian, LEARNED MEN AND THE GREAT. 147 Lucian, whom we may call the Grecian Swift, be- caufe, like him, he laughed at every-thing, even at -thofe things which did not deferve it, has left us a very fpirited diflertation upon men of letters, who devote themlelves to -the fervice of the great. The 'tablet he has drawn might very jultly be inferted under -the article of calumny*: " Figure to yourfelves, fays *' he, Fortune upon a lofty throne environed with " precipices, and round her an infinite number of < people eager to climb up to it, while they are ' dazzled with her glory. Hope, richly adorned, " offers to be their guide, having at her fide Deceit " and Slavery. Behind her Labour and Pain (and, I " would have added, the vexation of the fons of " opulence and grandeur) torment the miferable " wretches, and abandon them to old age and re- " pentance." I am ferry that this fame Lucian, after having faid, that flavery to the great deftroys the very name of friendship, mould end by accepting a place in the fervice of the emperor, and, what is worfe, by juftifyinghimfelf in this refpe&fo wretchedly, he is like an empiric violently ill of the tooth-ache, who fells infallible medicines againft it. Luciau began by being a philofopher; the reputation of his works made him univerfally fought after ; this mould have ferved to make his retreat the more inacceflible, for philofophy is like devotion, to make no longer progrefs, is to flop. He refign'd himfelf to the carefles which awaited him, became a man of * The article Calumny in the Encyclopedia. H 2 the 14$ UPON THE ALLIANCE BETWIXT by no means, in point of ftile, the woril model for philofophers. It is not the fame with refpeft to thofe whom we call fine geniufes. To paint men in works of imagina- tion, they muft know them ; to reprefent fafts juftly, they muft not flatter themfelves they can guefs at them ; ib much the worfe for thofe of whom they do make ran- dom conjectures. A commerce with the world is abfo- lately neceilkry for this kind of men of letters ; but it were to be wifhcd, however, they would content thenvfelves with being bare fpeftators in this artificial fociety, and fpe&ators fo attentive and obfervant as net to be obliged too often to return to a comedy, which is not 'always good enough to be feen over-again ; that LEARNED MEN AND THE GREAT. 157 that they would aflift at the piece no more than the pit who judge of the actors, and whom the actors dare not infult ; in a word, that they mould be of the fame mind with Apollonius Thyaneus, who came to* Rome once, in the reign of Nero, to fee, as he faidy what fort of an animal was a tyrant. It is much to be deiired, that thofe who take upon them to draw a picture of the age, whether by a piece for the theatre, or any other performance, would not fatify themfelves with borrowing its jargon and cant phrafe. It is by this diftorted and barbarous language, now days, that perfons pretend to diflinguifh the au- thors who frequent what is called " Good company ;" but who are, in reality, the worfe for it } whatever may be imagined ; and whofe manner of writing, I appeal to experience, would be much better if the company they kept was lefs brilliant. Jt belongs only to a fmali number of fingular men to prefer ve themfelves from this contagion ; but it is very extraordinary that men of letters, formed for ftudying, knowing and fixing language, ihould, by a tacit agreement, fubmit to take the law in this point from the great, to whom they ought to prefcribe it. In thofe days, when our language was only a fan- taftlcal mixture of the* bad and good, the great writers faw into futurity, if I may fpeak fo, and banifhed from their works thofe turns and words which they thought would foon grow old : this is what Pafcal did in his Provincial Letters, a work which is read in our days, though compofed one hundred years ago. At this time, when our language is degenerated and 14* UPON THE ALLIANCE BETWIXT and degraded, great writers will fhew the fame pro- phetical fpirit in prescribing from their writings the daily jingling of our fets of good company. Perhaps it. will become at lafl fo ridiculous, that our authors will become more ridiculous than they, for having adopted it, and be obliged to return to the fjmple and the true. One of the principal inconveniences an/ing from the fociety of the great with men of letters, and yet at the fame time one of the principal means by which the laft propofe to arrive at efteem and con fide- ration, is the rage of patronizing, which has produced among us the Maecenas's, as they are called. How would that favourite of A uguflus be furprifed to fee his name fo often profaned, and the abject fituation in which men of letters fland, with refpect to thofe who wear this name ! Horace wrote to Maecenas, that is, to the greatefl nobleman of the greater! empire that ever exiited, upon terms of equality, which did honour to them both ; and in a nation fo polifhed, fo enlightened, fo little enflaved as ours pretends to be, a man of letters, who was to addrefs his protector as Horace addreffed his, would be condemned by his fellow- writers. The common form of our dedicatory epiftles is one of thofe things which have difgraced letters. Almoft every body is ringing the honour they do to letters, by protecting them, but never the honour they receive from them, nor the obligations they are under to re- fpect them. It feems that bafenefs and falfhood are the neceftary perfections of thefe kinds of compo- fitions 5 LEARNED 1 MEN AND THE GREAT. 149 fit-ions ; as if praifes, beftowed with noblenefs of fpi- rit, were not far more flattering to him who receives, and more honourable to him who gives them. Are we to be furprifed then that fo many of mode- rate, but mean, talents, mould be celebrated at the expence of genius ? The Orpheus of our nation, who in giving fo rapid a change to die whole form of French mufic, prepared a revolution, which he could not help difcovering fome glimpfe of, was he not (to mention no other examples) the object of ha- tred and perfecution from a great number of Mae- cenas's, for no other crime but being above their pro- tection ? It is true, that excepting only a frnall number of great perfonages fo happy as to be fully fenfible of the talents of this famous man, and fo bold as to proclaim them, the reft had not the fatisfaftion of feeing the public confirm their opinion, but ended their oppofition, by reluctantly fubfcribing to the judgment of the nation ; a judgment which they would have prevented, if it had been in their power, had that illuftrious artift deigned to make a mew of confulting them upon mufic. His fuccefs and his glory furnifh us with a flriking example of the truth of what we have advanced above, that the authority of men of letters always prevails at laft. It is to their fuffrage, next to himfelf, that a writer owes the repu- tation he enjoys, in fpite of cabal and envy; not that we approve the fanaticifm of fome fort of admi- rers. The efteem of the wife is the moft calm ; but it is the property of great talents to make fanatics ; and 160 tfPON THE ALLIANCE BETWIXT and we muft expeft to meet with them in an age, when it is a kind of heroifm to celebrate fuptrior ge- nius, as naturally as we look for enthufiafts, flaggelifts and convulfion-mongers among the fefts who are under perfecution. Corneille, for the confolation of great geniufes who fhall follow him be it remembered, was conftantly perfecuted by almoft all the lovers of that time, who had Scudery and Boifrobert for their heroes. It mud be fo. Racine, who perhaps wanted nothing to make him capable of furpafling Corneille but to have lived like him, left no room for his adverfaries to at- tack him. That fpirit of the courtier, which he had too much of, and which without Athalia, Phaedra and Brittanicus, would have been a (lain upon his glory, did not hinder him from fupprefling the chagrin that came from thofe whofe protection he idolized, and to which he was enfiaved.- It ought to be, however, fome fatisfa&ion to perfecuted talents, to fee how readily the public is pleafed to reverfe the fentence of pretended men of tafle. It is almoft an infallible reprobation of a work, to envy their efteem. They imagine, by proclaiming the talents of the authors they have efpoufed, to in- fpire a prepofiefiion in their favour. The nation, on the other hand, efleeming every opportuniny of exer- cifing its liberty an invaluable privilege, and per- ceiving a defign to furprife or feize upon its fuffrage by violence, is always the leaft difpofed to give its confent upon fuch terms. It is the fame with refpecl to works proclaimed before-hand, which are kept from LEARNED MEN AND THE GREAT. 