GIFT OF 
 JANE KoSATHER 
 

THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
THE 
 
 LIFE OF ALCUIN/ 
 
 DR. FREDERICK LORENZ, 
 
 PROFESSOR OF HISTORY AT THE UNIVERSITY OF HALLE. 
 
 TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN 
 BY 
 
 JANE MARY SLEE. 
 
 LONDON: 
 THOMAS HURST, ST. PAUL'S CHURCH- YARD. 
 
 M.DCCC. XXXVII. 
 
I 
 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 THE following translation of the Life of Alcuin has 
 been undertaken at the suggestion of the Rev. J. G. 
 Tiarks, minister of the German Protestant Re- 
 formed Church in London, author of one of the best 
 German Grammars which has been published in 
 this country, and various other books for the use of 
 students. My sole object in executing the work, 
 has been to render an individual, who contributed 
 so eminently to the revival of literature, at a period 
 when learning was well nigh extinct, more exten- 
 sively known amongst his countrymen. However 
 numerous may be the defects, the reader may, I 
 hope, rely upon the accuracy of the translation, the 
 MSS. having had the advantage of being revised 
 by so accomplished a scholar as Mr. Tiarks. It is, 
 perhaps, needless to say, that as a mere translator, 
 I hold myself in no way responsible for the senti- 
 ments expressed by Dr. Lorenz; from some of 
 
IV PREFACE. 
 
 which, notwithstanding the great ability he has 
 displayed, I may be disposed to differ. The quota- 
 tions from the Scriptures are translated from 
 Luther's version, which is universally adopted in 
 Germany, and consequently by Dr. Lorenz. 
 
 J. M. SLEE. 
 
 December 24, 1836. 
 
CONTENTS, 
 
 PAGE 
 
 INTRODUCTION . . . . . .1 
 
 SECTION I. 
 
 EDUCATION AND CIRCUMSTANCES OF ALCUIN UNTIL HIS 
 FIRST APPEARANCE AT THE COURT OF CHARLEMAGNE. 
 A.D. 735 782. . . . .6 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 ALCUIN'S RESIDENCE DURING EIGHT YEARS AT THE COURT 
 OF CHARLEMAGNE. A.D. 782790. 
 
 1 . Of the State of Civilisation in the Kingdom of France . 14 
 
 2. Charlemagne . . . . .16 
 
 3. Alcuin as Instructor to the King and Royal Family . 20 
 
 4. Establishment of the Higher and Lower Schools in the 
 
 Kingdom of France . . . . .48 
 
 5. Alcuin's Return to England . . . .60 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 ALCUIN'S RETURN TO THE COURT OF CHARLEMAGNE, AND 
 HIS PARTICIPATION IN RELIGIOUS AFFAIRS UNTIL HIS 
 PERMANENT SETTLEMENT IN FRANCE. A.D. 790 796 . 64 
 
 1 . Rise and Progress of the Doctrine of the Adoptionists . 66 
 
 2. Alcuin's Theological Opinions . . . .77 
 History of the Controversy respecting Image-worship . 90 
 Decision of the Council of Frankfort upon the Doctrine of 
 
 the Adoptionists and Image-worship . . .110 
 
VI CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 5. Alcuin's Permanent Settlement in France, and his Parti- 
 cipation in the Complete Suppression of the Doctrine of 
 the Adoption . . . . . .27 
 
 SECTION IV. 
 
 ALCUIN AS ABBOT OF TOURS UNTIL HIS DEATH. 
 A.D. 796804. 
 
 / 1. Reformation of the Ecclesiastical Order . . .138 
 
 P^8. Concerning Charles' Endeavours to improve the National 
 
 Language, and the Academy he is said to have founded. 146 
 ^3. The Friends and Pupils of Alcuin . . .152 
 
 4. Alcuin as Director of the Monastic School at Tours . 168 
 
 5. Alcuin's Philosophical and Historical Works . .176 
 
 6. Alcuin's Poetical Works . . . .188 
 
 7. Renewal of the Roman Empire in the West . .193 
 
 8. Dissension between Alcuin and Theodulph . .214 
 
 9. Alcuin's Death . . . . . .225 
 
 SECTION V. 
 
 UPON ALCUIN'S CHARACTER AND PERSONAL APPEARANCE. 
 
 1. General Remarks upon History and Biography . . 22 
 
 j^- 2. Alcuin's Personal Appearance .... 238 
 
 ^3. Character of Alcuin , 235 
 
 NOTES . . .... 249 
 
 ERRATUM. 
 Page 40, line 1 3, for permission read persuasion. 
 
Till LIFE OF \l.< UN. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 I in totally different aspect presented by the West of 
 Europe, after the destruction of the Western Human 
 Empire, combined with the degenerated state of Roman 
 < ;\ ilisation, necessarily required a new development of 
 the minds of those whose energy and valour had subdued 
 the degraded descendants of cultivated antiquity. ( > 
 as were the powers of mind possessed by these hardy 
 conquerors, the rude and warlike habits acquired in their 
 native forests were too firmly interwoven with their very 
 nature, to le immediately exchanged for the refinement 
 of the country they had vanquished. The effeminate 
 Romans accommodated themselves more readily to the 
 manners and customs of the invaders ; and hence, in a 
 short space of time, the remembrance, and a few frag- 
 s of former civilisation alone remained the frail 
 memorials of departed grandeur. It was, therefore, 
 unaided by external influence, that the faculties of the 
 northern warriors were developed. The process was 
 H 
 
' 2" ' ' THE. '.LJF'E' OF ALCUIN. 
 
 indeed, slow ; so slow, that the lapse of a thousand years 
 was requisite to enable them to profit by the arts and 
 sciences, which, on their first approach, had been over- 
 whelmed by the tide of barbarism. This insensibility to 
 external influence tended essentially to the preservation 
 of their independence. Fortunately, most fortunately, 
 the heartless, prejudiced, enervated character of the then 
 modern Roman, who possessed not faculties even to com- 
 prehend, far less to imitate, the glory of his ancestors, re- 
 mained totally alien to the new possessors of the soil, who 
 imbibed only the vivifying element of Christianity. The 
 Christian religion was the main spring of all intellectual 
 efforts, during the whole of the interval that elapsed 
 between the loss and the recovery of ancient civilisation ; 
 and literature was altogether under the conduct and con- 
 trol of her ministers. Few were the intellectual lumi- 
 naries that shone forth in those days of darkness, very 
 few were so brilliant as to exercise any direct influence on 
 the present age. The venerated names, the hallowed 
 writings of that period, ceased to retain the importance 
 with which opinion had invested them, so soon as the 
 progress of intellect enabled mankind to appreciate and 
 to study those models which a gracious Providence had 
 rescued from destruction and oblivion. Their labours, 
 however, have not been in vain, their utility has surpassed 
 their fame. To extend the knowledge of the merits of a 
 celebrated man of this period, and to render a tribute to 
 his memory, by redeeming a portion of that debt which 
 mankind should gratefully acknowledge to one who 
 laboured so zealously and so actively for their benefit, is 
 the object of this work. 
 
INTRODUCTION. J3 
 
 We may venture to assert that the time of Charle- 
 magne is more celebrated than known, and that the 
 founder of the new Romish German empire has found 
 more panegyrists than historians. A character like that 
 of Charles is too dazzling to admit of our beholding, at 
 the first glance, the surrounding objects so as to distin- 
 guish them clearly. But after accustoming ourselves to 
 gaze longer upon it, the inquiring eye will discover other 
 forms beaming, not undeservedly, with a ray of glory re- 
 flected from the principal figure. The more accurately 
 we can judge of men by those who surround them, the 
 more necessary and instructive becomes the contempla- 
 tion of their characters. A prince who is a mere warrior 
 delights only in those hardy pursuits inseparable from 
 a soldier's life, and seeks his friends and confidants in 
 the army. A ruler who is a mere politician prefers 
 the statesman to the soldier. When, however, a prince 
 like Charlemagne, and others who have shared, or at 
 least deserved to share, the same epithet, combines the 
 ardour for conquest with the love of literature, the sword 
 and the pen will be held in equal estimation ; he will 
 attach himself most intimately to those who have won his 
 confidence by a similar direction of mind, and have mani- 
 fested the desire and the ability to promote the welfare 
 of his subjects. One single man, even on a throne, can 
 accomplish but little without the co-operation of kindred 
 spirits. When, therefore, a sovereign possesses an intel- 
 lect sufficiently capacious to embrace noble designs, and 
 an eye to discern, amid the multitude, those whose energy 
 and talents best fit them for the execution of his plans, 
 he is justly celebrated ; his memory is held in grateful 
 
4 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 honour, and his example commended to posterity. To 
 him belongs the rare talent of availing himself of the 
 various powers of others, and of uniting them for the 
 attainment of one object. Not equity alone, therefore, re- 
 quires, but it is indispensable to the right understanding 
 of facts, that justice should be rendered to the indi- 
 vidual who laboured successfully for this object. The 
 man whose life forms the subject of this work, devoted 
 his energies to the execution of Charles' noble project of 
 advancing his subjects towards that civilisation, the light 
 of which still lingered on the ruins of antiquity. This 
 man was Alcuin ; and who can be a more proper repre- 
 sentative of this honourable and distinguishing charac- 
 teristic of Charles' reign, than he to whom the king was 
 indebted for the chief of his learning, his children for the 
 whole of their mental attainments, and such of the young 
 Franks as evinced either inclination or ability for study, 
 for all their knowledge? |He formed, to a certain extent, the 
 centre of the awakened energies of this period; not because 
 he was the only man remarkable for literary acquirements, 
 but because he had pursued all the paths of knowledge 
 which at that time lay open to the human mind. Neither 
 splendid actions nor marvellous adventures, nor any of 
 those striking incidents that are calculated to arouse and 
 gratify curiosity, distinguish the life of Alcuin from that 
 of ordinary men ; for his combats with the devil, and his 
 miracles, belong to legends rather than to history. But 
 the successful labours of the confidant and instructor 
 of Charlemagne will prove, to the reflecting lover of 
 history, a more effectual recommendation than the most 
 dazzling achievements of others more renowned./ If the 
 
INTRODUCTION. 5 
 
 investigation of the development of the human mind 
 under its different manifestations, be the most important 
 subject of history, our attention must be chiefly directed 
 to those individuals who have prosecuted, with the greatest 
 ardour and success, some one of the pursuits of their 
 day. Their influence upon their own times increases in 
 proportion as they are animated by the universal spirit of 
 the community, comprehend and unite in themselves the 
 various attainments of individuals, and advance them to a 
 perfection sufficient to constitute a new era in the progress 
 of the human mind. In times so remote, so destitute of 
 various and complicated interests, and so deficient in 
 cotemporary records as those of Charlemagne, we must 
 be contented to produce the king as the representative of 
 the political and military state, and one other personage 
 to represent thc^literary and religious character of the 
 times. With this view, we have examined and exhibited 
 the life and works of Alcuin. We shall first describe 
 the state of Anglo-Saxon civilisation at that period, in 
 order to shew more clearly Alcuin's literary attainments. 
 We shall afterwards accompany him to a more extensive 
 and interesting sphere of action, where, without the ad- 
 ventitious aid of external dignity, which his modesty 
 always declined, he for years effected more than was ac- 
 complished by prelates adorned with the most splendid 
 titles. 
 
THE LIFE OF ALCU1N, 
 
 SECTION I. 
 
 EDUCATION AND CIRCUMSTANCES OF ALCUIN UNTIL 
 HIS FIRST APPEARANCE AT THE COURT OF CHARLE- 
 MAGNE. A. D. 735782. 
 
 THE eighth century after the birth of Christ commenced 
 under circumstances the most unfavourable to the arts 
 and sciences of the western world. The successful 
 irruption of the Arabs into Spain, repelled the civilisa- 
 tion introduced by Christianity, and confined it to the 
 mountains of Asturias and Biscay. The constant feuds 
 between the Lombards and the Greeks, scared the gentle 
 muses from the north of Italy ; and they found no refuge 
 amongst the Franks, now immersed in barbarism, and 
 distracted by internal discord, in consequence of the weak- 
 ness of the Merovingian house. Germany and Scandi- 
 navia were still under the dominion of Paganism. The 
 kingdom of the Anglo-Saxons alone offered them an 
 asylum. The Anglo-Saxons had been converted to 
 Christianity by the immediate influence of Rome, and 
 were therefore in more intimate union with the papal 
 see than any other of the western churches. The arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury dying at Rome in the year 668? 
 whither he had gone to solicit the pontifical ratification of 
 his title, the pope Vitalianus determined to raise to the 
 archiepiscopal throne a prelate elected by himself. He 
 nominated Adrian, an African, who declined the proffered 
 dignity, and recommended a monk in Rome named 
 
THEODORE, ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY. 7 
 
 Theodore, a native of Tarsus in Cilicia, whom, at his own 
 request, he promised to accompany. The Anglo-Saxons 
 made no opposition to the right thus arrogated by the 
 pope. Theodore accepted the appointment ; and at the age 
 of sixty-six departed with his friend Adrian for England. 1 
 These men were well versed in Latin and Greek literature ; 
 and, speaking those languages with equal fluency, they 
 awakened among the Anglo-Saxons an ardent desire for 
 learning, and drew around them a multitude of scholars, 
 several of whom made such progress that, according to 
 Bede, they were as well acquainted with Greek and Latin 
 as with their mother tongue . After having held the 
 archbishopric twenty-one years, Theodore died : his 
 friend Adrian survived him nearly eighteen years. Their 
 pupils diffused the knowledge they had acquired through- 
 out England, and established schools in every monastery, 
 for the education, not only of the clergy, but also for such 
 of the laity as evinced any inclination for literature. The 
 only deficiency was a competent supply of books. Theo- 
 dore had brought with him Josephus, the poems of 
 Homer, and probably several other works of inferior note : 
 still they were inadequate to assuage the thirst for know- 
 ledge which had been excited. Many journeys to Rome 
 were therefore undertaken, in order to augment the 
 number of books from the collections in that city ; and a 
 library began to be the pride and ornament of monas- 
 teries. Benedict, the founder of the abbey at Were- 
 mouth, distinguished himself by repeated visits to Rome, 
 for the sake of introducing into his own country many 
 works then entirely unknown. From his school, issued 
 one of the most influential scholars of the early part of 
 
8 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 the middle ages, the venerable Bede, whose learning and 
 writings embraced the most opposite branches of know- 
 ledge, and were held in equal estimation with those of 
 the early fathers of the church. At that period Aldhelm 
 and Winfrid 1 were no less celebrated ; the former for his 
 skill in the learning of the schools and the cloister, the 
 latter for his indefatigable zeal in preaching the faith of 
 Christ to the heathen population of Germany. The 
 merit of these men consists, not so much in any new dis- 
 coveries in the field of literature, as in their preservation 
 and diffusion of existing knowledge. They erected a 
 barrier against the threatening tide of barbarism ; and in 
 the seclusion of the cloister, unruffled by the storms that 
 agitated the world, they cherished the glorious flower of 
 learning, until a more propitious season again called it 
 forth into the light. The object of the monasteries 
 being thus attained, their utility ceased; and any attempt 
 now to restore them for the purpose of intellectual im- 
 provement, would be to retrograde instead of to advance. 
 Amongst the schools thus established in the kingdom of 
 the Anglo-Saxons, that at York became the most famous, 
 after Egbert had been appointed archbishop of York and 
 director of the school. Youths of the noblest families 
 were here ^instructed in the rules of grammar, in the 
 other liberal arts, and in the various branches of 
 theology 2 . 
 
 Alcuin was born at York about the year 735 : at 
 least some inference to that effect may be deduced from 
 a letter written by him to the fraternity 3 of that city, in 
 which he observes that it had watched over the tender 
 years of his childhood with a mother's love, had borne 
 
EARLY LIFE AND EDUCATION. 
 
 with his thoughtless boyhood with pious patience, and 
 with fatherly chastisement had brought him up to man's 
 estate. He was of noble origin 1 ; but neither the name 
 of his parents, nor any particulars of his family, have 
 been transmitted to posterity either by himself or others. 
 Having in early youth been designed for the church, he 
 was brought up in a monastery, and after a suitable pre- 
 paration, entered Egbert's school. The archbishop him- 
 self, and Aelbert one of his relations, who afterwards 
 succeeded him in that dignity, superintended the school. 
 They divided the subjects of instruction between them, 
 Egbert undertaking the explanation of the New Testa- 
 ment, and Aelbert the sciences and general literature. 
 Alcuin enumerates the various subjects in which the 
 latter gave instruction: Grammar, Rhetoric, Jurispru- 
 dence, Poetry, Astronomy, Physics, and the explanation 
 of the Old Testament 2 . It is to him, therefore, that he 
 ascribes the greater part of the advantages received by 
 himself and the young people of York. He applauds 
 Aelbert's endeavours to draw around him youths of dis- 
 tinguished talents, and to attach them to him by his in- 
 structions and his kindness 3 . This Alcuin himself ex- 
 perienced. Nothing shows more conspicuously the high 
 estimation in which he was held by his master, than the 
 fact, that he selected him for the companion 4 of his ex- 
 peditions to foreign countries for the purpose of trans- 
 planting to his native soil whatever he might discover of 
 novelty and value either in books or in the pursuits of 
 science. The age of Alcuin at that time probably ex- 
 ceeded twenty, and he was qualified both by years and 
 education to avail himself of all the advantages which such 
 
10 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN, 
 
 a journey offered to the lover of literature. They 
 travelled through France into Italy, and to their ulti- 
 mate destination Rome. 
 
 He mentions neither the impression made upon his 
 young mind by his wanderings among the Franks, nor 
 the feelings awakened in him by the first view of the 
 city of Rome. We may, however, suppose that the igno- 
 rance and rude manners of the Franks tended to make 
 Rome appear to still greater advantage. For if any 
 place in the western world could captivate a young mind 
 ardent in the pursuit of knowledge, it was Rome once 
 the metropolis of the civilized world, and whose very 
 ruins recalled to mind the magnificence of by-gone 
 centuries, and the once flourishing state of science and of 
 art. Even at that time, Rome, more than any other 
 spot in the west of Europe, was the abode of the 
 sciences ; and had already laid the foundations of a new 
 universal dominion, which, more powerful than that de- 
 stroyed by the Germans, was to be upheld not by force 
 of arms, but by spiritual power ; and which, by means of 
 prejudice and superstition, was one day to bind the na- 
 tions of the earth in inextricable chains. Alcuin's resi- 
 dence at Rome probably strengthened the ideas he had 
 early conceived of the dignity of the pope, and prepared 
 him to contribute a stone to the boldly constructed edi- 
 fice of the hierarchy. 
 
 After his return, Alcuin remained at York as assistant 
 to his master Aelbert, till the latter was appointed to the 
 archbishop's see on the death of his relation Egbert, 
 which took place on the 1 1th of November, 766. Being 
 prevented by his office from devoting the same care as 
 
LIBRARY AT YORK. 11 
 
 formerly to the school, Aelbert consecrated Alcuin deacon, 
 and inducted him into the situation he himself had oc- 
 cupied, and committed to him the superintendance of the 
 library attached to the school. If we compare this col- 
 lection of books with the admiration and excessive en- 
 comiums of cotemporaries, and consider that throughout 
 the whole kingdom of France, its equal not only did not 
 exist, but could not be procured, we may form some idea 
 of the state of literature at that period, and of what 
 Charles and Alcuin effected. " Here," says Alcuin, in 
 a poem, wherein he celebrates the church of York, its 
 superintendants and its saints, " here may be found monu- 
 ments of the ancient fathers, works produced in Latium 
 by the Romans themselves, and those which were trans- 
 ferred to them from the glorious land of Greece ; truths 
 received by the Hebrew nation from above, which Africa 
 has with pure light extended." If the following list does 
 not comprise all the books, we may rest assured that the 
 principal are enumerated. Aristotle, Cicero, Pompeius 
 (Justin's Abridgment), Pliny. Virgil, Statius, Lucan and 
 Boethius are the only classical authors whom he speci- 
 fies. In addition to these, a few ancient grammarians, 
 some Christian poets, and the fathers of the church, in 
 the Latin tongue, are mentioned. Even in those days, as 
 in the times of antiquity, instruction was chiefly oral, the 
 art of printing not having as yet given rise to the great 
 and extensive prevalence of books. A school was there- 
 fore elevated into importance by the fame of an able 
 teacher ; and the flourishing institution at York derived 
 this advantage from Alcuin : even foreigners resorted 
 thither to pursue their theological studies. Liudger, a 
 
12 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 native of Friesland, of noble birth, who was afterwards 
 canonized, repaired to York 1 , and perhaps many others, 
 whose names being unaccompanied by any remarkable 
 event, have not descended to posterity. Alcuin main- 
 tained a correspondence by letter with the most distin- 
 guished among his scholars, many of whom were subse- 
 quently summoned to fill the highest offices. 
 
 Aelbert died on the 8th November, 780, and was suc- 
 ceeded by Eanbald, a pupil in the school at York. In 
 order to obtain for him the archbishop's pall, Alcuin 
 the following year travelled to Rome. At the same 
 time, Charles, king of France, accompanied by his family, 
 was on his way back from that city, where he had passed 
 the winter. He was returning to his own country, medi- 
 tating splendid projects for the amelioration of his people, 
 but in considerable embarrassment as to the means of 
 effecting his wishes. A great mind, like that possessed 
 by Charles, could not behold the ruins of antiquity, 
 without regretting that so highly cultivated an era should 
 have passed away, and without wishing again to call it into 
 existence. A fortunate chance led him to Parma, whilst 
 Alcuin was there, who, if not personally 2 , was at all 
 events by reputation well known to him. After a con- 
 versation, in which the king probably communicated to 
 him his designs for the improvement of his people by 
 education, and his difficulty in finding competent instruc- 
 tors, he requested Alcuin to become the organizer of all 
 the institutions which he meditated establishing in 
 France. Alcuin promised to comply with the king's 
 wishes, if permitted by his superiors, and, in that case, to 
 
ALCUIN'S ASSISTANTS. 13 
 
 return to him after the completion of his present com- 
 mission. 
 
 On his arrival at York, he easily obtained the permis- 
 sion required, and returned, accompanied by some of his 
 pupils as assistants .5 Amongst these were Wizo sur- 
 named Candidus, Fredegisus or Fridugisus surnamed 
 Nathaniel, and Singulfus, all of whom we shall have oc- 
 casion to mention frequently, and who deserved and en- 
 joyed his confidence for the faithful service which they 
 rendered him. Osulf, however, who likewise followed 
 him, had not sufficient firmness to withstand temptation, 
 but yielded himself up to a course of life unworthy of a 
 scholar, and still more unworthy of an ecclesiastic. 
 Alcuin tried every means to bring him back into the 
 right path. He wrote three letters 1 to him, the lan- 
 guage of which is forcible and earnest, addressing him 
 in terms alternately eloquent and feeling. " Why," he 
 exclaims in one passage to his lost son, " why hast thou 
 abandoned thy father who has educated thee from thy 
 childhood, who has instructed thee in the liberal sciences, 
 and led thee in the ways of virtue, and furnished thee 
 with the doctrines of eternal life ? Why hast thou joined 
 thyself to a troop of harlots, to the revels of the 
 drunkard, to the follies of the vain ? Art thou that 
 youth who was praised by every tongue, lovely in every 
 eye, commended to every ear ? Alas ! alas ! now thou 
 art censured by every tongue, hateful to every eye, and 
 cursed to every ear." He represents to him, in the strongest 
 colours of those times, the torments of hell and th? joys 
 of heaven. Then he attempts to work upon his feelings 
 of ambition, and proposes to him, as an example, his fel- 
 
14 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 low-pupil, Eanbald of York. But neither the hopes nor 
 fears of an obscure futurity, nor the sentiments of honour 
 had the effect upon him which Alcuin desired to pro- 
 duce. 
 
 With these pupils, as assistants in his new and 
 important vocation, Alcuin arrived in France in the 
 year 782. 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 ALCUIN'S RESIDENCE DURING EIGHT YEARS AT THE 
 COURT OF CHARLEMAGNE. A. D. 782790. 
 
 1. Of the State of Civilisation in the Kingdom of 
 France. 
 
 AT the period of the conquest of Gaul by the Franks, 
 the natives were far superior to their conquerors in in- 
 tellectual cultivation. The permanent footing which the 
 victors obtained had, however, no influence in refining 
 their manners ; and their adoption of the Christian 
 religion contributed less to eradicate their barbarism than 
 to increase their superstition. Instead of the new settlers 
 acquiring a share of civilisation, the natives assimilated 
 themselves to them more than the Romans had done to 
 other tribes of Germany, by whom they had been sub- 
 dued. In times when religion forms the sole subject of 
 mental interest, we can judge of the general state of 
 civilisation by the condition of the priests. From the 
 moment that the Franks began to aspire to high digni- 
 ties in the church, such a degeneracy of manners pre- 
 
STATE OF THE FRANK CLERGY. 15 
 
 vailed amongst the superior clergy, that we should scarcely 
 credit the accounts of the ignorance. and scandalous prac- 
 tices of many ecclesiastics, were they not recorded by 
 Gregory himself. Intemperance in drinking 1 , perjury 2 , 
 debauchery, adultery 8 , and the most abominable cruelties 
 were as common among the bishops as among the rest 
 of the Franks. The contagion of their evil example 
 spread among the inferior clergy ; and had not some re- 
 sisted the general depravity, and distinguished themselves 
 by lives strict in proportion to the profligacy of the rest, 
 or had not ignorance and barbarism of the times been so 
 great that the most absurd superstitions found a ready 
 acceptance, it would be difficult for us to conceive how a 
 religion could continue to be held in estimation, whose 
 ministers surpassed other men not in virtue but in vice. 
 The lives of the clergy being subject to no inspection, 
 they sank still lower throughout the whole Christian world 
 during the restless and warlike times when the sceptre 
 was transferred from the enfeebled line of the Mero- 
 vingian house to the more vigorous hand of the race of 
 Charlemagne. A system, therefore, such as Popery 
 developed itself in its commencement, was a positive 
 benefit to the middle ages. In the warmth with which 
 Popery is both attacked and defended, it is but too often 
 overlooked, that there was a time when it was beneficial 
 to mankind, as well as a time when it degenerated through 
 the abuse of its power, and ripened for the destruction 
 connected with the accomplishment of its objects. Every 
 human expedient is the result only of peculiar exigencies ; 
 and no sooner does it cease to be necessary than it 
 loses its importance, which no means, however artfully 
 
16 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 contrived, can restore, Were the Roman hierarchy now 
 surrounded even by an army of Jesuits, we need not 
 dread the thunders of the Vatican. The depravity of 
 the clergy, however, proves how necessary it was in those 
 days to create an authority distinct from the temporal 
 power to control their lives ; and we shall see hereafter, 
 that, in the thorough reform undertaken by Charlemagne 
 he was induced to favour the Hierarchy from a conviction 
 of its necessity. 
 
 Charles Mart-el had imposed military service on the 
 church, as well as on the other fiefs, and left it to the 
 choice of the ecclesiastics either to resign their tempo- 
 ralities, or to perform the obligations under which they 
 held them. The greater part preferred retaining them 
 by this disgraceful tenure, to the alternative of being 
 deprived of their possessions. Charles Martel even 
 rewarded many of his adherents for their services in 
 battle, with lands and offices belonging to the church, 
 and appointed bishops who had neither capacity for their 
 charge, nor any conception of its dignity 4 . Although, 
 through the zeal of St. Boniface, some of the most un- 
 worthy were displaced in the following reign, yet these 
 solitary instances had little effect on the whole system. 
 To reform abuses so enormous, required all the power 
 and vigour of a man like Charlemagne. 
 
 2. Charlemagne. 
 
 At the time when Einhard wrote the life of Charle- 
 magne he was unable to meet with any one who could 
 furnish him with information respecting the birth, 
 
CHARLEMAGNE'S EARLY EDUCATION. 17 
 
 childhood, and youth of his hero ; and he deemed it absurd 
 to hand down unauthenticated reports to posterity 1 . Sur- 
 prising as is this confession, it will appear less strange 
 when we reflect, that Einhard resided at Charles's court 
 only during the latter part of his reign ; and that he did 
 not enjoy that intimacy with the monarch which has 
 been recorded by history, from the tradition of his 
 amour with the pretended daughter of the king. Pro- 
 bably, at that period, he had not begun to entertain the 
 idea of writing the life of Charles, or he could certainly have 
 found no difficulty in collecting the necessary materials ; 
 and when afterwards, in the seclusion of a cloister, he 
 availed himself of his leisure to prosecute the work, 
 whose classical style exhibits the most convincing proof 
 of the impulse given by Charles's institutions to the 
 national civilisation; much, perhaps, had escaped his 
 memory or seemed to him not sufficiently authentic to 
 be incorporated into a description, which, while it paints 
 such a character in the most glowing colours, should 
 represent only the true features. This assertion of a 
 contemporary must not, therefore, deter us from availing 
 ourselves of the account given by Einhard, and other 
 authors, to produce a sketch of the early education of 
 Charles. He was brought up after the ordinary manner 
 of the French nobility, being taught the use of arms, and 
 the usual athletic exercises of hunting, riding, and 
 swimming. Intellectual cultivation was considered of 
 so little importance for the future sovereign of a warlike 
 people, that he did not even learn to write; and, not- 
 withstanding all the pains which he took in after life to 
 supply the deficiency, he could never attain to a ready and 
 
18 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 skilful use of the pen 1 . Neither was he in his youth in- 
 structed in the Latin language ; he understood it, indeed, 
 as it was then commonly spoken in Gaul, but not ac- 
 cording to rule, and the usage of the ancient Latin authors. 
 He endeavoured, at a more advanced age, to remedy this 
 defect also of his education ; and, if we may believe his 
 biographers, not without success. In conversation, where 
 inaccuracies are less striking, he, perhaps, made himself 
 understood with as much facility as he understood others ; 
 but the difficulty he experienced in expressing himself in 
 writing, is evident from a letter which he wrote from his 
 camp at Ens to his wife Fastrada, in 79 1. 2 The 
 rest of his letters, which are in a better and more 
 easy style, were either composed by others to whom he 
 communicated his ideas, or were examined and corrected 
 by some learned friend, as were the French works of 
 Frederick the Great. 
 
 Although his education was not calculated to develop 
 his literary talents, it did not, at all events, stifle his nobler 
 qualities ; and it required only an external stimulus and 
 excitement to kindle in him that ardent desire for know- 
 ledge, which he afterwards endeavoured to satisfy amid 
 the tumult of war, and when harrassed by circumstances 
 the most intricate, and business the most urgent. Deterred 
 by the fearful example of others, he early learnt to shun 
 excess and intemperance ; and throughout his whole life, 
 not only practised moderation himself and introduced it 
 into his family and household, but also issued salutary 
 edicts against drunkenness, in order to eradicate that 
 deeply rooted propensity of the Germans. His vigorous 
 understanding, and his mind, naturally susceptible of all 
 
RESTORATION OF THE COURT SCHOOL. 19 
 
 that was great and beautiful, found in the circumstances 
 of his early youth ample materials for serious reflection 
 and noble resolutions. We must remember how readily 
 the young mind embraces all that is presented to it, and 
 how deep and permanent is the impression of every thing 
 which really awakens the imagination, in order to be able 
 properly to estimate the effect produced on the youthful 
 Charles by his father's accession to the Merovingian 
 throne, and his own consecration and coronation by Pope 
 Stephen the Third. 
 
 As Charles increased in years, and especially after he 
 had ascended the throne, he felt more and more keenly 
 the want of education, both in himself and all who sur- 
 rounded him. A monarch possessing a mind less exalted 
 than his, would, in his situation, have protected the 
 ignorance which he so strenuously sought to banish, and 
 would have despised in others that in which he himself 
 had no participation ; but his sentiments were far too 
 noble to admit of his adopting such a course, and he 
 endeavoured rather to remove the causes to which this 
 deficiency in civilisation was to be attributed. His first 
 step was to restore the court school, wherein the princes 
 and sons of the nobility had formerly been educated, but 
 which had been neglected during the tumult of the late 
 tempestuous times. In consequence, however, of the 
 deficiency of competent persons to establish any regular 
 system, he was compelled to have recourse to foreigners. 
 On his return from his first expedition across the Alps, 
 in the year 774, he brought with him two learned Italians, 
 the deacon Paul, author of the history of Lombardy, 
 and Peter, A.M. of_ Pisa. He appointed Peter master 
 
20 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 of the court school, and himself received instruction 
 from him in the Latin grammar : probably, he either 
 died soon afterwards or was incompetent to his situation, 
 as the establishment made no progress until the arrival 
 of Alcuin. 
 
 3. Alcuin as Instructor to the Kiny and Royal 
 Family . 
 
 Alcuin arrived in France in the year 782, for the 
 purpose of undertaking the management of the court 
 school, the instruction of the king, and the education of 
 the princes and princesses. In the same year, the Saxon 
 rebellion commenced such a series of important and 
 complicated political events, that it seems inconceivable 
 how Charles could snatch a moment from the cares of 
 state to devote to literary objects. Two years of un- 
 disturbed tranquillity among the Saxons, had induced 
 Charles to believe that he might venture to introduce 
 French regulations among them. Accordingly, he com- 
 menced by ordering a general levy of the Saxon troops ; 
 no sooner, however, did the Saxons see themselves 
 collected in considerable numbers, with arms in their 
 hands, than the general feeling of hatred produced the 
 determination of turning them, not against the enemies of 
 the Franks, but against the Franks themselves. The 
 cruel severity with which Charles punished this mutiny 
 of the soldiers, united the whole body of Saxons against 
 him. Two sanguinary engagements, the only pitched 
 battles fought in this tedious war, distinguished the 
 following year (783) ; and though the Saxons were 
 
DUKE ARIGIS OF BENEVENTUM. 21 
 
 compelled to quit the field, from the superior discipline 
 of their opponents, they continued, in separate parties, 
 to make such an obstinate resistance, that Charles did not 
 venture to lay aside his arms during the whole of the 
 summer and winter of 784-5 ; and it was only by 
 dreadful and barbarous devastation of the country, and 
 by winning over some of the principal people by flattery 
 and condescension, that he was at length enabled to 
 reduce the chiefs, and afterwards the people, to sub- 
 mission. The repose thus obtained was not of long 
 duration. Duke Arigis of Beneventum, confiding in the 
 distance at which his territories were placed from those 
 of France, in the number and strength of his fortresses, 
 and still more in his alliance with the Greeks, who were 
 desirous of restoring to the throne of Lombardy the son 
 of Desiderius, who had taken refuge at Constantinople, 
 assumed an independence which obliged the king to 
 cross the Alps. Charles knew well how to estimate and 
 to overcome the difficulties annexed to a campaign in 
 lower Italy. Had he determined, as usual, upon leading 
 the army, not till after the May-meeting, across the Alps, 
 he would have reached Beneventum in a season when the 
 heat would have rendered all military operations im- 
 practicable, or have produced sickness among the troops ; 
 but so great was his authority, or the readiness of the 
 Franks to serve him, that he commenced his march 
 towards Italy in the autumn of 786. The Duke of 
 Beneventum had, in his calculations, overlooked the 
 power and abilities of his great opponent ; and when, 
 early in the spring of 787, Charles suddenly entered his 
 dominions, he was so completely taken by surprise that 
 
22 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 he was glad to purchase the clemency of the victor by 
 submission. Charles accepted his offers of subjection ; 
 but not till he had made a sufficient display of his power 
 to ensure obedience. No sooner, however, had he re- 
 crossed the Alps for the purpose of chastising the duke 
 of Bavaria for the part taken by him in this design 
 against France, than Arigis, having entered into fresh 
 negotiations with the Greeks, projected a scheme that 
 might have proved dangerous to the Frank supremacy in 
 Italy and Germany, had it been as skilfully executed as 
 it was ably conceived. It was concerted that the Bava- 
 rians and Avari on the one side, and the Greeks with 
 the Lombards on the other, should rise simultaneously ; 
 while it was expected that the Saxons would not fail to 
 profit by this favourable moment to shake off the yoke of 
 oppression. The decision and good fortune of Charles, 
 however, hurled back upon the author the 1 blow aimed 
 at the Franks. The untimely death of the duke of 
 Beneventum, and the wise measures adopted by Charles, 
 frustrated the landing of the Greeks in Italy ; and the 
 second participation of Thassilo in this treasonable alli- 
 ance was punished by the deposition of the duke, and the 
 extinction of the dukedom of Bavaria. The Avari, who, 
 according to the stipulations, invaded the French ter- 
 ritories, encountered, in Charles, an irresistible oppo- 
 nent, and involved themselves in a war which led to their 
 political annihilation. The Saxons, so far from venturing 
 on any hostile movement, accompanied the king in a 
 campaign which he undertook the following year, 789, 
 against the Sclavonians, a people inhabiting the right 
 bank of the Elbe. He looked upon this river as the 
 
CHARLEMAGNE'S LITERARY EXERTIONS. 23 
 
 natural eastern boundary of his kingdom, and endeavoured 
 to secure it, not only by erecting fortresses, but by re- 
 ducing the Sclavonians on the opposite bank to subjection. 
 It was during these troublous times, that Alcuin first 
 took up his abode at the court of France, and com- 
 menced his labours for the mental improvement of the 
 king, the royal family, and the people. One cannot but 
 admire, with Alcuin 1 , the noble mind and extraordinary 
 activity of Charles, and acknowledge the superiority of a 
 man who, in the midst of so many distracting political cares 
 and warlike operations, could occupy himself with literary 
 pursuits, the value of which was at that time far from 
 being generally acknowledged. It was only by scrupu- 
 lously availing himself of every moment, that he could 
 find time for these various employments. Even during 
 his meals, he never failed to introduce either reading or 
 instructive conversation 2 . The political constitution of 
 France was so organised that it allowed the king to pass 
 the winter months in tranquillity in the bosom of his 
 family ; and if extraordinary circumstances obliged him 
 to keep the field during that season, as he was compelled 
 to do from the year 784 to 785, he required his family to 
 join him 3 . He had therefore nearly eight winter months 
 to spend in intercourse with Alcuin, and in literary occu- 
 pations. What the subjects of study were, and how they 
 were treated of in those times, we may best learn from 
 Alcuin's works ; and as the importance of learning to the 
 state and church of France was first recognised by Charles, 
 the institutions established for its propagation would na- 
 turally adopt the views which Alcuin as teacher, and 
 Charles as learner, might entertain. In his commentary 
 
24 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 on the Book of Ecclesiastes, 1 Alcuin speaks of the 
 division of the then known sciences. According to him, 
 they are divided into Ethics, Physics, and Theology, and 
 were really taught in the order in which they are here 
 placed. This is more clearly explained in a discourse 
 between himself and two of his pupils, to be found in the 
 Introduction to his grammar. 2 The students desire to be 
 conducted to the higher branches of learning, and to be- 
 hold the seven degrees of theoretic doctrine, so often 
 promised. The teacher points out to them, Grammar, 
 Rhetoric, Dialectic, Arithmetic, Geometry, Music, and 
 Astronomy, or, as it was then called, Astrology. The first 
 three (afterwards called the Trivium) formed the Ethics 
 of Alcuin, and the four others, or the Quadrivium, the 
 Physics: these two parts were only preparatory studies for 
 the highest of all, Theology. The knowledge of these 
 sciences was to form and strengthen the mind for the 
 understanding of the true faith, and to protect it against 
 the erroneous doctrines of heretics. 
 
 There are still extant manuals by Alcuin, especially on 
 the various branches of ethics, which enable us to describe 
 his mode of treating them. As far as regards the first 
 part of the Trivium, Grammar, he adopts the form of a 
 conversation between two students, a Saxon and a Frank, 
 who receive from their master information on those 
 points which they do not comprehend. Latin was not, in 
 those days, in the same degree as at present, a dead 
 language : it was still spoken in several parts of the Frank 
 kingdom, and constantly used in all public transactions, 
 and also in the church. A grammar written at that period, 
 must necessarily be purely practical. In our schools 
 
ALCUIN'S GRAMMAR. 25 
 
 Latin is considered the best medium of instruction for 
 young people ; because it unites in itself the double ad- 
 vantage of being the best means of developing the under- 
 standing in a logical manner, and of imparting at the 
 same time the knowledge of a foreign language. None 
 of the modern languages, which, on account of their 
 practical utility, the philanthropist would wish to substi- 
 tute for it, can supply what the Latin affords. Who- 
 ever is well grounded in Latin, may readily acquire a 
 knowledge of all the modern tongues ; less because some 
 of them are derived from it, than because a mind which 
 has been strengthened by the study of the Latin grammar, 
 only requires a little practice, in order to comprehend the 
 peculiarities of a modern language, and to use it with 
 facility. But in Alcuin's times, Latin was not learned so 
 perfectly, nor with this view ; and his grammar is conse- 
 quently nothing more than a system of forms. (He treats 
 of single words and their forms, without specifying how 
 they are to be used in the construction of a sentence. ) We 
 do not find any thing that is necessary to be known, 
 omitted : still, we cannot but disapprove the inconvenient 
 arrangement, and want of accuracy in the definitions. 
 
 The beginning of the section on prepositions, may 
 serve as an example. 1 To the question, " What is a pre- 
 position?" the answer is, "An indeclinable part of speech.'' 
 Here, an accidental outward form is made the principal 
 characteristic, and is so much the less accurate, as there 
 are many other words besides prepositions which are 
 indeclinable. Equally defective is the reply to the second 
 question on the use of the prepositions, " They must be 
 placed before other parts of speech, either by being 
 
26 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 compounded with, or united to them." A peculiarity like 
 this can only be a sign, not a definition; and, besides, 
 this explanation excludes all the prepositions that are 
 placed after their cases. Alcuin^sgrammar is evidently 
 written more for the memory than the uiiderstanding. 
 The examples are selected from the classics, most of them 
 from Virgil ; some from 'Ference, Juvenal, Luca.n, and 
 Cicero. 
 
 An appendix to the grammar treats of orthography. 
 It is no small merit in Alcuin, that he recommended by 
 his example, and facilitated by his instructions, accuracy 
 in the transcription of books. (But for him, many of the 
 manuscripts of the middle ages would have been still 
 more defective than they are.) He is, therefore, entitled 
 to the thanks of the whole of western Europe, whose high 
 degree of cultivation and enlightenment is derived from 
 those works of antiquity preserved by the care and dili- 
 gence of the monks. In the monastery of St. Martin of 
 Tours, of which Alcuin afterwards became abbot, a room 
 called The Museum was specially appropriated to the 
 transcribers. On the walls, verses were written 1 strictly 
 enjoining them to avoid inserting any words not war- 
 ranted by the original, but founded only on their own 
 ideas, and cautioning them against too great rapidity in 
 writing. They were also recommended to make the 
 proper breaks 2 , and to be careful of the right^ punctua- 
 tion. For this purpose, Alcuin had written a book on 
 orthography, of which there remains only an abstract 
 made by a monk of Saltzburg, for the use of himself and 
 others. It contains a short list, alphabetically arranged, 
 
ALCUIN'S RHETORIC. 27 
 
 principally of such words as are sounded alike but spelt 
 differently, of synonymous and irregular verbs. 
 
 The grammar acquainted the learner simply with 
 words ; the formation of sentences was taught by Logic 
 in the most extended sense of the term, which naturally 
 divides itself into two parts; Rhetoric, or the art of 
 convincing others, and Dialectic, or the art of distinguish- 
 ing truth from falsehood. 
 
 The subject of Rhetoric is discussed in a dialogue 
 between Charlemagne and Alcuin ; the questions of the 
 king serving to elicit the principles of the teacher. 
 The treatiseis entirely confined to forensic eloquence ; 
 anda the rules are taken from the Romans, so also do 
 their principles of jurisprudence form the groundwork of 
 this composition. It would have been an invaluable trea- 
 sure, had it described to us the actual proceedings in a 
 Frank court of justice, instead of representing the liti- 
 gations which the ancient rhetoricians had partly invented, 
 and partly taken from real life and from history. In 
 those times, when simple cases were easily decided, and 
 the more complicated submitted to the judgment of God, 
 such a system of rhetoric was of no practical importance ; 
 but it was calculated to give acuteness and precision to 
 the understanding, and accustomed the student to express 
 himself with ease and fluency. At the conclusion of the 
 treatise is a short discourse on tEc virtues. Here, also, 
 Alcuin retains the classification of the ancient philosophers, 
 but with an adaptation to the ideas of Christianity. This 
 appears to me sufficiently interesting to deserve a literal 
 quotation. " I wonder," observes the king, " that we 
 Christians should so often depart from virtue, though we 
 
28 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 have eternal glory promised as its recompense by Jesus 
 Christ, who is Truth itself ; whilst the heathen philoso- 
 phers steadily pursued it merely on account of its intrinsic 
 worth, and for the sake of fame." 
 
 Alcuin. " We must rather deplore than wonder, that 
 most of us will not be induced to embrace virtue either by 
 the fear of punishment or the hope of promised reward." 
 
 Charles. " I see it, and must, alas ! acknowledge, that 
 there are many such. I beg you, however, to inform me 
 as briefly as possible, how we, as Christians, are to under- 
 stand and regard these chief virtues." 
 
 Alcuin. " Does not that appear to you to be wisdom, 
 whereby God, after the manner of human understanding, 
 is known and feared, and his future judgment believed ?" 
 
 Charles. " I understand you ; and grant that nothing 
 is more excellent than this wisdom. I also remember 
 that it is written in Job, Behold, the wisdom of man is 
 the fear of God. And what is the fear of God, but the 
 worship of God, which in the Greek is called Geoo-^ia." 
 
 Alcuin. " It is so : and farther, what is righteousness 
 but the love of God, and the observance of his com- 
 mandments ?" 
 
 Charles. " I perceive this also, that nothing is more 
 perfect than this righteousness, or rather that there is no 
 other than this." 
 
 Alcuin. " Do you not consider that to be valour 
 whereby a man overcomes the * Evil One/ and is enabled 
 to bear with firmness the trials of the world ?" 
 
 Charles. " Nothing appears to me more glorious 
 than such a victory." 
 
 Alcuin. " Is not that temperance which checks desire, 
 
ALCUIN'S LOGIC. 29 
 
 restrains avarice, and tranquillises and governs all the 
 passions of the soul ?" 
 
 The king agrees to this also, and thus the whole 
 dialogue concludes. 
 
 The treatise on the second part of Logic, or the third 
 part of Ethics, is a continuation of the former ; and 
 therefore, also, in the form of a dialogue betwixt Alcuin 
 and his royal pupil. The rules and examples given for 
 the formation of syllogisms are quite in the style of 
 Aristotle's category, on which indeed the work is founded, 
 without any of the subtleties and absurd sophistry of the 
 later schoolmen, who were disputants by profession, and 
 could not calculate upon a victory on which depended 
 their reputation and their very existence, unless they 
 possessed sharper weapons of attack, and higher entrench- 
 ments of dialectic forms for their defence than their ad- 
 versaries. The examples are taken in part from the 
 Latin authors, particularly from the works of Virgil and 
 Cicero. 
 
 The three subjects of the Trivium had no particular 
 reference to the daily interests of life, affecting them only 
 in so far as they tended to the general improvement of the 
 mind. They were useful as the handmaidens of theology, 
 and intended for the support of the true faith ; but when 
 an impetus has once been given to thought, it is impos- 
 sible to prescribe its course. The mind now aroused to 
 philosophical research, boldly instituted an enquiry into 
 the dogmas of the church, testing them, not by their ex- 
 ternal authority but by their internal worth. It will be 
 seen that during the reign of Charlemagne, the pre- 
 tensions of the Church, and during that of his son and 
 
30 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 successor, the administration of public affairs, underwent 
 a rigorous investigation. It was neither the superior 
 justice of their cause, nor the weight of their influence, 
 that procured for the sons of Louis the Pious the victory 
 over their father ; but the talents of men like Agobard, 
 who considered a reform in the state necessary, and who 
 hoped to see accomplished in their own way, by the sons 
 who were dependent on them, those schemes which the 
 father had neither sufficient independence of mind, nor 
 reckless firmness of character to execute. The science 
 of Ethics, therefore, as it was then taught, was important 
 as a means of liberating the mind from the shackles of 
 superstition and despotism. Had it extended throughout 
 all classes, as Charlemagne intended, it would have given 
 a very different aspect to the character of the middle 
 ages ; but the laity being opposed to the clergy merely as 
 a physical force, the latter had all the advantage of edu- 
 cation on their side, and of course obtained the victory in 
 every intellectual contest. 
 
 The four component parts of Physics were of a more 
 practical kind, and applicable to the objects of ordinary 
 life. Although Alcuin has not systematically developed 
 his views in any work on the subject, still there exists a 
 sufficient number of passages in his letters to Charles, to 
 indicate his method, and the share which the king took 
 in those scientific pursuits. Astronomy was the study that 
 chiefly interested him. This science affords to the mind 
 which has not yet arrived at a perfect consciousness of 
 its own capabilities, an external object to which it may 
 elevate itself, and from which it may obtain a standard 
 whereby to measure its own power ; for there is some- 
 
CHARLEMAGNE'S CALENDAR. 31 
 
 thing sublime in the thought that the laws of nature, to 
 which our material being must do homage, are subordi- 
 nate to our intellectual faculties. The king studied it, 
 also, with a view to the accurate admeasurement of time, 
 and the formation of a fixed calendar so important for the 
 .regulation of life both in church and state. He required 
 Alcuin to calculate 1 the lunar and solar year, and to ex- 
 plain, from astronomical observations, the cause of the 
 overplus of ten hours and a half in each month, in con- 
 sequence of which the year gained five days, six hours, 
 and every fourth year an intercalary day 2 . The com- 
 pletion of the nineteen years' cycle, in the year 797, 
 having rendered the intercalation of a day necessary, in 
 order to avoid confusion in the calendar, Alcuin pro- 
 posed counting thirty-one days in the month of No- 
 vember. At that time, but contrary to his will, a new 
 method of calculation, the Alexandrian reckoning, had 
 insinuated itself into the court school ; and a dispute arose 
 as to the period when the year should commence. Those 
 who adopted the new method insisted that the year ought 
 to begin at the autumnal equinox, when the light of day 
 is becoming shorter, and the darkness of night longer ; 
 whilst Alcuin maintained that the commencement of in- 
 creasing light, the winter solstice, a time which also 
 coincided with the festival of Christmas, was a more con- 
 venient period. He ridicules his opponents with much 
 ingenuity and bitterness. " Darkness/' he says, " might 
 be very suitable to Egyptians; but he rejoiced that he had 
 escaped from it, with Moses, to live and to abide in the 
 precious land of light ; and that on no account would he, 
 nor should the king either, return to Egyptian darkness. 
 
32 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 Charles was such an attentive observer of the heavens 
 that nothing remarkable occurred without attracting his 
 notice, and awakening his reflection. From the month 
 of July, 798, till the same month in the following year, 
 the planet Mars was nowhere visible in the heavens ; 
 wherefore, the king, who had in vain sought for it in the 
 constellation Cancer, asked Alcuin whether its disap- 
 pearance was to be attributed to its own natural course, or 
 to the power of the sun, or to a miracle. 1 These facts 
 sufficiently attest the interest which Charles took in as- 
 tronomy, and confirm the passing remark of Einhard, that 
 the king devoted more time and pains to astronomy 2 
 than to any other science. It seems he was desirous of 
 constructing a German almanac ; at all events, the intro- 
 duction of German names of the months originated with 
 him ; some he borrowed from the Anglo-Saxon, and 
 some he invented. He called January Winter-month ; 
 February, Horning-month ; March, Spring-month ; 
 April, Easter-month ; May, Pleasure-month ; June, 
 Fallow-month ; July, Hay-month ; August, Harvest- 
 month ; September, Meadow-month ; October, Wind- 
 month ; November, Autumn-month ; December, Holy- 
 month. 
 
 Astronomy, like the other branches of physics, was, in 
 Alcuin's opinion, to be regarded as a science principally 
 in its reference to theology. Its object was to afford to 
 the doubting mind the most convincing evidence of the 
 existence of a Creator, to awaken in the believer the 
 highest veneration of the wisdom of the A Imighty, and to 
 strengthen his faith 1 . Even arithmetic first derived its 
 title to be considered a science from its adaptation to 
 
INTERPRETATION OF NUMBERS. 33 
 
 Theology. The numbers in the Holy Scriptures, for in- 
 stance, could not escape the mystical interpretation which 
 it was the fashion of those times to give, and which was 
 held to be essential to the right faith ; they were supposed 
 to contain a hidden meaning, which Arithmetic would 
 help to disclose. Alcuin's method, and the acuteness 
 with which he traces through all its windings a theory, 
 which, however perverted it may seem, was by no means 
 destitute of ingenuity, will be best seen in a letter of 
 which the following is a literal translation. It is ad- 
 dressed to one of his pupils named Onias or Daphnis 1 ; 
 and explains the passage in the Song of Solomon, wherein 
 it is said, vi. 8. " There are threescore queens, and 
 fourscore concubines and virgins without number." He 
 writes thus : " An accurate acquaintance with numbers, 
 teaches us that some are even, others uneven ; that of the 
 even numbers, some are perfect, others imperfect ; and 
 further, that of the imperfect numbers, some are greater, 
 others less. All numbers are unequal that cannot be 
 divided into two equal parts, such as 7 or 9, which, if 
 divided, will be found to contain unequal parts. Of the 
 equal numbers, some are perfect, others imperfect. A 
 perfect number is one which is formed entirely of its 
 aliquot parts, which will divide without leaving a frac- 
 tional remainder, and the sum of whose parts is neither 
 greater nor less than the whole. Take, for example, the 
 number 6 ; the half of 6 is 3, the third is 2, and the sixth 
 1, which parts added together make 6 ; thus producing 
 no fractions by division, nor overplus by the addition of 
 the aliquot parts. The perfect Creator, therefore, who 
 made all things very good, created the world in six days, 
 
34 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 in order to show that every thing that he had formed, 
 was perfect in its kind. On the other hand, if we divide 
 the numher 8, we shall find that the sum of its parts is 
 less than the whole. The half of 8 is 4, the fourth is 2, 
 the eighth 1, which parts, when added together, produce 
 not 8 but 7 ; 1 + 2 + 4 = 7 not 8. On this account, 
 when the human race after the flood replenished the 
 earth, they originated from the number 8 ; for we read 
 that 8 persons were in Noah's ark, from whom all man- 
 kind is descended ; thus indicating that the second race 
 is less perfect than the first, which had heen created in 
 the number 6. As Adam was formed on the sixth day 
 out of the virgin earth, so also our Redeemer, the 
 restorer of the primitive perfection was born of the Virgin 
 Mary in the sixth age of the world, in order to proclaim 
 by his coming the perfection of the number 6, which had 
 been intimated at the creation of the first man. We see, 
 moreover, the progression of numbers in certain regular 
 series until they become infinite. The first progression 
 of numbers is from 1 to 10, the second from 10 to 100, 
 the third from 100 to 1000. The same rule of perfec- 
 tion or imperfection that applies to the first series from 
 
 1 to 10, applies also to the second from 10 to 100. For 
 as the number 6 when divided by units is found to be 
 perfect, so also will the number 60, when divided by tens, 
 the 10 in this case taking the place of the unit. The 
 division of 60 into its aliquot parts is as follows ; the half 
 of 60 is 30, like as 3 is the half of 6 ; the third is 20, as 
 
 2 is of 6 ; and 10 stands in the place of the unit ; these 
 parts, when added together, make 60 : thus - 
 10 + 20 + 30 = 60; as 1 + 2 + 3 = 6. The same 
 
INTERPRETATION OF NUMBERS. 35 
 
 rule cannot be applied to the division of 80 ; for of 80, 
 the half is 40, the fourth 20; the eighth 10; the sum 
 of which is not 80 but 70 5 for 10 -f 20 + 40 = 70. 
 
 " The sixty queens and eighty concubines are the mem- 
 bers of the holy church. Of these, some devote them- 
 selves to teaching purely from love to Christ ; others who 
 seek worldly advantage, labour, indeed, in the church, 
 but it is for the sake of temporal gain, not from a longing 
 after the heavenly country, that they are willing thus to 
 toil. The latter are compared in their imperfection to 
 the number 80 ; but the former in their perfect holiness 
 are denoted by the number 60. They are worthy the 
 name of queens, because they, simply from love to the 
 bridegroom and a desire to multiply the heirs of heaven, 
 seek to perpetuate a blessed succession by means of 
 baptism and instruction. The others, on the contrary, are 
 designated by the name of concubines, because, although 
 they also, through baptism and instruction, often produce 
 w r orthy sons, yet, being actuated by the love of this world 
 and the ambition of acquiring earthly honour, they them- 
 selves remain unhonoured. With such, I beseech thee, 
 my dearest son, avoid all fellowship ; and if through the 
 mercy of God thou shouldst hereafter become worthy to 
 be an instructor, labour unceasingly from love to him 
 who shed his blood for thy salvation, in order that thou 
 mayest obtain in recompense, not perishable riches, but 
 everlasting glory round the throne of our Lord Jesus 
 Christ, to whom be praise and glory for ever and ever. 
 Amen/' 
 
 All the numbers that occur in the Holy Scriptures 
 were at that time interpreted in a similar manner; and it 
 
36 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 was only in this point of view that Alcuin would allow 
 arithmetic to possess any scientific utility or any power to 
 afford intellectual enjoyment 1 . Consequently, geometry, 
 which would admit of no such application, held a subordi- 
 nate rank, so long as the value of science was calculated 
 solely with reference to theology ; while, on the other hand, 
 music was held in high estimation. The importance of 
 music in divine service was too great, not to secure for it a 
 prominent place amongst the subjects of instruction in the 
 schools at that period. To the service of God, solemnities 
 are essential which are able to set the spirit free from the 
 common cares and interests of life, and to attune it to the 
 sublimest sentiments of devotion. Nothing short of a 
 revolution, which, in the violence with which it overturns 
 all existing institutions, brings about the opposite extreme, 
 could have induced men to sever the connection between 
 the arts and religion, to banish all ceremonies and to sub- 
 stitute a cold morality for the heart-stirring doctrines of 
 religion. The churches robbed of their decorations 
 became mere lecture-rooms, the pulpit was degraded into 
 the professor's chair, whence the teacher delivered to his ] 
 audience a discourse on morals. But as soon as the ex- 
 citement produced by such contests has subsided, a mere 
 address to the understanding will be found incompetent 
 to rouse men from apathy, and the necessity of adopting 
 some mode of external worship that shall appeal directly 
 to the feelings will become apparent. In the absence of 
 other means, appropriate music and singing are and ever 
 will be the simplest, and at the same time the most effec- 
 tual. What at that time was called music, was nothing 
 more than chaunting ; but this defect Charlemagne 
 
ALCUIN'S RESPECT FOR THE POPE. 37 
 
 endeavoured to remedy to the best of his ability ; for he 
 himself had a taste for music, which he cultivated under 
 Alcuin's instruction. The choir of his cathedral was the 
 most celebrated in France, and was considered a model for 
 that of all the other churches'. 
 
 The system of Theology, and the interest taken by 
 Charles and his friends in the studies appertaining to it, 
 will find a more appropriate place for discussion, when the 
 controversy betwixt the orthodox church and the new 
 sect of Adoptionists passes under review. It is probable 
 that during his first residence at court, Alcuin communi- 
 cated to the king his views on many subjects of importance 
 both to the church and state ; especially his sentiments 
 with regard to the position of the Pope. As an Anglo- 
 Saxon, he was imbued with the most humble and profound 
 reverence for the holy see. In a letter to Hadrian the 
 first 2 , he acknowledges the Pope as the worthy successor 
 of St. Peter, and styles him the heir of the power granted 
 by Christ to the apostles, of binding and loosing in 
 heaven and on earth. He found the papal authority 
 already firmly established in the French kingdom, particu- 
 larly in that portion of it which was purely German ; for 
 the restoration of Christianity in those parts, where it 
 had been formerly professed, and the introduction of it 
 where it was utterly unknown, had been principally 
 effected by the Anglo-Saxons. 
 
