* THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY 184- P£9dE j |9oo V. 3 The person charging this material is re¬ sponsible for its return to the library from which it was withdrawn on or before the Latest Date stamped below. Theft, mutilation, and underlining of books are reasons for disciplinary action and may result in dismissal from the University. To renew call Telephone Center, 333-8400 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN L161—0-1096 Digitized by the internet Archive in 2018 with funding from University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign Alternates https://archive.org/details/dialoguesofplato03plat_0 PLATO AND ARISTOTLE Edition Up ffiuxp The Dialogues of Plato Translated into English with Analyses and Introductions By B. JOWETT, M. A. Master of Balliol College Regius Professor of Greek in the University of Oxford In Four Volumes Bnlum* IU THE TRIAL AND DEATH OF SOCRATES National IGibranj (Eompamj Hark lEbtttxm Sr £uxr LIMITED TO ONE THOUSAND SETS Iff- = Fd>9 d * v / 2>0£> * ' K -3 CONTENTS -MENO; The Immortality of the Soul . . EUTHYPHRO: j / Piety and Impiety . . APOLOGY: The Defence of Socrates - . . . CRITO: Socrates in Prison . -PHAEDO. The Last Day of Socrates’ Life . . THE SYMPOSIUM: / The Character of Socrates a PHAEDRUS MENO INTRODUCTION This Dialogue begins abruptly with a question of Meno, who asks “ whether virtue can be taught.” Socrates replies that he does not as yet know what virtue is, and has never known any one who did. “ Then he can not have met Gorgias when he was at Athens.” Yes, Socrates had met him, but he has a bad mem¬ ory, and has forgotten what Gorgias said. Will Meno tell him his own notion, which is probably not very different from that of Gorgias? “O yes — nothing easier; there is the virtue of a man, of a woman, of an old man, and of a child; there is a virtue of every age and state of life, all of which may be easily described.” Socrates reminds Meno that this is only an enumeration of the virtues and not a definition of the notion which is common to them all. Meno tries again; this time he defines virtue to be “ the power of command.” But to this, again, exceptions are taken. For there must be a virtue of those who obey, as well as of those who command; and the power of command must be justly or not unjustly exercised. Meno is ever ready to admit that justice is virtue: “Would you say virtue or a virtue, for there are other virtues, such as courage, temperance, and the like; just as round is a figure, and black and white are colors, and yet there are other figures and other colors. Let Meno take the examples of figure and color, and try to define them.” Meno confesses his inability, and after a process of interrogation, in which Socrates explains to him the nature of a “ simile in mul- tis,” Socrates himself defines figure as “ the accompaniment of color.” But some one may object that he does not know the meaning of the word “ color; ” and if he is a candid friend, and not a mere disputant, Socrates is willing to furnish him with a simpler and more philosophical definition, in which no disputed word is allowed to intrude: “ Figure is the limit of form.” Meno imperiously insists that he must still have a definition of color. To which, after some playful raillery, Socrates is in¬ duced to reply, “ that color is the effluence of form in due pro¬ portion to the sight.” This definition is exactly suited to the taste of Meno, who welcomes the familiar language of Gorgias 3 4 MENO and Empedocles. Socrates is of opinion that the more abstract or dialectical definition of figure is far better. Now that Meno has been made to understand the nature of a general definition, he answers in the spirit of a Greek gentle¬ man, and in the words of a poet, “ that virtue is to delight in things honorable, and to have the power of getting them.” This is a nearer approximation than he has yet made to a complete definition, and, regarded as a piece of proverbial or popular morality is not far from the truth. But the objection is urged “ that the honorable is the good,” and as every one desires the good, the point of the definition is contained in the last words, “ the power of getting them.” “ And they must be got justly or with justice.” The definition will then stand thus: “Virtue is the power of getting good with justice.” But justice is a part of virtue, and therefore virtue is the getting of good with a part of virtue. The definition repeats the word defined. Meno complains that the conversation of Socrates has the effect of a torpedo’s shock upon him. When he talks with other persons he has plenty to say about virtue; in the presence of Socrates, his thoughts seem to desert him. Socrates replies that he is only the cause of perplexity in others, because he is himself perplexed. He proposes to continue the inquiry. But how, asks Meno, can he inquire either into what he knows or into what he does not know? This is a sophistical puzzle, which, as Soc¬ rates remarks, saves a great deal of trouble to him who accepts it. But the puzzle has a real difficulty latent under it, to which Socrates replies in a figure. The difficulty is the origin of knowl¬ edge. He professes to have heard from priests and priestesses, and from the poet Pindar, of an immortal soul which is always learn¬ ing and forgetting in successive periods of existence, wandering over all places of the upper and under world, having seen and known all things at one time or other, and by association out of one thing capable of recovering all. For nature is of one kin¬ dred; and every soul has a seed or germ which may be devel¬ oped into all knowledge. The existence of this latent knowledge is further proved by the interrogation of one of Meno’s slaves, who, in the skilful hands of Socrates, is made to acknowledge some elementary relations of geometrical figures. The theorem that the square of the diagonal is double the square of the side — that famous discovery of primitive mathematics, in honor of which the legendary Pythagoras is said to have sacrificed a heca¬ tomb — is elicited from him. The first step in the process of INTRODUCTION 5 teaching has made him conscious of his own ignorance. He has had the “ torpedo’s shock ” given him, and is the better for the operation. But whence had the uneducated man this knowledge? He had never learned geometry in this world; nor was it born with him; he must therefore have had it in a previous existence. After Socrates has given this specimen of the true nature of teaching, the original question of the teachableness of virtue is renewed. Again he professes a desire to know “ what virtue is ” first. But he is willing to argue the question, as mathematicians say, under an hypothesis. He will assume that if virtue is knowl¬ edge, then virtue can be taught. Socrates has no difficulty in showing that virtue is a good, and that goods, whether of body or mind, must be under the direc¬ tion of knowledge. Upon the assumption just made, then, virtue is teachable. But where are the teachers? There are none found. This is extremely discouraging. Virtue is no sooner dis¬ covered to be teachable, than the discovery follows that it is not taught. Virtue, therefore, is and is not teachable. In this dilemma an appeal is made to Anytus, who is a respec¬ table and w r ell-to-do citizen of the old school, and happens to be present. He is asked “ whether Meno shall go to the Sophists and be taught.” The very suggestion of this throws him into a rage. “To whom, then, shall Meno go?” asks Socrates. To any Athenian gentleman — to the great Athenian statesmen of past times. Socrates replies here, thah/Themistocles, Pericles, and other great men, never taught, UpR* sons anything worth learning; and they would surely, if they could, have imparted to them their own political wisdom. Anytus is angry at the imputation which is supposed to be cast on his favorite states¬ men, and breaks off with a significant threat. Socrates returns to the consideration of the question “ whether virtue is teachable,” which was denied on the ground that there are no teachers of it: (for the Sophists are bad teachers, and the rest of the world do not profess to teach.) But there is another point which we failed to observe, and in which Gorgias has never instructed Meno, nor Prodicus Socrates. This is the nature of right opinion. For virtue may be under the guidance of right opinion as well as knowledge; and right opinion is for practical purposes as good as knowledge, but is incapable of being taught, and is also liable to “ walk off,” because not bound by the tie of the cause. This is the sort of instinct which is possessed by statesmen who are not wise or knowing persons, but only inspired or divine. The higher virtue, which is identical 6 MENO with knowledge, is an ideal only. If the statesman had this knowledge, and could teach what he knew, he would be like Tiresias in the world below, — “he alone would have wisdom, while the rest flit as shadows.” This Dialogue is an attempt to answer the question. Can vir¬ tue be taught? No one would either ask or answer such a ques¬ tion in modern times. But in the age of Socrates it was only by an effort that the mind could rise to a general notion of virtue as distinct from the particular virtues of courage, liberality, and the like. And when a hazy conception of this was attained, it was only by a further effort that the question of the teachable¬ ness of virtue could be resolved. The answer which is given by Plato is paradoxical enough, and seems rather intended to stimulate than to satisfy inquiry. Virtue is knowledge, and therefore virtue can be taught. But virtue is not taught, and therefore in this higher and ideal sense there is no virtue and no knowledge. The teaching of the Soph¬ ists is confessedly inadequate, and Meno, who is their pupil, is ignorant of the very nature of general terms. He can only y produce out of their armory the sophism, “ that you can neither inquire into what you know nor into what you do not know; ” to which Socrates replies by his theory of reminiscence. To the doctrine that virtue is knowledge, Plato has been con¬ stantly tending in the previous Dialogues. But here the new truth is no sooner found than it seems to vanish away. “If there is knowledge, there must be teachers; and where are the teach¬ ers ? ” There is no knowledge in the higher sense of systematic, connected, reasoned knowledge, such as may one day be attained, and such as Plato himself seems to see in some far off vision of a single science. And there are no teachers in the higher sense of the word; that is to say, no real teachers who will arouse the spirit of inquiry in their pupils, and not merely instruct them in rhetoric or impart to them ready-made information for a fee of “ one ” or of “ fifty drachms.” Plato is desirous of deepen¬ ing the notion of education, and therefore he asserts the seeming paradox that there are no educators. But there is still a possibility which must not be overlooked. Even if there is no knowledge, as has been proved by “ the wretched state of education,” there may be right opinion. This is a sort of guessing or divination which rests on no knowledge ' of causes, and is incommunicable to others. This is what our statesmen have, as is proved by the circumstance that they are INTRODUCTION 7 unable to impart their knowledge to others. Those who are possessed of this gift can not be said to be men of science or philosophers, but they are inspired and divine. There is no trace of irony in this curious passage, which forms the concluding portion of the dialogue. Nor again does Plato mean to intimate that the supernatural or divine is the true basis of human life. To him knowledge, if only attainable in this world, is of all things the most divine. But, like other philoso¬ phers, he is willing to admit that “ probability is the guide of lifeand at the same time is desirous to contrast “ the wisdom which governs the world ” with true wisdom. There are many instincts, judgments, and anticipations of the human mind which can not be reduced to rule, and of which the grounds can not always be given in words. A person may have some skill or latent experience which he is able to use himself and is yet unable to teach others, because he has no principles, and is not able to collect or arrange his ideas. He has practice, but not theory; art, but not science. This is a true fact of psychology, which is recognized by Plato in this passage. Also here, as in the Phaedrus, Plato appears to acknowledge an unreasoning element in the higher nature of man. The phi¬ losopher only has knowledge, and yet the statesman and the poet are inspired. There may be a sort of irony in regarding in this way the gifts of genius. But there is no reason to sup¬ pose that he is deriding them any more than he is deriding the phenomena of love or of enthusiasm in the Symposium, or of oracles in the Apology, or of divine intimations when he is speak¬ ing of the daemonium of Socrates. He recognizes the lower form of right opinion, as well as the higher one of science, in the spirit of one who desires to include in his philosophy every aspect of human life; just as he recognizes the existence of popular opinion as a fact, and the Sophists as the expression of it. This Dialogue contains the first intimation of the doctrine of reminiscence and of the immortality of the soul. It may be observed that the fanciful notion of preexistence is combined with a t,r,U£-¥k-W of the unity of knowledge, and of the associa¬ tion of ideas. The germs of two valuable principles of educa¬ tion may also be gathered from the “ doctrine of priests and priestesses: (1) that true knowledge is a knowledge of causes; and (2) that the process of learning consists not in what is brought to the learner, but in what is drawn out of him. The philosophy of ideas is here presented in a less developed form. 8 MENO than in the Phaedo and Phaedrus. Nothing is said of the pre- existence of ideas of justice, temperance, and the like. Nor is Socrates positive of anything but the duty of inquiry. The doc¬ trine of reminiscence too is explained in a manner more in ac¬ cordance with fact and experience out of the affinities of nature. Modern philosophy says that all things in nature are dependent on one another; the ancient philosopher has the same truth latent in his mind when he says that out of one thing all the rest may be recovered. Some lesser traits of the dialogue may be noted also, such as the acute observation that Meno prefers the familiar definition, which is embellished with poetical language, to the better and truer one; or (2) the shrewd reflection, which may admit of an application to modern as well as to ancient teachers, that the Sophists having made large fortunes, this must surely be a cri¬ terion of their powers of teaching, for that no man could get a living by shoemaking who was not a good shoemaker; or (3) the remark conveyed, almost in a word, that the verbal sceptic is saved the labor of thought and inquiry. Characteristic also of the temper of the Socratic inquiry is, (4) the proposal to discuss the teachableness of virtue under an hypothesis, after the manner of the mathematicians, and (5) the repetition of the favorite doctrine which occurs so frequently in the earlier and more Socratic Dialogues, and gives a color to all of them — that mankind only desire evil through ignorance. The character of Meno, like that of Critias, has no relation to the actual circumstances of his life. Plato is silent about his treachery to the ten thousand Greeks, which Xenophon has re¬ corded, as he is also silent about the crimes of Critias. He is a Thessalian Alcibiades, rich and luxurious — a spoiled child of fortune, and is described as the hereditary friend of the great king. Like Alcibiades, he is inspired with an ardent desire of knowledge, and is equally willing to learn of Socrates and the Sophists. He may be regarded as standing in the same relation to Gorgias as Hippocrates in the Protagoras to the other great Sophist. He is the sophisticated youth on whom Socrates tries his cross-examining powers, with a view of exhibiting him and his teachers in their true light, just as in the Charmides, the Lysis, and the Euthydemus, he makes ingenuous boyhood the subject of a similar experiment. Socrates treats Meno in a half playful manner, and tries to exhibit him to himself and to the reader as ignorant of the very elements of dialectics, in which the Sophists have failed to instruct their disciple. INTRODUCTION 9 Anytus is the type of the narrow-minded man of the world, who is indignant at innovation, and equally detests the popular teacher and the true philosopher. He seems, like Aristophanes, to regard the new opinions, whether of Socrates or the Sophists, as fatal to Athenian greatness. He is of the same class as Calli- cles in the Gorgias, but of a different variety; the immoral and sophistical doctrines of Callicles are not attributed to him. The moderation with which he is described is remarkable, if he be the accuser of Socrates; and this seems to be indicated by his parting words. Perhaps Plato may have been desirous of show¬ ing that the accusation of Socrates was not to be attributed to badness or malevolence, but rather to a tendency in men’s minds. Or he may have been regardless of the historical truth of the characters of his dialogue, as in the case of Meno and Critias. Like Chaerephon the real Anytus was a democrat, and had joined Thrasybulus in the conflict with the thirty. MENO PERSONS OF THE DIALOGUE Meno. A Slave of Meno. Socrates. Anytus. Meno. Can you tell me, Socrates, whether virtue is acquired by teaching or by practice; or if neither by teaching nor by practice, then whether it comes to man by nature, or in what other way? Socrates. O Meno, there was a time when the Thes¬ salians were famous among the other Hellenes only for their riches and their riding; but now, if I am not mistaken, they are equally famous for their wisdom, especially at Larisa, which is the native city of your friend Aristippus. And this is Gorgias’ doing; for when he came there, the flower of the Aleuadae, of whom your lover Aristippus is one, and the other chiefs of the Thessalians, fell in love with his wisdom. And he has taught you the habit of answering ques¬ tions in a grand and bold style, which becomes those who know, and is the style in which he himself answers all comers; and any Hellene who likes may ask him anything. How different is our lot! my dear Meno. Here at Athens there is a dearth of the commodity, and all wisdom seems to have emigrated from us to you. I am certain that if you were to ask any Athe¬ nian whether virtue was natural or acquired, he would laugh in your face, and say: Stranger, you have far too good an opinion of me; if I were inspired I might answer your question. But now I literally do not know what virtue is, and much less whether it is ac- u 12 MENO quired by teaching or not. And I myself, Meno, liv¬ ing as I do in this region of poverty, am as poor as the rest of the citizens; and I confess with shame that I know literally nothing about virtue; and when I do not know the “ quid ” of anything how can I know the “ quale? ” How, if I knew nothing at all of Meno, could I tell if he was fair, or the opposite of fair; rich and noble, or the reverse of rich and noble ? Ho you think that I could ? Men. No, indeed. But are you in earnest, Socrates, in saying that you do not know what virtue is? And am I to carry back this report of you to Thessaly ? Soc. Not only that, my dear boy, but you may say further that I have never known of any one else who did, in my judgment. Men. Then you have never met Gorgias when he was at Athens? Soc. Yes, I have. Men . And did you not think that he knew? Soc. I have not a good memory, Meno, and there¬ fore I can not now tell what I thought of him at the time. And I dare say that he did know, and that you know what he said: please, therefore, to remind me of what he said; or, if you would rather, tell me your own view, for I dare say that you and he think much alike. Men. True. Soc. Then as he is not here, never mind him, and do you tell me. By the gods, Meno, be generous, and tell me what you say that virtue is; for I shall be truly delighted to find that I have been mistaken, and that you and Gorgias do really know what I have been saying that I have never found anybody who knew. Men. There will be no difficulty, Socrates, in an¬ swering that. Take first the virtue of a man: his virtue is to know how to administer the state, in the MENO 13 administration of which he will benefit his friends and damage his enemies, and will take care not to suffer damage himself. A woman’s virtue may also be easily described: her virtue is to order her house, and keep what is indoors, and obey her husband. Every age, every condition of life, young or old, male or female, bond or free, has a different virtue! there are virtues numberless, and no lack of definitions of them; for virtue is relative to the actions and ages of each of us in all that we do. And the same may be said of vice, Socrates. Soc. How fortunate lam, Meno! When I ask you for one virtue, you present me with a swarm of them, which are in your keeping. Suppose that I carry on the figure of the swarm, and ask of you, What is the nature of the bee ? and you answer that there are many kinds of bees, and X reply: But do bees differ as bees, because there are many and different kinds of them; or are they not rather to be distinguished by some other quality, as for example beauty, size, or shane? How would you answer that? Men. I should answer that bees do not differ from one another, as bees. Soc. And suppose that I went on to say: That is what I want to know, Meno; tell me what is that quality in which they do not differ, but are all alike; — you would be able to answer that? Men. I should. Soc. And so of the virtues, however many and dif- ferent they may be,, they have all a common nature which makes them virtues; and on this he who would answer the question, “What is virtue?” would do well to have his eye fixed. Do you understand? Men. I am beginning to understand; hut I do not as yet take hold of the question as I could wish. Soc. When you say, Meno, that there is one virtue 14 MENO of a man, another of a woman, another of a child, and so on; does this apply only to virtue, or would you say the same of health, and size, and strength? Or is the nature of health always the same, whether in man or woman? Men. I should say that health, regarded as health, is the same, whether of man or woman. Soc. And is not this true of size and strength? If a woman is strong, she will be strong by reason of the same form and of the same strength subsisting in her which there is in the man. I mean to say that strength, as strength, whether of man or woman, is the same. Is there any difference? Men. I think not. Soc. And will not virtue, as virtue, he the same, whether in a child or in a grown-up person, in a woman or in a man? Men. I can not help feeling, Socrates, that this case is not like the others. Soc. Why? Were you not saying that the virtue of a man was to order a state, and the virtue of a woman was to order a house? Men. I did say that. Soc. And can either house or state or anything be well ordered without temperance and without justice? Men. Certainly not. Soc. Then they who order a state or a house tem¬ perately or justly order them with temperance and justice? Men. Certainlv. Soc. Then both men and women, if they are to be good men and women, must have the same virtues of temperance and justice? Men. True. Soc. And can either a young man or an old one be good, if they are intemperate and unjust? MENO 15 Men. They can not. Soc. They must be temperate and just? Men. Yes. Soc. Then all men are good in the same way, and by participation in the same virtues? Men. That is the inference. Soc. And they surely would not have been good in the same way, unless their virtue had been the same? Men. They would not. Soc. Then now that the sameness of all virtue has been proven, try and remember what you and Gorgias say that virtue is. Men. Will you have one definition of them all? Soc. That is what I am seeking. Men. What can I say but that virtue is the power of governing mankind? Soc. And does this definition of virtue include all virtue? Is virtue the same in a child and in a slave, Meno? Ought the child to govern his father, or the slave his master; and would he who governed be any longer a slave? Men . I think not, Socrates. Soc. No, indeed; there would be small reason in that. Yet once more, fair friend; according to you, virtue is “ the power of governing; ” but do you not add “ justly ” and not unjustly? Men. Yes, Socrates; I agree to that, for justice is virtue. Soc. Would you say “virtue,” Meno, or “a vir¬ tue?” Men. What do you mean? Soc. I mean as I might say about anything; that a round, for example, is “ a figure ” and not simply figure,” and I should say this because there are other figures. 16 MENO Men. Quite right; and that is just what I am say¬ ing about virtue — that there are other virtues as well as justice. Soc. What are they? tell me the names of them, as I would tell you the names of the other figures if you asked me. Men . Courage and temperance and wisdom and magnificence are virtues; and there are many others. Soc. Yes, Meno; and again we are in the same case: in searching after one virtue we have found many, though not in the same way as before; but we have been unable to find the common element which runs through them all. Men. Why, Socrates, even now I am not able to follow you in the attempt to get at one common notion of virtue as of other things. Soc. No wonder; but I will try to arrive a little nearer if I can, for you know that all things have a common notion. Suppose now that some one asked you the question which I asked before: Meno, he would say, wdiat is figure? And if you answered “ roundness,” he would reply to you, in my way of speaking, by asking whether you would say that roundness is “ figure ” or “ a figure; ” and you would answer “ a figure.” Men. Certainly. Soc. And for this reason — that there are other figures ? Men. Yes. Soc. And if he proceeded to ask, what other figures are there? you would have told him. Men. I should. Soc. And if he similarly asked what color is, and you answered whiteness, and the questioner rejoined, Would you say that whiteness is color or a color? you MENO 17 would reply, A color, because there are other colors as well. Men. I should. Soc. And if he had said, Tell me what they are, you would have told him of other colors which are colors just as much as whiteness. Men. Yes. Soc . And suppose that he were to pursue the matter in my way, he would say: Ever and anon we are landed in particulars, but this is not what I want; tell me then, since you call them by a common name, and say that they are all figures, even when opposed to one another, what is that common nature which you designate as figure — which comprehends straight as well as round, and is no more one than the other — would you not say that? Men. Yes. Soc. And in saying that, you do not mean to say that the round is round any more than straight, or the straight any more straight than round? Men. Certainly not. Soc. You only assert that the round figure is not more a figure than the straight, or the straight than the round? Men. That is true. Soc. What then is this which is called figure? Try and answer. Suppose that when a person asked you this question either about figure or color, you were to reply, Man, I do not understand what you want, or know what you are saying; he would look rather astonished and say: Do you not understand that I am looking for the “ simile in multis? ” And then he might put the question in another form: Meno, he might say, what is that “ simile in multis ” which you call figure, and which includes not only round and straight figures, but all? Could you not answer that 18 MENO question, Meno? I wish that you would try; the at¬ tempt will be good practice with a view to the answer about virtue. Men . I would rather that you should answer, Soc¬ rates. Soc. Shall I indulge you? Men. By all means. Soc . And then you will tell me about virtue? Men. I w T ill. Soc . Then I must do my best, for there is a prize to be won. Men. Certainly. Soc. Well, I will try and explain to you what fig¬ ure is. What do you say to this answer? — Figure is the only thing that always follows color. I hope that you are satisfied with that, as I am sure I should be content if you would let me have a similar definition of virtue. Men. But that, Socrates, is a simple answer. Soc. Why simple? Men. Because you say that figure is that which always follows color; but if a person says that he does not know what color is, any more than what figure is — what sort of answer would you have given him ? Soc. I should have told him the truth. And if he were a philosopher of the eristic and antagonistic sort, I should say to him: You have my answer, and if I am wrong, your business is to take up the argument and refute me. But if I were talking as you and I now are, as between friends, I should reply in a milder strain and more in the dialectician’s way; that is to say, I should not only speak the truth, but I should make use of premisses which the person interrogated would be willing to admit. And this is the way in which I shall approach you. You will acknowledge, will you not, that there is such a thing as an end, or termina- MENO 19 tion, or extremity? — all of which words I use in the same sense, although I am aware that Prodicus might quarrel with us about this: but still you, I am sure, would speak of a thing as ended or terminated — that is all which I am saying — not anything very difficult. Men. Yes, I should; and I believe that I under¬ stand your meaning. Soc. And you will speak of a surface and also of a solid, as for example in geometry. Men . Yes. Soc. Well then, you are now in a condition to un¬ derstand my definition of figure. I define figure to be that in which the solid ends; or, more concisely, as the limit of solid. Men. And now, Socrates, what is color? Soc. You are outrageous, Meno, in thus plaguing a poor old man to give you an answer, when you won’t take the trouble of remembering what is Gorgias’ definition of virtue. Men. When you have told me what I ask, I will tell you, Socrates. Soc. A man who was blindfolded has only to hear you talking, and he would know that you are a fair creature and have still many lovers. Men. Why do you say that? Soc. Why, because you always speak in im¬ peratives: like all beauties when they are in their prime, you are tyrannical; and also, as I suspect, you have found out that I have a weakness for the fair, and therefore I must humor you and answer. Men. Please do. Soc. Would you like me to answer you after the manner of Gorgias, which is familiar to you? Men. I should very much like that. Soc. Do not he and Empedocles say that there are certain effluences of existence? 