161 from the public a long time. The world cannot lire upon expectation ; the longer it has been diTappointed, the more ftriftly it requires the effects to anfwer ; and woe be to him that fruftrates its hopes ! It is not having recourfe to fuch ridiculous and ufelefs oftenta- tion as this that will fecure the fuccefs of a work, it muft be by making fevere and intelligent friends its judges in private, fuch as will never approve but when they cannot do otherwife ; and vvhofe opinion we readily fubmit to. Hitherto I have only fpoken of thofe lovers of fci- cnces, who are content with fupporting men of letters by the power of their credit, and the weaknefs of their fuffrages ; by a perfon of credit I mean, one who is felicitous to procure admirers, not one who has cou- rage to enter the lifts with formidable adverfaries. Experience but too ftrongly proves, that perfecuted talents have nothing to look for from this quarter : their patrons will foon be repulfed by their enemies. But men of letters, perhaps, imagine other refources are to be found in the wifdom of certain lovers of fcience, which we will divide into two clafles. The firft contains thofe who know themfelves too well to venture to appear in public, but who are not fStisfied, like the reft of their brethren, with being abfolute at dinner, and calling for the fublime from a poet, and difcoveries from a learned man : they have further pretenfions than thefe ; even to enlighten their followers, to furnifh them with plans for their works, and to direct them in the execution. I am furprifed none of their defendants addrefs them as fome nego- tiators *<5 2 UPON THE ALLIANCE BETWIXT tiators did Colbert, when he was inflrudting thenv " Leave thefe things to us." This flatefman, who fhewed his abilities in never fpeaking upon a fubjeft he did not understand, and in giving none but ufeful advice, Ihewed.them too in taking it well, that men, better informed than himfelf, mould in this refpeft maintain their own judgment. In the fecond clafs of Maecenas's are thofe who afpire to the glory of being authors themfelves. There are few who do not fucceed in this enterprize, thanks to- the adulation which enfiames them; let them only be the adopted fathers of a work publimed in their name,- a hundred pens are eager to applaud it, from the hero- down to the TheHites in literature. All cry out,. Here is a mailer-piece. Have they made but an al- manack, it can be demonflrated, they have found out tke fyftem of the world. This reproach is chiefly levelled at certain foreign journalifls ; (for I would hardly dare to fay that there are any in France who deferve it) with one hand they- lift up from their humble fituations, flatues of clay, and with the other they vainly attempt to mutilate the golden flatues of great men, dcflitute of patronage and credit. In their periodical memoirs, which we may call, as Voltaire called hiilory, immenfe archives of falmood, and little repofitories of truth ; they com- mend every one but him who deferves to be com- mended : thus the good things they fay of bad books, difgrace them even more than the injuflice which they would inflict upon the good. The LEARNED MEN ANI> THE GREAT. 163, The jpurnalifls I fpeak of might be compared to thofe mercenary fubalterns appointed to collect the cuftoms in great cities, who are inflexibly fevere to the people, but pafs by great lords with refpeft; permit contraband trade to their friends, pra&ife it frequently themfelves, while they greedily feize upon the pro- perty of others under this pretence. It is in vain to folicit of thofe critics any thing fo unreafonable as flattery ; but fure we may be permitted to exhort them at leafl to diftinguiih between the author and the work.- What mofl fcandaloufly reflects upon the^ great and on literature, is that writers, who diihonour them- felves by fatire, mould find patrons Hill more con- temptible than they. The man of letters, who de- ferves that name, equally difdains, on his own account, to complain of the one, or to anfwer the other ; but how little foever he is affected by the injuries them- felves, he will not be inattentive to the influence- which lends them credit, if it be only for the fake of forming a juft idea of thofe who condefcend to be their protectors. In a place where the liberty of the prefs is not free, the liberty of abufmg men of let- ters by fatire, is one proof of the little real elteem they are held in, and the pleafure there is in feeing them infulted ; for why is it more innocent to offer an in- dignity to a man of letters, who is an honour to his country, than to ridicule a man in a public ftation, who is a fcandal to it ? If it was imagined that all libels and fatires were freely permitted ; in this cafe, all ftates and condi- tions 164 UPON THE ALLIANCE BETWIXT tions would indifcriminately be the objects of them. We may fay further, let perfonal fatire be punifhed as feverely as poflible. Thofe who attack a perfon in the mcaneft rank of fociety in his probity, in his manners, or in his com- dition, muftanfwer for it; but let free liberty be given, in the face of the public, to eftimate the talents ef thofe who protect, as well as thofe who write ; thofe haughty and defpicable perfons, who look upon men of letters as a kind of animals, deftined to fight upon the arena for the pleafure of the multitude, mould come down then from their amphitheatres, and let their judges take their places. I cannot omit this opportunity of relating an anec- dote, well enough to give an idea of the character and injuflice of the men I fpeak of. One of them turned into ridicule the exceifive delicacy of a certain author, who had exprefied fome chagrin (perhaps too much) at fome fatires publifhed againft him. The ingenious author compofed a fong, in which the great man was delicately ridiculed : had he been capable of under- ftanding the offence, the laws would not have been fevere enough to have punifhed fo great an injury. The laft fort of lovers of fcience, who, for fome reafons, have a better title to be confidered than the reft, and who may be regarded as the real protectors- of literature, are thofe who feek to contribute to the progrefs of the fciences and the arts by their bene- faftions. I am forry for thofe men of letters, vvhofe fortune obliges them to fly to fo fad and dangerous a refource. It LEARNED MEN AND THE GREAT. 165 It is in their power, however, to conduft themfelves with fo much dignity and noblenefs of fpirit, as to lay their very benefadlors under obligation. I dif- charge, with intereft, the kindnefs your father did me, faid the philofopher to one of his difciples ; for I have been the caufe of his being applauded all over the world. The abbe De St. Pierre, once depriving himfelf of a confiderable part of his fortune in favour of M. Varignon, faid to him, " I don't give you a penfion, " but the revcrfe ; I would make you independent of " me :" a piece of heroifm well worthy of being pro- pofed as a model to all benefactors. This is the price which fuch a title fhould colt; but how few would wifli to purchafe it on the fame conditions ! What a leflbndoes this example of the Abbe afford to certain benefa&ors, often as covetous as vain, who think themfelves the fathers of literature, for fome few flight favours far beneath their fortune, which they take care fecretly to divulge ? When they have obliged worthy men, they ought not to fpeak to them of gra- titude; that principle knows how to impofe upon itfelf laws fuificiently fevere. But mankind are fo attentive to feize upon every thing that may give them a fuperiority over their equals, that a benefit conferred is commonly regarded as a kind of claim or purchafe-money for him whom we have obliged ; an aft of fovereignty which is abufed to. make perfons miferable in their dependence. Much has been writ- ten, and with juftice, againil the ungrateful; but fuch benefactors as thefe have been left in repofe ; and they i66 UPON THE ALLIANCE BETWIXT they would furnifh a chapter, which is wanting to the hiftory of tyrants *. Thus, to a well-born mind, the greatefl obftacle to opulence is the exercife of its own eflential rights. * The author, though he declares this lad trufh, is far from thinking gratitude a reftraint j on the other hand, he has given lafting proofs of his own to the only man in place to whom he owed it, the count andofl'dmour tyranmquejW\\Q both perfecuted and rewarded Corneille at the fame time, not only neglected doing any thing for Grotius, but obliged him to retire in difguft. Guftavus Adol- phus received him ; Oxenftiern fent him to France with the title of ambafTador, and Chriftina foon after confirmed QUEEN OF SWEDEN. 