 The veneration felt by the Germans for their heathen 
 priests was adroitly transferred by these Missionaries to 
 the ministers of Christianity, and particularly to the 
 sovereign pontiff, the Pope, of whom men conceived ideas 
 magnified in proportion to the distance at which he 
 
38 THE LIFE OF ALCUJN. 
 
 governed. A model for the establishment of a hierarchy 
 had been already furnished in the history of the Jewish 
 nation, with which, through the medium of the Old Tes- 
 tament, the people were more conversant than with that 
 of their own country, and which could not fail to have a 
 considerable influence upon their political opinions. The 
 Jewish polity afforded not merely the only rule that could 
 be applied to public measures, and the only source from 
 which the principles of administration could be derived ; 
 but it was a pattern which seemed so much the more 
 worthy of imitation, as it had originated in God himself. 
 The Carlovingian family availed themselves of these 
 opinions to promote their own advancement, and gave the 
 theory a practical adaptation. Pepin concealed his usur- 
 pation under the authority of the Pope, and sanctified his 
 person and the crowa which he had so unjustly acquired, 
 by causing himself and his family to be solemnly anointed 
 first by St. Boniface, and afterwards by the Pope him- 
 self. It is recorded in the Old Testament, that the high 
 priest Samuel nominated and anointed a king at the com- 
 mand of God, and that at the bidding of the same God, 
 he deposed him in order to place another on his throne. 
 The idea that the Pope was to be regarded as a second 
 Samuel, who, like the former, was authorised to depose 
 one king and consecrate another, was too convenient, 
 not to become henceforth an important principle in all the 
 political movements of the middle ages. Alcuin, there- 
 fore, naturally regarded the authority of the Pope as the 
 highest upon earth, and ventured to avow his sentiments 
 to Charlemagne himself. In the same degree as 
 the see of St. Peter, the prince of the apostles, was 
 
SCALE OF TEMPORAL DIGNITIES. 39 
 
 superior to every earthly throne, the Pope who occupied 
 his see could not but be considered superior to every 
 earthly power. Next in rank to the papal came the im- 
 perial dignity of the Byzantian emperors who governed 
 the second Rome ; and then followed that of royalty. 
 Alcuin adds, however, by way of sweetening the bitter 
 pill with a little flattery, that if King Charles theoretically 
 held the third rank amongst the rulers of the earth, he 
 practically by his power, his wisdom, and the splendour of 
 his kingdom held the first. 1 It is by no means surprising, 
 that while opinions such as these were current in the 
 world, the decretals of the false Isidorus should have 
 been forged, and obtained credit. Though the grossness 
 of the forgery is apparent on the very face of the work, 
 the sentiments which it contained were neither new nor 
 unheard of, but were compounded of principles already 
 universally acknowledged, and of inferences deduced from 
 those principles. The whole scheme of the Roman 
 hierarchy, as it afterwards displayed itself, was devised at 
 this period, and although retarded by subsequent un- 
 favorable circumstances, it was sufficiently matured to 
 burst forth at the first call of a bold and intrepid spirit in 
 all its imposing grandeur. 
 
 C The sentiments of Alcuin with regard to the war in 
 which Charlemagne was engaged with the Saxons, 
 deserve some notice, although they had no influence on 
 the course of events. He could not but applaud the 
 efforts of the king to introduce the Christian religion 
 among the Saxons ; but the manner in which he strove to 
 accomplish his wish by no means met his approval. Men 
 of energetic character, like Charles, are usually inflexible 
 
40 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 in the prosecution of their designs, and look upon every 
 concession to existing circumstances as a proof of weak- 
 ness. The acceptance of Christianity by the Saxons, as 
 Charles desired, involved not merely a change of their 
 religion, but also of their civil constitution, which was 
 founded upon it ; so that the nobility, whose pre-eminence 
 was derived solely from their priestly office, struggled 
 less for their gods than for their rank and political ex- 
 istence. Alcuin was aware of the manner in which his 
 pagan ancestors, who were descended from the same 
 stock, and had professed the same religion as the Saxons, 
 had been converted to Christianity. He knew that it 
 had not been effected by external violence, but by permis- 
 sion. The king and his nobles willingly resigned the 
 influence they possessed as priests, since the new religion 
 secured to them equal influence through the medium of 
 bishopricks and abbacies. He thought it his duty to 
 recommend to the king a similar mode of proceeding. 
 He counselled him to present Christianity to the Saxons 
 under its fairest aspect, and to alleviate the burthens 
 attached to it as much as possible at its introduction. 
 Above all things, he warned the king against the imme- 
 diate imposition of tithes. The Christian clergy were in- 
 debted for this tribute (the idea of which was borrowed 
 from the Old Testament) to the artfulness with which 
 they laid claim to the position of the Jewish priesthood, 
 thereby transferring to themselves the advantages enjoyed 
 by that body. Alcuin's reasons do honour both to his 
 heart and to his understanding, since they prove that he 
 was entirely free from the blind zeal of the priests. He 
 doubts, in the first place, whether the tithe be a necessary 
 
ALCUIN'S OPINIONS CONCERNING TITHES. 41 
 
 burthen upon Christianity, as it would be difficult to find 
 an instance wherein the Apostles exacted this tribute, or 
 bequeathed to their successors any right so to do. If 
 Charles, however, were determined to insist on the tithe, 
 he entreats him at least to consider, that a tax which the 
 established Christians reluctantly consented to pay 1 , 
 would naturally alienate the minds of new converts from 
 a doctrine which they saw to be oppressive even at its 
 announcement. In his opinion, the introduction of the 
 tithe system would not be advisable, until Christianity 
 had been acknowledged by the Saxons as the means of 
 salvation, and had become endeared to them in such a 
 degree, that they would consider no burthen connected 
 with it as too heavy. He urges, therefore, the sending 
 of such of the clergy as were more concerned for the 
 welfare of the church than for their own advancement, 
 and whose characters were calculated to enforce the doc- 
 trines which they taught. In conclusion, he mentions 
 three subjects with which converts should become 
 acquainted, previous to their baptism ; first, the doctrine 
 of the immortality of the soul, with a description of the 
 joys prepared for the good in heaven, and the torments 
 which await the wicked in hell ; then that of the Holy 
 Trinity ; and lastly, the most important doctrine, that of 
 the redemption of mankind by Jesus Christ 2 . Charles 
 did not follow this salutary advice ; and to his obstinacy, 
 may be attributed the long continuance of tiie Saxon 
 war for years, and which he could not bring to a conclu- 
 sion until he had executed some of his chief adversaries, 
 banished others, and conciliated the rest by the grant of 
 fiefs. 
 
42 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 In what other political affairs, Alcuin was engaged 
 during his first residence of eight years at the Frank 
 Court, we are ignorant, as the portion of his extensive 
 correspondence, which is extant, refers to a later period) 
 but we know that his (chief efforts were directed to litera- 
 ture, for not only the king, but his sons and daughters 
 likewise were under his tuition. The more Charles felt 
 the value of a learned education, the more anxious he 
 became that his children should be carefully instructed, 
 that he might never hear from them the reproach which 
 he, perhaps, sometimes silently cast upon his father. 
 Under such circumstances, however, education easily 
 takes a wrong direction, for if it endeavour too greatly 
 to accelerate the progress of cultivation at a time when it 
 is neglected by the many, and appreciated only by the 
 few, it inevitably tears asunder all sympathy between the 
 pupil and his contemporaries. Whilst he looks upon 
 them as Barbarians, they regard him as a Sybarite, and 
 thus is engendered a feeling of mutual hostility which 
 cannot but be injurious to the state. A proof of this 
 was exhibited in the education, and consequent fantastic 
 schemes of Otho III. king of Germany, and emperor of 
 Rome. Charles, however, was wise enough to avoid this 
 error by combining intellectual instruction with the na- 
 tional studies of the Franks. The beautiful simplicity of 
 those times may be seen in a picture, sketched by Einhard, 
 of the domestic life of Charlemagne. Whilst the 
 sons perfected themselves in corporeal exercises, rode 
 with their father to the chace, or accompanied him to 
 battle, that they might acquire under his own eye that 
 proficiency in the use of arms so necessary to a Frank 
 
DOMESTIC LIFE OF CHARLEMAGNE. 43 
 
 prince, the daughters remained at home occupied in 
 weaving or spinning. At dinner, the whole family as- 
 sembled at the same table. When travelling, the king 
 rode between his sons, and his daughters followed like- 
 wise on horseback. Both were instructed by Alcuin in 
 all the learning of the times. 1 A small treatise still to 
 be found among Alcuin's works containing the substance 
 of a conversation between himself and Charles's second 
 son Pepin 2 , shows the method by which he endeavoured 
 to quicken the faculties of the mind, and impart a facility 
 of expression. For example, Pepin is asking for infor- 
 mation respecting certain words, Alcuin explains them, 
 not by giving their precise signification, but by circum- 
 locution, or by rendering the sense with a poetical turn 
 of expression. Many of the answers are sufficiently 
 striking and acute to awaken reflection. The prince asks 
 for instance, " What is the liberty of man ?" and receives 
 for answer, " Innocence." To Pepin's question : 
 " W 7 hat is the Moon ?" Alcuin replies, " The eye of 
 night, the dispenser of dew, the herald of tempests." 
 These are attributes of the moon belonging either to its 
 nature or its effects, arrayed in the mantle of poetry. At 
 the conclusion, they exchange parts, and Alcuin proposes 
 to his pupil problems to solve, and questions to answer, 
 calculated to habituate the mind to quickness of appre- 
 hension, and a facility in discovering the most compre- 
 hensive terms to express every idea. W T e perceive from 
 Alcuin's letters, that at a later period, the princes Charles, 
 Pepin, and Louis, honoured and respected him as their 
 master, and that the king's sister and daughter, Gisla a , 
 sought his instructions, both verbally and by writing. 
 
44 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 In the year 796, Louis having made a successful cam- 
 paign against the Avari, and taken numerous prisoners, 
 Alcuin wrote to King Charles, entreating him to ransom 
 them, which request, being seconded by the prince, was 
 granted. Alcuin expressed his gratitude in a letter to 
 the prince, and annexed to it a list of exhortations which 
 deserve to be quoted as a specimen of his style, and as 
 illustrating the position in which he stood towards his 
 royal pupil, " Most illustrious prince," he writes, " seek 
 to adorn thy noble rank by noble deeds, endeavour with 
 all thy might to do the will and promote the honour of 
 almighty God, that through his favour, which is above 
 all price, the throne of thy kingdom may be exalted, its 
 limits extended, and the people subdued to thy govern- 
 ment. Be liberal to the poor, be kind to strangers, 
 devout in the service of Christ, and hold in reverence the 
 ministers of his church, whereby thou wilt receive the 
 assistance of their fervent prayers. Let thy conduct be 
 upright and chaste. Love the wife of thy youth, and 
 suffer no other woman to share thy affections, that the 
 blessing of God that rests upon thee may descend to a 
 long line of thy posterity. Be formidable to thy foes, be 
 true to thy friends, favourable to Christians, terrible to 
 Heathens, accessible to the poor, prudent in following 
 counsel. Listen to the counsel of the old, but employ 
 the young to execute it. Let justice and equity prevail, 
 and let the praise of God resound at the appointed hours 
 throughout thy kingdom, but especially in thy presence. 
 Such pious regard to the duties prescribed by the church, 
 will render thee acceptable to God, and honoured by man. 
 Let feelings of humility dwell in thy heart, the words of 
 
ALCUIN'S STYLE OF EXHORTATION. 45 
 
 truth on thy lips, and let thy life be a pattern of integrity, 
 that it may please God to prosper and protect thee 1 ." 
 
 Alcuin is fond of indulging in such exhortations to 
 young people, though nothing can be more inefficacious 
 than a list of precepts. In communicating the doctrines 
 of morality, they must be addressed either to the feelings, 
 or to the understanding ; a cold enumeration, therefore, of 
 virtues that imparts no distinct ideas to the one, nor any 
 glow to the other, must necessarily fail to produce the 
 desired effect. Alcuin himself was a living example to 
 the pupils who immediately surrounded him ; but to his 
 friends at a distance, he wrote these, as they-seem to me, 
 well intended rhetorical flourishes. 
 
 Two letters addressed to Charles the younger, the 
 king's eldest son, contain similar sentiments. The first 
 congratulates him on his coronation, an event with which 
 we are made acquainted only by these letters, and which 
 must have taken place in the year 800. It admonishes 
 him to fulfil the duties of his high station, and advises him 
 to take his father as a model for his conduct 2 . Although 
 Charles the younger exactly resembled his father, and 
 was his favourite, Alcuin does not seem to have been 
 well satisfied with him. The mind of this active prince 
 was more disposed for the stirring business of life than for 
 the stillness of contemplation, and was less influenced by 
 the exhortations of his master, than the latter hoped and 
 expected ; perhaps also, like Charlemagne in his 
 younger days, he was more attached to the society of 
 women than accorded with Alcuin's views. At all events, 
 he thought it necessary to ask his permission to lay before 
 him, in a friendly correspondence, some remarks on many 
 
46 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 parts of his conduct which he considered censurable. He 
 proposes to him as an example, his brother Louis, who 
 not only listened to his counsel, but followed it. 1 None 
 of his letters to Louis are extant ; but from the passage 
 just quoted, we may infer that he held the highest place in 
 his estimation, and that he expected France would enjoy 
 golden days under his administration. The submission 
 to the will of God, which Alcuin admired so much in 
 Louis, and his humility towards the ministers of the 
 church, were qualities that originated less in real piety 
 than in a want of independence of spirit. It is, therefore, 
 a mark of narrow-minded partiality, if Alcuin wished that 
 Louis might become the sole successor of his father, and 
 no proof of his great political sagacity, if he considered 
 him the most worthy. 2 The very docility which, in his 
 youth, Louis displayed towards Alcuin, became afterwards 
 ruinous to the French empire. A prince must, at all 
 times, but especially under circumstances such as those 
 of France, at that period, be something more than a 
 learned and a benevolent man. 
 
 It was, however, quite natural that the female part 
 of the family of Charlemagne submitted to Alcuin's 
 instructions with unlimited confidence, and found his 
 system of Theology so much the more pleasing, the more 
 scope it afforded for the exercise of the feelings, and the 
 less it required the exertion of the understanding or of 
 speculative reasoning. Charles's sister, Gisla, often 
 applied to him for consolation and information ; he wrote 
 expressly for her, and one of her Christian friends, Rich- 
 trud, or Columba, a commentary on the Gospel of St. 
 John, of which I shall hereafter speak more particularly. 
 
IMMEDIATE INFLUENCE OF CHARLEMAGNE. 47 
 
 It is natural to suppose that Charles's daughters enjoyed 
 similar advantages. This supposition is indeed partly 
 confirmed by facts. Alcuin, in a letter to the king, re- 
 quests him to reply to some questions which had been 
 proposed to Alcuin by one of the princesses. In a psalm 
 sung during divine service, she had been struck by these 
 words, " All men are liars." She enquires, therefore, 
 whether this applies to infants, and dumb persons, whose 
 lips have never uttered a word ? She asks farther for the 
 explanation of a passage in the same psalm, which is to 
 her incomprehensible. " What shall I render unto the 
 Lord for all his benefits towards me." In another psalm, 
 it seems to her, that the assurance, " The sun shall not 
 burn thee by day, nor the moon by night, 1 " is falsely 
 expressed ; as she cannot understand how the same pro- 
 perty could be ascribed to the moon, whose nature is cold 
 and damp, as to the sun 1 . 
 
 The ardour with which Charles studied the sciences, 
 and caused his family to be instructed therein, could not 
 fail to influence all around him. As the taste of the 
 Court refined, a literary tone became predominant, which 
 none but those whose minds harmonised with it, could 
 appreciate or enjoy. It was, however, principally the 
 immorality of the clergy that shocked the religious 
 feelings of Charles, and their ignorance that disgusted 
 his cultivated understanding. Whoever, therefore, now 
 aspired to preferment, either in the church or state, was 
 obliged to imitate the example of the king, and obtain his 
 favour on conditions entirely different from those of 
 former times. Thus, without any compulsory edict, 
 reform rapidly advanced ; and Alcuin hoped to see a new 
 
48 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 Athens arise in France, possessing privileges higher than 
 the ancient, in proportion to the superiority of the wisdom 
 of Christ to the philosophy of Plato. 1 In the new system 
 of civilisation, Charles was, as it were, the sun, whose 
 light illuminated, first the narrow sphere of his own 
 family, then the more extensive circle of his immediate 
 acquaintance, and was finally to spread over the ever- 
 widening orbit of the whole nation. The establishment 
 of schools was, however, requisite for the attainment of 
 this object ; and this became Charles's first care, as soon 
 as he had awakened a desire for improvement, and pro- 
 cured competent teachers. 
 
 4. Establishment of the higher and lower Schools in 
 the Kingdom of France. 
 
 From the preceding exposition of Alcuin's opinions re- 
 specting the theory and practical adaptation of the sciences 
 then in use, it will be readily concluded, that in the 
 schools about to be erected, theology and philosophy 
 would form the chief subjects of education. What the 
 church and state require of those who devote themselves 
 to their service, depends upon the exigencies of the times 
 and the nature of circumstances. The government of 
 France with regard to its finances, its military consti- 
 tution and its laws, was so simply organised, that there 
 needed not a distinct profession for each branch of public 
 business, nor was any other knowledge required than that 
 which was essential to common life. A vigorous arm^ a 
 courageous heart, and a sound understanding, fitted a 
 man in those days for the management of the affairs of 
 state ; so that he who to-day presided in a court of 
 
EDUCATION OF THE CLERGY. 49 
 
 justice, appeared the next day at the head of an army, or, 
 at another time, was seen in a foreign court charged by 
 his sovereign with a diplomatic commission. It was 
 requisite, that he should be acquainted with Latin^as all 
 written negotiations were carried on in that language. 
 The ecclesiastic, however, had to pursue another course 
 of study, yet Latin formed also the groundwork of his 
 learning ; for none but a few distinguished men made 
 such progress in Greek and Hebrew as to be able 
 to read the sacred writings in their original tongues- 
 Amid the strife of contending sects and contradictory 
 opinions, the Christian religion had been gradually erected 
 into a solid fabric of doctrines and ceremonies. The 
 whole of western Christendom adhered at that time to the 
 Catholic faith, which was beginning to separate from the 
 Greek church, and to assume the characteristics of the 
 Roman Catholic. The doctrines of the orthodox church 
 were contained in the works of the fathers who had either 
 philosophically expounded the Holy Scriptures, or had 
 opposed the heresies of their times. It was necessary 
 that the ecclesiastic should study these also ; and in order 
 rightly to understand them, he was obliged to make him- 
 self acquainted with the sciences which have been 
 characterised in a preceding chapter. In the establish- 
 ment of new schools, regard was naturally paid to these 
 demands of church and state ; but as ordinary minds aim 
 at no higher objects than those proposed by the state ; 
 some institutions which may be denominated Universities, 
 enlarged the course of instruction for the benefit of those 
 who were ambitious of knowledge. 
 
 In the latter part of the ninth century, a monk of the 
 E 
 
50 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 monastery of St. Gallen, collected the anecdotes of Charle- 
 magne, which were current at that time, but like 
 similar records of the great men of modern times, they 
 are for the most part either fictitious, or the truth is so 
 disguised, that it cannot be recognised. They have, 
 however, an historical value, so far as they show the 
 opinion entertained, in the time of Charles Le Gros, of 
 the founder of the Carlo vingian dynasty, fallen as its 
 power then was. The worthy monk gives, in his peculiar 
 facetious, blunt style, much information respecting the 
 efforts made by Charles to promote civilisation ; and 
 relates the following anecdote when speaking of the estab- 
 lishment of schools. Two Irishmen well skilled in all 
 secular and ecclesiastical learning, came with some English 
 merchants to the coast of Gaul, and offered wisdom for 
 sale, " Does any man lack wisdom ? Let him come and 
 take it, for here it is to be sold." The king no sooner 
 heard of these adventurers, than he sent for them, and 
 inquired whether they really had the article. They 
 answered in the affirmative, and assured his majesty, that 
 they were willing to dispose of it to every man, if the king 
 would grant them a convenient dwelling, assign them 
 pupils of promising abilities, and supply them with that 
 without which human life cannot be sustained food and 
 clothing. Charles retained them in his palace for some 
 time, and when the affairs of his kingdom called him into 
 the field, he commanded one of them, named Clemens, to 
 remain in Gaul, and placed under his tuition boys of all 
 ranks from the highest to the lowest class. The other 
 he sent into Italy to the monastery of St. Augustine at 
 Pavia, in order to establish a school there. Encouraged 
 
PREPARATORY MEASURES. 51 
 
 by this favourable reception, proceeds the monk, Alcuin 
 came to Gaul, where his endeavours were crowned with 
 such success, " that the modern Gauls or Franks 
 might have been compared with the ancient Romans or 
 Greeks." 
 
 This narrative confounds earlier with later events, and 
 in the transition to Alcuin betrays evident marks of a 
 tradition which is founded, indeed, upon fact ; but to 
 which additions have been made without much regard to 
 their truth or falsehood. The Irishman, Clemens, appears 
 to be identical with one of that name who was an 
 eminent professor among the Franks in the middle of 
 the eighth century ; but who, by his heretical opinions, 
 incurred the displeasure of St. Boniface, on whose accu- 
 sation he was condemned by the pope 1 . But tradition 
 has embellished his history with those fanciful decora- 
 tions which are observable in the narrations of the monk 
 of St. Gallen, and, like every thing else that regarded 
 intellectual improvement, have a reference to Charle- 
 magne. It appears, however, that previous to Alcuin's 
 arrival, no public school of importance, except the court- 
 school existed on the Cis-alpine territories ; and even 
 after his arrival, five years elapsed before any decided 
 step was taken. It was necessary to promote to 
 bishoprics and abbacies, men capable of seconding 
 Charles' designs, before he could attempt to execute 
 them. The court-school, under Alcuin's superintendence, 
 furnished, as might be expected, some able scholars ; others 
 were attracted from foreign countries by the king's 
 liberality, or rescued from obscurity by his penetration, 
 and removed from an inferior sphere of action to a posi- 
 E 2 
 
52 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 tion more worthy of their talents. He elevated St. Paulinus 
 to the patriarchate of Aquileia ; Leidrad obtained the 
 archbishopric of Lyons. Theodulph, the bishopric of 
 Orleans ; Arno, Alcuin's most intimate friend 1 the arch- 
 bishopric of Saltzburg ; all men illustrious for the extent 
 of their learning, and full of zeal for its diffusion. When 
 Charles returned from Italy in the year 786, (whither 
 he had marched to oppose the duke of Beneventum), he 
 brought with him a number of Italians capable of in- 
 structing in singing, organ-playing, grammar, and 
 cyphering. 2 \ Having taken all these preparatory steps, 
 the king caused circular letters to be sent to all the 
 bishops and abbots in his kingdom, commanding the 
 establishment of schools. In these letters, he says, that 
 in the official reports that had been sent to him from the 
 monasteries, he had perceived with much displeasure the 
 imperfect and awkward manner in which thoughts in 
 themselves correct were expressed ; and could not, there- 
 fore, help doubting whether the meaning of the Holy 
 Scriptures, and the doctrines of the Christian religion 
 were properly understood. To call their attention to 
 how much depended upon the right or wrong use of 
 words, he reminds them of the passage in the Gospel 
 where it is said : " By thy words thou shalt be justified, 
 and by thy words thou shalt be condemned." In order, 
 therefore, to remedy this evil so perilous to the soul, he 
 commands that a school should be attached to every 
 cathedral church, and every monastery, without, however ? 
 specifying more minutely what was to be taught 3 . The 
 kind of evil designed to be removed by this means, proves 
 that originally the education of the clergy only was con- 
 
GENERAL DIFFUSION OF EDUCATION. 53 
 
 templated ; ideas upon this point, however, soon became 
 more enlarged, and, in pursuance of supplementary edicts, 
 instruction was extended even to the lowest classes of the 
 laity. The command is given in such positive terms, 
 and obedience so forcibly inculcated by threats of the 
 royal displeasure, that considering Charles' severity 
 against wilful disobedience, the vigilance of his govern- 
 ment, which, by means of its emissaries, was acquainted 
 with the condition of the most distant provinces, neglect 
 was not likely to ensue* The chronicles of the monastery 
 of Fontenelle afford an example of the manner in 
 which the king's mandate was executed even where there 
 were no competent teachers. A man named Gervold, 
 was, at that time, abbot of this monastery ; to whom the 
 king's indignation at the ignorance of the clergy must 
 have been so much the more formidable, as his own con- 
 science was not quite clear in this matter. He hastened 
 to obey the king's command in the best manner he 
 was able. He opened a school in his monastery, in which 
 singing, if nothing else, was taught ; for, adds the 
 chronicler, "if he had not much skill in other sciences, he 
 was a proficient in the art of singing, and was not defi- 
 cient in sweetness or power of voice. 1 " He soon after 
 associated with himself the presbyter, Harduin, who had 
 for some time lived as a hermit ; but as an opportunity 
 presented itself of employing his talents and acquire- 
 ments for the benefit of others, he returned to the society 
 of men, and gave instructions in writing and cyphering. 2 
 This monastery of Fontenelle, may serve as a represen- 
 tation of all the other schools that were founded in 
 consequence of the royal command, but did not attain 
 
54 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN, 
 
 to sufficient celebrity to be even incidentally mentioned 
 in the writings of that period. Without entering into 
 a detailed account of each separate school, a general de- 
 scription may suffice. They were divided into three 
 classes : to the first belonged all wherein the seven liberal 
 arts, and the theological sciences were taught, and which, 
 although chiefly designed for the education of the clergy, 
 were open nevertheless to all who were desirous of 
 qualifying themselves for secular employments. The 
 school belonging to the monastery of St. Martin at Tours, 
 which Alcuin founded at a subsequent period, and raised 
 to eminence by his personal superintendence, may be consi- 
 dered as a specimen of this class. In a letter to the king ? 
 Alcuin gives the following account of it : " I, your 
 Flaccus, in accordance with yonr admonitions and wishes, 
 endeavour to administer to some in the house of St. 
 Martin, the honey of the Holy Scriptures ; others I would 
 fain intoxicate with the pure wine of ancient wisdom ; 
 others 1 begin to nourish with the fruits of grammatical 
 subtleties ; many I seek to enlighten by the order of the 
 stars. But above all things, I strive to train them up 
 to be useful to the holy church of God, and an ornament 
 to your kingdom ; that the unmerited mercy shown to 
 me by Almighty God, and your liberal kindness, may not 
 be altogether fruitless. 1 " 
 
 This account states distinctly enough, that the object 
 of the school at Tours was to give a liberal education to 
 the officers of the church and state. All the schools of 
 the first class had indeed the same object, but all had not 
 the same means of attaining it as that at Tours, at the 
 head of which was Alcuin himself seconded by the pupils 
 
UNIVERSITIES. 55 
 
 who were best qualified to assist him. From what we 
 can learn of other cathedral schools 1 , it appears that the 
 greatest part of them stood in the same relation to the 
 school at Tours and the court-school, as with us a public*^ 
 school stands to the Universities. The title or character 
 of university, or, in other words, of an institution where 
 all the sciences of that period were taught, depended 
 upon the personal qualifications of the director, and was 
 not conferred on any particular place. The court-school 
 naturally maintained this character the longest, because 
 in that institution there were never wanting men of dis- 
 tinguished abilities, who preferred residing where their 
 talents would be best appreciated and rewarded ; with the 
 rest, however, it was changed with the Principal, and was 
 transferred at different times to different monasteries. At 
 the sixth Parisian council held in the year 829, the 
 assembled fathers presented a petition to the emperor, 
 Louis the Pious, in which they most urgently but humbly 
 besought his highness to establish by royal authority public 
 schools in the three most convenient places in the empire, 
 after the example of his father, and not to suffer the ef- 
 forts made by Charlemagne for the increase of knowledge 
 to fail from neglect. "This," added they, ''will conduce 
 to the advantage and honour of the holy church of God, 
 to the benefit of the state and to the everlasting glory of 
 the emperor himself 2 ." From this passage it appears, 
 that in the reign of Charlemagne, there were places of 
 tuition specifically denominated public schools, which fell 
 into decay after his death ; but the utility of which, to 
 the church and state, was so generally acknowledged, that 
 their re-establishment was desired. They must have 
 
56 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 been something different from the monastic schools, as 
 they, so far from having ceased in the reign of 
 Louis the Pious, were precisely at that time 
 most flourishing, and in the most vigorous opera- 
 tion ; an instance of which may be found in that of 
 Fulda. These public schools were probably the superior 
 establishments or universities, which were under the im- 
 mediate direction of the state, and not subject to any 
 bishop or abbot. The council urges the erection of three 
 such schools, evidently with the design of establishing one 
 in each of the three principal divisions of the French 
 monarchy France, Germany and Italy. Whether, how- 
 ever, among the schools founded by Charlemagne, 
 three only were characterised as public schools is un- 
 known to us, and equally so the places where they were 
 situated. 
 
 In order to attain the object proposed by the schools 
 of the first class, a library was indispensable ; it consisted 
 at its commencement of only a small collection of books, 
 which, as we shall presently see, was augmented by copies 
 of works deposited in English libraries, and also by pre- 
 sents from Italy arid even from Constantinople. The 
 alliance entered into by Charles' father, Pepin, with the 
 Byzantine court, had also influenced the literary efforts of 
 that period, by affording an opportunity of acquiring the 
 Greek language, with which Alcuin appears to have been 
 but imperfectly acquainted 5 . A native of Greece, the 
 eunuch Eliseus, resided some time at the Frank court, 
 for the purpose of teaching Greek to Charles' daughter, 
 Rotrudis, who was betrothed to the emperor Constantine 
 VI. The king probably availed himself of his assistance 
 
CHURCH MUSIC. 57 
 
 in learning the little, which, according to Einhard's 
 account 1 , he knew of that language. The discipline in 
 these schools was severe, and the pupils were under con- 
 stant superintendence, in order to restrain them from 
 habits of idleness, from vain amusements, and frivolous 
 occupations 2 . 
 
 To the second class, belonged the seminaries for sing- 
 ing and ctiurch music ; of which those established at 
 Metz and Soissons were originally the only ones, and 
 long continued to be the most renowned. Charles was 
 greatly annoyed by the French mode of singing ; for, 
 besides, that their harsh guttural dialect was by no means 
 adapted to melody, the people imagined the beauty of 
 singing to consist in the loudness of the tone, and conse- 
 quently endeavoured to out-scream each other. The 
 reproach of the Italians was not unjust, that the French 
 roared like wild beasts. It was only necessary for Charle- 
 magne to have once heard the Roman church music, 
 to cause him to desire and attempt an improvement in that 
 of his own subjects. The national vanity of the French 
 rendered them unwilling to admit the superiority of the 
 Roman singing, but Charles proved that it was far better, 
 and commanded that it should be adopted. Pope 
 Hadrian I. who willingly seconded all the king's efforts 
 for the reformation of the church, presented him with 
 his two best singers, Theodore and Benedict, one of whom 
 Charles established at Metz and the other at Soissons. 
 There, every one who desired to teach singing in any of 
 the other schools, or to become a chorister in a church, 
 was now compelled to acquire the Roman method of 
 singing ; in consequence of which this art became thence- 
 
58 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 forth general on this side the Alps, and as perfect as the 
 discordance of the French voices would permit 1 . Instruc- 
 tion was also given at those institutions in organ-playing ; 
 but so long as organs could only be obtained from foreign 
 countries, a few, and those probably the principal, 
 churches could alone be provided with them. The first 
 organ seen in France was sent in the year 757, as a 
 present from the Byzantine emperor, Constantine V. 
 to king Pepin ; and it was not till the year 826, that 
 organs began to be built in France. At that time, a 
 Venetian, named George, presented himself to Louis the 
 Pious, and offered both to build organs, and to teach the 
 art to others ; an offer which the emperor accepted with 
 pleasure, and ordered the artist to be provided with every 
 requisite. 2 
 
 The schools in which the commonest education 
 was given, composed the third class, and were designed 
 for those who moved in the subordinate ranks of life. 
 Intellectual cultivation was not to be confined merely to 
 the clergy, or to those among the laity whose birth and 
 wealth called them to fill eminent stations in society ; but 
 knowledge was to shed its beneficial influence upon the 
 lowest classes. The decree made by Charles on this 
 point, was published in the year 789, ami enforces again 
 and again upon the monasteries the duty of establishing 
 schools, in which reading, writing, cyphering, and 
 singing, should be taught 3 . We see, in the instance of 
 bishop Theodulph, of Orleans, how that command was 
 obeyed; and there exists no reason to suppose, that 
 it was not by degrees similarly attended to by the rest of 
 the bishops. Theodulph caused a school to be opened in 
 
CHARLEMAGNE'S INSPECTION OF THE SCHOOLS. 59 
 
 every village within his diocese, and expressly forbade the 
 masters to accept from their pupils any other remunera- 
 tion for the instruction afforded, than the voluntary 
 presents which the parents might bestow, as a proof of 
 their affection. 1 This regulation was necessary, in order 
 that the poor might not be deterred from attending the 
 schools. Thus, was a more universal education secured 
 to the lower orders, at the conclusion of the ninth cen- 
 tury, than France can boast of in the nineteenth ; and it 
 is impossible to calculate what might have been the effect, 
 had the same spirit and zeal that first called these schools 
 into existence, protected them until they had taken suffi- 
 ciently deep root to subsist without external support. For 
 in that case, the mental superiority of one class of society 
 would never have been so great, as to allow of their op- 
 pressing the minds of the other classes, and assuming 
 a kind of guardianship over them. Charles himself 
 omitted nothing that could be serviceable to these insti- 
 tutions, and is even said, personally, to have acquainted 
 himself with their arrangement and management, and to 
 have ascertained the progress of the pupils by actual 
 visits, exciting them to diligence, and deterring them from 
 idleness. An anecdote related by the monk of St. Gallen. 
 is illustrative of this, and though it was, perhaps, in- 
 vented at a subsequent period, it is nevertheless founded 
 on the fact, that thanking himself personally inspected 
 the schools. According to the worthy monk's account, 
 Charles once visited the school erected in pursuance of 
 his command by the Irishman, Clemens. On examining 
 the pupils, he made the very natural discovery, that the 
 sons of the nobility, confiding in their rank and riches, 
 
60 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 in no degree answered his expectations, whilst, on the 
 other hand, the poor availed themselves of the opportunity 
 afforded them of obtaining, by their own exertions, that 
 which fortune had denied them. The king graciously 
 commended the latter, and encouraged their zeal by pro- 
 mising to promote them to high offices, and honourable 
 stations in the church and state. The idle scholars, 
 on the contrary, he reproved sharply, assuring them, with 
 an impressive oath, that their birth was of no value in his 
 eyes, and that it was their talents only that would e^er 
 entitle them to receive any mark of favour from him 1 . 
 Sentiments like these were peculiar to Charlemagne 
 and no doubt similar occasions occurred in which they 
 could not fail to produce an effect. 
 
 5. Alcuin s Return to England. 
 
 The relation in which Alcuin stood towards Charle- 
 magne, during the time of his first residence with him, 
 may be compared to that of Voltaire or other learned 
 Frenchmen towards Frederick the Great. They lived at 
 the court of the king of Prussia, without rendering 
 themselves his subjects by accepting any appointment, 
 and without entering into any closer connection than that 
 of mutual good-will and reciprocal benefits. In the same 
 way, Alcuin was simply the preceptor and counsellor of 
 Charles ; and the two monasteries assigned him 2 , are to be 
 considered less as an office under the government, than a 
 provision for defraying his necessary expenses . He looked 
 upon his residence and exertions among the French as 
 temporary, and terminating when the king's wishes were 
 accomplished. He, therefore, avoided seeking any 
 
ALCUIN'S ATTACHMENT TO ENGLAND. 61 
 
 permanent appointment, and refused to accept any when 
 offered. So little did he desire to break off his connection 
 with the kingdom of Northumberland as a subject, and 
 with the church at York as a deacon, that he longed for 
 nothing more earnestly than to be liberated from the dif- 
 ficulties and literary privations consequent upon his resi- 
 dence at the court of Charlemagne 1 , and to be able to re- 
 turn to his books and learned occupations at York. "I have 
 never been unfaithful to the people of England," he could 
 conscientiously reply to the accusation, that he had become 
 a Frank and had forgotten his native country 2 . He 
 proved his fidelity by the use which he made of his in- 
 fluence with the French king to procure several advan- 
 tages for the English church, and to maintain a good 
 understanding between Charlemagne and the princes 
 of the Saxon heptarchy, among whom Offa, king of 
 Mercia, held the first rank. He declined, it is true, the 
 propositions made to him by the Anglo-Saxon princes, to 
 take up his abode at their court ; but he sent some of his 
 own pupils to supply his place. But there were duties 
 which he owed to the kingdom of Northumberland, and 
 the church at York ; and these he remembered so soon 
 as he saw the literary institutions established by Charles 
 in active operation, and the king surrounded by men 
 capable of continuing and extending the work when begun. 
 He then asked Charles's permission to return to his own 
 country. Charlemagne knew too well how to value 
 a man like Alcuin, to be willing to lose him, and prized 
 too dearly the rare happiness of possessing a true and 
 sincere friend, not to desire his longer, and, if possible, 
 permanent residence, and to offer every thing that might 
 
62 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 induce him to remain. But as Alcuin's conscience bore 
 him testimony that he had not been allured to France 1 
 by any prospect of worldly gain, but solely by the hope 
 of being useful to the church and to science, the offer of 
 high dignities and great riches made less impression upon 
 him than the condescending request of a powerful prince. 
 He therefore replied, " My lord king, I will not refuse 
 thy wish if I can fulfil it without violating the commands 
 of the church. Although I possess no small inheritance 
 in my own country, I will willingly resign it, and in 
 poverty serve thee, and remain with thee. Let it be thy 
 care to obtain the permission of my king and my bishop." 
 This seemed reasonable to Charles, as well as Alcuin's 
 wish to revisit his native country after so long an absence. 
 k He therefore dismissed him, with letters to the king of 
 Northumberland and the archbishop of York. In order 
 to retain him in his service, during his journey, he invested 
 him with the character of a public ambassador, and com- 
 missioned him to renew the good understanding between 
 the French monarchy and Offa king of Mercia 2 . Offa, in 
 consequence of the superiority of his talents, and the 
 vigour of his operations, which were not restrained by 
 any regard to right or wrong, had become the most 
 powerful among the Anglo-Saxon kings ; and Charles had 
 entered into alliance with him soon after his first journey 
 across the Alps. Since the year 788, however, this 
 harmony had been interrupted by misunderstandings 
 occasioned by the political affairs of Wessex, so that even 
 the commercial intercourse between France and England 
 had ceased. After the death of Cenulph, king of Wes- 
 sex, in 786, Offa, by his interposition, had procured the 
 
ALCUIN AMBASSADOR TO ENGLAND. 63 
 
 throne for Britherich, in spite of the juster claims of 
 Egbert. The deposed prince sought first in Mercia that 
 safety which he could no longer hope to find in Wessex, 
 until the marriage of Britherich with Offa's daughter 
 Cadburga, rendered this retreat also dangerous. He 
 therefore quitted England in 788, and took refuge at the 
 court of Charles the Great, where he experienced a 
 friendly reception, and found an opportunity of cultivating 
 his talents, and of forming himself upon the model of a 
 great king. The friendly treatment of Egbert, and the 
 protection which many of his adherents found at the 
 French court, were regarded by Offa and Britherich as 
 expressions of hostility against them, and occasioned the 
 interruption of the harmony which had hitherto existed 
 between the two nations. Alcuin acquitted himself of 
 his commission so successfully, that peace was not only 
 re-established with Offa, but was, a few years later, con- 
 firmed by a treaty, in which Charles engaged to secure 
 to the Anglo-Saxon pilgrims, who were desirous of 
 making a pilgrimage to Rome, a safe and free passage 
 through his dominions, and also to take the merchants 
 under his especial protection 1 . 
 
64 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 ALCUIN'S RETURN TO THE COURT OF CHARLEMAGNE, 
 AND HIS PARTICIPATION IN RELIGIOUS AFFAIRS 
 UNTIL HIS PERMANENT SETTLEMENT IN FRANCE. 
 A. D. 790796. 
 
 SHORTLY after Alcuin's arrival in his native country, 
 there occurred one of those revolutions, of which the 
 annals of Northumberland present so many instances. 
 The division of the natural atrength of the kingdom, the 
 mixed population, and the vicinity of the Scottish frontier, 
 beyond which every rebel found safety, and frequently 
 support, facilitated and occasioned sudden changes in the 
 government. One king hurled another from his throne? 
 only to give place in his turn to a third within the space 
 of a few years. Alchred was scarcely seated on the 
 throne, when those who had elevated him to it deserted 
 him. He took refuge in Scotland and resigned his 
 crown to Ethelred, against whom the thanes, Ethelwald 
 and Heardbert, raised the standard of rebellion in 778, 
 and compelled him to seek safety by flight. The sceptre 
 was now transferred to the hands of Alfwold, who wielded 
 it with sufficient vigour to retain it for the space of ten 
 years. He could not, however, eventually escape the 
 fate of his predecessors ; like them, he fell a victim to 
 the inconstancy and treachery of the nobles of Northum- 
 berland, in the year 788 1 . Alchred's son, Osred, took 
 
MOTIVES OF ALCUIN'S RETURN TO FRANCE. 65 
 
 possession of the vacant throne, which he occupied at the 
 period of Alcuin's arrival at York, in 790. A strong 
 party, however, was already formed against him, who 
 were desirous of recalling Ethelred from exile, after a 
 banishment of twelve years. Alcuin was a witness of 
 Ethelred's success, and of the revengeful cruelty 
 with which he punished the injuries he had for- 
 merly received, and wherehy he endeavoured to secure 
 the future stability of his government. The country 
 continued for two years in a state of distraction, when 
 the imprisonment and execution of Osred terminated for 
 a while these intestine commotions. These events again 
 involved Alcuin in occupations from which he had hoped 
 to escape at York, and rendered him the more disposed 
 to return to the court of France, where the supreme 
 power being lodged in the hands of an energetic ruler, 
 repressed the aristocracy, instead of becoming their tool. 
 A similar scene of confusion was soon repeated, which 
 so disgusted Alcuin with his own country that he 
 sought in France, and at length obtained in the abbey 
 of Tours, the repose and advantages no longer to be 
 found at York. He 'was, moreover, recalled to the con- 
 tinent by pressing letters from Charlemagne, who needed 
 Alcuin's counsel and learning, not only for the purpose 
 of investigating and suppressing a religious doctrine which 
 had sprung up within his dominions, and threatened a 
 dangerous schism, but also of opposing the pretensions 
 of the Byzantine court, which demanded that the reso- 
 lutions adopted at its instigation by the pseudo-oecume- 
 nical council at Nice, with regard to the worship of 
 images, should be binding upon the churches of the West 
 
 F 
 
66 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 as well as of the East. Both points were of too vital 
 importance to the theory, as well as the practice of 
 religion, and affected too nearly the peace of the king- 
 dom, to allow Alcuin to remain indifferent. He displayed 
 in the management of both, the greatest and most praise- 
 worthy zeal ; and happily succeeded in securing the 
 maintenance of the orthodox doctrine, and the public 
 tranquillity. The first point was concerning a new view 
 of the relation of Jesus to God as Father. 
 
 1. Rise and Progress of the Doctrine of the 
 Adoptionists. 
 
 No sooner was Christianity secured from external 
 persecution by becoming the prevailing religion of the 
 state, than disputes respecting doctrines and opinions 
 rendered it dangerous to the government by which it 
 had been embraced. No language can express, and no 
 imagination conceive, with adequate distinctness and 
 accuracy, that which was the subject of controversy. 
 Hence the adjustment of one cause of contention origi- 
 nated a new subject of strife. The temporal power 
 which had regulated spiritual affairs during the time of 
 paganism, was no longer in a condition to interpose ; for, 
 with Christianity, an organised ecclesiastical body had 
 forced its way into the political constitution, and arro- 
 gated to itself the sole right of determining points of 
 doctrine. The temporal power, therefore, could not 
 interfere in these controversies without appearing as a 
 party desirous of securing the victory, and a solid foun- 
 dation for its own favourite sentiments, under the pre- 
 
THEOLOGICAL CONTROVERSIES. 67 
 
 tence of an anxiety to maintain the public tranquillity. 
 In every contest of that description, it had to encounter 
 the opposition of those who struggled for the triumph of 
 their own opinions, regardless of existing circumstances, 
 and even of the danger of involving in one common ruin 
 the altar and the throne. The only means, therefore, of 
 preserving the tranquillity of the state, was to summon 
 an oecumenical council; but if such an assembly were 
 with much difficulty convened, and if after many fierce 
 debates, it came to a decision, this very decision usually 
 proved the fruitful germ of cruel persecutions, and of 
 conflicts still fiercer and more dangerous. In subsequent 
 times wherein different interests prevailed, and colder 
 spirits received the dogmas of the church with indifference, 
 or regarded them as absurd, these controversies have 
 been considered errors of the understanding, and deplored 
 as the lamentable result of ignorance and superstition. 
 Such a view, however, is too partial and circumscribed 
 to be correct. It is always gratifying to contemplate the 
 mind in a state of activity, under whatever form it may 
 develop itself; and the object to which intellectual power 
 is directed, is of far less importance than the amount of 
 the force which is employed. It is among the noblest 
 benefits conferred by Christianity on mankind, that at a 
 time when political freedom was groaning under the iron 
 yoke of despotism, throughout the whole extent of the 
 Roman empire, she opened new prospects to the mind, 
 inspiring apathy itself with animation, and supplying men 
 with courage and strength to support their convictions in 
 the face of tyranny, or to die in their defence. Freedom 
 and energy of mind forsook politics, and fled within the 
 F 2 
 
68 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 precincts of religion ; and although the contentions con- 
 cerning the Trinity and the nature of Christ have not the 
 same practical utility as the disputes upon political rights 
 and the best form of government, yet they are equally im- 
 portant in the history of the human intellect. Convictions 
 are errors only in the eyes of those who do not participate 
 in them. So long as they serve to stimulate the powers 
 of investigation, they are deserving of respect ; and if in 
 later times they appear absurd or trifling, it is because we 
 forget the fate of all human efforts which, with the change 
 of the objects of interest, cease to be interesting. 
 
 The mystical portion of the history of the founder of 
 the Christian religion was a boundless field of contention, 
 and an inexhaustible armoury for the controversialists of 
 the primitive church. The relation of Jesus to his 
 Heavenly Father, and to the third person in the mysteri- 
 ous union of the Trinity, long agitated the Christian world. 
 At length, after many furious debates, and when the 
 passions of mankind had been exhausted in persecution, 
 the decision of the first oecumenical council at Nice pre- 
 vailed, and the divinity of Christ, as well as his identity 
 with the Father and the Holy Spirit, became an established 
 principle of the orthodox church. Arianism, on the ruin 
 of which the orthodox system was founded, was speedily 
 avenged by the startling consequences to be deduced from 
 it. /Out of the controversy upon the Trinity, arose the 
 yet fiercer contest concerning the single, or the double 
 nature in Christ. The orthodox doctrine of the union 
 of the Divine Spirit with a human soul and human body, 
 was unsatisfactory, in proportion to the incomprehensi- 
 bility of the connection, and the unwillingness of mankind 
 
THE PATRIARCH NESTORIUS. 69 
 
 to resort to faith in all doubts of the understanding. ) It 
 was impossible to prove the union of the two natures, 
 without new doctrines, new sects, and new disputes. 
 Some, in order to avoid dishonouring the Divine Spirit by 
 any gross admixture with a material substance, supposed 
 Christ to have had a merely apparent, not a real body ; 
 others endeavoured to avoid the admission that God had 
 permitted himself to be born of a woman in the ordinary 
 way of human birth, by regarding Jesus merely as a 
 perfect man who was filled, at his baptism, but not before, 
 with the Logos or Divine Spirit. So little effect had these 
 and similar views in removing previous convictions, that 
 the worship of the Virgin Mary as the mother of God began 
 to be universal. Such a practice, which was no where au- 
 thorised in Scripture, was revolting to the mind of Nesto- 
 rius, patriarch of Constantinople. He vented his indigna- 
 tion in sermons couched in the most violent language ; and 
 was led on from one position to another, till he at length 
 asserted that the two natures of Christ were distinctly 
 separate. He allowed that God and man were united in 
 Christ, but maintained that all that was exalted and sub- 
 lime in him was to be ascribed to the divine, whilst all 
 that was inferior or ordinary must belong to the human 
 nature. The elevated station of the patriarch gave con- 
 siderable weight to his opinion, and his doctrine found 
 some partizans, but a still greater number of opponents, 
 who, after many turbulent synods, finally succeeded in 
 depriving the heretical patriarch of his see, driving him 
 into exile, and surrendering his adherents a prey to per- 
 secution. The council held at Chalcedon in 451, at last 
 established, on the authority of Pope Leo, the doctrine 
 
70 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 received to the present day by both the Catholic and Pro- 
 testant church, that there existed in Christ two natures, 
 but only one person. 
 
 This decision, instead of putting an end to the contro- 
 versy, only gave it a new direction, and theology continued 
 to nourish the flame of spiritual excitement in the Byzan- 
 tine empire, and often kindled it into a frightful confla- 
 gration. The west of Europe enjoyed, in this respect, a 
 much greater degree of tranquillity. The Western 
 monarchs had too little taste for theological inquiries, the 
 clergy, at least the greater part of them, were too ignorant, 
 and the people too much occupied by other interests, to 
 admit of such commotions as those which agitated the 
 East. Since the extinction of Arianism, the Pope had 
 become the champion of Western orthodoxy, the represen- 
 tative of the West at the Eastern councils, and the source 
 of the true and only saving faith. The ignorant and the 
 indolent were well content to acquiesce in this arrange- 
 ment, and to pronounce, without further examination, a 
 sentence of condemnation against all who differed from 
 them. Before the time of Charlemagne especially, the 
 French clergy were better qualified to use temporal 
 weapons against the enemies of the country, than to wield 
 the spiritual sword against the enemies of the church. 
 Since the accession of Charles, society had undergone so 
 great an alteration, that men of ability and intelligence 
 were no longer wanting both for attack and defence in a 
 religious dispute. When, therefore, even in the kingdom 
 of France, people began to entertain views of the doc- 
 trine out of which the Arian, Nestorian, and so many 
 other disturbances had arisen, differing from those 
 
CHARLEMAGNE'S ANXIETY TO PREVENT A SCHISM. 71 
 
 already established, the example of former times and the 
 actual situation of the Byzantine empire, where the flames 
 of discord were raging at that very time, served as a 
 warning of the consequences of a schism in religion. 
 Charles' interference, therefore, in a dispute concerning 
 an obscure and abstruse doctrine of religion, is to be re- 
 garded less as a proof of his piety than of his anxiety for 
 the welfare of his subjects. His duty as a sovereign 
 required that he should stifle at its birth a contest, in 
 which excited passions and conflicting interests might 
 easily overslep the limits of a theological controversy, and 
 form the commencement of a violent and protracted 
 struggle, which would shake the church and state to their 
 foundations. The mode of his interference is remark- 
 able ; and his whole behaviour in this affair, affords the 
 honourable testimony, that he paid such regard to the 
 exercise of the reason and the freedom of investigation, 
 as to authorise an impartial examination of truth. Instead 
 of persecuting with fire and sword those who dissented 
 from the established doctrine, he gave them an opportunity 
 either of proving their opinions by argument, or of sub- 
 mitting to a triumphant refutation. This moderation is 
 the more commendable, as the new doctrine was first 
 advanced in a Mahommedan country. 
 
 Whilst Spain was under the dominion of the Saracens, 
 the Christian religion was tolerated there, as in all other 
 Mahommedan countries ; but the slight connection of the 
 Spaniards with the rest of the Christian world, the passive- 
 ness of the temporal government with respect to the creed 
 of its subjects, and the scoffs of the infidels which compel- 
 led an examination of many of the dogmas of Christianity, 
 
72 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 concurred in rendering them liable to deviate from the 
 orthodox faith. Hence the defection of Archbishop 
 Elipandus of Toledo. He had probably heard so many 
 doubts respecting the divinity and incarnation of Christ, 
 that his belief began to waver. He was impressed with 
 the idea, that Christ, as man, could not stand in the same 
 relation to God, as Christ, as God ; and that what might 
 justly be attributed to the divine nature of the Redeemer 
 must be denied to his human capactiy. Distrustful of 
 his own powers of comprehension arid elucidation, he was 
 anxious to resort to the counsel and assistance of others, 
 and accordingly applied to Felix, bishop of Urgel, one of 
 the most esteemed prelates in that part of Spain which, 
 since the year 778, had been incorporated with the king- 
 dom of France. Felix had so distinguished himself by his 
 learning and virtues, that Alcuin, at an earlier date, had 
 entered into a correspondence with him. 1 The answer 
 of the bishop was such as to confirm his doubts. A 
 contemporary chronicler 2 says, " he most imprudently, 
 thoughtlessly, and in opposition to the doctrines of the 
 Catholic church, not only replied that Christ was the 
 adopted son of God, but in some books written to the 
 aforesaid bishop, endeavoured most obstinately to defend 
 the wickedness of his opinion." Elipandus was so con- 
 vinced by his reasoning, that he immediately assented to 
 his proposition. The tenets of the new doctrine repre- 
 sented Christ in a double relationship as Son and God. 
 According to his divine nature, he was a real, as man he 
 was only an adopted son of God ; and his Godhead itself 
 was, in the former case, a true, in the latter, a merely 
 nominal, or titular divinity. 3 
 
REFUTATION OF THE OPINIONS OF ELIPANDUS. 73 
 
 Elipandus now endeavoured to disseminate his opinions 
 with all the zeal of a new convert, and to persecute those 
 of a different faith with all the fury of bigotry. 1 It was 
 natural, that one placed in his exalted station should gain 
 many proselytes, and thereby become more firmly per- 
 suaded of the correctness of his own views ; but the 
 number of his adversaries was by no means inconsider- 
 able. Amongst these, Etherius, bishop of Uxama, or 
 Osma, and the presbyter Beatus, were the most distin- 
 guished. The bishop of Toledo loaded both with such 
 accusations, that they deemed it due to their own honour 
 and the welfare of the church, to expose the errors of the 
 doctrine of the Adoption. 2 As touching the doctrine 
 itself, they appealed in their writings to faith. 3 The 
 proofs which they adduce from the testimony of the 
 apostles, the miracles of Jesus, the words of the Re- 
 deemer himself, and also from the confessions of the 
 devils, are calculated rather to justify faith, and to expose 
 the errors of their opponents, than to render the subject 
 itself more clear and distinct. They maintained that 
 faith must precede knowledge, and be, in religious matters 
 especially, the preponderating principle, because, in every 
 investigation, we incur the hazard of falling into the snares 
 of destruction. 4 To the confession of faith of the Adop- 
 tionists, they opposed the orthodox symbol of faith, and 
 demonstrated that their deviation from it was unauthor- 
 ised by the books of the Old or New Testament. In 
 order to terrify the heretics, they exhibited the splendid 
 array of faithful and triumphant heroes who adorned 
 their ranks. " With us," said they, "is David, that mag- 
 nanimous hero who struck the infidel Goliath in the fore- 
 
74 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 head with a little stone, and with one blow felled him to 
 the earth : with us is Moses, who overwhelmed Pharaoh 
 with the Egyptian host in the Red Sea, whilst he led his 
 own people through on dry land : with us is Joshua 
 who shut up five kings in a cave, after he had defeated 
 Amalek : with us is father Abraham, who, with his three 
 hundred servants, overcame and spoiled five kings : with 
 us is the bravest of mankind, Gideon, who with the as- 
 sistance of his three hundred chosen men, discomfited 
 the Midianites as one man : with us is Samson, who, 
 stronger than a lion and firmer than a rock, overthrew, 
 alone and unarmed, a thousand armed men : with us are 
 the twelve patriarchs, the sixteen prophets, the apostles, 
 the evangelists, with us are the martyrs and ministers 
 of the church : with us is Jesus, son of the Virgin, toge- 
 ther with the whole church which has been ransomed by 
 /ris blood, and extended throughout the world." In conse- 
 quence of the struggle respecting the new doctrines, a more 
 exalted and divine position was assigned to the Man in 
 Christ, whom the Adoptionists regarded as an ordinary 
 man. In this the two prelates were very successful. 
 The pure and immaculate conception, of course, makes 
 a wide distinction between the incarnate God and ordinary 
 men who are conceived and born in sin ; besides, 
 nothing is impossible with God, and the miracle consists 
 in the fact that God remained God even as man. The 
 doctrine of the Adoptionists is repugnant in itself; 
 for the separation between a true and an adopted Son, 
 destroys the Son, as effectually as the assertion that God 
 may be partly God, and partly not God, annihilates the 
 Godhead. 1 Moreover, the human body of Christ typically 
 
SYNOD OF NARBOXNE. 75 
 
 represents the church, of which Christ is the head. On 
 the other hand, all who secede from the orthodox church, 
 represent the body of the devil who is Antichrist. To 
 prove this position, and thus overturn the doctrine of 
 Elipandus, is the object of the second book of the work 
 quoted above. 1 
 
 From this refutation, which is written with considerable 
 spirit and animation, though deficient in acute logical 
 reasoning, it is evident that the passions of the parties 
 in Spain had been sufficiently enkindled to burst forth 
 into a flame which might have proved dangerous to the 
 state, had Elipandus possessed the power of attacking his 
 adversaries with other weapons than those of calumny. 
 The Saracenic government, however, paid little regard 
 to the theological disputes of the Christians ; and in the 
 Christian kingdom of Asturias, Etherius and Beatus 
 were careful to suppress the heresy. 2 Still, through the 
 medium of Bishop Felix, the contagion spread to the 
 Spanish frontier ; and in consequence of the connection 
 of these provinces with France, it soon extended itself 
 beyond the Pyrenees, and raged in Septimania with such 
 violence as to awaken the attention of Charles. On this 
 account, a provincial synod was held at Narbonne in 
 788, but separated without even examining, much less 
 coming to a decision upon the new doctrines. 3 As they 
 continued to acquire credit ancl celebrity, the danger 
 increased, and the necessity for the interference of the 
 sovereign became imperative. A more timid prince would 
 have interposed the strong arm of power ; but Charles 
 was too just to condemn, unheard, a man renowned for 
 wisdom and morality ; and as he possessed sufficient 
 
76 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 authority to hold the passions of the contending parties 
 in check, he was enabled to show the deference due to 
 learning, without hazarding the repose of the state. He 
 therefore commanded an investigation, and summoned a 
 synod at Ratisbon in 792, before which he cited Bishop 
 Felix to appear, in order to justify himself and his 
 opinions from the reproaches wherewith they had been 
 assailed. Felix obeyed ; but failing, either in learning or 
 courage, to defend his opinions in the presence of the as- 
 sembled bishops, he abjured them as heretical and de- 
 serving the condemnation pronounced upon them by the 
 synod. 1 From Ratisbon, he was sent to Rome, accom- 
 panied by Angilbert, in order to renounce his confession 
 of faith in the presence of Pope Hadrian I. Here 
 he again recanted his errors, and declared (confirming 
 the declaration with a solemn oath) that he regarded 
 Jesus Christ, not as the adopted, but as the real and 
 beloved son of God. 2 Felix then returned to Urgel ; but 
 here he encountered so many reproaches from his fol- 
 lowers for his fickleness, that he yielded to the urgent 
 entreaties of his friends, 3 and, unmindful of his oath, 
 again returned to his former doctrines. 
 
 Charles might now have punished him as a relapsed 
 heretic, and have suppressed, by forcible means, errors 
 which had been condemned by their very author ; but it 
 is probable that Felix justified his relapse by fresh argu- 
 ments, so that the king deemed it more advisable to 
 oppose argument by argument. This determination 
 may have been also in some degree influenced by the 
 situation of the Spanish frontier. A violent persecution 
 might easily induce the Adoptionists to throw themselves 
 
ALCUIN OPPOSES THE HERESY OF ELIPANDUS. 77 
 
 into the arms of the Saracens ; and to seek under their 
 dominion that toleration which Elipandus enjoyed, but 
 which was denied to them by a Christian king. Charles 
 therefore wrote to Alcuin, inviting him to return, and en- 
 t renting that he would not withhold his assistance in an 
 affair of such moment both to the church and to his king- 
 dom. 1 He could not have selected an abler or more 
 zealous champion of orthodoxy than Alcuin, nor one 
 more ready to oppose the innovations of the heretics. 
 He had been educated in the church, all his studies had 
 been directed to theology, and his soul clung to the 
 orthodox doctrines. It may be proper here to exhibit his 
 theological views, and his mode of interpreting the Bible. 
 The best means of accomplishing this, will be to 
 characterise and exhibit some specimens of his exegetical 
 works. 
 