20 MENO Men. Certainly. Soc. And passages into which and through which the effluences pass? Men. Exactly. Soc. And some of the effluences fit into the pas¬ sages, and some of them are too small or too large? Men. True. Soc. And there is such a thing as sight? Men. Yes. Soc. And now, as Pindar says, “ read my mean¬ ing: ” — color is an effluence of form, commensurate with sight, and sensible. Men. That, Socrates, appears to me to be an ad¬ mirable answer. Soc. Why, yes, because it is just such an one as you have been in the habit of hearing: and your wit will have discovered that you may explain in the same way the nature of sound and smell, and of many other similar phenomena. Men. Quite true. Soc. The answer, Meno, was in the orthodox solemn vein, and therefore was more acceptable to you than the other answer about figure. Men. Yes. Soc. And yet, O son of Alexidemus, I can not help thinking that the other was the better; and I am sure that you would be of the same opinion, if you would only stay and be initiated, and were not compelled, as you said yesterday, to go away before the mys¬ teries. Men. But I will gladly stay, Socrates, if you will give me many such answers. Soc. Well then, for my own sake as well as for yours, I will do my very best; but I am afraid that I shall not be able to give you very many as good: and now, in your turn, you are to fulfil your promise, and ME NO 21 tell me what virtue is in the universal; and do not make a singular into a plural, as the facetious say of those who break a thing, but deliver virtue to me whole and sound and not broken into a number of pieces. I have given you the pattern. Men . Well then, Socrates, virtue, as I take it, is the love and attainment of the honorable; that is what the poet says, and I say too — “ Virtue is the desire and power of attaining the honorable.” Soc . And does he who desires the honorable also desire the good? Men. Certainly. Soc. Then are there some who desire the evil and others who desire the good! Do not all men, my dear sir, desire good? Men. No, I do not think that. Soc. There are some who desire evil? Men. Yes. Soc. Do you mean that they think the evils which they desire to be good; or do they know that they are evil and yet desire them? Men. Both, as I think. Soc. And do you really imagine, Meno, that a man knows evils to be evils and desires them notwithstand- ing? Men. Certainly I do. Soc. And desire is of possession? Men. Yes, of possession. Soc. And does he think that the evils will do good to him who possesses them, or does he know that they will do him harm? Men. There are some who think that the evils will do them good, and others who know that they will do them harm. Soc. And, in your opinion, do those who think 22 MENO that they will do them good know that they are evils ? Men. No, I certainly do not think that. Soc. Can anything be clearer than that those who are ignorant of the evils do not desire them, but they desire what they suppose to be good when they are really evils, and they who do not know them to be evils, and suppose them to be good, desire good? Men. Yes, in that case. Soc. Well, and do those who, as you say, desire evils, and think that evils are hurtful to the possessor of them, know that they will be hurt by them? Men. They must know that. Soc. And do they not suppose that they are miser¬ able in the degree that they are hurt? Men. That again they must believe. Soc. And are not the miserable ill-fated? Men. Yes, indeed. Soc. And does any one desire to be miserable and ill-fated? Men. I should say not, Socrates. Soc. But if there is no one who desires to be miser¬ able, there is no one, Meno, who desires evil; for what is misery but the desire and possession of evil? Men. That appears to be the truth, Socrates, and I admit that nobody desires evil. Soc. And yet, were you not saying just now that virtue is the desire and power of attaining good? Men. Yes, I did say that. Soc. But granting that, then the desire of good is common to all, and one man is no better than another in that? Men. True. Soc. And if one man is not better than another in desiring good, he must be better in the power of at¬ taining good? MENQ 23 Men. Exactly. Soc. Then, according to your definition, virtue would appear to be the power of attaining good? Men. I entirely approve, Socrates, of the manner in which you view this matter. Soc. Then now let us see whether this is true from another point of view; for I dare say that you are right. What you say is, that virtue is the power of attaining good? Men. Yes. Soc. And you would say that goods are such as health and wealth and the possession of gold and sil¬ ver, and having office and honor in the state — these are what you would call goods? Men. Yes, all these. Soc. Then, according to Meno, who is the heredi¬ tary friend of the great king, virtue is the power of getting silver and gold; and would you add piously, justly, or do you deem this of no consequence? And is any mode of acquisition, even if unjust or dishonest, equally to be regarded as virtue? Men. Not virtue, Socrates, but vice. Soc. Then justice or temperance or holiness, or some other part of virtue, as would appear, must ac¬ company the acquisition, and without them the mere acquisition of good will not be virtue. Men. Why, how can there be virtue without these? Soc. And the non-acquisition of gold and silver in a dishonest manner may be equally virtue? Men. True. Soc. Then the acquisition of such goods is no more virtue than the non-acquisition of them, but whatever is accompanied by justice or honesty is virtue, and whatever is devoid of justice is vice? Men. There can be no doubt about that, in my judgment. 24 MENO Soc. And were we not saying just now that justice, temperance, and the like, were each of them a part of virtue ? Men . Yes. Soc. And so, Meno, this is the way in which you mock me. Men. Why do you say that, Socrates? Soc. Why, because I asked you to deliver virtue into my hands whole and unbroken, and I gave you a pattern according to which you were to frame your answer; and you have already forgotten this, and tell me that virtue is the power of attaining good justly, or with justice — thus acknowledging justice to be a part of virtue. Men. Yes. Soc. Then it follows from your own admissions, that virtue is doing what you do with a part of virtue; for justice and the like are each of them parts of virtue. Men. What of that? Soc. What of that! Why, did not I ask you to tell me the nature of virtue as a whole ? And you are very far from telling me this; but declare every action to be virtue which is done with a part of virtue; as though you had already told me the whole of virtue, and as if I should know what the whole was when frittered away into little pieces. And, therefore, my dear Meno, I fear that I must begin again and repeat the same question: What is virtue? for otherwise, I can only say, that every action done with a part of virtue is virtue; what else is the meaning of saying that every action done with justice is virtue? Don’t you think that the question requires to be repeated; for can any one who does not know virtue know a part of virtue ? Men. No; I do not say that he can. MENO 25 Soc. Do you remember how, in the example of figure, we rejected any answer given in terms which were as yet unexplained or unadmitted? Men. Yes, Socrates; and we were right in that. Soc. Well, my friend, do as we did then: and do not suppose that we can explain to any one the nature of virtue as a whole through some unexplained portion of virtue, or anything at all in that fashion; for that only leads to a repetition of the old question. What is virtue? Now, am I not right? Men. I believe that you are. Soc. Then begin again, and answer me, What, ac¬ cording to you and your friend, is the definition of virtue ? Men. O Socrates; I used to be told, before I knew you, that you are always puzzling yourself and others; and now you are casting your spells over me, and I am simply getting bewitched and enchanted, and am at my wits’ end. And if I may venture to make a jest upon you, you seem to me both in your appearance and in your power over others to be very like the flat torpedo fish, who torpifies those who come near him with the touch, as you have now torpified me, I think. For my soul and my tongue are really torpid, and I do not know how to answer you; and though I have been delivered of an infinite variety of speeches about virtue before now, and to many persons — and very good ones they were, as I thought — now I can not even say what virtue is. And I think that you are very wise in not voyaging and going away from home, for if you did in other places as you do in Athens, you would be cast into prison as a magician. Soc. You are a rogue, Meno, and had all but caught me. Men. What do you mean, Socrates? Soc. I can tell why you made a simile about me. 26 MENO Men. Why. do you think? Soc. In order that I might make another simile about you. For I know that all pretty young gentle¬ men like to have pretty similes made about them; and well they may: but I shall not return the compliment. As to my being a torpedo, if the torpedo is torpid as well as the cause of torpidity in others, then indeed I am a torpedo, but not otherwise; for I perplex others, not because I am clear, but because I am utterly per¬ plexed myself. And now I know not what virtue is, and you seem to be in the same case, although you did once know before you touched me. However, I have no objection to join with you in the inquiry. Men. And how will you inquire, Socrates, into that which you know not? What will you put forth as the subject of inquiry? And if you find what you want, how will you ever know that this is what you did not know ? Soc. I know, Meno, what you mean; but just see what a tiresome dispute you are introducing. You argue that a man can not inquire either about that which he knows, or about that which he does not know; for he knows, and therefore has no need to inquire about that — nor about that which he does not know; for he does not know that about which he is to inquire. Men. Well, Socrates, and is not the argument sound? Soc. I think not. Men. Why not? Soc. I will tell you why. I have heard from certain wise men and women who spoke of things divine that — Men. What did they say? Soc. They spoke of a glorious truth, as I conceive. Men. What was that? and who were they? Soc. Some of them were priests and priestesses, MENO 27 who have; studied how they might be able to give a reason of their profession: there have been poets also, such as the poet Pindar and other inspired men. And what they say is — mark, now, and see whether their words are true — they say that the soul of man is im¬ mortal, and at one time has an end, which is termed dying, and at another time is born again, but is never destroyed. And the moral is, that a man ought to live always in perfect holiness. For in the ninth year Persephone sends the souls of those from whom she has received the penalty of ancient crime back again into the light of this world, and these are they who become noble kings and mighty men and great in wisdom and are called saintly heroes in after ages. The soul, then, as being immortal, and having been bom again many times, and having seen all things that there are, whether in this world or in the world below, has knowl¬ edge of them all; and it is no wonder that she should be able to call to remembrance all that she ever knew about virtue, and about everything; for as all nature is akin, and the soul has learned all things, there is no difficulty in her eliciting, or as men say learning, all out of a single recollection, if a man is strenuous and does not faint; for all inquiry and all learning is but recollection. And therefore we ought not to listen to this sophistical argument about the impossibility of inquiry: that is a saying which will make us idle, and is sweet only to the sluggard; but the other saying will make us active and enterprising. In that con¬ fiding, I will gladly inquire with you into the nature of virtue. Men. Yes, Socrates; but what do you mean by say¬ ing that we do not learn, and that what we call learn¬ ing is only a process of recollection? Can you teach me that? Soc . I told you, Meno, that you were a rogue, and 28 MENO now you ask whether I can teach you, when I am saying that there is no teaching, but only recollection; and thus you imagine that you will involve me in a contradiction. Men. Indeed, Socrates, I protest that I had no such intention. I only asked the question from habit; but if you can prove to me that what you say is true, I wish that you would. Soc . That is no easy matter, but I will try to please you to the utmost of my power. Suppose that you call one of your numerous attendants, that I may demonstrate on him. Men. Certainly. Come hither, boy. Soc. He is Greek, and speaks Greek, does he not? Men. Yes; he was born in the house. Soc. Attend now to the questions which I ask him, and observe whether he learns of me or only remem¬ bers. Men. I will. Soc. Tell me, boy, do you know that a figure like this is a square? Boy. I do. Soc. And you know that a square figure has these four lines equal? Boy. Certainly. Soc. And these lines which I have drawn through the middle of the square are also equal? Boy. Yes. Soc. A square may be of any size? Boy. Certainly. Soc. And if one side of the figure be of two feet, and the other side be of two feet, how much will the whole be? Let me explain: if in one direction the space was of two feet, and in the other direction of one foot, the whole would be of two feet taken once? Boy. Yes. MENO 29 Soc. But since this side is also of two feet, there are twice two feet? Boy. There are. Soc. Then the square is of twice two feet? Boy. Yes. Soc. And how many are twice two feet? count and tell me. Boy. Four, Socrates. Soc. And might there not be another square twice as large as this, and having like this the lines equal? Boy. Yes. Soc. And of how many feet will that be? Boy. Of eight feet. Soc. And now try and tell me the length of the line which forms the side of that double square: this is two feet — what will that be? Boy. Clearly, Socrates, that will be double. Soc. Do you observe, Meno, that I am not teaching the boy anything, but only asking him questions; and now he fancies that he knows how long a line is neces¬ sary in order to produce a figure of eight square feet; does he not? Men. Yes. Soc. And does he really know? Men. Certainly not. Soc. He only guesses that [because the square is double], the line is double. Men. True. Soc. Observe him while he recalls the steps in reg¬ ular order. (To the Boy.) Tell me, boy, do you assert that a double space comes from a double line? Remember that I am not speaking of an oblong, but of a square, and of a square twice the size of this one — that is to say of eight feet; and I want to know whether you still say that a double square comes from a double line? 30 MENO Boy . Yes. Soc. But does not this line become doubled if we add another such line here? Boy. Certainly. Soc. And four such lines will make a space contain¬ ing eight feet? Boy. Yes. Soc. Let us describe such a figure: is not that what you would say is the figure of eight feet? Boy. Yes. Soc. And are there not these four divisions in the figure, each of which is equal to the figure of four feet? Boy. True. Soc. And is not that four times four? Boy. Certainly. Soc. And four times is not double. Boy. No, indeed. Soc. But how much? Boy. Four times as much. Soc. Therefore the double line, boy, has formed a space, not twice, but four times as much. Boy. True. Soc. And four times four are sixteen — are they not? Boy. Yes. Soc. What line would give you a space of eight feet, as this gives one of sixteen feet; — do you see? Boy. Yes. Soc. And the space of four feet is made from this half line? Boy . Yes. Soc. Good; and is not a space of eight feet twice the size of this, and half the size of the other? MENO 31 Boy. Certainly. Soc. Such a space, then, will be made out of a line greater than this one, and less than that one? Boy. Yes; that is what I think. Soc. Very good; I like to hear you say what you think. And now tell me, is not this a line of two feet and that of four? Boy. Yes. Soc. Then the line which forms the side of eight feet ought to be more than this line of two feet, and less than the other of four feet? Boy. It ought. Soc. Try and see if you can tell me how much it will be. Boy. Three feet. Soc. Then if we add a half to this line of two, that will be the line of three. Here are two and there is one; and on the other side, here are two also and there is one: and that makes the figure of which you speak? Boy. Yes. Soc. But if there are three feet this way and three feet that way, the whole space will be three times three feet? Boy. That is evident. Soc. And how much are three times three feet? Boy. Nine. Soc. And how much is the double of four? Boy. Eight. Soc. Then the figure of eight is not made out of a line of three? Boy. No. Soc. But from what line? — tell me exactly; and if you would rather not reckon, try and show me the line. Boy. Indeed, Socrates, I do not know. 32 MENO Soc. Do you see, Meno, what advances he has made in his power of recollection? He did not know at first, and he does not know now, what is the side of a figure of eight feet: but then he thought that he knew, and answered confidently as if he knew, and had no difficulty; but now he has a difficulty, and neither knows nor fancies that he knows. Men. True. Soc. Is he not better off in knowing his ignorance? Men. I think that he is. Soc. If we have made him doubt, and given him the “ torpedo’s shock,” have we done him any harm? Men. I think not. Soc. We have certainly done something that may assist him in finding out the truth of the matter; and now he will wish to remedy his ignorance, but then he would have been ready to tell all the world that the double space should have a double side. Men. True. Soc. But do you suppose that he would ever have inquired or learned what he fancied that he knew and did not know, until he had fallen into perplexity under the idea that he did not know, and had desired to know? Men. I think not, Socrates. Soc. Then he was the better for the torpedo’s touch? Men. I think that he was. Soc. Mark now the farther development. I shall only ask him, and not teach him, and he shall share the inquiry with me: and do you watch and see if you find me telling or explaining anything to him, instead of eliciting his opinion. Tell me, boy, is not this a square of four feet which I have drawn? Boy. Yes. Soc. And now I add another square equal to the former one? MENO 33 Boy. Yes. Soc. And a third, which is equal to either of them? Boy. Yes. Soc . Suppose that we fill up the vacant corner. Boy. Very good. Soc. Here, then, there are four equal spaces? Boy. Yes. Soc. And how many times is this space larger than this? Boy. Four times. Soc. But it ought to have been twice only, as you will remember. Boy. True. Soc. And does not this line, reaching from corner to corner, bisect each of these spaces? Boy. Yes. Soc. And are there not here four equal lines which contain this space? Boy. There are. Soc. Look and see how much this space is. Boy. I do not understand. Soc. Has not each interior line cut off half of the four spaces? Boy. Yes. Soc. And how many such spaces are there in this division? Boy. Four. Soc. And how many in this? Boy. Two. Soc. And four is how many times two? Boy. Twice. Soc. And this space is of how many feet? Boy. Of eight feet. Soc. And from what line do you get this figure? Boy. From this. 34 MENO Soc. That is, from the line which extends from corner to corner? Boy. Yes. Soc. And that is the line which the learned call the diagonal. And if this is the proper name, then you, Meno’s slave, are prepared to affirm that the double space is the square of the diagonal? Boy. Certainly, Socrates. Soc. What do you say of him, Meno? Were not all these answers given out of his own head? Men. Yes, they were all his own. Soc. And yet, as we were just now saying, he did not know? Men. True. Soc. And yet he had those notions in him? Men. Yes. Soc. Then he who does not know still has true notions of that which he does not know ? Men. He has. Soc. And at present these notions are just waken¬ ing up in him, as in a dream; but if he were frequently asked the same questions, in different forms, he would know as well as any one at last? Men. I dare say. Soc. Without any one teaching him he will recover his knowledge for himself, if he is only asked ques¬ tions? Men. Yes. Soc. And this spontaneous recovery in him is recol¬ lection? Men. True. Soc. And this knowledge which he now has must he not either have acquired or always possessed ? Men. Yes. Soc. But if he always possessed this knowledge he would always have known; or if he has acquired the MENO 35 knowledge, he could not have acquired it in this life, unless he has been taught geometry; for he may be made to do the same with all geometry and every other branch of knowledge. Now, has any one ever taught him? You must know that, if, as you say, he was born and bred in your house. Men, And I am certain that no one ever did teach him. Soc, And yet has he not the knowledge? Men, That, Socrates, is most certain. Soc, But if he did not acquire this knowledge in this life, then clearly he must have had and learned it at some other time? Men, That is evident. Soc, And that must have been the time when he was not a man? Men, Yes. Soc, And if there have been always true thoughts in him, both at the time when he was and was not a man, which only need to be awakened into knowledge by putting questions to him, his soul must have always possessed this knowledge, for he always either was or was not a man? Men, That is clear. Soc, And if the truth of all things always existed in the soul, then the soul is immortal. Wherefore be of good cheer, and try to recollect what you do not know, or rather do not remember. Men, I feel, somehow, that I like what you are saying. Soc, And I, Meno, like what I am saying. Some things I have said of which I am not altogether con¬ fident. But that we shall be better and braver and less helpless if we think that we ought to inquire, than we should have been if we indulged in the idle fancy that there was no knowing and no use in searching 36 MENO after what we know not; — that is a theme upon which I am ready to fight, in word and deed, to the utmost of my power. Men. That again, Socrates, appears to me to be well said. Soc. Then, as we are agreed that a man should inquire about that which he does not know, shall you and I make an effort to inquire together into the na¬ ture of virtue? Men. By all means, Socrates. And yet I would rather return to my original question, Whether vir¬ tue comes by instruction, or by nature, or is gained in some other way? Soc. Had I the command of you as well as of my¬ self, Meno, I would not have inquired whether virtue is given by instruction or not, until we had first ascer¬ tained “ what virtue is.” But as you never think of controlling yourself, but only of controlling him who is your slave, and this is your notion of freedom, I must yield to you, for I can not help. And therefore I have now to inquire into the qualities of that of which I do not at present know the nature. At any rate, will you condescend a little, and allow the ques¬ tion “ Whether virtue is given by instruction, or in any other way,” to be argued upon hypothesis? As the geometrician, when he is asked whether a certain triangle is capable of being described in a certain circle, will reply: “ I can not tell you as yet; but I will offer a hypothesis which may assist us in forming a conclusion: If the space be such that when you have drawn along the line given by it another figure, the original figure is reduced by a space equal to that which is added , 1 then one consequence follows, and if this is impossible then some other; and therefore I wish to assume a hypothesis before I tell you whether 1 Or, in simpler phrase, “ If so much be taken from the triangle.” MENO 37 this triangle is capable of being included in the cir¬ cle:”— that is a geometrical hypothesis. And we too, as we know not the nature and qualities of virtue, must ask, whether virtue is or is not taught, under a hypothesis: as thus, if virtue is of such a class of mental goods, will it be taught or not? Let the first hypothesis be that virtue is or is not knowledge, — in that case will it be taught or not? or, as we were just now saying, “ remembered? ” For there is no use in disputing about the name. But is virtue taught or not ? or rather, does not every one see that knowledge alone is taught? Men . I agree. Soc. Then if virtue is knowledge, virtue will be taught? Men. Certainly. Soc. Then now we have made a quick end of this question: if virtue is of such a nature, it will be taught ; and if not, not? Men. Certainly. Soc. And the next question is, whether virtue is knowledge or of another species? Men. Yes, that appears to be the question which comes next in order. Soc. Do we not say that virtue is a good? This is a hypothesis which is not set aside. Men. Certainly. Soc. Now, if there be any sort of good which is parted from knowledge, virtue may be that good; but if knowledge embraces all good, then we shall be right in thinking that knowledge is some sort of good? Men. True. Soc. And virtue makes us good? Men. Yes. Soc. And if we are good, then we are profitable; for all good things are profitable? 38 MENO Men. Yes. Soc. Then virtue is profitable? Men. That is the only inference. Soc. Then now let us see what are the things that severally profit us. Health and strength, and beauty and wealth — these, as we say, are the sort of things which profit us? Men. True. Soc. And yet these things may also sometimes do us harm: would you not admit that? Men. Yes. Soc. And what is the guiding principle which makes them profitable or the reverse? Are they not profitable when they are rightly used, and hurtful when they are not rightly used? Men. Certainly. Soc. Next, let us consider the goods of the soul: these are temperance, justice, courage, quickness of apprehension, memory, magnificence, and the like? Men. Surely. Soc. And such of these as are not knowledge, but of another sort, are sometimes profitable and some¬ times hurtful; as, for example, courage, which has no prudence, but is only a sort of confidence? When a man has no sense he is harmed by courage, but when he has sense he is profited? Men. True. Soc. And the same may be said of temperance and quickness of apprehension; whatever things are learned or done with sense are profitable, but when done without sense they are hurtful? Men. Very true. Soc. And in general, all that the soul attempts or endures, when under the guidance of wisdom, ends in happiness; but when she is under the guidance of folly, in the opposite? MENO 39 Men. That appears to be true. Soc. If then virtue is a good of the soul, and is to be profitable, it must be wisdom or prudence, since some of the goods of the soul are either profitable or hurtful by the addition of wisdom or of folly; and therefore if virtue is profitable, virtue must be a sort of wisdom or prudence ? Men. That is my view. Soc. And the other goods, such as wealth and the like, of which we were just now saying that they are sometimes good and sometimes evil, are they not also made profitable or hurtful, accordingly as the soul guides and uses them rightly or wrongly — as in the soul generally, wisdom is the useful and folly the hurtful guide? Men. True. Soc. And the wise soul guides them rightly, and the foolish soul wrongly? Men. Yes. Soc. And is not this universally true of human nature? All other things hang upon the soul, and the things of the soul hang upon wisdom, if they are to be good; and according to this view of the question that which profits is wisdom — and virtue, as we say, is profitable? Men. Certainly. Soc. And thus we arrive at the conclusion that virtue is either wholly or partly wisdom? Men. I think that what you are saying, Socrates, is very true. Soc. But if this is true, then the good are not by nature good? Men. I think not. Soc. If they had been, there would assuredly have been discerners of characters among us who would have known our future great men; and we should 40 MENO have taken them on their showing, and when we had got them, we should have kept them in the citadel out of the way of harm, and set a stamp upon them more than upon gold, in order that no one might tamper with them; and then when they grew up they would have been useful to the state? Men. Yes, Socrates, that would have been the way. Soc. But if the good are not by nature good, are they made good by instruction? Men. There is no other alternative, Socrates. On the supposition that virtue is knowledge, there can be no doubt that virtue is taught. Soc. Yes, indeed; but what if the supposition is erroneous ? Men. I certainly thought just now that we were right. Soc. Yes, Meno; but a principle which has any soundness should stand firm not only now and then, but always and forever. Men. Well; and why are you so slow of heart to believe that knowledge is virtue? Soc. I will try and tell you why, Meno. I do not retract the assertion that if virtue is knowledge it may be taught; but I fear that I have some reason in doubt¬ ing whether virtue is knowledge: for consider now and say whether virtue, or anything that is taught, must not have teachers and disciples? Men. Surely. Soc. And again, may not that art of which there are neither teachers nor disciples be assumed to be incapable of being taught? Men. True; but do you think that there are no teachers of virtue? Soc. I have certainly often inquired whether there were any, and taken great pains to find them, and have never succeeded; and many have assisted me in MENO 41 the search, and they were the persons whom I thought the most likely to know. Here is Anytus, who is sit¬ ting by us at the very moment when he is wanted; he is the person whom we should ask. In the first place, he is the son of a wealthy and wise father, Anthemion, who acquired his wealth, not by accident or gift, like Ismenias the Theban (who has recently made himself as rich as a Polycrates), but by his own skill and in¬ dustry, and he is a well-conditioned, modest man, not insolent, or overbearing, or annoying; moreover, he has given his son a good education, as the Athenian people certainly appear to think, for they choose him to fill the highest offices. And these are the sort of men from whom you are likely to learn whether there are any teachers of virtue, and who they are. Please, Anytus, to help me and your friend Meno in answer¬ ing our question, Who are the teachers? Consider the matter thus: If we wanted Meno to be a good physician, to whom should we send him? Should we not send him to the physicians? Any. Certainly. Soc. Or if we wanted him to be a good cobbler, should we not send him to the cobblers? Any. Yes. Soc. And so forth? Any. Yes. Soc. Let me trouble you with one more question. When we say that we should be right in sending him to the physicians if we wanted him to be a physician, do we mean that we should be right in sending him to those who profess the art, rather than to those who don’t, and to those who demand payment for teach¬ ing the art, and profess to teach it to any one who will come and learn? If we were right in sending him, would that be the reason? Any. Yes. 42 MENO Soc. And might not the same be said of flute-play¬ ing, and of the other arts? No man who wanted to make a man a flute-player would refuse to send him to those who profess to teach the art for money, and trouble other persons to give him instruction who do not profess to teach, and never had a disciple in that branch of knowledge which we want him to acquire — that would be the height of folly. Any . Yes, by Zeus, and of ignorance too. Soc. Very good. And now you are in a position to advise with me about my friend Meno. He has been saying to me, Anytus, that he desires to attain that wisdom and virtue, by which men order the state or the house, and honor their parents, and know when to receive and when to send away citizens and strangers, as a good man should. Now, to whom ought we to send him in order that he may learn this virtue? Does not the previous argument imply clearly that he ought to go to those who profess and avouch that they are the common teachers of Hellas, and are ready to impart instruction to any one who likes, at a fixed price? Any. Whom do you mean, Socrates? Soc. You surely know, do you not, Anytus, that these are the people whom mankind describe as Sophists? I Any. By Heracles, Socrates, forbear! I only hope that no friend or kinsman or acquaintance of mine, whether citizen or stranger, will ever be so mad as to allow himself to be corrupted by them; for they are a manifest pest and corrupting influence of those who have to do with them. Soc. What do you mean, Anytus? Of all the people who profess that they know how to do men good, are these the only ones who not only do them no good, but positively corrupt those who are en- MENO 43 trusted to them? That is very singular. And more¬ over, in return they publicly demand money. Indeed, I can not believe this; for I know of a single man, Protagoras, who made more out of his craft than the illustrious Pheidias, or any ten other statuaries. How could that be ? A mender of old shoes, or patcher up of clothes, who made the shoes or clothes worse than he received them, could not have remained thirty days undetected, and would very soon have starved; whereas, during more than forty years, Protagoras was corrupting his disciples, and sending them from him worse than he received them, and yet all Hellas failed in detecting him. For, if I am not mistaken, he was about seventy years old at his death, forty of which were spent in the practice of his profession; and during all that time he had a good reputation, which to this day he retains: and not only Protagoras, but many others have a good reputation; some who lived before him, and others who are still living. Nov/, when you say that they deceived and corrupted the youth, are they to be supposed to have corrupted them intentionally or unintentionally? Can those who were deemed by many to be the wisest men of Hellas have been out of their minds? Any. Out of their minds! No, Socrates; the young men who gave their money to them were out of their minds, and their relations and guardians who en¬ trusted them to their care were still more out of their minds, and most of all the cities who allowed them to come in and did not drive them out, citizen or stranger alike. Soc. Has any of the Sophists wronged you, Any- tus? What makes you so angry with them? Any. No, indeed, neither I nor any of my belong¬ ings has ever had, nor would I suffer them to have, anything to do with them. 44 MENO Soc. Then you are entirely unacquainted with them? Any. And I have no wish to be acquainted. Soc. Then, my dear friend, how can you know whether a thing is good or bad of which you are wholly ignorant? Any. Quite well; I am quite sure that I know what manner of men these are, whether