205 confirmed this title. Thus fhe recompenfed, in a manner worthy of herfelf, a man of the moft diftin- guiflied merit, mortified the Hollanders, whom fhe could not endure, and piqued the cardinal, of whom fhe thought fhe had reafon to complain. Grotius was excufed, by his rank, from pra&ifing that fupplenefs, to which his genius and temper were by no means adapted ; and he had the pleafure of treating, upon an equality, a minifter who had defpifed him. It is for the honour of Chriftina that /he entertained the fame fentiments con- cerning Grotius with pofterity ; not that this concur- rence of teltimonies was necefiary to the reputation of fo great a man : But princes ought to be reminded to be juft, and, like the public, to diftinguifh great and virtuous men. If Chriftina fhewed her refpeft out of vanity ; even fuch a paffion is not to be defpi- fed ; for if it be a weaknefs in kings as well as other perfons, it is a weaknefs capable of producing great 1646. After theviftory of Norlingen, by which the prince of Conde, and Turenne, at the head of the troops of France, avenged the honour of the Swedes, who had been repulfed there fome years before, Chriftina wrote a letter of thanks to the prince of Conde. Some hiftorians affert, that this prince, in his anfwer, acknowledged a great part of his fuccefs to be due to the vifcount Turenne. If this fac"l is true, the prince of Conde added to his glory by this acknowledgment : but no traces of it are to be found in his anfwer. It 206 MEMOIRS OF CHRISTINA, It is no matter of furprize that Chriftina, as pafiicr- nately fond of letters and repofe as her father was of war, fhould haften the conclufion of the peace of Weil- phalia. The animofity and jealoufy of the minifters occafioned greater difficulties than .the prodigious number of interefts, which were to be adjufted. The plenipotentiaries of Sweden (divided as much among themfelves as thofe of France) were the count Oxen- fliern, fon of the great Chancellor, and Alder Sal- vius, chancellor of the court. The firfl afted agree- able to the inftrudlions of his father, who difpleafed Chriftina, becaufe me could not do without him, and becaufe he wanted to protract the conclufion of the peace, in oppofition to the queen's inclinations. He thought the continuation of the war would redound to the honour of Sweden, reduce the power of France, whom he looked upon as a dangerous friend, and be- nefit all the Proteftants of Germany. It was he who wrote to his fon, confufed with the chaos of bufmefs, " Don't you know, my fon, what a little matter is " the fecret of governing the world ?" Salvius, the collegue of Oxenftiern, and of a more obliging turn, enjoyed all the queen's favour and confidence ; nor was he deftitute of merit. Chriftina, like other princes, loved rather to be flattered than ferved ; but at the fame time, me was too fenfible to facrifice her difcernment and her true interefl to va- nity and felf-love. Upon making Salvius fenator of Sweden, though he was not of noble family, me ad- drefied herfelf to the fenate in thefe words : " If " an atfair of confequence and counfel be propofed, QJJEEN OF SWEDEN. 207 we don't afk who were your anceftors but { what is proper to be done. Salvius would have " been qualified in all refpects, had he been born of " a great family. If young perfons of rank have *' abilities, they (hall make their fortunes, like others, " I will not throw obltacles in their way." This long wifhed for peace of Weftphalia was at laft accomplifhed, to the mutual fatisfaftion of mofl of the powers concerned, but to the great difcontent of Innocent X. This pope wanted to carry two points in the peace, which were incompatible in them- felves, the humbling the houfe of Auftria, which he defired as a temporal prince, and the redu&ion of the Proteftants, which he wifhed for as a fovereign pontiff. He publifhed a bull, in which he refufed Chriilina the title of queen of Sweden, to punifh her for being too much influenced in the accomplifhment of the peace. Such a ilep would have been politic in the twelfth cen- tury, when princes thought their titles flood in need of briefs and benediftions : it came five hundred years too late. The nuncio polled up the bull of his mailer at Vienna ; the emperor ordered it to be pulled down ; Innocent held his tongue ; and there was an end of the matter. The love of liberty made Chriflina refufe all the offers of marriage that were made her, though fome of them were very advantageous, and the Swedes prefled. her much to marry. Philip IV, king of Spain, was one of her fuitors ; but he foon dropped the affair, being afraid, by this alliance, he fhould no longer be able to treat the proteflants as heretics. Of *o3 MEMOIRS OF CHRISTINA, Of thofe that made pretenfions, he who feemed the moil urgent, was Charles Guftavus, Chriflina's coufin, and prince Palatine, for whom fhe had been defigned from her being a child ; but fhe was as deaf to him as to his rivals ; and yet, whether he was lefs difa- greeable to her than the reft, or that fhe then had taken the refolution of abdicating her throne, fhe pre- vailed with the ftates to have him declared her fuccef- for. By this ftep fhe kept herfelf at liberty, fecured the tranquillity of Sweden, and prevented the ambi- tion of fome great families, who might, after her death, have made pretenfions to the crown. Charles Guflavus had a revenue afligned him to keep up a court ; but the queen faid it was the policy of the royal family to give no territory to a prince who was in the fucceflion ; a maxim of no great impertance, and which defpotic princes, the moil mort-fighted of them, have always followed. Chriftina, for the fame reafon, always kept prince Charles in the dark about the affairs of the government during her reign. Though fhe was not fond of governing, yet her in - dependent fpirit would bear no conilraint while fhe did govern. It was about this time that the troubles in France began the war of the Fronde, more famous for the ri- diculous circumftances that attended it, than the evils that followed the banifhment of Mazarine his return hisfecondbanimment theimprifonmento~f the princes the turbulent afTemblies of parliament, which at one time feditious, and at another pacific, publlfhed QJJEEN OF SWEDEN. 209 publifhed arrets while they fought battles, and i out warrants for whole armies. The love Chriftina had for tranquillity, her fears that this civil war would occafion new troubles in Eu- rope, and perhaps the regard Ihe always had for the prince of Conde, induced her to take part in thefe commotions. She wrote to queen Anne of Auftria, to the duke of Orleans, to the prince, and even to the parliament. Her letters had no other effeft, than to draw upon her Refident complaints and reprimands from the court of France, though he had only followed his orders. Thefe troubles, which were begun with- out her, were foon after put an end to without her mediation. The parliament, which had been upon the point of treating with this princefs, were banimed to Pontoife ; and fo happy with being recalled, that they complimented, a few years after, that very car- dinal, upon whofe head they had fet a price. The prince of Conde, a fugitive in Spain, loft every thing but his reputation ; and Mazarine, till his death, re- mained matter of the queen, the king, and the king- dom. The regard which Chriftina had, or affe&ed, for eminent men, made her wilh to have near her the celebrated Defcaites, thereftorer of philofophy, who was unknown in his own country, becaufe he had cul- tivated the fciences more than his fortune; profcribed at Rome, becaufe in the queftion about the motion of the earth, he had paid more regard to aftronomical obfervations than to the pope's bulls, and perfecuted in Holland, for having fubftituted the true method of philo- *io MEMOIRS OF CHRISTINA, philofophifing to the jargon of the fchools. Chriflina, charmed with the writings of this great man, pro- pofed to him fome of thofe queftions in morals, which philofophers have agitated fo long, without de-r ciding, or making men at all the better or happier. Such, among others, was that of the fovereign good, which, Defcartes faid, confiiled in the right manage- ment of the will ; becaufe, fays he, the happinefs ar- rifing from fortune, health and knowledge do not de- pend upon ourfelves as if the government of the will was not equally under the controul of the Su- preme Being, as the other fources of happinefs. This folution, unfatisfadlory as it was, pleafed Chriflina fo much, that me ardently wifhed to fee the author, as a man whom Hie thought muft be happy, and whofo condition fhe envied. Mr. Chanut, the French am- baffador in Sweden, and a friend of the philofopher, was charged with this negotiation, in which he found great difficulty to fucceed. The difference of climate was one of the principal reafons that deterred Def- cartes from this voyage. He told his friend, that a man, born in the gardens of Touraine, and retired to a country where, indeed, he has Icfs honey, but more milk, perhaps, than in' the land promifed to the Ifraelites, could not eafily prevail upon himfelf to kave it for the fake of living in a country of bears, among rocks and ice. This was a fufficient reafon for a philofopher, who could not be too careful of his health, becaufe it is one of thofe bleflings that does not depend upon other men. But may not we make fome doubt whether Defcartes, who loved to live in foli- QUEEN ON SWEDEN. zn folhude, to purfue his ftudies at leifure, was not a little afraid of coming too near a throne. A prince in vain attempts to be a philofopher, or to afFecl it. Royalty forms a certain chara&er, that cannot be laid afide, flrikes awe into thofe who approach it, and is troublefbme to the philofopher, in fpite of all the pains the monarch may take to infpire him with confidence. The wife man reve- rences princes; Sometimes efteems them, but always avoids them*. " We are a theatre great enough for *' one another," faid Defcartes to another philofopher, whom he had invited to take part of his retreat, at the time Chriltina wanted to draw him out of it. However as the love of liberty cannot iland out againft the importunity of kings, Defcartes foon after repaired to Stockholm, with a full refolution, as he faid, not to conceal his fentiments from the queen, and his intention of returning to a philofophical retire- ment. We fee by his letter that he was well fatisfied with the reception the queen gave him. He was excufed from the drudgery of courtiers ; but it was in order to impofe upon him other hardfhips, which totally difconcerted his manner of living, and which, in con- junction with the feverities