 2. Alcuin s Theological Opinions. 
 
 If the Christian religion be not regarded as the summit 
 of devotional feeling, but only as the immediate revela- 
 tion of God, afforded to us by the books of the New and 
 the preparatory writings of the Old Testament, it appears 
 as an isolated historical fact. The mode of conduct 
 which it prescribes, becomes a law for all succeeding 
 ages ; and it is only necessary to oppose that which has 
 been, in order to refute any deviation from it. Whatever 
 the Holy Scriptures, according to their usual interpreta- 
 tion contain, and whatever the distinguished and recog- 
 nised Fathers of the church have taught, is received as 
 truth, and is sufficient to suppress every other doctrine. 
 The struggle is -not for truth as such, but for the mainte- 
 
78 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 nance of an historically authenticated and acknowledged 
 truth. This position, which by a new party-name may 
 be denominated that ol^ supernaturajist (in contradis- 
 tinction to a rationalist) was that assumed by Alcuin in 
 theology. In the Bible, he discerns not only the spirit, 
 but the words of God ; and perceives in the sacred 
 writings of the Jews, the latent indication of a future 
 salvation and mercy, which has been realised in the New 
 Testament. In order to maintain this position, it was 
 necessary to have recourse to mystical interpretations and 
 dialectic subtleties ; both of which peculiarities distinguish 
 the explanatory works of Alcuin. To ordinary expres- 
 sions an importance is attached which renders them 
 extraordinary ; and arguments are substituted for the 
 simple meaning which often surprise us by their ingenuity, 
 or please by their spiritual turn, but which, on closer 
 inspection, are found to be devoid of foundation. /We 
 have a short commentary of Alcuin's, in the form of 
 question and answer, on the first book of Moses or 
 Genesis 1 , the object of which is to point out the* revela- 
 tions and latent indications of a future salvation con- 
 tained in the simple and sublime tradition of the 
 Hebrews respecting the origin of the world, the state of 
 innocence and simplicity in which our first parents lived, 
 their elevation from this condition to that of self- con- 
 sciousness and intellectual perception, and the historical 
 description of the patriarchs. -The account of the 
 creation of the woman, for example, gives occasion to the 
 following questions : " Why was the woman made of 
 the rib of the man whilst he was sleeping, instead of being 
 formed like him out of the dust ?" The answer to which 
 
ALCUIN'S EXEGETICAL WORKS. 79 
 
 is, " Evidently on account of the mystery, to indicate that 
 Christ, out of whose side the source of our salvation 
 flowed, for the sake of the church fell asleep on the 
 cross." 
 
 Q. "What reference to Christ has the following 
 passage, < Therefore shall a man leave his father and 
 mother, and cleave unto his wife ?' 
 
 A. " The Redeemer left his father, because he appeared 
 to men not in the form in which he resembles the 
 Father : he left his mother, inasmuch as he renounced 
 the synagogue of the Jews, of whom he was born after the 
 flesh, in order to cleave unto the church that was to be 
 gathered together from among the heathen." 
 
 Even the most secret thoughts and designs of the 
 Almighty are made the subjects of interrogation ; and 
 Alcuin is so little at a loss for an answer, that one might 
 suppose he had sat in council at the creation of the 
 world. 
 
 Amongst his explanatory works, we also find a 
 Short Explanation of the Ten Commandments. 1 He 
 divides these, according to their respective characters, into 
 two parts. The first three refer to the Holy Trinity, but 
 the rest to the interests of man. The first command- 
 ment exhibits God the Father as the only object of our 
 worship ; the second forbids us to regard the Son of God 
 as a created being, because every created thing is perish- 
 able; the third relates to the Holy Spirit, through whom 
 we are promised eternal rest. 
 
 TheJPsalter was, at that time, one of the most im- 
 portant and favourite books of the old Testament. The 
 fine selection it offers of sacred songs, was so well suited to 
 
80 X ^HE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 the service of the church, as to render it indispensable 
 in divine worship. Such a strain of feeling pervades the 
 psalms in which David breathed out Kis. noble spirit ; his 
 repentance for former sins, his mourning "ewer afflictions 
 and perplexing events, his rejoicing at the |^fp vouch- 
 safed by the Lord, and his praise of God's greatness and 
 glory, are expressed with such truth of nature and such 
 poetical beauty, as cannot fail to touch every human heart. 
 In addition to this interest, which Alcuin experienced in 
 common with the rest of mankind, he felt the peculiar 
 satisfaction of discerning, in these sacred songs, the latent 
 mysteries of the Christian religion, and saw everywhere 
 the Redeemer and his redeemed church glorified. In his 
 exposition of some of the psalms of David, he either 
 amplifies the idea, subjoins to the words of the psalmist 
 some moral precepts, pious meditations, and beautiful 
 thoughts, or discovers and explains an allegorical mean- 
 ing 1 . The latter is especially remarkable in his exposi- 
 tion of the Song of Degrees, or the fifteen psalms of 
 David in full choir 2 . These, according to his view, con- 
 stitute the steps by which we mount upwards to the joys 
 of the Lord. Humility is placed lowest as the first step ; 
 this leads us to the second step, Faith, and thence to the 
 third, Desire after the heavenly Jerusalem. The fourth 
 step, Confidence, and the fifth, Patience, must be sur- 
 mounted before we can attain on the sixth the firmness 
 of the eternal Jerusalem, and those who are striving after 
 it. Here, repose from the exertions that have been made, 
 and the delightful view of the lovely prospect is granted. 
 On this account, the psalmist celebrates in the succeeding 
 psalm (cxxvi.) the praise of our Redeemer, and our 
 
COMMENTARY ON ECCLESIASTES. 81 
 
 deliverance from the bondage of the Devil, and the chains 
 of sin. In like manner, each of the following psalms forms 
 one of the higher steps which conduct to the habitation 
 of the Lord. On reaching the topmost, which is placed 
 immediateljsjlbefore the entrance (Ps. cxxxiv.) we are in- 
 structed in the duty which those have to perform who are 
 admitted; and what could this duty be, but to praise the 
 Lord with heart and voice ? 
 
 In the commentary on the Song of Solomon 1 , Alcuin 
 not only endeavours to prove that all the expressions in 
 the Old Testament have a reference to the future re- 
 demption of man by Jesus Christ, but also attempts to 
 explain the mystical signification of the numbers that 
 occur therein. As specimens of the most remarkable 
 passages have already been given, and as opportunities 
 will yet occur of exemplifying his peculiar style, we will 
 merely observe, with regard to this treatise, that neither 
 the amorous expressions, nor unequivocal admiration of 
 female beauty, which so strikingly characterise this 
 portion of Scripture, prevent the commentator from 
 discerning in them a representation of the Christian 
 church under the figure of the bride of Christ. 
 
 Alcuin wrote a commentary on the Book of Eccle- 
 siastes for the benefit of his pupils, Onias, Candidus and 
 Nathanael, after, as he expresses it, "they had flown from 
 the nest of his paternal care into the open firmament of 
 worldly occupation;" that is, after they had repaired to 
 the court of Charlemagne, where they continued to be 
 the objects of his unceasing anxiety, and of the hope that 
 they would not disgrace their teacher. No book appeared 
 to him better calculated to arm them against the allure- 
 
 G 
 
82 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 ments of worldly grandeur, by exhibiting its nothingness 
 and vanity, and to turn their hearts to that which is 
 eternal and unfading, than the book of Ecclesiastes. The 
 greatest part of the commentary is copied from St. 
 Jerome; a fact which Alcuin by no means desired to 
 conceal, nor indeed had he any cause to be ashamed of 
 it, for, as I have already had occasion to remark, the 
 scarcity of books in those times, rendered an accurate, 
 copy of a useful work as valuable as a correct edition of 
 an ancient author is at the present day. 1 
 
 Alcuin concludes his exposition of the Old Testament 
 with an interpretation of the names of all the ancestors of 
 Cbrist, according to their literal, allegorical and moral 
 sense. For example : Abraham signifies literally the 
 father of many nations. The name, taken in an allegorical 
 sense, may be understood to signify the father of all be- 
 lievers, to whom we must all cry, Abba, Father ! The 
 moral lesson to be deduced from this name is, that we 
 should be the fathers of many virtues, and possess by 
 inheritance, an accumulation of good works. 2 
 
 All the peculiarities which are observable in the disser- 
 tations upon the Old Testament from which we have 
 quoted, are combined in the exposition of the Gospel of 
 John 3 . A work which affords more than any other, an 
 opportunity for speculation, allegory, and the mystical 
 interpretation of numbers. Whenever an established 
 principle of religious doctrine is in danger of being un- 
 settled, or violated by the explanation, the exact literal 
 sense is contended for with dialectic acuteness. In other 
 places, where this is not the case, a free and arbitrary 
 construction overleaps all the limits of fair interpretation ; 
 
EXPOSITION OF ST. JOHN'S GOSPEL. 83 
 
 in order to exalt the most ordinary into extraordinary 
 circumstances, and to transfer the scenes of simple and 
 natural life into the regions of the sublime and heavenly. 
 The extraction of a few passages will enable the reader 
 to judge of the manner, and thereby of the spirit of the 
 times. 
 
 Gospel John i. 1. " In the beginning was the 
 Wordy and the Word was with God, and the Word was 
 God." This may be understood in two ways. The 
 Father is the beginning, therefore the expression is 
 synonymous with, in the Father. In the Father is the 
 Son, whom the Evangelist calls the Word. We must 
 not, however, be led into error from the answer of the 
 Son of God, who, in the course of this Gospel, replies to 
 the question of the Jews, " Who God himself was ?" 
 " The beginning, 1, who now talk with you. If then the 
 Son is the beginning who has a father, how much more 
 must God the Father be the beginning, since he has a 
 Son of whom he is the father? For the Son is the 
 the Father's Son, and the Father truly the Son's Father, 
 and God the Father ; but not God of God whilst the 
 Son is God of God. The Father is light, but not of 
 light ; the Son is also light, but light of light. So the 
 Father is the beginning, but not of the beginning ; the 
 Son is the beginning, but a beginning of a beginning. 
 That which was in the beginning no more terminates 
 with time, than it commences with the beginning. The 
 Son, therefore, as the beginning, ceases not with time, 
 nor was he preceded by the beginning, whether we 
 refer the passage, in the Beginning was the Word, to the 
 beginning of creation or of time. Every created thing 
 G 2 
 
84 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 which had a beginning, was then the word of God, b} 
 which all things are made. The Evangelist, therefore, 
 repeats four times was, was, was, was, in order to express 
 that the co -eternal Word of God the Father preceded all 
 time. The other Evangelists relate that the Son of 
 God appeared suddenly among men ; but John declares 
 that he had been with God from eternity, for he says, 
 " and the Word was with God." The others call him 
 " very man ;" but John assures us that " he was very 
 God," in the expression " and the Word was God." The 
 others say, that " he lived among men for a time as 
 man ;" John, on the contrary, represents him as God 
 with God from the beginning ; for he says, " the same in 
 the beginning was with God" 
 
 The latent meaning which Alcuin discovered in this 
 passage, and explained according to the received doc- 
 trine, he transfers by means of allegorical interpretations 
 to passages wherein it does not exist. He considers 
 every number to involve some mysterious meaning, and 
 the name of every place to imply something beyond the 
 mere appellation. When the Evangelist relates : " And 
 the third day there was a marriage in Cana ;" both the 
 number and the place appear to the commentator to be 
 important and mysterious. For example, the third day, 
 indicates the third grand epoch in the development of 
 the human race, on attaining which, they are worthy to 
 receive the divine doctrine of Christ. The time when 
 men lived merely in imitation of the example of the 
 patriarchs, constituted the first epoch ; that of the written 
 law under the prophets, the second ; and the third and 
 last, the period when the Redeemer himself appeared in the 
 
CONVERSION OF THE WATER INTO WINE. 85 
 
 flesh. " In Cana of Galilee," signifies that the marriage 
 was celebrated in the zeal of perfected conversion, 1 (in zelo 
 transmigrationis perpetrate,) emblematically representing 
 that those are chiefly deserving of the favour of Christ, 
 who, in the zeal of pious enthusiasm and devotion, have 
 by good works passed from vice to virtue, and from earthly 
 to heavenly things. The conversion of water into wine 
 indicates the purifying of the ancient doctrine, which had 
 been defaced and corrupted by the Pharisees. Here, 
 again, Alcuin's strong bias towards allegory, leads him to 
 seize and expatiate upon the most trivial circumstances- 
 And there were set six water-pots of stone, after the 
 manner of the purifying of the Jews, containing two or 
 three firkins a piece. The six vessels which held the 
 water, are the pious hearts of the saints, whose perfect 
 life and faith, during the six ages that preceded the an- 
 nouncement of the Gospel, remain as a pattern to the 
 human race. The vessels are, with propriety, of stone, 
 because the hearts of the just are strong, having been 
 strengthened by faith in, and love for, .that stone which 
 Daniel saw, " torn without hands from a mountain, and 
 which became so great a mountain, that it filled the whole 
 earth" (Dan. ii. 34-35). Zachariah, speaking of it, 
 says : " Upon one stone, are seven eyes " (Zach. iii. 
 9.) ; that is, in Christ dwells the universality of 
 spiritual knowledge. The apostle Peter alludes to it 
 in the following words, " to whom ye are come as to a 
 
 living stone ye also as lively stones are built up a 
 
 spiritual house." (1. Pet. ii. 4-5.) With propriety, also, 
 were the water-pots set after the manner of the purifying 
 of the Jews ; for to the Jewish nation only was the Law 
 given by Moses ; but Christ has imparted the grace and 
 
86 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 truth of the Gospel both to heathens and to Jews. We 
 are told that each contained " two or three firkins a 
 piece," to intimate that the writers of the Holy Scriptures, 
 sometimes speak only of the Father and the Son, for 
 instance ; " Thou hast made all things in wisdom :" for the 
 strength and wisdom of God is Christ. Sometimes also they 
 mention the Holy Spirit, as in that passage of the Psalms ; 
 " By the word of the Lord were the heavens made, and 
 all the host of them by the breath of his mouth" The 
 Word, the Lord, and the Spirit, constitute the triune 
 Jehovah. Quite as great a difference as between water 
 and wine, was there between the sense in which the Holy 
 Scriptures were understood, previously to the coming of 
 the Redeemer, and that in which he himself expounded 
 them to the Apostles, and their disciples bequeathed as 
 a perpetual rule. The Lord, who at the commencement 
 of creation made all things out of nothing, could indeed 
 have filled empty water-pots with wine, but he chose 
 rather to make wine of water, in order, emblematically, 
 to teach that he came into the world, not to relax or 
 abolish, but rather to fulfil the law and the testimony of 
 the Prophets. 
 
 It would be unjust to desire that our knowledge, and 
 the degree of moral and political civilisation which we 
 have attained, should be regarded as the sole criterion of 
 judgment, instead of using it as a mere standard of com- 
 parison between earlier times and the present. The 
 contemptuous shrug, and the scornful smile of compassion 
 with which we are apt to regard the efforts of past ages, 
 may one day be bestowed upon many of our pursuits, 
 should posterity feel equally disposed with ourselves to 
 
INTEREST EXCITED BY ALCUIN'S WORKS. 87 
 
 overlook that which is really good, and to see that only 
 which is defective, We should look back upon the 
 former state of intellectual culture, upon the steps whereby 
 society has risen to its present grade of refinement, with 
 the same respect as that with which a man of mature 
 age regards the feelings and ideas of his youth, There 
 seems, therefore, little cause to fear that the portions of 
 Alcuin's works which we have noticed, will tend to diminish 
 the merit of his laudable exertions in the opinion of the 
 reader, especially, as notwithstanding the weakness of 
 argument, so much talent is displayed, that even in those 
 who had no concern in ecclesiastical affairs great interest 
 was excited. Omitting the commentary on St. Paul's 
 Epistles to Titus, Philemon and the Hebrews', which 
 are composed in a manner precisely similar to those already 
 quoted, we will adduce in proof of our observation, a 
 letter which also exhibits the participation of Charle- 
 magne and his courtiers in these theological investigations. 
 An officer in the army of Charlemagne, who probably 
 felt particularly interested in the account of the zeal with 
 which Peter drew his sword in the defence of Jesus, and 
 smote off the ear of Malchus, was unable to reconcile the 
 passage in which Jesus bids his disciples buy a sword, 
 (Luke xxii. 36.) with another passage in the Gospel of 
 St. Matthew, wherein he says, " all they that take the 
 sword, shall perish with the sword." (St. Mat. 
 xxvi. 52.) He, therefore, applied to the king for 
 an explanation. Charles was so thoroughly ac- 
 quainted with Alcuin's manner, that he would not have 
 hesitated to explain the sword as meaning, allegorically, 
 the word of God ; had it not involved the contradiction, 
 that all they that take God's word must perish by God's 
 

 
 88 *k/ jfl/^THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 word. In this dilemma he had recourse to his oracle in 
 
 spiritual matters, Alcuin, and laid before him his own 
 
 and the soldiers' scruples 1 . Alcuin solved the question, 
 
 by directing the king's attention to the different circum- 
 
 L stances under which the same word is used in these two 
 
 \ different passages. By the sword mentioned by Matthew, 
 
 /is to be understood revenge for injuries sustained, because 
 
 ; whoever practises this crime brings ruin upon himself. 
 
 j The sword spoken of by Luke signifies, throughout, the 
 
 \ word of God, which we must purchase with all our pos- 
 
 sessions; as it alone can enable us to resist the devices 
 
 of the old serpent. 
 
 The king also desired to know what Jesus meant to 
 imply by the words, " He that hath a purse, let him take 
 it, and likewise his scrip : and he that hath no sword, let 
 him sell his garment, and buy one ;" and why, when the 
 disciples replied that they had two swords, he said, " It is 
 enough ?" Alcuin interpreted the purchase of the sword 
 to signify the renunciation of the world, he supposing 
 that by the purse is to be understood private, by the scrip 
 public property ; and the word garment denotes sensual 
 pleasures, which must be resigned before we can become 
 soldiers of Christ worthy of wearing that sword. The 
 two swords indicate body and soul ; because, if we do the 
 will of God with these, it is enough. Alcuin requested 
 the king to communicate this explanation to the warrior ; 
 and then, for the benefit of the king, proceeded to remove 
 a difficulty in which he had entangled himself while un- 
 ravelling this knotty point. The question arose, Why 
 does the sword, if it is the word of God, cut off the ear 
 of his adversaries ; as it is through the ear that the word 
 
ALCUIN'S LIBERAL VIEWS. 89 
 
 of God penetrates to the secret recesses of the heart ? 
 " What," exclaims Alcuin, " what does it impoit but that 
 the ear of unbelief is cut off to be healed again by the 
 application of divine mercy, and that, by putting away 
 the old man, we maybe transformed into new creatures. " 
 On this account also the servant was named Malchus, 
 for Malchus means, by interpretation, king, or one \\ho 
 is to be king (regnaturus) ; because we, in our old state, 
 were the slaves of sin, but in the new state, when healed 
 by God's mercy, shall be kings and rulers in common 
 with Christ. In order to impress upon us that every 
 one who confesses Christ must never cease to forgive his 
 enemies, he himself omitted not to heal his persecutors, 
 even during the period of his agony." 
 
 It had already been attempted to establish the principle 
 that the Scriptures should remain closed to the laity, in 
 order that they might produce more magical effects in the 
 hands of the clergy. Alcuin was far from entering into 
 the narrow policy of desiring to base the power of the 
 clergy on the ignorance of the people ; but rejoiced that 
 the laity had at length begun to occupy themselves with 
 the Gospel, and wished that the king possessed many 
 such soldiers as him, to whose questions he had replied 1 . 
 Alcuin's intimate acquaintance with the sacred scrip- 
 tnres, and the works of the Fathers, his anxious care for 
 the purity of doctrine, and his skill in maintaining it 
 with the light weapons of dialectic art, or the weighty 
 arms of learning, rendered him the fittest champion of 
 the orthodox church against the innovations of the 
 heretics. His aim was neither to establish any new, nor 
 to destroy any ancient principle, but simply to uphold 
 
90 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 and confirm those which already existed, and which he 
 recognised as true. His presence was the more desira- 
 ble to Charles, as besides the controversy respecting the 
 adoption, he was engaged in a theological dispute con- 
 nected with his diplomatic relation to the Byzantine 
 empire. This was no other than the contention regarding 
 image-worship, which was at length decided, after having 
 for many years excited the most violent commotions in 
 the Christian world in the East ; aud after having caused 
 the Pope to separate himself from the Byzantine empire, 
 thereby paving the way for the restoration of the western 
 Roman empire. The decision, however, was such as 
 accorded neither with the religious sentiments of the 
 western part of Christendom, nor with the political pre- 
 tensions of Charlemagne. A short review of the whole 
 subject may, therefore, be proper, before we proceed to 
 consider this decision, which, as well as the determination 
 upon the doctrine of the Adoptionists, resulted from the 
 synod held at Frankfort-on-the-Maine ; we shall thus be 
 better enabled to judge of Alcuin's participation therein. 
 
 3. History of the Controversy respecting Image -worship. 
 
 The primitive Christians derived their aversion to 
 image-worship from the Jews ; and the more they en- 
 deavoured to mark the distinction between the new reli- 
 gion and pagan idolatry, the more confirmed became 
 their abhorrence. The adoration of Gods, the work of 
 men's hands, was so strictly prohibited by the Mosaic 
 law, and so totally irreconcileable with the doctrine of 
 Christianity, which teaches that God must be worshipped 
 only in spirit and in truth, that the introduction of a 
 
INTRODUCTION OF IMAGES. 91 
 
 custom derided and despised by the Christians, into the 
 Christian church, seemed of all evils that which was least 
 to be feared. Yet, no sooner had the religion of Jesus 
 become predominant, than the great mass of mankind, 
 who had been led to embrace Christianity, less from con- 
 viction than from expediency, transferred some of the 
 customs and sentiments of paganism to the religion of 
 the state. These abuses obtained a firm footing with 
 the greater facility, since the chasm which had divided 
 paganism from Christianity, was filled up by the over- 
 throw of the former, and as the latter had no longer to 
 encounter opposition, the vigilance of jealousy was re- 
 laxed. The feelings of the people, which require to be 
 excited by some material impression, were readily in- 
 dulged with a visible object of reverence ; and it was 
 permitted to honour the cross as the symbol of our re- 
 demption, or relics of the saints as cherished memorials 
 of the excellence of distinguished and pious men. There 
 was, however, but one small, almost imperceptible, step 
 from the relics to the images of saints; and from regarding 
 them with respect, to worshipping them with devotion. 
 If God, as such, could not be depicted, still his incarna- 
 tion afforded an opportunity both to the pencil and the 
 chisel, of presenting him in a visible form to the worship 
 of the faithful. His divine mother also became a subject 
 for art and adoration. Miracles were related of the 
 images, which magnified their importance arid increased 
 their number; and in a short time, all the churches and 
 chapels in the Byzantine empire were filled with pictures 
 of Jesus, of Mary, of saints, and of angels. Since the 
 sixth century, believers had again bowed the knee to 
 
92 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 images, and probably even worshipped, in the ancient 
 deities of Olympus, the heroes of the Old Testament, or 
 the saints of the Christian church. A mere alteration 
 of the names of many statues of pagan times, was all that 
 was requisite to adapt them to the system of the new church. 
 How easy was it to convert the god of poetry and music 
 into the royal psalmist of the Old Testament, or to give 
 to the lion-taming Hercules a scriptural allusion under 
 the name of Samson ; and by a similar alteration to secure 
 safety and respect to the images of other Gods ! Art is 
 more indebted than religion to this evil thus introduced 
 into the church. To it she owes the preservation of the 
 classical designs of antiquity ; and if no new works were 
 produced, still the practice was maintained, which would 
 have entirely ceased, had the same abhorrence of the arts 
 of painting and sculpture prevailed in the Christian, as 
 in the Mahommedan world. Religion, on the contrary, 
 felt that she was acting in opposition to her precepts, and 
 was placed in an element, which to her, was not only 
 foreign, but adverse. It was only necessary, once boldly 
 to avouch, and to prove this fact, in order to create a 
 formidable party. The lower order of the people were 
 too much attached to images, easily to suffer themselves 
 to be deprived of them : the monks who derived a consi- 
 derable revenue from the preparation and sale of these 
 objects of adoration, were too much interested in the 
 maintenance of that species of worship, not to offer the 
 most violent opposition to every attempt at its abolition. 
 The ignorant fanaticism of the people inflamed by the 
 selfishness and superstition of the monks rushed to the 
 protection of the images, when the Byzantine emperor 
 
LEO THE ISAURIAN. 93 
 
 Leo, the Isaurian. urged their removal. Political interests 
 mingled in the contest, and gave it an extension and an 
 importance which few theological controversies have at- 
 tained. 
 
 The Isaurian Leo the III. was indebted to his military 
 talents for his elevation to the throne of Byzantium, 
 already tottering from internal convulsions, and assailed 
 by external foes. He merited, however, his good fortune 
 by the vigour with which he defended the state from the 
 attacks of the Arabs, and protected its internal tran- 
 quillity from the plots of traitors. With his reign, there- 
 fore, a period of prosperity might have commenced to the 
 Byzantine empire, had not his repugnance to images in- 
 volved him in a quarrel with his subjects, in which he 
 and his successors impaired the strength without in- 
 creasing the glory of the state. His adversaries have 
 endeavoured to trace this repugnance from the most im- 
 pure source ; but it probably sprang from his intercourse 
 with the Arabs, and his efforts to convert the Mahom- 
 medans and Jews in his dominions. Their abhorrence 
 of the image- worship of the Christians was the great 
 stumbling block to their conversion, nor could force 
 compel, nor persuasion induce them to exchange their 
 worship of the one true God for Christian idolatry. The 
 determination of the emperor to remove this obstacle by 
 reforming the service of the church, became the more 
 confirmed, in proportion as he became convinced, by a 
 comparison of the present state of Christian worship 
 with that of the primitive church, and with the precepts 
 of the Old and New Testament, of the justice of the 
 reproaches cast upon Christianity. This comparison, 
 
94 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 also rendered it the more easy for those ecclesiastics who 
 were favourable to his views to prove, by philosophical 
 and historical reasons, the sinfulness of image-worship, and 
 the right possessed by the sovereign of checking by his 
 imperial authority a dangerous abuse. The difficulties, 
 however, attending the measure, restrained the emperor 
 from any rash or violent proceeding. He first, though 
 unsuccessfully, endeavoured to draw over to his interests 
 the theological academy at Constantinople, a learned in- 
 stitution connected with the public library. The members, 
 consisting partly of monks, of course opposed a system 
 which would deprive the monastic order of a lucrative 
 branch of their profession, and destroy their chief influence 
 with the people. Leo retired from the struggle for the 
 moment, but only to wait for a more favourable period, 
 which, appearing to have arrived in the year 726, he 
 assembled a Silentium or secret council of clerical and 
 lay officers, and required them to declare the worship of 
 images to be unlawful, and dangerous to the salvation of the 
 soul. In pursuance of this sentence, all the images in the 
 churches were removed from the altars and lower parts 
 of the building, and placed at such an elevation as to be 
 inaccessible to the devout touch of the faithful. These 
 half measures, however, only rendered the emperor odious 
 without attaining their object ; and two years later, he 
 found himself compelled to command, in a second edict, 
 what he had merely advised in the first, viz. that all 
 images of angels, saints, and martyrs, should be entirely 
 removed from the churches. The refusal of the patri- 
 arch Germanus to subscribe this decree, delayed its 
 execution till the year 730, when he resigned ; and 
 
REBELLION OF THE PEOPLE. 95 
 
 Anastasius, an ecclesiastic who was more favourable to 
 the system of the emperor, took possession of the pa- 
 triarchal see. Resistance now commenced on the 
 part of the monks, and the people whom they had 
 instigated to rebellion. Their first attack was made 
 upon a statue of Christ, which was placed over the gate 
 of the palace Chalke. The captain of the body-guard 
 mounted a ladder in open day, and endeavoured with an 
 axe to hew down the image which was in high reputation, 
 on account of its wonder-working power. The concourse 
 of people attracted by this outrage first used entreaties, 
 but finding these ineffectual, they had recourse to violence. 
 The ladder was overthrown, and the captain and his 
 companions slain. Once freed from restraint, the pas- 
 sions of the people hurried them on to the commission 
 of still greater excesses ; they attacked the palace of the 
 patriarch, and yielded only to the military force which 
 the emperor despatched to restore tranquillity. The 
 attachment of the troops enabled the emperor to enforce 
 obedience to his commands ; but he did it at the peril of 
 his throne, and with the loss of a province of his empire. 
 The defenders of the images fled with the objects of their 
 veneration to the islands of the Archipelago. There, 
 their fanatic zeal and hopes of assistance from heaven 
 induced them to collect a fleet, with which they boldly 
 appeared before Constantinople, for the purpose of hurl- 
 ing the enemy of Christ from his throne. But as the 
 expected miraculous assistance was not vouchsafed, they 
 were easily defeated and punished. Italy, however, lay 
 at a greater distance, and possessed in Pope Gregory 
 II. a stronghold, to which the enemies of the Iconoclasts 
 
96 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 could flee. The pope renounced all connection with the 
 Byzantine empire; and, to protect himself against the 
 Greeks and Lombards, entered into that alliance with 
 the French, which was afterwards productive of such 
 important consequences. His exhortations and example, 
 together with the writings of John of Damascus, kept alive 
 the spirit of contention in Byzantium itself. An earth- 
 quake, which in 741, converted many of the most mag- 
 nificent cities of Asia and part of Constantinople into 
 heaps of ruins, afforded the monks an opportunity of 
 representing this calamity as the effect of the wrath of 
 God at the impious attacks upon the images, and of 
 exasperating the minds of the people against the em- 
 peror, who had rendered himself still more obnoxious, by 
 the imposition of taxes, for the purpose of rebuilding the 
 cities which had been overthrown. Such was the situa- 
 tion of affairs at the time of Leo's death, which took 
 place in 741. He bequeathed to his son, Constantine V., 
 who had already been associated with him in the govern- 
 ment, the empire, and the task of executing the 
 measures which he had begun 1 . The Byzantine his- 
 torians describe the emperor Constantine as an incarnate 
 devil, they do not allow him one good quality ; and yet, 
 what they themselves relate of his actions, contradicts 
 their sentence, and is indeed as convincing a proof of 
 the consummate talent of Constantine, as of the falsehood 
 of the calumnies propagated by his enemies. The 
 severity and cruelty which he exercised towards a faction 
 which was labouring for his overthrow, and either defied 
 his authority by open rebellion, or sought to undermine it 
 by secret intrigues, instead, of being matters of reproach 
 to the emperor, were, in fact, the mournful consequences 
 
REVOLT OF ARTABASDUS. 97 
 
 of the necessity in which he was placed, either of giving 
 up his convictions, or of establishing them on the ruin of 
 his adversaries. The implacable hatred of the monks 
 had manifested itself at the beginning of his reign, in a 
 way which put it out of his power to adopt milder mea- 
 sures. The advocates for the use of images had formed 
 themselves into a political party, and cast their eyes on 
 Artabasdus, brother-in-law to the new emperor, who 
 secretly favoured image-worship, or at least professed to 
 do so in order to gain popularity, and thereby the throne. 
 The suspicions of Constantine were indeed awakened, 
 but he durst not make any attempt against his brother- 
 in-law in Constantinople, and, therefore, under pretence 
 of needing his advice, ordered him to join him in an ex- 
 pedition against the Arabs, which he undertook imme- 
 diately after his coronation. The guilty conscience of 
 Artabasdus divined the motive of this command, and 
 urged him to anticipate the emperor. He appeared at 
 the head of an army, and had almost succeeded in 
 capturing the surprised Constantine. This step rendered 
 the breach decisive, and whilst Constantine was assembling 
 a force in his native country, Tsauria, for the purpose 
 of repossessing himself of the throne, Artabasdus was 
 crowned emperor at Constantinople, and immediately 
 restored the worship of images. The patriarch Anastasius 
 changed his sentiments, and under Artabasdus defended 
 the images with as much vehemence as he had opposed 
 them under Leo and Constantine. The civil war which 
 was now breaking out was so intimately connected with 
 the dispute regarding images, that they must stand or 
 fall according as the one or the other party should prove 
 
98 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN, 
 
 victorious. On the side of Artabasdus was the advantage 
 of a greatly superior force, on that of Constantine energy 
 of mind and military talents, which compensated for the 
 deficiency in the number of his troops. The unskil- 
 fulness of his adversaries afforded him an opportunity of 
 attacking them singly : he defeated Artabasdus him- 
 self at Sardio, and his son Nicetas at Ancyra. The 
 same month, September 743, he appeared before the 
 walls of Constantinople; but, as his adherents within the 
 walls durst not hazard any attempt to deliver it into his 
 hands, he was compelled to besiege it Artabasdus had 
 thrown himself into the capital, and defended it with the 
 greatest obstinacy, hoping to be relieved by Nicetas, who 
 was endeavouring to form an army in Asia from the 
 wreck of his party. In October, Nicetas approached with 
 an armed force, but was driven back to Nicomedia by 
 Constantine, and there not only defeated in a general 
 engagement, but himself taken prisoner. The perse- 
 verance with which Artabasdus, notwithstanding this 
 disaster, continued the defence of Constantinople only 
 delayed his inevitable fate. Constantine took the city 
 by storm on the second of November, and his enemy, 
 who had vainly attempted to escape, not long after falling 
 into his hands, he, as well as his son, was punished by the 
 loss of sight. 
 
 Constantine, being once more in possession of the 
 throne, endeavoured to secure it by the total destruction 
 of the opposite party. Search was made for those who 
 had adhered to his enemy, and all were punished either 
 with death or mutilation. The contemptible character cf 
 the patriarch Anastasius, which rendered him a useful 
 
DECREES AGAINST IMAGES RENEWED. 99 
 
 instrument in the hands of the emperor, saved him from 
 receiving any other chastisement than that of insult ; and 
 he retained the highest ecclesiastical dignity in the em- 
 pire. The more reason the emperor had to dread a 
 political faction in the defenders of images, the more 
 imperative it became upon him to maintain and propagate 
 his own opinions. The abolition, therefore, of image- 
 worship was not merely a matter of religious discipline, 
 but a necessary measure for the security of his person 
 and dynasty. The danger from which he had escaped 
 had, however, taught him sufficient prudence to delay 
 the execution of his design until he had restored tran- 
 quillity to the distracted empire, and associated his son 
 with him in the government. In the year 753, he 
 ventured to hold several Silentia, in which the decrees 
 against image-worship were renewed and rendered still 
 more severe. Preparatory to their publication throughout 
 the empire, he introduced them in those provinces, the 
 governors of which were devoted to his views. The 
 simplest means would have been to have it abolished by 
 a resolution of a general council ; but as neither Leo nor 
 Constantine could calculate upon the majority of the 
 bishops being favourable to their system, this method 
 had hitherto been unattempted. However ready an 
 individual ecclesiastic may be, when opposed singly to 
 the temporal power, to submit to its decisions, he assumes 
 a very different position when the support of a numerous 
 body invested with the right of examining and deter- 
 mining, raises him above the influence of fear. The 
 spirit of opposition, which in individuals is dumb from 
 conscious weakness, then displays itself openly and 
 H 2 
 
100 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 vigorously. This impediment, so justly to be feared, 
 seemed, however, to be removed by the death of Anas- 
 tasius, which left the patriarchal see vacant. The hope 
 of obtaining the first ecclesiastical dignity in the kingdom 
 was a bait at which Constantine felt certain the bishops 
 would catch, and by which they would suffer themsehes 
 to be taken. As it was easy to foresee that the emperor 
 would be guided in his choice of a patriarch, by the 
 degree of zeal displayed in his cause, he might reasonably 
 look for support rather than opposition from the bishops, 
 among whom there were few who did not aspire to the pa- 
 triarchate. Relying on this circumstance, Constantine 
 summoned a council at Constantinople, in the year 754, 
 which so well answered his expectations, that the assembly, 
 consisting of three hundred and thirty-eight bishops, 
 acceded to his wishes, and adopted them as a law of the 
 church. Image-worship was rejected as an invention of 
 the devil to allure mankind to a new species of idolatry, 
 and the emperor represented as an Apostle, inspired by 
 God himself to frustrate this device of Satan. In con- 
 clusion, a curse was pronounced upon all the worshippers 
 of images, especially upon the former patriarch Germanus, 
 and the monk John of Damascus 1 . 
 
 The emperor had now succeeded in obtaining, in a 
 a canonical manner, the right of suppressing image- 
 worship ; and, accordingly, commanded that all images 
 should be removed from the churches and sacred edifices, 
 but with as little violence as possible ; wishing merely 
 to deprive them of their sanctity in the eyes of the people, 
 and the adoration paid to them, without denying thei 
 merit and utility as works of art. But it was no eas; 
 
 : 
 
CONSTANTiXE' A^D'THE POPE. 101 
 
 task to put the decision of the council into execution. 
 First, as regarded the pope, he was placed at so great 
 a distance, and was so secure under the protection of the 
 French, that he would not fail both to persevere in his 
 opposition to the Iconoclasts, and, probably, widen the 
 breach with the Byzantine court to an irreparable extent. 
 Any attempt to reduce him to obedience by force would 
 have been as expensive as ineffectual ; no other course, 
 therefore, remained to the emperor but that of endea- 
 vouring to withdraw from him the protection of France, 
 and thus compel him to resume the relation in which he 
 formerly stood to the empire, if he would avoid becoming 
 the prey of the Lombards. For the accomplishment 01 
 this purpose, Constantine entered into negotiations with 
 the French king, Pepin, whom he sought to attach still 
 more firmly to his interests by proposing a matrimonial 
 alliance between his son Leo and the princess Gisla, the 
 sister of Charlemagne, who has already been introduced 
 to the reader as the diligent pupil of Alcuin. The pope 
 saw and warded off the threatening danger ; he frustrated 
 the union, in order to render his own connection with the 
 French monarch still firmer; and effected his project 
 with a facility proportioned to its tendency to promote 
 their common interest. The controversy upon images, 
 therefore, severed one of its fairest provinces from the 
 Byzantine empire, placed the pope in an independent 
 position, and laid the foundation of a princely power 
 established in his own territories, which amply indem- 
 nified him for the loss of the revenues he had derived 
 from Sicily, and also furnished the French king with an 
 opportunity of obtaining a firm footing beyond the Alps. 
 
102 THE LIFE OF 'ALCUIN. 
 
 It was not, however, in the West only that the spirit of 
 opposition continued to rage ; it still remained unsub- 
 dued in the Eastern provinces, and even in the capital 
 itself, notwithstanding the decision of the council of 
 Constantinople. The fanaticism of the monks considered 
 no means as unlawful in the defence of a sacred cause, 
 and feared no punishment which might obtain for them 
 the crown of martyrdom. Their pious zeal irritated and 
 wearied the patience of the emperor ; and from 761, scarcely 
 a year elapsed wherein we do not find recorded some act 
 of violence against the images, and of cruelty towards 
 their worshippers. But as the persecution of individuals 
 only increased the obstinacy and fury of the rest, the 
 emperor was compelled to subdue resistance by force. 
 In pursuance of this design, all the bishops were deposed 
 who refused to subscribe to the decrees of the council. 
 In the year 768, the monasteries at Constantinople were 
 dissolved, and the buildings either demolished or con- 
 verted into barracks. The monks were compelled either 
 to marry, or to evade the severity of the emperor by a 
 voluntary banishment. These measures were also ex- 
 tended to the refractory provincial monasteries, and carried 
 into execution by military force 1 , for the army was devoted 
 to their victorious sovereign, and attached to his principles. 
 There can be no question that a commission entrusted to 
 such rough hands was often executed with as little regard 
 for the preservation of literature and arts, as for right 
 and justice ; but the impossibility of suppressing an ex- 
 asperated faction, and at the same time keeping within 
 the bounds of moderation and equity, and the necessity 
 of exercising severity towards all who refused to comply 
 
LEO THE FOURTH. 103 
 
 with the decree for the abolition of images, which had 
 been regularly issued by a convocation of the elergy, will 
 sufficiently excuse the emperor in the opinion of every 
 impartial mind. Constantine was indebted to the energy 
 of his character, for the satisfaction of seeing the public 
 worship of images abolished before his death, and of 
 receiving a guarantee for the future, in the oath taken 
 by his subjects, that they would never again pay them 
 adoration. This oath would have been performed, had 
 his successor prosecuted his measures with the same 
 energy and firmness with which he had adopted them 5 
 but Leo IV. who ascended the throne in 775, 
 was of too feeble a character to execute such a task. 
 Under the influence of his wife Irene, who concealed her 
 veneration for images and monks, that she might be 
 enabled to promote their interests the more effectually, 
 he annulled some of the statutes of his father, and miti. 
 gated others. The apparent state of public tranquillity 
 led him into making concessions, which contained the 
 germ of future disturbances ; and by granting the monks 
 permission to return and hold high offices in the church, 
 he again introduced into the state practices subversive of 
 the existing order of things. When he discovered the 
 images of saints secretly adored by his wife, it was too 
 late to repair his error ; for, before he had arrived at any 
 determination on the subject, he died, September the 8th, 
 780. Irene, as guardian to her son, Constantine VI., who 
 was yet a minor, was now intrusted with the reins of 
 government ; and nothing but the fear of resistance, 
 especially on the part of the army, withheld her from 
 immediately legalising the introduction of images, She, 
 
104 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 however, commenced preparations for this measure by 
 putting a stop to all persecutions, and placing no im- 
 pediment in the way of erecting images in various places. 
 At the same time she made advances to the Roman 
 pontiff, and entered into so close an alliance with Charle- 
 magne, that she betrothed her son, Constantine VI., 
 to the French princess, Rotrudis. But, notwithstanding 
 that she openly displayed her predilection for images, it 
 was long before she ventured upon taking any decided 
 step. More than half a century had elapsed since the 
 commencement of the controversy, so that the greater 
 part of the existing generation had been educated in the 
 prevailing opinions, and most of the bishoprics were 
 occupied by men who owed their elevation to their 
 hostility to image-worship. The empress, therefore, 
 durst not attempt so important a change as the restora- 
 tion of image -worship without some plausible pretext. 
 This was immediately afforded by the patriarch Paul, 
 who, as had been previously concerted, publicly resigned 
 his dignity. Paul had been appointed to the patriarchal 
 throne by Leo IV., after he had, in presence of the 
 emperor, solemnly declared himself inimical to images. 
 In the year 784, he suddenly abandoned the archiepis- 
 copal palace, and betook himself to a cloister, where he 
 professed to all those who visited him, either at the 
 instigation of the empress, or from motives of curiosity, 
 that remorse had driven him from a see, the acceptance of 
 which had excluded him from communion with other 
 churches, and deprived him of the favour of the saints . 
 that he could only hope to obtain pardon for his sin by 
 deep repentance ; and that there was no other means of 
 
COUNCIL OF CONSTANTINOPLE. 105 
 
 averting the curse which was hanging over the empire, 
 than that of annulling the impious statutes against the 
 images. A way was thus opened for the accomplishment 
 of the project which the empress had most at heart : the 
 execution of which devolved upon the successor of Paul, 
 whose death occurred in that same year. Irene took care 
 to render the interests of the church dependent upon her 
 will, by raising her private secretary, Tarasius, to the 
 patriarchate. The pliant courtier testified equal readiness 
 to comply with her wishes, by the condition which he 
 annexed to his acceptance of the highest ecclesiastical 
 dignity, namely, that a general council should examine 
 anew the lawfulness or unlawfulness of image-worship. 
 In consequence of a flattering letter of invitation, Pope 
 Hadrian I. sent two nuncios to Constantinople, and, by 
 adopting the artifice of admitting some ecclesiastics as 
 ambassadors from the patriarchs of Antioch and Alex- 
 andria, the synod assumed the authority of an ecumenical 
 council. Although the adverse party was unable to pre- 
 vent the summoning of this synod, they appeared in great 
 numbers to express their disapprobation, and were en- 
 couraged in their opposition to the court by the veteran 
 troops of Constantine, who declared themselves ready to 
 protect them, and to defend the principles of their revered 
 general. When, therefore, the first session was opened 
 in the Church of the Twelve Apostles, August 7th, 786, 
 the soldiers, who had taken possession of the church on 
 the preceding day, rose and excited such a tumult that 
 the patriarch was unable to obtain a hearing, and the 
 empress herself was compelled to request the assembly 
 to yield to a force which it was useless to resist, and to 
 
106 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 break up the meeting. After the departure of the court 
 party, the Iconoclasts remained in the church under the 
 protection of the soldiers, and confirmed all the decrees 
 against images. 
 
 The failure of this first attempt on the part of the 
 empress, rendered her aware of the obstacles to be sur- 
 mounted before she could make a second and more 
 successful effort. Regardless of the interest of the state, 
 she artfully contrived to disarm and disband the veterans ; 
 and, after having surrounded herself with a guard of 
 newly levied troops, she summoned, in September 787, 
 a council at Nice, not daring to trust the citizens of 
 Constantinople. On this occasion she had the prudence 
 to invite only such bishops as were favourable to her 
 plans, or who at least showed themselves willing to change 
 their sentiments. A detachment of the new legions was 
 despatched thither to be ready in case of need. Under 
 these circumstances, there could be no doubt as to the 
 result of the deliberations of the assembly. The reso- 
 lutions of the council of Constantinople were refuted and 
 condemned, together with all who adhered to them, and 
 the worship of images again made an ordinance of the 
 church, with, however, the nice distinction, that to the 
 saints and images only prostration of the body 
 rrjffiQ) was due, whilst the worship of the heart 
 belonged to God alone. Thence the council removed 
 to the capital, in order there to confirm their resolutions. 
 In that city also, measures had been so well concerted, 
 that every thing passed off with the utmost tranquillity. 
 Amidst loud acclamations of joy, the empress, together 
 with her son, subscribed the decree, which, as the act of 
 
GERMAN INDEPENDENCE. 107 
 
 an oecumenical council, was to be received as valid by 
 the whole Christian world. It was, therefore, sent to 
 Pope Hadrian I., in order that he might communicate it 
 to the sovereigns of the West. 
 
 In the West of Europe, a proper position, in relation 
 to divine worship, had hitherto been assigned to images. 
 They served rather to ornament sacred edifices, and to 
 deepen the solemn impression which such places are 
 calculated to make, than to awaken or become the objects 
 of devotion. The predilection for image-worship, which 
 the Romans had transferred from paganism to Christianity, 
 was unfelt by the Germans who had adored their former 
 deities, not so much in artificial representations as in 
 natural objects. Superstition existed nevertheless among 
 them also, but under a different form. They worshipped 
 the relics rather than the images of saints, and expected 
 to receive from the former, what the Greeks hoped to 
 obtain from the latter assistance in the time of need, 
 protection in the hour of danger. The decree of the 
 Nicene council was the less likely to meet with a favour- 
 able reception among the Germans, as prostration of the 
 body, in the Greek sense, conveyed a totally different 
 meaning to the natives of the West, from that which it 
 imparted to the subjects of Oriental despotism. The 
 free-born German was accustomed to behold in his feudal 
 sovereign, only the first among his equals, and to bow 
 his knee to God alone ; whilst the Greek would not 
 think of denying to the saints the homage which he 
 offered to the emperor. Neither the language nor the 
 habits of the Western nations accorded with a practice, 
 which, being familiar to the inhabitants of the Byzantine 
 
108 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 empire, might be adapted to religious purposes, without 
 exciting in them any painful feelings. In addition to the 
 aversion of the Western church to image-worship, the 
 friendly correspondence between the Byzantine and 
 French courts was at the same time broken off ; the blame 
 of which, indeed, rested entirely with Irene. The am- 
 bitious empress was not disposed to suffer the reins of 
 government to be wrested out of her hands ; and the 
 friends of image-worship, who had every thing to hope 
 from Irene, and, on the other hand, every thing to fear 
 from the dubious sentiments of the youthful Constantine? 
 encouraged her in her purpose of retaining possession of 
 the throne to the prejudice of her son's rights. She 
 could not, however, but regard the projected marriage of 
 Constantine with a daughter of Charlemagne as an im- 
 pediment to her design, as it was easy to foresee that the 
 French monarch would not permit the degradation of his 
 son-in-law. She, therefore, annulled the contract betwixt 
 her son and Rotrudis, and forced him to accept an 
 Armenian maiden as a consort. At the same time, she 
 entered into an alliance with Charles' enemies, the duke 
 of Beneventum and Prince Adalgis of Lombardy, and 
 endeavoured to put an end to the French influence in 
 Italy, by restoring to the Lombardian kingdom its former 
 constitution, a plan which, as has been already related, 
 entirely failed. Under these circumstances, it may easily 
 be imagined that the pope found himself placed in a 
 dilemma, on receiving the resolutions of the Nicene 
 council for the express purpose of communicating them 
 to Charlemagne. He was aware of the aversion felt by 
 the French clergy to image- worship, and of the just 
 
REJECTION OF THE DECREES OF NICE. 109 
 
 displeasure entertained by Charles against a court which 
 had so grievously offended him. Hadrian had, therefore, 
 abstained from giving him any intimation respecting the 
 council at Nice, and of the part taken by himself in their 
 deliberations, but had endeavoured to keep him in igno- 
 rance of the whole transaction. Now, however, that con- 
 cealment was no longer practicable, he despatched a copy of 
 the Nicene resolutions to Charles in the year 792. The 
 French monarch would, at any time, have hesitated to con- 
 cede to an assembly, summoned without his knowledge or 
 consent, and in which the West of Christendom was repre- 
 sented only by two nuncios from the pope, a right to im- 
 pose laws on the whole Christian world ; but he had now a 
 double motive for refusing to permit a hostile court to 
 prescribe to him the course he was to pursue. He, 
 therefore, resolved not to submit to the resolutions of 
 the Nicene council, but to reject them through the in- 
 strumentality of a general council, to be held in the 
 West of Christendom. He sent a transcript of the acts 
 to England, and requested Alcuin to refute them, and 
 to procure their condemnation in that country ; then he 
 begged him to return to the continent, in order to be 
 present at the council, which he proposed summoning to 
 decide upon this matter, and upon the doctrine of the 
 Adoptionists. Alcuin composed a treatise, in which he 
 proved that the worship of images was inconsistent with 
 the doctrines of Scripture, and the authority of the 
 Fathers. This treatise determined the sentiments of the 
 English princes and bishops : the Nicene council, though 
 attended and sanctioned by the pope, whose authority 
 had formerly been undisputed by the Anglo-Saxons, was 
 
110 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 pronounced to be illegal; and Alcuin was invested with 
 full powers to impart their decision to the French 
 monarch 1 . 
 
 4. Decision of the Council of Frankfort upon the 
 Doctrine of the Adoptionists and Image-worship. 
 
 Alcuin returned to Charlemagne at the conclusion 
 of the year 792, or the commencement of the following 
 year, attended, as ambassador of the Anglo-Saxon 
 church and state, by a retinue of English ecclesiastics. 2 
 Their presence was necessary to give the conference, which 
 was about to be held, the authority of a general council 
 of Western Christendom ; for the king's command could 
 ensure the attendance of the bishops and abbots residing 
 in all the German states, which had been Christianized 
 and united under the French sceptre. But Britain was 
 sufficiently independent of France, to refuse, if she pleased, 
 all participation in this assembly ; and, from her insular 
 situation, so secure, as to be under no apprehension from 
 the resentment of a king who was destitute of a navy. 
 That she nevertheless showed herself willing to unite 
 with the French, is to be attributed to the influence of 
 Alcuin. 
 
 Previous to the convocation of the council, Alcuin 
 endeavoured to convince the Adoptionists of their error. 
 He wrote to bishop Felix 3 , earnestly importuning him to 
 renounce his heresy : " Venture not," he exclaims, " to 
 enter upon a useless contest. The truths of the Gospel 
 illuminate the whole earth. Let us only maintain and 
 propagate the doctrines it teaches. What can we, frail 
 mortals, amongst so many of whom love begins to grow 
 
COUNCIL OF FRANKFORT. Ill 
 
 cold, imagine better than to adhere to the principles of the 
 Apostles and Evangelists, with all the firmness and 
 fidelity of true faith, without inventing new names, bring- 
 ing forward strange conceits, or desiring to acquire a vain 
 reputation by some novelty in doctrine, whereby we may 
 bring upon ourselves censure, whilst we hoped to obtain 
 praise ?" The tone of this letter was not calculated to 
 produce a favourable result. Alcuin too hastily pre- 
 supposed Felix to be in the path of error, and exalted 
 himself above him with too much arrogance 1 , not to 
 provoke a quarrel. Felix consequently composed a trea- 
 tise in defence of his opinions, and in opposition to 
 Alcuin ; but before he had completed and transmitted it 
 to him, the Spanish bishops, who concurred in the new 
 doctrine, appealed to the justice of King Charles, re- 
 presenting, in their letters, that their opponents were 
 heretics, whilst they, on the other hand, only endeavoured 
 to uphold the true faith in its purity 2 . Nothing, there- 
 fore, remained to be done, but to refer the matter to the 
 decision of an ecclesiastical council, which was accord- 
 ingly summoned by the king, in the year 794. The 
 place appointed for the conference was Frankfort, a royal 
 villa on the banks of the Maine. This place was then 
 of recent origin, and owed the foundation of its future 
 splendour to the number of bishops and abbots, and the 
 vast concourse of lay nobility, who were attracted thither 
 from all parts of the French kingdom. The natural con- 
 sequence of numerous and frequent convocations, and of 
 the more than usually long residence of the court and its 
 retinue, was to draw together a number of people, anxious 
 to supply the demands for the commodities of life which 
 
112 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 were thus created. Artizans and merchants took up 
 their abode there for the purposes of trade, aud the place 
 being favourable for traffic, they made a permanent set- 
 tlement. The frequent mention of Frankfort, subsequently 
 to the year 794, proves that the prosperity and import- 
 ance of this town began and increased with the meetings 
 which were held there. 1 The number of bishops is said 
 to have been three hundred, in which computation the 
 abbots and clergy who accompanied them are not in- 
 cluded. Many years had elapsed, since the West of 
 Europe had beheld so splendid an assemblage of church 
 dignitaries as the present council presented. It is, also, 
 the first which was constructed on principles which 
 formed henceforth the basis of the political and ecclesias- 
 tical privileges of the West $ and therefore the form and 
 manner of its constitution possess claims to our atten- 
 tion independently of the importance of the subject of its 
 deliberations. It consisted of the three following divisions 
 occupied by the members according to their nation and 
 rank. The church of Rome, which was represented by the 
 Pope's legates, Stephen and Theophilactus, naturally took 
 the precedence as guardian of the Apostolical traditions. 
 Next in order, came the church of Lombardy, at the head 
 of which stood the archbishop of Milan and the patriarch 
 of Aquileia ; the third part was formed by the Cis-alpine 
 clergy. To these three constituent parts, which were of 
 a spiritual character, was added a fourth, consisting of 
 Charles, as the son and protector of the holy church 
 of God, and his chief lay nobility ; for their consent was 
 essential, in order to execute by temporal means, that 
 which might be spiritually determined 2 . To the king 
 
DISPUTATION AT FRANKFORT. 113 
 
 ikewise, belonged" the right of introducing the matters 
 to be treated of, and of appointing the order in which 
 they should be brought forward. Amongst the subjects 
 proposed for the deliberation and decision of the council, 
 the doctrine of the Adoptionists and the worship of images 
 came first under discussion ; and as it was with these two 
 points only that Alcuin was engaged, they merit a 
 detailed and exclusive narrative, Alcuin was recom- 
 mended to the assembly by Charles himself, and on this 
 powerful recommendation admitted. 1 It appears that he 
 took with him the first book which he had written in refu- 
 tation of the sentiments of Felix, and in which he had 
 collected the testimony of the Fathers against the new 
 doctrines. 2 At least, it is certain that he presented it to 
 the Abbot Benedict of Anian, who was then at Frankfort 
 to take it home with him, in order to fortify the clergy 
 of Septimania against the dangerous influence of their 
 heretical neighbours. 3 Neither Felix, nor any of the 
 Adoptionists, attended the conference of Frankfort ; con- 
 sequently there was no one to be found who possessed 
 either the desire or the ability to oppose the testimony of 
 the fathers, the decree of the pope, and the majority of 
 the bishops, whose adherence to the ancient doctrine was 
 probably the result more of convenience than conviction. 
 The decision of the council at Frankfort was, therefore, a 
 ratification of the sentence of condemnation which had 
 been pronounced two years previously at Ratisbon. 4 The 
 resolutions of the council were communicated to the Arch- 
 bishop Elipandus, and the bishops residing in those 
 parts of Spain which were subject to the Saracens, by 
 means of a document transmitted in the name of the king ; 
 
114 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 but in consideration of the independent position of 
 Elipandus, it was in the form less of a rigorous com- 
 mand than an urgent and convincing exhortation. The 
 principle that so numerous an assembly of the church 
 could not err, was therein assumed ; for if the Lord had 
 promised that where two or three were gathered together 
 in his name, he would be in the midst of them, could any 
 one doubt that he had been with, and enlightened the 
 minds of a venerable assembly convened for his honour ? 
 The Adoptionists were required to return into the bosom 
 of the church, and to subscribe the annexed orthodox 
 confession of faith, or to prepare themselves to be de- 
 nounced as heretics, and excluded from communion with 
 that church in which alone salvation was to be found 1 . 
 In this document, no notice was taken of Felix, because it 
 seemed evident that he, as a French bishop, must ac- 
 knowledge the authority of a council summoned by the 
 king, and ratified by the pope, and submit to its deci- 
 sions. We shall, however, presently see that he did 
 neither the one nor the other, but, on the contrary, brought 
 forward new arguments in favour of his opinions, which 
 appeared to the king of sufficient importance to call for 
 a fresh examination. 
 