I know them or not. Soc. You must be a diviner, Anytus, for 1 really can not make out, judging from your own words, how, if you are not acquainted with them, you know about them. But I am not inquiring of you who are the teachers who will corrupt Meno (let them be, if you please, the Sophists) ; I only ask you to tell him who there is in this great city who will teach him how to become eminent in the virtues which I was just now describing. He is the friend of your family, and you will oblige him. Any. Why don’t you tell him? Soc. I have told him whom I supposed to be the teachers of these things; but I learn from you that I am utterly at fault, and I dare say that you are right. And now I wish that you, on your part, would tell me to whom among the Athenians he should go. Whom would you name? Any. Why single out individuals? Any Athenian gentleman, taken at random, if he will mind him, will do him far more good than the Sophists. Soc. And did those gentlemen grow of themselves; and without having been taught by any one, were they nevertheless able to teach others that which they never learned themselves? Any. I imagine that they learned of the previous generation of gentlemen. Have there not been many good men in this city? MENO 45 Soc. Yes, certainly, Anytus; and many good statesmen also there always have been, and there are still, in the city of Athens. But the question is whether they were also good teachers of their own virtue; not whether there are, or have been, good men, but whether virtue can be taught, is the question which we have been discussing. Now, do we mean to say that the good men of our own and of other times knew how to impart.to others that virtue which they had themselves ; or is this virtue incapable of being communicated or imparted by one man to another? That is the question which I and Meno have been arguing. Look at the matter in your own way. Would you not admit that Themistocles was a good man? Any. Certainly; no man better. Soc. And must not he then have been a good teacher, if any man ever was a good teacher, of his own virtue? Any. Yes, certainly, — if he wanted to be that. Soc. But would he not have wanted? He would, at any rate, have desired to make his own son a good man and a gentleman; he could not have been jealous of him, or have intentionally abstained from impart¬ ing to him his own virtue. Did you never hear that he made Cleophantus, who was his son, a famous horseman? —he would stand upright on horseback and hurl a javelin; and many other marvellous things he could do which his father had him taught; and in anything which the skill of a master could teach him he was well trained. Have you not heard from our elders of this? Any. I have. Soc. Then no one could say that his son showed any want of capacity? Any. Possibly not. 46 MENO Soc. But did any one, old or young, ever say in your hearing that Cleophantus, the son of Themis- tocles, was a wise or good man, as his father was? Any. I have certainly never heard that. Soc. And if virtue could have been taught, would he have sought to train him in these sort of accom¬ plishments, and allowed him who, as you must re¬ member, was his own son, to be no better than his neighbors in those qualities in which he himself ex¬ celled ? Any. Indeed, indeed, I think not. Soc. Here then is a teacher of virtue whom you admit to be among the best men of the past. Let us take another, — Aristides, the son of Lysimachus: would you not acknowledge that he was a good man? Any. To be sure, I should. Soc. And did not he train his son Lysimachus bet¬ ter than any other Athenian in all that could be done for him by the help of masters? But what has been the result? Is he a bit better than any other mortal? He is an acquaintance of yours, and you see what he is like. There is Pericles, again, magnificent in his wisdom; and he, as you know, had two sons, Paralus and Xanthippus. Any. I know. Soc. And you know, also, that he taught them to be unrivalled horsemen, and had them trained in music and gymnastics and all sorts of arts — in these re¬ spects they were on a level with the best — and had he no wish to make good men of them? Nay, he must have wished that. But I suspect that virtue could not be taught. And that you may not suppose that the incompetent teachers are the meaner sort of Athenians and few in number, remember again that Thucydides had two sons, Melesias and Stephanus, whom he MENO 47 trained chiefly in wrestling; and they too had an excellent education, and were the best wrestlers in Athens: one of them he committed to the care of Xanthias, and the other of Eudorus, who had the reputation of being the most celebrated wrestlers of that day. Do you remember them? Any. I have heard of them. Soc. Now, can there be a doubt that Thucydides, who had his children taught wrestling, at a consider¬ able expense, would have taught them to be good men, which would have cost him nothing, if virtue could have been taught? Will you reply that he was a mean man, and had not many friends among the Athenians and allies? Nay, but he was of a great family, and a man of influence at Athens and in all Hellas, and, if virtue could have been taught, he would have found out some one either in or out of Hellas who would have made good men of his sons, if he could not him¬ self spare the time from cares of state. Again I sus¬ pect, friend Anytus, that virtue is not a thing which can be taught? Any. Socrates, I think that you are too ready to speak evil of men: and, if you will take my advice, I would recommend you to be careful. Perhaps there is no city in which it is not easier to do men harm than to do them good, and this is certainly the case at Athens, as I believe that you know. Soc. O Meno, I think that Anytus is in a rage. And he may well be in a rage, for he thinks, in the first place, that I am defaming these gentlemen; and then, in the second place, he thinks that he is one of them. But when he understands, which he does not at present, what is the meaning of defamation, he will forgive me. Meanwhile I will return to you, Meno; for I suppose that there are gentlemen in your region too? 48 MENO Men. Certainly there are. Soc. And are they willing to teach the young? and do they profess to be teachers? and do they agree that virtue is taught? Men. No indeed, Socrates, they are anything but agreed; and you may hear them saying at one time that virtue can be taught, and then again the reverse. Soc. Can we call them teachers who do not acknowl¬ edge the possibility of their own vocation? Men. I think not, Socrates. Soc. And what do you think of these Sophists, who are the only professors? Do they seem to you to be teachers of virtue? Men. I often wonder, Socrates, that you never hear Gorgias promising to teach virtue: and when he hears others promising this he only laughs at them; but he thinks that you ought to teach men to speak. Soc. Then do you not think that the Sophists are teachers ? Men. I can not tell you, Socrates; like the rest of the world, I am in doubt, and sometimes I think that they are teachers and sometimes not. Soc. And are you aware that not you only and other political men have doubts whether virtue can be taught or not, but that Theognis the poet says the very same thing — are you aware of that? Men. Where does he imply that? Soc. In the elegiac verses, in which he says: — “ Eat and drink and sit with the mighty, and make yourself agreeable to them; for from the good you will learn what is good, but if you mix with the bad you will lose the intelligence which you already have.” Do you observe that here he seems to imply that vir¬ tue can be taught? Men. Clearly. MENO 49 Soc. But in some other verses he shifts about and says: — “ If understanding could be created and put into a man, then they (who were able to accomplish this) would have obtained great rewards.” And again: — “ Never did a bad son spring from a good sire because he heard the voice of instruction; not by teaching will you ever make a bad man into a good one.” And this, as you may remark, is a contradiction of the other. Men . That is palpable. Soc . And is there anything else of which the teachers and professors are not only asserted not to be teachers of others, but to be ignorant themselves of that which they profess to teach and bad at the knowl¬ edge of that which they preach; and about which the acknowledged “ gentlemen ” are themselves saying sometimes that “ this thing can be taught,” and some¬ times not. Can you say that they are teachers of au¬ thority whose ideas are in this state of confusion? Men. I should say, certainly not. Soc. But if neither the Sophists nor the gentle¬ men are teachers, clearly there can be no other teachers ? Men. No. Soc. And if there are no teachers, neither are there disciples? Men. Agreed. Soc. And we have admitted that a thing can not be taught of which there are neither teachers nor dis¬ ciples? Men. We have. Soc. And there are no teachers of virtue to be found anywhere ? 50 MENO Men. There are not. Soc. And if there are no teachers neither are there scholars? Men. I think that is true. Soc. Then virtue can not be taught? Men. Not if we are right in our view. But I can not believe, Socrates, that there are no good men in the state. And if there are, how did they come into existence ? Soc. I am afraid, Meno, that you and I are not good for much, and that Gorgias has been as poor an educator of you as Prodicus has been of me. Certainly we shall have to look to ourselves, and try to find some one who will help to improve us. This I say, because I observe that in the previous discussion none of us remarked that right and good action is possible to man under other guidance than that of knowledge; — and indeed if this be denied, there is no seeing how there can be any good men at all. Men. How do you mean, Socrates? Soc. I mean this — that good men must necessarily be useful or profitable. Were we not right in admit¬ ting that? Men. Yes. Soc. And in supposing that they will be useful only if they are true guides of action — in that we were also right? Men. Yes. Soc. But we do not seem to have been right in say¬ ing that knowledge only was the right and good guide of action. Men. What do you mean by the word “ right? ” Soc. I will explain. If a man knew the way to Larisa, or anywhere else, and went to the place and led others thither, would he not be a right and good guide ? MENO 51 Men. Certainly. Soc. And a person who had a right opinion about the way, but had never been and did not know, might be a good guide also, might he not? Men. Certainly. Soc. And while he has true opinion about that which the other knows, he will be just as good a guide if he thinks the truth, as if he knows the truth ? Men. Exactly. Soc. Then true opinion is as good a guide to correct action as wisdom; and that was the point which we omitted in our speculation about the na¬ ture of virtue, when we said that wisdom only is the guide of right action; whereas there is also right opinion. Men. True. Soc. Then right opinion is not less useful than knowledge ? Men. The difference, Socrates, is only that he who has knowledge will always be right; but he who has right opinion will sometimes be right, and sometimes not right. Soc. What do you mean? Can he be wrong who has right opinion, as long as he has right opin¬ ion? Men. I admit the cogency of that, and therefore, Socrates, allowing this, I wonder that knowledge should be preferred to right opinion — or why they should ever differ. Soc. And shall I explain this wonder to you? Men. Do tell me. Soc. \ ou would not wonder if you had ever ob¬ served the images of Daedalus; but perhaps you have not got them in your country? Men. Why do you refer to them? Soc. Because they require to be fastened in order 52 MENO to keep them, and if they are not fastened they will run away. Men. Well, what of that? Soc. I mean to say that it is not much use possess¬ ing one of them if they are at liberty, for they will walk off like runaway slaves; but when fastened, they are of great value, for they are really beautiful works of art. Now this is an illustration of the nature of true opinions: while they abide w r ith us they are beauti¬ ful and fruitful, but they run away out of the human soul, and do not remain long, and therefore they are not of much value until they are fastened by the tie of the cause; and this fastening of them, friend Meno, is recollection, as has been already agreed by us. But when they are bound, in the first place, they have the nature of knowledge; and, in the second place, they are abiding. And this is why knowledge is more honorable and excellent than true opinion, because fastened by a chain. Men. Yes indeed, Socrates, that I should conjec¬ ture to be the truth. Soc. I too speak not as one who knows; and yet that knowledge differs from true opinion is not a matter of conjecture with me. There are not many things which I should affirm that I knew, but that is most certainly one of them. Men. You are right, Socrates. Soc. And am I not right also in saying that true opinion is as good a guide in the performance of an action as knowledge? Men. That also appears to me to be true. Soc. Then right opinion is not a whit inferior to knowledge, or less useful in action; nor is the man who has right opinion inferior to him who has knowl- edge? I Men. That is true. MENO 53 Soc. And surely the good man has been acknowl¬ edged by us to be useful? Men . Yes. Soc. Seeing then that men become good and useful to states, not only because they have knowledge, but because they have right opinion, and neither knowl¬ edge nor right opinion is given to man by nature or acquired by him— (do you think that either of them is given by nature ? Men. Not I.) Soc. Then if they are not given by nature, neither are the good by nature good ? Men. Certainly not. Soc. Amd nature being excluded, the next question was whether virtue is acquired by teaching ? Men. Yes. Soc. If virtue was wisdom, then, as we thought, it was taught? Men. Yes. Soc. And if it was taught it was wisdom? Men. Certainly. Soc. And if there were teachers, it might be taught; and if there were no teachers, not? Men. True. Soc. But surely we acknowledged that there were no teachers of virtue? Men. Yes. Soc. Then we acknowledged that it was not taught, and was not wisdom? Men. Certainly. Soc. And yet we admitted that it was a good? Men. Yes. Soc. And the right guide is useful and good? Men. Certainly. Soc. And the only right guides are knowledge and true opinion — these are the guides of man; for things 54 MENO which happen by chance are not under the guidance of man: but the guidance of man are true opinion and knowledge. Men. I think so too. Soc. But if virtue is not taught, neither is virtue knowledge. Men. Clearly not. Soc. Then of two good and useful things, one, which is knowledge, has been set aside, and can not be supposed to be our guide in political life. Men. I think not. Soc. And therefore not by any wisdom, and not because they were wise, did Themistocles and those others of whom Anytus spoke govern states. And this was the reason why they were unable to make others like themselves — because their virtue was not grounded on knowledge. Men. That is probably true, Socrates. Soc. But if not by knowledge, the only alternative which remains is that statesmen must have guided states by right opinion, which is in politics what divi¬ nation is in religion; for diviners and also prophets say many things truly, but they know not what they say. Men. Very true. Soc. And may we not, Meno, truly call those men divine who, having no understanding, yet succeed in many a grand deed and word? Men. Certainly. Soc. Then we shall also be right in calling those divine whom we were just now speaking of as diviners and prophets, as well as all poets. Yes, and states¬ men above all may be said to be divine and illumined, being inspired and possessed of God, in w 7 hich con¬ dition they say many grand things, not knowing what they say. MENO 55 Men. Yes. Soc. And the women too, Meno, call good men divine; and the Spartans, when they praise a good man, say “ that he is a divine man.” Men. And I think, Socrates, that they are right; although very likely our friend Anytus may take offence at the name. Soc. I do not care; as for Anytus, there will be another opportunity of talking with him. To sum up our inquiry — the result seems to be, if we are at all right in our view, that virtue is neither natural nor acquired, but an instinct given by God to the virtuous. Nor is the instinct accompanied by reason, unless there may be supposed to be among statesmen any one who is also the educator of statesmen. And if there be such an one, he may be said to be among the living what Tiresias was among the dead, who “ alone,” according to Homer, “ of those in the world below, has understanding; but the rest flit as shadows.” Men. That is excellent, Socrates. Soc. Then, Meno, the conclusion is that virtue comes to the virtuous by the gift of God. But we shall never know the certain truth until, before asking how virtue is given, we inquire into the actual nature of virtue. I fear that I must go away, but do you, now that you are persuaded yourself, persuade our friend Anytus. And don’t let him be so exasperated; for if you can persuade him you will have done some service to the Athenian people. EUTHYPHRO c INTRODUCTION In the Meno Anytus had parted from Socrates with the threatening words: “ That in any city, and particularly in the city of Athens, it is easier to do men harm than to do them good; ” and Socrates was anticipating another opportunity of talking with him. In the Euthyphro Socrates is already await¬ ing his trial for impiety in the porch of the King Archon. But before the trial proceeds, Plato would like to put the world on their trial, and convince them of ignorance in that very matter touching which Socrates is accused. An incident which may perhaps really have occurred in the family of Euthyphro, a learned Athenian diviner and soothsayer, furnishes the occasion of the discussion. This Euthyphro and Socrates are represented as meeting in t e porch of the Archon. Both have legal business in hand. Socrates is defendant in a suit for impiety which Meletus has brought against him (it is remarked by the way that he is not a likely man himself to have brought a suit against another) * and Euthyphro too is plaintiff in an action for murder, which he has brought against his own father. The latter has orig¬ inated in the following manner: —A poor dependant of the amily of Euthyphro had slain one of their domestic slaves in Naxos. The guilty person was bound and thrown into a ditch by the command of Euthyphro’s father, who sent to the inter¬ preters of religion at Athens to ask what should be done with him. Before the messenger came back the criminal had died from hunger and exposure. This is the origin of the charge of murder which Euthyphro brings against his father. Socrates is confident that before he could have taken upon himself the responsibility of such a pros¬ ecution, he must have been perfectly informed'of the nature of piety and impiety; and as he is going to be tried for impiety, he thinks that he can not do better than learn of Euthyphro (who will be admitted by all men, including the judges/to be an unimpeachable authority) what piety is, and what is impiety. What then is piety? Euthyphro, who, in the abundance of his knowledge, is very 59 60 EUTHYPHRO willing to undertake all the responsibility, replies: That piety is doing as I do, prosecuting your father (if he is guilty) on a charge of murder; doing as the gods do — as Zeus did to Cronos, and Cronos to Uranus. Socrates has a dislike to these tales of mythology, and he fancies that this dislike of his may be the reason why he is charged with impiety. “Are they really true?” “Yes, they are; ” and Euthyphro will gladly tell Socrates some more of them. But Socrates would like first of all to have a more satis¬ factory answer to the question, “What is piety?” “Doing as I do, charging a father with murder ” may be a single instance of piety, but can hardly be regarded as a general definition. Euthyphro replies, that “ Piety is what is dear to the gods, and impiety is what is not dear to them.” But may there not be differences of opinion, as among men, so also among the gods? Especially about good and evil, which have no fixed rule, and are precisely the sort of differences which give rise to quarrels. And therefore what may be dear to one god may not be dear to another, and the same action may be both pious and impious; e. g. your chastisement of your father, Euthyphro, may be dear or pleasing to Zeus, but not pleasing to Cronos or Uranus. Euthyphro answers that there is no difference of opinion, either among gods or men, as to the propriety of punishing a murderer. Yes, rejoins Socrates, when they know him to be a murderer; but that assumes the point at issue. If all the circum¬ stances of the case are considered, are you able to show that your father was guilty of murder, or that all the gods are agreed in approving of your prosecution of him? And must you not allow that what is hated by one god may be liked by another? W r aiving this last, however, Socrates proposes to amend the definition, and say that “ what all the gods love is pious, and what they all hate is impious.” To this Euthyphro agrees. Socrates proceeds to analyze the new form of the definition. He shows that in other cases the act precedes the state; e. g. the act of being carried, loved, etc., precedes the state of being car¬ ried, loved, etc., and therefore that which is dear to the gods is dear to the gods because it is first loved of them, not loved of them because it is dear to them. But the pious or holy is loved by the gods because it is pious or holy, which is equivalent to saying, that it is loved by them because it is dear to them. Here then appears to be a contradiction, — Euthyphro has been giving an attribute or accident of piety only, and not the es¬ sence. Euthyphro acknowledges himself that his explanations INTRODUCTION 61 seem to walk away or go round in a circle, like the moving figures of Daedalus, the ancestor of Socrates, who has communicated his art to his descendants. Socrate3, who is desirous of stimulating the indolent intelli¬ gence of Euthyphro, raises the question in another manner: “ Is all the pious just? ” “ Yes.” “ Is all the just pious? ” “ No.” “ Then what part of justice is piety? ” Euthyphro replies that piety is that part of justice which “ attends ” to the gods, as there is another part of justice which “attends” to men. But what is the meaning of “attending” to the gods? The word “ attending,” when applied to dogs, horses, and men, implies that in some way they are made better. But how do pious or holy acts make the gods any better? Euthyphro explains that he means by pious acts, acts of ministration. Yes; but the ministrations of the husbandman, the physician, and the builder have an end. To what end do we minister to the gods, and what do we help them to accomplish? Euthyphro replies, that there is not time for all these difficult questions to be resolved; and he would rather say simply that piety is knowing how to please the gods in word and deed, by prayers and sacrifices. In other words, says Socrates, piety is “ a science of asking and giving ” — asking what we want and giving what they want; in short, a mode of doing business between gods and men. But although they are the givers of all good, how can we give them any good in return? “ Nay, but we give them honor.” Then we give them not what is beneficial, but what is pleasing or dear to them; and this is what has been already disproved. Socrates, although weary of the subterfuges and evasions of Euthyphro, remains unshaken in his conviction that he must know the nature of piety, or he would never have prosecuted his old father. He is still hoping that he will condescend to instruct him. But Euthyphro is in a hurry and can not stay. And Soc¬ rates’ last hope of knowing the nature of piety before he is prose¬ cuted for impiety has disappeared. The Euthyphro is manifestly designed to contrast the real nature of piety and impiety with the popular conceptions of them. But although the popular conceptions are overthrown, Plato does not offer any definition of his own: as in the Laches and Lysis, he exhibits the subject of the Dialogue in several different lights, but fails to answer explicitly his main question. Euthyphro is a religionist, and is elsewhere spoken of as the author of a philosophy of names, by whose “ prancing steeds ” 62 EUTHYPHRO Socrates in the Cratylus is carried away. He has the conceit and self-confidence of a Sophist; no doubt that he is right in prosecuting his father has ever entered into his mind. Like a Sophist too, and perhaps like most educated men of his age, he is incapable either of framing a general definition or of follow¬ ing the course of an argument. But he is not a bad man, and he is friendly to Socrates, whose familiar sign he recognizes with interest. Moreover he is the enemy of Meletus, who, as he thinks, is availing himself of the popular dislike to innovations in relig¬ ion in order to injure Socrates; at the same time he is amusingly confident that he has weapons in his own armory which would be more than a match for him. He is quite sincere in his prose¬ cution of his father, who has accidentally been guilty of homi¬ cide, and is not wholly free from blame. To purge away the crime appears to him in the light of a duty, whoever may be the criminal. Thus begins the contrast between the religion of the letter, or of the narrow and unenlightened conscience, and the higher no¬ tion of religion which Socrates vainly endeavors to elicit from him, -./ - Piety is doing as I do v> is the first idea of religion which is suggested to his mind, and may be regarded as the definition of popular religion in all ages. Greek mythology hardly ad¬ mitted of the distinction between accidental homicide and mur¬ der: that the pollution of blood was the same in both cases is also the feeling of the Athenian diviner. He is ready to defend his conduct by the examples of the gods. These are the very tales which Socrates can not abide; and his dislike of which, as he suspects, has branded him with the reputation of impiety. Here is one answer to the question, “ Why Socrates was put to death,” suggested by the way. Another is conveyed in the words, “ The Athenians do not care about any man being thought wise until he begins to make other men wise; and then for some rea¬ son or other they are angry: ” which may be said to be the rule of popular toleration in most other countries, and not at Athens only. The next definition, “ Piety is that which is loved of the gods,” is shipwrecked on a refined distinction between the state and the act, corresponding respectively to the adjective (c^iXoi/) and the participle (<£iAov/xevov), or rather perhaps to the participle and the verb (<£tAou^uevov and ^uXeirai). The words loved of the gods ” express an attribute only, and not the essence of piety. Then follows the third and last definition “ Piety is a part of justice.” Thus far Socrates has proceeded in placing religion INTRODUCTION 63 on a moral foundation. To which the soothsayer adds, “ attend¬ ing upon the gods.” When further interrogated by Socrates as to the nature of this “ attention to the gods,” he replies, that piety is an affair of business, a science of giving and asking, and the like. Socrates points out the latent anthropomorphism of these notions. But when we expect him to go on and show that the true service of the gods is the service of the spirit, and the cooperation w T ith them in all things true and good, he stops short; this was a lesson which the soothsayer could not have been made to understand, and which every one must learn for himself. There seem to be altogether three aims or interests in this little Dialogue: (1) the dialectical development of the idea of piety; (2) the antithesis of true and false religion, which is carried to a certain extent only; (3) the defence of Socrates. The subtle connection of this Dialogue with the Apology and the Crito, the holding back of the conclusion; the insight into the religious world; the dramatic power and play of the two characters; the inimitable irony, are reasons for believing that it is a genuine Platonic writing. The spirit in which the popular representations of mythology are denounced recalls the Repub¬ lic. The virtue of piety has been already mentioned as one of five in the Protagoras, but is not reckoned among the four car¬ dinal virtues of the Republic. EUTHYPHRO PERSONS OF THE DIALOGUE Socrates. Euthyphro. Scene: — The Porch of the King Archon Euthyphro. Why have you left the Lyceum, Socrates ? and what are you doing in the porch of the King Archon? Surely you can not be engaged in an action before the king, as I am. Socrates. Not in an action, Euthyphro; impeach¬ ment is the word which the Athenians use. Euth . What! I suppose that some one has been prosecuting you, for I can not believe that you are the prosecutor of another. Soc. Certainly not. Euth. Then some one else has been prosecuting you? Soc . Yes. Euth . And who is he? Soc. A young man who is little known, Euthyphro; and I hardly know him: his name is Meletus, and he is of the deme of Pitthis. Perhaps you may remember his appearance; he has a beak, and long straight hair, and a beard which is ill grown. Euth. No, I do not remember him, Socrates. And what is the charge which he brings against you? Soc. What is the charge? Well, a very serious charge, which shows a good deal of character in the young man, and for which he is certainly not to be despised. He says he knows how the youth are cor¬ rupted and who are their corruptors. I fancy that 65 66 EUTHYPHRO he must be a wise man, and seeing that I am any¬ thing but a wise man, he has found me out, and is going to accuse me of corrupting his young friends. And of this our mother the state is to be the judge. Of all our political men he is the only one who seems to me to begin in the right way, with the cultivation of virtue in youth; he is a good husbandman, and takes care of the shoots first, and clears away us who are the destroyers of them. That is the first step; he will afterwards attend to the elder branches; and if he goes on as he has begun, he will be a very great public benefactor. Euth. I hope that he may; but I rather fear, Socrates, that the reverse will turn out to be the truth. My opinion is that in attacking you he is simply aim¬ ing a blow at the state in a sacred place. But in what way does he say that you corrupt the young? Soc. He brings a wonderful accusation against me, which at first hearing excites surprise: he says that I am a poet or maker of gods, and that I make new gods and deny the existence of old ones; this is the ground of his indictment. Euth . I understand, Socrates; he means to attack you about the familiar sign which occasionally, as you say, comes to you. He thinks that you are a neologian, and he is going to have you up before the court for this. He know T s that such a charge is readily received, for the w r orld is always jealous of novelties in religion. And I know that when I myself speak in the assembly about divine things, and foretell the future to them, they laugh at me as a madman; and yet every word that I say is true. But they are jealous of all of us. I suppose that we must be brave and not mind them. Soc . Their laughter, friend Euthyphro, is not a matter of much consequence. For a man may be thought wise; but the Athenians, I suspect, do not EUTHYPHRO 67 care much about this, until he begins to make other men wise; and then for some reason or other, perhaps, as you say, from jealousy, they are angry. Euth. I have no desire to try conclusions with them about this. Soc. I dare say that you don’t make yourself com¬ mon, and are not apt to impart your wisdom. But I have a benevolent habit of pouring out myself to every¬ body, and would even pay for a listener, and I am afraid that the Athenians know this; and therefore, as I was saying, if the Athenians would only laugh at me as you say that they laugh at you, the time might pass gaily enough in the court; but perhaps they may be in earnest, and then what the end will be you sooth¬ sayers only can predict. Euth. I dare say that the affair will end in noth¬ ing, Socrates, and that you will win your cause; and I think that I shall win mine. Soc. And what is your suit? and are you the pur¬ suer or defendant, Euthyphro? Euth. I am pursuer. Soc. Of whom? Euth. You will think me mad when I tell you whom I am pursuing. Soc. Why, has the fugitive wings? Euth. Nay, he is not very volatile at his time of life. Soc. Who is he? Euth. My father. Soc. Your father! good heavens, you don’t mean that? Euth. Yes. Soc. And of what is he accused? Euth. Murder, Socrates. Soc. By the powers, Euthyphro! how little does the common herd know of the nature of right and 68 EUTHYPHRO truth. A man must be an extraordinary man and have made great strides in wisdom, before he could have