of the climate, brought him to his grave in about four months. * If there are any exceptions to this rule, happy is the fove- reign in whofe favour Uiey are made ! Socrates, accufed by Any- tus before the Areopagus, would have fled to the prote&ion of Marcus Aurelius, had he lived at that time. / Defcaites 212 MEMOIRS OF CHRISTINA, Defcartes found in ChrifHna a great deal of wit and fagacity; but it is evident, the unfortunate princefs Palatine was that philofopher's favourite pupil. Whether the troubles he had experienced himfelf in- creafed his attachment, or whether he found her of a more comprehenfive genius, or of a more tradable difpofition, which is the greateft recommendation to the head of a feel, he could not conceal his partiality to her, and by that means alarmed the jealoufy of ChrifUna. While he renounced every other advantage, he re- tained the ambition of philofophy to fee his opinion and his talie exclufively adopted ; and, therefore, he did not approve of the queen's dividing her time be- twixt philofophy and the ftudy of the languages. He found himfelf in a difagreeable fituation, among fuch a crowd of fcholars as furrounded the queen ; fuch a literary levee gave occafion to foreigners to fay, that Sweden would foon be governed by grammarians. He had the courage to make fuch free and fpirited re- monftrances to the queen upon this head, as produced an irreconcileable difference betwixt him and the learned Ifaac Voflius, that incredulous and fuperftitious theologian, of whom Charles II. kiw of England, ufed to fay, that he believed every thing but the Bible. Defcartes's reprefentations did not prevent the queen from learning Greek : however they did not alter her fentiments concerning him. The moments (he devoted to him, were Mole from her fleep. She intended to have made him director of an academy, which fhe thought of eUablifhing. In ihort, fhc QUEEN OE SWEDEN. 213 ie diftinguiihed him by To many marks of favour, that it was pretended the grammarians of Stockholm, haftened the philofopher's death by poifon. But this manner of being avenged of an enemy, fays Sorbiere, is an honour which men of letters leave to the great. Whatever paflionate fondnefs Chriftina might fhew for the philofophy of Defcartes, there is no reafon to imagine, as fome have done, that (lie confulted him in political affairs. Placed, as me was, in the moft advantageous fchool in the world for this kind of knowledge, the fenate of Sweden, what affiftance could me receive from a philofopher,who, by his conduct in Holland, fhewed that he was unfit to deal with mankind, and who had been hindred, by a thirty years retreat, from knowing them ? It has been pretended, that me had much more regard for Defcartes himfelf, than me had for his opinions ; and that me reaped no other benefit from the ftudy of philofophy than ftbb, to learn that the modern fools are no bet- ter than the antients. 1651* The troubles which foon after arofe in her kingdom, furnifhed her with much more important fub- jefts than the ftudy of Greek, inhate ideas, andvortexes. The refolution me had taken never to marry, alarmed the people, who were afraid they mould be deflitute of a mailer. The diforder of the finances, exhaufled by her profufenefs, occafioned an univerfal difcontent. This firft fuggefted to her the deiign of quitting the throne. She furrendered herfelf in full fenate 5 de- clared her intention, and fignified it by letter to prince 214 MEMOIRS OF CHRISTINA, prince Charles Guflavus. He, verfedin difTimuIation, and fearing left the queen had laid a fnare for him, rejected her propofal, mmt prayed that God and Sweden might preferve her long, a*^, with much parade, pretended to fentiments he was little aquainted with. Thefolitude in which he affected to live, after having accepted the fucceflion, his precaution to keep at a dif- tance from court, and the exceffive circumfpection he obfervedin all his words and actions, difcovered plainly his wifhes to afcend the throne. He flattered himfelf perhaps that the fenate would accept her refignation, and appoint him to the government, inrecompence for his modefty : but he was miftaken in his expectations. Whether Chriftina had a mind to appeafe her difcon- tented fubjects, and eilablifh herfelf the more firmly on the throne by their Suffrage, or fhe faw that her abdi- cation was not fo favourably received among foreigners as fhe expected; in mort, whether having renounced the crown out of vanity, fhe had a mind to refume it again out of caprice, fhe fubmitted, or pretended to fubmit to the importunity of her fucceflbr, and her fubjects. 1652. The year following Chriftina wrote to Mr. Godeau, bifhop of Vence, who publifhed a great many verfes, with very little poetry. This prelate had beflowed many compliments upon her, which fhe anfwered to this effect ; " That the gentlemen of ft France were fo vfed to pay compliment s> that fhe " durft not complain of a general cuftom ; and that " fhe was obliged to him." The fame perfon had difcovered fom.e figns of an ambition to make a con- vert QJJEEN OF. SWEDEN. 215 vert of her. The queen, after thanking him for hi.; kind intentions, wifhed fhe had the honour to be of his opinion, and exprefled her furprize that fo fenfible a man fhouid not be a Lutheran. She mewed fo lit- tle her intentions of turning Catholic, that fhe wrote a letter about the fame time to prince^ Frederic of Heffe, to diffuade him from embracing the Romifti religion. Two fuch letters as thefe from a princefs who became a Catholic a year after, would furnifh matter of ailonifhment, if experience had not taught us, how little time is neceflary to change the fenti- ments and tafle of mankind in general, and efpecially of princes. A proteftant author, who has mentioned thefe letters, remarks, with more malignity than wit, that the hour of grace was not yet come : we may fay, with more reafon, that perhaps ChrifUna had not beeri yet fufficiently tormented by the miniilers, to give her an averfion to their dodtrines. Such is the ftrange injuilice which mankind are guilty of, that there is but one ftep betwixt the hatred of divines and the hatred of the worfhip they recommend. If we begin to difengage ourfelves from them, that which appear- ed refpeftable, becomes indifferent; if they abufe their power, that which was indifferent, is indifferent no longer. This kind of reafoning is, doubtlefs, neither folid nor equitable ; but it is _the logic of the paffions. We mufl manage them as we do a fick man : and the fureft way of teaching mankind to be juft, is to begin, by a&ing juftly towards them. Befides, if we examine the arguments themfelves which Chriftina made ufe of to engage the prince of Hcffc 2i6 MEMOIRS OF CHRISTINA, HefTe to continue in his religion ; it is eafy to difccrm at bottom a real indifference for her own. Though a Lutheran, and confequently as far remote from Cal- vinifm as the church of Rome*, me neverthelefs ad- vifes this Calvinift prince not to change his principles. She feems to have a juft abhorrence of that ftupid rage with which perfons, who call themfelves wife, have written about things which are only to be believed* " I leave it, fays me, to thofe whofe profeflion it *' is to meddle in controverfies, to furfeit with " them at their pleafure." She reprefents to the prince nothing but motives of honour, conftancy, and the advantage of his family and Hate ; motives by no^neans fufficient to ballance the intereft of true re- ligion, but very well adapted to vanity and human weaknefs. s The liberality of ChrilUna, bounties lavifhed with little prudence or limitation, foon became the fubjeft of panegyrics to the learned men of Sweden and other countries. Her hiilorian has reckoned two hundred, which at this time are utterly forgotten ; a fate common to moll panegyrics made in the life- time of their heroes. That of Trajan, by Pliny the younger, pronounced before the emperor in full fenate, is almoft the only one which is now extant; and of this we may fay, that even the name of the orator, * The Lutherans and Calvinifts have frequently exprefied an im- placable antipathy to each other j yet they are more nearly allied to each other than to Papifls, having the fame common objections tc moft of the fundamental doctrines of popery. and .QJJEEN OF SWEDEN. 217 and the idea which his work gives us of the eloquence of thofe times, have not contributed fo much to pre- ferve it as the virtues of the prince who was the fub- jed of it. It is not the work which immortalizes the monarch ; it is the monarch who gives the work a paflport to pofterity. Perhaps this very panegyric would have done an injury to Trajan, if, by deferving it, he h,ad not made us forget his weaknefs in hearing it pronounced. I pafs over all the marks of refpecl: which Chriftina fhewed to Saumaife (that very learned and very difa- greeable man, who, amongft the many things in which he was engaged, undertook to interpret dreams ) the vifit which Chrifdna made him their leclure to- gether- the boxing match betwixt meffieurs Bour- delot and Meiboom, and other anecdotes of equal importance. I omit likewife the names of all the learned men whom this princefs invited into her king- dom, or found in it, as well as their epiftolary corre- fppnde,nce with her. Inflead of writing fo many Izz- ters of compliment to the learned, me had better have fent a few more letters of exchange to Nicholas Hein- fms, whom fhe commiflipned to purchafe books, manuscripts, t an$ ,rnedals ; and who could never be reimburfed the money he had advanced. However, the hiflorian undertakes to vindicate her conduft, even upon this article, and makes it almoU amount to a crime in Heinfius to complain. This want of fidelity and fair-dealing is common enough among monarchs with one another, but they might be excu- fed a&ing fo to private perfons. L 1653. What 218 MEMOIRS OF CHRISTINA, What is moft remarkable in the letters in queftion, is the offer which/ according to a mo< author, Chriftina made to Scudery, of acctptih. dedication of Alaric, and making him a confider. prefent, on condition he would ftrike out of the poem the eulogium of Mr. de la Gardie, who was in difgrace with her majefly. Scudery made ar.fwer to this propofal, that he would never deftroy t. e aUar on which he had facrificed. After fuch an ai'fwer, one cannot help faying, what a pity it is the 'poem-' of Alaric had not been better ! ..