 For the present, however, the affair seemed to have 
 been settled in a legitimate way, to the great satisfaction 
 both of the king and the pope. Their views differed 
 with regard to the decision of the second point image- 
 worship. Regarded as a matter of religion, image- 
 worship was an abomination to the inhabitants of Cis- 
 alpine Gaul. Considered in a political point of view, the 
 unreasonable demand of the Byzantine court, that a 
 
INDEPENDENCE OF THE WESTERN CHURCH. 115 
 
 council summoned by its authority should be recognised 
 as oecumenical, and that resolutions adopted in a great 
 measure by military constraint, should be received as 
 general laws of the church, was a claim which wounded 
 the pride of the French king. Willing, as Charles might 
 be, to concede to the pope, as head of a church which in- 
 herited the Apostolical traditions, a superiority in wisdom, 
 and authority in ecclesiastical matters ; still the pope had 
 not been represented at the council of Nice as the head of 
 the church, but simply as an equal among equals. There, 
 he was no more than any other archbishop of the Byzan- 
 tine empire, a rank which was no longer reconcileable with 
 his totally altered position. In the course of the contro- 
 versy upon images, the relation in which he stood to 
 France, had procured for him so much influence with that 
 nation, and so important a part in its constitution, that it 
 was impossible for him to return to his former position 
 with regard to the court of Byzantium, without causing 
 the utmost confusion. By the re-introduction of image- 
 worship, the cause of disunion had indeed been removed ; 
 but it was not so easy to annihilate consequences as to 
 annul resolutions, or to restore a state of things, when 
 once it had passed away, as statues and pictures. It was 
 necessary, therefore, to substitute a new subject of dissen- 
 sion for the opposition to images, which, for the moment 
 at least, was* terminated. A declaration of independence 
 on the paii of the Western church, in no way affecting the 
 supremacyof the pope, would prevent him from renewing 
 his alliance* Vith the Byzantine empire, and lead him by 
 the natural course of events to contribute to the founda- 
 tion of a Western empire, independent of the East. Whilst 
 
116 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 Charles was endeavouring, at the expense of religion, 
 to disengage politics from the confusion in which they 
 were involved, he rendered the most essential service to 
 the papal authority. The defenders of the interests of 
 the holy see have cause to be dissatisfied with the deci- 
 sion of the council of Frankfort, only in so far as it 
 rejected a doctrine which has subsequently become pre- 
 valent in the Catholic church . It may, however, afford 
 them some consolation to know, that the assembled 
 fathers were led astray by misunderstanding and passion. 
 For in the manner in which Charles had the subject laid 
 before them, it could not but meet with unanimous oppo- 
 sition and rejection : but it is difficult to determine 
 whether ignorance of Greek or wilful misrepresentation 
 was the cause of the misconception. In the first place, 
 the council summoned by Irene was not acknowledged as 
 oecumenical 1 . It may, indeed, appear strange, that in 
 the official documents, Constantinople is mentioned as 
 the place of that meeting ; but this change of name is 
 easily accounted for by the fact, that the legates of the 
 pope were summoned originally to Constantinople ; and 
 when the council, after having commenced its delibera- 
 tions in the capital, was compelled to dissolve in conse- 
 quence of the tumultuous proceedings of the soldiers of 
 Constantine, they remained, in order to accompany the 
 assembly to Nice, without requiring or receiving any 
 fresh credentials. The Synod at Nice was considered by 
 them merely as a prolongation of that at Constantinople, 
 and the more so as on the breaking up of the assembly, 
 the members returned to Constantinople for the purpose 
 of procuring the signature to their resolutions. The less 
 
CARLOVINGIAN PAPERS. 117 
 
 importance is to be attached to this discrepancy in the 
 names, as, in the first place, it is not entirely groundless, 
 and in the next place, the fathers assembled at Frankfort 
 were not ignorant of the real place of meeting 1 . But the 
 resolutions of the Byzantine council were perverted, and 
 brought before the council at Frankfort in a hateful form ; 
 for, regardless of the distinction made by the Greeks 
 between worship of the heart and prostration of the 
 body, the very principle, viz., that the same reverence 
 was due to images as to the Holy Trinity, which had 
 been disclaimed by the Nicene council, was represented 
 as the decision of that body. This principle was naturally 
 denounced as heretical 2 . It is impossible to avoid sus- 
 pecting that the king abused his privilege of propounding 
 the subjects of deliberation, and by a false representation 
 endeavoured to excite the passions of the assembly, and 
 bring them over to his interests. Although nuncios 
 from the pope were present, and could have explained to 
 the members that they were under a mistake, it does not 
 appear ihat they either did so, or had any authority so to 
 do. The Catholic church, therefore, can more easily 
 get over the decision of the council at Frankfort, which 
 was the result of a false statement, than the treatise 
 which appeared in the name of Charlemagne, justifying 
 the rejection of image-worship. This work is best known 
 under the title of the Carlovingian Papers, and would de- 
 serve especial notice, as one of the most remarkable literary 
 productions of that period, even were Alcuin not its sup- 
 posed author. As it attacks in forcible and vehement 
 language, and not without considerable strength of argu- 
 ment, an object which has become dear to the Catholic 
 
118 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 church, it could not remain free from hostile assaults. 
 The first printed edition appeared in the year 1549, with- 
 out the name of the printer and editor, who did not ven- 
 ture to declare himself ; but it is known that we are 
 indebted for it to Jean de Tillet, a French bishop 1 . It 
 was immediately reprinted in Germany ; but the scarcity 
 of the two first editions proves how eagerly and success- 
 fully the Catholics sought to suppress them. Fortunately, 
 the Protestants took under their protection a treatise 
 exposed to such danger, and thus rescued it from the an- 
 nihilation which threatened it 2 . The Roman hierarchy, 
 having thus failed in suppressing the work, endeavoured, 
 at least, to cast -a suspicion upon its authenticity. Taking 
 advantage of an external similarity, the Catholics asserted 
 it to be the production of Karlstadt, who, in the beginning 
 of the reformation at Wittemberg, began, and preached 
 in favour of, the destruction of images, although the con- 
 tents throughout clearly refuted this statement. It is 
 only necessary to read the Carlovingian Papers, and see 
 "how exalted a position is assigned to the Pope and church 
 of Rome 3 , to be persuaded that so zealous a reformer as 
 Karlstadt could not have had the remotest share in such 
 a composition. The sentiments therein expressed, as well 
 as the language and style, belong much more to the time 
 of Charlemagne ; and no impartial reader will doubt its 
 genuineness, when to these internal evidences is added the 
 incontestible historical testimony afforded by a passage in 
 a letter from Archbishop Hincmar to his nephew, wherein 
 he not only mentions that he had read the Carlovingian 
 Papers, when a pupil at the court-school, but also quotes 
 an entire chapter from them 4 . 
 
ALCUIN THEIR AUTHOR. 119 
 
 Almost as little doubt can exist, that Alcuin was the 
 author of this production, as of its authenticity. Whilst 
 in England, he had written a treatise against image- 
 worship, which he took with him to the council at Frank- 
 fort. He was therefore better entitled than any other 
 man to prosecute the subject, and was called upon to do 
 so by the confidence of the king, which no one possessed 
 or deserved in a higher degree than Alcuin. In this 
 work, abounding in quotations, both from the Fathers 
 and classical authors, we discern no symptom of a paucity 
 of books, the want of which, Alcuin, some years later, 
 felt so much in France ; which also furnishes a proof, 
 that the greater part of it was written in England. The 
 style confirms, instead of contradicting this assumption. 1 
 But the treatise may so far deserve to bear the name of 
 Charles, as it is throughout stamped with the impress of 
 his mind. The feeling which he entertained towards the 
 court and pretensions of Byzantium, transfused its bitter- 
 ness into the pen of Alcuin, and led him not merely to 
 expose and systematically refute the errors of the Nicene 
 council ; but also prominently to exhibit every thing that 
 might wound the pride of the empress Irene, or render the 
 vanity of the Greeks ridiculous. This is apparent in the 
 criticism upon the letter of Irene, addressed to Pope 
 Hadrian, with which the Carlovingian Papers commence, 7 
 and likewise in the manner in which the pope is placed in 
 his relation to the imperial court. The principles avowed 
 in this work are in perfect accordance with the sentiments 
 of Alcuin, which have already been expressed, regarding 
 the dignity and infallibility of the papal see 3 . It is 
 proved^ by the example of St. Jerome, that in all times 
 
120 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 the most learned and enlightened men had not held their 
 own judgment in such high estimation, as to allow them 
 to dispense with the advice of the pope. The avowal 
 which the author makes in the name of the king is very 
 remarkable ; he declares that he had endeavoured, from 
 the commencement of his reign, to form the Cisalpine 
 churches on the model of that of Rome, and to establish 
 a perfect unanimity with that church, to the head of which 
 the keys of heaven were committed 1 . So far, the advo- 
 cates for the rights of the Roman church have no reason 
 to complain of a treatise which satisfies their most ambi- 
 tious wishes. But the pope had declared himself the 
 protector of images, and the author of the Carlovingian 
 Papers was decidedly opposed to them. In a series of 
 chapters, he refutes, following step by step the acts of the 
 Nicene council, the arguments drawn from the Bible in 
 favour of image-worship. This refutation constitutes a 
 large and important portion of the work, but requires the 
 less minute description, as it is throughout written in the 
 style of Alcuin, which has already been sufficiently ex- 
 hibited. The Nicene council, for example, had adduced 
 as a proof of the admissibility of image-worship, that 
 Solomon set up the images of oxen and lions in the 
 temple. In refutation of this, the author observes, that 
 he himself did not condemn images when used as memo- 
 rials or ornaments, but only when they were regarded as 
 objects of sinful adoration ; but as to the images in the 
 Temple at Jerusalem, it was manifest that the Nicene 
 council had been under the influence of a lying spirit? 
 when it sought to support its errors by a circumstance 
 which signified a mystery of the church. For the oxen 
 
REFUTATION OF THE DECREES OF NICE. 121 
 
 and lions were symbolical figures of the apostles, and 
 their successors placed by Christ in his church, who were 
 to display towards the good and the penitent the patience 
 of oxen, but who were to exercise towards the obdurate 
 the fury of a lion. 1 
 
 In the third book, the author proceeds from the consi- 
 deration of the general testimony of the Holy Scriptures, 
 to the particular decrees of the bishops forming the 
 council of Nice ; and could with the greater facility refute 
 them both by argument and ridicule, as they were in con- 
 tradiction not only to the manners of the West of Europe, 
 but likewise to common sense. It was not difficult to de- 
 monstrate that the reverence paid to the statues of the 
 emperor was no justification of that shown to the images 
 of saints, but that the one was as objectionable as the 
 other. If heathen customs were to be adopted in the 
 churches, then it would soon come to pass that the houses 
 of God would be turned into theatres, and the abode of 
 peace be filled with the performances of gladiators. The 
 apostle, however, enjoined us not to take the emperor and 
 the world for our examples, but said, " Be ye followers of 
 me, even as I also am of Christ" 1 (ICor.xi. 1). "There- 
 fore," exclaims he, "far be it from the Catholic religion, 
 that the perverted customs of profligate heathenism should 
 be imitated and adopted by Christian sobriety. 2 " To various 
 weak points of this description, which the Nicene council 
 had exposed to attack, by resting their arguments upon 
 local interests, instead of general and rational principles? 
 maxims were added which were revolting to the moral 
 feelings. They adduced, for example, the following 
 anecdote, as an evidence of the lawfulness of image- 
 
122 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 worship : A certain monk had been so long and griev- 
 ously tempted by the devil to sensual indulgence, that he 
 longed to rid himself at any price of the torment; and at 
 last, at the desire of his tormentor, sacrificed to him the 
 worship of images, binding himself with a solemn oath 
 never again to offer adoration to an image. No sooner 
 did his abbot hear of this, than he cried out in a transport 
 of rage. " It had been better for thee to have visited 
 every brothel in the city, than to have denied to the 
 images of the Lord, or of his Holy Mother, the adoration 
 that is due to them." The council at Nice assented to this 
 principle, by inserting the story in their acts, and by 
 bringing it forward as an argument. " Is not this," 
 exclaims Alcuin, or the author of the Carlovingian 
 Papers, " is not this an unparalleled absurdity ? a ruinous 
 evil ? an insanity wilder than has ever yet been known ? 
 It had been better for him, he says, to have been guilty 
 of an action forbidden both by the law and the Gospel, 
 than to abstain from that which is commanded by no law, 
 either human or divine ! It had been better for him, he 
 says, to have committed a crime, than to have avoided a 
 crime ; better to defile the Temple of God, than to despise 
 the worship of senseless statues ! Let him tell us, whether 
 he can any where find that the Lord has said, ( Thou 
 shalt not refuse to worship images ;' whereas, it is known 
 to all the world that he has commanded this, ' Thou 
 shalt not commit adultery.' Let him tell us, whether he 
 can any where find that the Lord has declared, * If thou 
 seest an image and adorest it not, thou hast sinned;' 
 while every one x knows that he has said, ' Whosoever 
 looketh on a woman to lust after her, hath committed 
 
OPINIONS REGARDING IMAGE-WORSHIP, 123 
 
 adultery with her already in his heart.' Whoever 
 attempts to support his assertions by such examples as 
 this, proves that he possesses folly of no ordinary kind, 
 but that it surpasses that of all others. 1 " 
 
 The Greeks had carried their opinions both for and 
 against image-worship to extremes, and consequently 
 supported them rather by sophistry than solid argument. 
 The author of the Carlovingian Papers, on the contrary, 
 had assumed a moderate position between the contending 
 parties, and was thereby enabled, unfettered by partiality, 
 to rebut all their fallacies, and expose the absurdities of 
 their speculations. He often feels himself obliged to re- 
 iterate the declaration that he did not prohibit the pos- 
 session, but the adoration of images ; that he desired not 
 that men should turn away with disgust from the images 
 which had been placed in churches either as decorations 
 or memorials, but that it was the superstitious abuse of 
 them which he condemned 2 . Having taken this position, 
 the decree of the Iconoclasts at the council of Constanti- 
 nople, appeared to him just as reprehensible as the oppo- 
 site error into which that of Nice had fallen, whilst the 
 result of his investigation was recommended by the ap- 
 probation of Western Christendom, by the assent of the 
 understanding, and by the authority of one of the most 
 eminent among the Popes, Gregory the Great 3 . In pur- 
 suance, therefore, of the sentence of this pope, it was 
 enacted as a fundamental law of the Western churches, 
 that images should be permitted to remain outside the 
 churches, and that it was equally unlawful to insist upon 
 their adoration, and to consent to their destruction 4 . 
 
 Charlemagne transmitted, by the hands of the abbot 
 
124 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 Angilbert, the acts of the Frankfort council, together 
 with the work composed in his name, to Pope Hadrian ; 
 requiring him not merely to confirm the decisions of the 
 said council, but also demanding, with a passionate eager- 
 ness, resulting from his personal feeling of hostility to- 
 wards the Byzantine court, the formal condemnation of 
 the Emperor Constantine, and his mother, Irene. This 
 placed the pope in an embarrassing situation. On the 
 one hand, he durst not be guilty of the inconsistency of 
 condemning a council to which he himself had sent a 
 legate, and of which he had approved ; and, on the other, 
 it was equally impossible to refute the arguments, and 
 overcome the aversion of the French clergy as to dispute 
 the authority of Gregory the Great. This occurrence 
 might easily have produced a breach between the French 
 monarch and the papal see, had Hadrian not been a man of 
 too peaceful and estimable a character to sacrifice, to the 
 passion of the moment, the advantages which the Romish 
 church derived from her close alliance with France, and 
 the respect and regard which he entertained for the king. 
 He pursued the line of policy by which the papal power 
 has become so enormous that of never attempting to 
 wrest from circumstances what they did not warrant 
 freely, or, at least, apparently. The Carlo vingian Papers 
 offered advantages to the papal see which easily induced 
 him to forget or overlook those which they refused. 
 The recognition of his supremacy by a general council 
 of the West, sufficiently indemnified him for a departure 
 from the opinions which both he and some of his pre- 
 decessors had cherished, in reference to image-worship, 
 especially, when, as in this case, the personal authority 
 
DECISION OF THE FRANKFORT COUNCIL. 125 
 
 of these popes could so easily be secured, by ascribing to 
 their views motives which coincided with the principles 
 of the Frankfort council. For Hadrian could excuse 
 the opposition of his predecessors to the Iconoclasts, on 
 the ground recognised even by that council, that the 
 destruction of images was as great a crime as their ado- 
 ration ; and exonerate himself on the plea of desiring to 
 terminate the dissensions between the Eastern and 
 Western churches. This consideration induced him 
 once more to lay before the king some arguments in 
 justification of image-worship ; but as he at last granted 
 that the views of Gregory were correct, the king waved 
 his unreasonable demand of a formal declaration of 
 hostility against the Byzantine court ; and thus the clouds 
 dispersed which had for a while obscured their amicable 
 relation to each other. 
 
 The decree of the Frankfort council was confirmed 
 anew by the synod held at Paris by Louis the Pious, in 
 the year 825, on account of the controversy which had 
 again arisen in Byzantium, respecting images 1 . But, in 
 process of time, this subject, as well as others of more 
 importance to the church, lost its interest ; and as the 
 images remained in the churches, and, as it was left to 
 the conscience of each individual to determine in what 
 light they were to be regarded, the worship of images, 
 which had been so strenuously resisted by Charlemagne 
 and his contemporaries, gradually insinuated itself into 
 the Catholic church. The elements were in existence ; 
 and it would have afforded cause, both for surprise and 
 regret, had they not developed themselves. In a state of 
 civilisation, such as that produced by the exertions of 
 
126 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 Charlemagne, a sensible object of adoration was requisite. 
 It is true, that relics afforded such an object ; and in that 
 point of view retained their importance: but, besides these 
 dark and gloomy objects, images presented themselves 
 in a brighter and more cheerful light, and maintained the 
 reputation which miracles had conferred upon them, by 
 miracles 1 . So long as the efforts of art are principally 
 exercised upon subjects possessing a religious interest, 
 we find, universally, rude and barbarous conceptions 
 corresponding with religious narrow-mindedness. An 
 interesting proof of this fact is furnished by the stiff and 
 uniform figures which constituted the first attempts of 
 the Greek art of sculpture, as well as by the spiritless 
 pictures of saints and gods, which were the humble be- 
 ginning of an art which has since been carried to such 
 perfection. Art was contented to be the hand-maid of 
 religion, until she acquired an independent position, and 
 laid claim to an intrinsic interest, besides that derived 
 from religious association. The sanctity and reputation 
 of miraculous power belonging to an ancient picture, 
 conferred on it an importance which would never have 
 been accorded to it as a work of art. But the Jupiter of 
 Phidias, or a Madonna of Raphael, instead of borrowing 
 splendour from, reflected a lustre upon, religion. In 
 proportion as art had freer scope, and increased in energy, 
 religious views were expanded ; and as religion, by al- 
 lowing the use of images, contributed to accelerate the 
 perfection of art, so she, in her turn, advanced the in- 
 terests of religion. But this beneficial result would not 
 have been attained, had the Frankfort council carried 
 their principle to the extreme ; and not only prohibited 
 
ALCUIN'S PERMANENT SETTLEMENT IN FRANCE. 127 
 
 the worship of images, but also excluded them from 
 sacred edifices. The plan pursued respecting images 
 does honour to the intelligence and sagacity of the men 
 who devised it. The animation of style, ingenuity of 
 argument, and extent of learning, displayed in the Carlo- 
 vingian Papers, render them a striking monument of the 
 high state of mental cultivation of that period, and of its 
 intellectual superiority to the succeeding centuries. It 
 is no slight praise to them that the Romish hierarchy 
 disputed their authenticity, and ascribed their origin to a 
 period eminent for intellectual energy, and which, by 
 emancipating the mind from many of the fetters of pre- 
 judice and superstition, facilitated the progress of religious 
 independence and enlightenment. 
 
 5. Alcuins Permanent Settlement in France, and his 
 Participation in the Complete Suppression of the Doc- 
 trine of the Adoption. 
 
 Two years elapsed between the period of the Frank- 
 fort council and Alcuin's permanent settlement in 
 France ; during which time, he appears to have re- 
 mained in his former relation to the King. At the 
 request of Charles, he delayed his return to England, 
 without altogether relinquishing the design, and with- 
 out suffering his attention to be withdrawn from his 
 native country, the state of which filled him with the 
 greatest anxiety. The Normans, those bold navigators, 
 were then beginning to extend their voyages, and to 
 make their unwelcome descent upon more distant 
 shores. The skilful measures taken by Charle- 
 magne, deterred them from repeating their fruitless 
 
128 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 attempt upon the coasts of his kingdom : but England, 
 divided among weak princes, was a tempting and easy 
 prey. In the year 793, they landed at Lindisfarne, 
 devastated the country with fire and sword, profaned 
 the sanctuary, murdered some of the monks belonging 
 to the monastery of that place, and dragged away others 
 into captivity. 1 Alcuin was on the continent when this 
 event took place. He regarded it with more anxiety, per- 
 haps, than others of his cotemporaries ; for, taught by 
 the experience of the past, he had a deeper insight into 
 the future. A comparison between the present state of 
 England, and the condition of Britain at the time of the 
 invasion of the Saxon pirates, forced itself upon him ; 
 and the similarity which he fancied he discovered, 
 afforded him little consolation. 2 Every letter, there- 
 fore, addressed by him to his friends in England at this 
 period, contains a warning of the threatening danger, 
 and an exhortation to maintain internal tranquillity, in 
 order to be able better to repel an external foe. " Our 
 ancestors, 5 ' he writes to the archbishop of York, 3 
 " although heathens, acquired possession, with God's 
 assistance, of this country. What a reproach would it 
 be to lose as Christians, what they gained as heathens ! 
 I allude to the scourge which has lately visited those 
 territories, which have been inhabited by our ancestors 
 for nearly 350 years. In the book of Gildas, the 
 wisest of the Britons, we read, that these very Britons 
 lost their country in consequence of the rapacity and 
 avarice of their princes, the corruption and injustice of 
 the judges, the carelessness and indolence of the bishops 
 in preaching, and the licentiousness and immorality 
 
ALCUIN'S DETERMINATION TO REMAIN IN FRANCE. 129 
 
 of the people. Let us take heed that these crimes pre- 
 vail not in our times, that the blessing of God may 
 preserve our country in that prosperity which his mercy 
 has condescended to bestow." He concludes his letter 
 with an exhortation to keep a vigilant eye upon the 
 morals of the people, that the mournful catastrophe 
 might be averted which he saw but too distinctly ap- 
 proaching, if the disturbances which had so often con- 
 vulsed the kingdom of Northumberland were not 
 speedily terminated. In order to contribute to the ex- 
 tent of his ability towards the maintenance of internal 
 tranquillity, he addressed a letter to king Ethelred, 
 and to the nobles and people of Northumberland, 1 
 wherein he adduces examples from the earlier history 
 of the country, to enforce his earnest exhortations ; and 
 endeavoured, by depicting hell in the most appalling 
 colours, to deter the king from injustice, the nobles 
 from sedition, and the people from disobedience. 2 At 
 the same time he resolved to return to York, that 
 his personal authority might add weight to his admo- 
 nitions. He had already obtained the consent of 
 Charlemagne to this journey, and received from him 
 presents for Offa, and other Anglo-Saxon princes, 
 when, in the year 796, Ethelred was murdered. Alcuin 
 saw, with equal indignation and sorrow, that his deluded 
 country was beyond the aid of exhortation or advice, 
 which he alone could offer; and therefore abandoned the 
 idea of returning home, and resolved to make France 
 his permanent abode. 3 This resolution remained un- 
 altered, when, a few months after Ethelred's murder, 
 the death of Eanbald I. archbishop of York, which 
 
130 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 took place on the 29th July, 796, opened to him 
 the most certain prospect of obtaining the vacant see. 
 There is not the slightest doubt that he would have 
 been elected, had he accepted thB invitation which he 
 received as a member of the church of York. As, how- 
 ever, he conjectured that he was invited not to assist 
 in the election of another, but to be raised himself to 
 the archiepiscopal throne, and as he had no desire to 
 purchase, at the expense of repose, high ecclesiastical 
 dignity, he excused himself on the plea of sickness and 
 King Charles' absence in Saxony; 1 and merely ad- 
 monished his spiritual friends in York to regard merit 
 and worth only, in their choice, and to beware of 
 simony, a crime which he compared to the treachery of 
 Judas : for whosoever betrays and sells the church, 
 betrays and sells the Lord Jesus Christ, with whom it 
 forms one body. Alcuin had the pleasure of seeing his 
 former pupil, Eanbald II. chosen. Had he him- 
 self been ambitious of church preferment, the highest 
 dignity in the kingdom of France would not have been 
 withheld from him ; but his wishes were confined to a 
 station which would afford the repose necessary to his 
 years and constitution, enfeebled by sickness, and enable 
 him to devote himself entirely to his favourite occupa- 
 tions. A residence at court was less adapted to this 
 purpose than the tranquillity of a cloister ; and he 
 therefore requested permission of Charlemagne to 
 retire to the monastery of St. Boniface at Fulda, and 
 to distribute its revenues, which had been assigned him, 
 amongst his pupils. 2 The king did not entirely accede 
 to this request, considering it unbecoming to suffer a 
 
ALCUIN ABBOT OF TOURS. 131 
 
 man like Alcuin to live as a simple monk, under the 
 control of an abbot. But I therms, late abbot of 
 the monastery of St. Martin, at Tours, dying at this 
 identical period, the king appointed Alcuin to his office ; 
 thereby providing for him the tranquillity he desired, 
 and affording him an opportunity of extending his 
 labours for improving the condition of the clergy and 
 the younger part of the population. The monks of 
 St. Martin lived in a manner which was anything but 
 becoming their profession ; ' and Charles knowing 
 Alcuin's vigour of mind and exemplary conduct, ex- 
 pected that when the community was placed under his 
 management, the abuses which prevailed there would 
 cease. 2 We shall hereafter see how far Alcuin justified 
 these expectations. This section will conclude with a 
 connected account of his participation in the complete 
 suppression of the doctrine of the Adoption. Although 
 he had retired from the world, he had involved himself 
 too deeply in the controversy, and considered resist- 
 ance to the new doctrines too meritorious a work to 
 desist from it. Besides, he had received a personal 
 affront from his adversaries. Felix had composed a 
 book in answer to the letter in which Alcuin had ex- 
 horted him to abandon his errors, and, having completed 
 it, sent it first to Elipandus and the other adherents of 
 his doctrine, and then, by their advice, not to Alcuin 
 himself, but to King Charles, from whom they hoped 
 to experience more equity and impartiality. Charles 
 transmitted it to Alcuin, against whom it was chiefly 
 directed, charging him at the same time to reply to it. 3 
 As Alcuin, however, saw, from the tone which the 
 
132 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 Adoptionists had assumed towards him, that his argu- 
 ments alone would make no impression upon them, he 
 entreated the king to transfer the commission to more 
 suitable persons, at the same time exhorting him 
 to take more vigorous steps, and use his temporal 
 power for the suppression of the heresy. " Arise'' 
 he thus concludes his letter, " arise, thou champion of 
 Christ, chosen by God himself, and defend the bride of 
 thy Lord ! Think how thy enemy would rejoice were 
 thy bride dishonoured ! Reflect that the wrong which 
 thou sufferest to fall upon thy son, will recoil upon thy- 
 self. How much more oughtest thou to avenge with all 
 thy might, the injury and reproach cast upon the Son 
 of God, thy redeemer, thy protector, the dispenser of 
 all thy blessings ! Come forth valiantly in the de- 
 fence of her whom God has entrusted to thy guidance 
 and protection, in order that temporal power may assist 
 thee in acquiring the treasures of spiritual gloiy." 1 
 This letter is evidently dictated by a spirit of anger, on 
 which, perhaps the wound inflicted on his vanity had 
 no little influence. Charles, however, did not comply 
 with Alcuin's wish of immediately interposing with 
 passion and violence, but had sufficient forbearance to 
 submit the matter to another examination. For this 
 purpose, he required Alcuin to nominate the persons 
 whom he desired to have as his coadjutors in the dis- 
 pute with Felix. It is interesting to discover on this 
 occasion, which, amongst Alcuin's learned friends in 
 France, enjoyed most of his esteem. He, of course, 
 first nominated the Pope as being the source of the true 
 faith ; then the Patriarch Paul, of Aquileia, Bishop 
 
SYNOD OF AIX-LA-CHAPELLE. 133 
 
 Richbod of Treves, and Bishop Theodulph of Orleans. 1 
 Charles selected from the names submitted to him, be- 
 sides the Pope, the Patriarch Paul. Pope Leo, suc- 
 cessor of Hadrian I., proclaimed his sentiments, not 
 by a written manifesto, but through the organ of a 
 synod of Italian clergy assembled at Rome. The 
 doctrine of the Adoption was, as might be anticipated, 
 again rejected, and Charles urgently required to execute 
 a sentence which had been pronounced for the third 
 time. In consequence of this, the king summoned in 
 May 799, a numerous meeting of the bishops and theo- 
 logians of his kingdom at Aix-la-Chapelle, and dis- 
 patched Archbishop Leidradus, of Lyons, to Urgel, to 
 bring Bishop Felix himself by force. It was insisted 
 upon, that he should here, in person, either prove the 
 truth of his opinions to the satisfaction of all, or 
 solemnly and penitentially abjure them. lAlcuin was 
 selected by the king to oppose Felix, and to dispute 
 with him publicly. 2 He had prepared and brought 
 with him his seven books against Felix, which he after- 
 wards published, and from which we may judge of the 
 manner in which he handled the subject in the disputa- 
 tion, which was held in the middle of May. The words 
 of Scripture, taken in their strictest sense, and the de- 
 crees of the fathers, were to him sufficient arguments to 
 refute the new doctrine. That the name Adoption, is 
 to be found neither in the Old nor the New Testament, 
 nor yet in the works of the Fathers, ought of itself to 
 have convinced Felix of his error. 3 " Could God," 
 asked Alcuin, " produce from the flesh of a virgin, a 
 real son or not ? If he could not, he is not omnipotent ; 
 
134 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 if he could and would not, then you must give a reason 
 why he has not chosen to do so. But, if you can tell 
 that, then the will of the Most High God is compre- 
 hensible by the human mind, and the Apostle's assertion, 
 that God is incomprehensible, is false." 1 In a similar 
 manner, he avails himself of the words of^ the Holy 
 Scriptures. When, for example, it is said, that at the 
 baptism of Christ by John, the voice of God proclaimed 
 " This is my beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased" 
 (Matt iii. 17), Alcuin asks to which person of Christ 
 does this refer ? If the voice refers to Christ as one 
 person, then this one person to whom the words were 
 addressed is altogether God's beloved Son, although of 
 two natures ; if it refers merely to the divine nature, 
 then this only was baptised and not the human nature, 
 for it was to that which had received baptism that the 
 voice was addressed. But it was not God, but the Man 
 in Christ that was baptised by John in Jordan ; it was 
 therefore the man in him that was called by God the 
 Father, the Son of God, t6 upon whom," (it is thus that 
 Alcuin proceeds) " the Holy Spirit also descended in 
 the form of a dove, to prove that he who was baptized, 
 even he was the Son of God. And on this point the 
 baptiser himself says : " And I saw and bare record that 
 this is the Son of God." 
 
 In a similar strain of argument, and with consum- 
 mate learning, Alcuin contended with his opponent at 
 the synod of Aix-la-Chapelle, in the presence of 
 Charlemagne, numerous prelates and learned men. It 
 is to be regretted that we are not in possession of the 
 arguments brought forward by the opposite party ; but 
 
FELIX ABJURES HIS ERRORS. 135 
 
 that they were weighty, and that Felix acquitted him- 
 self valliantly this time, may he inferred from the fact 
 that the disputation lasted nearly a week. He was, 
 however, ultimately compelled to recant his error a 
 second time, and abjure it with a solemn oath. 1 The 
 issue of a conflict in which he stood alone against 
 a host, the advocate of an opinion contrary to the au- 
 thority of the fathers, whom his adversary regarded 
 as the sole standard of truth, and by whom he would 
 have justified any innovation, could not be otherwise 
 than disastrous to Felix. But as there was reason to 
 doubt the sincerity of his recantation, and in order that 
 he might be punished for the obstinacy with which he 
 had defied the authority of the Pope and the council, he 
 was not permitted to return to his bishopric, but was 
 publicly deposed and consigned to the custody of the 
 Bishop of Lyons, who assigned him a monastery within 
 his diocese for his residence. Although Felix here 
 composed and published his confession of faith, he ap- 
 pears in his heart to have continued attached to his old 
 opinions until his death, which took place in the year 
 818. But after the disputation at Aix-la-Chapelle, he 
 sank into insignificance, and his doctrine was sup- 
 pressed in France. It seems, from Charles' conduct 
 towards the Adoptionists, that the principle of the 
 priests that all things are lawful against heretics, was 
 at that time unknown, or else that Charles was too 
 honourable to admit or practise it. It was not until 
 after he had allowed Bishop Felix a second time to 
 defend a doctrine which had once been condemned by 
 its author, and then rejected by a general council, that 
 
136 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 he punished him, and that not by the stake, but by 
 deposition and banishment to a monastery. 
 
 The orthodox party being now victorious, could em- 
 ploy the enormous power of the French monarch against 
 Felix and his adherents on the Spanish frontier, and 
 enforce their arguments by menaces and violence ; but 
 Elipandus cared little for the decrees of the French 
 clergy and councils against his favourite tenets. His 
 years, and the pertinacity with which old age adheres 
 to its opinions and prejudices, rendered Alcuin's at- 
 tempts to convert him ineffectual. He wrote to him 
 in the year 799, 1 and transmitted the letter by the 
 envoy whom the king had commissioned to bring Felix 
 from Spain. He addressed him in the most affectionate 
 terms, imputing the whole of the fault to Felix ; but 
 Elipandus was so satisfied of the truth of his opinions 
 and the error of his opponents, that he wrote a bitter 
 reply, the offensive vehemence of which appeared even 
 in the style of the address. In this he calls him a new 
 Arius, an opponent of the holy Fathers, and hopes if he 
 should be converted, that he may have everlasting 
 salvation, but if not, eternal damnation. 2 The tone of 
 this epistle convinced Alcuin that all his efforts to per- 
 suade the old man would be unavailing, but he thought 
 it due to his injured honour and the well-being of the 
 church, to answer it, " in order," as he says, 3 " that the 
 minds of any may not be led astray by the perusal of 
 that letter ; for we have heard that it has fallen into 
 the hands of others before it reached us to whom it was 
 addressed." This was the origin of the four books 
 against Elipandus, in which Alcuin again refuted the 
 
TRANQUILLITY OF THE CHURCH RESTORED. 137 
 
 assertions of the Adoptionists, by citing passages from 
 Scripture and the works of the Fathers. 1 That they 
 effected the conversion of the archbishop of Toledo, is 
 not probable ; but he was silenced : and the tempest 
 which had threatened the unity of the Western church 
 passed away, without injury to the constitution of the 
 church or state. We must not, however, on that ac- 
 count, be restrained from considering the contest in all 
 its political importance, and from ascribing to Alcuin, 
 as the principal and successful opponent of the new 
 sect, a large measure of the applause due to the pre- 
 server of the tranquillity of the west of Europe. 
 
 SECTION IV. 
 
 ALCUIN AS ABBOT OF TOURS, UNTIL HIS DEATH, 
 A.D. 796804. 
 
 ALCUIN'S determination to renounce his native country 
 now cost him a less painful struggle, as in consequence 
 of the change which had been effected by his co-opera- 
 tion, he found himself placed in entirely different cir- 
 cumstances from those which attended him on his first 
 arrival in France, when he came for the purpose of 
 striving, in conjunction with a few others, against the 
 ignorance and barbarism of the French clergy. He 
 could at present obtain in France, his adopted country, 
 a double measure of that which had rendered a re- 
 sidence in England agreeable to him ; quiet, to pursue 
 his literary occupations, and a circle of learned and in- 
 
138 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 telligent men, who either reckoned themselves among 
 his friends or his numerous pupils. His correspondence 
 shows him to have maintained a friendly intercourse 
 with nearly all the eminent men inhabiting the ex- 
 tensive territories of the French kingdom. As the 
 greater part of them were indebted to him for the first 
 impulse given to their intellectual powers, and as he 
 exercised considerable influence over the minds of the 
 others, a brief account of them and their labours may 
 here find an appropriate place, and the rather, as 
 the biography of Alcuin is merely a frame in which 
 to exhibit the picture of the Jiterary efforts of that 
 period. We have already sufficiently adverted to the 
 encouragement which they received from Charlemagne ; 
 not only did his commands operate upon the ecclesias- 
 tical order, but his example affected no less powerfully 
 the laity who surrounded him. In addition to his 
 favourite science, Astronomy, he pursued, from motives 
 of piety, the study of Theology, which, even in the 
 latter years of his life, occupied so much of his atten- 
 tion that he undertook to correct the Latin Gospels, by 
 comparing them with the Greek original and a Syriac 
 translation. 1 He was both a competent judge of the 
 literary qualifications of the clergy, and capable of 
 superintending the means employed to produce a re- 
 formation in that body. 
 
 I. Reformation of the Ecclesiastical Order. 
 
 On Charles' accession to the throne, he found bar- 
 barians, hunters, soldiers, and drunkards, placed at the 
 
ECCLESIASTICAL DISCIPLINE. 139 
 
 head of the church he bequeathed to his successor an 
 intelligent and influential clergy. This vast change was 
 the effect of the persevering efforts which he made from 
 the first year of his reign to wrest temporal weapons from 
 the hands of the ministers of the church, to induce them 
 to quit the camp and the chase for their own peculiar 
 province, and to confine them to a sphere of action in 
 which they might render themselves of more importance 
 than if they stood exactly on a level with the feudal 
 nobility. tThe military service imposed by Charles 
 Martel on the clergy, had been followed by the debase- 
 ment of the morals and destruction of discipline of the 
 ecclesiastical body. The first step, therefore, taken by 
 Charlemagne, was to issue a proclamation prohibiting 
 the ministers of the church from bearing arms, or 
 appearing in the camp, with the exception of a few who 
 were required to perform divine service and carry the 
 relics of saints. But though the warlike bishops might 
 grant that it was unlawful to shed Christian blood, they 
 held it quite consistent with their vocation and dignity to 
 draw the sword against heathens. Charles, however, 
 forbad their taking any part in the war against the Pagan 
 Saxons and Sclavonians, requiring of them no other 
 assistance but their prayers for the success of his arms. 
 To this prohibition was annexed another, forbidding the 
 clergy to hunt or to range the forests with dogs and 
 hawks'. That this edict was ineffectual, appears from 
 its republication the following year, 789, in a more severe 
 form 2 . Hunting was a national amusement, of which a 
 free man would not easily suffer himself to be deprived, 
 and therefore, to save appearances at least, Charles was 
 
140 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 obliged to connect the permission to hunt, expressly 
 granted to some monasteries, with objects which might be 
 regarded as consistent with the clerical profession. The 
 clergy were permitted to kill the hart and the roe, but 
 only so many of them as were necessary to procure leather 
 for the binding of books. 1 This was also an indirect 
 method of promoting the increase and circulation of 
 books, as the love of sport among the clergy might be 
 gratified in proportion to the extent of their library. 
 
 The love of spectacles, and the pleasure which the 
 ecclesiastics derived from the jests of buffoons, and 
 dramatic representations was, to Alcuin especially, as re- 
 pulsive as their passion for the chase. We are ignorant, 
 indeed, of the nature of the theatrical and mimic perform- 
 ances which were then practised ; but they must have 
 been, on the one hand, sufficiently interesting to captivate 
 and rivet the attention of men of letters ; and, on the 
 other, must have contained something which induced 
 Alcuin to believe that an indulgence in them was perilous 
 to the soul ; although it is very possible that he went too 
 far, and, like many sanctimonious persons of our own day, 
 condemned, with unreasonable and ridiculous zeal, the 
 theatre, a thing in itself innocent. His friend and pupil 
 Angilbert, who appears, in the publications of those times, 
 under the name of Homerus, a man whom Charles 
 honoured with his confidence, and frequently employed 
 in important embassies, drew upon himself the censure of 
 Alcuin on account of his love of shows. A letter ad- 
 dressed to another of his pupils, Adelhard, who lived 
 with Angilbert, proves to us his anxiety for the salvation 
 of the soul of his friend, his efforts to wean him from that 
 
ALCUIN'S AVERSION TO THEATRES. 141 
 
 which he regarded as injurious, and his joy at having suc- 
 ceeded. " That which thou hast written to me," he says, 
 in the letter to Adelhard, " concerning the amendment of 
 my Homerus, is a delight to my eyes. Although he 
 has ever pursued an upright course, still there is no one 
 in this world who ought not to forget the things which 
 are behind, and press forward until he has obtained the 
 crown of perfection. The only thing in him which grieved 
 me, was his passion for theatrical representations, which 
 vain shows placed his soul in no small jeopardy. I have 
 therefore written to him on the subject, to prove to him 
 that my affection is always on the watch. Indeed, it 
 appears to me inexplicable, that a man so wise in other 
 respects, should not perceive that he is acting in a manner 
 unworthy his dignity, and in no way commendable 1 ." It 
 is probable, that it was at the instigation of Alcuin, that 
 the king, in the decree against hunting, published in the 
 year 789, also interdicted theatrical amusements to the 
 clergy under pain of deprivation. But mere edicts and 
 prohibitions would have failed to eradicate a deeply rooted 
 custom founded upon prejudice and habit, if the king had 
 not, in the manner already described, provided for the 
 education of competent men, and conferred appointments 
 upon them, and, by the respect with which he treated, 
 and the influence which he allowed them, given others 
 an example to stimulate their imitation, and spur their 
 ambition. I He frequently required the bishops, and 
 superior clfergy throughout his realm, to preach upon a 
 subject selected by himself, which sermons were reported 
 to him by his emissaries 2 . He also, by the advice of 
 Alcuin, who maintained, not without reason, that much 
 
142 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 instruction was to be gained by philosophical queries 3 , 
 often proposed various questions to the clergy, to which 
 they were obliged to give a written reply. The queries 
 proposed, had generally a reference to literature, or af- 
 forded an opportunity of embarrassing by irony, those 
 who were acting in a manner unbecoming their profession, 
 and of forcing from them the confession, that their actual 
 condition was irreconcileable with their true calling. For 
 instance, we meet with the following passage. " We 
 wish that they would tell us truly what they understand 
 by the declaration that they have renounced the world, 
 and how those who have renounced it are to be distin- 
 guished from those who still cleave to it ? Does the dis- 
 tinction merely consist in being unarmed and unmarried ?"' 
 In this way, a spirit of inquiry was constantly kept alive 
 among the clergy ; and no man ventured to aspire to any 
 ecclesiastical office, who was conscious of not possessing 
 the requisite qualifications. We may, therefore, conclude 
 hat by the year 796, when Alcuin resolved to settle 
 in France, the reformation of the ecclesiastical order 
 was completely effected, and that only here and there a 
 priest was to be found who belonged to the old system. 
 Charles was now enabled practically to evince the respect 
 which he entertained for the clergy, and to yield to them 
 that influence which was due to their profession and ex- 
 ternal power, and which they merited by their intelli- 
 gence and talents. They held henceforth the rank as- 
 signed to them by the Carlovingian constitution the first 
 in the state. The Carlovingian dynasty established their 
 throne on Christian principles, or at least on those 
 borrowed from the sacred writings of Christianity, and 
 
CARLOVINGIAN DYNASTY. 143 
 
 transformed the French into a Christian government. It 
 is true, that the Merovingians had embraced the Chris- 
 tian religion, and caused themselves and their court to be 
 baptised ; but they changed nothing beyond the outward 
 form, and that with the same indifference, as, under other 
 circumstances, they would have adopted a new uniform. 
 The Merovingian king retained the same relation to the 
 French as he had previously held ; the Carlovingians, 
 on the contrary, presented to the Germans an entirely 
 different aspect of regal power. From the Bible, they 
 became acquainted with kings, who, elected by the nation 
 and consecrated and crowned by the Almighty, derived 
 their authority from God. ' Consecration by the priest 
 placed the Carlovingian kings in this position. They 
 subscribed themselves " by the grace of God," and were 
 accustomed to regard their authority as derived imme- 
 diately from God, and to consider every other power in 
 the state as proceeding from, and subordinate to them. 
 Whilst, therefore, the Merovingian sovereign was satis- 
 fied at his inauguration to be borne aloft on a shield, 
 before the eyes of the people, amidst the acclamations of 
 the by-standers, the Carlovingian system rendered conse- 
 cration by a priest an essential and important ceremony. 
 The Christian doctrine of the sacredness of the marriage 
 contract formed also one of the fundamental laws regard- 
 ing the succession. Under the Merovingian dynasty, 
 the son of a concubine was as eligible to succeed to the 
 throne, as the son of a lawful wife ; and it would even 
 appear that some of that house practised polygamy. 
 Under the Carlovingian race, all illegitimate descendants 
 were excluded from the succession ; and examples of a 
 
144 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 departure from this rule occur only in times of confusion 
 and distress, and were the consequence of revolutionary 
 and illegal commotions. The same principle from which 
 this and similar proceedings arose, induced the Carlovin- 
 gians to exterminate every vestige of paganism from among 
 the Germans ; and to enact strict laws for the solemn 
 observance of Sunday, and fasts ; as maybe found among 
 the ordinances concerning the discipline of the church. 
 A reformation of the clergy was, therefore, necessary in 
 a political point of view. They were the principal sup- 
 port of the throne, and therefore held the second rank 
 in the state, but it never entered into the contemplation 
 of Charlemagne, to regard the ecclesiastical power in any 
 other light, than as subordinate to the regal authority. 
 The king preferred employing the bishops and abbots in 
 political transactions, because he expected more from 
 their superior intelligence, than from men engaged in 
 military pursuits, and was the more willing to entrust them 
 with an extensive jurisdiction, as he felt convinced that a 
 faithful minister of religion would be the most impartial 
 administrator of law and justice. Charles had adopted 
 measures for the administration and superintendence of 
 his extensive dominions, as wise as the limited means he 
 then possessed would admit of ; but if the most perfect 
 constitution still leaves scope to wicked men to commit 
 injustice ; this must doubly be expected from a kingdom 
 such as France was at that time, notwithstanding the 
 most upright intentions and utmost precautions of the sove- 
 reign. " I have no doubt of the good intentions of our 
 lord the king," writes Alcuin to his intimate friend, Arno, 
 " and am convinced that he desires to order all things by 
 
THE CLERGY EXEMPTED FROiM MILITARY SERVICE. 145 
 
 the measure of justice ; but amongst his ministers there 
 are fewer who uphold than subvert justice, fewer who 
 promote than impede it, because there are more persons 
 who seek their own advantage than the glory of God." 1 
 Arno proposed to Alcuin that he should advise the king 
 to empower deputies to administer justice in the pro- 
 vinces, and to appoint such only as were above the sus- 
 picion of accepting a bribe. These commissioners could 
 be selected only from among the clergy, or the highest 
 ranks of the laity ; and we find, that, influenced by Al- 
 cuin's counsel, the king nominated certain deputies in the 
 year 801, selecting especially such men as were possessed 
 of sufficient wealth to despise the despicable gains ob- 
 tained by bribery and corruption, and who were not defi- 
 cient in acuteness and information to investigate the most 
 complicated affairs. 2 It might naturally be inferred, even 
 if it were not expressly mentioned, that they consisted 
 chiefly of archbishops, bishops, and abbots. Possessing 
 now an influence so great, it was easy for the clergy to 
 resign the honour of military service ; and they therefore, 
 in conjunction with the whole nation, presented a petition 
 in the year 803 to Charlemagne at the diet at Worms, 
 begging him to release them from the duty of feudal 
 service. In the contract which secured to the bishops 
 immunity for their church lands, it is expressly enacted, 
 that for the future, only so many ecclesiastics should 
 accompany the army as were requisite for the perform- 
 ance of divine service, the administration of the sacra- 
 ments and preaching. At the same time, the assurance 
 was added, that their honour was in no wise injured by 
 this arrangement ; but rather would be augmented in 
 
146 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 proportion as they fulfilled their duty towards God and 
 the holy church. 1 Though much may be said against 
 the position which was assigned to the clergy by Charle- 
 magne, and though it cannot be denied that they were 
 thereby placed in circumstances inconsistent with their 
 peculiar vocation, still the exertions of the king to 
 elevate the church which had been suffered to fall into 
 contempt, to encircle so venerable and important an insti- 
 tution with external splendour, and to encourage a spirit 
 of holiness within it, entitle him to the applause which 
 subsequent times have bestowed upon him 2 . Frederick 
 the Great, the admirer and imitator of Charlemagne, 
 caused him to be canonised ; and surely his genuine 
 piety, his endeavours to promote discipline in the church, 
 to maintain the true faith, and to reform the ecclesiastical 
 order, render him more worthy of a place in the calendar 
 of saints, than many others who owed this distinction to 
 superstition and party spirit. 
 
 2. Concerning Charles' Endeavours to improve the 
 National Language, and the Academy he is said to 
 have founded. 
 
 As the clergy were the chief instruments in the 
 restoration of literature and science, and as it was for 
 them that learning was principally intended, it followed, 
 as a necessary consequence, that all education partook of a 
 theological character, and that Latin was more cultivated 
 than the national language. The clergy, whose taste 
 had been refined by the cultivation of classical learning, 
 on the one hand, despised their native language as a bar- 
 
IMPROVEMENT OF THE NATIONAL LANGUAGE. 147 
 
 barous dialect, whilst, on the other, their Christian zeal 
 led them to shrink from it as dangerous, from its asso- 
 ciation with paganism. The peculiar bent of Alcuin's 
 mind rendered him particularly desirous, not only that 
 the language should be neglected, but that every trace of 
 the heathen condition of the country should be obliterated ; 
 in which opinion, all who had been educated in his school, 
 as well as those prelates whose views were similarly 
 directed, concurred. Jerusalem and Rome possessed 
 more interest in their eyes than the forests of their an- 
 cestors; and they sought to withdraw attention from them, 
 and fix it on those cities glittering in the splendour of 
 religion and philosophy. Hence, we find, in the writings 
 of that period, that whenever a reference is made to 
 history, the examples are taken from Judea, Rome, or 
 Greece, and rarely from the records of national history, 
 which even in those early times was strangely disguised, 
 and associated most oddly with the deified heroes of an- 
 tiquity, with the Trojan warriors and Alexander the 
 Great. f/But notwithstanding the education of Charles 
 had given his mind also a bias in that direction, and that 
 he was compelled by the Carlovingian constitution to 
 eradicate all the remains of paganism from among the 
 people, still his penetrating genius, unshackled by the 
 trammels of religious zeal, saw the importance of culti- 
 vating a national literature, and the necessity of improv- 
 ing the national language. As Alfred the Great en- 
 deavoured to substitute Latin for German among the 
 Anglo-Saxons, and as he, in order to inspire the laity, in 
 particular, with a taste for the sciences, himself translated 
 some interesting works from Latin into German ; so 
 
148 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 Charlemagne perceived, that to advance the national 
 civilisation, it would be necessary to introduce a foreign 
 education, like as a hushandman grafts into his trees a 
 branch from a superior stock to improve their quality and 
 increase their produce. The only man in his immediate 
 circle, who was competent tor such an undertaking, was 
 Deacon Paul of Lombardy, son of Warnefried. His 
 history of the Lombards proves that he was well ac- 
 quainted with the songs and traditions of his country, 
 since it is in part composed of them in the same way as 
 the historical work of Jornandes is compiled from the 
 Gothic poems and legends. But, after a short residence 
 with Charlemagne, Paul, probably dissatisfied with the 
 relation in which he stood to the monarch who had anni- 
 hilated the independence of his native land and over- 
 whelmed with ruin his benefactor King Desiderius, had 
 withdrawn from court and retired to the monastery of 
 Monte Casino, where he lived until the year 799. 
 Charles appears to have met with little support from 
 Alcuin in his schemes for the promotion of the national 
 literature, as is evident from the fact, that amongst the 
 numerous letters written on scientific subjects, this matter 
 is not once touched upon. But he was not thereby 
 deterred from putting his own hand to the work. His 
 biographer relates, that the king caused to be written 
 down, and learnt by heart, some old German, or, as they 
 are called in elegant Latin, barbarous songs, which cele- 
 brated the deeds and wars of former kings. 1 It is well 
 known, that the Germans, like other nations, who were 
 ignorant of the art of writing, or amongst whom it is not 
 in general use, perpetuated the memory of their heroes? 
 
CHARLEMAGNE'S GRAMMAR. 149 
 
 both from a sense of gratitude and to kindle emulation, by 
 songs which were communicated orally from one to 
 another. The songs, however, collected by Charlemagne, 
 seem not to have extended into the remote history, or to 
 have comprehended many tribes of the German nation, 
 if, indeed, we may speak of the Germans in those times as 
 one nation. They were probably limited to the race of 
 the Franks, and to the deeds and praises of the Merovin- 
 gian kings. By this collection, the king hoped to form a 
 basis, on which to construct a grammar of the German 
 language. He, himself, commenced the task, but did 
 not complete it 1 ; and nothing remains of this work of the 
 great monarch, but the German names which he bestowed 
 on the winds and months. The extinction of this species 
 of literature was the work of the ecclesiastics. Heathen 
 songs were to them an abomination, and the mind of 
 Louis was too feeble to shake off the thraldom of the 
 priests ; and, like his father, entertain, on this subject, 
 opinions unswayed by them. Bishop Theganus boasts 
 of Louis, that, in his later years, he would not listen to 
 the heathenish songs which he had learned in his 
 youth, and even forbade their being taught. 2 It was 
 thus, that, in subsequent times, the classical studies of the 
 clergy became distinct from the ordinary education of 
 the people ; and if any effort were made to associate the 
 German language with Christianity, as was attempted by 
 Ottfried's German paraphrase of the Gospels, it proved 
 ineffectual, from want of support from the superior clergy. 
 Learning again retreated to the monasteries and clerical 
 institutions, and the people sank into profound ignorance. 
 Charlemagne's design of introducing universal civilisa- 
 
150 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 tion failed, less because he had entered upon a wrong 
 course, than because the more educated portion of the 
 community chose to adopt a path which separated them 
 from those who were yet uneducated. One consequence 
 of this was, that the clergy, from their political position, 
 were subsequently involved in temporal pursuits, and, in- 
 stead of disseminating learning amongst the people, in- 
 troduced ignorance into the church. Although, from 
 these unfavourable circumstances, the glorious attempt 
 of Charlemagne failed to attain its object, still its singu- 
 larity places it in a light the more conspicuous, and it 
 merits, perhaps, as great, if not greater admiration, than 
 the valour by which he conquered, and the wisdom with 
 which he governed, such a vast extent of territory. 
 
 This detail shows, that, in his anxiety for the improve- 
 ment of the German language and literature, Charle- 
 magne stood almost alone, and that there is no founda- 
 tion for the assertion which has been made, that one of 
 the academies founded by Alcuin at the court of France, 
 was established expressly for the study and advancement 
 of the German language. Opinions and statements are 
 to be met with in history, which have been originally 
 introduced from a certain external probability, and which, 
 raving once succeeded in obtaining admission, claim a 
 prescriptive right to the place they have usurped, although 
 owing it solely to misconception. To this class, belongs 
 Charlemagne's academy. Charles, as well as his learned 
 friends, are mentioned in the writings of that period under 
 assumed names, from which it has been inferred, that 
 some literary society or academy existed at the French 
 court, in which, as in modern times, the members adopted 
 
ASSUMED NAMES. 151 
 
 some name according to their fancy or their partiality for 
 this or that author. Fixed rules, and a distinct object, to 
 attain which all the members labour in common, are ne- 
 cessary to constitute an academy ; but no allusion is made 
 to a society of that description, either in cotemporary 
 works, or the letters of Alcuin, who had ample opportunity 
 of mentioning the fact, and was, of all men, least likely 
 to omit doing so. The assumed names in no way refer to 
 a literary society, unless a meaning be assigned to them 
 belonging to the habits of a later period, rather than to 
 what was customary and possible in the days of Charle- 
 magne. It is, however, only necessary to have read 
 Alcuin's works with attention, to discover, that, from his 
 predilection for allegory, he often bestowed names on his 
 friends in jest, which, from their appropriateness remained 
 attached to them in earnest, and became affixed to their 
 real names as surnames, as, for example, Rabanus Maurus. 
 The signification which has been attributed to them, is 
 proved to be erroneous by the circumstance, that not only 
 one surname was given them, but two, and even three, 
 which varied with the circumstances to which they re- 
 ferred. So King Charles is usually called David, but 
 many times, also, Solomon. As, in those days, historical 
 references were chiefly derived from the Old Testament, 
 so, on the one hand, nothing could be more flattering than 
 a comparison with him who was peculiarly the founder of 
 the Jewish kingdom, the brave, the single-minded, devout 
 son of Jesse ; and, on the other, with his successor, famed 
 alike for his magnificence and his intelligence, and who, 
 in the middle ages, was honoured as the type of spiritual 
 wisdom. Alcuin himself was called Flaccus and Albinus; 
 
152 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 the former, probably for the same reason as procured the 
 name to the Latin poet, or because he was particularly 
 partial to Horace, whose lyric verse he imitated in the 
 judgment of his cotemporaries, not without success ; the 
 latter appellation is manifestly a mere accommodation of 
 his Anglo-Saxon name to the euphony of the Latin 
 tongue. Amongst others, the two brothers, Adelhard 
 and Wala, had double surnames ; the former was called 
 Antoninus and Augustinus, the latter Arsenius and Jere- 
 miah. Einhard, the private secretary and biographer of 
 Charlemagne, is a striking instance of the reason why, 
 and the way in which, these names were given. He was 
 a mathematician, and skilled in architecture, for which 
 reason, Alcuin calls him, after the Jewish architect, of 
 whom mention is made in the books of Moses, Bezaleel 1 . 
 We may, therefore, venture to affirm that this pretended 
 academy is a mere fiction, without in any way detracting 
 from the renown of Charles, whose zeal in the cause of 
 literature is proved by too many splendid examples to 
 need the aid of such suspicious evidence. 
 
 3. The Friends and Pupils of Alcuin. 
 
 Although there existed among the clergy and learned 
 men of France, no society regulated by formal and fixed 
 rules, and united for the purpose of effecting some specific 
 purpose, still, a similarity of sentiments and education led 
 them in one and the same direction, and gave to their 
 efforts a character of uniformity, especially as Alcuin 
 was their common centre. His influence is every where 
 perceptible ; throughout the whole of that period the 
 
ST. PAULINUS. 153 
 
 predominating system was that introduced by him, and 
 favoured by the principles of the Carlo vingian constitu- 
 tion ; namely, that of identifying all learning with the- 
 ology, and particularly of transforming philosophy into a 
 science of Christianity. Science, like the government, 
 was Christianised, if the purpose to which it was applied? 
 that of establishing and defending the dogmas of the 
 church, and protesting against every thing that savoured 
 of heathenism and heresy, entitled it to that distinction. 
 As Alcuin advanced in years, his feelings on this sub- 
 ject became more acute, and at length led him so far 
 astray, that he forbade his disciples to read those philoso- 
 phical and poetical compositions of antiquity, the perusal 
 of which had cultivated and fascinated his own youthful 
 mind. 1 We, therefore, feel the less surprised, on finding 
 that he took no part in the plans of Charles for the 
 improvement of the German language and literature, 
 and that, from his great influence, his example had a 
 powerful effect on others. The greater part of the dis- 
 tinguished ecclesiastics in France were his pupils, and 
 the few who were not among that number, were too 
 feeble to resist the general current, even had they 
 adopted contrary opinions. But this was not the case, 
 as his friends, whose education had been entirely inde- 
 pendent of him, entertained similar views. Amongst 
 them was St. Paulinus. He was a native of that part of 
 the French kingdom known by the name of Austrasia, 
 but had been brought up and educated in Italy, where he 
 was still residing, when Charles, for the first time, crossed 
 the Alps. He does not appear at that time to have at- 
 tracted the attention of the king ; but when the treason- 
 
154 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN, 
 
 able confederacy entered into by several of the dukes of 
 Lombardy, with Duke Rotgaud of Friuli, at their head, 
 compelled Charles to march a second time into Italy, in 
 the year 776, Paulinus was amongst those on whom 
 the king bestowed the confiscated estates, after he had 
 forcibly suppresed the rebellion. It was, of course, the 
 interest of the French monarch to place a portion of the 
 lands of Lombardy and the highest ecclesiastical dig- 
 nities in the hands of Franks ; and it was to this cir- 
 cumstance, and the confidence which he had inspired, 
 that Paulinus was indebted for his installation at that 
 time, or soon after, as patriarch of Aquileia, whose re- 
 sidence was in Friuli. 1 Alcuin valued him highly. 
 " Since I have become acquainted with thee, dearest 
 friend," he writes to him, " I have ever loved thee, and 
 my heart has formed a bond of friendship with thy 
 heart." 2 He gave a proof of the estimation in which he 
 held him, by proposing him as his coadjutor in the con- 
 troversy with the Adoptionists. Paulinus engaged in the 
 contest with so much ardour, that almost all his writings 
 are upon the doctrine of the Trinity. 3 He died shortly 
 before Alcuin, who had, therefore, an opportunity of 
 honouring him by an epitaph. 
 