seen his way to this. Euth. Indeed, Socrates, he must have made great strides. Soc. I suppose that the man whom your father murdered was one of your relatives; if he had been a stranger you would never have thought of prosecuting him. Euth. I am amused, Socrates, at your making a distinction between one who is a relation and one who is not a relation; for surely the pollution is the same in either case, if you knowingly associate with the murderer when you ought to clear your¬ self by proceeding against him. The real question is whether the murdered man has been justly slain. If justly, then your duty is to let the matter alone; but if unjustly, then even if the murderer is under the same roof with you and eats at the same table, proceed against him. Now the man who is dead was a poor dependant of mine who worked for us as a field laborer at Naxos, and one day in a fit of drunken passion he got into a quarrel with one of our domestic servants and slew him. My father bound him hand and foot and threw him into a ditch, and then sent to Athens to ask of a diviner what he should do with him. Meantime he had no care or thought of him, being under the impression that he was a murderer; and that even if he did die there would be no great harm. And this was just what happened. For such was the effect of cold and hunger and chains upon him, that before the mes¬ senger returned from the diviner, he was dead. And my father and family are angry with me for taking the part of the murderer and prosecuting my father. They say that he did not kill him, and if he did, the EUTHYPHRO 69 dead man was but a murderer, and I ought not to take any notice, for that a son is impious who prosecutes a father. That shows, Socrates, how little they know of the opinions of the gods about piety and impiety. Soc. Good heavens, Euthyphro! and have you such a precise knowledge of piety and impiety, and of divine things in general, that, supposing the circum¬ stances to be as you state, you are not afraid that you too may be doing an impious thing in bringing an action against your father? Euth. The best of Euthyphro, and that which dis¬ tinguishes him, Socrates, from other men, is his exact knowledge of all these matters. What should I be good for without that? v Soc. Rare friend! I think that I can not do better than be your disciple, before the trial with Meletus comes on. Then I shall challenge him, and say that I have always had a great interest in religious questions, and now, as he charges me with rash imaginations and innovations in religion, I have become your disciple. Now you, Meletus, as I shall say to him, acknowledge Euthyphro to be a great theologian, and sound in his opinions; and if you think that of him you ought to think the same of me, and not have me into court; you should begin by indicting him who is my teacher, and who is the real corruptor, not of the young, but of the old; that is to say, of myself whom he instructs, and of his old father whom he admonishes and chastises. And if Meletus refuses to listen to me, but will go on, and will not shift the indictment from me to you, I can not 4 do better than say in the court that I challenged him in this way. Euth. Yes, Socrates; and if he attempts to indict me I am mistaken if I don’t find a flaw in him; the court shall have a great deal more to say to him than to me. 70 EUTHYPHEO Soc. I know that, dear friend; and that is the reason why I desire to be your disciple. For I observe that no one, not even Meletus, appears to notice you; but his sharp eyes have found me out at once, and he has indicted me for impiety. And therefore, I adjure you to tell me the nature of piety and impiety, which you said that you knew so well, and of murder, and the rest of them. What are they? Is not piety in every action always the same? and impiety, again, is not that always the opposite of piety, and also the same with itself, having, as impiety, one notion which includes whatever is impious ? Euth. To be sure, Socrates. Soc. And what is piety, and what is impiety? Euth. Piety is doing as I am doing; that is to say, prosecuting any one who is guilty of murder, sacri¬ lege, or of any other similar crime — whether he be your father or mother, or some other person, that makes no difference — and not prosecuting them is impiety. And please to consider, Socrates, what a notable proof I will give you of the truth of what I am saying, which I have already given to others: — of the truth, I mean, of the principle that the impious, whoever he may be, ought not to go unpunished. For do not men regard Zeus as the best and most right¬ eous of the gods ? — and even they admit that he bound his father (Cronos) because he wickedly devoured his sons, and that he too had punished his own father (Uranus) for a similar reason, in a nameless manner. And yet when I proceed against my father, they are angry with me. This is their inconsistent way of talk¬ ing when the gods are concerned, and when jt am con¬ cerned. Soc. May not this be the reason, Euthyphro, why I am charged with impiety — that I can not away with these stories about the gods? and therefore I EUTHYPHRO 71 suppose that people think me wrong. Rut, as you who are well informed about them approve of them, I can not do better than assent to your superior wisdom. For what else can I say, confessing as I do, that I know nothing of them. I wish you would tell me whether you really believe that they are true? Euth. Yes, Socrates; and things more wonderful still, of which the world is in ignorance. Soc. And do you really believe that the gods fought with one another, and had dire quarrels, bat¬ tles, and the like, as the poets say, and as you may see represented in the works of great artists? The tem¬ ples are full of them; and notably the robe of Athene, which is carried up to the Acropolis at the great Panathenaea, is embroidered with them. Are all these tales of the gods true, Euthyphro? Euth . Yes, Socrates; and, as I was saying, I can tell you, if you would like to hear them, many other things about the gods which would quite amaze you. Soc. I dare say; and you shall tell me them at some other time when I have leisure. But just at present I would rather hear from you a more precise answer, which you have not as yet given, my friend, to the question, What is “ piety? ” In reply, you only say that piety is, Doing as you do, charging your father with murder? Euth. And that is true, Socrates. Soc. I dare say, Euthyphro, but there are many other pious acts. Euth. There are. Soc. Remember that I did not ask you to give me two or three examples of piety, but to explain the general idea which makes all pious things to be pious. Do you not recollect that there was one idea which made the impious impious, and the pious pious? Euth. I remember. 72 EUTHYPHRO Soc . Tell me what this is, and then I shall have a standard to which I may look, and by which I may measure the nature of actions, whether yours or any one’s else, and say that this action is pious, and that impious ? Euth. I will tell you, if you like. Soc. I should very much like. Euth. Piety , then, is that whi ch is dear to the gods, and impiety is that which is noF d ear to tEemr S oc^ Wer ^goodTT^OT have~now given me just the sort of answer which I wanted. But whether it is true or not I can not as yet tell, although I make no doubt that you will prove the truth of your words. Euth. Of course. Soc. Come, then, and let us examine what we are saying. That thing or person which is dear to the gods is pious, and that thing or person which is hateful to the gods is impious. Was not that said ? Euth. Yes, that was said. Soc. And that seems to have been very well said too? Euth. Yes, Socrates, I think that; it was certainly said. Soc. And further, Euthyphro, the gods were ad¬ mitted to have enmities and hatreds and differences — that was also said? Euth. Yes, that was said. Soc. And what sort of difference creates enmity and anger? Suppose for example that you and I, my good friend, differ about a number; do differences of this sort make us enemies and set us at variance with one another? Do we not go at once to calculation, and end them by a sum? Euth. True. Soc. Or suppose that we differ about magnitudes, EUTHYPHRO 73 do we not quickly put an end to that difference by measuring ? Euth. That is true. Soc. And we end a controversy about heavy and light by resorting to a weighing-machine ? Euth. To be sure. Soc. But what differences are those which, because they can not be thus decided, make us angry and set us at enmity with one another? I dare say the answer does not occur to you at the moment, and therefore I w T ill suggest that this happens when the matters of difference are the just and unjust, good and evil, honorable and dishonorable. Are not these the points about which, when differing, and unable satisfactorily to decide our differences, we quarrel, when we do quarrel, as you and I and all men experience? Euth. Yes, Socrates, that is the nature of the dif¬ ferences about which we quarrel. Soc. And the quarrels of the gods, noble Euthy- phro, when they occur, are of a like nature? Euth. They are. Soc. They have differences of opinion, as you say, about good and evil, just and unjust, honorable and dishonorable: there would have been no quarrels among them, if there had been no such differences —• would there now? Euth. You are quite right. Soc. Does not every man love that which he deems noble and just and good, and hate the opposite of them? Euth. Very true. Soc. But then, as you say, people regard the same things, some as just and others as unjust; and they dispute about this, and there arise wars and fightings among them. Euth. Yes, that is true. 74 EUTHYPHRO Soc. Then the same things, as appears, are hated by the gods and loved by the gods, and are both hate¬ ful and dear to them? Euth. True. Soc . Then upon this view the same things, Euthyphro, will be pious and also impious? Euth. That, I suppose, is true. Soc. Then, my friend, I remark with surprise that you have not answered what I asked. For I certainly did not ask what was that which is at once pious and impious: and that which is loved by the gods appears also to be hated by them. And therefore, Euthyphro, in thus chastising your father you may very likely be doing what is agreeable to Zeus but disagreeable to Cronos or Uranus, and what is acceptable to Hephaestus but unacceptable to Here, and there may be other gods who have similar differences of opinion. Euth. But I believe, Socrates, that all the gods would be agreed as to the propriety of punishing a murderer: there would be no difference of opinion about that. Soc. Well, but speaking of men, Euthyphro, did you ever hear any one arguing that a murderer or any sort of evil-doer ought to be let off? Euth. I should rather say that they are always arguing this, especially in courts of law: they commit all sorts of crimes, and there is nothing that they will not do or say in order to escape punishment. Soc. But do they admit their guilt, Euthyphro, and yet say that they ought not to be punished? Euth. No; they do not. Soc. Then there are some things which they do not venture to say and do: for they do not venture to argue that the guilty are to be unpunished, but they deny their guilt, do they not? Euth. Yes. EUTHYPHRO 75 Soc. Then they do not argue that the evil-doer should not be punished, but they argue about the fact of who the evil-doer is, and what he did and when? Euth. True. Soc. And the gods are in the same case, if as you imply they quarrel about just and unjust, and some of them say that they w r rong one another, and others of them deny this. For surely neither God nor man will ever venture to say that the doer of evil is not to be punished: — you don’t mean to tell me that? Euth. That is true, Socrates, in the main. Soc. But they join issue about particulars; and this applies not only to men but to the gods; if they dispute at all they dispute about some act which is called in question, and which some affirm to be just, others to be unjust. Is not that true? Euth. Quite true. Soc. Well then, my dear friend Euthyphro, do tell me, for my better instruction and information, what proof have you that in the opinion of all the gods a servant who is guilty of murder, and is put in chains by the master of the dead man, and dies because he is put in chains before his corrector can learn from the interpreters what he ought to do with him, dies un¬ justly; and that on behalf of such an one a son ought to proceed against his father and accuse him of mur¬ der. How w^ould you show that all the gods absolutely agree in approving of his act? Prove to me that, and I will applaud your wisdom as long as you live. Euth. That would not be an easy task, although I could make the matter very clear indeed to you. Soc. I understand; you mean to say that I am not so quick of apprehension as the judges: for to them you will be sure to prove that the act is unjust, and hateful to the gods. 76 EUTHYPHRO Euth. Yes indeed, Socrates; at least if they will listen to me. Soc. But they will be sure to listen if they find that you are a good speaker. There was a notion that came into my mind while you were speaking; I said to my¬ self: “ Well, and what if Euthyphro does prove to me that all the gods regarded the death of the serf as un¬ just, how do I know anything more of the nature of piety and impiety? for granting that this action may be hateful to the gods, still these distinctions have no bearing on the definition of piety and impiety, for that which is hateful to the gods has been shown to be also pleasing and dear to them.” And therefore, Euthyphro, I don’t ask you to prove this; I will sup¬ pose/if you like, that all the gods condemn and abominate such an action. But I will amend the definition so far as to say that what all the gods hate is impious, and what they love pious or holy; and what some of them love and others hate is both or neither. Shall this be our definition of piety and impiety? Euth. Why not, Socrates? Soc. Why not! certainly, as far as I am concerned, Euthyphro. But whether this admission will greatly assist you in the task of instructing me as you prom¬ ised, is a matter for you to consider. Euth. Yes, I should say that what all the gods love is pious and holy, and the opposite which they all hate, impious. Soc. Ought we to inquire into the truth of this, Euthyphro, or simply to accept the mere statement on our own authority and that of others? Euth. We should inquire; and I believe that the statement will stand the test of inquiry. Soc. That, my good friend, we shall know better in a little while. The point which I should first wish EUTHYPHRO 77 to understand is whether the pious or holy is beloved by the gods because it is holy, or holy because it is beloved of the gods. Euth. I don’t understand your meaning, Socrates. Soc. I will endeavor to explain: we speak of car¬ rying and we speak of being carried, of leading and being led, seeing and being seen. And here is a dif¬ ference, the nature of which you understand. Euth. I think that I understand. Soc . And is not that which is beloved distinct from that which loves? Euth . Certainly. Soc. Well; and now tell me, is that which is car¬ ried in this state of carrying because it is carried, or for some other reason? Euth. No; that is the reason. Soc. And the same is true of that which is led and of that which is seen? Euth. True. Soc. And a thing is not seen because it is visible, but conversely, visible because it is seen; nor is a thing in the state of being led because it is led, or in the state of being carried because it is carried, but the converse of this. And now I think, Euthyphro, that my meaning will be intelligible; and my meaning is, that any state of action or passion implies previous action or passion. It does not become because it is becoming, but it is becoming because it comes; neither does it suffer because it is in a state of suffering, but it is in a state of suffering because it suffers. Do you admit that? Euth. Yes. Soc. Is not that which is loved in some state either af becoming or suffering? Euth. Yes. Soc. And the same holds as in the previous in- 78 EUTHYPHRO stances; the state of being loved follows the act of being loved, and not the act the state. Euth. That is certain. Soc. And what do you say of piety, Euthyphro: is not piety, according to your definition, loved by all the gods? Euth. Yes. Soc. Because it is pious or holy, or for some other reason? Euth. No, that is the reason. Soc. It is loved because it is holy, not holy because it is loved? Soc. And that which is in a state to be loved of the gods, and is dear to them, is in a state to be loved of them because it is loved of them? Euth. Certainly. ^ 1 _ Soc. Then that which is loved of God, Euthyphro, is not holy, nor is that which is holy loved of God, as you affirm; but they are two different things. Euth. How do you mean, Socrates? Soc. I mean to say that the holy has been acknowl¬ edged by us to be loved of God because it is holy, not to be holy because it is loved. Soc. But that which is dear to the gods is dear to them because it is loved by them, not loved by them because it is dear to them. Euth. True. Soc. But, friend Euthyphro, if that which is holy is the same as that which is dear to God, and that which is holy is loved as being holy, then that which is dear to God would have been loved as being dear to God; but if that which is dear to God is dear to him because loved by him, then that which is holy would have been holy because loved by him. But now EUTHYPHRO 79 you see that the reverse is the case, and that they are quite different from one another. For one (OeofaXe 9 ) is of a kind to be loved because it is loved, and the other ( oo-lov ) is loved because it is of a kind to be loved. Thus you appear to me, Euthyphro, when I ask you what is the essence of holiness, to offer an attribute only, and not the essence — the attribute of being loved by all the gods. But you still refuse to explain to me the nature of piety. And therefore, if you please, I will ask you not to hide your treas¬ ure, but to tell me once more what piety or holiness really is, whether dear to the gods or not (for that is a matter about which we will not quarrel). And what is impiety? Euth. I really do not know, Socrates, how to say what I mean. For somehow or other our arguments, on whatever ground we rest them, seem to turn round and walk away. Soc. Your words, Euthyphro, are like the handi¬ work of my ancestor Daedalus; and if I were the sayer or propounder of them, you might say that this comes of my being his relation; and that this is the reason why my arguments walk away and won’t remain fixed where they are placed. But now, as the notions are your own, you must find some other gibe, for they certainly, as you yourself allow, show an inclination to be on the move. Euth. Nay, Socrates, I shall still say that you are the Daedalus who sets arguments in motion; not I, certainly, make them move or go round, for they would never have stirred, as far as I am concerned. Soc. Then I must be a greater than Daedalus; for whereas he only made his own inventions to move, I move those of other people as well. And the beauty of it is, that I would rather not. For I would give the wisdom of Daedalus, and the wealth of Tantalus, 80 EUTHYPHRO to be able to detain them and keep them fixed. But enough of this. As I perceive that you are indolent, I will myself endeavor to show you how you might instruct me in the nature of piety; and I hope that you will not grudge your labor. Tell me, then, — Is not that which is pious necessarily just? Euth. Yes. Soc. And is, then, all which is just pious? or, is that which is pious all just, but that which is just only in part and not all pious? Euth. I don’t understand you, Socrates. Soc. And yet I know that you are as much wiser than I am, as you are younger. But, as I was saying, revered friend, the abundance of your wisdom makes you indolent. Please to exert yourself, for there is no real difficulty in understanding me. What I mean I may explain by an illustration of what I do not mean. The poet (Stasinus) sings — “ Of Zeus, the author and creator of all these things, You will not tell: for where there is fear there is also reverence.” And I disagree with this poet. Shall I tell you in what I disagree? Euth. By all means. Soc. I should not say that where there is fear there is also reverence; for I am sure that many persons fear poverty and disease, and the like evils, but I do not perceive that they reverence the objects of their fear. Euth, Very true. Soc. But where reverence is, there is fear; for lie who has a feeling of reverence and shame about the commission of any action, fears and is afraid of an ill reputation. Euth. No doubt. Soc. Then we are wrong in saying that where there EUTHYPHRO 81 is fear there is also reverence; and we should say, where there is reverence there is also fear. But there is not always reverence where there is fear; for fear is a more extended notion, and reverence is a part of fear, just as the odd is a part of number, and number is a more extended notion than the odd. I suppose that you follow me now? Euth. Quite well. Soc. That was the sort of question which I meant to raise when asking whether the just is the pious, or the pious the just; and whether there may not be justice where there is not always piety; for justice is the more extended notion of which piety is only apart. Do you agree in that? Euth. Yes; that, I think, is correct. Soc . Then, now, if piety is a part of justice, I suppose that we inquire what part? If you had pur¬ sued the injury in the previous cases; for instance, if you had asked me what is an even number, and what part of number the even is, I should have had no difficulty in replying, a number which represents a figure having two equal sides. Do you agree? Euth. Yes. Soc. In like manner, I want you to tell me what part of justice is piety or holiness; that I may be able to tell Meletus not to do me injustice, or indict me for impiety; as I am now adequately instructed by you in the nature of piety or holiness, and their opposites. Euth. Piety or holiness, Socrates, appears to me to be that part of justice which attends to the gods, as there is the other part of justice which attends to men. Soc. That is good, Euthyphro; yet still there is a little point about which I should like to have further information, What is the meaning of “ attention? ” 82 EUTHYPHRO For attention can hardly be used in the same sense when applied to the gods as when applied to other things. For instance, horses are said to require at¬ tention, and not every person is able to attend to them, but only a person skilled in horsemanship. Is not that true? Enth. Quite true. Soc. I should suppose that the art of horsemanship is the art of attending to horses? Euth. Yes. Soc. Nor is every one qualified to attend to dogs, but only the huntsman. Euth. True. Soc. And I should also conceive that the art of the huntsman is the art of attending to dogs? Eutli. Yes. < Soc. As the art of the oxherd is the art of attending to oxen ? Euth. Very true. Soc. And as holiness or piety is the art of attend¬ ing to the gods ? — that would be your meaning, Euthyphro ? Euth. Yes. Soc. And is not attention always designed for the good or benefit of that to which the attention is given ? As in the case of horses, you may observe that when attended to by the horseman’s art they are benefited and improved, are they not? Euth. True. j Soc. As the dogs are benefited by the huntsman’s art, and the oxen by the art of the oxherd, and all other things are tended or attended for their good and not for their hurt? Euth. Certainly, not for their hurt. Soc. But for their good? Euth . Of course. EUTHYPHRO 83 Soc. And does piety or holiness, which has been defined as the art of attending to the gods, benefit or improve them? Would you say that when you do a holy act you make any of the gods better ? Euth. No, no; that is certainly not my meaning. Soc. Indeed, Euthyphro, I did not suppose that this was your meaning; far otherwise. And that w r as the reason why I asked you the nature of this atten¬ tion, because I thought that this was not your meaning. Euth. You do me justice, Socrates; for that is not : my meaning. Soc. Good: but I must still ask what is this atten¬ tion to the gods w T hich is called piety? Euth. It is such, Socrates, as servants show to their masters. Soc. I understand — a sort of ministration to the gods. Euth. Exactly. Soc. Medicine is also a sort of ministration or serv¬ ice, tending to the attainment of some object — would you not say health? Euth. Yes. Soc. Again, there is an art which ministers to the ship-builder with a view to the attainment of some result? Euth. Yes, Socrates, with a view to the building of a ship. Soc. As there is an art which ministers to the house¬ builder with a view to the building of a house ? Euth. Yes. 1 Soc. And now tell me, my good friend, about this art which ministers to the gods: what work does that help to accomplish? For you must surely know if, as you say, you are of all men living the one who is best instructed in religion. 84 EUTHYPHRO Euth. And that is true, Socrates. Soc. Tell me then, oh tell me — what is that fair work which the gods do by the help of us as their ministers? Euth. Many and fair, Socrates, are the works which they do. Soc. Why, my friend, and so are those of a general. But the chief of them is easily told. Would you not say that victory in war is the chief of them? Euth. Certainly. Soc. Many and fair, too, are the works of the hus¬ bandman, if I am not mistaken; but his chief work is the production of food from the earth? Euth. Exactly. Soc. And of the many and fair things which the gods do, which is the chief and principal one? Euth. I have told you already, Socrates, that to learn all these things accurately will be very tiresome. Let me simply say that piety is learning how to please the gods in word and deed, by prayers and sacrifices. That is piety, which is the salvation of families and states, just as the impious, which is unpleasing to the gods, is their ruin and destruction. Soc. I think that you could have answered in much fewer words the chief question which I asked, Euthy- phro, if you had chosen. But I see plainly that you are not disposed to instruct me: else why, when we had reached the point, did you turn aside? Had you only answered me I should have learned of you by this time the nature of piety. Now, as the asker of a question is necessarily dependent on the answerer, whither he leads X must follow; and can only ask again, what is the pious, and what is piety ? Do you mean that they are a sort of science of praying and sacrificing? Euth. Yes, I do. EUTHYPHRO 85 Soc. And sacrificing is giving to the gods, and prayer is asking of the gods? Euth. Yes, Socrates. Soc. Upon this view, then, piety is a science of asking and giving? Euth. You understand me capitally, Socrates. Soc. Yes, my friend; the reason is that I am a votary of your science, and give my mind to it, and therefore nothing which you say will be thrown away upon me. Please then to tell me, what is the nature of this service to the gods? Do you mean that we prefer requests and give gifts to them? Euth. Yes, I do. Soc. Is not the right way of asking to ask of them what we want? Euth. Certainly. Soc. And the right way of giving is to give to them in return what they want of us. There would be no meaning in an art which gives to any one that which he does not want. Euth. Very true, Socrates. Soc. Then piety, Euthyphro, is an art which gods and men have of doing business with one an¬ other? Euth. That is an expression which you may use, if you like. Soc. But I have no particular liking for anything but the truth. I wish, however, that you would tell me what benefit accrues to the gods from our gifts. That they are the givers of every good to us is clear; but how we can give any good thing to them in return is far from being equally clear. If they give every¬ thing and we give nothing, that must be an affair of business in which we have very greatly the advan¬ tage of them. Euth. And do you imagine, Socrates, that any 86 EUTHYPHRO benefit accrues to the gods from what they receive of us? Soc. But if not, Euthyphro, what sort of gifts do we confer upon the gods? Euth. What should we confer upon them, but trib¬ utes of honor; and, as I was just now saying, what is pleasing to them? Soc. Piety, then, is pleasing to the gods, but not beneficial or dear to them ? Euth. I should say that nothing could be dearer. Soc. Then once more the assertion is repeated that piety is dear to the gods? Euth. No doubt. Soc. And when you say this, can you wonder at your words not standing firm, but walking away? Will you accuse me of being the Daedalus who makes them walk away, not perceiving that there is another and far greater artist than Daedalus who makes them go round in a circle; and that is yourself: for the argument, as you will perceive, comes round to the same point. I think that you must remember our saying that the holy or pious was not the same as that which is loved of the gods. Do you remember that? Euth. I do. Soc. And do you not see that what is loved of the gods is holy, and that this is the same as what is dear to them? Euth. True. Soc. Then either we were wrong in that admission; or, if we were right then, we are wrong now. Euth. I suppose that is the case. Soc. Then we must begin again and ask, What is piety? That is an inquiry which I shall never he weary of pursuing as far as in me lies; and I entreat you not to scorn me, but to apply your mind to the utmost, and tell me the truth. For, if any man EUTHYPHRO 87 knows, you are he; and therefore I shall detain you, like Proteus, until you tell. For if you had not cer¬ tainly known the nature of piety and impiety, I am confident that you would never, on behalf of a serf, have charged your aged father with murder. You would not have run such a risk of doing wrong in the sight of the gods, and you would have had too much respect for the opinions of men. I am sure, therefore, that you know the nature of piety and impiety. Speak out then, my dear Euthyphro, and do not hide your knowledge. Euth. Another time, Socrates; for I am in a hurry, and must go now. Soc. Alas! my companion, and will you leave me in despair? I was hoping that you would instruct me in the nature of piety and impiety, so that I might have cleared myself of Meletus and his indictment. Then I might have proved to him that I had been converted by Euthyphro, and had done with rash innovations and speculations, in which I had indulged through ignorance, and was about to lead a better life. APOLOGY INTRODUCTION In what relation the Apology of Plato stands to the real de¬ fence of Socrates, there are no means of determining. It cer¬ tainly agrees in tone and character with the description of Xeno¬ phon, who says in the Memorabilia that Socrates might have been acquitted “if in any moderate degree he would have con¬ ciliated the favor of the dicasts; ” and who informs us in another passage, on the testimony of Hermogenes, the friend of Soc¬ rates, that he had no wish to live; and that the divine sign re¬ fused to allow him to prepare a defence, and also that Socrates himself declared this to be unnecessary, on the ground that all his life long he had been preparing against that hour. For the speech breathes throughout a spirit of defiance, “ ut non supplex aut reus sed magister aut dominus videretur esse judicum ” (Cic. de Orat. i. 54) ; and the loose and desultory style is an imitation of the “ accustomed manner ” in which Socrates spoke in “ the agora and among the tables of the money-changers.” The allu¬ sion in the Crito may, perhaps, be adduced as a further evi¬ dence of the literal accuracy of some parts. But in the main it must be regarded as the ideal of Socrates, according to Plato’s conception of him, appearing in the greatest and most public scene of his life, and in the height of his triumph, when he is weakest, and yet his mastery over mankind is greatest, and the habitual irony of his life acquires a new meaning and a sort of tragic pathos in the face of death. The facts of his life are summed up, and the features of his character are brought out as if by accident in the course of the defence. The looseness of the style, the seeming want of arrangement of the topics, is found to result in a perfect work of art, which is the portrait of Socrates. Yet some of the topics may have been actually used by Soc¬ rates; and the recollection of his very words may have rung in the ears of his disciple. The Apology of Plato may be com¬ pared generally with those speeches of Thucydides in which he has embodied his conception of the lofty character and policy of the great Pericles, and which at the same time furnish a com- 91 92 APOLOGY mentary on the situation of affairs from the point of view of the historian. So in the Apology there is an ideal rather than a literal truth; much is said that ought to have been said but was not said, and is only Plato s view