--: Among the many learned men whom me patronized j of different countries, we don't find one Englifh- man. That nation, which has fince been fo fruitful of great geniufes, was then agitated -by : internal troubles and civil wars, very unfriendly to let- ters. They went fo far at. laft> as to cut off the head of. their fovereign Charles I. and were attentive to nothing but their grandeur, liberty, and com- merce. The execution of this prince, at firft, made a great noife in Sweden. Some did not think of it with much horrof ; Mr. Chanut, ambaflador of France, faid, that depriving the king of England of his fovereignty, for violating his contract with his fubje&s, was an example to all princes; but the ex- cefs of fury and injuftice to which the nation was car- ried, was univerfally condemned. It is fcarce pro- bable Chriftina, upon hearing this news, (hduld have held the converfation which has-been afcribcd tc tr ; The Englifh have cut off the head of their king for . QUEEN OF SWEDEN. 219 " for making no ufe of it ; and they have a&ed very " wifely." Who can reconcile this difcourfe with the letter me wrote, at the fame time, to the fon of that unfortunate monarch, in which fhe exclaims againfl the fentence of that fanguinary parliament ? The horror ChrifHna had conceived of it, was one of the principal caufes of delay to the conclufion of the treaty which Cromwell's ambafTador was then ne- gotiating with her. The ambaflador, who could not execute his commifilon but at the expence of a greac deal of pains and time, complained, that at the au- diences fhe gave him, fne talked of nothing but phi- lofophy, diverfions, and ballads. Of all the foreign miniflers at the court of Sweden, Pimentel, the Spanifh ambaflador, was the queen's great favourite. At the firft audience he had with. Chriftina, he retired without faying a word ; and he declared to her the next day, that he had been ftruclc dumb by the majefty of her perfon : one may judge whether this pleafed her or not. Pimentel, an able minifter, availed himfelf of this iirft advantage, to gain the confidence of the queen. He foon di- covered in her a violent paflion for novelty, a preju- dice for the laft comers, and a readinefs to betray her fecrets where fhe had beflowed her liking. But her partiality to Pimentel, however ufeful to Spain, gave both France and Sweden fo much umbrage, that fhe was foon obliged to difmifs him. 16^4. We are now come to the period at which flie abdicated the crown. The deiign fhe had enter- tained fome years now broke out with fo much yio- L 2 Icnce, 220 MEMOIRS OF CHRISTINA, lence, that it was impoflible to difluade her from it. It feems as if a difguft at bufmefs, and a defire of being free, were the principal motives that influenced her to that determination. " I am perpetually hear- *' ing the fame thing, (faid me, fpeaking about buii- *' nefs.) I fee I muft reftore myfelf to ftudy, and the *' converfation of the learned." She imagined (to wfe one of her own expreffions) me faw the devil when her fecretaries came with difpatches for her to fign ; and the fatigue of government threw her into fuch a deep melancholy, that it was apprehended her mind would be quite broken with it. She communicated to Mr. Chanut the refolution me had taken. The talk, oc- cafioned by her conduct in this refpedl, diflurbed her but little. " I am not felicitous, faid fhe, about ** t\it plaudits. It is almoil impoflible that a refolute * c and vigorous defign fhould pleafe all the world. ** 1 can content myfelf with a iingle approver; and *< I dare engage I mall have one. I mail always ' have the pleafure of recollecting, that I have done " good to mankind." Why then was me defirous to give over doing fo ? " The abdication of Chriftina oceafioned great va- riety of opinions. It would have been more generally approved (without deferving to be fo) if her conver- lion, which happened foon after, had not incenfed all the enemies of the catholic church againfl her. In general, we are difpofed to applaud perfons who de- fcend from a throne. We have fo diminutive an idea of the immenfe duties of a prince, that we look upon their abdication as a fplendid kind of facrifice. We fhould QJLJEEN OF SWEDEN. 221 fhould not be fo rafh and precipitate in forming our judgment, if we were to enquire into the obligation which the name of monarch impofes. Rigoroufly de- voted to juftice, and to decorum, and bound to be the firft in obferving the laws, of which they are the guardians, they are accountable to the ftate for all the evil that happens by their means, and all the good that does not happen. How few kings are there who would be kings on fuch conditions. A fovereign, however, that does pofTefs proper talents for go verr- ment, is guilty of a crime in rendering thofe talents ufelefs, by a voluntary defertion of his ftation. He is excufeable only by fubftituting a fuccefTor capable of fupplying his place. Beiides that fuch fucceflbrs are very rare, there are different? motives that determine the conduct of fome princes in this refpeft, they are only fond, perhaps, of glory, and they have no re- gard for the happinefs of mankind. Princes, indeed* who quit their throne for want of ability to govern, acquit themfelves of a very effential duty. They de- ferve praife, if this was done from an idea of the propriety of it, and their confcioufnefs of incapacity for government. But moft of them want a laudable motive to give even the appearance of juftice to fuch a ftep. A love of indolence, the defire of indulging at leifure fome trifling, contemptible pafiion, are ge- nerally the reafons of their abdication. One of the great benefits that princes might have in defcending from their throne, would be to aflurc themfelves, by this means, of the reality of thofe en- comiums which had been lavifhed upcn them while L 3 they 222 MEMOIRS OF CHRISTINA, they were in power to fee the herd of flatterers vanifh, and to find themfelves alone in the company of virtue, if happily virtue be of their acquaintance. But it is not often that thefe benefits have any charms for princes. The example of kings, who voluntarily get rid of their courtiers, is not very contagious. It is faid Chriftina, before fhe abdicated her crown, wanted Charles Guftavus to have entered into a treaty with her, that would have been very difhonourable to him. She wanted to referve great part of the kingdom to herfelf, to be abfolutely independent, to have the liberty of going abroad, or flaying in what part of Sweden fhe thought proper. In fhort, fhe ex- pected her fucceflbr mould make no alteration of her appointments in the government. Charles, who had from the firft endeavoured to difTuade Chriftina from this abdication, but who faw plainly that now fhe had gone too far to return, refufed thefe conditions, and told her he would not be a mere titular mo- narch. When Chriftina heard his anfwer, fhe faid, fhe had only made thefe propofals to find out his real character ; that fhe was now fatisfied he was fit to govern, fince he knew fo well the rights of a king. This extorted compliment from Chriftina to her fuc- ccfTor was, to be fure, very fincere. To pay his acknowledgments to the queen, Charles had a medal ftruck on this occafion, with thefe words, " That he received the crown from God and Chriftina." This medal offended the ftates ; they faid, and very juftly, that it was by their ele&ion that he afcended the throne. We QUEEN OF SWEDEN. 