 Theodulph, likewise, was at the court of France when 
 Alcuin arrived, or, at all events, entered it at the same 
 time with him. He appears to have been the teacher of 
 the court school, until he obtained the abbacy of Fleury 
 and the bishopric of Orleans. We have already noticed 
 how zealously he here endeavoured to execute the com- 
 mands and wishes of the king, and by that means, natu- 
 rally acquired the confidence and esteem of Charles, as 
 
THEODULPH. 155 
 
 well as the friendship of Alcuin. Alcuin mentioned him, 
 as well as Paulinus, amongst the most learned men of 
 the kingdom, whose support he desired in his contention 
 with the heretics. The good understanding which sub- 
 sisted between them, was so much interrupted by an 
 event which will be noticed hereafter, that it was not re- 
 stored at the time of Alcuin's death, which occurred not 
 long after, and was possibly accelerated by the grief 
 which it occasioned him. Theodulph survived not only 
 Alcuin, but Charles also. At the commencement of his 
 reign, Louis the Pious evinced towards him the same 
 respect as his predecessor had done ; but Louis, as is 
 well known, by degrees neglected the experienced, and 
 tried counsellors of his father, and thereby excited the 
 indignation of the wisest and most distinguished persons, 
 which could not be otherwise than dangerous to him. 
 Theodulph was amongst the number of the discontented, 
 and fell a victim to the court intrigues, which must in- 
 evitably exist under so weak a prince as Louis. He was 
 impeached on the charge of having participated in the 
 rebellion of King Bernhard of Italy, and deprived of his 
 dignities and benefices ; notwithstanding that he protested 
 against these proceedings, and maintained that he could 
 be judged and condemned by the Pope alone, from whose 
 hands he had received the pall. 1 After an imprisonment 
 of four years in a monastery at Angers, he was liberated 
 and reinstated in his dignity. But the anguish of a long 
 and unmerited captivity, seems to have impaired his 
 strength to such a degree, that he was unable to reach 
 Orleans, but expired on his way to that city, on the 18th 
 September, 821. Theodulph was particularly eminent as 
 
156 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 a poet, and, compared with his cotemporaries, whose 
 poetical compositions were nothing more than prose 
 thoughts and expressions forced into elegiac rhyme, 
 teeming with errors in prosody, he deserved the proud 
 appellation of Pindar. His poems are on moral and 
 theological subjects, and some of them have the honour 
 of retaining their place in the psalmody of the church, 
 even to our own times. 1 
 
 St. Benedict of Anian, was one of Alcuin's most inti- 
 mate and devoted friends. His noble birth opened to 
 him a splendid secular career, which he pursued with 
 some success and distinction in the early part of his life, 
 under Pepin and Charlemagne. He, however, speedily 
 became so much disgusted with the life of a courtier and 
 the tumult of business, that he retired, in the year 774, 
 to the monastery of St. Seine. When a man like Bene- 
 dict, weary of the world, has sought refuge from its cares 
 and anxieties in the tranquillity of a cloister, he must be 
 greatly mortified at discovering that the same jarring 
 interests which had distracted him without, prevail within 
 the sacred walls ; arid the desire would naturally suggest 
 itself, of reforming the monastic life, which he found so 
 little in accordance with his feelings. The failure of his 
 attempts to produce an amendment in the community of 
 which he had become a member, determined him to 
 withdraw from it, and embrace the life of a hermit. He 
 constructed a cell on the banks of the river Anian ; but 
 was not allowed to remain long in this solitude, for the 
 fame of his sanctity, speedily collected around him so 
 great a number of people who sought his instructions 
 and shared his principles, that he was compelled to con- 
 
ST. BENEDICT AND LEIDRAD. 157 
 
 vert his hermitage into a monastery, over which he pre- 
 sided as abbot, and whence the improved Benedictine 
 rules soon extended to many other communities. Bene- 
 dict, therefore, contributed not a little towards the 
 reformation of the clergy, and was, on that account, 
 highly esteemed both by Charlemagne and Louis the 
 Pious. He lived in the most friendly intercourse with 
 Alcuin, whom, as we are informed by Alcuin's anony- 
 mous biographer, he frequently visited, to ask his counsel 
 for the salvation both of himself and his community. 1 
 As the place of his abode was in the immediate 
 vicinity of the source of the heretical doctrine of the 
 Adoption, and consequently exposed his flock more than 
 any other to its influence, he also laboured diligently to 
 oppose it, in which, as has been already related, he had 
 the benefit of Alcuin's assistance. Auricular confession 
 having fallen almost into disuse amongst the laity of 
 Septimania, Alcuin, probably at the request of Benedict, 
 addressed an epistle to the monks and priests of that 
 province, in which he proved the necessity of auricular 
 confession, both by texts from the Bible and from the 
 nature of the thing itself. 2 The editor of Alcuin's works 
 considers these arguments sufficiently solid and convincing, 
 to reclaim the Protestants of the present day from their 
 heretical opinions respecting confession. How much less 
 likely were they to fail in their effect, at the period when 
 they were propounded ! 
 
 Leidrad, who still remains to be mentioned in the 
 number of Alcuin's friends, exchanged, like Benedict, a 
 secular for a monastic life. Charles employed him 
 upon embassies to various provinces, in all of which he 
 
158 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 acquitted himself with such success, that when the arch- 
 bishopric of Lyons became vacant, the king considered 
 him the person best qualified to restore order in the 
 diocese, which, from bad management, had fallen into 
 great confusion ; and also to organise it entirely accord- 
 ing to the new system. Leidrad justified the expectations 
 of the king ; he caused the decayed churches and monas- 
 teries to be rebuilt, re-established divine worship in a 
 manner both splendid and imposing, and provided for 
 the education of ecclesiastics of ability 1 by founding 
 schools and libraries. His multifarious occupations (for, 
 in addition to his duties as a prelate, he was actively en- 
 gaged in politics) left him too little leisure to admit of 
 his bequeathing to posterity many written evidences of 
 his sentiments ; but they may be ascertained with 
 tolerable accuracy from the opinions of his pupil and 
 favourite Agobard, who, in the subsequent reign, was 
 eminent for his enlightened understanding and political 
 talents. Agobard speaks in terms of the highest com- 
 mendation of the theological learning and orthodoxy of 
 his masters After the death of Charlemagne, Leidrad 
 resigned the archiepiscopal throne to Agobard, and retired 
 to the monastery of St. Medardus at Soissons, where he 
 resided until his death, the date of which is unknown. 
 
 If these men, whose education had been entirely hide" 
 pendent of Alcuin, as well as many others whose names 
 and merits are less familiar to us, adopted the same views 
 as himself respecting those subjects which chiefly engaged 
 his attention, such was much more likely to be the case 
 with those whose minds had been formed under his im- 
 mediate influence. Amongst his pupils who accompanied 
 
FREDEGIS. 159 
 
 him from England, and settled with him in France, 
 Wizo, Fredegis, and Sigulf were the most eminent. Wizo, 
 who was surnamed Candidas, has not, indeed, rendered 
 himself remarkable, either by his writings, or by occupy- 
 ing an exalted station in the church ; but he was, therefore, 
 the more active in disseminating instruction, and aug- 
 menting the number of books in France. On Alcuin's 
 retirement from court, he was succeeded by Wizo, who, 
 it appears, in the year 796, undertook, at the head of a 
 deputation formed of Alcuin's pupils, a journey to Eng- 
 land for the purpose of supplying France with some books 
 in which she was still deficient, by transcribing works in 
 the library at York. Alcuin's letters testify the confi- 
 dence reposed in him by his master, and the estimation 
 in which he was held by Charlemagne 1 . 
 
 Fredegis, who is designated in the writings of Alcuin 
 by the name of Nathanael, was for a while the associate 
 of his fellow-pupil Wizo. They entered the court of 
 Charlemagne together, on which occasion, as we have 
 already noticed, Alcuin dedicated to them his commen- 
 tary on the book of Ecclesiastes, hoping, by a lively 
 picture of the vanity and transitory nature of all human 
 affairs, to fortify their minds, when placed in a situation 
 where they might be easily tempted to forget his precepts*. 
 Fredegis appears, on many occasions, to have formed 
 part of the king's retinue, and was, in all probability, 
 frequently employed in a diplomatic capacity. Alcuin, 
 therefore, committed a great error when he recommended 
 him as his successor in the abbey of St. Martin; for 
 Fredegis, who more frequently resided at court than in 
 his monastery, arid who was invested with the dignity of 
 
160 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 Chancellor by Louis the Pious, suffered the discipline, 
 which Alcuin had established at the cost of so much 
 labour, to fall into utter decay. His mode of handling 
 philosophy and theology is quite in the style of Alcuin. 
 In his treatise upon Nothing and Darkness 1 , he endea- 
 vours to prove that they are not negative properties, but 
 material substances. The Bible is the source from which 
 he draws his arguments. He affirms that Nothing must 
 be something material, because out of it, according to the 
 testimony of the Holy Scriptures, God created the world ; 
 and that, although the truth of this proposition may not 
 be evident, it is to him not less certain than many other 
 declarations which appear incomprehensible, without 
 being so in reality. In the same way, he will rather in- 
 sist upon Darkness being a substance, than interpret the 
 texts of Scripture in any but a literal sense. It will be 
 found almost universally that men, whose minds are of 
 too contracted a nature to embrace any peculiar and in- 
 dividual opinions, adhere with remarkable pertinacity 
 to the system of their masters, and will urge it to extremes, 
 and even to absurdity, rather than surrender it, though 
 they have only outwardly adopted it without having made 
 it internally their own. Fredegis affords an evidence of 
 this obstinate attachment to ideas once imbibed. Having 
 taken offence at a treatise written by the enlightened and 
 unprejudiced Agobard, he entered the lists of controversy 
 with him, and displayed, in the contest, that his theological 
 views perfectly coincided with his philosophical notions. 
 But a veteran combatant, like Agobard, speedily vanquished 
 an adversary, unskilful and awkward in the use of 
 weapons to which he was unaccustomed. Fredegis, 
 
SIGULF. 161 
 
 affirmed, in opposition to him, that the commentators on 
 the Scriptures were no more guilty of grammatical errors 
 than their authors ; that the Holy Spirit inspired not only 
 the sense and substance of what the prophets and apostles 
 wrote, but the very words and expressions which they were 
 to adopt ; they therefore stood in the same relation to the 
 Holy Spirit, as Balaam's ass did to the angel, who spoke 
 by the animal. He made other similar assertions with 
 which we are acquainted only through Agobard's refuta- 
 tion, in which he demonstrates, not merely their actual 
 absurdity, but the still more absurd consequences to 
 which they led 1 . 
 
 Sigulf, surnamed Vetulus, was Alcuin's most faithful 
 ally in the court-school, and also in that which he subse- 
 quently established in the monastery of St. Martin. When 
 Alcuin resigned his benefices, he, with the consent of the 
 king, bestowed the abbey of Ferriere on Sigulf, who 
 superintended it with dignity, encouraging and promoting 
 learning. The conscientious discharge of his duties left 
 him no opportunity of distinguishing himself, either by a 
 participation in affairs of state, or by literary compositions. 
 We are indebted to him only for an account of Alcuin's 
 life and labours, which a monk of the monastery of Fer- 
 riere, with whose name we are unacquainted, committed 
 to writing from Sigulf s narration. 
 
 The sphere of influence widens around an instructor, 
 in proportion to the length of time in which he labours in 
 his vocation. Immediately on Alcuin's arrival in France, 
 a host of young men resorted to him, the most dis- 
 tinguished of whom continued to enjoy his esteem and 
 affection, and are therefore entitled to some mention in the 
 
 M 
 
162 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 present work. To none of those who had been his pupils 
 at the court-school was Alcuin so firmly attached, and in 
 none did he repose such unlimited confidence as in Arno, 
 whose surname, Aquila, denoted the qualities which Alcuin 
 esteemed, and value'd in him, namely, the sublimity of 
 his genius, which bore him as on eagle's wings above the 
 common interests of life.V He says of him in a letter, 
 " there was no prelate in France in whom he reposed 
 more confidence, whose eternal salvation he more ear- 
 nestly desired, or the consolation of whose discourse 
 he more longed to enjoy, both by conversation and epis- 
 tolary correspondence 1 ." So sincere an attachment pre- 
 supposes a correspondent degree of merit in the object, 
 and we may, therefore, conclude, without knowing the 
 particulars, that Arno, as archbishop of Salzburg, pro- 
 moted the objects of Charlemagne to the utmost of his 
 power, and that he acted in entire conformity with Alcuin's 
 views. He founded a library at Salzburg in which he 
 placed a careful and accurate copy of the works of his 
 master, Alcuin 2 . 
 
 v ' Angilbert, called also Homerus, was likewise indebted 
 to Alcuin for his education; and although he, in the early 
 part of his life, pursued a secular career, and that with 
 considerable success, still he constantly maintained an in- 
 tercourse with his former master, and devoted liimself to 
 those studies which endeared his memory to him. Char- 
 lemagne, on sending his son, Prince Pepin, to take pos- 
 session of the kingdom of Italy, which had been assigned 
 him, committed him to the care of Angilbert, who, for 
 some time, conducted, as prime minister, the affairs of the 
 state. At the expiration, however, of a few years, he 
 
ANGILBERT, ADELHARD, BERNARIUS, WALA. 163 
 
 returned to France, in order to undertake the office of 
 private secretary or chaplain to Charlemagne himself. 
 During his residence at court, he gained the affections of 
 Charles' daughter, Bertha, to whom he appears to have 
 been privately married. At all events, they had two 
 sons, the historian Nithard and Harnid, who succeeded 
 their father in his possessions, and attained to consider- 
 able eminence in the subsequent reign 1 . It was, probably, 
 in consequence of the discovery of this union, that An- 
 gilbert was induced to embrace the monastic life. In the 
 year 790, he resigned his temporal dignities, and retired 
 to the monastery of St. Richarius at Centula, over which 
 he presided as abbot, until the year 814, when he died. 
 None of his writings have reached us with the exception 
 of a few poems 2 . 
 
 Adelhard, with his two brothers, Bernarius and Wala, 
 were also among the number of those who had been 
 brought up at the court-school under Alcuin's super- 
 intendence ; and their sisters, Theodrada and Gundrada, 
 were likewise his pupils. They were connected with the 
 reigning family, being the children of Bernhard, brother 
 of Pepin 3 . ^ The highest dignities in the church were 
 open to them ; in fact, as collateral branches of the royal 
 house, nothing remained to 'Jiem but to seek protection 
 in the church from the suspicious jealousy of the reigning 
 monarch. In this respect, the French court at that 
 period, resembled pretty much those of Turkey and 
 Persia, only with this difference, that in France the 
 younger branches of the royal family were buried in the 
 obscurity of a cloister, whilst in Turkey they are murdered, 
 and in Persia, deprived of sight. The natural inclination 
 
164 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 of Adelhard, tfre eldest of the brothers, had already 
 induced him to select the church as his profession ; and 
 in order to qualify himself by study for his spiritual 
 calling, he had spent his early youth in Italy, particularly 
 at Monte Casino, then the most renowned seat of learn- 
 ing in that kingdom. On his return to France, he be- 
 came acquainted with Alcuin, under whose instructions 
 he completed his education. V^Adelhard was installed 
 abbot of Corbie, in which capacity he had ample oppor- 
 tunity of co-operating in the reformation of the clergy, 
 and of contributing his part to the dissemination of 
 learning. That he was diligent in the performance of 
 these duties, may be inferred from the confidence reposed 
 in him by Charlemagne, who entrusted to his manage- 
 ment, state affairs of considerable importance. In the 
 year 796, he became prime minister to King Pepin in 
 Italy, in the room of Angilbert $ and to use the expression 
 of Hincmar, frequently appeared at the court of Charle- 
 magne, the chief amongst the principal councillors of the 
 king. The generous confidence which Charles reposed 
 in his relatives was withdrawn by his pusillanimous suc- 
 cessor, whose timid jealousy prompted him to treat them 
 with injustice. Without any reason assigned by cotem- 
 porary writers, and probably merely in consequence of 
 calumnious reports, Adelhard was banished to the island 
 of Hero or Hermoutier. A monastery in the island of 
 Lerin was appointed for the residence of Bernarius ; and 
 Wala, who had not yet taken holy orders, was compelled 
 to become a monk. Even their sisters were detained for 
 sometime in captivity. In the year 821, Adelhard re- 
 gained his liberty, and was re-instated in his dignity. 
 
RICULF, ARCHBISHOP OF MENTZ. 165 
 
 He was of too gentle a nature to avenge the wrongs he 
 had sustained, otherwise than by exerting himself zealously 
 in the general assemblies' of the state to promote the wel- 
 fare of the church and state, which the emperor neglected, 
 less from evil design than from weakness of understand- 
 ing, and partiality to his favourites. Adelhard died in the 
 year 826, previously to the breaking out of the civil war 
 in France 1 . He was succeeded by Wala, who, unlike 
 his meek-spirited 'brother, rendered himself conspicuous, 
 as one of the most violent opponents of the emperor, and 
 avenged himself on the cruel tyrant who had driven him 
 from the world, by hurling against his enemy the spiritual 
 weapons with which he had armed him. Little remains 
 to us of the writings of Adelhard. Of his most consider- 
 able work, " On the Order and Management of the Royal 
 Household, and the whole French Monarchy, under Pepin 
 and Charlemagne, we have merely an abstract made by 
 Archbishop Hincmar of Rheims, for the benefit of King 
 Carloman 2 . This abstract has superseded the original 
 work ; for, at a time when books were all in manuacript, 
 brevity was a great recommendation. 
 
 Riculf, archbishop of Mentz, designated in Alcuin's 
 works by the name of Flavius Damotas, still remains to 
 be mentioned amongst his pupils 3 . Of him but little is 
 known ; he presided at a council held at Mentz in the 
 year 813, rendered remarkable by the wisdom of their 
 deliberations, and the prudence of their determinations. 
 Amongst other topics, the continual extension of educa- 
 tion was particularly urged ; and it was declared to be 
 incumbent on the clergy, not merely to afford parents an 
 opportunity of procuring instruction for their children, 
 
166 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 but also to see that they availed themselves of the oppor- 
 tunity 1 . Riculf's name is likewise associated with the 
 false Decretals ascribed to Archbishop Isidorus ; for 
 Hincmar of Rheims accuses the archbishop of Mentz of 
 being the first who conveyed this unlucky production 
 across the Pyrenees, and circulated it in his diocese. In 
 consequence of this accusation, Riculf has been suspected 
 of being himself the author of the Decretals of Isidorus. 
 But it is impossible to believe, that a prelate educated in 
 Alcuin's school, and elevated by Charlemagne to the 
 primacy of Germany, would, had he wished to impose 
 upon the world, have fabricated so clumsy a deception as 
 to be instantly detected ; nor is it conceivable, that so 
 accomplished a scholar, as there is every reason to sup- 
 pose Riculf to have been, would have put into the mouth 
 of a Roman bishop of the first and second centuries, 
 which may be considered as belonging to the most 
 flourishing period of Roman literature, when Seneca, 
 Tacitus, and Pliny wrote, words and phrases which owed 
 their origin to the barbarism of the French. Neither 
 can any plausible reason be assigned, which could have 
 induced Riculf to represent the archiepiscopal dignity, 
 as so dependent upon the See of Rome, as it is pronounced 
 to be in the Decretals of Isidorus. This collection is 
 manifestly the production of one not very well acquainted 
 with the classical language of antiquity ; it is equally 
 evident that it was written by an inferior member of the 
 church, who, in order to avenge himself upon one arch- 
 bishop, sought to mortify all. Suspicion rests with the 
 greatest probability upon Benedict, an ecclesiastic of 
 Mentz, the individual who collected the capitulars of the 
 
RICHBOD, ARCHBISHOP OF TREVES. 167 
 
 French kings, and published them, in the order in which 
 they now stand. This imposition, however, would pro- 
 bably not have been attended by any important conse- 
 quences, had not, on the one hand, the elements of which 
 it was constituted practically existed, so as to render it 
 easy to transfer them to an earlier period ; and, on the 
 other, had not the bishops, and the rest of the clergy, 
 found it to their advantage to make themselves inde- 
 pendent of the archbishops "and laity, by submitting to an 
 authority so remote as that of the Holy Father at 
 Rome. 
 
 Richbod, archbishop of Treves, surnamed Macarius, 
 also deserves a place in this brief sketch of the most dis- 
 tinguished men who enjoyed the advantage of Alcuin's 
 instruction. Alcuin's selection of him, in preference to 
 all his other pupils, to aid him, in conjunction with the 
 men already mentioned, in the controversy with the 
 Adoptionists, affords a flattering testimony of his learning 
 and talents. The treatise which Richbod wrote against 
 Felix, at the request of Alcuin, no longer exists ; but his 
 master speaks of it in terms of approbation, both with 
 regard to the style and the matter, and considers it as 
 alone sufficient to confute the heretics. 1 There is no 
 doubt that the industry with which he promoted the de- 
 signs of Charlemagne, acquired the confidence and com- 
 mendation of Alcuin. 
 
 JVe omit the mention of other eminent men, as Einhard, 
 Agobard, and others, whose minds were formed during 
 this period, but whose energies were not displayed till 
 some years subsequently ; because, although they were 
 indebted for their intellectual cultivation to the institu- 
 
168 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 tions founded by the exertions of Charlemagne, and con- 
 ducted by Alcuin, still they were not personally instructed 
 by him. It is evident that Einhard became a pupil at 
 the court-school, .subsequently to Alcuin's resignation of 
 the directorship ; and although he never ceased to interest 
 himself in the institution 1 , and although young Einhard's 
 proficiency in mathematics may have excited his atten- 
 tion and applause 2 , as it is plain it did ; still, his connec- 
 tion with him was too remote to require a particular de- 
 scription. We, therefore, immediately proceed to the 
 consideration of the school established by Alcuin, in the 
 monastery at Tours, and the men who there received their 
 education. 
 
 4. Alcuin as Director of the Monastic School at Tours. 
 
 The first object which engaged Alcuin's attention after 
 he had undertaken the superintendence of the abbey at 
 Tours, was the establishment of a school. To one who, 
 like Alcuin, has spent his whole life in imparting instruc- 
 tion, and in whose very letters the tone of the pedagogue 
 is perceptible, teaching becomes a necessary mental exer- 
 cise. The school was the element which he sought, as 
 eagerly as the fish pants for the water in which alone it 
 moves with alacrity and pleasure, j It is probable that he 
 had at first many difficulties to encounter, from the rude 
 and unpolished habits of his community, who had hitherto 
 been more occupied in tilling the ground, than in culti- 
 vating their minds. Useful as the monastic orders had 
 been in the early stages of society, especially in Germany, 
 in clearing the forests, planting the plains with corn, and 
 the hills with vines ; yet now, something more, parti- 
 
ALCUIN'S EXERTIONS IN THE SCHOOL AT TOURS. 169 
 
 cularly in France, was required of a spiritual fraternity. 
 It must have cost Alcuin no little trouble to wrest the 
 implements of agriculture from the hands of the monks, 
 in order to substitute the pen, and to make them compre- 
 hend, that transcribing books was more profitable than 
 dressing vines, inasmuch as the former occupation was 
 more ennobling to the mind than the latter 1 . | He suc- 
 ceeded, however, in overcoming every obstacle ; and as 
 the monastery soon became one of the most celebrated 
 for its internal arrangement, so Alcuin's personal qualifi- 
 cations speedily obtained such extensive reputation for the 
 school which he had established there, that numbers re- 
 sorted thither for instruction, f Next to the court-school, 
 it was the first in the kingdom, and would not have been 
 surpassed by that, had Alcuin been able to overcome the 
 irritability of old age ; and had he not been so pedantic as 
 to exclude from his system of education the heathen 
 poets and philosophers. We have already laid before the 
 reader, part of the letter in which Alcuin describes to 
 Charlemagne his exertions in the school ; 2 to which he 
 adds, that he did not possess the books necessary for the 
 attainment of his object, and that nothing excited in his 
 mind such a longing after his native country as this defi" 
 ciency in books. He therefore subjoins to this com- 
 plaint, a request that he may be allowed to send by royal 
 authority some of his pupils to England, in order, as he 
 expresses it, that these invaluable fruits of wisdom may 
 be transplanted into France, and flourish in the garden 
 of Tours as luxuriantly as at York. " It is not unknown 
 to your wisdom," he proceeds, " that in every page of 
 the sacred Scriptures we are admonished to learn wisdom, 
 
170 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 for there is nothing which tends more to the attainment 
 of a happy life, nothing more delightful in practice? 
 nothing more efficacious in resisting vice, nothing more 
 commendable in an exalted station, and, according to the 
 declarations of philosophy, nothing more requisite in 
 governing a people, than the ornament of wisdom, the 
 praise of learning, and the influence of education. Hence, 
 the wise Solomon exclaims, ( Wisdom is better than 
 rubies ; and all things that may be desired, are not to be 
 compared to it. She it is who exalteth the humble and 
 abaseth the proud. By her kings reign. Blessed are 
 they who keep her ways and watch daily at her gates.' 
 (Prov. viii. 11, 15, 32, 34). Exhort then, my lord 
 king, the youth in the palace of your highness, to learn 
 with all diligence and to strive daily to acquire wisdom, 
 that they may make such progress in the bloom of their 
 youth as will bring honour upon their old age, and finally, 
 by wisdom, obtain eternal blessedness. I also, according 
 to the measure of my poor ability, will not cease to scatter 
 in this soil the seed of wisdom amongst your servants, 
 remembering the exhortation ; " In the morning sow thy 
 seed, and in the evening withhold not thy hand, for thou 
 knowest not whether this or that shall prosper, or whether 
 they both shall prosper, which were still better." (Eccles. 
 ii. 6). 
 
 It would naturally be concluded that Charlemagne 
 granted this request, even did Alcuin's letters not in- 
 form us, that Wizo undertook a journey to York about 
 this time, at the head of a commission, in consequence, 
 we may reasonably suppose, of the desire expressed by 
 Alcuin. The copies which were made at York by the 
 
WIZO's JOURNEY TO YORK. 171 
 
 commissioners, were multiplied at Tours, and dispersed 
 among the principal libraries in the kingdom. Libraries 
 had increased in number since they had become in 
 France, as in England, the chief ornaments of a monas- 
 tery, and an introduction to the favour of Charlemagne. 
 It has been already mentioned how earnestly Alcuin re- 
 commended accuracy and care in transcribing, and how 
 successfully we may judge from the manuscripts of that 
 period, which are remarkable for neatness and elegance 
 of execution. 1 The smaller Roman letters began how to 
 be adopted instead of the pointed Merovingian characters ; 
 the large letters, also, again came into use, for besides 
 the monogram and coins of Charlemagne, whole manu- 
 scripts are to be found written in this character. 2 From 
 the scarcity and costliness of writing materials, rich mo- 
 nasteries only were able to furnish extensive libraries ; 
 for since the conquest of Egypt by the Arabs, and the 
 interruption of the commercial intercourse with that 
 country, paper, which had formerly been one of the 
 articles of import, ceased to be used, and parchment 
 became its only substitute. It is, doubtless, to this cir- 
 cumstance, that the loss of many valuable works is to 
 be ascribed. In an old parchment volume, how often 
 may the writing have been effaced, in order to afford 
 space for the insertion of a subject possessing greater 
 novelty and interest, although, perhaps, it was only a 
 miserable legend, that usurped the place of a master- 
 work of antiquity ? Under such circumstances, it was 
 to be expected that the royal library, or that connected 
 with the court-school, having more resources at command 
 than any other, should be the richest, and less frequently 
 
172 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 under the necessity of destroying an ancient work, in 
 order to insert in its place a modern composition. 1 At 
 all events, the efforts of this period to collect good copies 
 of the best works, are so much more commendable, as, in 
 the following century, the general interest in this subject 
 ceased, and only a few persevered in augmenting the 
 rare treasure. Louis the Pious received, amongst other 
 presents from Michael the Stammerer, emperor of By- 
 zantium, a work of Dionysius the Areopagite, which, at 
 the command of Charles the Bald, was translated into 
 Latin by John Erigena, and became the source of many 
 of the enthusiastic and mystical ideas of the middle 
 ages. The Abbot Lupus, of Ferriere, who in his letters 
 cannot sufficiently express his admiration and envy of 
 the splendid efforts which had formerly been made for 
 the advancement of learning, informs us that he him- 
 self sent for the works of Sallust, Cicero's treatise 
 upon Oratory, and the Institutes of Quintilian, from 
 Italy, because throughout the kingdom of France, he 
 could find only detached portions, and no perfect copy of 
 these books 2 . 
 
 Whilst Alcuin was actively engaged in augmenting 
 the number of books and increasing their circulation, he 
 was at the same time diligent in cultivating the minds of 
 men, so as to enable them to value and profit by reading. 
 Some of the most eminent scholars of the succeeding 
 century, were educated in the school of St. Martin, 
 amongst which number may be reckoned Rabanus, sur- 
 named Maurus. A letter of Alcuin's is still extant, 
 addressed to him, as it would appear, after his return to 
 Fulda, in which he desires that he would keep his pro- 
 
RABANUS MAURUS. 173 
 
 mise, and write a book in praise of the Holy Cross (De 
 Laudibus S. Crucis). 1 Rabanus became first Abbot of 
 Fulda ; and when Alcuin's school at Tours lost both its 
 reputation and usefulness, under the careless manage- 
 ment of the Abbot Fredegis, that at Fulda rose, through 
 the ability of Rabanus, to so high a degree of celebrity, 
 as to be regarded as one of the first in the kingdom. 
 He rigorously pursued Alcuin's method of instruction, 
 in obedience, at once, to the commands of his sovereign 
 and the conviction of his own understanding. 2 His 
 talents were speedily acknowledged, and magnificently 
 rewarded, being raised by Louis, the German, in the 
 year 847, to the archbishopric of Mentz. The strictness 
 with which he endeavoured to enforce Alcuin's principles, 
 in this more extensive sphere of action, is evident from 
 the circumstance, that before he had enjoyed his new 
 dignity a year, he was called upon to suppress and 
 chastise a mutiny among his own people. The severity 
 with which he attempted to restore the discipline of the 
 church, which had fallen into decay under the ad- 
 ministration of his predecessor Otgar, was, in all proba- 
 bility, the cause of this rebellion, since no other is 
 assigned. His participation in the learned controversies 
 of those times, and his writings, do not belong to our 
 present subject. 
 
 When Rabanus was summoned from the abbey of 
 Fulda, to assume the archiepiscopal see of Mentz, he 
 transferred the direction of the monastery, and the 
 management of the school, to Hatto, who had formerly 
 been his fellow-pupil at Tours, and subsequently his 
 assistant at Fulda. As a disciple of Alcuin, Hatto, 
 
174 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 therefore, continued the same system. Another dis- 
 tinguished scholar of this period, Samuel, who first be- 
 came a teacher at Fulda, afterwards abbot of the monas- 
 tery of Lorsch, and finally, in the year 838, was elevated 
 to the bishopric of Worms, is likewise to be noticed 
 amongst Alcuin's pupils at Tours. 1 Haimon, also, who 
 in the year 840, was appointed bishop of Halberstadt, 
 which dignity he retained until 853, received his educa- 
 tion in the monastery of St. Martin. 
 
 Adelbert, who, under the name of Magus, is mentioned 
 with much commendation by Alcuin in his letters, 2 and 
 Aldrich, were likewise brought up at Tours. Adelbert 
 distinguished himself while abbot of Ferriere, by conduct- 
 ing, on Alcuin's system, the school which had been 
 founded by his predecessor Sigulf, and by maintaining 
 the discipline which he had introduced. Upon his early 
 death, which took place in 822, his fellow-pupil, Aldrich, 
 occupied his place. Aldrich had rendered himself ac- 
 ceptable at the court of Louis the Pious, by his orthodoxy 
 and learning, and was, therefore, not permitted to re- 
 main long in a subordinate station, but was elevated by 
 Louis, in the year 828, to the vacant archiepis copal see 
 of Sens. He remained, from a sense of gratitude, firmly 
 attached to the imperial party, during those years of con- 
 fusion and distress, when Louis was exposed both to the 
 hostile attempts of his sons, and the treachery of his friends 
 and relatives. He was one of those who laboured most 
 zealously to abolish the measures adopted by the rebels, 
 and to effect the complete restoration of Louis. Ama. 
 larius still remains to be noticed amongst Alcuin's pupils 
 at Tours. Two cotemporary scholars and ecclesiastics 
 
ARCHBISHOP AMALARIUS. 175 
 
 bore this name, both of whom rendered it illustrious ; 
 the one by the high dignity to which he attained, as 
 archbishop of Treves, and the performance of the duties 
 annexed to his station ; the other, by his writings. They 
 were, probably, both pupils of Alcuin, and, therefore, of 
 both, brief mention may be made. Archbishop Amalarius, 
 surnamed by some, Fortunatus, possessed in a high degree 
 the confidence of Charlemagne, who entrusted to him, in 
 the year 811, the important charge of regulating the 
 churches in Transalbingia, that part of Saxony which 
 had striven the longest against the dominion of the 
 Franks, and the introduction of Christianity. On this 
 occasion, Amalarius consecrated the church in Hamburg, 
 and executed the whole of his commission with so much 
 success, that the emperor, a few years afterwards, em- 
 ployed him on a no less important mission. In the year 
 813, he was sent as ambassador to Constantinople, in 
 order to arrange the treaty of peace, which had been 
 concluded with the Emperor Michael I., who had at last, 
 consented to recognise the imperial title of Charles, and 
 also to settle some differences respecting the boundaries 
 of their dominions. These occupations left him but 
 little time for literary composition; and there is no doubt 
 that the works published under his name, and which 
 have been ascribed to him, are the productions of another 
 cotemporary, Amalarius, surnamed Symphosius, who 
 enjoyed considerable reputation in the theological world, 
 and became involved in several literary disputes. His 
 writings refer, principally, to the liturgy and discipline 
 of the church. At the command of Louis the Pious, 
 and by the aid of the imperial library, he compiled 
 
176 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 " Rules for Canons," which were as universally adopted 
 in France as St. Benedict's " Rules for Monks." 1 His 
 works on the liturgy are no less important, their object 
 being to render divine service uniform throughout Western 
 Christendom, to bring it into accordance with the Roman 
 church, as the most perfect model, and thereby complete 
 the work which Charlemagne had commenced. 2 As his 
 system was directed against the mode of worship which 
 had been introduced into many churches, he could not 
 fail to meet with opposition. But, notwithstanding the 
 resistance of a man like Agobard, and an ecclesiastic of 
 great renown in Lyons, the deacon Florus, the Roman 
 form of worship eventually prevailed, and thereby ex- 
 tended and confirmed still farther, the authority of the 
 Pope* The manner in which Amalarius interprets the 
 Bible, and attributes to the festivals and rites of the 
 church, a mystical signification, betrays him to have been 
 a disciple of Alcuin. 
 
 5. Alcuin s Philosophical and Historical Works. 
 
 There were many claims on Alcuin's diligence, in ad- 
 dition to his superintendence of the monastery and 
 direction of the school. His extensive correspondence, 
 of which we possess but a small portion, embraced, in its 
 wide range, the whole kingdom of France, and every 
 topic of interest belonging to that period. At one time 
 he was called upon to reply to the scientific and political 
 enquiries of King Charles, at another, to maintain an 
 intercourse with his friends and pupils, animating their 
 zeal by the fervour of his style, and guiding their judg- 
 
TREATISE ON THE VIRTUES AND VICES. 177 
 
 ment by the wisdom of his remarks. In this way he 
 continued, even at Tours, to be the instructor and coun- 
 sellor of all the educated portion of society throughout 
 France. We have already had occasion to adduce an 
 instance of the ardour with which many of the lay 
 nobility pursued the course which Charles had adopted. 
 The example of a sovereign must necessarily exert an 
 influence on all around him ; in truth, the tone which 
 prevails at court, is that by which the majority of those 
 who frequent it regulate their course of action and mode 
 of thinking. We find, therefore, persons holding the 
 highest offices of the state in the Carlovingian empire, 
 manifesting for the sciences a regard previously un- 
 known. Amongst this number was Wido, who was for 
 some time margrave of Brittany. 1 The town of Tours 
 was situated within this district, and frequent intercourse 
 with Alcuin inspired Wido with so much reverence for 
 his opinion, that he requested him to write a book by 
 which he might judge of his actions and regulate his 
 conduct. Alcuin composed for this purpose, his treatise 
 on the Virtues and Vices, 2 that it might, as he says, 
 serve the margrave as a mirror wherein he could discover 
 at a glance, what he ought to do and what to leave 
 undone. A subject so entirely practical could not be 
 treated according to the strict rules of philosophy. The 
 author commences with Wisdom, and the three chief 
 Christian virtues, Faith, Hope and Charity, and then 
 proceeds to enumerate, without any precise order, the 
 different virtues and vices. He characterises each, and 
 endeavours by a striking description of the individual pe- 
 culiarities of each virtue and vice, and by interspersing 
 
178 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 texts from the Bible, to allure the mind to the former, 
 and render the latter odious. Each description forms 
 the subject of a separate section, and is, as it were, a 
 short sermon. The chapter upon Humility may serve 
 as a specimen of the mode in which the author treats of 
 the virtues. 1 
 
 " We may learn how great a virtue is humility, from 
 the words of the Lord, who, in order to reprove the pride 
 of the Pharisees, said, ' Whosoever exalteth himself shall 
 be abased, and whosoever humbleth himself shall be 
 exalted.' The path of humility conducts to heaven, for 
 the high and lofty One is to be approached, not with 
 pride, but with humility. This we learn from the words , 
 4 God resisteth the proud, but giveth grace unto the 
 humble.' (James, iv. 6). It is also said in the 
 Psalms, ' The Lord is high and regardeth the lowly, 
 but knoweth the proud afar off.' (Ps. cxxxviii. 6). 
 He regardeth the lowly in order to exalt them, and 
 knoweth the proud in order to humble them. Let us 
 learn humility, by which we may draw nigh unto God ; 
 he himself says in his Gospel, * Take my yoke upon 
 you, and learn of me, for I am meek and lowly in heart, 
 and ye shall find rest unto your souls.' (Matt. xi. 
 29). Through pride, the angels, that wondrous crea- 
 tion, fell from heaven ; through humility, frail human 
 nature is raised to heaven. A humble deportment is 
 honourable among men ; for Solomon says, ' Where 
 pride is, there is also shame ; but wisdom is with the 
 lowly.' (Prov. xi. 2). Even so saith the Lord, 
 by the prophet, ' But I look to him that is poor and of 
 a contrite spirit, and who trembleth at my word.' (Isa. 
 
EXHORTATION TO HUMILITY. 179 
 
 Ixvi. 2). Whosoever is not humble and gentle, in him 
 the grace of the Holy Spirit cannot dwell. Even God 
 humbled himself for our salvation, that all men might 
 be ashamed of pride. The lower the heart is sunk in 
 humility, the higher is its reward above ; for whoso- 
 ever is lowly here, shall be raised with power and glory 
 there. The first step in humility, is to listen with 
 patience to the word of God, to keep it in faithful re- 
 membrance, and obey it with cheerfulness ; for truth 
 departs from those minds which are devoid of humility. 
 The more humbly a man thinks of himself, the greater 
 does he become in the sight of God ; and, on the other 
 hand, the more dazzling the proud man is to his fellow 
 beings, the more abominable he is in the eyes of the 
 Lord. To perform good works without humility, is to 
 carry dust in the wind. How can a man of dust and 
 ashes be proud, when all that he appears to have heaped 
 up by fasting and alms-giving, is scattered abroad by the 
 blast of pride ? Cease then, Oh man ! to glory in thy 
 virtues, since in this matter thou wilt be judged not by 
 thyself, but by another, before whom thou must humble 
 thy heart, if thou wouldst be exalted by him in the day of 
 retribution. Descend from thy high estate that thou 
 mayest reach one much higher ; humble thyself that thou 
 mayest attain greater glory, and not be deprived of that 
 whereof thou boastest. Whosoever is little in his own 
 eyes is great before God ; and whosoever abhors him- 
 self, is well pleasing unto the Lord. Be therefore little 
 in thine own sight, that thou mayest be great in the eyes 
 of God. Thy worth will be the more esteemed by God, 
 the less it has been esteemed by thee. When in the 
 
180 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 enjoyment of the highest honours, maintain the greatest 
 humility. The brightest gem in the crown of honour, 
 is humility." 
 
 In a similar manner, the author treats of individual 
 vices. As a specimen, we will select his dissertation upon 
 anger ;* not because it is the most beautiful, but because 
 it is the shortest. " Anger is one of the eight principal 
 vices. When no longer under the control of reason, it 
 is converted into fury ; in which case, a man is no longer 
 master of himself, but is hurried into the commission of 
 actions the most unbecoming. When this passion has 
 once taken possession of the heart, prudence is banished, 
 and the mind becomes incapable of judging impartially, of 
 reflecting wisely, or of deliberating maturely ; but 
 executes every thing rashly. Anger is the root whence 
 spring tumults, quarrels, and contentions, clamours, dis- 
 content, arrogance, calumnies, blood-shedding, murder, 
 revenge and implacability. It is to be overcome by 
 patience and forbearance, and by the exercise of the 
 reason which God has implanted in man ; also, by re- 
 membering, what injustice and sufferings Christ endured 
 for us, and calling to mind the Lord's prayer, wherein it 
 is said, " Forgive us our debts as we forgive our 
 debtors." 
 
 This treatise, which, from the nature of its contents, 
 deserves to be denominated moral, rather than philoso- 
 phical, continued to be held in high estimation in the 
 following century, and single chapters of it formed the 
 material of elaborate sermons 2 . It would, probably, 
 have assumed a different form, had the author not pur- 
 posely adapted it to the object for which it was designed, 
 
UPON THE NATURE OF THE SOUL. 181 
 
 and the character and education of the man to whom 
 it was to serve as a manual. In fact, we find that his 
 work " Upon the Nature of the Soul 1 ," is of a totally 
 different character. And although it is dedicated to a 
 woman, Adelhard's sister, Gundrada, or, as she is other- 
 wise called, Eulalia, still she was accustomed to Alcuin's 
 theological speculations, and was as eager in the pursuit 
 of knowledge, and as capable of comprehending abstruse 
 doctrines, as Gisla and Richtrude. An acquaintance with 
 the then prevailing opinions respecting the science 
 of psychology is so important, and so interesting, that we 
 the more willingly present the render with the substance 
 and general tenor of this elegantly written treatise. Ac- 
 cording to Alcuin, the soul is of a threefold nature, con- 
 sisting of Desire, Passion, and Reason. Desire and 
 Passion are properties possessed by man in common with 
 the brutes ; but Reason is peculiar to him, and is that 
 which elevates him above other animals. The virtues 
 belonging to Reason, are the four cardinal virtues ; which, 
 in this treatise, as well as at the conclusion of that upon 
 Rhetoric, are made to harmonise with the doctrines of 
 Christianity''. These virtues are to control Desire and 
 Passion. In order to distinguish between the good and 
 the bad, we must ascertain whether Desire is so entirely 
 under the dominion and guidance of Reason, that it seeks 
 those things only which are profitable and reasonable; and 
 Passion or Anger is excited by, and exercised only against 
 that which is evil ; or whether Reason is too feeble to re- 
 strain these two propensities. The Soul is an image of 
 God, and remains so, as long as it continues good, and 
 even in souls debased by sin, this image cannot be totally 
 
182 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 effaced. In order to preserve this pure image, we must 
 love God and our neighbour ; and then we shall not 
 transgress against ourselves, and our bodies. The Soul 
 possesses three faculties, Understanding, Will, and Me- 
 mory, by which, however, it is no more divided, so as to 
 lose its unity, than the Godhead by the Trinity, for 
 these faculties are merely relative. Independently of 
 these, it possesses, likewise, the power of imagination, both 
 in reference to the objects which we behold, for the first 
 time, as well as to those which we have formerly seen, or 
 of which we have only heard. But, however many ima- 
 ginations or thoughts may pass through the soul, they are 
 always consecutive or simultaneous. Herein consists a 
 wide distinction between human nature and the perfect 
 essence of the Deity, whose infinite mind comprehends all 
 things at the same time, which constitutes his omnipre- 
 sence. The superior origin of the human soul is also 
 evinced by its constant restlessness and activity, which 
 cease not even when the corporeal senses and powers, ex- 
 hausted by toil, sink into repose. Even this indicates its 
 immortality, which would have been quite perfect, had 
 the soul continued as pure as when it first came from 
 God's creating hand ; but it may lose a portion of its im- 
 mortality by sin. For as the soul is the life of the body? 
 so God is the life of the soul ; when the soul departs from 
 the body, the body dies ; in like manner, when God de- 
 parts from the soul, or when it departs from him, its 
 better part is destroyed. It retains its imperishable 
 nature, but loses its capacity for the enjoyment of eternal 
 bliss. All these properties being combined, the soul 
 may be defined as a spiritual reasonable essence, which 
 
CAPACITIES OF THE SOUL. 183 
 
 is perpetually in motion, and never ceasing to exist ; 
 which is equally capable of good and evil, and conse- 
 quently perfectly free to choose between the two; to the 
 free will, therefore, of the soul, is to be ascribed every 
 action, whether ennobling or degrading. It may further 
 be defined as an essence, which has been created and 
 united to the body, in order to regulate its passions, and 
 is therefore invisible, incorporeal, without weight or 
 colour, and pervading every particle of the body. In the 
 beginning, it was stamped with the image of God ; and 
 though it may depart from its creator, and thereby forfeit 
 everlasting bliss, still its immortality remains, together 
 with a consciousness of its worth. The soul is variously 
 denominated according to its various capacities, but 
 admits of no distinction of parts or separation. " As the 
 animating principle, the general term, Soul, is applied to 
 it ; when it rises to contemplation, it is designated the 
 Mind; when its sensibilities are awakened, Feeling ; when 
 it approves or disapproves, Taste, or Judgment ; when 
 it draws conclusions, Reason ; when it discriminates, Un- 
 derstanding ; when it consents, Will ; when it recollects, 
 Memory*" As virtues are the beauties, so vices are the 
 deformities of the soul. As it is impossible to arrive at 
 any certainty respecting its origin, we must be content to 
 derive it from God. The treatise concludes with two 
 poems, one in Elegiac, the other in Adonic verse. Alcuin 
 states, that he made choice in these verses of the number 
 six, being the most perfect, in order to signify his desire 
 that she might continue to advance towards perfection. 
 Should she meet with any subject which she did not 
 comprehend, she is directed to have recourse to King 
 
184 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 Charles (at whose court Gundrada must then have been 
 residing), that wise king, the nobility of whose mind could 
 never be sufficiently admired. " Thou hast no need," 
 he continues, " to enquire of us concerning the causes of 
 things, or the hidden principles of natural phenomena, 
 whilst thou hast daily an opportunity of applying to the 
 enlightened wisdom of the king, and beholding his 
 honoured countenance. Neither is it requisite for thee 
 to travel the long and wearisome road from Ethiopia to 
 Jerusalem, in order to hear the wise Solomon discourse 
 upon the nature of things. Behold, he is near to thee, 
 whom the Queen of Sheba visited, regardless of distance 
 and of difficulty. 
 
 Many more letters of Alcuin, in which moral and 
 philosophical subjects are discussed, might here be ad- 
 duced, were these examples and analytical investigations 
 not sufficient to elucidate his method of reasoning on 
 theories of this description. With the general extension 
 of education, history assumed a much more attractive 
 form. It was natural to anticipate, that men, who, like 
 Einhard and Nithard, had grown up under the influence 
 of an improved taste, had lived at court, had been en- 
 gaged in politics, and themselves taken an active part in 
 the scenes which they portray, should write very dif- 
 ferently from a monk who had rarely emerged from the 
 walls of his cloister. And, although the form of a 
 chronicle, as being the most usual and convenient, was 
 generally preserved, yet the style in the chronicles of 
 this, and the succeeding period, is much purer, and the 
 descriptions more copious, and in better taste. Alcuin, 
 however, appears to have been least adapted for an 
 
ALCUIN'S LIFE OF CHARLEMAGNE. 185 
 
 historian. His florid, and sometimes bombastic style, 
 would have harmonised as little with the simplicity of 
 historical writing 1 , as his tendency to moralise, and to 
 bend the occurrences of life to suit some favourite theory, 
 would have been compatible with the truth, or at least with 
 the accuracy of history. In his hands, historical descrip- 
 tion would have become a vehicle for moral reflections, as 
 may be perceived by his letters, in which passing events 
 are announced in a declamatory tone, and painted in the 
 most glowing colours for the purpose of exhortation or ad- 
 monition. A life of Charlemagne, of which no traces now 
 remain, was formerly mentioned amongst Alcuin's histo- 
 rical writings, in the hope that the work might yet be 
 found. This expectation and hope originated in a note 
 affixed by Einhard to his life of Charlemagne, wherein it 
 is stated, that a more particular account of the actions of 
 Charles might be found in the biographical work of 
 Alcuin 1 . If such a work really existed, its loss could not 
 be sufficiently deplored ; for, in a character like that of 
 Charlemagne, every thing is important, and it is impos- 
 sible to learn too many particulars respecting the period, 
 which partly produced, and partly completed, a mighty 
 revolution in the West of Christendom. It seems, how- 
 ever, probable, that Alcuin's biography of Charles would 
 have been nothing more than a panegyric. If it is at all 
 times difficult to write the history of an eminent person- 
 age of our own times, whether it be attempted by an 
 enemy or an admirer, so as to avoid undue censure or ap- 
 plause, it was a task doubly difficult to Alcuin ; as he 
 could not yet review the whole of the life of Charles, and 
 was, besides, too closely connected with, and too firmly 
 
186 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 attached to him, to form a fair and impartial judgment of 
 his character. The supposition appears to have arisen, 
 from confounding it with Einhard's biographical work ; 
 from which passages are cited under Alcuin's name. 
 
 The historical writings of Alcuin, which are still extant, 
 are of a description perfectly analogous to his style and 
 sentiments. They consist of the lives of the saints ; con- 
 sequently of men, who, by their zeal for the propagation of 
 Christianity, or by their sanctity, had acquired great re- 
 nown, and the privilege of being exhibited as an example 
 to others. In writing their lives, the author's object was 
 not so much to present an historical record of their ac- 
 tions and sentiments, as to display the profitable use to 
 which they applied their talents, so that he might thereby 
 stimulate the piety of the living generation ; he looked 
 not merely at that which they had accomplished, but 
 likewise at that which they might yet accomplish. These 
 biographical sketches may be denominated sermons to 
 which the life of the saint serves as a text. A well 
 written life of the founder, or of some celebrated inmate 
 of a monastery, was considered as its greatest ornament ; 
 it may, therefore, naturally be supposed that Alcuin, the 
 most accomplished and eminent author of that day, would 
 not fail to procure this desirable possession, for the abbey 
 over which he presided. He revised a Life of St. Martin, 
 which already existed ; and, as it was intended to be read 
 on the anniversary of the saint's death, he added the 
 usual reflections. He was quickly assailed from all 
 quarters with entreaties, that he would confer the same 
 benefit upon other monasteries, as upon his own. At the 
 request of the Abbot Rado, he re-wrote the Life of St. 
 
LIVES OF THE SAINTS. 187 
 
 Vedastus 1 , to which he appended an exhortation to imi- 
 tate the virtues of this saint. Angilbert, abbot of Cen- 
 tula, likewise begged a similar favour. At his desire, 
 Alcuin compiled from an ancient and somewhat barbarous 
 work, the Life of St. Richarius, which he wrote with 
 more taste, and in a style better adapted to the times. 
 Charlemagne was so much interested in it, that he gave 
 the author to understand, he wished it to be written, as 
 if it were destined for himself 2 . Nothing affords a more 
 convincing proof of Alcuin's literary reputation, than that 
 a man like Angilbert, who certainly possessed consider- 
 able skill as an historical writer, should have considered 
 a work of Alcuin's as the greatest boast of his monastery; 
 and that Charlemagne should have taken so lively an in- 
 terest in all his compositions, that he looked forward to 
 their appearance with an eagerness which is scarcely 
 equalled, by that with which the public of the present day 
 hail the literary productions of the most fashionable 
 author. Alcuin wrote, for the benefit of Archbishop 
 Beornrad, the life of his countryman and relation, St. 
 Willibrod, not, as in the former case, from an ancient 
 record, but from memory and tradition. He composed 
 it both in a prose and poetical form, designing the former 
 for public reading on the anniversary of the saint, and 
 the latter for the private use of the archbishop 3 . 
 
 6. Concerning Alcuin s Poetical Writings. 
 
 When a language has reached a certain degree of re- 
 finement, and has displayed both its aptness for prosaic 
 compositions, and its capacity for embodying the con- 
 
188 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 ceptions of poetry, those who have attained only a 
 moderate proficiency therein, easily fall into the error of 
 mistaking a poetic form for poetry. The most common- 
 place ideas and the most ordinary sentiments conceal 
 their poverty under the pomp of metre, and parade 
 with measured steps through the regions of poetry ; 
 while, in fact, it is only necessary to strip them of their 
 garb, in order to expose the ass under the lion's skin, 
 and the daw in borrowed plumes. When once the 
 attention is diverted from the sounds which fill the ear, 
 and fixes itself upon the actual meaning of the senti- 
 ments contained, we are astonished at their puerility 
 and absurdity. This criticism applies with equal force 
 to the mass of verses with which Germany is inundated 
 at the present day, and to the poetical attempts of the 
 Carlovingian period. The elegant language of Rome, 
 offered its classic forms to adorn the most paltry ideas ; 
 and all the poets of antiquity, who were known at that 
 time, especially the harmonious Virgil, were plundered 
 to clothe the poetical productions of the eighth century. 
 There is scarcely one writer belonging to that period 
 who does not attempt versification ; even the scribes 
 seldom concluded their tasks without annexing to them 
 a few verses. This species of verse-making was ac- 
 complished with the greater facility, as accuracy in pro- 
 sody was then as little attended to, as correctness in 
 rhyming in our day. Alcuin attempted various kinds 
 of poetry, but without avoiding the prevailing faults of 
 the age. It is very rarely, amid the multitude of cold 
 conceits, affected play upon words and high-sounding 
 expressions, devoid of sentiment, that we meet with a 
 
ALCUIN'S POEMS. 189 
 
 passage, which if it does possess intrinsic beauty, is not 
 spoiled by the repulsive form in which it is clothed. 
 "They are usually prosaic thoughts, disguised in the 
 garb of poetry ; which, unused to the restraint of metre, 
 are expressed with awkwardness, and make a ridiculous 
 or pitiable appearance in a sphere, which is in no way 
 adapted to them. 
 
 Alcuin's poems consist of inscriptions, epitaphs, 
 epistles, riddles, fables, moral and religious reflections, 
 and historical narrations. The measure is generally 
 hexameter, varied occasionally with the pentameter ; 
 some of his verses are sapphics, and some written in 
 rhyme, in a less constrained form. The play upon 
 versification, of which the monkish poetry of later 
 times has furnished a number of examples, is to be 
 found even in his poems. One of the most common, 
 is to conclude the pentameter with the first half of the 
 corresponding hexameter. 1 The analysis of 'a poem of 
 some length, with the addition of a few specimens, will 
 be sufficient to enable the reader to judge of the poeti- 
 cal efforts of this period. I We select the reflections sug- 
 gested to the poet by the unhappy fate of the monastery 
 of Lindisfarne, which called forth the considerations 
 "Upon the Mutability of all Human Affairs." 2 The 
 subject is, in itself, fertile, and capable of awaking an 
 infinite variety of ideas. A melancholy disposition 
 would regard this mutability with dismay, and seek 
 refuge from the confusion of the earth, in the eternity 
 and harmony of the spiritual world; whilst, on the 
 other hand, a bolder spirit would discern, in the per- 
 petual change and apparent disorder, an ever-creating 
 
190 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 power, which destroys the forms of to-day, only to 
 produce on the morrow, a new and fairer creation. Al- 
 cuin was incapable of contemplating it in the latter 
 point of view ; his consolation and his hope are derived 
 from another world. He commences, therefore, by 
 ascribing all the imperfection of our present condition 
 to the sin of the first man, and dates from this period, 
 the course of fate ; which, like an evil spirit, perpetu- 
 ally interposes betwixt us and our fairest hopes and 
 joys- 
 How transient all that bears created form ! 
 
 Revolving seasons endless changes show ; 
 Fair shines to-day, to-morrow howls the storm ; 
 One smile of Fortune cannot shield from woe. 
 
 Soon do we see our sweetest joys decay, 
 
 Blighted by fate, inconstant as the main ; 
 
 The gloom of night succeeds the brightest day, 
 
 The buds of spring lie strewed on winter's plain. 
 
 The starry roof is gemmed with holy light, 
 
 Evanishing when rain-fraught vapours roll ; 
 
 The blaze of noon fades instant from the sight, 
 
 When southern storms convulse the trembling pole. 
 
 The loftiest rocks most tempt the lightning's flash, 
 The highest branches most attract the flame ; 
 
 More swift, more frequent, Fate's o'erwhelming crash 
 Descends on those most consecrate to Fame 1 . 
 
 To prove the truth of this assertion, the poet hurries 
 the imagination of the reader through the whole circuit 
 of history. The overthrow of powerful empires, the 
 decline of flourishing cities, and the rapid decay of 
 institutions, which the mighty spirits who framed them, 
 supposed they had founded for eternity, are enumerated 
 
THE MUTABILITY OF HUMAN AFFAIRS. 191 
 
 with the dry ness of arithmetical precision, rather than 
 depicted with the vivid colours of poetic imagery. 
 The poet endeavours to escape from the conflagration 
 of cities, temples, castles, and villages, which have 
 buried whole generations under their ruins, and from 
 the endless confusion, consequent upon such horrors, 
 by recurring to some general principle to which he can 
 firmly adhere. This principle he discovers in religion. 
 
 WHAT, though I mark vice flourishing on high, 
 Thy judgments, Lord ! I seek not to explore ; 
 
 Far other life's reserved beyond the sky, 
 
 Where peace resides, and battles cease to roar. 
 
 As gold by fire refined, more brightly beams, 
 So shine the just, by Satan's arts assailed ', 
 
 Hence soars the soul, in purer, holier dreams, 
 To realms of glory, from our vision veiled 1 . 
 
 Life appears to him, to be merely a state of probation,' 
 which becomes severe in proportion to the ardour of 
 our desire to merit the love of God, but to which the 
 splendour of the reward will likewise be proportioned. 
 Having exhibited the vicissitudes to which both Nature 
 and Art are subject, he proceeds to show that mankind 
 are not exempt from change. 
 
 WHO sought the stag, roused by the bugle's tone, 
 See, age-oppressed, on slothful couch reclined j 
 
 Who erst in Syrian purple proudly shone, 
 
 Now shrinks, in tatters, from the wintry wind. 
 
 The lapse of years hath dimmed the eagle glance 
 
 Which marked each mote, gay glittering in the sun ; 
 
 The hand which waved the sword, and poised the lance, 
 Enfeebled, faintly lifts the bread it won. 
 
192 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 The voice which, louder than the trumpet's call, 
 Was wont of yore, to chase each coward fear, 
 
 Hoarse, faltering, inarticulate to all, 
 
 Dies, in dull murmurs, on the listening ear 1 . 
 
 The poet proceeds, from these considerations to the 
 exhortation, which derives from them additional force, 
 not to fix the heart upon temporal blessings, but to look 
 forward to that infinite reward, and those enduring joys 
 in a future world, which will more than compensate for 
 all the losses and sufferings of this present life. With 
 this he concludes the first part of the poem, to which 
 it only forms the introduction, composed for the pur- 
 pose of consoling the monks of Lindisfarne, for the 
 outrage which had been practised against themselves 
 and their monastery. This consolation is offered in a 
 succession of prosaic thoughts, which would have read 
 much better in plain prose 2 . 
 