of the situation. And we may perhaps even indulge in the fancy that the actual defence of Socrates was as much greater than the Platonic defence as the master was greater than the disciple. But in any case, some of the words actually used have probably been preserved. It is significant that Plato is said to have been present at the defence, as he is also said to have been absent at the last scene in the Phaedo. Is it fanciful to suppose that he meant to give the stamp of authenticity to the one and not to the other ? espe¬ cially when we remember that these two passages are the only ones in which Plato makes mention of himself. Moreover, the Apology appears to combine the common characteristics both of the Xenophontean and Platonic Socrates, while the Phaedo passes into a region of thought which is very characteristic of Plato, but not of his master. There is not much in the other Dialogues which can be com¬ pared with the Apology. The same recollection of his master may have been present to the mind of Plato when depicting the sufferings of the Just in the Republic. The Crito may also be regarded as a sort of appendage to the Apology, in which Soc¬ rates, who has defied the judges, is nevertheless represented as scrupulously obedient to the laws. The idealization of the suf¬ ferer is carried still further in the Gorgias, in which the thesis is maintained, that “to suffer is better than to do evil;” and the art of rhetoric is described as only useful for the purpose of self-accusation. The parallelisms which occur in the so-called Apology of Xenophon are not worth noticing, because the wri¬ ting in which they are contained is manifestly spurious. The statements of the Memorabilia respecting the trial and death of Socrates agree generally with Plato; but they have lost the flavor of Socratic irony in the narrative of Xenophon. , The Apology or Platonic defence of Socrates is divided into three parts: 1st. The defence properly so called; 2nd. The shorter address in mitigation of the penalty; 3rd. The last words of prophetic rebuke and exhortation. . , The first part commences with an apology for his colloquial style; he is, as he.has always been, the enemy of rhetoric, and knows of no rhetoric but truth; he will not falsify his charac¬ ter by making a speech. Then he proceeds to divide his accusers into two classes; first, there is the nameless accuser — public I • INTRODUCTION o pinio n. All the world from their earliest years ha( he was a corruptor of youth, and had seen him caricf!1 the Clouds of Aristophanes. Secondly, there are the proll accusers, who are but the mouth-piece of the others. The accd! tions of both might be summed up in a formula. The first say7 “ Socrates is an evil-doer and a curious person, searching into things under the earth and above the heaven; and making the worse appear the better cause, and teaching all this to others.” The second, “ Socrates is an evil-doer and corruptor of the youth, who does not receive the gods whom the state receives, but intro¬ duces other new divinities.” These last appear to have been the words of the actual indictment, of which the previous formula is a parody. The answer begins by clearing up a confusion. In the repre¬ sentations of the comic poets, and in the opinion of the multi¬ tude, he had been confounded with the teachers of physical sci¬ ence and with the Sophists. But this was an error. For both of them he professes a respect in the open court, which contrasts with his manner of speaking about them in other places. But at the same time he shows that he is not one of them. Of nat¬ ural philosophy he knows nothing; not that he despises such pursuits, but the fact is that he is ignorant of them, and never says a word about them. Nor does he receive money for teach¬ ing; that is another mistaken notion, for he has nothing to teach. But he commends Evenus for teaching virtue at such a moderate rate. Something of the “ accustomed irony,” which may perhaps be expected to sleep in the ear of the multitude, is lurking here. He then goes on to explain the reason why he is in such an evil name. That had arisen out of a peculiar mission which he had taken upon himself. The enthusiastic Chaerephon (prob¬ ably in anticipation of the answer which he received) had gone to Delphi and asked the oracle if there was any man wiser than Socrates; and the answer was, that there was no man wiser. What could be the meaning of this — that he who knew nothing, and knew that he knew nothing, should be declared by the oracle to be the wisest of men? Reflecting upon this, he determined to refute the oracle by finding “ a wiser; ” and first he went to the politicians, and then to the poets, and then to the craftsmen, but always with the same result — he found that they knew nothing, or hardly anything more than himself; and that the little advantage which in some cases they possessed was more than counterbalanced by their conceit of knowledge. Fie knew nothing, and knew that he knew nothing: they knew little or APOLOGY imagined that they knew all things. Thus he had Ks life as a sort of missionary in detecting the pretended B?m of mankind; and this occupation had quite absorbed Imi and taken him away both from public and private affairs. Young men of the richer sort had made a pastime of the same pursuit^ “ which was not unamusing.” And hence bitter enmi¬ ties had arisen; the professors of knowledge had revenged themselves by calling him a villainous corruptor of the youth, and by repeating the commonplaces about atheism and material¬ ism and sophistry, which are the stock-accusations against all philosophers when there is nothing else to be said of them. The second accusation he meets by interrogating Meletus, who is present and can be interrogated. “ If he is the corruptor, who is the improver of the citizens?” “All mankind.” But how absurd, how contrary to analogy is this! How inconceivable too, that he should make the citizens worse when he has to live with them. This surely can not be intentional; and if uninten¬ tional, he ought to have been instructed by Meletus, and not accused in the court. But there is another part of the indictment which says that he teaches men not to receive the gods whom the city receives, and has other new gods. “Is that the way in which he is sup¬ posed to corrupt the youth? ” “ Yes, that is the way.” “ Has he only new gods, or none at all? ” “ None at all.” “What, not even the sun and moon? ” “ No; why, he says that the sun is a stone, and the moon earth.” That, replies Socrates, is the old confusion about Anaxagoras; the Athenian people are not so ignorant as to attribute to the influence of Socrates notions which have found their way into the drama, and may be learned at the theatre. Socrates undertakes to show that Meletus (rather unjustifiably) has been compounding a riddle in this part of the indictment: “There are no gods, but Socrates believes in the existence of the sons of gods, which is absurd.” Leaving Meletus, who has had enough words spent upon him, he returns to his original accusers. The question may be asked, Why will he persist in following a profession which leads him to death ? Why — because he must remain at his post where the god has placed him, as he remained at Potidaea, and Amphip- olis, and Delium, where the generals placed him. Besides, he is not so overwise as to imagine that he knows whether death is a good or an evil; and he is certain that desertion of his duty is an evil/ Anvtus is quite right in saying that they should never have indicted him if they meant to let him go. For he will cer- INTRODUCTION 95 tainly obey God rather than man; and will continue to preach to all men of all ages the necessity of virtue and improvement; and if they refuse to listen to him he will persevere and reprove them. This is his way of corrupting the youth, which he will not cease to follow in obedience to the god, even if a thousand deaths await him. He is desirous that they should not put him to death — not for his own sake, but for theirs; because he is their heaven-sent friend (and they will never have such another), or, as he may be ludicrously described, the gadfly who stirs the generous steed into motion. Why then has he never taken part in public affairs? Because the familiar divine voice has hindered him; if he had been a public man, and fought for the right, as he would cer¬ tainly have fought against the many, he would not have lived, and could therefore have done no good. Twice in public matters he has risked his life for the sake of justice — once at the trial of the generals; and again in resistance to the tyrannical com¬ mands of the Thirty. But, though not a public man, he has passed his days in in¬ structing the citizens without fee or reward; this was his mis¬ sion. Whether his disciples have turned out well or ill, he can not justly be charged with the result, for he never promised to teach them anything. They might come if they liked, and they might stay away if they liked: and they did come, because they found an amusement in hearing the pretenders to wisdom detected. If they had been corrupted, their elder relatives (if not themselves) might surely appear in court and witness against him, and there is an opportunity still for them to do this. But their fathers and brothers all appear in court (including “ this ” Plato), to witness on his behalf; and if their relatives are cor¬ rupted, at least they are uncorrupted; “ and they are my wit¬ nesses. For they know that I am speaking the truth, and that Meletus is lying.” This is about all thaJLhe has to say. He will not entreat the judges to spare his life; neither will he present a spectacle of weeping children, although he, too, is not made of “ rock or oak.” Some of the judges themselves may have complied with this practice on similar occasions, and he trusts that they will not be angry with him for_jriot following their example. But he feels that such conduct brings discredit on the name of Athens: he feels, too, that the j udge has sworn not to give away justice; and he can not be^ guilty of the impiety of asking the judge to forswear himself, when he is himself being tried for impiety. 96 APOLOGY As he expected, and probably intended, he is convicted. And now the tone of the speech, instead of being more conciliatory, becomes more lofty and commanding. Anytus proposes death as the penalty: and what counter-proposition shall he make? He, the benefactor of the Athenian people, whose whole life has been spent in doing them good, should at least have the Olympic victor’s reward of maintenance in the prytaneum. Or why should he propose any counter-penalty when he does not know whether death, which Anytus proposes, is a good or an evil? and he is certain that imprisonment is an evil, exile is an evil. Loss of money might be no evil, but then he has none to give; perhaps he can make up a mina. Let that then be the penalty, or, if his friends wish, thirty minae; for this they will be excellent securities. (He is condemned to death.) He is an old man already, and the Athenians will gain nothing but disgrace by depriving him of a few years of life. Perhaps he could have escaped, if he had chosen to throw down his arms and entreat for his life. But he does not at all repent of the manner of his defence; he would rather die in his own fashion than live in theirs. For the penalty of unrighteousness is swifter than death, and that has already overtaken his accusers as death will soon overtake him. And now, as one who is about to die, he will prophesy to them. They have put him to death in order to escape the necessity of giving an account of their lives. But his death “ will be the seed ” of many disciples who will convict them of their evil ways, and will come forth to reprove them in harsher terms, because they are younger and more inconsiderate. He would like to say a few words, while there is time, to those who would have acquitted him. He wishes them to know that the divine sign never interrupted him in the course of his defence; the reason of which, as he conjectures, is that the death to which he is going is a good and not an evil. For either death is a long sleep, the best of sleeps, or a journey to another world in which the souls of the dead are gathered together, and in which there may be a hope of seeing the heroes of old — in which, too, there are just judges; and as all are immortal, there can be no fear of any one being put to death for his opinions. Nothing evil can happen to the good man either in life or death, and his own death has been permitted by the gods, be- INTRODUCTION 97 cause it was better for him to depart; and therefore he forgives his judges because they have done him no harm, although they never meant to do him any good. He has a last request to make to them — that they will trouble his sons as he has troubled them, if they appear to prefer riches to virtue, or to think themselves something when they are noth¬ ing. “ Few persons will be found to wish that Socrates should have defended himself otherwise,” — if, as we must add, his defence was that with which Plato has provided him. But leav¬ ing this question, which does not admit of a precise solution, we may go on to ask what was the impression which Plato in the Apology intended to leave of the character and conduct of his master in the last great scene? Did he intend to represent him (1) as e mplo ying sophistries; (2) as designedly irritating the judgekUOr are these sophistries to “Be regarded as belonging fo“the age in which he lived and to his personal character, and this apparent haughtiness as flowing from the natural elevation of his position? For example, when he says that it is absurd to suppose that one man is the corruptor and all the rest of the world the im¬ provers of the youth; or, when he argues that he never could have corrupted the men with whom he had to live; or, when he proves his belief in the gods because he believes in the sons of gods, i s he serious or je sting? It may be observed that these sophisms”all occur in his cross-examination of Meletus, who is easily foiled and mastered in the hands of the great dialectician. Perhaps he regarded these answers as all of them good enough for his accuser (he makes very light of him throughout).. Also it m ay be noted that there is a touch of irony in all of them, which takes them out of the category of sophistry. That the manner in which he defends himself about the lives of his disciples is not satisfactory, can hardly be denied. Fresh in the memory of the Athenians, and detestable as they de¬ served to be to the newly restored democracy, were the names of Alcibiades, Critias, Charmides. It is obviously not a sufficient answer that Socrates had never professed to teach them any¬ thing, and is therefore not justly chargeable with their crimes. Yet the defence, when taken out of this ironical form, is doubt¬ less sound: that his teaching had nothing to do with their evil lives. Here, then, the sophistry is rather in form than in sub- 98 APOLOGY stance, though we might desire that to such a serious charge Socrates had given a more serious answer. Truly characteristic of Socrates is another point in his answer, which may also be regarded as sophistical. He says that “ if he has corrupted the youth, he must have corrupted them in¬ voluntarily.” In these words the Socratic doctrine of the in¬ voluntariness of evil is clearly intended to be conveyed. But if, as Socrates argues, all evil is involuntary, then all criminals ought to be admonished and not punished. Here again, as in the former instance, the defence of Socrates, which is untrue practically, may yet be true in some ideal or transcendental sense. The commonplace reply, that if he had been guilty of corrupting the youth their relations would surely have witnessed against him, with which he concludes this part of his defence, is more satisfactory. Again, when Socrates argues that he must believe in the gods because he believes in the sons of gods, we must remember that this is a refutation not of the original indictment, which is con¬ sistent enough — “ Socrates does not receive the gods whom the city receives, and has other new divinities ” — but of the inter¬ pretation put upon the words by Meletus, who has affirmed that he is a downright atheist. To this Socrates fairly answers, in accordance with the ideas of the time, that a downright atheist can not believe in the sons of gods or in divine things. The notion that demons or lesser divinities are the sons of gods is not to be regarded as ironical or sceptical. But the love of argument may certainly have led Plato to relapse into the mythological point of view, and prevented him from observing that the reason¬ ing is only formally corect. The second question, whether Plato meant to represent Socrates as needlessly braving or. irritating his judges, must also be answered in the negative. His irony, his superiority, his audacity, “ regarding not the person of man,” necessarily flow out of the loftiness of his situation. He is not acting a part upon a great occasion, but he is what he has been all his life long, “ a king of men.” He would rather not appear insolent, if he could avoid this (ofy u)s av#aSi£o/xevos tovto Xeyto). He is not desirous of hastening his own end, for life and death are simply indifferent to him. But neither will he say or do anything which might avert the penalty; he can not have his tongue bound, even in the “ throat of death: ” his natural character must appear. He is quite willing to make his defence to posterity and to the world, for that is a true defence. But such a defence as would be acceptable to his judges and might procure an acquittal, it is INTRODUCTION 99 not in his nature to make. With his actual accusers he will only- fence and play. The singularity of the mission which he ascribes to himself is a great reason for believing that he is serious in his account of the motives which actuated him. The dedication of his life to the improvement of his fellow-citizens is not so remarkable as the ironical spirit in which he goes about doing good to all men only in vindication of the credit of the oracle, and in the vain hope of finding a wiser man than himself. Yet this singular and almost accidental character of his mission agrees with the divine sign which, according to our notions, is equally accidental and irrational, and is nevertheless accepted by him as the guiding principle in his life. Nor must we forget that Socrates is nowhere represented to us as a freethinker or sceptic. There is no reason whatever to doubt his sincerity when he implies his belief in the divinity of the sun and moon, or when he speculates on the possibility of seeing and knowing the heroes of the Trojan war in another world. On the other hand, his hope of immortality is uncertain; — he also conceives of death as a long sleep (in this respect differing from the Phaedo), and at last falls back on resignation to the divine will, and the cer¬ tainty that no evil can happen to the good man either in life or death. His absolute truthfulness seems to hinder him from asserting positively more than this. The irony of Socrates is not a mask which he puts on at will, but flows necessarily out of his character and out of his relation to mankind. This, which is true of him generally, is especially true of the last memorable act in which his life is summed up. Such irony is not impaired but greatly heightened by a sort of natural simplicity. It has been remarked that the prophecy at the end of a new generation of teachers who would rebuke and exhort the Athenian people in harsher and more violent terms, as far as we know, was never fulfilled. No inference can be drawn from this circum¬ stance as to the probability of their having been actually uttered. They express the aspiration of the first martyr of philosophy, that he would leave behind him many followers, accompanied by the not unnatural feeling that they would be fiercer and more inconsiderate in their words when emancipated from his control. The above remarks must be understood as applying with any degree of certainty to the Platonic Socrates only. For, however probable it may be that these or similar words may have been spoken by Socrates himself, we can not exclude the possibility, that like so much else, e. g. the wisdom of Critias, the poem of Solon, the virtues of Charmides, they may have been due only to the imaginat ; on of Plato. APOLOGY How you have felt, O men of Athens, at hearing the speeches of my accusers, I cannot tell; but I know that their persuasive words almost made me forget who I was: — such was the effect of them; and yet they have hardly spoken a word of truth. But many as their falsehoods were, there was one of them which quite amazed me; — I mean when thej^ told you to be upon your guard, and not to let your¬ selves be deceived by the force of my eloquence. They ought to have been ashamed of saying this, because they were sure to be detected as soon as I opened my lips and displayed my deficiency: they certainly did appear to be most shameless in saying this, unless by the force of eloquence they mean the force of truth; for then I do indeed admit that I am eloquent. But in how different a way from theirs! Well, as I was saying, they have hardly uttered a word, or not more than a word, of truth; but you shall hear from me the whole truth: not, however, delivered after their manner, in a set oration duly ornamented with words and phrases. No, indeed! but I shall use the words and arguments which occur to me at the moment; for I am certain that this is right, and that at my time of life I ought not to be appear¬ ing before you, O men of Athens, in the character of a juvenile orator — let no one expect this of me. And I must beg of you to grant me one favor, which is this — If you hear me using the same words in my 101 102 APOLOGY defence which I have been in the habit of using, and which most of you may have heard in the agora, and at the tables of the money-changers, or anywhere else, I would ask you not to be surprised at this, and not to interrupt me. For I am more than seventy years of age, and this is the first time that I have ever ap¬ peared in a court of law, and I am quite a stranger to the ways of the place; and therefore I would have you regard me as if I were really a stranger, whom you would excuse if he spoke in his native tongue, and after the fashion of his country; — that I think is not an unfair request. Never mind the manner, wdiich may or may not be good; but think only of the justice of my cause, and give heed to that: let the judge decide justly and the speaker speak truly. And first, I have to reply to the older charges and to my first accusers, and then I will go on to the later ones. For I have had many accusers, who ac¬ cused me of old, and their false charges have con¬ tinued during many years; and I am more afraid of them than of Anytus and his associates, who are dan¬ gerous, too, in their own way. But far more danger¬ ous are these, who began when you were children, and took possession of your minds with their false¬ hoods, telling of one Socrates, a wise man, who spec¬ ulated about the heaven above, and searched into the earth beneath, and made the worse appear the better cause. These are the accusers whom I dread; for they are the circulators of this rumor, and their hear¬ ers are too apt to fancy that speculators of this sort do not believe in the gods. And they are many, and their charges against me are of ancient date, and they made them in days when you were impressible — in childhood, or perhaps in youth — and the cause when heard went by default, for there was none to answer. And hardest of all, their names I do not know and APOLOGY 103 can not tell; unless in the chance case of a comic poet. But the main body of these slanderers who from envy and malice have wrought upon you — and there are some of them who are convinced themselves, and im¬ part their convictions to others — all these, I say, are most difficult to deal with; for I can not have them up here, and examine them, and therefore I must simply fight with shadows in my own defence, and examine when there is no one who answers. I will ask you then to assume with me, as I was saying, that my opponents are of two kinds; one recent, the other ancient: and I hope that you will see the pro¬ priety of my answering the latter first, for these accu¬ sations you heard long before the others, and much oftener. Well, then, I will make my defence, and I will endeavor in the short time which is allowed to do away with this evil opinion of me which you have held for such a long time; and I hope that I may succeed, if this be well for you and me, and that my words may find favor with you. But I know that to accomplish this is not easy — I quite see the nature of the task. Let the event be as God wills: in obedience to the law I make my defence. I will begin at the beginning, and ask what the accusation is which has given rise to this slander of me, and which has encouraged Meletus to proceed against me. What do the slanderers say? They shall be my prosecutors, and I will sum up their words in an affidavit. “ Socrates is an evil-doer, and a curious person, who searches into things under the earth and in heaven, and he makes the worse appear the better cause; and he teaches the aforesaid doctrines to others.” That is the nature of the accusation, and that is what you have seen yourselves in the comedy of Aristophanes, who has introduced a man whom he 104 APOLOGY calls Socrates, going about and saying that he can walk in the air, and talking a deal of nonsense con¬ cerning matters of which I do not pretend to know either much or little — not that I mean to say any¬ thing disparaging of any one who is a student of natural philosophy. I should be very sorry if Mele- tus could lay that to my charge. But the simple truth is, O Athenians, that I have nothing to do with these studies. Very many of those here present are witnesses to the truth of this, and to them I appeal. Speak then, you who have heard me, and tell your neighbors whether any of you have ever known me hold forth in few words or in many upon matters of this sort. ... You hear their answer. And from what they say of this you will be able to judge of the truth of the rest. As little foundation is there for the report that I am a teacher, and take money; that is no more true than the other. Although, if a man is able to teach, I honor him for being paid. There is Gorgias of Leontium, and Prodicus of Ceos, and Hippias of Elis, who go the round of the cities, and are able to persuade the young men to leave their own citizens, by whom they might be taught for nothing, and come to them, whom they not only pay, but are thankful if they may be allowed to pay them. There is actually a Parian philosopher residing in Athens, of whom I have heard; and I came to hear of him in this way: — I met a man who has spent a world of money on the sophists, Callias, the son of Hipponicus, and knowing that he had sons, I asked him: “ Callias,” I said, “ if your two sons were foals or calves, there would be no difficulty in finding some one to put over them; we should hire a trainer of horses, or a farmer prob¬ ably, who would improve and perfect them in their own proper virtue and excellence; but as they are APOLOGY 105 human beings, whom are you thinking of placing over them; Is there any one who understands human and political virtue? You must have thought about this as you have sons; is there any one? ” “ There is,” he said. “ Who is he? ” said I; “ and of what country? and what does he charge? ” “ Evenus the Parian,” he replied; “he is the man, and his charge is five minae.” Happy is Evenus, I said to myself, if he really has this wisdom, and teaches at such a mod¬ est charge. Had I the same, I should have been very proud and conceited; but the truth is that I have no knowledge of the kind, O Athenians. I dare say that some one will ask the question, “ Why is this, Socrates, and what is the origin of these accusations of you: for there must have been some¬ thing strange which you have been doing? All this great fame and talk about you would never have arisen if you had been like other men: tell us, then, why this is, as we should be sorry to judge hastily of you.” Now I regard this as a fair challenge, and I will endeavor to explain to you the origin of this name of “ wise,” and of this evil fame. Please to attend then. And although some of you may think that I am joking, I declare that I will tell you the entire truth. Men of Athens, this reputation of mine has come of a certain sort of wisdom which I possess. If you ask me what kind of wisdom, I reply, such wisdom as is attainable by man, for to that extent I am inclined to believe that I am wise; whereas the persons of whom I was speaking have a superhuman wisdom, which I may fail to describe, because I have it not myself; and he who says that I have, speaks falsely, and is taking away my character. And here, O men of Athens, I must beg you not to interrupt me, even if I seem to say something extravagant. For the word which I will speak is not mine. I will 106 APOLOGY refer you to a wisdom who is worthy of credit, and will tell you about my wisdom — whether 1 have any, and of what sort — and that witness shall be the God of Delphi. You must have known Chaerephon; he was early a friend of mine, and also a friend of youis, for he shared in the exile of the people, and returned with you. Well, Chaerephon, as you know, was very impetuous in all his doings, and he went to Delphi and boldly asked the oracle to tell him whether — as I was saying, I must beg you not to interrupt he asked the oracle to tell him whether there was any one wiser than I was, and the Pythian prophetess an¬ swered, that there was no man wiser. Chaerephon is dead himself; but his brother, who is in court, will confirm the truth of this story. Why do I mention this? Because I am going to explain to you why I have such an evil name. When I heard the answer, I said to myself, What can the god mean? and what is the interpretation of this riddle? for I know that I have no wisdom, small or great. What then can he mean when he says that I am the wisest of men? And yet he is a god, and can not lie; that would be against his nature. After long consideration, I at last thought of a method of trying the question. I reflected that if I could only find a man wiser than myself, then I might go to the god with a refutation in my hand. I should say to him, “ Here is a man who is wiser than I am; but you said that I was the wisest.” Accordingly I went to one who had the reputation of wisdom, and observed him — his name I need not mention; he was a politician whom I selected for examination — and the result was as follows: When I began to talk with him, 1 could not help thinking that he was not really wise, although he was thought wise by many, and wiser still by himself; and I went and tried to explain to APOLOGY 107 ( him that he thought himself wise, but was not really wise; and the consequence was that he hated me, and his enmity was shared by several who were present and heard me. So I left him, saying to myself, as I went away: Well, although I do not suppose that either of us knows anything really beautiful and good, I am better off than he is, — for he knows nothing, and thinks that he knows. I neither know nor think that I know. In this latter particular, then, I seem to have slightly the advantage of him. Then I went to another who had still higher philosophical preten¬ sions, and my conclusion was exactly the same. I made another enemy of him, and of many others besides him. After this I went to one man after another, being not unconscious of the enmity which I provoked, and I lamented and feared this: but necessity was laid upon me, — the word of God, I thought, ought to be considered first. And I said to myself, Go I must to all who appear to know, and find out the meaning of the oracle. And I swear to you, Athenians, by the dog I swear! — for I must tell you the truth — the result of my mission was just this: I found that the men most in repute were all but the most foolish; and that some inferior men were really wiser and better. I will tell you the tale of my wanderings and of the “ Herculean ” labors, as I may call them, which I endured only to find at last the oracle irrefutable. When I left the politicians, I went to the poets; tragic, dithyrambic, and all sorts. And there, I said to myself, you will be detected; now you will find out that you are more ignorant than they are. Ac¬ cordingly, I took them some of the most elaborate passages in their own writings, and asked what was the meaning of them — thinking that they would teach me something. Will you believe me? I am 108 APOLOGY almost ashamed to speak of this, but still I must say / that there is hardly a person present who would not have talked better about their poetry than they did themselves. That showed me in an instant that not by wisdom do poets write poetry, but by a sort of genius and inspiration; they are like diviners