223 We cannot deny, fince religion teaches us, that the lawful authority of kings is derived from God ; but it is the confent of the people which is the vifible fign of this lawful authority, and which fecures the exer- cife of it. The clergy wanted to oblige Chriftina to remain in Sweden, for fear fhe fhould change her religion ; as if this princefs, after having made a facrifice of her crown to her liberty, had not a right to ufe -this liberty without controul, and could not go to mafs at Stockholm, without difturbing the ftate. But whe- ther it was that fhe wanted to fecure herfelf againfl ecclefiaftical perfections, fo formidable to princes, even when in the height of their power; or whether flie then formed the refolution of fpending the remainder of her life out of her own country, fhe took leave of Sweden a few days after her abdi- cation, and had a medal engraved, the device of which was, " Que le ParnafTe vaut mieux que le " trone." This medal did as little honour to her fentiments, as the device of it did to her tafte. When fhe arrived upon the frontiers of Sweden, at a little rivulet which divides that kingdom from Denmark, " At length (fays ihe) I am at liberty, and out of " Sweden, where, I hope, never to return." Charles once more made her an offer of his heart and hand j but fhe told him, that the time was pail. Difguifed in men's cloaths part of her journey, fhe travelled over Denmark and Germany ; fcarce ver regarding the difcourfe which her abdication generally introduced, but difcovering upon thefe oc- L 4 cafions 224 MEMOIRS OF CHRISTINA, cafions more phrlofophy than me had ihewn in her re/ignation. The prince of Conde being at BrufTels when Chrif- tina paffed through, afked where that queen could be who had fo eafily renounced a crown, for which, fays he, we are fo eagerly contending and grafping at all our lives, without being able to attain ? Her enemies pretended, that fhe exprefTed fome regret when fhe came to BrufTels, at the ftep me had taken. The report reached Sweden ; and the chancellor Oxenftiern, then at the point of death, could not help faying, " I " foretold fhe would repent of her condudl; but me " is the daughter of Guilavus Hill." Thefe were the lail words of that great man. Chriftina had prepared for the change of her religion, by viliting all the monafteries and churches me found in her rout, efpecially thofe which contained any re- markable curiofities. Jnfhort, after embracing the Ro- man Catholic religion at BrufTels, fhe publickly abjured Lutheranifm at Infpruck, and took this device, " Fata ** viam invenient." " The fates will dired my courfe." This a&ion furniflied matter of great triumph to the Catholics as if the opinions of this princefs gave any new weight to the arguments on which the Ro- mifh religion is founded, and as if it might not be poffible to embrace even true religion merely from human motives. The Proteflants, on the other hand, with as little reafon, fell intodefpair; they pretended indeed that Chriftina, indifferent to all religions in her heart, had only changed for her convenience, that flie might live in Italy at her eafe, where fhe had in- tended QJUEEN OF SWEDEN. 215 tended to retire, to enjoy the fine arts which that country poflefled. In proof of this indifference, they mention fome letters or fome difcourfes, the truth of which muft be well attefted before we can conclude any thing from them. It is aflerted, for inftance, that when the Jefuits of Lorrain once offered her a place near St. Bridget of Sweden, (he anfwered, I had ra- ther have a place among the philofophers. It cannot be denied, and experience too evidently proves, that -we feldom embrace from conviction any religion ia which we have not been educated from our infancy. Intereft is fo general a motive for fuch a change, that even thofe, who abjure a falfe religion, are hardly ever efteemed, being always fufpected of entertaining lefs noble views than a pure regard to truth. If Chriftina became a Catholic only to indulge her curiolity for ftatues, me did not deferve to have her own erected ; and if me renounced the happinefs of her people for the fake of pictures, me is more contempt- ible than the meaneft of monarchs. It is certain that, during her residence at Rome, {he mewed a tafte for the works of the great mailers that filled the city. One day, as me was ad- miring a marble flatue of Truth, done by the cheva- lier Bernini, a cardinal, who was near her, took oc- cafion to compliment her as a more iincere lover of truth than princes in general are. " All truths, an- *' fwered me, are not of marble.** The changing of her religion proved fatal to the bifhop John Mathia, a moderate Lutheran, who had projefted feveral fchemes for the re-union of the Prote- L 5 ftant 226 MEMOIRS OF CHRISTINA, ftant churches. The Reformers, who inveigh with fo much bitternefs againft the intolerant fpirit of the Ro- uiifh church, only hate perfecution when it is againft them, never when they have occafion to praclife it themfelves. Mathia, unjuftlyaccufedof having a fhare in the fuppofed apoftacy of the queen, was degraded from his bifhoprick by the ftates of the kingdom. 1656. The queen, who had always entertained an ill opinion of France, changed her mind on a fudden, from fome malevolent converfation held of her among her Spanifh domeftics. From hence we may fee, that love and hatred were motives pretty familiar to her. This pailion for France became fo violent, that me foon formed a refolution of paying a viiit there, and fhewing that country, enamoured of monarchy, a queen capable of abandoning a throne for philo- fophy. As fhe patted through the French cities, me fub- mitted to all thofe harangues which fovereigns are con- demned to receive. Though but juft admitted into the bofom of the church, Chriflina, always a princefs and a woman, could but ill brook the difcourfe of a certain orator upon the judgments of God and the contempt of the world. At laft me reached Fontain- bleau, and furprifed at the ceremonials of the court, me demanded why the ladies were fo eager to pay their refpe&s to her ? " Is it, fays fhe, becaufe *' I am fo like a man ?" The celebrated Ninon was the only French woman on whom fhe beftowed marks of her particular efteem. This fingular perfon, who, by her genius, her man- ner \ QUEEN OF SWEDEN. 227 Her of thinking, and even her conduft, adted the part of a courtezan with peculiar diftin&ion, was more t than any other woman to attract the notice of a princefs as Singular as herfelf. We may commend Ninon for the reception (he met with, but we ought nt to blame the queen. From Fontainbleau me went to Paris, where me was univerfally complimented. Here me underwent again thofe long and difmal entertainments which were prepared for her, not omitting even the tragedies of the college, which me had the hardinefs to difpife moft heartily. She revenged herfelf upon them. for the fatigue which that parade of ceremonies and reception gave her. She faw at Paris many learned men, received innu- merable verfes, and fet a proper value upon thofe that had merit. She had long -entertained a great regard for the celebrated Menage, who has written fo> many frivolous things, among fome which are ufefuL In her journey from Sweden to Rome, me wrote to him to come to her at Bruflels ; and, as ftie met him halfway, me expelled he would readily perform the reft of the journey ; but Menage did not care to put himfelf out of his way to oblige a queen who was no more. However, me did not refent this behaviour ; on the other hand, as her intention in coming to Pa- ns was to feekout men of letters, me appointed him to be her mafter of the ceremonies, to introduce flrangers into her prefence ; a place which, one may venture to fay, was never enjoyed before by a /earned man, and probably never will again. As it was a hind of ho- L 6 nour 228 MEMOIRS OF CHRISTINA, nour to be presented to the queen, Menage would not fufrer all, who were defirous to be admitted to this fa- vour, without diflinaion, but conferred it only on thofe who were worthy ; which made fome perfons ob- ferve to the queen, that Menage was a good judge of men of merit. She had more reafon to be pleafed with Paris than with the court which had given her but little enter- tainment. The women and courtiers could not relifh a princefs who appeared in the habit of a man, who drove flat- terers away from her prefence, complimented thofe that told her agreeable ilories, and, in fhort, whofe genius had fomething too manly in it for fuch frivolous beings, with whom all kind of knowledge is abfolutely ufelefs.' Thofe who thought they knew her, com- pared her to the caftle of Fontainbleau, great, but ir- regular. We mall hardly be aftonifhed at the indif- ferent reception me met with, when we recoiled the little impreffion which a peribnage, much fuperior to Chriftina, made at the fame court in 1717, I mean Peter the Great. The generality a^the courtiers dif- covered nothing in this monarch but a flranger of different manners from their own ; they faw not the ibvereign ffored with genius, travelling in quefl of knowledge, and quitting a throne only to render him- felf more worthy of it. Our nation feems to have poflefTed a great deal of that inferior kind of attention defcribed by Tacitus, which inveftigates the reputa- tion of great men in their looks, and is afloniflied when it does not find it. Chriftina QUEEN OF SWEDEN. 