 The longest of Alcuin's poetical compositions, is an 
 epic poem on The Archbishops and Saints of the Church 
 at York*. It is in no degree superior to the ordinary 
 metrical histories of the middle ages ; all that Alcuin 
 effected, was to versify the passages relating to York, 
 which he found in Bede's History of the Anglo-Saxon 
 Church, and to give, in addition, x the history of those 
 dignitaries who had filled the archiepiscopal throne sub- 
 sequently to Bede's time 4 . As Alcuin's poetical pro- 
 ductions are distinguished by no remarkable peculiari- 
 ties, many, especially minor poems, have been unjustly 
 imputed to him. Amongst the poems ascribed to him, 
 is one on the meeting of Charlemagne and Pope Leo III., 
 which is too remarkable to leave unnoticed amid those 
 
RENEWAL OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE IN THE WEST. 193 
 
 which neither increase nor diminish his fame. This 
 poem is evidently the production of one acquainted 
 with Virgil, and possessing no mean talent for poetry, 
 but is composed in a style much more suited to the 
 ardour of a youthful imagination, than to the sober 
 gravity of a man of Alcuin's years. A merely super- 
 ficial knowledge of Alcuin's mode of writing, and the 
 bent of his mind at this period, is sufficient to convince 
 us, that religious, not secular affairs, would have occu- 
 pied the most prominent place in any work of his ; 
 and that instead of an animated description of a hunting 
 party, we should have had a thanksgiving for the mi- 
 racle which restored both eyes and tongue to the mis- 
 used pontiff. The poem, whoever may have been its 
 author, is one of the best of that period, and affords a 
 proof how successful had been the efforts made by 
 Charlemagne to improve the education of the rising 
 generation. 1 This poem refers to an event which was 
 attended by the most important political consequences ; 
 and as Alcuin contributed to produce them, we feel it 
 incumbent upon us, after having recorded his literary 
 labours during his superintendence of the abbey of St. 
 Martin, to give some account of the event itself, and 
 of the manner in which Alcuin was instrumental in ac- 
 complishing it. 
 
 7 . Renewal of the Roman Empire in the West. 
 
 In Alcuin's system of government, the first plate 
 amongst earthly potentates was accorded to the spiritual ; 
 the second, to the secular power ; and amongst secular 
 
 o 
 
194 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 governors, the imperial took precedence of the regal 
 dignity. 1 These opinions, which Alcuin communicated 
 to Charlemagne by writing, and doubtless inculcated 
 still more forcibly by conversation, fell not upon un- 
 fruitful soil. They took deep root in the aspiring mind 
 of Charles, and every mortification to which his pride 
 was subjected by his intercourse with the Byzantine 
 emperors in Constantinople, tended to inflame his desire 
 of obtaining the highest secular dignity. The extent 
 of his kingdom rendered it worthy the title of an empire, 
 and with regard to his personal pretensions, Alcuin had 
 already declared that no one could compete in power 
 and wisdom with his royal friend. The desire of in- 
 dividual aggrandisement entertained by Charles, was 
 strengthened by political considerations. Hitherto the 
 French king had been merely the protector of the 
 Romish Church, without claiming any authority over 
 the Pope or the Roman territories. In strict justice, 
 therefore, the Byzantine emperors were still masters of 
 Rome, and the title of Patrician, which Charles bore, 
 was an appellation bestowed upon a class of persons, 
 possessing peculiar political privileges in the Byzantine 
 empire. But this ambiguous and uncertain position 
 could no longer be maintained with safety, now that the 
 Pope had placed himself at the head of the French 
 clergy. A decisive step was necessary, in order to 
 sever Rome and the Papal see for ever from the By- 
 zantine empire, and assign the Pope a place in the 
 French system of government. What step could 
 Charles take which would prove more decisive than 
 that of assuming the position of the ancient Imperators, 
 
DEATH OF HADRIAN. 195 
 
 and thus place himself upon a level with the emperors 
 of Eastern Rome ? But a semblance of right was neces- 
 sary, both to the accomplishment of this design, and 
 to secure the public recognition of his title ; and as an 
 instance had already occurred, in which the Papal sanc- 
 tion and consecration had pronounced a race to be 
 worthy of the throne, and invested them with a more 
 sacred majesty, from no one could this right be so 
 properly derived as from the Pope, who was regarded 
 in the West as the head of the church, and who, as 
 standing next in authority to the Almighty, was sup- 
 posed to be best acquainted with the divine counsels. 
 The idea of re-establishing the Western Roman empire, 
 was not, therefore, as has been generally represented, the 
 result of momentary excitement, but the gradual effect 
 of circumstances, which Charles' ambition only seized 
 upon to realise his wishes. Hadrian I., however, could 
 have no inducement to concur in such a project, even 
 had Charles intimated his wishes to him, a supposition, 
 which, however probable, is not supported by proof; but, 
 on the contrary, it must have been much more to his 
 advantage, beloved as he was by the Romans, to have 
 been as independent of the French as of the Byzantine 
 government. Hadrian died in December, 795. He had 
 been, in every respect, an estimable pontiff, and with 
 the exception of their transient disagreement on the 
 subject of image-worship, had lived with Charlemagne, 
 not merely on peaceable, but on amicable terms. 
 Charles respected his learning and piety, and, from a 
 feeling of personal regard, bestowed upon him those 
 tokens of friendship, which his successors have since, 
 
196 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 in imitation of his example, rendered the Pope as his 
 due. But whilst the Pope was considered the head of 
 the church, and revered by those who were placed at a 
 distance, as a being of a superior order, he was often 
 made a tool in the hands of the factions, by whom he was 
 immediately surrounded. The tumultuary proceedings 
 unavoidably connected with the nomination of a new 
 chief, in every elective government, also accompanied 
 the election of a Pope, because considerable advantages 
 accrued to a Roman family from having one of its 
 members seated on the Papal throne. Thus was the 
 little bark of St. Peter often tossed by the tempest of 
 passion, and not unfrequently on the point of being 
 wrecked. 1 No sooner had Hadrian expired, than Leo 
 III., was raised to the pontificate, with a celerity which 
 excites the suspicion, that his elevation was the work of 
 a faction. To obtain the recognition and protection of 
 the French king, was of supreme importance to the new 
 Pope, who therefore, with a degree of submissiveness 
 which could arise only from his feeling of insecurity, 
 despatched an embassy to Charles to announce his 
 elevation, and to solicit a continuance of the friendship 
 which had been displayed towards his predecessor. Leo 
 appears to have applied to Alcuin also, as the king's 
 principal adviser in spiritual matters. 2 Charles con- 
 ceived that he had no right to interfere in the election 
 of a Pope ; he regarded Leo as the lawful successor of 
 St. Peter, and under this impression, composed a con- 
 gratulatory epistle, which he transmitted to Rome with 
 appropriate presents, by the Abbot Angilbert. In this 
 letter, he professes a desire to maintain with the new 
 
ATTACK ON THE POPE. 197 
 
 pontiff, the amicable relation whioh had subsisted be- 
 twixt himself and Hadrian. " And as I," writes the 
 king, " was united in the bonds of friendship to your 
 predecessor, so do I desire to renew with you inviolably, 
 this bond of faith and love. Be it my care to defend 
 the holy church against heathens and infidels from 
 without, and to maintain the Catholic faith within ; 
 be it yours, most holy Father, to assist us with your 
 prayers 1 /' 
 
 After having secured himself in this quarter, Leo seems 
 to have promoted his own friends, and to have discarded 
 those men who had possessed the highest authority under 
 his predecessor. It was, therefore, natural that they, 
 feeling themselves aggrieved, should unite to oppose him 
 in order to regain, under a pontiff, elected by themselves, 
 the influence which they had lost. Two of Hadrian's 
 relations, Campulus and Paschalis, placed themselves at 
 the head of the hostile faction, and commenced their pro- 
 ceedings by circulating injurious reports, respecting the 
 character and conduct of the Pope, hoping thereby to 
 excuse the deed of violence which they meditated; for the 
 conspirators aimed at nothing less than the deposition or 
 destruction of Leo". On the 25th of April, 799, a 
 solemn procession was to take place ; the Pope rode from 
 his palace to the church, where the people and clergy 
 were assembled, ready to join in the sacred ceremony. 
 On his way thither, he was suddenly seized upon by a 
 party of armed men, and being abandoned by his defence- 
 less followers, the assailants pulled him from his horse, 
 threw him on the ground in the street, and attempted 
 to put out his eyes, and cut out his tongue. But as they 
 
198 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 could not effectually accomplish their barbarous design, 
 they dragged him into a neighbouring church, where they 
 left him weltering in his blood, in the belief that they 
 had deprived him of sight ; and quitted the spot before 
 a party came to his assistance, who conveyed him in 
 safety to Spoleto, and placed him under the protection of 
 the French governor of that place. The story that the 
 Pope miraculously recovered his sight after having been 
 deprived of it by the malice of his enemies, is no modern 
 invention, but was generally believed at the time when it 
 was said to have occurred, and accounted for in various 
 ways, by men of sense 1 . The Pope himself was so firmly 
 persuaded that he was indebted to a miracle for the re- 
 storation of the faculty of vision, that he ventured to 
 assert the fact to Charlemagne ; indeed, nothing could so 
 effectually justify him, and confound his enemies, as the 
 visible interposition of heaven in favour of the innocent, 
 persecuted and calumniated pontiff. Charles, notwith- 
 standing, had some doubts of the truth of this narration, 
 and asked the opinion of Alcuin. But he was too 
 thoroughly a priest to return any other than an ambiguous 
 and equivocal answer to the enquiry. " Every Chris- 
 tian," he said, " must rejoice in the divine protection 
 which had been extended to his Holiness, and praise God's 
 holy name, who had frustrated the designs of the wicked 2 ." 
 From its commencement, Alcuin took the greatest in- 
 terest in this affair of the Pope. In the outrage which 
 had been committed against Leo, he saw not the indivi- 
 dual, but the church which he represented insulted ; and 
 therefore urged the king in the strongest, and most im- 
 pressive terms to fulfil his duty as the defender of the 
 
ACCUSATIONS AGAINST THE POPE. 199 
 
 church, and suffer no other object to claim his attention, 
 while the church remained unavenged, and until she was 
 restored to her former splendour. He recommends him 
 to conclude a peace with the Saxons against whom he 
 was, at that time, carrying on a war, and to delay the in- 
 troduction of tithes amongst that obstinate people, that 
 they might be more accessible to salutary council 1 . The 
 king could not consent to relinquish the campaign which 
 he had determined upon, but he commanded the Duke of 
 Spoleto to cause the Pope to be conveyed to the camp at 
 Paderborn. Here he was received both by Charles and 
 the assembled host with the respect due to the head of 
 the church. But the affair assumed a different aspect 
 when Leo's enemies, in order to transfer the displeasure 
 of the king from themselves to the Pope, appealed to 
 Charles, and justified their conduct by accusing Leo of 
 various evil practices. They denounced him as guilty of 
 adultery and perjury, and as one who disgraced his high 
 station, and deserved punishment rather than protection. 
 They proposed, therefore, that Leo should quietly resign 
 the holy see, and conceal himself and his shame from the 
 eyes of the world in the privacy of a cloister. These 
 charges could not have been entirely devoid of founda- 
 tion, or they would have injured, rather than benefited 
 the cause of the accusers. Indeed, it appears, that upon 
 a closer investigation, many circumstances transpired, by 
 no means to the credit of his Holiness. Alcuin, probably 
 on account of his infirm health, did not quit his monas- 
 tery at Tours, but his intimate friend, Arno, was at court, 
 and with him he maintained a constant correspondence 
 upon this interesting subject. He likewise tendered his 
 
200 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 advice to the king, both through the medium of Arno, 
 and by letters addressed immediately to his sovereign. 
 Arno, in a letter written to his former instructor, deplores 
 the iniquities of the Pope, which letter Alcuin burnt, to 
 prevent its falling into the hands of any officious person, 
 and thereby become the cause of scandal 1 . This letter 
 could not have contained a report of the accusations 
 brought against Leo by his enemies, for they were uni- 
 versally known, but must have communicated the actual 
 result of a more strict examination. That this examina- 
 tion was not favourable to the pope, is evident from the 
 anxiety with which Alcuin sought to guard against a scan- 
 dalous exposure. Less interested for the Pope than for 
 the church, Alcuin conceived that the papal dignity was 
 not to suffer from the crimes of which the Pope as a man 
 might be guilty, and that there should be a distinction 
 between the office and the person of the pontiff. His 
 eagerness to gain the king over to his opinions, increased 
 in proportion to his fears that Charles would adopt some 
 measure injurious to the church. He urged Archbishop 
 Arno, who, to a certain extent, may be regarded as his 
 representative at court, to exert his utmost endeavours 
 to prevent any infringement of the rights of the Pope, 
 and any violation of the authority of the holy see, and the 
 purity of the Catholic faith ; " that/' as he expresses it, 
 " the shepherd of the flock may not be delivered up a 
 prey to the wolves 2 /' In his apprehension, the future 
 condition of the church depended on the decision of this 
 intricate subject, and she must stand or fall with her lord 
 and head 3 . That which he most dreaded, and conse- 
 quently sought most earnestly to prevent, was, that the 
 
ALCUIN'S DEFENCE OF THE APOSTOLIC SEE. 201 
 
 Pope should be summoned before a tribunal of justice. 
 It must, therefore, have been the intention of Charles to 
 submit the charges alleged against the Pope, and his 
 defence, to a judicial inquiry, and to decide the question 
 according to law. This mode of proceeding, was vehe- 
 mently opposed by Alcuin. He appealed to the cano- 
 nical decrees of Pope Sylvester, which ordained, that a 
 Pope could be subjected to trial only on the accusation of 
 seventy-two witnesses, and those witnesses of such well- 
 known and unimpeachable characters, as to give weight 
 to their testimony against so exalted a personage ; nay, 
 more, it was doubtful whether the Pope, even in this case, 
 would be compelled to submit to the sentence, for, accord- 
 ing to other canonical decrees, the Apostolic see was 
 itself a supreme tribunal, and not amenable to any other 1 . 
 It would have been most agreeable to Alcuin, had the 
 king conducted the Pope back in triumph, as being beyond 
 the power of sin, and severely punished his enemies. 
 How far he relaxed, in reference to the Pope, from the 
 strictness of his moral principles, is evinced by an expres- 
 sion which he uses in one of his letters. " Were I in his 
 place, I would reply, He that is without sin among you, 
 let him cast the first stone at him?" This and much 
 more than this, Alcuin says he had communicated to the 
 king by letter 3 . Were we in possession of the corre- 
 spondence that passed upon this subject, we should, no 
 doubt, discover that the affair was terminated with the 
 understanding that the Pope should crown the king of 
 France emperor of Rome. That the elevation of Charles 
 was concerted with the Pope at Paderborn, is so manifest, 
 from the circumstances of the case, that we need no ad- 
 
202 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 ditional evidence, but we are not destitute of historical 
 proofs which will hereafter be produced. Charles owed 
 his elevation less to the gratitude of the Pope, or to his 
 foresight of the advantages which would thereby accrue 
 to the holy see, than to the consummate skill with which 
 he availed himself of the critical situation of the Pope, to 
 realise his long-cherished wish of obtaining the power, the 
 title, and the privileges of an emperor. In order to feel 
 convinced, that nothing but the most urgent motives could 
 have induced the Pope to accede to Charles' demand, it is 
 only necessary to reflect, that the measure which was 
 contemplated, must inevitably alter his position with re- 
 gard to the French monarch, but whether to his advan- 
 tage or disadvantage, the future only could determine ; 
 whilst, on the other hand, it would infallibly involve him 
 in hostilities with the Byzantine empire, and deprive him 
 of his influence over the Eastern church. The desperate 
 situation of the Pope extorted from him a consent which, 
 under other circumstances, he would certainly have re- 
 fused.tHe purchased the protection of the French monarch, 
 and his reinstatement in the holy see, at the price of sub- 
 jecting the city of Rome to the dominion of Charles, and 
 renouncing for ever all connection with the Byzantine 
 empire 1 . After the conclusion of this treaty between the 
 king and the Pope, which doubtless had not been effected 
 without the influence and interference of Alcuin, Charles 
 dismissed his Holiness, who returned to Rome under a 
 military escort, accompanied by two archbishops, four 
 bishops, and three counts, who were commissioned to re- 
 instate him provisionally in his dignity, and to afford him 
 their protection. The enemies of the Pope were imprisoned, 
 
CHARLEMAGNE'S VISIT TO TOURS. 203 
 
 in order to await their sentence from Charles, who in- 
 tended himself to proceed to Rome. 
 
 That the king should undertake a journey to Rome at 
 a time when his presence was urgently required in France, 
 both on account of the war with the Saxons, and the hos- 
 tile attempts of the Normans, in order to settle an affair 
 which he could have concluded quite as satisfactorily by 
 deputy, cannot but awaken the suspicion that he had some 
 object in view beyond that of reinstating the Pope, and 
 chastising the leaders of a Roman faction. The king 
 made all his arrangements for a longer absence. In the 
 summer of 800, he inspected the coasts of his kingdom, 
 for the purpose of providing against the predatory inroads 
 of the Normans. Whilst on this journey, he paid a visit 
 to Alcuin at Tours. According to the chronicles of that 
 period, the object of this visit of the king was to pay his 
 devotions at the tomb of St. Martin ; but we may reason- 
 ably conjecture, that it was rather to confer with Alcuin, 
 respecting the important change which was pending, and 
 to which Alcuin himself had greatly contributed. His 
 stay was protracted in consequence of the illness of his 
 wife Luitgarde, who accompanied him. She expired 
 June 6th, and was interred at Tours 1 . The king re- 
 mained at the monastery of St. Martin, until after the 
 death and interment of his wife. Alcuin sought to con- 
 sole the afflicted mourner for the loss which he had sus- 
 tained, by addressing to him letters of condolence 2 ; but 
 Charles found the most effectual consolation in the con- 
 stant occupation which his meditated journey into Italy 
 supplied. He travelled through Orleans and Paris to 
 Aix-la-Chapelle, and thence to Mentz, where he sum- 
 
204" THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 moned the general assembly of the empire, to meet in 
 August, and where an expedition across the Alps in the 
 ensuing winter, was determined upon. Charles was ac- 
 companied by a retinue of ecclesiastics, to assist him with 
 their advice. Nothing would have been more agreeable 
 to Charles, than to have had Alcuin among the number. 
 He renewed his invitation to him from Mentz, begging 
 him to exchange for a time the smoky roofs of Tours for 
 the golden palaces of Rome, but Alcuin excused himself 
 on the plea of illness 1 . The king also desired to have 
 Alcuin's opinion upon the manner in which the enemies 
 of the pope should be punished. It is evident, that he 
 was convinced of Leo's guilt, and considered the motives 
 which his adversaries had urged in justification of their 
 violence, so little deserving of chastisement, that he ap- 
 plied to Alcuin for advice, how to extricate himself from 
 the affair with credit. Alcuin's reply was ambiguous 
 Charles' own wisdom could best decide what was due to 
 all parties, and would enab]e him to establish that pious 
 spiritual shepherd, who had been snatched by the interpo- 
 sition of God from the hands of his enemies, so firmly on 
 his throne, that he would henceforth be able to serve God 
 without molestation 2 . 
 
 With regard to the Pope, the king acted entirely in 
 conformity with Alcuin's views. On arriving at Ancona, 
 he commissioned his son Pepin to lead the army against 
 Beneventum, and himself proceeded with a considerable 
 retinue to Rome, where he arrived on the 24th of 
 November, and was received with extraordinary honours. 
 On the seventh day after his arrival, a convocation of the 
 dignified resident clergy and chief lay nobility, was held 
 
EXCULPATION OF THE POPE. 205 
 
 in the church of St. Peter, for the purpose of deciding 
 upon the accusations which had been made against the 
 Pope. In what capacity, and by what right Charles in- 
 terfered in this examination, has become a matter of 
 factious dispute. Einhard's report is considered too im- 
 perfect, and that of Anastasius too suspicious, to deter- 
 mine with precision the part played by Charlemagne 
 upon this occasion. Each party has therefore given a 
 different representation, according to their peculiar reli- 
 gious or political views. In reality, the whole proceed- 
 ing appears to have been a mere form, and the report of 
 Anastasius to be correct, since it contains nothing which 
 is in contradiction to Einhard's account, or which does 
 not coincide with the sentiments of Alcuin, which have 
 already been adduced. 1 The assembled ecclesiastics re- 
 fused to investigate the charges made against the Pope. 
 " We venture not," they declared, " to judge the apostolic 
 see which is placed over all the churches of God. We 
 are all subject to its jurisdiction, but it can be judged by 
 none. Whatever the Pope himself judges to be right, in 
 that will we obey him, according to the ordinances of the 
 church." Upon this, the Pope ascended the pulpit, with 
 the Gospels in his hand, and in an audible voice pro- 
 nounced an exculpatory oath, protesting at the same 
 time, that he did so not by compulsion, but of his own 
 free will, and mentioning expressly that his example was 
 not binding on his successors in the holy see ; as he 
 himself had adopted this mode of proceeding, solely for 
 the purpose of removing unfavourable suspicions from 
 the minds of the assembly. The congregation then sang 
 a hymn in praise of God, the apostles and saints, and 
 
206 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 separated, convinced that Leo III. was a legitimate 
 Pope. The trial of the Pope's enemies was also a mere 
 formality. For the sake of appearances, they were con- 
 demned to death ; but on the petition of Leo, the sen- 
 tence was mitigated, and they were only banished from 
 Rome and Italy. 
 
 By the time this investigation was concluded and other 
 affairs arranged, Christmas arrived ; and on Christmas 
 day, which at that period was also celebrated as the first 
 day of the year, Charles attended divine service in the 
 church of St. Peter, habited in the dress of a Roman 
 patrician. The king had seated himself opposite to the 
 altar ; when the Pope suddenly approached him, and 
 placed upon his head a splendid crown, amidst the joyful 
 salutations of the Roman people, who exclaimed ; " Long 
 life and victory to Charles, the divinely crowned Augustus, 
 the peace-bringing emperor of the Romans !" After this 
 salutation, the Pope, according to an ancient usage, wor- 
 shipped him, by pressing one hand upon his lips, whilst 
 with the other he touched the garment of the object of 
 adoration ; and Charles exchanged the title of Patrician, 
 for that of emperor and Augustus. Such is the account 
 given by cotemporary writers of this important transac- 
 tion, which they represent as the result of the excitement 
 of the moment, unconnected with any preconcerted mea- 
 sures. At any rate, there can be no doubt that Charles 
 desired it should be so regarded. He professed to have 
 been taken by surprise, and declared, that had be been 
 aware of the intentions of the Pope, he would not have 
 gone to the church on this solemn festival. 1 It is evident 
 from this expression, which Charles unquestionably used, 
 
CHARLEMAGNE CROWNED EMPEROR OF ROME. 207 
 
 that he did not wish to appear as the author of the dis- 
 tinction which had been conferred upon him. In this he 
 may have been actuated by two motives : the first sug- 
 gested by the consideration, whether the French would 
 be satisfied with this elevation of their king, which con- 
 ferred upon him privileges which might be oppressive to 
 them. Should they be discontented, they might refuse 
 to recognise a political change which originated solely in 
 Charles' ambition, and withhold their support from an 
 empire as being a form of government alien to their state 
 system. But the affair would assume a different aspect, 
 if Charles were nominated emperor by the pope without 
 his concurrence, and even against his will. The transac- 
 tion would then appear in the light of a divine ordinance, 
 to which Charles, however unwillingly, must submit ; 
 and the nations across the Alps were too much accus- 
 tomed to revere the decrees of the Pope as the in- 
 spirations of the Holy Spirit, not to regard the renewal 
 of the Western Roman empire as an act of the Pope, and 
 therefore of God. This was a sufficient reason to induce 
 Charles to conceal as much as possible his participation 
 in the event. By this means, he also prevented the 
 possibility of the Pope's attributing his elevation to com- 
 pulsion, and thus in a great measure deprived the Greeks 
 of an opportunity of stigmatising him as an usurper. 
 The Pope and the people of Rome would appear in the 
 eyes of the Greeks, as the only culprits who had re- 
 nounced their allegiance to their lawful sovereign, and 
 elected a new governor. 1 It is worthy of observation, that 
 after Charles returned from Rome, he caused every vassal 
 who had sworn fealty to him as king, to renew his oath 
 
208 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 to him as emperor. We are not to infer from this cir- 
 cumstance, that Charles conceived himself to have en- 
 tered into any new relation with his vassals ; but only that 
 he was desirous of procuring, by this means, a recogni- 
 tion of his imperial title. For, supposing that his new 
 title had involved him in a war with the Byzantine em- 
 perors, his feudal vassals might have refused to aid him, 
 on the plea, that this was a dispute which in no way con- 
 cerned the French kingdom ; and bade him seek soldiers 
 amongst the Romans, of whom he was the emperor. But 
 by exacting this oath, Charles converted the affair into 
 a French national concern, and thus gained the right to 
 demand that the French should protect him, their king 
 and his successors, in the new dignity. 
 
 Although Charles had reasons for concealing as much 
 as possible his participation in the renewal of the Western 
 Roman empire, and although he so far succeeded as 
 to induce historians to represent, and posterity to regard, 
 the transaction in the light which he desired ; still Alcuin 
 accidentally furnishes an evidence, that both the king 
 and his confidants knew perfectly well what was about 
 to take place in Rome. Alcuin had caused a beautiful 
 and unusually correct copy of the Scriptures to be made, 
 which he entrusted to Fredegis, one of his pupils, in order 
 that he might present it on Christmas Day, with a con- 
 gratulatory epistle to the king, to whom, as he expresses 
 it, he owed as many thanks and praises, for the benefits 
 conferred by him upon himself and his pupils, as there 
 were syllables in the book ; and on whom he hoped God 
 would bestow as many blessings as the writing contained 
 letters 1 . That this was no ordinary Christmas, or New 
 
NATURE OF THE IMPERIAL DIGNITY. 209 
 
 Year's gift, is evident from the letter addressed to Charles 
 himself, wherein Alcuin expressly says, that he intended 
 it as a congratulatory offering, " to the splendour of his 
 imperial power 1 ." Alcuin knew as well as Charles him- 
 self, that he was to be proclaimed and crowned emperor 
 of Rome on Christmas day. A proof no less convincing 
 than that already adduced, is furnished by the fact, that 
 immediately after his coronation, even the very day on 
 which it took place, Charles presented to the Pope, and 
 the church of St. Peter, gifts of such a nature as must 
 have required preparation, as well as the affair itself, for 
 which the new emperor embellished the Roman church 
 with imperial liberality 2 . 
 
 When we reflect upon the vast influence which the re- 
 newal of the Western Roman empire, has had upon the 
 constitutions of modern Europe, we must regard this 
 transaction as the most important of Charles' life. It is 
 necessary, therefore, that we should acquire a just con- 
 ception of the real nature of the imperial dignity at that 
 period. Although Charles believed himself to be em- 
 peror in the full sense of the ancient Roman emperors, 
 yet each time that a dignity is revived, after long inter- 
 ruptions, and under different circumstances, it deviates 
 from its original form and object. The office of Dictator, 
 when resumed by Sylla and Ca3sar, after its long disuse 
 by the Roman republic, was totally different from that 
 which had been exercised by Cincinnatus and other men 
 in former times ; it was merely a constitutional name for 
 an usurped and tyrannical autocracy. In like manner, 
 there arose, in the beginning of the ninth century, an im- 
 perial power, entirely distinct from that which had been 
 
210 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 destroyed in the latter part of the fifth century ; possess- 
 ing nothing in common with it but the name 1 . The new 
 imperial dignity, according to the views entertained both 
 by Alcuin and Charlemagne, was the highest secular 
 power on earth ; consequently it was not like the regal 
 power, divisible, but could only be represented by one in- 
 dividual. With the exception of the kingdom of the 
 Anglo-Saxons, and the small independent province, 
 situated among the mountains in the north west of 
 Spain 2 , all the nations of Germany were under the domi- 
 nion of the king of France, who assumed as emperor, no 
 new position with regard to them. But when the French 
 monarchy became again divided into several kingdoms, 
 then the peculiar nature of the imperial dignity manifested 
 itself. It formed the source whence others derived their 
 power ; and the centre of an ideal unity, which, in reality, 
 had no existence. The emperor, to draw a comparison 
 from the mode of government adopted in the time of the 
 Roman emperors, the emperor was, in a certain sense, the 
 Augustus, and the kings his Caesars. He was the highest 
 point in the scale of the political powers of the middle 
 ages. If we now consider the relation in which the Pope 
 stood to the emperor, we shall perceive that he was in- 
 debted for the advantages which accrued to himself and 
 his successors from the renewal of the empire, less to 
 any arrangement which was immediately made, than to 
 the circumstances which arose from time to time, and of 
 which he skilfully and successfully availed himself. 
 From the mere defender of the church, Charles had 
 become the sovereign of Rome, and consequently the 
 Pope was no more than the first archbishop in his 
 
REASONS FOR NOT RESIDING AT ROME. 211 
 
 empire. Had the emperor fixed his residence at Rome, 
 the Pope would have occupied a situation at court, pre- 
 cisely similar to that held by the Patriarch of Constan- 
 tinople at the court of Byzantium. On this account, 
 Charles has been censured for not having made Rome the 
 capital of his empire, but we have only to consider in 
 what relation he stood to the French, in order to retort 
 the charge of want of sagacity upon his accusers. It 
 was to the French that Charles must look for his chief 
 support ; and his power over them depended upon an in- 
 fluence which would cease to operate at a distance, and 
 which his presence alone could render effective. In Rome 
 he would have lost this influence, and probably expe- 
 rienced a disappointment similar to that of Otho III. who, 
 some years later, dazzled by the idea of restoring the 
 ancient Roman empire in its splendour, abandoned Ger- 
 many, the centre of his power, in order to fix his residence 
 at Rome. But the repeated treachery of the Romans, 
 and the dislike of his German subjects to this system of 
 government, so thoroughly convinced him of the imprac- 
 ticability of his design, that he would indubitably have 
 renounced it, had he not been snatched away by a pre- 
 mature death. 
 
 Charles was restrained, by many weighty considerations? 
 from making a conquered country like Italy the capital 
 of his empire. It is true, that the Popes thereby acquired 
 a greater degree of freedom; but when the imperial 
 dignity was first assumed, it was never supposed, for a 
 moment, that the Pope had the power, either to confer 
 or withhold it. The coronation of Charles, by Leo III. 
 procured immediately for his successors no more influence 
 
212 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 over the imperial crown, than the papal consent to the 
 elevation of Pepin invested them with a control over the 
 French regal authority. During his stay at Rome, 
 Charles caused his eldest son, who bore the same name 
 as himself, to be anointed and crowned as his successor 
 in the empire 1 . But when he had the misfortune of 
 losing this promising prince, as well as his second son 
 Pepin, he nominated, without consulting the Pope, his 
 only remaining son, Louis, his successor in the French 
 monarchy and also in the imperial dignity, and made 
 him place the crown upon his own head 2 . Louis adopted 
 a similar course in nominating his eldest son, Lothaire, 
 emperor ; and he again, on the elevation of his son, 
 Louis II, ; the popes, however, were sufficiently cunning 
 to seize, upon each occasion, a favourable opportunity to 
 crown these emperors a second time, as though they 
 thereby received, for the first time, a legitimate conse- 
 cration and authority. But the situation of things was 
 changed, when, upon the death of Louis II. who died 
 without issue, the kings amongst whom the French 
 monarchy was then divided, contested their right to the 
 imperial dignity. A third power was necessary to settle 
 this dispute, and such a power was the Papal, from which, 
 according to historical tradition, the restoration of the 
 imperial dignity had originally proceeded. Hence it 
 came to pass, in the ninth and tenth centuries, when the 
 imperial dignity was claimed by German, French, Bur- 
 gundian and Italian princes, that the pontifical coronation 
 was considered decisive ; and when, from the time of 
 Otho I., the imperial dignity was confined exclusively to 
 the German kings, the principle was already recognised, 
 
POSITIONS OF THE POPE AND THE EMPEROR. 213 
 
 that the imperial crown could be conferred only by the 
 hands of the Pope, with this indispensable condition, that 
 the emperor must repair to Rome, and receive the crown 
 in the church of St. Peter, or some other principal church 
 in the city, from the Pope himself or his delegate. Thus 
 was formed that relation between the emperor and the 
 Pope, as it existed in the latter part of the middle ages. 
 Each appeared as the highest point of a graduated poli- 
 tical scale, and, as it were, shared between them the ele- 
 ments which constitute human nature. As man, from his 
 peculiar constitution, not only appertains to the earth, 
 and clings to its interests, but is, at the same time, 
 capable of higher views, and believes himself to be 
 destined to a future and nobler state of existence ; so the 
 emperor and the Pope availed themselves of this double 
 capacity, the former claiming his obedience as a creature 
 of earth, that order might be preserved in secular affairs, 
 the latter assuming a power over his spiritual nature, in 
 order to direct him in the way to heaven, and prepare 
 him for it. In the same degree as the blessedness of an 
 eternal existence surpasses in importance the interests 
 of this life, was the Pope regarded as superior to every 
 secular potentate, especially as the latter could derive 
 their power from God, only through the medium of the 
 former, as the vicegerent of Christ. As the husband- 
 man, from inspecting the seed, can discover the form of 
 the tree, which is hereafter to spring from it, so had 
 Alcuin, whilst the Papal power was yet in its infancy, in- 
 dicated its future splendour by the position which he had 
 assigned it, and to which he had contributed his mite. 
 In recording the various transactions in which Alcuin 
 
214 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 was engaged, we could, with the less propriety, omit an 
 event which, in its origin and consequences, tended 
 mainly to establish this peculiar position of the Pope, as 
 there can be no doubt, that he was more deeply impli- 
 cated in it, than can be proved by historical evidence. 
 As Charles himself chose to concetti, under a specious pre- 
 tence, his share in a transaction, which, both in itself and 
 its effects, was the most important of his reign, so we 
 have nothing but isolated expressions, and detached 
 incidents, from which we can infer the extent to which 
 his intimate friend and counsellor participated in it. 
 
 Alcuin was prevented by bodily infirmity, from being 
 present at the solemn ceremony, which had conferred such 
 a distinction on his royal friend ; and therefore awaited 
 the return of Charles with the greater impatience, that he 
 might repeat to him, personally, those congratulations 
 which he had already offered by writing. He extols the 
 happiness of the people to whom God had given so pious 
 and wise a monarch ; and, in the example of Charles, be- 
 holds a confirmation of the truth of the Platonic sentiment, 
 that it is well for a kingdom, when philosophers, that is the 
 lovers of wisdom, hold the reins of government, or when 
 the king values and seeks that wisdom to which nothing in 
 this world can be compared 1 . He expresses his desire for 
 the king's return, with all the ardour of passion, and in a 
 style indicating rather the enthusiasm and fervour of youth 
 than the prudence and coldness of advanced and decrepid 
 age. He writes thus : " With a heart filled with anxiety, 
 and an ear which devoured every word that fell from 
 the lips of those who arrived, have I daily waited for some 
 tidings of my lord, and dearest friend, David, to learn 
 
CHARLEMAGNE'S SECOND VISIT TO TOURS. 215 
 
 when he ,will return home, when he will come back to 
 his native land. At length the welcome sound of a 
 gathering multitude rung in my longing ear. Soon, soon 
 will he arrive ; already has he, whom thou, Alcuin, hast 
 so ardently desired to behold, already has he crossed the 
 Alps ! Many times have I exclaimed with impatient 
 voice : O Lord, wherefore hast thou not given unto me 
 the wings of an eagle ? Wherefore hast thou not granted 
 unto me to be transported, like the prophet Habakkuk, 
 for one day, or even for a single hour, that I might em- 
 brace, and kiss the feet of my dearest friend, that I might 
 behold the brightness of his eyes, and hear a word of 
 affection from his lips, who is dearer and more precious 
 to me than all that is precious in the world beside ? Or 
 wherefore, envious fever dost thou hold me captive, at so 
 unseasonable a time ; and permittest me not to move, 
 even with my usual activity; that I might be able, at least, 
 slowly to accomplish that which cannot happen so speedily 
 as I desire 1 ." 
 
 On his return from Italy, Charles again visited Tours ; 
 and we may conclude, that his conversation with Alcuin 
 turned upon the new position, in which his elevation had 
 placed him with regard to the Greeks. The supposition 
 that in matters of importance, Charles sought, and fre- 
 quently pursued the advice of Alcuin, is confirmed by so 
 many circumstances, that we are justified in believing, this 
 conference to have had some reference to the subsequent 
 negotiations with the Greeks ; although his letters are 
 silent upon the subject, both because his opinion was 
 given in a personal interview, and because the affair de- 
 manded secresy. The French chroniclers, therefore, in 
 
THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 recording this portion of history, as well as in. their ac- 
 count of the imperial coronation, content themselves with 
 a bare statement of facts, without entering into the cir- 
 cumstances which produced them. The emperor be- 
 lieved he had merely revived an ancient, not created a 
 new political constitution, and therefore applied to Alcuin, 
 who was well acquainted both with ecclesiastical and 
 secular history, to supply him with the necessary histo- 
 rical information respecting it. The division of the Ro- 
 man world into two empires, had not originally destroyed 
 its unity. In restoring the Western empire, Charles 
 seemed to have assumed the precise relation to the East, 
 in which the former Western emperors had stood, and 
 it was, therefore, only requisite to obtain the recognition of 
 the Byzantine government. The Empress Irene was at that 
 time sole monarch, having set aside her son Constantine, 
 who, as a descendant of an Iconoclast, was a thorn in the 
 eyes of the monks and the worshippers of images. She 
 was a widow, and Charles' hand was also at liberty, his 
 wife Luitgarde having died, as has been already related, 
 in the year in which he undertook his journey to Rome, 
 for the purpose of receiving the imperial crown. The 
 amorous disposition of Charles, which his somewhat ad- 
 vanced age had not abated, would not suffer him to re- 
 main long without a wife or mistress ;' and Alcuin, both 
 in a religious and moral view, must have preferred that 
 he should choose the former rather than the latter. Fate 
 itself seemed to have paved the way for a union between 
 the new Western emperor and the empress of the East. 
 The idea of thus restoring the Roman empire in its full 
 extent and splendour, was too alluring to the aspiring 
 
NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE BYZANTINE COURT. 21? 
 
 mind of Charles not to be grasped. Irene first despatched 
 an embassy to Charles for the purpose, according to the 
 French annalists, of arranging the complicated interests 
 of the French and Greeks in Istria, Dalmatia, and Lower 
 Italy. In the same year, Charles sent Archbishop Jesse 
 and Count Helingaud to Constantinople. The Greeks 
 aver, that the ambassadors were commissioned to offer 
 the hand of Charles to the empress, in order, by this 
 alliance, to re-unite the West and East under one govern- 
 ment ; and that she would have accepted the offer, had 
 she not been prevented by the intrigues of her prime 
 minister, the eunuch Aetius 1 . The French ambassadors 
 were consequently eye-witnesses of a revolution, of which 
 Aetius was the author, and to which he had been instigated 
 principally by his dread of losing, through the French 
 alliance, the influence which he possessed. Irene was 
 deposed, and her minister of the finances, Nicephorus, 
 ascended the throne. Thus was frustrated this project, 
 which, in any case, would have been impracticable, and 
 to the formation of which, Alcuin had doubtless lent his 
 aid. It affords an additional evidence, how entirely 
 Charles and his counsellor, misled by historical recollec- 
 tions, mistook the peculiar nature of their situation, and 
 proves the dangers and mischief arising from men of 
 vigorous minds, wishing to shape the course of events 
 according to their own pre-conceived ideas. It was not 
 until the year 811, that the Byzantine emperor conde- 
 scended to acknowledge Charlemagne as emperor, and to 
 address him as his colleague. 
 
218 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 8. Dissension between Alcuin and Theodulph. 
 
 The visit of Charlemagne to Tours, on his return 
 from Rome, was the last which he paid previously to 
 Alcuin' s death ; and they appear never to have seen 
 each other after the emperor's departure. Charles, in- 
 deed, frequently desired Alcuin's presence at his court, 
 but he constantly excused himself, alleging his declin- 
 ing health, and the necessity of preparing to appear, 
 with tranquillity and a good conscience, before the judg- 
 ment seat of Him who is no respecter of persons, and in 
 whose presence all the fresh honours which Charles 
 could bestow upon him would avail him nothing 1 . In 
 another letter, he declared his resolution never more 
 to quit his retirement, and henceforward to assist the 
 emperor only with his prayers 2 . He, however, main- 
 tained an uninterrupted correspondence with him ; for 
 he was frequently applied to, both by monasteries and 
 individual ecclesiastics, who desired any favour of the 
 emperor, to present their petition at court, and to exert 
 his powerful intercession in their behalf ; in addition to 
 which, he had occasion to write, in reply to questions 
 proposed to him by Charles, and also to offer him his 
 advice, though unsolicited. We have an epistle of the 
 latter description, written shortly before his death, in 
 which he submits to the consideration of the emperor, 
 whether it would not be better to terminate the dispute 
 with the duke of Beneventum in some other way than 
 by having recourse to violence. Tn offering this advice, 
 Alcuin had no fear of involving himself in foreign affairs, 
 for he considered everything that concerned the emperor 
 
CHARLEMAGNE'S IMPARTIALITY. 219 
 
 or his kingdom, so little foreign to himself, that he 
 thought it his duty to bestow more care upon them than 
 upon his own life. 1 Charles would willingly have per- 
 sued this advice respecting a war which cost him more 
 than it was worth, had not the duke of Beneventum 
 himself, encouraged by his alliance with the Eastern 
 empire, rejected every condition which he considered 
 disadvantageous to himself. The war with Beneventum, 
 was therefore continued, until the general peace con- 
 cluded by Charles with the Byzantine emperor in the 
 year 811. 
 
 Although Charles acknowledged, and rewarded the 
 services which Alcuin had rendered to himself and his 
 family, and returned the affection which the instructor 
 entertained for his royal pupil, he was far from feeling 
 a blind partiality towards him. Rendered independent, 
 by the natural vigour of his understanding of favourites 
 and friends, he hesitated not, whenever their interests 
 came in competition with the claims of justice, to 
 espouse the cause of the latter. An interesting proof 
 of this noble impartiality, is afforded by his conduct 
 respecting the misunderstanding which had arisen be- 
 tween Alcuin and Theodulph ; it exemplifies the cha- 
 racter, both of Charles and Alcuin, but is much more 
 honourable to the pupil than the master. An ecclesi- 
 astic in the diocese of Orleans, who was subject to the 
 jurisdiction of the bishop, had been sentenced by bishop 
 Theodulph to be imprisoned for some misdemeanour. 
 He escaped from confinement, and sought pro- 
 tection in the sanctuary of St. Martin, at Tours. 
 Theodulph succeeded in procuring a warrant from the 
 
220 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 emperor, to demand the restitution of the fugitive, or, in 
 case of refusal, to take him by force from the asylum. 
 The bishop dispatched a party of armed men to Tours, 
 who, on producing the imperial mandate, were ac- 
 companied by the bishop of Tours himself to the 
 monastery. "Without any previous explanation with 
 the fraternity or the abbot, they rushed into the church. 
 The monks hastened to defend the sanctity and privi- 
 leges of their monastery, whilst others excited and ex- 
 horted the town's people, and especially the poor, who 
 lived on the bounty of the monastery, to protect the 
 relics of the saint from the sacrilegious violence of the 
 enemy 1 . The infuriated populace would have torn the 
 emissaries of the bishop in pieces, had not the monks 
 themselves rescued them from their hands, and con- 
 veyed them within the building. The whole affair 
 happened without Alcuin's previous knowledge ; but 
 after it had occurred, he did not disapprove it, and un- 
 dertook, with great zeal, to defend his monastery and 
 the sanctuary of St. Martin. Fearing that the trans- 
 action might be represented to the emperor in an un- 
 favourable light, he gave to his pupils, Wizo and 
 Fredegis 2 , who were then residing at court, a simple 
 statement of the facts in writing, for the purpose of 
 enabling them to contradict the exaggerated reports 
 which might reach the ears of the emperor. He also 
 adduced many arguments in justification of the pro- 
 ceeding from the ecclesiastical code, the sacred Scrip- 
 tures and history. " I beseech you, my dearest sons," 
 he says in this letter, " throw yourselves at the feet of 
 my lord David, the justest and noblest of emperors, 
 
ALCUIN'S DEFENCE OF HIS MONASTERY. 221 
 
 and demand, if the bishop should appear, to debate this 
 matter with him, whether it is proper that a man who 
 has been accused of a fault, should be dragged by force 
 from the sanctuary, to the punishment from which he 
 -had escaped? Whether it is just, that he who has 
 appealed to Caesar, should not be brought before 
 Caesar? Whether it is proper, that one who repents 
 of his error, should be deprived of all that he possesses, 
 even of his personal liberty ; and whether the word 
 of the Lord is to be regarded, when he says mercy 
 rejoiceth against judgment. (Jam. ii. 13.) If you 
 submit all this to the consideration of my lord 
 the Christian emperor, whom no advantage can allure 
 from the paths of truth and justice, I know that he will 
 not annul the resolutions and decrees of the holy fathers." 
 Charles sent Count Teotbert to Tours as his delegate, 
 for the purpose of investigating the affair ; but he con- 
 ducted himself with so much severity, and acted so 
 arbitrarily towards the people who had excited the 
 disturbance, as greatly displeased Alcuin 1 . The fraternity 
 received a mandate to surrender the fugitive ecclesiastic, 
 who had been the cause of the tumult, to his bishop, 
 Alcuin refused to obey, under the pretext that the 
 run-away priest had appealed to the emperor, as the 
 Apostle Paul had done in a similar case, and could, there- 
 fore, be judged only by the emperor : he evaded com- 
 pliance, and wrote to Charles 2 . The emperor now 
 made Alcuin and the whole fraternity or congregation 
 of St. Martin feel his displeasure, " One day earlier," 
 he writes, " than your letter reached us, we received a 
 communication from Theodulph, in which he complains of 
 
222 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 the injuries sustained by his people, or rather by himself, 
 and of the contempt shown to our mandate, subscribed 
 with our name, in which we commanded the restitution 
 of the ecclesiastic who had escaped from his prison, and 
 lay concealed in the church of St. Martin. And in 
 issuing this order, we do not conceive, as you do, that we 
 have committed any injustice. We have caused both 
 your letter, and that of Theodulph, to be again read to 
 us ; and yours appears much more violent and intemperate 
 than his, and to be destitute of the sweetness of Christian 
 charity. It seems to us to be nothing less than a vindi- 
 cation of the culprit, arid an impeachment of the bishop, 
 since it declares, under a specious form of words, that the 
 accused not only may, but ought to be permitted to make 
 an accusation ; whereas, it is decreed by the laws, both 
 of God and man, that no criminal can bring a charge 
 against another man. And yet you have taken him 
 under your protection, and persist in harbouring him, 
 under the pretence, that he who has already been publicly 
 accused and condemned by his own people has a right 
 to, and an opportunity of making a complaint on the 
 plea of appealing to the emperor. You lay much stress 
 upon the example of the Apostle Paul, who, when ac- 
 cused by bis own nation to the governor of Judea, but 
 before he had been tried, was sent to Caesar to be 
 judged by him. But this example is not applicable to 
 the present instance. For the Apostle Paul was merely 
 accused by the Jews not tried ; and since he had ap- 
 pealed to Caesar, they were compelled to bring him be- 
 fore the emperor. But this iniquitous and notorious 
 priest has not only been accused, but convicted and 
 
LETTER TO THE MONKS OF TOURS. 223 
 
 sentenced to prison ; from which prison he has escaped, 
 and in an unlawful manner entered the church, which he 
 should not have dared to approach until he had repented 
 of his sins ; but where he continues to live, without hav- 
 ing, according to report, abandoned his evil practices. 
 This man has now, as you say, after the example of the 
 Apostle Paul, appealed unto Caesar, but he shall never, 
 like Paul, appear before Caesar ; for we command that 
 he shall be delivered up to him before whom he has 
 been accused, and by whom he has been condemned and 
 imprisoned, and from whose imprisonment he has escaped. 
 By him he shall be brought into our presence : he may 
 speak the truth or not. It is derogatory to our authority, 
 that our first order should be countermanded for the sake 
 of such a man as this. But we also wonder greatly, that 
 you alone should have ventured to resist our com- 
 mands and authority, since both ancient usages and law, 
 have determined that the ordinances of kings must be 
 obeyed, and that no one may presume to despise their 
 commands and decrees. And we cannot sufficiently 
 marvel, that you should listen to the request of a wicked 
 man, rather than to our orders. It is, moreover, plain, that 
 with this man, a disposition to rebellion, and a disregard 
 of Christian charity has been introduced among you. , For 
 you, who call yourselves the fraternity of this monastery, 
 and the servants of God, (would to God you served him 
 more worthily !) you yourselves know how often your 
 own conduct has been evil spoken of by many, and not 
 without reason. For sometimes you have represented 
 yourselves to be monks, sometimes canons, and some- 
 times neither. Anxious for your welfare, and wishing 
 
224 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 to obliterate the memory of your past misdeeds, we ap- 
 pointed yon a skilful teacher and superintendent ; we 
 summoned him from a distant land, that he might in- 
 struct you by precept and exhortation, and that the ex- 
 ample of a pious man might teach you to live holy lives. 
 But, alas ! we have been grievously disappointed ; the 
 devil has found in you, an instrument to sow discord 
 amongst those whom it least becomes, even amongst the 
 teachers and doctors of the church. You, whose duty it 
 is to correct and reject sinners, incite others to the sins 
 of hatred and anger. But, with God's help, they will 
 not approve of your evil designs. You, however, who 
 have despised our commands, you monks or canons, by 
 whichever name you call yourselves, know that you are 
 arraigned before our tribunal, which our messenger will 
 announce to you. And should you even attempt, by 
 sending a letter here, to excuse your former resistance, 
 you shall, nevertheless, appear and make due reparation 
 for your past fault." 1 
 
 Although Charles, in this letter, mentioned Alcuin 
 with indulgence and approbation, and vented his whole 
 displeasure upon the monks, still its general tenor and 
 style must have been mortifying to him. It is certain 
 that he had taken infinite pains in instructing his com- 
 munity, arid if we may trust the accounts of others and 
 his own earlier reports to Charlemagne, not without con- 
 siderable success' 2 . The vexation, therefore, of finding 
 all his labours in reforming his monastery, represented 
 as fruitless, must have outweighed the pleasure which he 
 would derive from the personal commendation bestowed 
 by the emperor. He considered Charles, in this affair, 
 
ALCUIN'S DEATH. 225 
 
 as partial, as prejudiced in favour of Theodulph, and as 
 unjust towards himself and the fraternity over which he 
 presided ; but in this unpleasant transaction, he acted, 
 not from the dictates of duty and justice, but from the 
 impulse of a petty jealousy. Whilst, in a letter to 
 Charlemagne, he defended the character and conduct of 
 his monks against the calumnies of their enemies, he 
 neglected to obey the imperial mandate, but dismissed 
 the fugitive to one of his friends 1 . He probably ex- 
 culpated himself on the plea that the culprit had escaped, 
 and contrived that the whole affair should sink into 
 oblivion. 
 
 9. Death of Alcuin. 
 
 The event just recorded, occurred in the year 803. 
 The indignation which Alcuin felt at the injustice which 
 he considered himself to have sustained, the vehemence 
 with which he contended for the privileges of his monas- 
 tery, and his grief at the reproaches of Charles, could 
 not fail to have an injurious effect upon his already en- 
 feebled constitution. He was attacked by an illness 
 which terminated his life on the 19th May, 804. It is. 
 always an evidence of the importance of a man in his 
 own day, when extraordinary natural phenomena are 
 related as having been connected with his death, and 
 when the day of his decease is recorded in the public 
 annals. Both is the case with Alcuin. It is said, that 
 on the night in which he died, so bright a light was seen 
 to shine over the church of St. Martin, that it appeared 
 as if the church were in flames. Heaven seemed, 
 
 o 
 
226 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 as it were, to have opened to receive the departing spirit 
 of the pious man. 1 It was, also, generally reported and 
 believed, that a hermit in Italy had seen, at the same 
 hour, a celestial choir of saints, in the midst of whom, 
 Alcuin, adorned with a splendid garment (Dalmatica), 
 made his triumphant entry into heaven. 2 We cannot, 
 therefore, wonder that multitudes flocked around the 
 inanimate body, in order, that by touching or beholding 
 it, they might be healed of their diseases, and that many 
 went away cured. His soul having been deposited in 
 heaven, his body could be interred with the greater 
 satisfaction. His funeral was performed with the ut- 
 most solemnity in the church of St. Martin, and an epi- 
 taph written by himself, and engraved on a copper-plate, 
 points out his resting place to posterity. 
 
 HERE, gentle traveller ! pause awhile to rest, 
 And note the sounds which issue from the tombj 
 
 A heart like thine once throbbed within this breast, 
 Then learn from mine, thy destiny, thy doom. 
 
 What now thou art, I was well known to fame. 
 
 What now I am, thou soon shalt be. Decay 
 Hath left no vestige of each futile aim, 
 
 Save dust and ashes to the worms a prey. 
 
 Then haste to guard thy soul's eternal weal, 
 
 Nor heed the frail integument that dies. 
 Why purchase realms ? Behold, vain man ! and feel 
 
 The narrow bounds in which wealth, glory, lies. 
 
 Why pant to deck thee in the purple robe 
 
 Which, low in dust, the hungry worm invades ? 
 
 That form shall sink, though born to rule the globe, 
 As, 'neath the foul Simoon, the flowret fades. 
 
ALCUIN'S EPITAPH. 227 
 
 Some kind return, Oh ! gentle reader ! deign 
 To these sad strains. Breathe out, " God rest his soul 
 
 And may this tomb no impious hand profane, 
 
 Ere the last trumpet's peal through heaven shall roll. 
 
 Then burst the sepulchre ; and spring to light ! 
 
 The mighty judge, his countless myriads hail !" 
 Wisdom's fond lover, he erst Alcuin hight, 
 
 Now craves thy silent prayer, at vespers pale 1 . 
 
 Under these verses, the monks inscribed the follow- 
 ing words. " Here rest the blessed remains of Abbot 
 Alcuin. He died in peace, fourteen days before the 
 calends of June. All ye, who read this, pray for him, 
 that the Lord may grant him everlasting rest 2 ." 
 
 A man who devoted his whole life to religion, and 
 whose conduct was so holy and pious as Alcuin's, would, 
 of course, enjoy amongst his superstitious cotemporaries, 
 the reputation of working miracles. There are not 
 wanting legends respecting his miraculous powers of 
 foreseeing future events, and, by his blessing, restoring 
 the use of their limbs to the lame, and sight to the blind. 
 He was also called to sustain sundry conflicts with the 
 Evil Spirit, which his biographer records as an especial 
 proof of his sanctity 3 . But posterity has accorded him 
 the nobler praise, of having directed his energies to the 
 diffusion of knowledge, and of having contributed to 
 maintain and encourage the church, in the form in which 
 she alone, at that time, could have been beneficial. 
 
 o 2 
 
228 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 SECTION V. 
 
 UPON ALCUIN'S CHARACTER, AND PERSONAL 
 APPEARANCE. 
 
 1. General Remarks upon History and Biography. 
 
 THE business of history, properly so called, is not to 
 delineate individual characters, but to record the total 
 amount of intellectual power existing in society at 
 large, and the external forms which such powers assume. 
 The mental energies of a nation, manifest themselves in 
 the formation of social institutions, the establishment of 
 divine worship, and in the productions of science and 
 art. It is the origin and progress of these forms, which 
 it is the province of history to describe. But these forms, 
 like every other, are in themselves, cold and inanimate ; 
 it is change alone which endues them with life, and the 
 soul of this life is man. As a soft and plastic substance 
 receives the impress of the mould in which it is cast, so 
 do the generality of mankind adapt themselves to the cir- 
 cumstances by which they are surrounded. In performing 
 her task, therefore, history has usually only to represent 
 the general progress of events ; and a history might be 
 written of many periods in which it would not be neces- 
 sary to describe one individual, or to bring forward any 
 other than general positions as the representatives of 
 peculiar rights, views and interests. But on a hard 
 substance, on the contrary, not only does the mould leave 
 
THE PROVINCE OF BIOGRAPHY. 229 
 
 no impression : but if external force be applied to produce 
 it, there is danger that the mould itself will be shivered in 
 pieces, or at all events, that the image will be defaced, or 
 obliterated. Distinguished and prominent characters, 
 constitute this hard substance in the mould of time. In- 
 stead of receiving, they impart a peculiar stamp to the 
 period in which they live, and on quitting the world, 
 leave it in a condition totally different from that in which 
 they found it on their entrance. In such a case, history 
 resigns her place to biography. The foreground is occu- 
 pied by an individual : the opinions entertained by him, 
 become laws to the rest of mankind, who are guided by 
 his decisions ; and whilst he has drawn from his own 
 mind alone, the principles which have effected a change 
 on all around him, he becomes the source and centre of 
 new combinations. The individual who thus ventures to 
 give to his opinions the influence belonging to a long 
 course of events, may be said, in a certain degree, to 
 supply their place ; and if he usurp their privileges, he 
 must also fulfil their office. As all the interests of the 
 period in which he lives, either emanate from, or are con- 
 centrated in him, it becomes necessary, that we may have 
 a clear conception of that period, to pursue, in minute 
 detail, the development of his character. This is accom- 
 plished by biography, whose province it is to relate the 
 effect which individual men have had upon their own 
 times. Whilst the chief object of history is to record 
 those events which have determined the condition of man- 
 kind ; the business of biography is to describe the in- 
 fluence which individuals have had upon the course of 
 those events ; and if their influence have been so powerful 
 
230 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 as to divert it into a new channel, biography becomes 
 history itself. It is, indeed, always important to be made 
 acquainted with the character of princes, or other persons 
 occupying high public stations, but their character should 
 never be made the primary object of history, unless they 
 were really the main-spring of the events recorded. Man- 
 kind have ceased to confine the history of a nation to the 
 personal qualities of its rulers, to consider a relation of 
 court intrigues, as the annals of the country, and to deem 
 public affairs as sufficiently explained when they have 
 been traced to the impetuosity of a princely lover, or the 
 secrets of the chamber. 
 