or soothsayers who also say many fine things, but do not understand the meaning of them. And the p oets appeared to me to be much in the same case; andT further observed that upon the strength of their poetry they believed themselves to be the wisest of men in other things in which they were not wise. So I departed, conceiving myself to be superior to them for the same reason that I was superior to the poli¬ ticians. At last I went to the artisan s, for I was conscious that I knew nothing at all, as I may say, and I was sure that they knew many fine things; and in this I was not mistaken, for they did know many things of which I was ignorant, and in this they certainly were wiser than I was. But I observed that even the good artisans fell into the same error as the poets; — because they were good workmen they thought tnat they also knew all sorts of high matters, and this defect in them overshadowed their wisdom — there¬ fore I asked myself on behalf of the oracle, whether I would like to be as I was, neither having their knowledge nor their ignorance, or like them in both, and I made answer to myself and the oracle that I was better off as I was. This investigation has led to my having many ene¬ mies of the worst and most dangerous kind, and has given occasion also to many calumnies. And X am called wise, for my hearers always imagine that I myself possess the wisdom which I find w anting in others: but the truth is, O men of Athens, that God APOLOGY 109 only is wise; and in this oracle he means to say that the wisdom of men is little or nothing; he is not speaking of Socrates, he is only using my name as an illustration, as if he said, He, O men, is the wisest who, like Socrates, knows that his wisdom is in truth worth nothing. And so I go my way, obedient to the god, and make inquisition into the wisdom of any one, whether citizen or stranger, who appears to be wise; and if he is not wise, then in vindication of the oracle I show him that he is not wise; and this occu¬ pation quite absorbs me, and I have no time to give either to any public matter of interest or to any con¬ cern of my own, but I am in utter poverty by reason of my devotion to the god. There is another thing: — young men of the richer classes, who have not much to do, come about me of their own accord; they like to hear the pretenders examined, and they often imitate me, and examine others themselves; there are plenty of persons, as they soon enough discover, who think that they know something, but really know little or nothing; and then those who are examined by them instead of being angry with themselves are angry w r ith me: This con¬ founded Socrates, they say; this villainous misleader of youth! — and then if somebody asks them, Why, | what evil does he practise or teach ? they do not know, and can not tell; but in order that they may not appear to be at a loss, they repeat the ready-made charges which are used against all philosophers about teaching things up in the clouds and under the earth, and having no gods, and making the worse appear the better cause; for they do not like to confess that their pretence of knowledge has been detected — wLich is the truth; and as they are numerous and ambitious and energetic, and are all in battle array and have persuasive tongues, they have filled your 110 APOLOGY ears with their loud and inveterate calumnies. And this is the reason why my three accusers, Msletus and Anytus and Lycon, have set upon me; Meletus, who has a quarrel \vith me on behalf of the poets, An\t,is, on behalf of the craftsmen; Lycon, on behalf of the rhetoricians: and as I said at the beginning, I can not expect to get rid of this mass of calumny all in a moment. And this, O men of Athens, is the truth and the whole truth; I have concealed nothing, I have dissembled nothing. And yet, I know that this plainness of speech makes them hate me, and what is their hatred but a proof that I am speaking the truth? — this is the occasion and reason of their slan¬ der of me, as you will find out either in this or in any future inquiry. . I have said enough in my defence against the lirst class of my accusers; I turn to the second class who are headed by Meletus, that good and patriotic man, as he calls himself. And now I will try to defend mvself against them: these new accusers must also have their affidavit read. What do they say? Some- thino- of this sort: — That Socrates is a doer of evil, and corruptor of the youth, and he does not beliei e S in the gods of the state, and has other new divinities of his own. That is the sort of charge; and now lei us examine the particular counts. He says that I am a doer of evil, who corrupt the youth; but I say, O men of Athens, that Meletus is a doer of evil, and the evil is that he makes a joke of a serious matter, and is too ready at bringing other men to trial from a pretended zeal and interest about matters m v hic i he really never had the smallest interest. Ana the truth of this I will endeavor to prove. Come hither. Meletus, and let me ask a question of you. You think a great deal about the improve¬ ment of youth ? APOLOGY 111 Yes I do. Tell the judges, then, who is their improver; for you must know, as you have taken the pains to dis¬ cover their corruptor, and are citing and accusing me before them. Speak, then, and tell the judges who their improver is. Observe, Meletus, that you are silent, and have nothing to say. But is not this rather disgraceful, and a very considerable proof of what I was saying, that you have no interest in the matter? Speak up, friend, and tell us who their improver is. The laws. But that, my good sir, is not my meaning. I want to know who the person is, who, in the first place, knows the laws. The judges, Socrates, who are present in court. What, do you mean to say, Meletus, that they are able to instruct and improve youth? Certainly they are. What, all of them, or some only and not others? All of them. By the goddess Here, that is good news! There are plenty of improvers, then. And what do you say of the audience, — do they improve them? Yes, they do. And the senators? Yes, the senators improve them. But perhaps the ecclesiasts corrupt them? — or do they too improve them? They improve them. Then every Athenian improves and elevates them; all with the exception of myself; and I alone am their corruptor? Is that what you affirm? That is what I stoutly affirm. I am very unfortunate if that is true. But suppose I ask you a question: Would you say that this also holds true in the case of horses? Does one man do 112 APOLOGY them harm and all the world good? Is not the exact opposite of this true? One man is able to do them good, or at least not many; — the trainer of horses, that is to say, does them good, and others who have to do with them rather injure them? Is not that true, Meletus, of horses, or any other animals? Yes, cer¬ tainly. Whether you and Anytus say yes or no, that is no matter. Happy indeed would be the condition of youth if they had one corruptor only, and all the rest of the world were their improvers. And you, Meletus, have sufficiently shown that you never had a thought about the young: your carelessness is seen in your not caring about the matters spoken of in this very indictment. And now, Meletus, I must ask you another ques¬ tion : Which is better, to live among bad citizens, or among good ones? Answer, friend, I say; for that is a question which may be easily answered. Do not the good do their neighbors good, and the bad do them evil? Certainly. . . And is there any one who would rather be injured than benefited by those who live with him ? Ansv er, my good friend, the law requires you to answer — does any one like to be injured? Certainly not. And when you accuse me of corrupting and deteri¬ orating the youth, do you allege that I corrupt them intentionally or unintentionally ? Intentionally, I say. But you have just admitted that the good do their neighbors good, and the evil do them evil. ov, is that a truth which your superior wisdom has recog¬ nized thus early in life, and am I, at my age, in such darkness and ignorance as not to know that if a man with whom I have to live is corrupted by me, I am APOLOGY 113 very likely to be harmed by him, and yet I corrupt him, and intentionally, too; — that is what you are saying and of that you will never persuade me or any other human being. But either I do not corrupt them, or I corrupt them unintentionally, so that on either view of the case you lie. If my offence is unintentional, the law has no cognizance of uninten¬ tional offences: you ought to have taken me privately, and warned and admonished me; for if I had been better advised, I should have left off doing what I only did unintentionally — no doubt I should; whereas you hated to converse with me or teach me, but you indicted me in this court, which is a place not of instruction, but of punishment. I have shown, Athenians, as I was saying, that Meletus has no care at all, great or small, about the matter. But still I should like to know, Meletus, in what I am affirmed to corrupt the young. I suppose you mean, as I infer from your indictment, that I teach them not to acknowledge the gods which the state acknowledges, but some other new divinities or spiritual agencies in their stead. These are the les¬ sons which corrupt the youth, as you say. Yes, that I say emphatically. Then, by the gods, Meletus, of whom we are speak¬ ing, tell me and the court, in somewhat plainer terms, what you mean! for I do not as yet understand whether you affirm that I teach others to acknowledge some gods, and therefore do believe in gods, and am not an entire atheist — this you do not lay to my charge; — but only that they are not the same gods which the city recognizes — the charge is that they are different gods. Or, do you mean to say that I am an atheist simply, and a teacher of atheism? I mean the latter — that you are a complete atheist. That is an extraordinary statement, Meletus. Why 114 APOLOGY do you say that? Do you mean that I do not believe in the godhead of the sun or moon, which is the common creed of all men? I assure you, judges, that he does not believe in them; for he says that the sun is stone, and the moon earth. Friend Meletus, you think that you are accusing Anaxagoras: and you have but a bad opinion of the judges, if you fancy them ignorant to such a degree as not to know that these doctrines are found in the books of Anaxagoras the Clazomenian, who is full of them. And these are the doctrines which the youth are said to learn of Socrates, when there are not un- frequently exhibitions of them at the theatre 1 (price of admission one drachma at the most) ; and they might cheaply purchase them, and laugh at Socrates if he pretends to father such eccentricities. And so, Meletus, you really think that I do not believe in any god ? I swear by Zeus that you believe absolutely in none at all. You are a liar, Meletus, not believed even by your¬ self. For I can not help thinking, O men of Athens, that Meletus is reckless and impudent, and that he has written this indictment in a spirit of mere wanton¬ ness and youthful bravado. Has he not compounded a riddle, thinking to try me? He said to himself: — I shall see whether this wise Socrates will discover my ingenious contradiction, or whether I shall be able to deceive him and the rest of them. For he certainly does appear to me to contradict himself in the indict¬ ment as much as if he said that Socrates is guilty of not believing in the gods, and yet of believing in them — but this surely is a piece of fun. 1 Probably in allusion to Aristophanes who caricatured, and to Euripides who borrowed the notions of Anaxagoras, as well as to other dramatic poets. APOLOGY 115 I should like you, O men of Athens, to join me in examining in what I conceive to be his inconsistency; and do you, Meletus, answer. And I must remind you that you are not to interrupt me if I speak in my accustomed manner. Did ever man, Meletus, believe in the existence of human things, and not human beings? ... I wish, men of Athens, that he would answer, and not be always trying to get up an interruption. Did ever any man believe in horsemanship, and not in horses? or in flute-playing, and not in flute-players? No, my friend; I will answer to you and to the court, as you refuse to answer for yourself. There is no man who ever did. But now please to answer the next ques¬ tion : Can a man believe in spiritual and divine agen¬ cies, and not in spirits or demigods? He can not. I am glad that I have extracted that answer, by the assistance of the court; nevertheless you swear in the indictment that I teach and believe in divine or spir¬ itual agencies (new or old, no matter for that) ; at any rate, I believe in spiritual agencies, as you say and swear in the affidavit; but if I believe in divine beings, I must believe in spirits or demigods; — is not that true? Yes, that is true, for I may assume that your silence gives assent to that. Now what are spirits or demigods? are they not either gods or the sons of gods? Is that true? Yes, that is true. But this is just the ingenious riddle of which I was speaking: the demigods or spirits are gods, and you say first that I don’t believe in gods, and then again that I do believe in gods; that is, if I believe in demi¬ gods. For if the demigods are the illegitimate sons of gods, whether by the nymphs or by any other moth¬ ers, as is thought, that, as all men will allow, neces- 116 APOLOGY sarily implies the existence of their parents. You might as well affirm the existence of mules, and deny that of horses and asses. Such nonsense, Meletus, could only have been intended by you as a trial of me. You have put this into the indictment because you had nothing real of which to accuse me. But no one who has a particle of understanding will ever be convinced by you that the same men can believe in divine and superhuman things, and yet not believe that there are gods and demigods and heroes. I have said enough in answer to the charge of Meletus: any elaborate defence is unnecessary; but as I was saying before, I certainly have many ene¬ mies, and this is what will be my destruction if I am destroyed; of that I am certain; — not Meletus, nor yet Anytus, but the envy and detraction of the world, which has been the death of many good men, and will probably be the death of many more; there is no danger of my being the last of them. Some one will say: And are you not ashamed, Socrates, of a course of life which is likely to bring you to an untimely end? To him X may faiily an¬ swer: There you are mistaken: a man who is good for anything ought not to calculate the chance of living or dying; he ought only to consider whether in doing anything he is doing right or wrong — act¬ ing the part of a good man or of a bad. Whereas, according to your view, the heroes who fell at Troy were not good for much, and the son of Thetis above all, who altogether despised danger in comparison with disgrace; and when his goddess mother said to him, in his eagerness to slay Hector, that if he avenged his companion Patroclus, and slew Hector, he would die himself — 44 Fate, as she said, waits upon you next after Hector;” he, hearing this, ut¬ terly despised danger and death, and instead of fear- APOLOGY 117 ing them, feared rather to live in dishonor, and not to avenge his friend. “ Let me die next,” he replies, “ and be avenged of my enemy, rather than abide here by the beaked ships, a scorn and a burden of the earth.” Had Achilles any thought of death and danger? For wherever a man’s place is, whether the place which he has chosen or that in which he has been placed by a commander, there he ought to re¬ main in the hour of danger; he should not think of death or of anything, but of disgrace. And this, O men of Athens, is a true saying. ^Strange, indeed, would be my conduct, O men of Athens, if I who, when I was ordered by the generals whom you chose to command me at Potidaea and Amphipolis and Delium, remained where they placed me, like any other man, facing death; if, I say, now, when, as I conceive and imagine, God orders me to fulfil the philosopher’s mission of searching into my¬ self and other men, I were to desert my post through fear of death, or any other fear; that would indeed be strange, and I might justly be arraigned in court for denying the existence of the gods, if I disobeyed the oracle because I was afraid of death: then I should be fancying that I was wise when I was not wise. For this fear of death is indeed the pretence of wisdom, and not real wisdom, being the appear¬ ance of knowing the unknown; since no one knows whether death, which they in their fear apprehend to be the greatest evil, may not be the greatest good. Is there not here conceit of knowledge, which is a disgraceful sort of ignorance? And this is the point in which, as I think, I am superior to men in general, and in which I might perhaps fancy myself wiser than other men, — that whereas I know but little of the world below, I do not suppose that I know: but I do know that injustice and disobedience to a better, / 118 APOLOGY whether God or man, is evil and dishonorable, and I will never fear or avoid a possible good rather than a certain evil. And therefore if you let me go now, and reject the counsels of Anytus, who said that if I were not put to death I ought not to have been pros¬ ecuted, and that if I escape now, your sons will all be utterly ruined by listening to my words — if you say to me, Socrates, this time we will not mind Any¬ tus, and will let you off, but upon one condition, that you are not to inquire and speculate in this way any more, and that if you are caught doing this again you shall die; — if this was the condition on which you let me go, I should reply: Men of Athens, I honor and love you; but I shall obey God rather than you, and while I have life and strength I shall never cease from the practice and teaching of philosophy, exhort¬ ing any one whom I meet after my manner, and con¬ vincing him, saying: O my friend, why do you, who are a citizen of the great and mighty and wise city of Athens, care so much about laying up the greatest amount of money and honor and reputation, and so little about wisdom and truth and the greatest im¬ provement of the soul, which you never regard or heed at all? Are you not ashamed of this? And if the person with whom I am arguing, says: Yes, but I do care; I do not depart or let him go at once; I interrogate and examine and cross-examine him, and if I think that he has no virtue, but only says that he has, I reproach him with undervaluing the greater, and overvaluing the less. And this I should say to every one whom I meet, young and old, citizen and alien, but especially to the citizens, inasmuch as they are my brethren. For this is the command to God, as I would have you know; and I believe that to this day no greater good has ever happened in the state than my service to the God. For I do nothing but APOLOGY 119 ' go about persuading you all, old and young alike, not to take thought for your persons or your prop¬ erties, but first and chiefly to care about the greatest improvement of the soul. I tell you that virtue is not given by money, but that from virtue come money and every other good of man, public as well as pri¬ vate. This is my teaching, and if this is the doctrine which corrupts the youth, my influence is ruinous indeed. But if any one says that this is not my teach¬ ing, he is speaking an untruth. Wherefore, O men of Athens, I say to you, do as Anytus bids or not as Anytus bids, and either acquit me or not; but what¬ ever you do, know that I shall never alter my ways, not even if I have to die many times. Men of Athens, do not interrupt, but hear me; there was an agreement between us that you should hear me out. And I think that what I am going to say will do you good: for I have something more to say, at which you may be inclined to cry out; but I beg that you will not do this. I would have you know, that if you kill such an one as I am, you will injure yourselves more than you will injure me. Me- letus and Anytus will not injure me: they can not; for it is not in the nature of things that a bad man should injure a better than himself. I do not deny that he may, perhaps, kill him, or drive him into exile, or deprive him of civil rights; and he may imagine, and others may imagine, that he is doing him a great injury: but in that I do not agree with him; for the evil of doing as Anytus is doing — of unjustly taking away another man’s life — is greater far. And now, Athenians, I am not going to argue for my own sake, as you may think, but for yours, that you may not sin against the God, or lightly reject his boon by con¬ demning me. For if you kill me you will not easily find another like me, who, if I may use such a ludi- 120 APOLOGY crous figure of speech, am a sort of gadfly, given to the state by the God; and the state is like a great and noble steed who is tardy in his motions owing to his very size, and requires to be stirred into life. I am that gadfly which God has given the state, and all day long and in all places am always fastening upon you, arousing and persuading and reproaching you. And as you will not easily find another like me, I would advise you to spare me. I dare say that you may feel irritated at being suddenly awakened when you are caught napping; and you may think that if you were to strike me dead as Anytus advises, which - : you easily might, then you would sleep on for the \ remainder of your lives, unless God in his care of you gives you another gadfly. And that I am given to you by God is proved by this: — that if I had been like other men, I should not have neglected all my own concerns or patiently seen the neglect of them during all these years, and have been doing yours, coming to you individually like a father or elder brother, exhorting you to regard virtue; this, I say, would not be like human nature. And had I gained anything, or if my exhortations had been paid, there would have been some sense in that; but now, as you will perceive, not even the impudence of my accusers dares to say that I have ever exacted or sought pay of any one; they have no witness of that. And I have a witness of the truth of what I say; my pov¬ erty is a sufficient witness. Some one may wonder why I go about in private giving advice and busying myself with the concerns of others, but do not venture to come forward in pub¬ lic and advise the state. I will tell you the reason of this. You have often heard me speak of an oracle or sign which comes to me, and is the divinity which Meletus ridicules in the indictment. This sign I have APOLOGY 121 had ever since I was a child. The sign is a voice which comes to me and always forbids me to do some- * thing which I am going to do, but never commands me to do anything, and this is what stands in the way of my being a politician. And rightly, as I think. For I am certain, O men of Athens, that if I had engaged in politics, I should have perished long ago, and done no good either to you or to myself. And don’t be offended at my telling you the truth: for the truth is, that no man who goes to war with you or any other multitude, honestly struggling against the commission of unrighteousness and wrong in the state, will save his life; he who will really fight for the right, if he would live even for a little while, must have a private station and not a public one. ^ I can give you as proofs of this, not words only, but deeds, which you value more than words. Let me tell you a passage of my own life which will prove to you that I should never have yielded to injustice from any fear of death, and that if I had not yielded I should have died at once. I will tell you a story — tasteless perhaps and commonplace, but nevertheless true. The only office of state which I ever held, O men of Athens, was that of senator: the tribe Anti- ochis, which is my tribe, had the presidency at the trial of the generals who had not taken up the bodies of the slain after the battle of Arginusae; and you proposed to try them all together, which was illegal, as you all thought afterwards; but at the time I was the only one of the Prytanes who was opposed to the illegality, and I gave my vote against you; and when the orators threatened to impeach and arrest me, and have me taken away, and you called and shouted, I made up my mind that I would run the risk, having law and justice with me, rather than take part in your injustice because I feared imprisonment and death. / 122 APOLOGY This happened in the days of the democracy. But when the oligarchy of the Thirty was in power, they sent for me and four others into the rotunda, and bade us bring Leon the Salaminian from Salamis, as they wanted to execute him. This was a specimen of the sort of commands which they were always giv¬ ing with the view of implicating as many as possible in their crimes; and then I showed, not in word only but in deed, that, if I may be allowed to use such an expression, I cared not a straw for death, and that my only fear was the fear of doing an unrighteous or unholy thing. For the strong arm of that oppressive power did not frighten me into doing wrong; and when we came out of the rotunda the other four went to Salamis and fetched Leon, but I went quietly home. For which I might have lost my life, had not the power of the Thirty shortly afterwards come to an end. And to this many will witness. Now do you really imagine that I could have sur¬ vived all these years, if I had led a public life, sup¬ posing that like a good man I had always supported the right and had made justice, as I ought, the first thing? No indeed, men of Athens, neither I nor any other. But I have been always the same in all my actions, public as well as private, and never have I yielded any base compliance to those who are slan¬ derously termed my disciples, or to any other. For the truth is that I have no regular disciples: but if any one likes to come and hear me while I am pur¬ suing my mission, whether he be young or old, he may freely come. Nor do I converse with those who pay only, and not with those who do not pay; but any one, whether he be rich or poor, may ask and answer me and listen to my words; and whether he turns out to be a bad man or a good one, that can not be justly laid to my charge, as I never taught him anything. APOLOGY 123 And if any one says that he has ever learned or heard anything from me in private which all the world has not heard, I should like you to know that he is speak¬ ing an untruth. But I shall be asked, Why do people delight in continually conversing with you? I have told you already, Athenians, the whole truth about this: they like to hear the cross-examination of the pretenders to wisdom; there is amusement in this. And this is a duty which the God has imposed upon me, as I am assured by oracles, visions, and in every sort of way in which the will of divine power was ever signified to any one. This is true, O Athenians; or, if not true, would be soon refuted. For if I am really corrupting the youth, and have corrupted some of them already, those of them who have grown up and have become sensible that I gave them bad advice in the days of their youth should come forward as accusers and take their revenge; and if they do not like to come them¬ selves, some of their relatives, fathers, brothers, or other kinsmen, should say what evil their families suf¬ fered at my hands. Now is their time. Many of them I see in the court. There is Crito, who is of the same age and of the same deme with myself, and there is Critobulus his son, whom I also see. Then again there is Lysanias of Sphettus, who is the father of Aeschines — he is present; and also there is Anti¬ phon of Cephisus, who is the father of Epigenes; and there are the brothers of several who have associated with me. There is Nicostratus the son of Theosdo- tides, and the brother of Theodotus (now Theodotus himself is dead, and therefore he, at any rate, will not seek to stop him) ; and there is Paralus the son of Demodocus, who had a brother Theages; and Adeimantus the son of Ariston, whose brother Plato is present; and Aeantodorus, who is the brother of 124 APOLOGY Apollodorus, whom I also see. I might mention a great many others, any of whom Meletus should have produced as witnesses in the course of his speech; and let him still produce them, if he has forgotten — I will make way for him. And let him say, if he has any testimony of the sort which he can produce. Nay, Athenians, the very opposite is the truth. For all these are ready to witness on behalf of the corruptor, of the destroyer of their kindred, as Meletus and Anytus call me; not the corrupted youth only — there might have been a motive for that — but their uncorrupted elder relatives. Why should they too support me with their testimony? Why, indeed, ex¬ cept for the sake of truth and justice, and because they know that I am speaking the truth, and that Meletus is lying. Well, Athenians, this and the like of this is nearly all the defence which I have to offer. Yet a word more. Perhaps there may be some one who is offended at me, when he calls to mind how he himself on a similar, or even a less serious occasion, had recourse to prayers and supplications with many tears, and how he produced his children in court, which was a moving spectacle, together with a posse of his rela¬ tions and friends; whereas I, who am probably in danger of my life, will do none of these things. Per¬ haps this may come into his mind, and he may be set against me, and vote in anger because he is displeased at this. Now if there be such a person among von, which I am far from affirming, I may fairly reply to him: My friend, I am a man, and like other men, a creature of flesh and blood, and not of wood or stone, as Homer says; and I have a family, yes, and sons, O Athenians, three in number, one of whom is growing up, and the two others are still young; and yet I will not bring any of them hither in order to APOLOGY 125 petition you for an acquittal. And why not? Not from any self-will or disregard of you. Whether I am or am not afraid of death is another question, of which I will not now speak. But my reason simply is, that I feel such conduct to be discreditable to my¬ self, and you, and the whole state. One who has reached my years, and who has a name for wisdom, whether deserved or not, ought not to demean him¬ self. At any rate, the world has decided that Soc¬ rates is in some way superior to other men. And if those among you who are said to be superior in wisdom and courage, and any other virtue, demean themselves in this way, how shameful is their conduct! I have seen men of reputation, when they have been con¬ demned, behaving in the strangest manner: they seemed to fancy that they were going to suffer some¬ thing dreadful if they died, and that they could be immortal if you only allowed them to live; and I think that they were a dishonor to the state, and that any stranger coming in would say of them that the most eminent men of Athens, to whom the Athenians themselves give honor and command, are no better than women. And I say that these things ought not to be done by those of us who are of reputation; and if they are done, you ought not to permit them; you ought rather to show that you are more inclined to condemn, not the man who is quiet, but the man who gets up a doleful scene, and makes the city ridiculous. But, setting aside the question of dishonor, there seems to be something wrong in petitioning a judge, and thus procuring an acquittal instead of informing and convincing him. For his duty is, not to make a present of justice, but to give judgment; and he has sworn that he will judge according to the laws and not according to his own good pleasure; and neither he nor we should get into the habit of perjuring our- 126 APOLOGY selves — there can be no piety in that. Do not then require me to do what I consider dishonorable and impious and wrong, especially now, when I am being tried for impiety on the indictment of Meletus. For if, O men of Athens, by force of persuasion and en¬ treaty, I could overpower your oaths, then I should be teaching you to believe that there are no gods, and convict myself, in my own defence, of not believing in them. But that is not the case; for I do believe that there are gods, and in a far higher sense than that in which any of my accusers believe in them. And to you and to God I commit my cause, to be deter¬ mined by you as is best for you and me. There are many reasons why I am not grieved, O men of Athens, at the vote of condemnation. I expected this, and am only surprised that the votes are so nearly equal; for I had thought that the ma¬ jority against me would have been far larger; but now, had thirty votes gone over to the other side, I should have been acquitted. And I may say that I have escaped Meletus. And I may say more; for without the assistance of Anytus and Lycon, he would not have had a fifth part of the votes, as the law re¬ quires, in which case he would have incurred a fine of