229 1657. Chriilina had fuch an attachment to France, that me was hardly got back to Italy, before fhe thought proper to make a fecond journey thither, and it was imagined with political views ; but this journey was remarkable for nothing but the tragical death of Mo- naldechi, her matter of the horfe, whom fhe caufed to be affaffinated in the gallery des Cerfs at Fontain- bleau, almoft in her own prefence. The circumftances of this murder are very well known ; but what is not fo well known, and yet feems more ftrange than the barbarity of Chriftina, are the differtations that were wrote by the learned lawyers to juftify her. Thefe differtations (a lamentable inftance of the flat- tery of men of letters to princes) ^re the reproach of their authors, without being an apology for the fa&. I am concerned for the memory of Leibnitz, and for humanity, to find the name of this great man among the defenders of an afTaffin. I am yet more furprifed at the infult he offered to the court of France, in fay- ing that, if they were offended by this action of Chrif- tina, it was only becaufe they had loft their regard for her. Pofterity will be aftoniihed to find that, in the centre of Europe, and in an enlightened age, it was ferioufly debated whether a queen, who had quitted her throne, did not however retain the right of putting her domeftics to death without any trial ? It mould rather have been inquired, whether Chriflina, even upon the throne of Sweden, mould have had this bar- barous prerogative? aqueftion which would have been foon determined at the tribunal of the law of nature and nations. The 23 o MEMOIRS OF CH-RISTINA, , The Hate (whofe conftitution fhould be held facred by monarchs, becaufe it remains while kings and Tub- jecls difappear) is concerned to fee every man judged according to the laws : it is the intereft too of princes, who derive their power and fecurity from the laws. Humanity fometimes permits them to foften their rigour by pardoning, but never to abufe them into cruelty. It would be injurious to princes to imagine that thefe principles can offend them, or that it fhould be thought a mark of courage to afiert them even in the bofom of a monarchy. They are the voice of na- ture. Maxims fo true and fo deeply ingraven on the hearts of all men, make it needlefs to fay before what tribunal Chriftina, now ftript of her authority, ought to have fummoned Monaldechi, whether that of Swe- den, of Rome, or of France ; it would not have been material at what tribunal, provided it had not been at her own. It feems lefs nece/Tary^to inquire what could be the reafon of the afTaflination of Monaldechi : it may, perhaps, be for the honour of Chriftina to draw a veil over this myflery ; it would be mocking if a love in- trigue mould have been the caufeof it, as fome writers have faid ; fuch a motive need not be affigned to ren- der her conduct in this refpeft odious. 1 6 c 7 . She was now out of humour with France, where (he was looked upon with horror, and wanted to go over to England. Cromwell, who then governed that kingdom with an authority more abfolute than he had punifhed in Charles I. did not think it convenient to receive her. This man, who was as able a politician as he was a dangerous citizen, was afraid of having his QUEEN OF SWEDEN. 231 his affairs expofed to the piercing eye of a woman who had an intriguing fpirit ; he could not perfuade himfelf to fee a queen who had facrificed three crowns to a religion which he detefted, and he did not care to em- ploy the public money in fuch ufelefs hofpitality, fo that Chriflina was foon out of conceit with this expe- dition, and only went to the French academy, where they had nothing better to prefent to her than a tranflation by Cotin, of fome verfes of Lucretius, againft Providence, to which, fays Patru, they might oppofe twenty others, by the fame author, in favour of Providence. It may not be arnifs to mention, that they like wife read to her fome articles of the dictionary, which the French academy have been employed about ever fmce that time. They happened to fall upon the article Jeu, in which were thefe words, " Jeux de " princes qi.ii ne plaifent qu'a ceux qui les font." 1658. At length the queen of Sweden returned to Rome, where, in all the fweetnefs of an elegant re- pofe, (he indulged her tafte for the arts and fciences, efpecially for chemiftry, medals and ftatues. The cardinal Azzolini, who had conceived for the queen an affection, which malice and calumny have not fpared, re-eflablilhed the ftate of [her finances, which had been greatly difordered by her extravagant profufenefs, and by the little punctuality with which her penfion had been remitted to her from Sweden. The cardinal preferved her confidence and friendfhip till he died ; and one may fay, there were but three perfons in the world, who, in reality, enjoyed her ef- teem ; the prince of Conde on account of his courage, the 3 2 MEMOIRS OF CHRISTINA, the cardinal De Retz for his fpirit, and the cardinal Azzolini for his complaifance. If we may judge by the queen's character, me does not feem at any time to have been much actuated by a principle of liberti- nifm or of love, as fome have imagined ; miflaken vanity was her predominant paflion. She had not been long at Rome, before a rnifun- derflanding happened between her and Alexander VII. who then filled the pontifical chair. This pope, a man of a vain and trifling character, was very defirous of the honour of the conver/ion of the princefs* from whom he had received but a fmgle letter. Th part fhe appeared to take in the interefts of France, chagrined the pope, who could not endure Lewis XIV. But the queen, who knew the temper of Alexander, and who had certain ends to ferve by managing him, ufed to pacify him by receiving, from time to time, his benedictions in the public proceffions. She went fo far as to lodge in a convent, for fear of giving umbrage to the pope, who did not forget to plant round her a number of monks and ecclefiallics as fpies upon her actions. This retreat into a convene gave occafion to the report, which was generally be- lieved, that fhe was going to turn religious. " The " queen, fays Guy Patin, will try every profeffion in " life, if fhe does not die foon ; fhe has already " played many parts, very different from her fir/I " fituation, fo that fhe may be called the tenth mufe, '* and the Sybille of the north." It is not eafy to be* lieve that a princefs, incenfed againft the pope, fhould wifh to rivet, in fo flrange a manner, thefe bonds which; QJUEEN OF SWEDEN. 233 which increafed her dependence upon him. However, the caufes (he had, or thought Ihe had, to complain, increafed fo much, that, upon the death of Charles Guf- tavus, 1660, fhehad thoughts of returning to Sweden. This journey, the motives of which were unknown, furnifhed many fpeculations to the politicians, not very agreeable; for Chriflina's ancient fubje&s, having forgot all (he had done for them, and all the afFedUon they had formerly exprefled, now beheld her only as a woman who had quitted them for the fake f going to live in a flrange land, in the profefiion of a religion which they looked upon with deteftation in Sweden. The mafs, which me caufedto be read without any re- ftraint in the palace, gave very little unealinefs to thq nobility, whofe attention was fully occupied with war and intrigue. But two orders of the kingdom were highly difpleafed; the clergy, whofe authority me had infulted, and the peafants, whofe prejudices fhe had mocked. Thefe two orders refufed to confirm her revenues, being perfuaded that nobody deferved to live who did not believe in Luther. It fignified nothing to fay that, as a fovereign, me was not refponfible for her aft ions to any perfon. The anfwerwas very ready, that me was no longer their miftrefs to annul the fun- damental conftitutions of the kingdom. The Hates or- dered her chapel to be pulled down, and banilhed the Italian almoners who accompanied her. She was no longer a queen except in name, fays an hiflorian ; and he whom fhe had made king, and who boafted of holding every thing of God and Chriltina, was no more. She 234 MEMOIRS OF CHRISTINA, She feemed to have intended a revenge for this perfecution, if fhe had fucceeded in her project of afcending the throne again ; but this defign pro- duced only a fecond renunciation, to which Ihe was forced to fubniit. She then returned to Rome : in her way through Hamburgh, fhe called upon the cele- brated Lambecius, whom fhe confoled under the perfecutions he fuffered from the Proteftant divines, by the honour fhe fhewed him. Thefe perfecutions induced him to profefs himfelf a Catholic, to juftify himfelf from the charge of Atheifm, which his ene- mies urged againfl him : that is, he changed his reli- gion, to prove that he had one to change. The fiege of Candia, of which the princes of Chrif- tendom were mere fpeclators, without giving it any relief, was by no means an object of indifference to the queen of Sweden. She exerted herfelf to procure afTtftance for the Venetians both in money and troops. Thefe efforts, though fruitlefs, were fo great, as to give occafion to fome to fufpect her of being influenced by intereftjfo ready is the malignity of human nature * to poifon the moll commendable actions without any foundation. 1662. A little time after happened the famous af- fair of the guards,, in which the king of France ob- tained a fktisfa&ion fo mortifying to the court of Rome. Chriftina had the honour to intercede with the king for a pope whom fhe hated, and the pleafure, at the fame time, to intercede without effect. The pope, prove the religious fentiments of the queen ; tho* many parts of his book, he intimates his fufpici- ons of the fmcerity of her converfion. This problem appeared to him very difficult to refolve ; and feems to have given him great difturbance. But a letter fo unworthy of the princefs, and of the perfon to whom it was wrote, ferves only to mew that Chriflina mif- fpent her time. The author ihould not have publifhed it. ' The fame may be faid of the apology for Chriflina, ^ier affedted paflion for altrology. In an age, when philofophy (which feldom dillurbs crowned heads) had not made a general progrefs, it is not to> be wondered at that the queen, wanting to know more than was poflible, fhould be prejudiced in favour of a fcience, to which, frivolous as it was, fome confide- rable men had applied themfelves ; and which had employed, in his younger days, the celebrated Caf- fmi. Chriftina, however, {hewed fome difcernment and knowledge of the world, when fhe obferved that the terreflial aftrology feemed to her a better guide in difcovering events, than the celeftial; and that aftro- logy, like medicine, m-uft be fludied, only that we may not be dupes to it. As a queen, as a Catholic, as an enthuiiaftic ad- mirer of great aftions, this princefs, in 1683, wrote a letter to John Sobiefki, king of Poland, who, by re- lieving Vienna, then befieged by the Turks, and abandoned by Leopald, both fervcd and humbled the M emperor. 