 It is principally in times of great excitement and dis- 
 order, that individuals succeed in distinguishing them- 
 selves. When ancient forms are destroyed, in order to 
 make way, not for a new system already existing, but for 
 one which is yet to be organised, bold and daring spirits 
 start forth, seize upon the materials which lie scattered 
 around, and fashion them according to their own views. 
 In the history of such times, therefore, biographical de- 
 scription predominates, because the achievements of the 
 actors were less the result of external circumstances, than 
 premeditated plans. The age of Charlemagne is, in many 
 respects, one of this description. From the time that the 
 Carlovingian house had placed itself at the head of the 
 French nation, and subsequently usurped the throne, a 
 number of alterations had been introduced, though the 
 principles which were opposed to them still existed. It 
 is true, that the usurpation gave a new aspect to the regal 
 authority, which the Carlovingians themselves had as- 
 sisted in degrading, but it was still as indeterminate and 
 
IMPORTANCE OF CHARLEMAGNE'S CHARACTER. 231 
 
 unsettled, as the constitutional privileges. It was the 
 aim of Pepin's successor, to give permanency and stability 
 to these fluctuating elements, and to sweep away every 
 thing that impeded his views 1 . At that time, the organi- 
 sation of a government was not so well understood as at 
 present, when one day subverts a constitution, to which 
 the previous night had given birth, and which the follow- 
 ing morning is again revived under a different form. That 
 something of this spirit, so essential to every conqueror 
 essential, because without it, he is a mere destroyer 
 and which displayed itself most perfectly in the French 
 revolution, was possessed by Charles, is , proved by his 
 rapid organisation of Aquitaine, Italy and other con- 
 quered provinces. That which his father had cautiously 
 attempted, the more magnanimous son boldly effected. 
 His individual character is, therefore, so important in the 
 history of his own times, that it deserves to be treated 
 biographically. Of all the obstacles which ancient 
 customs opposed to the new order of things, none was so 
 formidable as the condition of the clergy, and the neces- 
 sity of reforming that order of society concurred with the 
 desire which Charles already experienced, of cultivating in 
 himself and others the learning which he respected. 
 Though we may regard Charleb himself as the immediate 
 source of his legislative enactments, and his political and 
 military operations ; esteem for learning was all that 
 could originate in himself, as he possessed no personal 
 means of promoting it. He could not, like Peter the 
 Great, compare his people with those of a neighbouring 
 civilised country, in order to determine in what they were 
 deficient ; nor could he himself acquire in foreign lands 
 
232 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 information and ideas, and inculcate them on his subjects 
 with the knout. The conclusion at which Charles 
 arrived, not so much by actually contemplating a more 
 perfect State of society, as by combining facts, and drawing 
 inferences from a former condition of mankind, was, that 
 both himself and his subjects were destitute of knowledge, 
 which it was not merely desirable, but needful they should 
 possess, and that the clergy, in particular, as forming the 
 intellectual portion of the state, must be rescued from their 
 total ignorance and worldliness, and rendered more spi- 
 ritual. But the influence of external light was requisite 
 to give distinctness to these dim perceptions in Charles 
 mind ; and it was likewise necessary, that another should 
 guide him in his ideas of the mode in which the clergy 
 principally, and then the people were to be educated. 
 In this respect, Alcuin has -had a decided influence 
 upon him. When we desire to peruse the biography 
 of learned men, of artists, or of those who have distin- 
 guished themselves by a display of their intellectual 
 powers, it is only with the view of enabling ourselves the 
 better to understand their works ; and to see whether the 
 mind of the individual, in developing itself in a certain 
 form, and in no other, has been acted upon by external 
 causes, and to ascertain what those causes were. Had 
 Alcuin been simply a man of learning, with whose name 
 nothing was connected but the mention of his works, 
 which are now scarcely read, his biography would be 
 extremely short, if not altogether superfluous ; but it was 
 his fate to be connected with the master-spirit of his age, 
 to whose control, a great portion of the world was sub- 
 jected, and whose opinions would consequently affect the 
 
THE IMPORTANCE OF ALCUIN's INFLUENCE. 233 
 
 condition of thousands. The influence which Alcuin 
 exercised over Charles, was therefore diffused over a 
 whole empire ; he becomes an historical character, and 
 his works may be received as specimens of the spirit and 
 taste which then prevailed. This determines the form 
 which his biography must assume ; which- is no other 
 than a frame in which to exhibit a picture of extraordinary 
 efforts in the pursuit of science and literature. Alcuin's 
 influence extended far beyond the actions which he per- 
 sonally performed; for, in guiding the genius of a potent 
 monarch, he rendered him the agent to effect his own de- 
 signs. All the transactions in which he was concerned, or 
 which are of such a nature as to leave no doubt on our 
 minds that he participated in them, demand a place and an 
 explanation in his biography. Even if they were merely 
 the result of opinions which he had forcibly expressed, 
 they must still be reckoned among his actions. Re- 
 garded in this point of view, the reader will discover the 
 reasons for relating the Life of Alcuin in the mode in 
 which it has been attempted in the preceding pages. 
 Presuming that he has awakened sufficient interest in 
 the mind of the reader, to render him welcome as an in- 
 dividual, even when unconnected with important events, 
 we will, in conclusion, endeavour to compose from the 
 scattered features of his history, a picture of his personal 
 appearance, and mental qualities. A portrait becomes 
 valuable to us, only when intellectual associations have 
 imparted an interest to the object represented. 
 
234 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 2. Alcuin s Personal Appearance. 
 
 A painting was once preserved in the abbey of Ein- 
 sideln, which is said to be a portrait of Alcuin 1 . It ex- 
 hibits a German face, with coarse harsh features, in which 
 the austerities of monkish piety are visible. The indivi- 
 dual is represented in an attitude the most appropriate 
 to his calling- and character, that of serious reflection, 
 apparently upon theological subjects. The gloomy coun- 
 tenance, the wrinkled brow, and the compressed lips, 
 indicate not that spiritual and enthusiastic devotion 
 which fills the soul with rapture, and diffuses over the 
 outward features a ray of the joy which beams within ; 
 but profound meditation upon some abstruse subject. But 
 when we, in imagination, behold the furrowed brow 
 smoothed, when we fancy the individual before us, un- 
 closing his lips to communicate, with a delight that 
 illumines his melancholy eye, the discovery of the looked- 
 for result, we can discern in these harsh features, that 
 good-nature and kind-heartedness which Alcuin must 
 have possessed, to gain, in the degree which he certainly 
 acquired, the esteem and affection of an immense number 
 of persons whom he had attached to him in the course of 
 his life and instruction. His eyes then sparkle with 
 that intellectual vivacity which he evinced in many of his 
 writings, especially in his polemical works. Nothing but 
 the traces of mortification and penance will then re- 
 mind us, that we are gazing on a priest, who sought, 
 by abstinence, to gain admittance into the kingdom of 
 heaven 2 . 
 
235 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 3. Character of Alcuin. 
 
 In the portrait of Alcuin, we may discern the leading 
 features of his character. His whole mind had a reli- 
 gious and moral bias. These characteristic features are 
 perceptible in every relation of his life. As the coun- 
 sellor of a powerful monarch, he endeavoured to procure 
 for morality, and the prevailing religion, an influence 
 upon legislation, quite foreign to its purpose. Laws do 
 not prescribe virtuous sentiments ; they produce and en- 
 courage them, only in so far as they repress evil. The 
 manner in which Alcuin sought to make the Bible the 
 basis of judicial decisions, and to deduce the legal ap- 
 pointments of private persons from moral principles, is 
 demonstrated by a fragment amongst his writings 1 , in 
 which he seems to have communicated to Charlemagne 
 his opinions upon the right of inheritance. He says for 
 instance 
 
 1. The testament of a deceased person must be held 
 valid, and must, on no account, be annulled after his 
 death 2 . 
 
 2. Whoever displays ingratitude towards the testator, 
 thereby proves his own unworthiness to claim the benefit 
 of the will 3 . 
 
 3. That the blessing of the father should descend to 
 the son is natural ; but they act contrary to the laws of 
 nature, who are disobedient or refractory to their parents. 
 He only can be a lawful heir, who has conducted himself 
 towards his parents as he is bound to do by the precepts 
 of religion. 
 
236 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 4. There is a great distinction between being admitted 
 to an inheritance by favour, and without any obligation 
 (indebite), and being appointed to it by will in conse- 
 quence of a claim or right. 
 
 5. The more blamelessly a man conducts himself in 
 all the relations of life, the more is his claim to the in- 
 heritance confirmed. 
 
 The same characteristic features distinguish him as a 
 teacher. His endeavours were directed not so much to 
 cultivate the understanding, still less the taste, as to im- 
 prove the heart, and induce his pupils to pursue a moral 
 and Christian course. * He belonged to that class of 
 persons, of whom Schiller says, that they enjoy a serious 
 and pathetic poem like a sermon, and one which is naive 
 or witty, like an intoxicating draught, who are so des- 
 titute of taste, as to desire to be edified by a tragedy 
 or an epic poem, and are shocked at an ode of Anacreon 
 or Catullus 1 . To this is to be attributed the dislike which 
 he exhibited in his latter years to the Latin poets, and 
 his severity against an innocent partiality for dramatic 
 representations. For, in his more advanced life, in ac- 
 cordance with the character above described, he regarded 
 every thing only with reference to its fitness for im- 
 proving the moral sense, or its tendency to have a dan- 
 gerous effect upon the passions 2 . 
 
 Such a character professes external humility. The ap- 
 pellation which Alcuin best liked to bestow upon him- 
 self, was that of the humble Levite. He so frequently 
 expressed a distrust of his own powers, a readiness to 
 confess his errors, and to learn of others, that it would 
 reflect nothing but honour upon him, were his professions 
 
ALCUIN'S HUMILITY. 237 
 
 sincere. But although, when upon one occasion, Charles 
 begged him to re-consider a disputed point, in order to 
 ascertain whether he might not himself be in error, he 
 declared that he was never obstinate in his opinions, 
 and that he knew too well that men should use their ears 
 rather than their tongues 1 ; this declaration is as incon- 
 sistent with the imperious and confident tone of his 
 letters, as with his writings against the Adoptionists, and 
 more than all, with his behaviour in his dispute with 
 Theodulph, which has been above related. Although 
 humility is the opposite extreme of pride, yet we know 
 how easily extremes meet. Hatred can sooner be con- 
 verted into love than indifference, for this simple reason, 
 that an object which is capable of exciting our hatred, 
 must possess sufficient interest to inspire love, if pre- 
 sented in a different light. So the step from humility to 
 pride, is so easy and imperceptible, that it is often made 
 unconsciously, and men continue, with a species of self- 
 delusion, to conceal pride beneath the mask of humility. 
 As Socrates detected vanity peeping through the rents 
 in the tattered mantle of Antisthenes, so must we con- 
 sider that humility suspicious which is too ostentatiously 
 displayed. The sanctimonious persons whom we meet in 
 our own day, attired in sombre grey, and wearing hats of 
 the meanest description, should reflect that behind this 
 mask, lurks the evil spirit of pride, leering with sly and 
 sarcastic glance, on the unprejudiced spectator. In the 
 complacency with which Alcuin, particularly in his letters 
 to archbishops, patriarchs, and other high dignitaries of 
 the church, styles himself a humilis Levita 9 who does 
 not discern the gratified vanity of a man, who, though 
 
238 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 placed in an insignificant station in life, had rendered 
 himself, by his talents, their equal, or even their superior. 
 To this weakness, is to be attributed the authority which 
 he appears to have assumed amongst his pupils, as one 
 inspired with the gift of prophecy. By predicting events, 
 with which he may by some means have become ac- 
 quainted, and concealing the source of his information, 
 he acquired the reputation of being a prophet 1 . His 
 anonymous biographer relates some anecdotes in reference 
 to this subject, which, though not in piquancy, are yet 
 superior in point of truth, to those with which biogra- 
 phy is usually adorned. Raganardus, one of Alcuin's 
 pupils, sought to mortify his body by such excessive 
 vigils and fastings, as brought on a violent fever. When 
 father Alcuin came to visit him, he commanded all ex- 
 cepting Sigulf, 2 to leave the apartment, and then began : 
 " Why hast thou, without asking counsel of any one, at- 
 tempted to practise such extreme austerity ? Perceiving 
 that thou hadst an inclination to do so, I caused thee to 
 sleep in the same chamber with myself, but as soon as 
 thou supposedst that all were asleep, thou didst kindle a 
 light in thy lantern, and watch the whole night." Those 
 things which he had done most secretly, things which 
 God only could know, Alcuin discoverd to him, and 
 added : " When thou earnest to me, and I bade thee drink 
 wine, thou didst cunningly reply, Father, I have already 
 drunk enough at my uncle's ; when thou wentest to thy 
 uncle, and he likewise bade thee drink, thou didst say 
 thou hadst already drunk with me. Thou didst intend 
 to impose upon us, and hast deceived thyself. Beware, 
 when thou art cured of this fever, that thou act not again 
 
ALCUIN'S REPUTATION OF BEING A PROPHET. 239 
 
 so imprudently. When Raganardus heard this, he was 
 ashamed, and frightened at having been detected ; and 
 finding that he could conceal nothing from Alcuin, he 
 asked him, in astonishment, how he had become ac- 
 quainted with this. Even to the present day, he solemnly 
 protests that no man knew it but himself. He repented 
 of his foolish attempt, and never afterwards acted with- 
 out Alcuin's counsel or command 1 ." This anecdote 
 shows on the one hand, Alcuin's tender care of his 
 pupils, and on the other, his vanity in wishing to appear 
 omniscient in their eyes. That he displayed the same 
 weakness in reference to his friends, is proved by another 
 anecdote, which, like the former, the anonymous author 
 shall relate in his own simple style. " When messengers 
 from the king, or some other of his friends were coming 
 to him, he frequently, whilst they were yet at a great 
 distance, predicted their arrival, the motive of their visit, 
 what they were bringing with them, and what they 
 would take away with them. Some of his pupils who 
 heard this, attributed this to his age, supposing that he 
 was childish, and his understanding impaired, until the 
 result convinced them of the truth of the prediction. 
 Benedict, that man of God, who was more intimate with 
 him than any other of the monastic order, often came 
 from Gothien to ask his holy counsel for himself and his 
 fraternity. On one occasion he wished to come to 
 Tours, without giving any one intelligence of his arrival 
 before he reached Alcuin's door. Whilst he was at a 
 considerable distance, Alcuin called to one of his servants 
 and said, Hasten to meet Abbot Benedict, at such and 
 such a place, and bid him come quickly to me. Alcuin's 
 
240 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 messenger did as he was commanded, and after a journey 
 of three days, arrived at the spot to which he had been 
 directed, where he found Benedict, and delivered his 
 message. Benedict, astonished to find his design dis- 
 covered, hastened to Tours. When both, filled with 
 joy, had embraced and kissed each other, worthy father 
 Benedict began : " Father who informed you of my in- 
 tended visit?" Alcuin replied, "no man informed me 
 of it by words." Benenedict then enquired: "what 
 then, have you received a letter from any body ? " " No," 
 answered Alcuin. Benedict, upon this, rejoined : " If you 
 have received neither verbal nor written communication 
 from man, tell me, I beseech you, how you became ac- 
 quainted with it." " Enquire no further," was Alcuin's 
 reply 1 . By such means as these, Alcuin obtained the 
 reputation of being divinely inspired, and by the practice 
 of all the duties enjoined by religion, confirmed the 
 general belief. He has not, however, attained to the 
 title of saint, but is simply recognised by the church as 
 blessed (beatus). 2 
 
 ^/ An individual character, who possesses marked pe- 
 "truliarities, maintains a constant struggle with external 
 circumstances ; and it is their reciprocal influence on 
 each other, which imparts an interest to biography. An 
 individual character, as something permanent and stead- 
 fast, amidst perpetual change, must, if he would be dis- 
 tinguished, not only suffer no alteration in the universal 
 transformation which is going on, but must also be able 
 so to mould events, as to bring them into conformity 
 with himself. He must resemble an expert swimmer, 
 who not merely governs the waves, but forces them to 
 
CHARACTER OF ALCUIN's SCHOOLS. 241 
 
 bear him whither he will ; whilst the weak give them- 
 selves up to the current, and are either carried down the 
 stream, or sink for ever. Every thing that constitutes 
 the material of the labours of an individual, he receives 
 originally from without, but fashions it within, in the 
 recesses of his own mind, before he brings it into action. 
 It is, therefore, by the performances of a man, that \ve 
 judge of the intellectual powers, since it is the mental 
 faculties which impart to his actions their peculiar cha- 
 racter. Thus, in recalling the achievements of Alcuin, 
 which have been recorded in the preceding pages, the 
 reader will perceive that they all bore the impress of 
 those mental peculiarities which have been described. 
 In him, everything received a religious hue; all the 
 sciences, with him, ranged themselves under the banner 
 of religion, and formed a rampart to defend theology 
 from the attacks of heretics and scoffers. He wished to 
 rear a second Athens in France but a Christian Athens. 
 The schools established according to his plan, are, there- 
 fore, now commended by many persons, on the very 
 principle on which others might be inclined to censure 
 them ; namely, that they were confined to religion, and 
 intended only to educate good Christians. Alcuin's 
 character was adapted to the necessities of his times, 
 and as he had only to pursue the direction in which the 
 natural current of events was flowing, he was enabled to 
 accomplish his projects with the greater facility and suc- 
 cess. In reviewing his character in the various relations 
 of his life, the first thing that strikes us as being incon- 
 sistent with it, is the nature of a life at court. Not that 
 he wanted ability to conduct himself with propriety in 
 
242 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 every station. His letters to Charlemagne are admirable 
 specimens of his skill in paying an elegant compliment 
 without being a flatterer, and of the agreeable mode in 
 which he could offer instruction or reproof, without dis- 
 playing that presumption and self-complacency, into which 
 a perceptive or admonitory style is so easily betrayed. 
 But the bustle of a court, which was perpetually changing 
 its residence, was as little compatible with his love of 
 tranquillity, as the din of arms with his peaceful studies ; 
 and his admiration of Charlemagne proves that he him- 
 self did not possess that versatility of talent, which was 
 requisite to satisfy the demands of the state and of sci- 
 ence ; and that he would have been overwhelmed in the 
 boisterous element of public life. Although, in his in- 
 tercourse with Charles, and in the education of the royal 
 family and the young French nobility, he found even at 
 court, a soil so far congenial to his nature, as to admit of 
 his producing much valuable fruit, still the interruptions 
 to which he was exposed were so disagreeable to him, 
 that he longed for some abode where he might dwell in 
 peace, and when he had once found it, he would never 
 consent to exchange it for the court. In one of his letters 
 to Charlemagne, Alcuin wishing to compliment him, ad- 
 dressed him in the words with which the queen of Sheba 
 expressed her admiration of king Solomon. " Happy 
 are thy men, and happy are these thy servants, which 
 stand continually before thee, and hear thy wisdom." 
 Charles, who in all probability had frequently invited 
 Alcuin to his court without success, did not suffer these 
 words to escape him, but in his reply, desired Alcuin, if 
 he believed what he said to be true, to come and gather 
 
ALCUIN'S AVERSION TO A LIFE AT TOURS. 243 
 
 \ 
 
 with him the flowers of wisdom 1 . The answer of Alcuin, 
 in which he declines the invitation, reveals the cause 
 which had driven him from court : he begs the king to 
 excuse him, as he could find happiness only in the land 
 of peace, and not in the regions of discord and war. " Of 
 what value," he asks, " would be the weakness of 
 Flaccus amid arms ? What a timid hare amongst wild 
 boars ? What among lions, an innocent sheep, that had 
 been nourished and brought up in peace, and in igno- 
 rance of battles 2 ? " The splendid establishment which 
 Charles had assigned him was as little congenial with his 
 disposition, as the burthen of secular occupations. The 
 manner in which the French monarch endowed the 
 schools which he established, is worthy the imitation of 
 modern governments. The respect which he entertained 
 for learning, extended to those who were engaged in its 
 diffusion ; and he endeavoured to alleviate the difficult 
 and arduous duties of their profession, by placing them 
 above the reach of pecuniary cares. The teachers who 
 were appointed to the cathedral school, have in latter 
 times become canons, and still retain possession of their 
 immense revenues, without performing the duties for 
 which they were originally granted. The title of Scho- 
 lasticus or school-master, by which they continue to be 
 designated, seems like a reproach, since they would con- 
 sider themselves disgraced, were they really to execute 
 that office. How much more anxious must Charles have 
 been, to attach those men to the state by the ties of 
 temporal advantages, whom he regarded as the luminaries 
 of science and of the church. Contrary to the ordinance 
 of the church, which prohibited one individual from 
 
244 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 holding a plurality of benefices, Charles conferred many 
 of the richest ahbeys upon his learned friends. His 
 motive for doing this, was his belief, that at that time, 
 when the number of learned ecclesiastics was small, he 
 should thus confide the revenues of church lands to able 
 hands, who, he might be convinced, would appropriate 
 them only to the purposes of literature and piety. Alcuin 
 held four of the richest benefices in France ; and we are 
 assured by Archbishop Elipandus, who, during his contro- 
 versy with Alcuin, reproaches him, amongst other things, 
 with his enormous wealth, and says that more than twenty 
 thousand vassals were maintained upon his lands. But 
 to aspire after high dignities or great riches, formed no 
 part of Alcuin's character ; and we can entertain no 
 more doubt of the truth and sincerity of his assertion, that 
 he had not been allured into France by any prospect of 
 temporal advantage, than of the desire which he repeat- 
 edly expressed to Charlemagne, that he would resume 
 the benefices which he had bestowed upon him. Charles 
 would not consent to grant this request, nor deprive him 
 of the means of practising benevolence ; he complied 
 with the wish of his instructor only so far as to permit 
 him to distribute amongst his pupils, the business con- 
 nected with the administration of his property. 
 
 With the exception of these two points, every situation 
 in which Alcuin was placed, was in accordance with his 
 character. He was not called upon to contend against 
 established opinions, nor to exhaust his strength in a 
 useless conflict. The object against which he struggled, 
 the ignorance and immorality of the clergy, was an evil 
 to which the spirit of the times was opposed, a weed in 
 
ALCUIN A UNIVERSAL GENIUS. 245 
 
 the garden of the clmrch, which men had already set 
 themselves to eradicate. The unsullied purity of his 
 own life, which even his enemies could not impugn, and 
 his learning, in which no man of that period surpassed 
 him, qualified him particularly for co-operation in such a 
 work. Considering the period in which he lived, he may 
 be regarded as a universal genius, combining the know- 
 ledge of rhetoric, grammar, astronomy, poetry and phi- 
 losophy, with theology. It is evident, that he was suffi- 
 ciently acquainted with Latin, to express himself in that 
 language with ease and fluency ; indeed, amongst the 
 clergy, it was almost as well understood as their native 
 tongue. In addition to this, he had acquired such a 
 knowledge of Greek, as was necessary to enable him to 
 compare the original of the New Testament with the 
 translation ; and had also attempted the study of Hebrew, 
 a degree of erudition, in which few at that time partici- 
 pated. Besides the sacred Scriptures, the works which 
 he most esteemed, were those of St. Augustine, among 
 the fathers, and of Virgil among the classical authors. 
 As the maintenance of Christianity was the object at 
 which his writings chiefly aimed, and as he willingly 
 sacrificed the graces of composition to the importance of 
 the sentiment, we may easily conjecture on what model he 
 formed his style. It was the custom of the middle ages 
 as well as of more modern times to take the examples of 
 the past, as rules for regulating the present. As we 
 direct the student to the glorious days of Greece, and 
 Rome, in order, that having contemplated their institu- 
 tions, he may return with a matured judgment to the cir- 
 cumstances of his own times, and pronounce upon their 
 
246 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN 
 
 interests, and provide for their exigencies, according to the 
 views which such an education must furnish ; so, in the 
 middle ages, the Bible and the writings of the fathers 
 were considered as the most worthy of imitation. The 
 style of Alcuin is formed more upon them than upon 
 classical compositions. The various contents of different 
 works demand a corresponding variety of style. The 
 animation, acuteness and satire, which Alcuin displays in 
 his controversial works, gives place to a pious simplicity, 
 and devotional sublimity in his religious writings, or to 
 solid arguments in his scientific treatises. The best 
 specimen of his style, and more especially of that peculiar 
 to his times, is to be found in his letters, wherein he adopts 
 the prevailing tone of refined society. The language of 
 Alcuin's letters is dignified, though sometimes inflated 
 and pompous. It is true, that if we compare his Latin 
 with the classical language of ancient Rome, we discover 
 an abundance of barbarous and ungrammatical expres- 
 sions; but the Latin of the middle ages was a distinct 
 language, which is entitled to be judged, not by the dead 
 rules of a form which has ceased to exist, but by its living 
 and practical use. It bore the same relation to the an- 
 cient Latin, as the Greek of Byzantium, to the written 
 language of the old Greek authors. When Hegewisch 
 avers, that he could see nothing to admire in the 
 numerous works of Alcuin, but his facility in writing 5 
 and that it would be in vain to take them up with the 
 expectation of finding either philosophical reasoning or 
 elegance of expression, he proves that he uttered this 
 opinion without having taken up these writings himself. 
 Whatever the intelligence and learning of the Carlovin- 
 
STRENGTH AND STABILITY OF A GOVERNMENT. 247 
 
 gian period could produce, was combined in him, and 
 the circle which surrounded him. From his connection 
 with a monarch, who, in his endeavours to enlighten and 
 improve his subjects, accomplished more than the cir- 
 cumstances in which he was placed, and the resources 
 which he had at his command, seemed to render possible ; 
 who considered an acquisition in the field of science, as 
 no less important than the conquest of a province, and 
 who held a man eminent for learning in equal estimation 
 with an expert general ; Alcuin had an opportunity of 
 employing his talents with so much benefit to mankind, as 
 to secure to himself a portion of the glory which his 
 exertions, procured for Charlemagne. The idea, con- 
 ceived by a powerful monarch in the eighth century, of 
 basing he strength and stability of his government upon 
 the increased intelligence of his people, an idea, which a 
 thousand years later is scarcely recognised, and carried 
 universally into effect, appears sufficiently extraordinary 
 to merit the degree of attention which has been devoted 
 to it in this representation of the Life of Alcuin. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 Page 7. 
 1 Bed. Hist. lib. iv. cap. 1. 2 Bed. I. c. cap. 2. 
 
 Page 8. 
 
 1 The former died in the year 709, the latter in 755. 
 
 2 Anonym. Vita Alcuini ap. Froben. p. Ixi: Erat siquidem ei 
 (Hechberto) ex Nobilium filius grex Scholasticorum, quorum 
 quidam artis grammatical rudimentis, alii disciplinis erudiebantur 
 artium jam liberalium, nonnulli divinarum scriptuarum. 
 
 3 Epist. 5. The quotations from the Opera Beati Flacci Albini, 
 are from the edition which has been published in 4 vols. fol. and 
 carefully revised by Frobenius, Abbot of St. Emmeran, at 
 Ratisbon. 
 
 Page 9. 
 
 1 The anonymous biographer who wrote not long after Alcuin's 
 death (829), and who derived his information chiefly from Alcuin's 
 pupil and friend Sigulf, calls him p. Ix. nobili gentis Anglorum 
 exortus prosapia. We learn from himself that he was related to 
 St. Willibrord, whose father, Wilgis, had erected a monastery on 
 the sea-shore in qua et post multiplices sancti laboris agones a 
 Deo coronatus corpore requiescit, et posteri ejus usque hodie ex 
 sanctitatis ejus traditione possident. Quorum ego meritis et ordine 
 extremus eandem cellulam per successiones legitimas suscepi 
 gubernandam. Vit. S. Willibrordi, in Op. torn. ii. p. 184. 
 
 2 Alcuin. Poema de Pontificibus et Sanctis Ecclesise Ebonu 
 censis, vs. 1431. sq. 
 
 3 Alcuin. 1. c. vs. 1448. 
 
 Indolis egregiae juvenes quoscunque videbat, 
 Hos sibi conjunxit, docuit, nutrivit, amavit. 
 
 4 This fact appears so clear to me from the two following passages, 
 that I have stated it as certain. The first passage is in a letter to 
 the fraternity at Morbach, Ep. 222, p. 286 : Olim magistri mei 
 vestigia secutus vestrse congregationis laudabilem conversationem 
 videbam et amabam, meque ipsum inter vos esse desiderabam, 
 
520 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 quasi unus ex vobis. The second passage is in a letter to Charle- 
 magne, Ep. 85, p. 126: Dum ego adolescens Romam perrexi, et 
 aliquantos dies in Papia, regali civitate demorarer, quidam Judaeus, 
 Julius nomine, cum Petro Magistro habuit disputationem. It is 
 said of Aelbert in the poem above quoted, vs. 1457. Hie quoque 
 Romuleam venit devotus ad urbem. 
 
 Page 12. 
 
 1 Alfridi Vita S. Ludgeri, ap. Mabill. Sec. iv. Ben I. p. 21. 
 Another life of the same saint, ibid. p. 37. Liudger endeavoured 
 to propagate Christianity among the Saxons, and not altogether 
 without success ; but unfortunately, the Saxons regarded Chris- 
 tianity as inseparably connected with the French yoke. He became 
 the first bishop of Miinster after the subjection of Saxony, and 
 died March 26, 809. 
 
 2 The anonymous writer asserts, c. 6, p. Ixiv, that Alcuin had 
 been introduced to Charlemagne, previously to his meeting him at 
 Parma : Noverat enim eum, quia olim a magistro suo ad ipsum 
 directus fuerat. This passage cannot refer to the time when 
 Alcuin travelled to Rome with his preceptor Aelbert, as that 
 event must have taken place betwixt the years 755 and 760, or at 
 all events not later than 766. Charles did not ascend the throne 
 till the year 768. If the passage is worthy of credence and consi- 
 deration, it relates to a mission on which Alcuin was sent to 
 Charles as king, concerning some ecclesiastical or secular business 
 with which we are unacquainted. 
 
 Page 13. 
 1 Ep. 157, 158, 159, p. 217220. 
 
 Page 15. 
 
 1 Gregor.Tur. Hist, ecclesiast. lib. iv. cap. 12. 
 
 2 The Franks were notorious for perjury; and the bishops, in- 
 stead of enforcing the solemnity of an oath, pursued the same 
 course as the rest of the Franks. King Guntram reproached a 
 bishop; Gregor. VIII. 2: Tertio mihi, quod de episcopo dici 
 iniquum est, pejerasti, cf. ibid. cap. 9. 
 
 3 Gregor. V. 28, and in many other passages. 
 
 Page 16. 
 
 1 Gwielieb, bishop of Mentz, who was deposed during the re- 
 formation which was attempted by Carloman, with the aid of St. 
 Boniface, may serve as an example of the mode in which 
 bishoprics were at that time disposed of, and the way in which 
 the clergy conducted themselves. Bishop Gerold was killed in a 
 battle between Carloman and the Saxons in the year 743, and his 
 son Gwielieb, pro sedando patris dolore, became bishop in his 
 stead. In the following campaign he avenged the death of his 
 
NOTES. 251 
 
 father, by slaying his murderer in single combat. At the council 
 held by Carloman in 745, Boniface accused Gwielieb, and charged 
 him amongst other things, with propriis oculis se per^pexisse ilium 
 cum canibus avibusque jocantem, quod Episcopo nullatenus 
 liceret. Vit. S. Bonifacii, ap. Bouq. torn. iii. p. 668. 
 
 Page 17. 
 1 Einhardi Vit. Carol. Mag, cap. 4. 
 
 Page 18. 
 
 1 Einh. 1. c. cap. 25 : Tentabat et scribere, tabulasque et codi- 
 cillos ad hoc in lectulo suo sub cervicalibus circumferre solebat, ut 
 cum vacuum tempus esset, manum effingendis literis assuefaceret. 
 Sed parum prospers successit labor prcpposterus ac sero inchoatus. 
 Men of learning who could not conceive that Charlemagne was 
 ignorant of writing, have given, in their explanation of this passage, 
 astonishing proofs to what absurdities preconceived notions on 
 philological subjects will lead. The words, tentahat et scribere 
 some understand to mean an attempt at literary composition, and 
 liters, the large initial letters which it was usual 1 in the middle 
 ages to write and paint with elaborate ornament. Truly, a royal 
 occupation ! Others have perceived the absurdity of this interpre- 
 tation, and have therefore attributed to the word scribere the sig- 
 nification of pingere ; how easy to convert literis into lineament-is ! 
 and then every thing agrees admirably with an attempt of the king 
 to learn drawing. The meaning of the words is so simple, that no 
 sound and impartial criticism can iniDart to them any other sense 
 but, that Charles took great pains (though in vain) to acquire ease 
 and rapidity in writing. Theodoric the Goth, obtained the sur- 
 name of Great, without knowing how to write; and Otho the 
 Great did not learn to read until instructed by his second wife, 
 Adelheid. 
 
 2 Du Chesne Script. Rer. Franc, torn. ii. p. 187. 
 
 Page 23. 
 
 1 De Ratione Animce, in Op. torn. ii. p. 152: " Cujus mentis 
 miranda est nobilitas, dum inter tantas palatii curas et regni 
 occupationes philosophorum pleniter arcana curavit scire mysteria, 
 quod vix otio torpens alius quis modo cognoscere studet." 
 
 2 Einhard. Vita Car. Mag. : " Inter coonandum aut aliquod 
 acroama aut lectorem audiebat." 
 
 3 Monach. Egolism. ad a. 784. 
 
 Page 24. 
 
 1 Comment, super Eccles. cap. i. in p. torn. i. Op. 411. 
 
 2 Op. torn. ii. p. 268. 
 
 Page 25. 
 1 Grammat. 1. c. 297. 
 
252 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 Page 26. 
 
 1 They are to be found in the works of Alcuin, torn. ii. vol. i. 
 p. 211. N. 67. 
 
 2 Speaking of this subject in a letter to Charlemagne, he says, 
 Ep. 85, p. 126: Punctorum vero distinctiones vel subdistinctiones 
 licet ornatum faciant pulcherrimum in sententiis, tamen usus 
 illorum propter rusticitatem pene recessit a scriptoribus. Sed 
 sicut totius sapientiae decus et salutaris eruditionis ornatus per 
 vestrae Nobilitatis mdustriam renovari incipit, ita et horum usus 
 in manibus scribentium redintegrandus esse optime videtur. 
 
 Page 27. 
 
 1 This treatise on orthography is to be found in Alcuin's works, 
 torn. ii. p. 301 312. 
 
 2 Dialogus de Rhetorica et Virtutibus, torn. ii. p. 313331. 
 
 Page 29- 
 1 De Dialectica, torn. ii. p. 335352. 
 
 Page 31. 
 1 Alcuin, Ep. N. 70, p. 99102. 2 Ep. 68, p. 93. 
 
 3 Ep. 67, p. 90. cf. 61, p. 81. 
 
 Page 32. 
 
 1 This phenomenon is mentioned by most of the chroniclers 
 amongst the remarkable events of that year. It is said by Monach. 
 Egolism. ad a. 799: Sydus Martis a superioris anni Julio usque 
 ad hujus anni Julium nusquam in toto coelo videri potuit. 
 
 2 Ep. 70, p. 101. 
 
 3 Einhard says, in his Life of Charlemagne, praecipue astrono- 
 miae ediscendae plurimum et temporis et laboris impendit. 
 
 4 This word has been variously explained : some derive it from 
 the drinking horns some from the circumstance, that in this 
 month the stags cast their horns others from the word GOT\ 
 which is synonymous with $ott) (dirt). Anton. (Hist, of German 
 Agriculture. Part I. Sec. 44), derives it from $orn (frost) ; and 
 supposes Horning to be a diminutive (the little Frost month) in 
 contradistinction to January. 
 
 5 Alcuin thus writes to the king, Ep. 68, p, 93 : Quid aliud in 
 sole et luna et sideribus consideramus et miramur, nisi sapien- 
 tiam Creatoris et cursus illorum naturales? 
 
 Page 33. 
 
 1 This letter is not to be found amongst the collection of 
 Alcuin's letters, but attached to his commentary upon the Can- 
 ticum Canticorum, torn, i, p. 408. 
 
 Page 36. 
 
 1 After having given a mystical interpretation of the numbers, 
 7, 6, 5, and 4, Alcuin says in a letter to Charlemagne, Ep. 65, p.85 : 
 
NOTES. 253 
 
 Potestis ex hac speculatione vestris demonstrare familiaribus, 
 quam jucunda sit et utilis arithmeticse discipline cognitio. 
 
 Page 37. 
 
 1 The monk of St. Gall en says of Charles : Legendi atque psal- 
 lendi disciplinam diligentissime emendavit ; erat enim utriusque 
 admodum eruditus, quamquam ipse nee publice legeret, nee nisi 
 submisse et in commune cantaret. Of his choir he also says after- 
 wards : Nullus alienus, nullus etiam novus, ni legere sciens et 
 canere, chorum ejus ausus est intrare. 
 
 2 Ep. 15, p. 25. 
 
 Page 39. 
 
 1 Ep. 80, p. 117 : Tres personae in mundo hucusque altissimae 
 fuerunt Apostolica Sublimitas, quae Beati Petri, principis Aposto- 
 lorum, sedem vicario munere regere solet. Alia est Imperialis dig- 
 nitas, et secundae Romae secularis potentia. Tertia est Regalis 
 dignitas, in qua vos Domini nostri Jesu Christi dispensatio rec- 
 torein populi christiani disposuit, ceteris praefatis dignitatibus 
 potentia excellentiorem, sapientia clariorem, regni dignitate sub- 
 limiorem. 
 
 Page 41. 
 
 1 In the capitular upon tithes, Charles maintained the principle 
 that tithes must be paid, secundum mandatum Dei. Although 
 he himself had set a good example by subjecting the crown lands 
 to decimation (Baluz. Capit. t. 1, p. 332), still he found it diffi- 
 cult to introduce them generally. At the synod, held at Frankfort 
 on the Maine, in 794, the collection of tithes was again insisted 
 upon ; and the failure of the harvest, in that year, was represented 
 as a punishment for not having justly and quickly paid that tax. 
 Baluz. 1. c. p. 267. 
 
 2 Ep. 28, p. 37, sq. 
 
 Page 43. 
 
 1 Einhard says of Charlemagne : Liberos suos ita censuit insti- 
 tuendos, ut tamfilii quam filice piimo liberalibus studiis, quibus 
 et ipse operam dabat, erudirentur. 
 
 2 Disputatio regalis et nobilissimi juvenis Pippini cum Albino 
 Scholastico. Op. torn. ii. p. 352354. 
 
 3 The elder Gisla is also called by Alcuin Lucia ; and he distin- 
 guishes her by the appellation of Soror in Christo from the younger 
 Gisla, who is to him Filia in Christo. 
 
 Page 45. 
 1 Ep. 33. p. 44. 2 Ep. 178. p. 240. 
 
 Page 46. 
 
 1 Ep. 129, p. 241 : Utinam mihi liceat saepius cdmonitionis 
 cartulam dirigere Almitati vestrae, sicut nobilissimus Chlodwicus, 
 
542 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 germanus tuus, me rogavit saapiusmittereadmonitorias illi literas 
 quod jam et feci, et volente Deo faciam, quas etiam cum magna 
 humilitate legere solet. 
 
 2 It was reported amongst Alcuin's pupils, that upon one .occa- 
 sion when Charles came with his three sons to visit his preceptor 
 at Tours, he asked him ; " Master, which of my sons do you think 
 should succeed me in the dignity which God, unworthy as I am, 
 has granted me?" " Then," relates the anonymous writer in the 
 Life of Alcuin, cap. 10. N. 18, "Alcuin looked at Louis, the 
 youngest, but the most remarkable for humility, on which account 
 he was considered despicable by many, and said : ' Thou wouldst 
 have a magnificent successor in the humble Louis.' Charles only 
 then heard this ; but afterwards when he beheld those kings 
 (namely Charles the younger and Pepin) enter the church of St. 
 Stephen with a haughty step, and Louis with humble deportment 
 for the purpose of prayer, he said to the by-standers ; ' Do you 
 see Louis, who is more humble than his brothers? Verily, you 
 shall behold him the illustrious successor of his father.' After- 
 wards, when he was administering to them with his own hand the 
 communion of the body and blood of Christ, the humble Louis 
 bowed before the holy father and kissed his hand. Whereupon 
 the man of God said to Sigulf, who was standing beside him : 
 ' Whosoever exalteth himself shall be abased, and whosoever 
 humbleth himself shall be exalted. Verily, I say unto thee, 
 France will joyfully recognise this man as emperor after his father/" 
 " This," subjoins the author, who wrote in the reign of Louis the 
 Pious (829), "this, do we with joy behold fulfilled. They are fallen 
 who appeared to be cedars, and the fruitful olive-tree flourishes in 
 the house of the Lord I 1 ' 
 
 Page 47. 
 
 1 Ep. 69, p. 9699. Alcuin transferred to the king the task 
 of replying to this question : Quae omnia vestrae sapientiae nota 
 esse non dubitamus. Ideo non est opus nunc mini interpreta- 
 tiones harum exponere interrogationum. Alcuin's Bible in the 
 British iViuseum : Per diem sol non uret te, neque luna per 
 noctem. Ps. cxxi. 6. 
 
 Page 48. 
 
 1 In the seventy-first letter, p. 103, Alcuin says, that, if many 
 would follow the example of Charles, forsan Athena nova perfi- 
 ceretur in Francia, immo multo excellentior, quia hac Christ! 
 Domini nobilitata magisterio omnem Academicae exercitationis 
 superat sapientiam. Ilia tantum modo Platonicis erudita disci- 
 plinis septenis informata claruit artibus, haec etiam insuper septi- 
 formi Sancti Spiritus plenitudine ditata omnem secularis sapientias 
 excellit dignitatem. 
 
NOTES. 255 
 
 Page 51. 
 
 1 See Ep. 135 of the letters of St. Boniface, published by Ser- 
 rarius. (Mentz, 1605-4). 
 
 Page 52. 
 
 1 Arno has been, by some, falsely supposed to be the brother of 
 Alcuin ; it is true, that he frequently designated him by this appel- 
 lation, but only on account of the more than fraternal affection 
 which he entertained for him. Alcuin's family must have been 
 very numerous, if all those whom he, in his letters, denominates 
 brothers and sisters, really stood in that relation to him. 
 
 2 Monach. Egolism. ad a. 787: Et Dominus Rex Carolus iterum 
 a Roma artis Grammaticae et Computatoriae magistros secum 
 adduxit in Franciam et ubique studium literarum expandere jussit. 
 Ante ipsum enim Dominum Regem Carolum in Gallia nullum 
 studium fuerat liberalium artium. 
 
 3 The circular letter addressed to the Abbot Baugulf, of Fulda, 
 is to be found in Baluz. Capital. Reg. Franc, torn. i. p. 201, sq. 
 The chief points contained in it are the following : Notum igitur 
 sit Deo placitae devotioni vestrae, quia nos una cum fidelibus nos- 
 tris consideravimus, utile esse, ut episcopia et monasteria nobis 
 Christo propitio ad gubernandum commissa praeter regularis vitae 
 ordinem atque sanctae religionis conversationem etiam in literarum 
 meditationibus eis, qui donante Domino discere possunt, secundum 
 uniuscujusque capacitatem docendi studium debeant impendere, 
 qualiter sicut regularis norma honestatem morum, ita quoque 
 docendi et discendi instantia ordinet et ornet seriem verborum, ut 
 qui Deo placere appetunt recte vivendo, ei placere non negligant 
 recte loquendo. Then, after expressing his displeasure that this 
 had not yet taken place, and his apprehension that the salvation of 
 his subjects would thereby be endangered, he proceeds: Quam- 
 obrem hortamur vos literarum studia non solum non negligere, 
 verum etiam humillima et Deo placita intentione ad hoc certatim 
 discere, ut facilius et rectius divinarum scripturarum mysteria 
 valeatis penetrare. Cum autem in sacris paginis schemata, tropi 
 et cetera his similia inserta inveniantur, nulli dubium est, quod ea 
 unusquisque legens tanto citius spiritualiter intelligit, quanto prius 
 in literarum magisterio plenius instructus fuerit. Tales vero ad 
 hoc viri eligantur, qui et voluntatem et possibilitatem discendi et 
 desiderium habeant alios instruendi. 
 
 Page 53. 
 
 1 Chron. Fontanell. ad a. 787 : Erat enim Gervoldus, quam- 
 quam aliarum literarum non nimium gnarus, cantilenas tamen 
 artis peritus vocisque suavitate ac excellentia non egenug. 
 
 2 It is said of him, in the chronicle above quoted: Plurimos 
 arithmeticae artis disciplina alumnos imbuit, ac arte scriptoria 
 
256 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 erudivit. Harduin transcribed many ancient books, which at that 
 time was as useful a performance as a new edition of an ancient 
 author in the present day, and was one of the first who brought 
 the small Roman letters into use. See Histoire Literaire de France, 
 par des Religieux Benedictins, torn. iv. p. 367. 
 
 Page 54. 
 1 Ep. 38, p. 52. 
 
 Page 55. 
 
 1 See, for example, the report of Archbishop Leidrad, of Lyons, 
 to Charlemagne, of the schools established by him, which may be 
 found in Launois' treatise De Scholis celebrioribus seu a Carolo M* 
 seu post eundem Carolum per Occidentem instauratis (Opera, torn. 
 iv. p. 14). 
 
 2 Laun. 1. c. p. 17. In the acts of the council, L. III. c. 12. 
 ap. Harduin, t. iv. p. 1356, it is said : Similiter obnixe ac suppli- 
 citer Vestrse Celsitudini suggerimus, ut morem paternum sequentes 
 saltern in tribus congruentissimis imperil Vestri locis scholce publics 
 ex Vestra auctoritatefiant, ut labor patris Vestri et Vesterper in- 
 curiam, quod absit, labefactando non depereat, quoniam ex hoc 
 facto et magna utilitas et honor S. Dei Ecclesise, et Vobis magnum 
 mercedis emolumentum et memoria sempiterna accrescet. 
 
 Page 56. 
 
 1 His derivation of the Latin word epistola, from ETTL and oroXa, 
 is a proof of his imperfect knowledge of Greek. See Ep. 143, 
 p. 205. 
 
 Page 57. 
 
 1 Einhard says of Charlemagne: Grsecam melius intelligere, 
 quam pronuntiare poterat. 
 
 2 At all events, Alcuin recommended this discipline to his pupil, 
 Archbishop Eanbald II. of York, and it may therefore be inferred, 
 that he practised it in the French schools. He writes, Ep. 50, 
 p. 65 : Habeas et singulis ordinibus magistros suos, ne vacantes 
 otio vagi discurrant per loca, et inanes exerceant ludos, vel aliis 
 mancipentur ineptiis. 
 
 Page 58. 
 
 1 Monach. Egolism. ad a. 787. ap. Du Chesne, torn. ii. p. 75. 
 
 2 Ann. Mettens. ad a. 757. Ann. Einhard, ad a. 826. 
 
 3 Baluz. Capitul. t. i. p. 237 : Scholae legentium puerorum 
 fiant Psalmos, notas, cantus, computum, grammaticam per singula 
 monasteria vel episcopia discant. He then urges the arrangement 
 of good and correct books, and recommends care in their use and 
 attention in transcribing them. 
 
 Page 59. 
 1. Laun. 1. c. p. 9 : Presbyteri per villas et vicos scholas habeant 
 
NOTES. 257 
 
 et si quilibet fidelium suos parvulos ad descendas literas eis com- 
 mendare vult, eos suscipere ac docere non renuant, sed cum 
 summa caritate eos doceant. Cum ergo eos decent, nihil ab eis 
 pretii pro hac re exigant, excepto quod eis parentes caritatis studio 
 sua voluntate obtulerint. 
 
 Page 60. 
 
 1 Monach. Sangall. lib. i. cap. 3. 
 
 2 The two abbeys assigned him, were Ferrieres and the mo- 
 nastery of St. Lupus, at Troyes. Anonym, cap. 6 : Dedit illi duo 
 monasteria, Bethleem scilicet, quod altero nomine Ferrarias vo- 
 catur et S. Lupi apud Trecas. 
 
 Page 61. 
 
 1 In the preface to his commentary on Genesis (Op, t. i. p. 305), 
 Alcuin complains that secular occupations left him but little time 
 for literary labours, and that troublesome journeys separated him 
 more frequently than was agreeable to him from his books. 
 
 2 Ep. 7, p. H. 
 
 Page 62. 
 
 1 Non pro auri avaritia (testis est mei cognitor cordis), Franciam 
 veni nee remansi in ea, sed ecclesiastics causa necessitatis. 
 
 2 See Ep. 3, p. 6. 
 
 Page 63. 
 I Epist. ad Offam, Regem Merciorum, ap. Baluz. torn. i. p. 273. 
 
 Page 64. 
 1 Lingard's History of England. 
 
 Page 72. 
 
 1 The fourth letter of Alcuin, Ad Felicem Episcopum, is clearly 
 addressed to the bishop of Urgel. Alcuin had heard him so highly 
 spoken of, that he desired to enter into a correspondence with 
 him. Subsequently, when he was endeavouring to convert 
 him from his heresy, he reminds him of this circumstance ; Op. 
 torn- i. vol. ii. p. 785. Olim me ipsum celeberrimam tuse Sancti- 
 tatis audiens famam per quendam ex illis partibus Presbyterum 
 tuis sacratissimis intercessionibus commendare curavi. 
 
 2 Einhard, Ann. ad a. 792. 
 
 3 The patriarch Paul says, Contra Felic. lib. i., even at the 
 commencement : Nee sibi sufficiebat tantummodo Christum, qui 
 de virgine natus est, negare proprium esse filium Dei, sed etiam 
 hunc eundem non consentit verum esse Deum, sed novo et inaudito 
 sanctse Dei ecclesiae nomine nuncupativum Deum nominare ilium 
 non timet, dividens Christum in duos filios, unum vocans proprium , 
 alterum adoptivum, et in duos Deos, unum verum Deum, alterum 
 nuncupativum Deum. 
 
 S 
 
258 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 Page 73. 
 
 1 Elipandus writes thus to the Abbot Fidelis. Qui non fuerit 
 confessus Jesum Christum adoptivum humanitate, et nequaquam 
 adoptivum divinitate, et hcereticus est et exterminetur. Auferte 
 malum de terra vestra. 
 
 2 Etherii, iEpiscopi Uxamensis, et Beati Presbyteri adversus 
 Elipandum, Archiepiscopum Toletanum, Libri duo de Adoptione 
 Christi, filii Dei. This treatise is in Canisii Lectt. Antiq. torn. ii. 
 p. 279 375. It was written in the year 823 of the Spanish era, 
 or 785 according to the Christian reckoning. 
 
 3 Ether, et Beat. I.e. lib. i. p. 297: Licet humana mens non 
 possit plene rationis investigatione comprehendere, fidei tamen 
 plenitudo complectitur. Nam etsi non licet nobis scire, quomodo 
 natus est Dei films, scire tamen nobis licet et credere, quod vere 
 natus sit. 
 
 4 Ibid. p. 303. Ergo in divinis rebus Fides tantummodo adsit, 
 et nulla quaestio remanebit, Quod si discutere voluerio et rationem 
 de Deo et homine facere praesumpseris, continue in laqueos per- 
 ditionis immergeris. 
 
 Page 74. 
 
 1 According to the above proposition, proceeds the author, p. 
 342 : Inseparabilis unitio est. Talis facta est ilia susceptio, quse 
 Deum hominem fecit et hominem Deum, et ex utroque unum 
 Christum. 
 
 Page 75. 
 
 1 The title of the second book is : De Christo et ejus Corpore 
 quod est Ecclesia,-et de Diabolo et ejus Corpore, quod est Anti- 
 christus. 
 
 2 At least Elipandus reproaches Beatus with having persecuted 
 one of his adherents, quern tu persequeris in montibus, speluncis 
 et in cavernis terrae latitantem. 
 
 3 The synod of Narbonne, it is said, was summoned pro multis 
 et variis negotiis, prasertim pro Eelicis, Urgelitana sedis Episcopi, 
 pestifero dogmate. But in the acts of this synod, no trace can be 
 found that this latter subject ever came under discussion. 
 
 Page 76. 
 
 1 Ann. Fuld. ad a. 792. Haeresis Feliciana, ipso auctore earn 
 abnegante, apud Reganesberg primum damnata est, Alcuin says, 
 seterno anathemate damnata fuit. 
 
 2 Einhard, Ann. ad a. 792, Mansi Concil. torn. xiii. p. 1031. 
 
 3 Alcuin reproaches Elipandus with Vobis exhortantibus. 
 
 Page 77. 
 
 1 Eodem sapientissimo rege jubente, Alcuin says, (torn. i. 
 p. 882) he had returned to France. 
 
NOTES. 259 
 
 Page 78. 
 
 1 Op. tom.i .p. 305. This treatise, composed by Alcuin during 
 his first residance at the French court, and in the midst of secular 
 cares and occupations, is dedicated to his pupil and friend, Sigulf. 
 The preface is to the following effect : " As thou, my dearest 
 brother, hast so long been my inseparable and faithful companion, 
 and as I know with what ardour thou studiest the Holy Scriptures, 
 I have collected and dedicated to thee a few questions upon the 
 book of Genesis ; which I remember thou hast at different times, 
 proposed to me. I have done this that thou mayest always have 
 at hand a means of refreshing thy memory, which often loses that 
 which it should retain, if we do not preserve those things which 
 we desire to remember in writing. This is especially the case with 
 us, whose thoughts are distracted by temporal business, and who 
 are frequently exhausted by the fatigue of long journeys. As we 
 cannot encumber ourselves with ponderous volumes, we must 
 provide ourselves with abridgments, that the precious pearl of 
 wisdom may be lightened, and the weary traveller possess some- 
 thing wherewith he may refresh himself without fatiguing his 
 hand with too heavy a burthen. There are, however, in this book, 
 many difficult questions, which at present I am neither willing 
 nor able to solve, and concerning which thou hast not desired 
 information. Those which are here treated of are chiefly historical, 
 and for which a simple answer will suffice ; the others, on the 
 contrary, require more profound investigation, and a more copious 
 explanation." Then follow the phrases usually adopted in such 
 prefaces, he hopes that he will amend that which is defective, and 
 for that which is good thank not him but Ood, the giver of all 
 good. 
 
 Page 79. 
 
 2 Brevis Expositio Decalogi. Op. torn. i. p. 340. 
 
 Page 80. 
 
 1 This is particularly the case in the exposition of the peni- 
 tential psalms Expositio in Psalmos Pcenitentiales, ib. p. 346. sqq. 
 and the 118, or according to our version, the 119. 
 
 2 Expositio in Psalmos Graduates, torn. i. p. 376 sqq. 
 
 Page 81. 
 1 Compendium in Canticum Canticorum, ib. p. 391 408. 
 
 Page 82. 
 
 1 Comment, super Ecclesiasten, Op. torn. i. p. 410. He him- 
 self says: In quern librum ex sanctorum opuscuHs patrum ac 
 maxime de Beati Hieronymi commentario parvum composui brevi- 
 arium. We are assured by the editor of St. Jerome's works, that 
 he was indebted to Alcuin' s copy for an improved reading of many 
 passages. 
 
260 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 2 This small treatise was dedicated to Charlemagne himself, as 
 appears from the concluding verses. 
 
 Suscipe, Rex, parvum magni modo munus amoris, 
 Quod tuus Albinus obtulit ecce tibi. 
 
 3 This commentary was written for Charlemagne's sister Gisla, 
 and her friend Richtrudis or Columba, and was so impatiently 
 expected by them that he was compelled to send it to them piece 
 by piece. 
 
 Page 87. 
 1 This is to be found in Alcuin's works, torn. i. p. 649 sqq. 
 
 Page 88. 
 1 Alcuin Ep. N. 124. p. 180. 
 
 Page 89. 
 
 1 In the above quoted letter of Alcuin to the king, we read : 
 Vere et valde gratum habeo, Laicos quandoque ad evangelicas 
 emoruisse inquisitiones, dum quendam audivi virum prudentem 
 aliquando dicere, clericorum esse evangelium discere, non Laicorum. 
 Quid ad haec? Omnia tempus habent, et saepe posterior affert 
 hora quod prior non poterat. Tamen iste Laicus, quisquis fuit, 
 sapiens est corde, etsi manibus miles, quales Vestram sapient - 
 issimam auctoritatem plurimos habere decet. 
 
 Page 96. 
 
 1 Theophan. Chronogr. p. 269275 ed. Ven. A more copious 
 and accurate account of the controversy upon image-worship, 
 which is here briefly noticed as a mere episode, may be found in 
 Schlosser's History of the Iconoclastic emperors of the Eastern 
 Roman Empire. Published at Frankfort-on-the-Maine, 1812. 8. 
 
 Page 100. 
 
 1 Theophan. 1. c. p. 285 sq. A more particular account of this 
 council may be found in the annals of Baroniiis, for the year 754 ; 
 which must, however, be compared with Pagi's criticism, No. 
 11 sq. 
 
 Page 102. 
 
 Zonar. torn, ii., p. 87. ed. Ven, says expressly that only the 
 refractory monasteries were abolished, and that all the monks 
 who submitted to the decree of the council were allowed to live 
 according to their profession and vow. 
 
 Page 110. 
 
 Roger of Hoveden relates this at length in his chronicle, ad a. 
 792. Anno septingentesimo nonagesimo secundo Carolus, rex Fran- 
 corum,misit synodalem librumad Britanniam sibi a Constantinopoli 
 directum, in quo libro multa inconvenientia et verae fidei contraria 
 reperiebantur, maxime quod hene omnium orientalium doctorum 
 non minus quam trecentorum vel eo amplius episcoporum unanima 
 
NOTES. 261 
 
 assertions confirmatum fuerit, imagines adorari debere, quod 
 omnino Dei ecclesia execratur. Contra quod scripsit Alcuinus 
 epistolam ex auctoritate divinarum scripturarum mirabiliter af- 
 Jirmatam, illamque cum eodem libro ex persona episcoporum ac 
 principum nostrorum regi Francorum attulit. 
 
 2 In the writing addressed to Elipandus by the council, in the 
 name and by the authority of Charles, in Goldast, Collect. Con- 
 stitut. Imperialium, p. 20 6. we find: Nee non et de Bntanniae 
 partibus aliquos ecclesiasticae disciplinse viros convocavimus. 
 
 3 This letter is not to be found in the collection of Alcuin's 
 letters, but is prefixed to his seven books against Felix, in the 
 edition of Frobenius, t. i. vol. ii. p. 783. 
 
 Page 111. 
 
 1 Even bishop Salomo of Constance, who lived in the tenth 
 century, says of Alcuin's letters: cum supercilio scriptae. 
 
 2 We are indebted to the abbot Frobenius for having rescued, 
 by means of his influence and wealth, these letters, as well as 
 many other valuable works from the dust of the Spanish libraries, 
 'ihey are printed in his edition of Alcuin's works., t. ii. vol. ii. 
 p. 566573. 
 
 Page 112. 
 
 1 Frankfort owes much to the separation of the Eastern from 
 the Western kingdom of France, and to the partiality of Louis the 
 German. It appears to have been the principal residence of the 
 German kings from Regino ad a. 876. Ludovicus apud Frankfurt, 
 principalem sedem orientalis regni, residebat. 
 
 2 That each department of the council mentioned in the text, 
 voted separately, is evident, from the fact that each adduced, in a 
 distinct report, the reasons which had led them to their decision : and 
 these reports were added to the letter addressed to Elipandus. In 
 the latter we find, ap. Gold. 1. c. 7 : Primo quid Dominus Apos- 
 tolicus 'cum sancta Romana ecclesia et episcopia in illis partibus 
 quaqua versum commorantibus et Catholicis doctoribus sentiret, 
 sub unius libelli tenore statuimus. Deinde secundo loco, quid 
 ecclesiastici doctores et sacerdotes ecclesiarum Christi de pro- 
 pinquioribus Italiae partibus cum Petro, Mediolanensi archie- 
 piscopo, et Paulino, Forojulienensi vel Aquilejensi patriarcha, viris 
 a Domino valde venerabilibus, intelligi vel firmiter credi voluissent, 
 suis propriis responsionibus exaratum posuimus libellum. Post 
 haec tenet et tertius libellus orthodoxorum sanctorum patrum 
 episcoporum et virorum venerabilium fidem, qui in Germanise, 
 Gallise, Aquitaniae, et Britanniae, partibus dignis Deo deserviunt 
 officiis, vestrisque objectionibus sanctarum scripturarum testi- 
 moniis roboratas obtinet responsiones. Deinde quarto loco meae 
 propriae unanimitati cum his sanctissimis praedictorum patrum 
 decretis et Catholicis statutis consensum subnexui. 
 
262 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 Page 113. 
 
 1 Baluz. Capitul. t. i. p. 270. 
 
 2 Op. torn. i. vol. ii. p. 760782. 
 
 3 He mentions this in the 94th letter ad Abbates et Monachos 
 Gothiae, p. 139 : Sicut in libello ex parte factum est, quern direx- 
 imus per beatum benedictum vobis solatium et confirmationem 
 fidei Catholicae. 
 
 4 Caroli M. decreta ecclesiastica comitiorum Franconofort. 
 Capitul. I. ap. Goldast. I.e. p. 18: Ubi in primordio capitulum ex- 
 ortum de impia ac nefanda haeresi Elipandi, Toletanae sedis 
 episcopi, et Felicis Orgelitanae eorumque sequacibus, qui male 
 sentientes in Filio Dei adserebant adoptionem. Quam omnes 
 sanctissimi patres una voce contradixerunt, atque hanc hceresim 
 funditus a sancta eeclesia eradicandam statuerunt. 
 
 Page 114. 
 
 1 Caroli M. constitut. contra haeres. Elipand. ap. Goldast. 
 I.e. p. 22, 17: Post hanc,correctionem sive admonitionem Apos- 
 tolicae auctoritatis et synodalis unanimitatis, si non resipiscites ab 
 errore vestro, scitote, vos omnino pro haereticis haberi, nee ullam 
 vobiscum communionem pro Deo audeamus habere. 
 
 Page 116. 
 
 I Ann. Einhard. ad a. 794 : Synodus etiam, quae ante paucos 
 annos in Constantinopoli sub Irene et Constantino, filio ejus, 
 congregata et ab ipsis non solum septima, verum etiam universalis 
 erat appellata, ut nee septima nee universalis haberetur dicereturve, 
 quasi supervacua in totum, ab omnibus abdicata est. 
 
 Page 117. 
 