a thousand drachmae, as is evident. And so he proposes death as the penalty. And what shall I propose on my part, O men of Athens? Clearly that which is my due. And what is that which I ought to pay or to receive? What shall be done to the man who has never had the wit to be idle during his whole life; but has been careless of what the many care about — wealth, and family interests, and mili¬ tary offices, and speaking in the assembly, and mag¬ istracies, and plots, and parties. Reflecting that J APOLOGY 127 was really too honest a man to follow in this way and live, I did not go where I could do no good to you or to myself; but where I could do the greatest good privately to every one of you, thither I went, and sought to persuade every man among you, that he must look to himself, and seek virtue and wisdom before he looks to his private interests, and look to the state before he looks to the interests of the state; and that this should be the order which he observes in all his actions. What shall be done to such an one? Doubtless some good thing, O men of Athens, if he has his reward; and the good should be of a kind suitable to him. What would be a reward suitable to a poor man who is your benefactor, who desires leisure that he may instruct you? There can be no more fitting reward than maintenance in the Pry- taneum, O men of Athens, a reward which he deserves far more than the citizen who has won the prize at Olympia in the horse or chariot race, whether the chariots were drawn by two horses or by many. For I am in want, and he has enough; and he only gives you the appearance of happiness, and I give you the reality. And if I am to estimate the penalty justly, I say that maintenance in the Prytaneum is the just return. Perhaps you may think that I am braving you in saying this, as in what I said before about the tears and prayers. But that is not the case. I speak rather because I am convinced that I never intentionally wronged any one, although I can not convince you of that — for we have had a short conversation only; but if there were a law at Athens, such as there is in other cities, that a capital cause should not be decided in one day, then I believe that I should have con¬ vinced you; but now tbe time is too short. I can not in a moment refute great slanders; and, as I am con- 128 APOLOGY vinced that I never wronged another, I will assuredly not wrong myself. I will not say of myself that I deserve any evil, or propose any penalty. Why should I? Because I am afraid of the penalty of death which Meletus proposes? When I do not know whether death is a good or an evil, why should I pro¬ pose a penalty which would certainly be an evil? Shall I say imprisonment? And why should I live in prison, and be the slave of the magistrates of the y ear — of the eleven? Or shall the penalty be a fine, and imprisonment until the fine is paid? . There is the same objection. I should have to lie in prison, for money I have none, and can not pay. And if I say exile (and this may possibly be the penalty which you will affix), I must indeed be blinded by the love of life, if I do not consider that when you, who are my own citizens, can not endure my discourses and words, and have found them so grievous and odious that you would fain have done with them, others are likely to endure me. No indeed, men of Athens, that is not very likely. And what a life should I lead, at my age, wandering from city to city, living in ever- changing exile, and always being driven out! For I am quite sure that into whatever place I go, as here so also there, the young men will come to me; and if I drive them away, their elders will drive me out at their desire; and if I let them come, their fathers and friends will drive me out for their sakes. Some one will say: Yes, Socrates, but can not you hold your tongue, and then you may go into a foreign city, and no one will interfere with you? Now I have great difficulty in making you understand my answer to this. For if I tell you that this would be a dis¬ obedience to a divine command, and therefore that I can not hold my tongue, you will not believe that I am serious; and if I say again that the greatest good APOLOGY 129 of man is daily to converse about virtue, and all that concerning which you hear me examining myself and others, and that the life which is unexamined is not worth living — that you are still less likely to believe. And yet what I say is true, although a thing of which it is hard for me to persuade you. Moreover, I am not accustomed to think that I deserve any punish¬ ment. Had I money I might have proposed to give you what I had, and have been none the worse. But you see that I have none, and can only ask you to proportion the fine to my means. However, I think that I could afford a mina, and therefore I propose that penalty: Plato, Crito, Critobulus, and Apollo- dorus, my friends here, bid me say thirty minae, and they will be the sureties. Well, then, say thirty minae, let that be the penalty; for that they will be ample security to you. Not much time will be gained, O Athenians, in return for the evil name which you will get from the detractors of the city, who will say that you killed Socrates, a wise man; for they will call me wise even although I am not wise when they want to reproach you. If you had waited a little while, your desire would have been fulfilled in the course of nature. For I am far advanced in years, as you may perceive, and not far from death. I am speaking now only to those of you who have condemned me to death. And I have another thing to say to them: You think that I was convicted through deficiency of words — I mean, that if I had thought fit to leave nothing undone, nothing unsaid, I might have gained an acquittal. Not so; the deficiency which led to my conviction was not of words — certainly not. But I had not the boldness or impudence or inclination to 130 APOLOGY address you as you would have liked me to address you, weeping and wailing and lamenting, and saying and doing many things which you have been accus¬ tomed to hear from others, and which, as I say, are unworthy of me. But I thought that I ought not to do anything common or mean in the hour of danger: nor do I now repent of the manner of my defence, and I would rather die having spoken after my man¬ ner, than speak in your manner and live. For neither in war nor yet at law ought any man to use every way of escaping death. For often in battle there is no doubt that if a man will throw away his arms, and fall on his knees before his pursuers, he may escape death; and in other dangers there are other ways of escaping death, if a man is willing to say and do anything. The difficulty, my friends, is not in avoid¬ ing death, but in avoiding unrighteousness; for that runs faster than death. I am old and move slowly, and the slower runner has overtaken me, and my accusers are keen and quick, and the faster runner, who is unrighteousness, has overtaken them. And now I depart hence condemned by you to suffer the penalty of death, and they too go their ways con¬ demned by the truth to suffer the penalty of villainy and wrong; and I must abide by my award —let them abide by theirs. I suppose that these things may be regarded as fated, — and I think that they are well. And now, O men who have condemned me, I would fain prophesy to you; for I am about to die, and that is the hour in which men are gifted with pro¬ phetic power. And I prophesy to you who are my murderers, that immediately after my death punish¬ ment far heavier than you have inflicted on me will surely await you. Me you have killed because you wanted to escape the accuser, and not to give an ac- APOLOGY 131 count of your lives. But that will not be as you sup¬ pose: far otherwise. For I say that there will be more accusers of you than there are now; accusers whom hitherto I have restrained: and as they are younger they will be more severe with you, and you will be more offended at them. For if you think that by killing men you can avoid the accuser censuring your lives, you are mistaken; that is not a way of escape which is either possible or honorable; the easi¬ est and the noblest way is not to be crushing others, but to be improving yourselves. This is the prophecy which I utter before my departure to the judges who have condemned me. Friends, who would have acquitted me, I would like also to talk with you about this thing which has happened, while the magistrates are busy, and before I go to the place at which I must die. Stay then awhile, for we may as well talk with one another while there is time. You are my friends, and I should like to show you the meaning of this event which has hap¬ pened to me. O my judges — for you I may truly call judges — I should like to tell you of a wonderful circumstance. Hitherto the familiar oracle within me has constantly been in the habit of opposing me even about trifles, if I was going to make a slip or error about anything; and now as you see there has come upon me that which may be thought, and is generally believed to be, the last and worst evil. But the oracle made no sign of opposition, either as I was leaving my house and going out in the morning, or when I was going up into this court, or while I was speaking, at anything which I was going to say; and yet I have often been stopped in the middle of a speech, but now in nothing I either said or did touching this matter has the oracle opposed me. What do I take to be the explanation of this? I will tell you. I re- 132 APOLOGY gard this as a proof that what has happened to me is a good, and that those of us who think that death is an evil are in error. This is a great proof to me of what I am saying, for the customary sign would surely have opposed me had I been going to evil and not to good. Let us reflect in another way, and we shall see that there is great reason to hope that death is a good, for one of two things: — either death is a state of nothingness and utter unconsciousness, or, as men say, there is a change and migration of the soul from this world to another. Now if you suppose that there is no consciousness, but a sleep like the sleep of him who is undisturbed even by the sight of dreams, death will be an unspeakable gain. For if a person were to select the night in which his sleep was undisturbed even by dreams, and were to compare with this the other days and nights of his life, and then were to tell us how many days and nights he had passed in the course of his life better and more pleasantly than this one, I think that any man, I will not say a private man, but even the great king will not find many such days or nights, when compared with the others. Now if death is like this, I say that to die is gain; for eternity is then only a single night. But if death is ’ the journey to another place, and there, as men say, all the dead are, what good, O my friends and judges, can he greater than this? If indeed when the pilgrim arrives in the world below, he is delivered from the professors of justice in this world, and finds the true judges who are said to give judgment there, Minos and Bhadamanthus and Aeacus and Triptolemus, and other sons of God who were righteous in their own life, that pilgrimage will be worth making. What would not a man give if he might converse with Orpheus and Musaeus and Hesiod and Homer? APOLOGY 133 Nay, if this be true, let me die again and again. I, too, shall have a wonderful interest in a place where I can converse with Palamedes, and Ajax the son of Telamon, and other heroes of old, who have suffered death through an unjust judgment; and there will be no small pleasure, as I think, in comparing my own sufferings with theirs. Above all, I shall be able to continue my search into true and false knowledge; as in this world, so also in that; I shall find out who is wise, and who pretends to be wise, and is not. What would not a man give, O judges, to be able to examine the leader of the great Trojan expedition; or Odysseus or Sisyphus, or numberless others, men and women too! What infinite delight would there be in conversing with them and asking them ques¬ tions! For in that world they do not put a man to death for this; certainly not. For besides being hap¬ pier in that world than in this, they will be immortal, if what is said is true. Wherefore, O judges, be of good cheer about death, and know this of a truth — that no evil can happen to a good man, either in life or after death. He and his are not neglected by the gods; nor has my own approaching end happened by mere chance. But I see clearly that to die and be released was better for me; and therefore the oracle gave no sign. For which reason, also, I am not angry with my accusers or my condemners; they have done me no harm, although neither of them meant to do me any good; and for this I may gently blame them. Still I have a favor to ask of them. When my sons are grown up, I would ask you, O my friends, to punish them; and I would have you trouble them, as I have troubled you, if they seem to care about riches, or anything, more than about virtue; or if they pretend to be something when they are really 134 APOLOGY nothing, — then reprove them, as I have reproved you, for not caring about that for which they ought to care, and thinking that they are something when they are really nothing. And if you do this, X and my sons will have received justice at your hands. The hour of departure has arrived, and we go our ways _ I to die, and you to live. Which is better God only knows. CRITO mmmmm INTRODUCTION The Crito seems intended to exhibit the character of Socrates in one light only, not as the philosopher, fulfilling a divine mis¬ sion and trusting in the will of heaven, but simply as the good citizen, who having been unjustly condemned is willing to give up his life in obedience to the laws of the state. The days of Socrates are drawing to a close; the fatal ship has been seen off Sunium, as he is informed by his aged friend and contemporary Crito, who visits him before the dawn has broken; he himself has been warned in a dream that on the third day he must depart. Time is precious, and Crito has come early in order to gain his consent to a plan of escape. This can be easily accomplished by his friends, who will incur no danger in making the attempt to save him, but will be disgraced forever if they allow him to perish. He should think of his duty to his children, and not play into the hands of his enemies. Money is already provided by Crito as well as by Simmias and others, and he will have no difficulty in finding friends in Thessaly and other places. Socrates is afraid that Crito is but pressing upon him the opinions of the many: whereas, all his life long he has followed the dictates of reason only and the opinion of the one wise or skilled man. There was a time when Crito himself had allowed the propriety of this. And although some one will say “ the many can kill us,” that makes no difference; but a good life, that is to say a just and honorable life, is alone to be valued. All considerations of loss of reputation or injury to his children should be dismissed: the only question is whether he would be right in attempting to escape. Crito, who is a disinterested person not having the fear of death before his eyes, shall answer this for him. Before he was condemned they had often held discussions, in which they agreed that no man should either do evil, or return evil for evil, or betray the right. Are these prin¬ ciples to be altered because the circumstances of Socrates are altered? Crito admits that they remain the same. Then is his 137 138 CRITO [/ escape consistent with the maintenance of them? To this Crito is unable or unwilling to reply. Socrates proceeds: — Suppose the laws of Athens to come and remonstrate with him: they will ask Why does he seek to overturn them? ” and if he replies, “ they have injured him/’ will not the laws answer, “Yes, but was that the agreement? Has he any objection to make to them which would justify him in overturning them? Was he not brought into the world and educated by their help, and are they not his parents ? He might have left Athens and gone where he pleased, but he has lived there for seventy years more constantly than any other citizen. Thus he has clearly shown that he acknowledged the agreement which he can not now break without dishonor to himself and danger to his friends. Even in the course of the trial he might have proposed exile as the penalty, but then he declared that he preferred death to exile. And whither will he direct his foot¬ steps ? In any well-ordered state the laws will consider him as an enemy. Possibly in a land of misrule like Thessaly he may be welcomed at first, and the unseemly narrative of his escape regarded by the inhabitants as an amusing tale. But if he offends them he will have to learn another sort of lesson. Will he continue to give lectures in virtue? That would hardly be decent. And how will his children be the gainers if he takes them into Thessaly, and deprives them of Athenian citizenship? Or if he leaves them behind, does he expect that they will be better taken care of by his friends because he is in Thessaly? Will not true friends care for them equally whether he is alive or dead? _ . Finally, they exhort him to think of justice first, and of life and children afterwards. He may now depart in peace and in¬ nocence, a sufferer and not a doer of evil. But if he breaks agreements, and returns evil for evil, they will be angry wit him while he lives; and their brethren the laws of the world below will receive him as an enemy. Such is the mystic voice which is always murmuring in his ears. That Socrates was not a good citizen was a charge made against him during his lifetime, which has been often repeated m later ages. The crimes of Alcibiades, Critias, and Charmides, who had been his pupils, were still recent in the memory of the now restored democracy. The fact that he had been neutral in the death-struggle of Athens was not likely to conciliate popular good-will. Plato, writing probably in the next generation, un- INTRODUCTION 139 dertakes the defence of his friend and master in this particular, not to the Athenians of his day, but to posterity and the world at large. Whether such an incident ever really occurred as the visit of Crito and the proposal of escape is uncertain: Plato could easily have invented far more than that; and in the selection of Crito, the aged friend, as the fittest person to make the proposal to Socrates, we seem to recognize the hand of the artist. Whether any one who has been subjected by the laws of his country to an unjust judgment is right in attempting to escape, is a thesis about which casuists might disagree. Shelley is of opinion that Socrates “ did well to die/’ but not for the “ sophistical ” reasons which Plato has put into his mouth. And there would be no difficulty in arguing that Socrates should have lived and pre¬ ferred to a glorious death the good which he might still be able to perform. “ A skilful rhetorician would have had much to say about that.” It may be remarked however that Plato never intended to answer the question of casuistry, but only to exhibit the ideal of patient virtue which refuses to do the least evil in order to avoid the greatest, and to show Socrates, his master, maintaining in death the opinions which he had professed in his life. Not “ the world/’ but the “ one wise man,” is still the philosopher’s paradox in his last hours. CRITO PERSONS OF THE DIALOGUE Socrates. Crito. Scene : — The Prison of Socrates. Socrates. Why have you come at this hour, Crito? it must be quite early? Crito. Yes, certainly. Soc. What is the exact time? Cr. The dawn is breaking. Soc. I wonder that the keeper of the prison would let you in. Cr. He knows me, because I often come, Socrates; moreover, I have done him a kindness. Soc. And are you only just come? Cr. Yo, I came some time ago. Soc. Then why did you sit and say nothing, instead of awakening me at once? Cr. Why, indeed, Socrates, I myself would rather not have all this sleeplessness and sorrow. But I have been wondering at your peaceful slumbers, and that was the reason why I did not awaken you, be¬ cause I wanted you to be out of pain. I have always thought you happy in the calmness of your tempera¬ ment ; but never did I see the like of the easy, cheer¬ ful way in which you bear this calamity. Soc. Why, Crito, when a man has reached my age he ought not to be repining at the prospect of death. Cr. And yet other old men find themselves in sim- 141 142 CRITO ilar misfortunes, and age does not prevent them from • • ^That may be. But you have not told me why vou come at this early hour. • j * Cr. I come to bring you a message which is s ad and painful; not, as I believe.toyoui^lfbutto al of us 1 who are your friends, and saddest of all to m . Soc. What! I suppose that the ship has come from Delos on the arrival of which I am to die. Cr No, the ship has not actually arrived, but s e will probably be here to-day, as persons who have come from Sunium tell me that t ey e ^ and therefore to-morrow, Socrates, will be the 1 dl ?SYjc Wery 1 well, Crito; if such is the will of God, I am willing; but my belief is that there will be a delay of a day. Soc.Twill 0 te y U yom Yam to die on the day after the arrival of the ship? Cr Yes; that is what the authorities say. Soc. But I do not think that the ship will be here until to-morrow; this I gather from a vision which iSad last night, or rather only just now, when you fortunately allowed me to sleep. . Cr And what was the nature of the vision. Voc There came to me the likeness of a woman fair and comely, clothed in white raiment, who called to me and said*. O Socrates, “ The third day hence to Phthia shalt thou go. Cr What a singular dream, Socrates! . Soc. There can be no doubt about the meaning, Cl fv’ Yes; the meaning is only too clear. But, Oh1 my beloved Socrates, let me entreat you once more CRITO 143 « i. to take my advice and escape. For if you die I shall not only lose a friend who can never be replaced, but there is another evil: people who do not know you and me will believe that I might have saved you if I had been willing to give money, but that I did not care. Now, can there be a worse disgrace than this — that I should be thought to value money more than the life of a friend? For the many will not be per¬ suaded that I wanted you to escape, and that you refused. Soc. But why, my dear Crito, should we care about the opinion of the many? Good men, and they are the only persons who are worth considering, will think of these things truly as they happened. Cr. But do you see, Socrates, that the opinion of the many must be regarded, as is evident in your own case, because they can do the very greatest evil to any one w T ho has lost their good opinion. Soc . I only wish, Crito, that they could; for then they could also do the greatest good, and that would be well. But the truth is, that they can do neither good nor evil: they can not make a man wise or make him foolish; and whatever they do is the result of chance. Cr. Well, I will not dispute about that; but please to tell me, Socrates, whether you are not acting out of regard to me and your other friends: are you not afraid that if you escape hence we may get into trouble with the informers for having stolen you away, and lose either the whole or a great part of our property; or that even a worse evil may happen to us? Now, if this is your fear, be at ease; for in order to save you, we ought surely to run this, or even a greater risk; be persuaded, then, and do as I say. Soc. Yes, Crito, that is one fear which you men¬ tion, but by no means the only one. 144 CRITO Cr. Fear not. There are persons who at no great cost are willing to save you and bring you out of prison; and as for the informers, you may observe that they are far from being exorbitant in their de¬ mands; a little money will satisfy them. My means, which, as I am sure, are ample, are at your service, and if you have a scruple about spending all mine, here are strangers who will give you the use of theirs; and one of them, Simmias the Theban, has brought a sum of money for this very purpose; and Cebes and many others are willing to spend their money too. say therefore, do not on that account hesitate about making your escape, and do not say, as you did in the court, that you will have a difficulty in knowing what to do with yourself if you escape. For men will love you in other places to which you may go, and not in Athens only; there are friends of mine in Thes¬ saly if you like to go to them, who will value and protect you, and no Thessalian will give you any trouble. Nor can I think that you are justified, Soc¬ rates, in betraying your own life when you might be saved; this is "playing into the hands of your enemies and destroyers; and moreover I should say that you were betraying your children; for you might bring them up and educate them; instead of which you go away and leave them, and they will have to take their chance; and if they do not meet with the usual fate of orphans, there will be small thanks to you. N o man should bring children into the world who is un¬ willing to persevere to the end in their nurture and education. But you are choosing the easier part, as I think, not the better and manlier, which would rather have become one who professes virtue in all Ins actions, like yourself. And indeed, I am ashamed not only of you, but of us who are your friends, when I reflect that this entire business of yours will be- CRITO 145 attributed to our want of courage. The trial need never have come on, or might have been brought to another issue; and the end of all, which is the crown¬ ing absurdity, will seem to have been permitted by us, through cowardice and baseness, who might have saved you, as you might have saved yourself, if we had been good for anything (for there was no diffi¬ culty in escaping) ; and we did not see how disgrace¬ ful, Socrates, and also miserable all this will be to us as well as to you. Make your mind up then, or rather have your mind already made up, for the time of deliberation is over, and there is only one thing to be done, which must be done, if at all, this very night, and which any delay will render all but impossible; I beseech you therefore, Socrates, to be persuaded by me, and to do as I say. Soc. Dear Crito, your zeal is invaluable, if a right one; but if wrong, the greater the zeal the greater the evil; and therefore we ought to consider whether these things shall be done or not. For I am and always have been one of those natures who must be guided by reason, whatever the reason may be which upon reflection appears to me to be the best; and now that this fortune has come upon me, I can not put away the reasons which I have before given: the principles which I have hitherto honored and revered I still honor, and unless we can find other and better principles on the instant, I am certain not to agree with you; no, not even if the power of the multitude could inflict many more imprisonments, confiscations, deaths, frightening us like children with hobgoblin terrors. But what will be the fairest way of consid¬ ering the question? Shall I return to your old argu¬ ment about the opinions of men? some of which are to be regarded, and others, as we were saying, are not to be regarded. Now were we right in maintain- 146 CRITO ing this before I was condemned? And has the argu¬ ment which was once good now proved to be talk for the sake of talking; — in fact an amusement only, and altogether vanity? That is what I want to con¬ sider with your help, Crito: — whether, under my present circumstances, the argument appears to be in any way different or not; and is to be allowed by me or disallowed. That argument, which, as I be¬ lieve, is maintained by many who assume to be author¬ ities, was to the effect, as I was saying, that the opin¬ ions of some men are to be regarded, and of other men not to be regarded. Now you, Crito, are a disinter¬ ested person who are not going to die to-morrow at least, there is no human probability of this, and you are therefore not liable to be deceived by the circum¬ stances in which you are placed. Tell me then, whether I am right in saying that some opinions, and the opinions of some men only, are to be valued, and other opinions, and the opinions of other men, are not to be valued. I ask you whether I was right in maintaining this? Cr. Certainly. Soc . The good are to be regarded, and not the bad ? Cr. Yes. Soc. And the opinions of the wise are good, and the opinions of the unwise are evil? Cr. Certainly. Soc. And what was said about another matter? Was the disciple in gymnastics supposed to attend to the praise and blame and opinion of every man, or of one man only — his physician or trainer, who¬ ever that was? Cr. Of one man only. Soc. And he ought* to fear the censure and wel¬ come the praise of that one only, and not of the man} ? Cr. That is clear. CRITO 147 Soc. And he ought to live and train, and eat and drink in the way which seems good to his single mas¬ ter who has understanding, rather than according to the opinion of all other men put together? Cr. True. Soc. And if he disobeys and disregards the opinion and approval of the one, and regards the opinion of the many who have no understanding, will he not suffer evil ? Cr. Certainly he will. Soc. And what will the evil be, whither tending and what affecting, in the disobedient person? Cr. Clearly, affecting the body; that is what is destroyed by the evil. Soc. Very good; and is not this true, Crito, of other things which we need not separately enumerate ? In the matter of just and unjust, fair and foul, good and evil, which are the subjects of our present con¬ sultation, ought we to follow the opinion of the many and to fear them; or the opinion of the one man who, has understanding, and whom we ought to fear and reverence more than all the rest of the world: and whom deserting we shall destroy and injure that prin¬ ciple in us which may be assumed to be improved by justice and deteriorated by injustice; — is there not such a principle? Cr. Certainly there is, Socrates. Soc. Take a parallel instance: — if, acting under the advice of men who have no understanding, we destroy that which is improvable by health and deteri¬ orated by disease — when that has been destroyed, I say, would life be worth having ? And that is — the body? Cr. Yes. Soc. Could we live, having an evil and corrupted body? 148 CRITO Cr . Certainly not. Soc. And will life be worth having, if that higher part of man be depraved, which is improved by jus¬ tice and deteriorated by injustice?. Do we suppose that principle, whatever it may be in man, which has to do with justice and injustice, to be inferior to the body? Cr. Certainly not. Soc. More honored, then? Cr. Far more honored. Soc. Then, my friend, we must not regard what the many say of us: but what he, the one man who has understanding of just and unjust, w T ill say, and what the truth will say. And therefore you begin in error when you suggest that we should regard the opinion of the many about just and unjust, good and evil, honorable and dishonorable. — Well, some one will say, “ but the many can kill us.” Cr. Yes, Socrates; that will clearly be the answer. Soc. That is true: but still I find with surprise that the old argument is, as I conceive, unshaken as ever. And I should like to know whether I may say the same of another proposition — that not life, but a good life, is to be chiefly valued? Cr. Yes, that also remains. Soc. And a good life is equivalent to a just and honorable one — that holds also ? Cr. Yes, that holds. Soc. From these premisses I proceed to argue the question whether I ought or ought not to try and escape without the consent of the Athenians: and if I am clearly right in escaping, then I will make the attempt; but if not, I will abstain. The other con¬ siderations which you mention, of money and loss of character and the duty of educating children, are, as I fear, only the doctrines of the multitude, who would CRITO 149 be as ready to call people to life, if they were able, as they are to put them to death — and with as little reason. But now, since the argument has thus far prevailed, the only question which remains to be con¬ sidered is, whether we shall do rightly either in escap¬ ing or in suffering others to aid in our escape and paying them in money and thanks, or whether we shall not do rightly; and if the latter, then death or any other calamity which may ensue on my remaining here must not be allowed to enter into the calculation. Cr. I think that you are right, Socrates; how then shall we proceed? Soc. Let us consider the matter together, and do you either refute me if you can, and I will be con¬ vinced ; or else cease, my dear friend, from repeating to me that I ought to escape against the wishes of the Athenians: for I am extremely desirous to be persuaded by you, but not against my own better judgment. And now please to consider my first posi¬ tion, and do your best to answer me. Cr. I will do