24* MEMOIRS OF CHRISTINA, emperor. Chriftina, in this letter, acquainted So- bie&i with his being reproached for converting, im- properly, the fpoils of the war to his own ufe. " I " envy not your majefly (fays fhe) the treafures you *' have got ; I envy you only the glorious title you *' have acquired, of the deliverer of Chriftendom ; *' and though I am without a kingdom, I think my- *' felf under that obligation that is due to you from 4 * all monarchs." Lewis XIV. who, while he was humbling the pope on one hand, thought, on the other, to extirpate Calvinifm from his kingdom, in 1685, publifhed the famous edict, revoking that of Nantz. Chriftina wrote, on this occafion, to the chevalier de Terlon the French ambaflador in Sweden, a letter, which liayle has preferved in his journal. She there laments the fortune of the perfecuted Calviniits, with that warmth and fmcerity, that made them fay, that the queen's letter was the relics of Protefhuitifm. This is, however, very doubtful ; and there is all the appearance, that the rights of humanity alone drew fhis letter from her. The perfecution of the Re- formed was carried to a degree of cruelty, which one cannot impute to Lewis XIV. It was the eiFeft of violent animofities amongft his miniftry. I don't enter at all into the queflion, whether the king Ihoul4 }iave tolerated Calvinifm in his kingdom ? whether two powerful and rival fefts of religion are more dangerous in a kingdom, than the violent extirpatior; of one of them? or whether in a country of com- niprce, it would not have been better to have em- ployed QUEEN OF SWEDEN. *tf ployed mildnefs than open force, and gradually, and by gentle methods, made profelytes to the Catholic faith, than martyrs to Calvinifm ? Thefe political and religious quefticns require a different pen from mine, and another ftyle than this. All the world, however, agrees, at this day, that the cruelty of this perfecu- tion equally (hocked religion and juflice. Should we acknowledge the re&itude of the king's inten- tions, we can't help lamenting, that they were fo bar- baroufly executed. The fentiments which Chriftina difcovers in this letter, do her honour, and are one of the bell memo- rials that remain of her. " Are you thoroughly fa- ' tisfied (fays me to the chevalier de Terlon) of the " fincerity of thefe new converts? Military folks " are ftrange apoftles I am grieved to fee fo many " honeft men reduced to beggary If they are in an " error, they rather defer ve pity than hatred " France feems, to me, in a malady, to which lh/5 " applies a violent remedy, when patience and gentle " treatment would have wrought the cure." She concludes this letter, by oppofing the condu&of Lewis XIV. to his Proteilant fubjefts, to his conduct towards the pope. This lafl article is too long, as well as her tranfal-* pine declamations againil the rights of the Gallican church, and the famous articles of 1682. Chriftina was very much offended at Bayle for pub- liming this letter; and more fo on account of the re- flections which he has added, and which throw fome doubt upon her converfion. Thefe complaints were M 2 the 244 MEMOIRS OF CHRISTINA,- the fubjeft of a long altercation between the philo- fohper and the queen ; which ended, however, to the mutual fatisfaclion of both parties. 1687. The affair of privileges, which then made a great noife in France, made no lefs difturbance at Rome. Chriilina, who had juft given up her right, wanted to recal it, from her indignation at the info- lence of the pope's officers, who had purfued and taken a criminal, even in her houfe. But this affair, which was treated at Paris with great parade, and which produced excommunications from the pope, and from the parliament arrets, and appeals to a ge- neral council, was managed more fmoothly between the pope and the queen, by the mediation of their confeflbrs. Neverthelefs Chriilina was as difficult to- pleafe, as if fhe had really been formidable. The prince of Conde had died the preceding year. Chriftina, whofe admiration of him was not abated by his difgrace, wrote to mademoifelle de Scudery, to engage her to celebrate a hero fo worthy of elogium. She appears, in this letter, to contemplate her own end with great calmnefs; ** The approach of death " (fays ftie) which is haftening on, gives me no dif- ** quietude : I wait for it, without wifhing or fearing it." 1688. War, in the mean time, commenced again in Europe. It is obfervable, by one of the laft letters of Chriftina, that fhe forefaw what would be the event of it, with regard to king James II. This prince, who makes a better figure in a funeral oration than he does in hiflory, and whofe perfecuting temper will always QUEEN ON SWEDEN. 245. always be ofFenfive to the true genuine fpirit of Chrif- tianity, had been driven from his throne for torment- ing a nation that never difturbed him with his monks and his miftrefles, and for attempting to make the Englifh believe by force what he mould have taught them by his own example. A refugee in France, little refpected in Europe, and a fubjeft of raillery even in the court he had fled to, they pretend he wrought miracles after his death, though he had not flcill enough to manage the miracle of recovering his throne while he was alive. Always averfe to France, Chriftina feemed to wifh that the Swedes would not have joined Lewis XIV. in tjiis war. They pretend too, that me was weary of the pope and the Romans, and was concerting mea- fures with the elector of Brandenburg to retreat into his dominions. Some writers, without examining whether there really was any negotiation for this pur- pofe, have concluded, that me had thoughts of re- turning to the Lutheran religion. 1689. But if me had indeed any fuch defign, which is not probable, me had not, however, time to put it in execution. She died a little while after, with great compofure and philofophy. They fay, her death was fuperior to that of Elizabeth; one could wiih to fay as much for her life. She ordered, by her will, that thefe words only mould be put upon her tomb ; " D. O. M. Vixit Chriflina, Ann. LXIII." The modefly and the oftentation of monumental in- fcriptions are equally the effeft of vanity. Modefty agrees befl with that fpecies of vanity which ha$ pro* z 4 6 MEMOIRS OF CHRISTINA, produced Tome great actions ; parade with that vanity which has only fignalized itfelf in trifles. If we examine the epitaph of ChrifUna by this rule the irregularities of her conduct, of her temper and her tafte the want of decency Ihe fhewed in her be- haviour the little ufe fhe made of her knowledge and underilanding towards the happinefs of man- kind her pride, which was often mifplaced (and which is always fo when it does not produce refpecb), her equivocal difcourfe upon the religion me had re- nounced, and that which fhe had embraced ; in fine, the vagrant life which me led among ftrangers who did not love her : all thefe circumstances together juftify more than me was aware of, the brevity of her epitaph. I mall fay nothing of her obfequies, her library, her pi&ures, or the medals that were ftruck on this occafion : I leave it to the author of the Memoirs to araufe himfelf with this detail, chufing rather to take notice of two pieces which fhe compofed ; one in titled, " Penfeesdiverfes," which, like mofl things of this kind, is but a collection of common-place obfervations, and thofe frequently where there have not been even the pains taken to difguife them by an epigrammatic turn. But, what is mofl remarkable in this performance, are the maxims upon toleration, which diametrically oppofe the proportions in fupport of the infallibility of the pope. If fhe meant to lay down thefe maxims by way of counterpoife to the others, I doubt we mull be forced to fay, that the remedy is worfe than the difeafe. Tlie QJJEEN OF SWEDEN. 247 The other performance of Chriftina is an elogium upon Alexander, that conqueror who is the idol of an- tiquity, and the fubjec*l of criticifm in our days ; who, like moft celebrated princes, neither deferves the praifes which adulation has beftowed on him, nor the cenfure with which he has been treated by learned men, becaufe they had no intereft in commending him. Chriftina mould have praifed him lefs, and imi- tated him more, not in his extravagant love of fame and conqueil, but in the dignity of his mind, in his talents for government, in his knowledge of man- kind, in the enlargement of his views, and in his re- fined tafte for the arts and fciences. FINIS. 7