 1 S. libr. Carol, lib. iv. cap. 13. 
 
 2 Caroli M. decret. 1. c. capitul. ii. Allata est in medium 
 quaestio de nova Graecorum synodo, quam de adorandis imaginibus 
 Constantinopoli fecerunt, in qua scriptum habetur, ut qui imagines 
 sanctorum ita ut Deificam Trinitatem servitio aut adoratione non 
 impenderent, anathema judicarentur . Quam omnes sanctissimi 
 patres nostri omnimodis, et adorationem et servitium respuentes 
 contempserunt atque consentientes condemnaverunt. 
 
 Page 118. 
 
 1 Histoire Liter, de France, t. iv. p. 411. 
 
 2 Its existence was preserved by an edition published at Frank- 
 fort in the year 1596, and its circulation increased by an edition 
 published by Goldastus under the title of Imperialia Decreta de 
 Cultu Imaginum in utroque Imperio tarn Orientis quam Occidentis 
 promulgata, (Francof. 1608. 8.) ; and afterwards by its being re- 
 ceived amongst his collection of Imperial Constitutions. The last 
 and best edition is by Heumann, which appeared in 1731 at 
 Hanover, under the title of Augusta Concilii Nicaeni II. censura. 
 
NOTES. 263 
 
 3 Lib. i. cap. 6. 
 
 4 Hincmari, archiepiscopi Remensis, Opera (Paris 1645, fol.) 
 t. ii. p. 457 : Septima apud Graecos vocata universalis pseudo- 
 synodus de imaginibus, quas quidam confringendas, quidam autem 
 adorandas dicebant, neutra vero pars intellectu sano diffiniens, 
 sine auctoritate Apostolicae sedis non longe ante nostra tempora 
 Constantinopoli est a quam plurimis episcopis habita et Romam 
 missa, quam etiam Papa Romanus in Franciam direxit. Unde 
 tempore Caroli M. imperatoris, jussione Apostolicae sedis, generalis 
 est synodus in Francia, convocante praefato imperatore, celebrata, 
 et secundum scripturarum tramitem traditionemque majorum 
 ipsa Graecorum pseudosynodus destructa et penitus abdicata, de 
 cujus destructions non modicum volumen, quod in palatio adole- 
 scentulus legi, ab eodem imperatore Romam est per quosdam epis- 
 copos missum, in cujus voluminis libro quarto hcec de universalis 
 nomine scripta sunt. Then follows an extract from the Carlo- 
 vingian Papers, lib. iv. cap. 28. 
 
 Page 119. 
 
 1 The manner in which the number Four, to which the Carlo- 
 vingian Papers are to be limited, is treated in the preface to the 
 fourth book (ap. Gold, const, imperial, p. 112), is quite in the 
 style of Alcuin. The number Four is a sacred number. As four 
 rivers flowed from one source in Paradise, so four Gospels were 
 derived from the source of light. The cardinal virtues are likewise 
 four. Therefore, as the ark of Noah was constructed of four 
 kinds of wood, in which both man and beast were saved from the 
 flood, so the author will compose his work in four books, being 
 like an ark, in which the church may find shelter from the floods 
 and storms of heresy. 
 
 2 Lib. i. cap. 25. 
 
 3 Lib. i. cap. 6. Si cut igitur ceteris discipulis apostoli et 
 apostolis omnibus Petrus eminet, ita nimirum ceteris sedibus 
 apostolicae et apostolicis Romana eminere dinoscitur. 
 
 Page 120. 
 
 1 In the chapter which we have quoted, the author says: 
 Quod non solum omnium Galliarum provinciae et Germania sive 
 Italia, sed etiam Saxones et quaedam Aquilonaris plagae gentes per 
 nos, Deo annuente, ad verae fidei rudimenta conversae facere nos- 
 cuntur, et ita B. Petri sedem in omnibus sequi curant sicut illo 
 pervenire, quo ille clavicularius exstat, desiderant. 
 
 Page 121. 
 1 Lib. ii. cap. 9. 2 Libri Carol, lib. iii. cap. 15. 
 
 Page 123. 
 
 1 Ibid. cap. 31. 
 
 2 Lib. ii. cap. 13. Saepe in hoc nostro speciali de imaginibus 
 
264 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 op ere fateri cogimur, quod illae non haberi sed adorari a nobis in- 
 hibeantur, nee illarum in ornamentis basilicarum et memoria re- 
 rum gestarum constitutarum fugienda sit visio, sed insolentissima 
 vel potius superstitiosissima execranda sit adoratio. 
 
 3 The views of Gregory the Great respecting images, may be 
 found collected in the second chapter of the Acts of the Parisian 
 Council for the year 825, ap. Goldast. const, imper. p. 158, sq. 
 
 4 Lib.iv. cap.ult. Sciat dominus Apostolicus et Pater noster 
 et cuncta simul Romanorum ecclesia, ut secundum quod continet 
 epistola beatissimi Gregorii, quam ad Serenum, Massiliensem epis- 
 copum, direxit, permittimus imagines Sanctorum, quicumque eas 
 formare voluerint, tarn in ecclesia quam extra ecclesiam propter 
 amorem Dei et Sanctorum ejus, adorare vero eas nequaquam co- 
 gimus, qui noluerint, frangere vel destruere eas, etiamsi quis volu- 
 erit, non permittimus. 
 
 Page 125. 
 
 1 The introduction to the Acts of this Council (ap. Goldast. I.e. 
 p. 154), furnishes a brief account of the position of Charlemagne 
 and Hadrian with regard to images ; and it is remarkable for the 
 freedom with which the French clergy oppose the Pope himself, 
 without violating the authority of the apostolic see. It is observed 
 of Hadrian, .... per singula capitula in illorum (the worshippers 
 of images) excusationem respondere quae voluit non tamen quae 
 decuit, conatus est. Talia quippe quaedam sunt, quae in illorum 
 objectionem (that is, against the Carlovingian Papers) , opposuit, 
 quae, remota pontiftcali auctoritate, et veritati et auctoritati refra- 
 gantur. Sed licet in ipsis objectionibus aliquando absona, aliquan- 
 do inconvenientia, aliquando etiam reprehensione digna testimonia 
 defensionis gratia proferre nisus sit, in fine tamen ejusdem apolo- 
 gias sic se sentire et tenere et predicare ac praecipere de his, quae 
 agebantur, professus est, sicut a beato Papa Gregorio institutum 
 esse constabat. Quibus verbis liquido colligitur quod non tantum 
 scienter quantum ignoranter in eodem facto a recto tramite devia- 
 verit. Nisi enim in conclusione objectionum suarum retinaculis 
 veritatis, beati scilicet Gregorii institutis, adstrictus iter devium 
 praecavisset, in superstitionis praecipitium omnino labi potuisset. 
 
 Page 126. 
 
 1 Shortly after the time of Charlemagne, mankind began to 
 relate miraculous and extraordinary circumstances of images. So 
 we read in the Ann. Bertin. ad a. 823 : In territorio Cometense 
 Italicae civitatis, in vico Gradabona, in ecclesia S. Joannis Baptistae. 
 imago S. Mariae, puerum Jesum gremio continens, ac Magorum 
 munera oiferentium in absida ejusdem ecclesiae depicta et ob nimi- 
 am vetustatem obscurata et pene abolita tanta claritate per duo- 
 rum dierum spatia effulsit, ut omnem splendorem novae picturae 
 
NOTES. 265 
 
 suae vetustatis pulchritudine cernentibus penitus vincere videretur. 
 Magorum tamen imagines propter munera, quae offerebant, mini- 
 me claritas ilia irradiavit. 
 
 Page 128. 
 
 1 Roger, de Hoved. ad a. 793. 
 
 2 In a letter addressed by Alcuin to the city of Canterbury, Ep. 
 59, p. 78, he says: Ecce, quod nunquam antea auditum fuit 
 populus paganus solet vastare pyratico latrocinio litora nostra, et 
 illi ipsi populi Anglorum et regna et reges dissentiunt inter se. 
 Discite Gyldam, Brittonem sapientissimum (he alludes to the 
 author of the Liber querulus de Excidio Britannia] et videte, ex 
 quibus causis parentes Brittonum perdiderunt et regnum et pa- 
 triam, et considerate vosmetipsos, et in vobispene similia invenietis. 
 
 3 Ep.9. p. 15. 
 
 Page 129. 
 
 1 Ep.10. Ad ^Edilredum regem et principes populumque 
 Nordanhumbrorum gentis. 
 
 2 We find in the letter above quoted : Heu quam misere prae- 
 sentem perdiderunt vitam! Sed multo miserabilius in aeternis 
 cruciantur tormentis. Then follows a description of the state of 
 the soul in hell : although the tormented soul is surrounded by a 
 perpetual fire, it is always in the thickest and most horrible dark- 
 ness; it hears nothing but the wailing and gnashing of teeth of the 
 lost ; feels nothing but intolerable cold, in a consuming fire 
 which gives no more warmth than light, and the biting of ve- 
 nomous serpents. 
 
 3 Alcuin mentions this in a letter to King Offa, Ep.43, p. 57. 
 Ego paratus eram, cum muneribus Caroli regis ad vos venire et ad 
 patriam reverti, sed melius mihi visum est, propter pacem gentis 
 meae in peregrinatione remanere, nesciens, quid fecissem inter eos, 
 inter quos nullus securus esse vel in salubri consilio proficere po- 
 test. Ecce loca sancta a paganis vastata, altaria perjudis fcedata; 
 monasterla adulteriis violata, terra sanguine dominorum et prin- 
 cipum fcedata. 
 
 Page 130. 
 
 1 Ep.49, p. 63. 
 
 2 Anonym. Vit. Alcuin, 8. Cf.Ep.168. p. 228. 
 
 Page 131. 
 
 1 Charles wrote to the monks at Tours, Ep.119: Ipsi quoque 
 nostis, qualiter jam crebro vita vestra a multis diffamata est, et non 
 abs re ; aliquando enim Monachos, aliquando Canonicos, aliquando 
 neutrum vos .esse dicebatis. 
 
 2 Et nos, writes Charles, I.e. consulendo vobis et ad malam fa- 
 mam abolendam magistrum et rectorem idoneum vobis elegimuB 
 et de longinquis provinciis invitavimus, qui et verbis et admoni- 
 
266 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 tionibus rectam viam instruere, et quia religiosus erat, bono con- 
 versationis exemplo potuisset informare. 
 
 3 Alcuin wrote to the king (Op. torn. i. vol.ii. p. 787) : Vestra 
 vero nulli contemnenda auctoritas nostrae devotion! mandavit, 
 contra novas haereticae pravitatis intentiones aliquid scribere, atque 
 libello respondere, quern contra nos Felix quidam episcopus ves- 
 trae direxit auctoritati. 
 
 Page 132. 
 1 Ep.68,p.96. 
 
 Page 133. 
 
 1 Ep.69. p. 97. 
 
 2 Alcuin writes, in March, 799, to his friend Arno (Ep.77. 
 p,113) : Jam Deo volente medio mense Majo apud regem cogito 
 esse, quia Laidradus, filius noster, adducere habet Felicem ilium, 
 cum quo nobis sermonis consentio est. 
 
 3 Adversus Felic. lib.i. p. 790. 
 
 Page 134. 
 
 1 Ibid. p. 793. 
 
 Page 135. 
 
 1 Alcuin writes regarding the disputation at Aix-la-chapelle, 
 (Ep.l76. p.238) : Cum Felice haeretico magnam contentionem 
 in praesentia Domini Regis et sanctorum Patrum habuimus, sed 
 ille diu obduratus nullius consentit auctoritatem, nisi suse sectator 
 sententiae, aestimans se sapientiorem omnibus esse in eo, quod 
 stultior fuit omnibus; sed divina dementia visitante cor illius no- 
 vissime, falsa opinionese seductum confessus est, et fidem Catholi- 
 cam se firmiter tenere fatebatur. 
 
 Page 136. 
 
 1 It is to be found Op. torn. i. vol. ii. p. 863, sqq. 
 
 2 Ibid. p. 868, sq. 3 Ibid. p. 860. 
 
 Page 137. 
 
 1 Alcuin himself gives a summary of their contents, 1. c. p. 861 : 
 Quibus illius vesaniae literulis brevi sermone duobus libellis re- 
 spondere curavi, evacuans veracissimis sanctorum patrum sensibus 
 omnes illius adsertiones atque interpretationes pravissimas. Ill is 
 quoque duobus libellis alios duos adjunxi piano sermone Catho- 
 licae fidei de Christo Deo veritatem testantes atque sanctorum 
 patrum testimoniis abuntantissime confirmantes. 
 
 Page 138. 
 
 1 Thegan. de Gest. Ludewici imp. cap. 7, says of Charlemagne : 
 Dominus Imperator nihil aliud ccepit agere, nisi in orationibus et 
 eleemosynis vacare et libros corrigere. Nam quatuor evangelia 
 Christi, quae intitulantur nomine Matthaei, Marci, Lucae et Johan- 
 nis in ultimo ante obitus sui diem cum Graecis et Syris optime 
 correxerat. 
 
NOTES. 267 
 
 Page 139. 
 
 1 Baluz. Capit. regum Franc, t. i. p. 189. 
 
 2 Cap. iii. a. 789, N, 15. ap. Baluz. 1. c. p. 243. 
 
 Page 140. 
 
 1 Eccard. Comment, de Rebus Franc. Orient, t. i. p. 635. Cf. 
 ibid. p. 731. 
 
 Page 141. 
 1 Ep. 144, p. 205. 2 Monach. Sangall. lib. i. cap. 20. 
 
 3 Ep. 124, p. 180 : Sapienter interrogare docere est. 
 
 Page 142. 
 1 Baluz. Capit. t. i. p. 480. 
 
 Page 145. 
 
 1 Ep. 110, p. 161: Tantos non habet justitiae adjutores, 
 quantos etiam subversores, nee tantos praedicatores, quantos prse- 
 datores, quia plures sunt, qui sua desiderant, quam Dei. 
 
 2 Ep. 102, p. 152: Quod vero tua bona pro multorum salute 
 providentia suadendum mihi censuitdulcissimo meo David (that is 
 Charlemagne) de Missorum electione, qui discurrere jubentur ad 
 
 'justitias faciendas, scias certissime et hoc me saepius fecisse et suis 
 quoque suadere consiliariis. Sed, proh dolor! rari inveniuntur, 
 quorum firmata in Dei timore mens omnem respuat cupiditatem, 
 et via regia inter personas divitum et pauperum miserias pergere 
 velit, Salomone attestante : Munera exccecant corda prudentum et 
 subvertunt verba justorum. To this belongs (the above letter is 
 dated 801) Chron. Moissiac. ad a. 802: Piissimus Imperator noluit 
 pauperiores vassos suos transmittere ad justitias faciendas, sed 
 elegit Archiepiscopos et Abbates cum Ducibus et Comitibus, qui jam 
 opus non habeant t super innocentes munera accipere. 
 
 Page 146. 
 
 1 Baluz. Capit. t. i. p. 405: Quanto quis eorum amplius suam 
 normam servaverit et Deo servierit tanto eum plus honorare et 
 cariorem habere volumus. 
 
 2 Bolland. Acta Sanctorum, d. 28 Januar. p. 874, sqq. Even in 
 the last century the memory of Charlemagne was solemnly com- 
 memorated at Aix-la-Chapelle, which owed to his preference its 
 origin, splendour, and historical importance ; but it is surprising 
 that the life and actions of St. Charles were recited from the ac- 
 count given by the Pseudo Turpinus. Hist. Literaire de la France, 
 torn. iv. p. 375. 
 
 . Page 148. 
 
 1 Einhard. Vita Caroli M. cap. 29 : Item barbara et antiquissima 
 carmina, quibus veterum regum actus et bella canebantur, scripsit 
 et memoriae mandavit. 
 
268 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 Page 149. 
 
 1 Einhard. 1. c. Inchoavit et grammaticam patrii sermonis. 
 
 2 Thegan. de Gest. Ludewici Imp. cap. 19 : Poetica carmina 
 gentilia, quaa in juventute dedicerat, respuit, nee legere, nee 
 au dire, nee docere (doceri?) voluit. Although this passage may 
 refer to the poems of classical antiquity, and doubtless does partly 
 refer to them, as even Alcuin in his more advanced age laid aside 
 his former favourite, Virgil, and desired his pupils to form their 
 poetical taste and imagination upon the works of the Christian 
 poets, Sedulius, Juvencus, &c. instead of contaminating their minds 
 with the voluptuous eloquence of Maro, yet the expressions and 
 the nature of the subject relate also to the collection of natural 
 poems by Charlemagne. 
 
 Page 152. 
 1 Ep. 85. p. 126. See Exodus, xxxi. 2. 
 
 Page 153. 
 
 1 The Anonym. Vit. Alcuin, cap. 10. N. 19, relates of Alcuin. 
 " In his youth the man of God had read the works of the ancient 
 philosophers, and the fictions of Virgil : but now (that is in his 
 more advanced life) he would neither read them himself, nor 
 suffer his pupils to do so. The sacred poets, he said, are sufficient 
 for you, you need not contaminate yourselves with the voluptuous 
 eloquence of Virgil." 
 
 Page 154. 
 1 Hist. Liter, de la France, torn. iv. p. 284. 2 Ep. 36. 
 
 3 Paulinus speaks of Alcuin with the highest respect. He sent 
 his book against Felix to the king, quatenus hoc nostrum licet 
 non pretiosum quodcunque tamen munusculum ad manus rever- 
 endissimi viri et in divinis rebus peritissimi et prseclari, Albini 
 scilicet, summae religionis prsecipui oratoris Vestri, mihique super 
 omnia flaventium favorum dulcissimi mella, urgentibus Vestris 
 citius venerandis imperiis deferatur. S. Paulini. Op. p. 168. ed. 
 Madris. Venet. 1737. fol. 
 
 Page 155. 
 
 1 Theodulph asserts that the Pope, from whose hands he had 
 received the pall, could alone deprive him of it. 
 
 Solius illud opus Romani praesulis exstat, 
 Cujus ego accepi pallia sancta manu. 
 
 Page 156. 
 
 1 The first twelve verses of his hymn, gloria, laus et honor tibi 
 sit, Rex Christe redemptor, were sung in France during the solemn 
 procession on Palm Sunday, until the time of the revolution, and 
 are, perhaps again sung on this occasion. 
 
NOTES. 269 
 
 Page 157. 
 
 1 Anonym, cap. 9. N. 17. 
 
 2 Ep. 96, p. 144 146. The same subject is discussed some- 
 what more at length in the treatise de confessions peccatorum, Op. 
 tom.ii. p. 154 156. As in all the exhortations of Alcuin, the 
 language is beautiful and impressive; whilst the antitheses are 
 happy, and frequently unexpected. 
 
 Page 158. 
 
 1 In a report delivered by Leidrad to Charlemagne, it is said, 
 ap. Laun. De Scholis Celeb, p. 14: Habeo scholas cantorum, ex 
 quibus plerique ita sunt eruditi, ut alios etiam erudire possint. 
 Prseter haec vero habeo scholas Lectorum, non solum qui officiorum 
 lectionibus exercentur, sed etiam in divinorum librorum medi- 
 tatione spiritual is intelligentiae fructus consequuntur. In libris 
 quoque conscribendis in eadem ecclesia, in quantum potui, 
 elaboravi. 
 
 2 S. Agobardi Opera, ed. Baluz, 1666. 8. t. ii. p. 80. 
 
 Page 159. 
 
 1 A proof of Alcuin's confidence is afforded by his letters, (Ep. 
 92. p. 135), in which he speaks of a letter which he would have 
 been sorry to see in other hands ; Candidus tantum illam perle- 
 gebat mecum, et sic tradita est igni. Cf. Ep. 105, 109. 
 
 2 Onias, to whom the commentary is dedicated, in common 
 with Wizo and Fredegis, is too insignificant to merit particular 
 notice. We find only two notes addressed to him, amongst 
 Alcuin's letters, N. 227 and 228, p. 292, which contain nothing 
 but assurances of his affection and exhortations to live vir- 
 tuously. 
 
 Page 160. 
 
 1 Baluz. Miscell. t. ii. p. 403408. 
 Page 161. 
 
 1 Both the work of Agobard, at which Fredegis took offence, 
 as well as that in which Fredegis expressed the same, have perished, 
 and we are made acquainted with the controversy only through 
 Agobard's refutation, which is amongst his works. T. i. p. 165 
 -191. 
 
 Page 162. 
 
 1 Ep. 110. p. 161. Non est pontifex in hoc regno, cujus me 
 magis fidei crediderim, aut magis ehf^^Hutem optarem in domino 
 vel illius sancta consolatione frui*rel in loquela vel in literis de- 
 siderarem. 
 
 2 Arno caused more than 140 volumes to be transcribed at 
 Saltzburg. It is said of him, in a Necrolog. MS. Capituli. Metro- 
 polit. Salisb. ap. Froben., t.i. p.lxxxi: Cujus (sc. Arnonis) vitam 
 
270 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 Albinus magister Carol! per sua scripta plurima, quce hie apud nos 
 sunt, multum collaudat et extollit. 
 
 Page 163. 
 
 1 Nithard himself says, in his treatise, de dissensionibus filiorum 
 Lud. lib. iv. p. 107., of his father Angilbert, as follows: Fuit hie 
 vir ortus eo in tempore haud ignotse familiae. Madhelgaudus 
 enim et Richardus et hie ex una progenie fuere, et apud magnum 
 Carolum merito magni habebantur. Qui ex ejusdem magni regis 
 film nomine Berchta Harnidum, fratrem meum, et me. Nithardum 
 genuit. This fact is contradictory to the assertion of Einhard, 
 Vita Car. cap. 19, that the king was so much attached to his 
 daughters that he would never permit them to marry, lest he 
 should be deprived of their society. Nullum earum cuiquam aut 
 suorum aut exterorum nuptum dare voluit. Einhard adds, how- 
 ever, that although the princesses were not publicly married, they 
 had had intercourse with men, and enjoyed but an indifferent 
 reputation. The emperor, however, shut his eyes, and made it 
 appear that he knew nothing of it. We may, therefore, conclude 
 that Angilbert's marriage or connexion with Bertha was of this 
 description, as Einhard rather alludes to, than distinctly mentions 
 it. We may 'also easily discover in the story of Angilbert and 
 Bertha, the foundation of those fictitious tales of the love and 
 marriage of Einhard and Emma, a pretended daughter of Charle- 
 magne, with which the monks sought to amuse their leisure, or 
 confer honour upon their monastery. 
 
 2 Hist. Liter, de la France, t. iv. p. 416 418. 
 
 3 Adelhard was first cousin to Charlemagne, as may be seen in 
 the following genealogical table: 
 
 Charles Martel. 
 
 | J 
 
 Pepin. Bernbard. 
 
 Charlemagne- | | j 
 
 Adelhard. YVala. Bernarius. Gundrada. Theodrada. 
 
 Page 165. 
 
 1 His life has been written by Paschasius Radbertus, a pupil 
 of Adelhard: Vita Adalhardi, abbatis Corbegensis in T. v. act. 
 SS. ord. S. Benedict*. 
 
 2 Hincmar. De Ordine Palatii et Regni. 
 
 3 Ep. 40. 181 and 182. The thirty-ninth letter of Alcuin, 
 which is likewise addressed to Damotas, has been unjustly sup- 
 posed not to have been written to Riculf; and because we find, p. 54, 
 sed valde sollicitus sum de itinere tuce profectionis in hostem, it has 
 been supposed to be directed to a soldier. But why should not 
 the Bishop of Mentz have accompanied the king once to the field 
 
NOTES. 271 
 
 in his clerical capacity ? Alcuin's very anxiety on this occasion, 
 which is comprehensible when referred to an ecclesiastic, would 
 have been quite inapplicable to a warrior. Cf. Ep. 41. 
 
 Page 166. 
 
 1 The acts of this council are to be found in Sirmondi, Concil. 
 ant. Galliae. t. ii. p. 274276. 
 
 Page 167. 
 1 See Hist. Liter, de la France, t. iv. p. 329. 
 
 Page 168. 
 
 1 Alcuin writes thus in the one hundred and eightieth letter, 
 which is addressed, ad filios apud Dominum Imperatorem in palatio 
 commorantes, p. 242 : O quam felix dies fuit, quando in laboribus 
 nostris pariter lusimus literaliter seria. Sed nunc omnia mutata 
 sunt. Remansit senior, alios generans filios, priores disperses 
 gemens. 
 
 2 Ep. 85. p. 126. 
 
 Page 169. 
 
 1 These are Alcuin's own words in the letter to Charlemagne, 
 from which we have quoted. 
 
 2 See p. 54. 
 
 Page 171. 
 
 1 See Mabillon. Diplom, lib.i. cap.xi., and the first plates to 
 the fifth book. 
 
 2 Hist. Liter, de la France, t. iv. p. 20. 
 
 Page 172. 
 
 1 In the twenty-third letter, in which Alcuin replies to the 
 questions proposed to him by Angilbert in the name of the king, 
 respecting the gender of rubus, and the distinction between the 
 prefixes de, dis, and, des, we find, p. 33, Miror, cur Flaccinae 
 pigritiae socordiam septiplicis sapientiae decus, dulcissimus meus 
 David, interrogare voluisset de quaestionibus palatinis, emeritae 
 que nomen militiae in castra revocare pugnantia, ut tumultuosas 
 militum mentes sedaret, dum secularis liieraturce libri et eccle- 
 siastics solidltatis sapienlia, sicut justum est, apud Vos inveni- 
 untur, in quibus ad omnia, quae quaeruntur, verae inveniri possunt 
 responsiones. 
 
 2 Murator. Antiq. t. iii. p. 835. 
 
 Page 173. 
 
 1 Ep. 3. Cf. Alcuin. Carm. N. 250. 
 
 2 Tritthemius says in Chron. Hirsaug. according to Meginfred of 
 Rabanus: Eum docendi modum, quern ab Albino didicerat, etiam 
 apud Fuldenses monachos inviolabilem servarejubetur. Qui mox, 
 ut docendi subivit officium, per omnia curavit Albinum scqui et imitari 
 maaistrum. ut juniores videlicet monachos primum doceret in gram- 
 
272 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 maticis, et cum apti viderentur ad majora gravioribus etiam fir- 
 maret institutis. 
 
 Page 174. 
 
 1 Alcuin mentions him in the hundred and forty third letter. 
 
 2 In a letter of recommendation which Alcuin wrote to Arno, Ep. 
 76. p. 112. he says: Benefac, obsecro, Mago naeo nigro ; erit enim 
 utilis in domo Dei. Semper cum nobis fuit, bonam habuit volun- 
 tatem et humilitatem, seu in servitio Dei, seu etiam in lectionis 
 studio. Cf. Ep.89. in which, besides Adelbert, Aldrich also (Adhel- 
 ricus Levita) is named. 
 
 Page 176. 
 
 1 Phil. Labbei Biblioth. novaMSS. librorum. tom.ii. p. 158 195. 
 The Emperor Louis is said to have lent the author, for the prosecu- 
 tion of his work, a copiam librorum from the court library. Hist. 
 Liter, de la France, t. iv. p. 223. 
 
 2 Amalarii de Officiis Eccles. libri iv. in bibl. pp. t.xiv. p. 934 
 1032. 
 
 Page 177. 
 
 1 Ann. Loisel. ad a. 799. 
 
 2 De Virtutibus et Vitiis Liber ad Widonem Comitem. 
 
 Page 178. 
 1 Alcuin de Virtut. et Vitiis. cap. 10. 
 
 Page 180. 
 
 1 De Virtut. et Vitiis. cap. 31. 
 
 2 The Hist. Literaire de la France, t. iv. 315. furnishes several ex- 
 amples of the estimation in which this treatise of Alcuin's was held, 
 and of its general use. 
 
 Page. 181. 
 
 1 De Animae Ratione. Op. t.ii. p. 146 153. 
 
 2 See above p. 27 28- 
 
 Page 183. 
 
 1. De Anim. Rat. N. x. p. 149: Anima est, dum vivificat; dum 
 contemplatur, spiritus est ; dum sentit, sensus est ; dum sapit, 
 animus est ; dum intelligit, mens est ; dum discernit, ratio est ; dum 
 consentit, voluntas est ; dum recordatur, memoria est. 
 
 Page 185. 
 
 1 This manuscript was formerly in the Thuanian library. See 
 Hist. Liter, de la France, t. iv. p. 339. 
 
 Page 187. 
 
 1 Alcuin says, in his dedication to the Abbot Rado, Op. tom.ii. p. 
 163. Vitam sancti Vedasti, patris vestri et intercessoris nostri, emen- 
 dare studui. As to the ancient biographies, which Alcuin, as^he 
 says, improved, but which he, in fact, entirely recomposed, see 
 Hist. Liter, de la France, t. iii. p. 409. 
 
 2 In the preface to this biography ad Carolum Imp. we read 
 
NOTES. 273 
 
 p. i75. Dumque In iis, qua rogabant, praenotandis jam jamque 
 animos applicarem, repente Vestrae pietatis nuntio sum prae- 
 ventus, uti ea qucs tractabam, sic notarem, sicut revera sapientice ves- 
 trce auribus infer enda. 
 
 3 These biographies are to be found in the collection of Alcuin's 
 works, t. ii. p. 158. sq. 
 
 Page 189. 
 
 1 N. ccxlviii. t. ii. p. 233. 
 
 Prcesul amate precor, hac tu diverte viator, 
 
 Sis memor Albini ut, prcesul amate precor. 
 O mea cara domus, habitatio dulcis amata, 
 
 Sis felix semper, O mea cara domus. 
 
 Amongst this play upon words may be included the troublesome 
 attempt, which was at this time becoming common, to begin the 
 verses with letters, which when joined together, formed a word 
 significant of the contents of the whole. Ingenuity endeavoured 
 to supply the deficiency of poetical talent. 
 
 2 De Rerum Humanarumic Vissitudine et Clade Lindisfarnensis 
 Monasterii. 
 
 Page 190. 
 1 De Rerum Hum. Viciss. vs. 11 26. 
 
 Nil manet asternum celso sub cardine coeli, 
 
 Omnia vertuntur temporibus variis. 
 Una dies ridet, casus eras altera planget, 
 
 Nil fixum faciet tessera laetatibi. 
 Prospera conturbat sors tristibus impia semper, 
 
 Alternis vicibus ut redit unda maris. 
 Nunc micat alma dies, veniet nox atra tenebris, 
 
 Ver floret gemmis, hiems ferit hocque decus. 
 Siderium stellis culmen depingitur almis, 
 
 Quas nubes rapiunt imbriferae subito. 
 Et sol ipse die media subducitur ardens, 
 
 Cum tonat undosi auster de vertice poli. 
 Saepius excelsos feriunt ut fulgura montes, 
 
 Summaque silvarum flamma ferire solet, 
 Sic major magnis subito saepissime rebus 
 
 Eveniet casu forte ruina malo. 
 
 9Ud)t$ bteibt erc>ig fyier untet bem tyotyen immel$gett>6lfce/ 
 @S flerdnbert bie gorm tflleS im SBecfyfei ber 3eit. 
 
 (5 1 n Sag Iddjelt, ber anberc Sfliorgen bellagt fdjon ba$ 
 (Sin gelungener Sffiurf feffelt ba6 G>Hucf ntd)t an bid). 
 
 Smmer ft&rt ba tjerbe efd)id mit Srauer bie greube/ 
 ?G5ie bie SBoge beg S^eerg ferret im wedtfelnben trom. 
 
274 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 Qldnjt Better ber Sag, balb nafyt bic ftnjtere 9lad)t fid), 
 
 (3d)5n tft tie SSlutfoe im Sens/ rceldje ber Winter jerftort. 
 $errlid) bemafylt tft bag ^tmmelsgewolb wit gldn&enben (Sternen 
 
 S03eld)e ein SRegengero&l! plo^lid) ben 2Cugen entjtefyt. 
 @clbjl Me glufyenbe onne wtrb mitten am Sage t)eubun!ett/ 
 
 SOBenn \)on bem wdffrigen ^)ot fturmenb ber TCufter erbrauft, 
 5BSie am fyaufigjten trifft ber SSerge (Spleen ber S3li||tra^l/ 
 
 Unb ba6 geuer be6 SSjalbg SSipfel oerje^renb ergretft/ 
 (So am Sfterften brtdf)t a,erab' uber ben blu^enbjten 
 etn b6fe efd)ic! graufeg SSevberben 
 
 191. 
 1 Ibid. vs. 8388. 
 
 Talia cur, Jesus, fieri permittis in orbe. 
 
 Judicio occulto, non ego scire queo. 
 Alia vita tuis servatur in arce polorum, 
 
 Qua pax alma viget, praelia nulla fiunt. 
 Aurum flamma probat, justos tentatio mundat, 
 Purior utque anima sidera celsa petat. 
 
 Saturn/ @ott, bu ertaubjt/ ba^ fold&es auf (Srben 
 
 tferborgenem 9^at^, weifj id) alS @terblicf)cr ntd)t. 
 id^ it)etf/ bte Setnen ent>artet etn anbereg Seben/ 
 o ber grtebe regtert/ bluttger f)aber oerftummt. 
 burd) geuer bag olb wirb burc^ ^rufung ber ut 
 geldutert/ 
 um fo reiner fetn ctft ^tmmlifdfje vg)6^)en erlltmmt." 
 
 Pag-e 192. 
 1 Ibid. vs. 99 108. 
 
 Qui jacet in lecto, quondam certabat in agris 
 
 Cum cervis, quoniam fessa senectus adest. 
 Qui olim Sirano laetus recubabat in ostro, 
 
 Vix panno veteri frigida membra tegit. 
 Longa dies oculos atra caligine claudit, 
 
 Solivagos atomos quae numerare solet. 
 Dextera, quae gladios, quag fortia tela vibrabat, 
 
 Nunc tremit, atque ori porrigit a?gre cibum. 
 Clarior ecce tuba subito vox faucibus haesit, 
 
 Auribus appositis murmura lausa ciet. 
 
 28er auf bem SRufybett Uegt, t>on be TCtterg ?Dlube gefeffelt< 
 Mmpft' in gelbern unb ?55alb etnft mit bem f(ud)tigen S^e 
 
NOTES. 276 
 
 einft frofyUd) unb bunt fid) in fyrtfdjen ^purpur gefletbet/ 
 
 betft ein alteS ercanb btefem ben gttternben etb. 
 2uge, geroofynt bte (Sonnenftdubdjen &u jdfylen, 
 
 im 2Cltet bercinft bunfele gtnfternifj ein. 
 >iefe ^>anb/ bte eftemalS ba$ djroert unb ben mutfyigen 
 
 SSebt jefct unb gittert/ unb !aum bringt fte bte @petfc gum 
 
 feller er!tang einft^ al ber Srompete (5>efd)metter/ bte (Sttmme, 
 te ins 9endt)erie )fyr (eifeg eflufter nut t)aud)t" 
 
 2 So, to give one more specimen only, he says of those who 
 were slain in the attack upon the monastery, 
 
 Hos puta quapropter nobis non esse gemendos, 
 
 Quos melior coelo vita sibi rapuit. 
 Desine quapropter lachrymis hos plangere, praesul, 
 
 Quos sibi perpetuo Christus habet socios, 
 Teque magis facias tota virtute paratum, 
 
 Ut quo pervenias tristia nulla fiant. 
 
 3 This poem has been attributed to another author, but Alcuin 
 refers to himself as having composed it. For, speaking of Arch- 
 bishop Aelbert, he mentions, that he resigned the aichiepiscopa 
 see toEanbald, one of his pupils : 
 
 Tradidit ast alio caras super omnia gazas 
 
 Librorum nato, patri qui semper adhaesit, 
 
 Doctrinse sitiens haurire fluenta suetus. 
 
 Cujus si curas proprium cognoscere nomen, 
 
 Fronte sua statim prasentia carmina prodent. 
 The alms who obtained the superintendence of the library, is 
 no other than Alcuin the composer of the poem, whose name might 
 be read on the title-page. 
 
 4 The passage wherein he commends the learning of Aelbert is 
 in itself interesting, and may serve as a proof: 
 
 Ille ubi diversis sitientia corda fluentis 
 Doctrinae et vario studiorum rore rigabat : 
 His dans grammaticse rationes gnaviter artes, 
 Illis rhetoricae infundens refluamina linguae. 
 Illos juridica curavit cote polire, 
 Illos Aoniodocuit concinnere cantu, 
 Castalida instituens alios resonare cicuta, 
 Et juga Parnassi lyricis percurrere plantis. 
 Ast alios fecit praefatus nosse magister 
 Harmoniam cceli, solis lunaeque labores, 
 Quinque poli zonas, errantia sidera septem, 
 Astrorum leges, ortus simulatque recessus, 
 
 T 2 
 
276 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 Aerios motus pelagi, terraeque tremorem, 
 Naturas hominum, pecudum volucrumque ferarum, 
 Diversas numeri species, variasque figuras. 
 Paschalique dedit solemnia certa recursu, 
 Maxime scripturae pandens mysteria sacrae ; 
 Nam rudis et veteris legis patefecit abyssum. 
 
 Page 193. 
 
 1 The opinion that Alcuin was the author of this poem, has 
 been so long adhered to, in consequence of its seeming to confirm 
 the idea, that he had written something concerning the life and 
 history of Charlemagne, either in prose or verse. This is a 
 striking example of a custom, which has so long prevailed, but 
 which it is to be hoped, has been given up, namely, to search after, 
 and frequently to produce most unfairly, a proof and foundation 
 for every thing that an ancient author has uttered. The descrip- 
 tion of the meeting of the king and the Pope, will afford a specimen 
 of the general tone of the poem. Poema de Carolo, M. et Leonis 
 Papae ad eundem adventu, vs. 487, sq. in Alcuin. Op. t. ii. 
 p. 455: 
 
 Jam pater in campo Carolus videt agmina aperto, 
 Pippinum et summum Pastorem tendere contra. 
 Constat et inque modum populum exspectare coronas 
 Praecipit, atque aciem hine dividet urbis ad instar. 
 Ipse autem medio consistere in orbe beatus 
 Praesulis adventum exspectans, et vertice toto 
 Altior est sociis, populum supereminet omnem. 
 Jam Leo Papa subit que externo se agmini miscet. 
 Quam varias habitu, lingua, tarn vestis et armis 
 Miratur gentes, diversis partibus orbis. 
 Extemplo properans Carolus venerantur adorat 
 Pontificem amplectens magnum, et placida oscula libat. 
 Inque vicem dextras jungunt, pariterque feruntur 
 Gressibus, et multo miscentes verba favore. 
 Ante sacerdotem ter summum exercitus omnis 
 Sternitur, et supplex vulgus ter fusus adorat, 
 Pro populoque preces ter fundit pectore praesul. 
 
 Page 194. 
 1 See above, p. 
 
 Page 196. 
 
 1 Nothing tended so much to retard the perfect development of 
 the Romish hierarchy, as the circumstance of the election of a 
 Pope being dependant upon the party interest of Roman families ; 
 and nothing has promoted it so much as the successful introduc- 
 tion, in the eleventh century under the influence of Hildebrand, 
 of a mode of election which abolished this dependence. 
 
NOTES. 277 
 
 2 How did it otherwise happen that Alcuin addressed a special 
 letter of congratulation to Leo III. in which he designates the 
 Pope the true successor of the Apostles, him upon whom the 
 spirit of the fathers had descended (hares Patrum}, the head of 
 the church, and the nourisher of the one immaculate dove ? 
 
 Page 197. 
 
 1 Du Chesne Script. Rer. Franc, t. ii. p. 685. 
 
 2 It was thus that Alcuin regarded the accusations which had 
 been brought against the Pope. He writes to his friend Arno, 
 Ep. 92, p. 134 : Intelligo, multos esse aemulatores ejusdem praedicti 
 Domni Apostolici, deponere eum subdola suggestione, crimina 
 adulterii velperjurii illi imponere qu&rentes. 
 
 Page 198. 
 
 1 Einhard, in the Annals, ad a. 799, doubts the fact : ut ali- 
 quibus visum est. Theophanes, in the Chronography, says most 
 distinctly, that the ruffians did intend to put out the eyes of the 
 Pope, but that they were moved by compassion to spare him : 
 Ov H&VTOI rfd 
 
 avrv QiXavSpwTrwv OVTWV /ecu (j)eKra^ievwv avr<$. 
 2 Ep. 93, p. 138 : Decet omnem populum Christianum in^hac 
 dementia divinae protectionis gaudere et laudare nomen sanctum 
 Dei nostri, qui nunquam deserit sperantes in se, qui impias com- 
 pescuit manus a pravo voluntatis effectu, volentes caecatis 
 mentibus lumen suum extinguere et se ipsos impio consilio proprio 
 privare capite. 
 
 Page 199. 
 1 Ep. 80, p. 117. 
 
 Page 200. 
 
 1 Ep. 92, p. 134, sq. Alcuin says of Arno's letters : Epistola 
 qu&rimonias quasdam habuit de moribus Apostolici. Sed quia ego 
 nolui, ut in alterius manus pervenisset epistola, Candidus tantum 
 illam perlegebat mecum, et sic tradita est igni, ne quid scandali 
 oriri potuisset, propter negligentiam cartulas meas servantis . 
 
 2 Ep. 92 : Tu vero, fili votorum meorum, labora pro summi 
 Pastoris incolumitate, pro sanctse sedis auctoritate, pro catho- 
 licae fidei integritate, ne lupinis morsibus pastorum pastor pateat. 
 He adds, that he would assist the efforts of Arno with his tears, 
 that is, with his prayers and letters. 
 
 3 Ibidem : Quis potest immunis esse in ecclesia Christi pastor, 
 si ille a malefactoribus dejicitur, qui caput est ecclesiarum 
 Christi ? Suo domino stabit aut cadet. 
 
 Page 201. 
 
 1 Memini, he says in the letter already quoted, melegisse quon- 
 dam, si rite recorder, in canonibus beati Silvestri, non minus 
 
278 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN- 
 
 LXXII. testibus Pontificem accusandum esse et judiciopraesentari; 
 et ut illorum tails vita esset, ut potuissent contra talem auctori- 
 tatem stare. Insuper et in aliis legebam Canonibus, Apostolicam 
 sedem judiciariam esse, non judicandam. 
 
 2 Responderem pro es, si ex latere ejus stetissem : Qui sine 
 peccato est vestrum, primus in ilium lapidem mittat. Ev. St. 
 Johannis, viii. 7. 
 
 3 After the passages quoted above, he writes to Archbishop 
 Arno. Haec omnia et multa plura his cogitavi per epistoias meas 
 demandari illi (Charlemagne) propter ejus catholicam caritatem. 
 
 Page 202. 
 
 If the monk of St. Gallen is to be believed, the Pope must have 
 sought the assistance of the Byzantine emperor, before he applied 
 to the French king. But his account, lib. i. cap. 28, is replete 
 with errors, and altogether improbable ; it only proves the current 
 opinion of the ninth century to have been, that the Pope trans- 
 ferred the imperial dignity to the king, because he had afforded 
 him the support which the Byzantine emperors had refused. 
 
 Page 203. 
 
 1 Monach. Egolism. ad a. 800 : Carolus Turonis ad sanctum 
 Martinum orationis causa pervenit. Moratus est ibi dies aliquot 
 propter adversam domnse Luitgardae conjugis valetudinem, quae 
 ibidem defuncta et humata est. 
 
 2 In the first consolatory epistle, Ep. 90, p. 132, he pursues the 
 thought, that true life commences with death : Nascimur, ut moria- 
 mur, morimur, ut vivamus. Numquid non felicior est vitae 
 ingressus, quam mortis? In a second letter, Ep. 91, p. 132, he 
 endeavours to comfort the king by telling him that we must all 
 submit to the just judgment of God: Placeant nobis judicial 
 Dei. Justus est Dominus et recta judicia ejus. 
 
 Page 204. 
 
 1 Ep. 93, p. 137, sq. The king wrote to Alcuin to desire, in 
 case he would not accompany him himself, that he would send 
 some of his pupils, qui (these are the king's own words) te quies- 
 cente pro te tua munera inire valent. 
 
 2 Ep.cit.p. 137: Quidquidvero deillis (Paschalis, Campulus, and 
 the rest of Leo's enemies) agendum sit, vestra cautissima conside- 
 rare habet sapientia, quae optime novit, quid cuique conveniat 
 personae et quid cui sit facto retribuendum, vel quomodo ille pius 
 Pastor, divina ab inimicorum manibus liberatus protectione, securus 
 in sua sede Deo Christo deservire valeat. 
 
 Page 205. 
 
 1 Anastas.in Vita Leon.iii. ap. Du Chesne. Script. Rer. Franc, 
 tom.ii, p. 219. 
 
NOTES. 279 
 
 Page 206. 
 
 1 Einhard in Vit.Caroli, cap. 28, mentions this expression, which 
 there can be no doubt Charlemagne used : Quod primum in tan- 
 turn aversatus est, ut affirmaret, se eo die, quamvis praecipua esset 
 festivitas, ecclesiam non intraturum fuisse, si praescire potuisset 
 Pontificis consilium. 
 
 Page 207. 
 
 1 Vers.de Carol. M. Imp. ap. Du Chesne, tom.ii. p. 200. 
 'EvrtvSev afiEifiouevoQ rov KdpovXov 6 Atwi/ 
 'AitayoptvEi KpaTopa riiq TraXttTepaQ 'Piburjg. 
 Theophanes Chronogr.ibid.p. 192, also expresses himself thus, and 
 says explicitly, that Rome now first fell under the dominion of the 
 French: yvo/i?'?je TIJQ 'Puprjg air tKtivov icdipov VTTO rr\v 
 tZovViav T&V 3>pdyyiov. 
 
 Page 208. 
 
 1 Baluz. Capit.t.i. p-365: ut omnis homo in toto regno suo, qui 
 antea fidelitatem sibi Regis nomine promisisset, nunc ipsum pro- 
 missum hominis Ccesari faciat. 
 
 2 Ep. 185. p. 248 : Epistolam vero parvitatis meaecum sanctissimo 
 divinae scripturae munere die natali Domini et verbis salutationis 
 pacificis redde Domino meo David, cui tantas grates et laudes agi- 
 mus pro omnibus bonis, quae mihi meisque filiis faciebat, quantas 
 habet liber ille syllabas et tantas a Deo dari benedictiones illi op- 
 tamus, quantae in eo literae leguntur scriptae. 
 
 Page 209. 
 
 1 Ep. 103, p. 153. The expression is: ad splendorem imperialis 
 potentiae. 
 
 2 Anastasius. in the passage quoted above, enumerates separately 
 the presents which were partly procured by the rich booty that 
 Charlemagne had taken from the Avari in the war which was 
 lately concluded : diversa vasa ex auro purissimo, coronam au- 
 ream cum gemmis majoribus, patinam auream majorem cum 
 gemmis diversis then three golden goblets, one ornamented with 
 precious stones, the others without, besides many costly articles 
 of silver, 
 
 Page 210. 
 
 1 Charles, however, always regarded his dignity as a Renovatio 
 Imperil Romani, and was so anxious that it should appear in this 
 light, that he was not satisfied with the title of Imperator; but, in 
 order to avoid every misconception, frequently subjoined, Roma- 
 norum Gubernans Imperium. He likewise caused his public docu- 
 ments to be prepared according to the Roman imperial form, and 
 although no indiction existed in the French kingdom, still he con- 
 stantly added the number of the indiction to the date. li was an 
 unfortunate circumstance, and one that has been productive of much 
 
280 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 perplexityand error, that not only Charles, but many of his succes- 
 sors also, entertained of their imperial dignity an idea which wa s 
 irreconcilable with the existing state of society. 
 
 2 Einhard, in his life of Charlemagne, cap. 15, says, however, that 
 these kings also acknowledged a species of dependence upon 
 Charlemagne : Adeo Adefonsum, Gallicae atque Asturicaeregem so- 
 cietate sibi devinxit, ut is, cum ad eum litteras vel legates mitteret, 
 non aliter se apud ilium, quam proprium suum appellari juberet. 
 Scotorum quoque reges sic habuit ad suam voluntatem et suam 
 munificentiam inclinatos, ut eum nunquam aliter } quam dominum, 
 seque subditos ac servos pronunciarent. 
 
 Page 212. 
 
 1 Alcuin, in his Ep. 178, p. 240, congratulates the younger Charles 
 on this coronation. Anastasius, the only other writer who men- 
 tions this fact, says: Pontifex unxit oleo sancto Carolum et 
 excellentissimum filium ejus regem, by which we are not to un- 
 derstand that the Pope anointed the illustrious son of Charles, king 
 (for the younger Charles had long enjoyed that dignity) ; but 
 Anastasius means to say that Leo anointed the son of Charlemagne, 
 who was already king and for what other purpose, than that of 
 thereby designating him his father's successor in the imperial 
 dignity? 
 
 2 Thegan. de Gest. Ludew. Pii, cap. 6. 
 
 Page 214. 
 
 1 Ep. 101, p. 150: Beata gens, cui divina dementia tarn pium 
 et prudentem praevidebat rectorem. Felix populus, qui a sapiente 
 et pio regitur Principe, sicut in illo Platonico legitur proverbio, 
 dicentis : felicia esse regna, si philosophi, id est amatores sapien- 
 tise, regnarent, vel reges philosophise studerent, quia nihil in hoc 
 inundo sapientise compari poterit. 
 
 J>age 215. 
 1 Ibid, p.151. 
 
 Page 216. 
 
 1 We are informed by Einhard in his Vit. Caroli M. cap. 18, 
 that after the death of Luitgard, Charlemagne had three mistresses, 
 by whom he had sons and daughters. 
 
 Page 217. 
 
 1 Theophan Chronogr. ap. Du Chesne, Per. Franc, t. i. p. 198. 
 *E(j)$raffav dk bi cnroGTaXkvTiQ Trapa Tapov\ov KCLL TOV HCLTTCI 
 A.SOVTOQ TTpoQ TTfV EtjO^vjjv, aiTOVjjLkvoi ^tvySiivai avrr)V rep 
 KapouXy irpbg ya/jov, /cat kv&aai ra cam KO.I ra iffTrspia' rjri^ 
 fffv av, ft ft?) 'Aeriog EKwXucrc Trapaduvavrfvwv KCti TO 
 tig TOV 'idiov ddetybv 
 
NOTES. 281 
 
 Page 218. 
 1 Ep. 106, p. 2. 157. 2 Ep. 104, p. 154. 
 
 Page 219. 
 
 1 Alcuin appears to have interested himself personally for Duke 
 Grimoald III. of Beneventum. Grimoald had resided for some 
 time as a hostage at the court of Charlemagne, where he probably 
 enjoyed the advantage of Alcuin' s instruction, and gained his affec- 
 tion. Charlemagne himself was so much attached to the young 
 Lombard, that on the death of his father, he bestowed upon him 
 the vacant dukedom. Grimoald at first remained faithful to 
 Charlemagne, and supported the French against the Greeks and 
 his own relations ; but, in time, the impression which Charles' 
 personal kindness had made, wore away ; he assumed an inde- 
 pendent position, in which he was supported by the Greeks. 
 
 Page 220. 
 
 1 Concursus fuit in civitate subito mendicorum ex omini parte, 
 suum parati defensorem defendere, says Alcuin. without mention- 
 ing the participation of the monks ; but there can be no question 
 that they were concerned in the affray. In the neighbourhood of 
 monasteries, the people, especially the mass of the poor, are 
 obedient instruments, and form, in a certain degree, a standing 
 army. 
 
 2 Ep. 118 ad Candidum et Nathanaelem. 
 
 Page 221. 
 
 1 Alcuin says of the delegate : Quos volebat, flagellavit ; quos 
 volebat, in catenam misit ; quos volebat, jurare fecit ; quos placuit, 
 vocavit ad Vestram praesentiam. 
 
 2 Ep. 195, p. 260. sq. 
 
 Page 224. 
 
 1 Ep. 119, p. 175. 
 
 2 His report to Charlemagne has been already quoted ; his 
 anonymous biographer speaks in the following terms of his en- 
 deavours to amend the lives of the monks and of his success : 
 Vitam subjectorum, quantum valuit, corrigere studuit, ac quos 
 indomitos accepit rationabiles honestisque moribus ut essent 
 fategit. 
 
 Page 225. 
 
 1 Ep. 120, p. 176, Alcuin writes to Arno: Direxi hoc animal 
 vitulum Encheridion meum, ut adjuves ilium et eripias eum de 
 manibus inimicorum suorum, et adjuva, quantum valeas, quia 
 venerabilis episcopus multum ardet super nos, id est, Theodulfus. 
 It is evident that the priest who had escaped from Orleans, is here 
 meant. 
 
282 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 Page 226. 
 
 1 Anonym. Vit. Alcuin, cap. xv., N. 29 : Eadem vero nocte 
 super ecclesiam sancti Martini ingestimabilis visa est splendoris 
 claritas in tantum, ut putaretur a longe positis tota igne cremari. 
 Quibusdam denique per totam illam noctem ipse splendor visus 
 est, nonnullis tribus apparuit vicibus. Aurora autem surgente 
 globus ille jam amplissimus super eum venisse locum visus est, 
 quo Alcuinus jacebat, animaque ejus egrediente ccelum penetrasse 
 testatus est siquidem Josephus Archiepiscopus per totem noctem 
 et ab eo a suis visum fuisse. Testantur multi et nunc corpore 
 valentes. 
 
 2 Ibid. N. 30. 
 
 Page 221. 
 
 1 The epitaph in the original is as follows : 
 
 Hie, rogo, pauxillum veniens subsiste viator, 
 
 Et mea scrutare pectore dicta tuo ; 
 Ut tua deque meis agnoscas fata figuris, 
 
 Vertitur en species, ut mea, sicque tua. 
 Quod nunc es, fueram, famosus in orbe viator, 
 
 Et quod nunc ego sum, tuque futurus eris. 
 Delicias mundi casso sectabar amore ; 
 
 Nunc cinis et pulvis, vermibus atque cibus. 
 Quapropter potius animam curare memento, 
 
 Quam carnem, quoniam haec manet, ilia perit. 
 Cur tibi rura paras ? Quam parvo cernis in antro 
 
 Me tenet hie requies, sic tua parva fiet. 
 Cur Tyrio corpus inhias vestirier ostro, 
 
 Quod mox esuriens pulvere vermis edet ? 
 Ut flores pereunt vento veniente minaci, 
 
 Sit tua namque caro, gloria tota perit. 
 Tu mini redde vicem lector, rogo carminis hujus 
 
 Et die : Da veniam, Christe, tuo famulo. 
 Obsecro nulla manus violet pia jura sepulcri, 
 
 Personat angelica donee ab arce tuba : 
 Qui jaces in tumulo, terrae de pulvere surge, 
 
 Magnus adest judex millibus innumeris. 
 Alchwin nomen erat Sophiam mihi semper amanti, 
 
 Pro quo funde preces mente, legens titulum. 
 
 2 Hie requiescit beatae memoriae Domnus Alchwinus abbas, 
 qui obiit in pace xiv Kalendas Junias. Quando legeretis, o Vos 
 omnes, orate pro eo et dicite : Requiem seternam donet ei Do- 
 minus. 
 
 3 Anonym, cap. xiii., N. 25. It is amusing to learn from, this 
 author, the mode in which the devil was represented at that 
 
NOTES. 283 
 
 period. He appeared to him homo quasi magnus, nigerrimus ac 
 deformis barbatusque blasphemiae in eum aggerens jacula. Quid, 
 inquit, hypocrita agis, Alchuine ? Cur coram hominibus justum te 
 videri conaris, cum deceptor sis magnusque simulator? Tu putas 
 his tuis fictionibus acceptabilem posse te habere Christum ? The 
 evil spirit is driven away by a prayer. 
 
 Page 23 1 . 
 
 1 . It is in this view that the History of Charlemagne should be 
 viewed. He is the master-spirit of the Carlovingian period. That 
 which his predecessors commenced, half completed, or only pro- 
 jected, he erected into a solid edifice, in which his successors lived 
 in ease and pleasure, like thoughtless children, in a well ordered 
 house, which has been left them by a prudent father. They spend 
 their days without reflecting that the stores must be exhausted, 
 and that without occasional repairs, the house must decay. How 
 well Charles understood his duty, is proved by the following ac- 
 count in Einhard's Vita Car. M. cap. 29 : Cummulta adverteret 
 legibus populi sui deesse (nam Franci duas habent leges in pluri- 
 mis locis valde diversas) , cogitavit qua deerant adders et discre- 
 pantia unire, prava quoque ac perperam prolata corrigere. 
 
 Page 234. 
 
 1 This picture is prefixed to the edition of Alcuin's works, 
 published by Frobenius. 
 
 2 The Anonymus Vit. Alcuin, cap. viii. N. 14, cannot suffici- 
 ently extol the rigour with which Alcuin practised monkish dis- 
 cipline, and commends his hero for the abstinence to which he 
 submitted, and for the castigations, whereby, as he expresses it, 
 he glorified human nature. 
 
 Page 235. 
 
 1 Ep. 127. p. 190. 
 
 2 He founds this on the Epistle to the Hebrews, chap.xii, v. 17., 
 wherein it is said that Esau, when he wished to inherit the blessing, 
 was rejected. Alcuin understood this clearly to mean, that Esau, 
 as the first born, had peculiarly the lawful claim to the blessing; 
 but his younger brother, having, as it were by a testamentary 
 disposition of his father, already obtained it, Esau's right was 
 annihilated. According to this passage of the Bible therefore, he 
 concludes a will must be valid, even if it should prejudice the 
 rights of others. 
 
 2 Exodus xxi. 17. 
 
 Page 236. 
 
 1 Letters upon the Education of Mankind. Letter 22. 
 
 2 Alcuin's letters are so full of allusions to the classic poets, 
 that the example of his early life is in contradiction to the precepts 
 
284 THE LIFE OF ALCUIN. 
 
 of his more advanced years. In a letter to Angilbert (Ep. 22. 
 p. 31) who was then residing in Rome, and whom he requests to 
 bring some relics from that city, he quotes a verse from Ovid's 
 Ars Amandi. Strange as it may seem, that a man, who could quote 
 a frivolous poem when speaking upon a subject so serious and 
 sacred as relics were to him, should prohibit the reading of the 
 poets, still it is one of the inconsistencies belonging to his 
 character. 
 
 Page 237. 
 
 1 Ep. 67. p. 91. Quod vero in fine familiariter me admonere 
 curastis, ut, si quid humiliter emendandum sit, corrigatur, nun- 
 quam fui, Deo donante, in error e meo pertinax, nee de meis con- 
 fidens sensibus, nee talis, ut meliori sententice facile adquiescere 
 non valerem, sciens f dictum esse : scepius auribus quam lingua 
 utendum. 
 
 Page 238. 
 
 1 The object, that of restraining his pupils from unlawful pur- 
 suits, may have excused in his eyes the means, in themselves by 
 no means commendable, by which he sought to attain it. 
 
 2 Sigulf Vetulus is here alluded to, from whom the anonymous 
 writer received all that he has related to us of the circumstances 
 of Alcuin' s life. 
 
 Page 239. 
 1 Anonym. Vit. Alcuin, cap. viii. N. 15 and 16. 
 
 Page 240. 
 
 1 Anonym. Vit. Alcuin. cap. ix. N. 17. 
 
 2 See Histoire Literaire de la France, t.iv. p. 300. His memory 
 is not commemorated by any festival of the church, not even in 
 the monastery of St. Martin. 
 
 Page 243. 
 
 1 Ep.66. p. 89. Si hoc verum fore scitis, venite, adsistite, au- 
 dite et pariter in Domino in pratis vernantibus varietate florum 
 Scripturarum jucundantes delectemur. 
 
 2 Ep.67.p.9l. Sciatmisericordiavestra quod haec beatitude, quam 
 laudaverat regina Austri, non fuit in terra Philistinorum, sed in 
 Hierusalem, i. e. in visione pads. Ideo supplex deprecor, ut liceat 
 Flacco tuo ad hanc beatitudinem in terra pads et laetitise pervenire, 
 non in terra dissensionis et belli. Quid valet infirmitas Flacci 
 inter arma ? quid inter apros lepusculus ? quid inter leones agni- 
 culus in pace nutritus, educatus, non in praeliis versatus ? 
 
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