my best. Soc. Are we to say that we are never intentionally to do wrong, or that in one way we ought and in another way we ought not to do wrong, or is doing wrong always evil and dishonorable, as I was just now saying, and as has been already acknowledged by us? Are all our former admissions which were made within a few days to be thrown away? And have we, at our age, been earnestly discoursing with one another all our life long only to discover that we are no better than children? Or are we to rest assured, in spite of the opinion of the many, and in spite of consequences whether better or worse, of the truth of what was then said, that injustice is always an evil and dishonor to him who acts unjustly? Shall we affirm that? 150 CRITO Cr. Yes. Soc. Then we must do no wrong? Cr. Certainly not. Soc. Nor when injured injure in return, as the many imagine; for w r e must injure no one at all? Cr. Clearly not. Soc. Again, Crito, may we do evil? Cr. Surely not, Socrates. Soc. And what of doing evil in return for evil, which is the morality of the many — is that just or not? Cr. Not just. Soc. For doing evil to another is the same as injur¬ ing him? Cr. Very true. Soc. Then we ought not to retaliate or render evil for evil to any one, whatever evil we may have suf¬ fered from him. But I would have you consider, Crito, whether you really mean what you are saying. For this opinion has never been held, and never will be held, by any considerable number of persons; and those who are agreed and those who are not agreed upon this point have no common ground, and can only despise one another when they see how widely they differ. Tell me, then, whether you agree with and assent to my first principle, that neither injury nor retaliation nor warding off evil by evil is ever right. And shall that be the premiss of our argu¬ ment? Or do you decline and dissent from this? For this has been of old and is still my opinion; but, if you are of another opinion, let me hear what you have to say. If, however, you remain of the same mind as formerly, I will proceed to the next step. Cr. You may proceed, for I have not changed my mind. Soc. Then I will proceed to the next step, which CRITO 151 may be put in the form of a question: — Ought a man to do what he admits to be right, or ought he to betray the right? Cr. He ought to do what he thinks right. Soc. But if this is true, what is the application? In leaving the prison against the will of the Atheni¬ ans, do I wrong any? or rather do I not wrong those whom I ought least to wrong? Do I not desert the principles which were acknowledged by us to be just? What do you say? Cr. I can not tell, Socrates; for I do not know. Soc. Then consider the matter in this way: — Im¬ agine that I am about to play truant (you may call the proceeding by any name which you like), and the laws and the government come and interrogate me: “ Tell us, Socrates,” they say; “ what are you about? are you going by an act of yours to overturn us — the laws and the whole state, as far as in you lies? Do you imagine that a state can subsist and not be overthrown, in which the decisions of law have no power, but are set aside and overthrown by individ¬ uals? ” What will be our answer, Crito, to these and the like words ? Any one, and especially a clever rhet¬ orician, will have a good deal to urge about the evil of setting aside the law which requires a sentence to be carried out; and we might reply, “ Yes; but the state has injured us and given an unjust sentence.” Suppose I say that? Cr. Very good, Socrates. Soc. “ And was that our agreement with you? ” the law would say; “or were you to abide by the sentence of the state? ” And if I were to express astonishment at their saying this, the law would prob¬ ably add: “ Answer, Socrates, instead of opening your eyes: you are in the habit of asking and answering questions. Tell us what complaint you have to make 152 CRITO against us which justifies you in attempting to destroy us and the state? In the first place did we not bring you into existence ? Your father married your mother by our aid and begat you. Say whether you have any objection to urge against those of us who regu¬ late marriage ? ” None, I should reply. “ Or against those of us who regulate the system of nurture and education of children in which you were trained? Were not the laws, who have the charge of this, right in commanding your father to train you in music and gymnastic? ” Right, I should reply. Well then, since you were brought into the world and nurtured and educated by us, can you deny in the first place that you are our child and slave, as your fathers were before you? And if this is true you are not on equal terms with us; nor can you think that you have a right to do to us what we are doing to you. Would you have any right to strike or revile or do any other evil to a father or to your master, if you had one, when you have been struck or reviled by him, or received some other evil at his hands? — you would not say this? And because we think right to destroy you, do you think that you have any right to destroy us in return, and your country as far as in you lies? And will you, O professor of true virtue, say that you are justified in this? Has a philosopher like you failed to discover that our country is more to be valued and higher and holier far than mother or father or any ancestor, and more to be regarded in the eyes of the gods and of men of understanding? also to be soothed, and gently and reverently entreated when angry, even more than a father, and if not persuaded, obeyed? And when we are punished by her, whether with im¬ prisonment or stripes, the punishment is to be endured m silence; and if she lead us to wounds or death in battle, thither we follow as is right; neither may any CRITO 153 one yield or retreat or leave his rank, but whether in battle or in a court of law, or in any other place, he must do what his city and his country order him; or he must change their view of what is just: and if he may do no violence to his father or mother, much less may he do violence to his country.” What answer shall we make to this, Crito? Do the laws speak truly, or do they not? Cr. I think that they do. Soc. Then the laws will say: “ Consider, Socrates, if this is true, that in your present attempt you are going to do us wrong. For, after having brought you into the world, and nurtured and educated you, and given you and every other citizen a share in every good that we had to give, we further proclaim and give the right to every Athenian, that if he does not like us when he has come of age and has seen the ways of the city, and made our acquaintance, he may go where he pleases and take his goods with him; and none of us laws will forbid him or interfere with him. Any of you who does not like us and the city, and who wants to go to a colony or to any other city, may go where he likes, and take his goods with him. But he who has experience of the manner in which we order justice and administer the state, and still re¬ mains, has entered into an implied contract that he will do as we command him. And he who disobeys us is, as we maintain, thrice wrong; first, because in dis¬ obeying us he is disobeying his parents; secondly, be¬ cause we are the authors of his education; thirdly, because he has made an agreement with us that he will duly obey our commands; and he neither obeys them nor convinces us that our commands are wrong; and we do not rudely impose them, but give them the alternative of obeying or convincing us;—that is what we offer, and he does neither. These are the sort of 154 CRITO accusations to which, as we were saying, you, Socrates, will be exposed if you accomplish your intentions; you, above all other Athenians. Suppose I ask, why is this? they will justly retort upon me that I above all other men have acknowledged the agreement. “ There is clear proof,” they will say, “ Socrates, that we and the city were not displeasing to you. Of all Athenians you have been the most con¬ stant resident in the city, which, as you never leave, you may be supposed to love. For you never went out of the city either to see the games, except once when you went to the Isthmus, or to any other place unless when you were on military service; nor did you travel as other men do. Nor had you any curiosity to know other states or their laws: your affections did not go beyond us and our state ; we were your special favorites, and you acquiesced in our government of vou; and this is the state in which you begat your chil¬ dren, which is a proof of your satisfaction. Moreover, you might, if you had liked, have fixed the penalty at banishment in the course of the trial — the state which refuses to let you go now would have let you go then. But you pretended that you preferred death to exile, and that you were not grieved at death. And now vou have forgotten these fine sentiments, and pay no respect to us the laws, of whom you are the destroyer; and are doing what only a miserable slave would do, running away and turning your back upon the com¬ pacts and agreements which you made as a citizen. And first of all answer this very question: Are we right in saying that you agreed to be governed accord¬ ing to us in deed, and not in word only? Is that true or not? ” How shall we answer that, Cnto. Must we not agree? Cr. There is no help, Socrates. Soc. Then will they not say: “ You, Socrates, are CRITO 155 breaking the covenants and agreements which you made with us at your leisure, not in any haste or under any compulsion or deception, but having had seventy years to think of them, during which time you were at liberty to leave the city, if we were not to your mind, or if our covenants appeared to you to be un¬ fair. You had your choice, and might have gone either to Lacedaemon or Crete, which you often praise for their good government, or to some other Hellenic or foreign state. Whereas you, above all other Athenians, seemed to be so fond of the state, or, in other words, of us her laws (for who would like a state that has no laws), that you never stirred out of her; the halt, the blind, the maimed were not more station¬ ary in her than you were. And now you run away and forsake your agreements. Not so, Socrates, if you will take our advice; do not make yourself ridiculous by escaping out of the city. “ For just consider, if you transgress and err in this sort of way, what good will you do either to your¬ self or to your friends? That your friends will be driven into exile and deprived of citizenship, or will lose their property, is tolerably certain; and you your¬ self, if you fly to one of the neighboring cities, as, for example, Thebes or Megara, both of which are well- governed cities, will come to them as an enemy, Socrates, and their government will be against you, and all patriotic citizens will cast an evil eye upon you as a subverter of the laws, and you will confirm in the minds of the judges the justice of their own con¬ demnation of you. For he who is a corruptor of the laws is more than likely to be corruptor of the young and foolish portion of mankind. Will you then flee from well-ordered cities and virtuous men? and is existence worth having on these terms? Or will you go to them without shame, and talk to them, Socrates ? 156 CRITO And what will you say to them? What you say here about virtue and justice and institutions and laws being the best things among men. Vi ould that be decent of you ? Surely not. But if you go away from well-governed states to Crito’s friends in Thessaly, where there is a great disorder and license, they will be charmed to have the tale of your escape from prison, set off with ludicrous particulars of the manner in which vou were wrapped in a goatskin or some other disguise, and metamorphosed as the fashion of run¬ aways is — that is very likely; but will there be no one to remind you that in your old age you violated the most sacred laws from a miserable desire of a little more life. Perhaps not, if you keep them in a good temper; but if they are out of temper you will hear many degrading things; you will live, but how — as the flatterer of all men, and the servant of all men; and doing what? — eating and drinking in Thessaly, having gone abroad in order that you may get a din¬ ner. And where will be your fine sentiments about justice and virtue then? Say that you wish to live for the sake of your children, that you may bring them up and educate them — will you take them into Thessaly and deprive them of Athenian citizenship. Is that the benefit which you would confer upon them. Or are you under the impression that they will be better cared for and educated here if you are still alive, although absent from them; for that your friends will take care of them? Do you fancy that if you are an inhabitant of Thessaly they will take care of them, and if you are an inhabitant of the o ler world they will not take care of them? Nay; but if they who call themselves friends are truly friends, they surely will. , , . “ Listen, then, Socrates, to us who have brought you up. Think not of life and children first, and of CRITO 157 justice afterwards, but of justice first, that you may be justified before the princes of the world below. For neither will you nor any that belong to you be , happier or holier or juster in this life, or happier in I another, if you do as Crito bids. Now you depart in innocence, a sufferer and not a doer of evil; a victim, not of the laws, but of men. But if you go forth, returning evil for evil, and injury for injury, breaking the covenants and agreements which you have made with us, and wronging those whom you ought least to wrong, that is to say, yourself, your friends, your country, and us, we shall be angry with you while you live, and our brethren, the laws in the world below, will receive you as an enemy; for they will know that you have done your best to destroy us. Listen, then, to us and not to Crito.” This is the voice which I seem to hear murmuring in my ears, like the sound of the flute in the ears of the mystic; that voice, I say, is humming in my ears, and prevents me from hearing any other. And I know that anything more which you may say will be vain. Yet speak, if you have anything to say. Cr. I have nothing to say, Socrates. Soc. Then let me follow the intimations of the will of God. PHAEDO INTRODUCTION After an interval of some months or years, and at Phlius a town of Sicyon, the tale of the last hours of Socrates is narrated to Echecrates and other Phliasians by Phaedo the “ beloved dis¬ ciple.” The Dialogue necessarily takes the form of a narrative, because Socrates has to be described acting as well as speaking. The minutest particulars of the event are interesting to distant friends, and the narrator has an equal interest in them. During the voyage of the sacred ship to and from Delos, which has occupied thirty days, the execution of Socrates has been~deferred C^P* Xen. Mem. iv. 8. 2.) The time has been passed by him in conversation with a select company of disciples. But now the holy season is over, and the disciples meet earlier than usual in order that they may converse with Socrates for the last time. Those who were present, and those who might have been expected to be present, are specially mentioned. There are Simmias and Cebes, two disciples of Philolaus whom Socrates “ by his enchantments has attracted from Thebes ” (Mem. iii. 11. 17), Crito the aged friend, the attendant of the prison, who is as good as a friend — these take part in the conversation. There are present also, Hermogenes, from whom Xenophon derived his information about the trial of Socrates (Mem. iv. 8. 4), the “ madman ” Apollodorus, Euclid and Terpsion from Megara, Ctesippus, Antisthenes, Menexenus, and some other less-known members of the Socratic circle, all of whom are silent auditors. Aristippus and Plato are noted as absent. Soon the wife and children of Socrates are sent away, under the direction of Crito; he himself has just been released from chains, and is led by this circumstance to make the natural remark that “ pleasure follows pain.” (Observe that Plato is preparing the way for his doctrine of the alternation of opposites.) “ Aesop would have represented them in a fable as a two-headed creature of the gods.” The mention of Aesop reminds Cebes of a question which had been asked by Evenus the poet: “ Why Socrates, who was not a poet, while in prison had been putting Aesop into verse? ” — “ Because several times in his life he had been warned in dreams that he should make music; and as he was about to die and was not 161 162 i PHAEDO certain what was the meaning of this, he wished to fulfil the admonition in the letter as well as in the spirit, by writing verses as well as by cultivating philosophy. Tell Evenus this and bid him follow me in death.” “ He is not the sort of man to do that, Socrates.” “ Why, is he not a philosopher? Yes. Then he will be willing to die, although he will not take his own life, for that is held not to be right.” Cebes asks why men say that suicide is not right, if death is to be accounted a good? Well, (1) according to one explanation, because man is a prisoner, and is not allowed to open the door of his prison and run away — this is the truth in a mystery. Or rather, perhaps, (2) because man is not his own property, but a possession of the gods, and he has no right to make away with that which does not belong to him. But why, asks Cebes, if he is a possession of the gods, will he wish to die and leave them? for he is under their protection; and surely he can not take better care of himself than they take of him. Simmias explains that Cebes is really referring to Socrates, whom they think too unmoved at the prospect of leaving the gods and his friends. Socrates answers that he is going to other gods who are wise and good, and perhaps to better friends; and he pro fesses that he is ready Jto defend himself against the charge of Cebes. They shall be his judges, and he hopes that he will be more successful in convincing them than he had been in convin¬ cing the court. ... The philosopher desires death — which the wicked world will insinuate that he also deserves: and perhaps he does, but not in any sense which they are capable of understanding. Enough of them: the real question is, What is the nature of that death which he desires? Death is the separation of soul and body and the philosopher desires such a separation.. He would like to be freed from the dominion of bodily pleasures and of the senses, which are always perturbing his mental vision. He wants to get rid of eyes and ears, and with the light of the mind only to behold the light of truth. All the evils and impurities and neces¬ sities of men come from the body. And death separates him from these evils, which in this life he can not wholly cast aside Why then should he repine when the hour of separation arrives. Why, if he is dead while he lives, should he fear that other death, through which alone he can behold wisdom in her purity. Besides, the philosopher has notions of good and evil unlike those of other men. For they are courageous because they are afraid of greater dangers, and temperate because they desire INTRODUCTION 163 greater pleasures. But he disdains this balancing of pleasures and pains; he knows no virtue but that which is the companion of wisdom. All the virtues, including wisdom, are regarded by him only as purifications of the soul. And this was the meaning of the founders of the m v .»ceries when they said, “Many are the wand-bearers but few are the mystics.” (Cp. Matt. xxii. 14: “ Many are called, but" few are chosen/’) And in the hope that he is one of these mystics, Socrates is now departing. This is his answer to th^'e who charge him with indifference at the prospect Ox leaving the gods and his friends. Still, a fear is expressed that the soul upon leaving the body, paay vanish away like smoke or air. Socrates in answer appeals first of all to the old Orphic tradition that the souls of the dead are in the world below, and that the living come from them. / This he attempts to found on a philosophical assumption that all opposites — e. g. less, greater; weaker, stronger; sleeping, waking; life, death — are generated out of each others Nor can this process of generation be only a passage from living to dying, for then all would end in death. The perpetual sleeper (Endymion) would be no longer distinguished, for all the world would sink in rest. The circle of nature is not complete unless the living come from the dead as well as pass to them. The favorite Platonic doctrine of reminiscence is then adduced as a confirmation of the preexistence of the soul. Some proofs of this doctrine are demanded. One proof given is the same as that of the Meno, and is derived from the latent knowledge of mathematics, which may be elicited from an unlearned person when a diagram is presented to him. Again, there is a power of association, which from seeing Simmias may remember Cebes, or from seeing a picture of Simmias may remember Simmias. The lyre may recall the player of the lyre, and equal pieces of wood or stone may be associated with the higher notion of absolute equality. But here observe that material equalities fall short of the conception of absolute equality with which they are com¬ pared, and which is the measure of them. And the measure or standard must be prior to that which is measured, the idea of equality prior to the visible equals. And if prior to them, then prior also to the perceptions of the senses which recall them, and therefore either given before birth or at birth. But all men have not this knowledge, nor have any without a process of reminiscence; and this is a proof that it is not innate or given at birth (unless indeed it was given and taken away at the same instant, which is absurd). But if not given to men in birth, it 164 PHAEDO must have been given before birth — this is the only alternative which remains. And if we had ideas in a former state, then our souls must have existed and must have had intelligence in a former state. The preexistence cf the soul stands or falls with the doctrine of ideas. It is objected by Simmias and Cebes that these arguments only prove a former and not a future existence. Socrates answers this objection by recalling the previous argument, in which he had shown that the living had come from the dead. But the fear that the soul at departing may vanish into air (espe¬ cially if there is a wind blowing at the time) has not yet been charmed away. He proceeds! When we fear that the soul will vanish away, let us ask ourselves what is that which we suppose to be liable to dissolution? Is it the simple or the compound, the unchanging or the changing, the invisible idea or the visible object of sense? Clearly the latter and not the former; and therefore not the soul, which in her own pure thought is un¬ changeable, and only when using the senses descends into the region of change. Again, the soul commands, the body ser\ es. in this respect too the soul is akin to the divine, and the body to the mortal. And in every point of view the soul is the image of divinity and immortality, and the body of the human and mortal. And whereas the body is liable to speedy dissolution, the soul is almost if not quite indissoluble. Yet even the body may be preserved for ages by the embalmer s artj^how much more the soul returning into herself on her way to the good and wise God! \ She has been practising death all her life long, and is now finally released from the errors and follies and passions of men, and forever dwells in the company of the gods. But the soul which is polluted and engrossed by the corporeal, and has no eye except that of the senses, and is weighed down by the bodily appetites, can not attain to this abstraction. In her fear of the world below she lingers about her sepulchre, a ghostly apparition, saturated with sense, and therefore visible. At length she enters into the body of some animal of a nature congenial to her former life of sensuality or violence, and be¬ comes an ass or a wolf or a kite. And of these earthly souls the happiest are those who have practised virtue without philosophy; they are allowed to pass into gentle and civil natures, such as bees and ants. But only the philosopher who departs pure is permitted to enter the company of the gods. This is the reason why he abstains from fleshly lusts, and not from the fear of loss or disgrace, which are the motives of other INTRODUCTION 165 men. He too has been a captive, and the willing agent of his own captivity. But philosophy has spoken to him, and he has heard her voice; she has gently entreated him, and brought his soul out of the “ miry clay/’ and purged away the mists of passion and the illusions of sense which envelope her, and taught her to resist the influence of pleasures and pains, which are like nails fastening her to the body. To that prison-house she will not return; and therefore she abstains from bodily pleasures — not from a desire of having more or greater ones, which is the exchange of commerce and not of virtue, but because she knows that only in the calm of pleasures and passions she will behold the light of truth. Simmias and Cebes remain in doubt; but they are unwilling to raise objections at such a time. Socrates wonders at this. Let them regard him rather as the swan, who, having sung the praises of Apollo all his life long, sings at his death more lustily than ever. Simmias acknowledges that there is cow¬ ardice in not probing truth to the bottom. “ And if truth divine and inspired is not to be had, then let a man take the best of human notions, and upon this frail bark let him sail through life.” He proceeds to state his difficulty: It has been argued that the sou l is invisible and incorpo real, and therefore immortal, and prior t o theH ioclyl But is not the soul acknowledged to be a harmony, and has she not the same relation to the body, as the harmony — which like her is invisible — has to the lyre ? And yet the harmony does not survive the lyre. Cebes has also an objection, which like Simmias he expresses in a figure. He is willing to admit that the soul is more lasting than the body. But the more lasting nature .of the soul does not prove her im¬ mortality; for after having worn out many bodies in a single life, and many more in successive births and deaths, she may at last perish, or, as Socrates afterwards restates the objection, the very act of birth may be the beginning of her death, and the last body may survive the last soul, just as the coat of an old weaver is left behind him after he is dead, although a man is more last¬ ing than his coat. And he who would prove the immortality of the soul, must prove not only that the soul outlives one or many bodies, but that she outlives them all. ««« The audience, like the chorus in a play, for a moment inter¬ pret the feelings of the actors; there is a temporary depression, and then the inquiry is resumed. It is a melancholy reflection that arguments, like men, are apt to be deceivers; and those who have been often deceived become distrustful both of arguments I 166 PHAEDO and of friends. But this unfortunate experience should not make us either haters of men or haters of arguments. The hatred of arguments is equally mistaken, whether we are going to live or die. At the approach of death Socrates desires to be impartial, and yet he can not help feeling that he has too great an interest in the truth of his own argument. And therefore he wishes his friends to examine and refute him, if they think that he is not speaking the truth. Socrates requests Simmias and Cebes to state their objections again. They do not go to the length of denying the preexist¬ ence of ideas. Simmias is of opinion that the soul is a harmony of the body. But the admission of the preexistence of ideas, and therefore of the soul, is at variance with this. For a harmony is an effect, whereas the soul is not an effect, but a cause; a harmony follows, but the soul leads; a harmony admits of degrees, and the soul has no degrees. Again, upon the sup¬ position that the soul is a harmony, why is one soul better than another? Are they more or less harmonized, or is there one harmony within another? But the soul does not admit of degrees, and can not therefore be more or less harmonized. Further, the soul is often engaged in resisting the affections of the body, as Homer describes Odysseus “ rebuking his heart.” Could he have written this under the idea that the soul is a harmony of the body? Nay rather, are we not contradicting Homer and ourselves in affirming anything of the sort? The goddess Harmonia, as Socrates playfully terms the argu¬ ment of Simmias, has been happily disposed of; and now an answer has to be given to the Theban Cadmus. Socrates re¬ capitulates the argument of Cebes, which, as he remarks, involves the whole question of natural growth or causation, about this he proposes to narrate his own mental experience. When he was young he had puzzled himself with physics: he had inquired into the growth and decay of animals, and the origin of thought, until at last he began to doubt the self- evident fact that growth is the result of eating and drinking, and thus he arrived at the conclusion that he was not meant for such inquiries. Nor was he less perplexed with notions of com¬ parison and number. At first he had imagined himself to under¬ stand differences of greater and less, and to know that ten is two more than eight, and the like. But now those very notions appeared to him to contain a contradiction. For how can one be divided into two ? or two be compounded into one ? These are difficulties which Socrates can not answer. „ Of generation and INTRODUCTION 167 destruction he knows nothing. But he has a confused notion of another method in which matters of this sort are to be investi¬ gated. Then he heard some one reading out of a book of Anaxagoras, that mind is the cause of all things. And he said to himself: If mil ' is the cause of all things, mind must dispose them all for the best. The new teacher will show me this “ order of the best ” in man and nature. How great had been his hopes and how great his disappointment! For he found that his new friend was anything but consistent in his use of mind as a cause, and that he soon introduced winds, waters, and other eccentric notions. It was as if a person had said that Socrates is sitting here because he is made up of bones and muscles, instead of telling the true reason that he is here because the Athenians have thought good to sentence him to death, and he has thought good to await his sentence. Had his bones and muscles been left by him to their own ideas of right, they would long ago have taken themselves off. But surely there is a great confusion of the cause and condition in all this. And this confusion also leads people into all sorts of erroneous theories about the position and motions of the earth. None of know how much stronger than any Atlas is the power of the best. But this “ best ” is still undiscovered; and in inquiring after the cause, we can only hope to attain the second best. Now there is a danger in the contemplation of the nature of things, as there is a danger in looking at the sun during an eclipse, unless the precaution is taken of looking only at the image reflected in the water, or in a glass. And I was afraid, says Socrates, that I might injure the eye of the soul. I thought that I had better return to the old and safe method of ideas. Though I do not mean to say that he who contemplates existence through the medium of ideas sees only through a glass darkly, any more than he who contemplates actual effects. ILthe existence of ideas is granted to him, Socrates is of opin¬ ion that he will then have no difficulty in proving the immortality of the soul. He will only ask for a further admission: — that beauty is the cause of the beautiful, greatness the cause of the great, smallness of the small, and so on of other things. Thus he avoids the contradictions of greater and less (greater by rea¬ son of that which is smaller!), of addition and subtraction, and the other difficulties of relation. These subtleties he is for leaving to wise* heads than his own; he prefers to test ideas by their consequer ces, and, if asked to give an account of them, goes 168 PHAEDO back to some Higher idea or hypothesis which appears to him to be the best, until at last he arrives at a resting-place. The doctrine of ideas, which has long ago received the assent of the Socratic circle, is now affirmed by the Phliasian auditor to command the assent of any men of sense. The narrative is con¬ tinued; Socrates is desirous of explaining how opposite ideas may appear to coexist but do not really coexist in the same thing or person. For example, Simmias may be said to have greatness and also smallness, because he is greater than Socrates and less than Phaedo. And yet Simmias is not really great and also small but only when compared to Phaedo and Socrates. I use the illustration, says Socrates, because I want to show you not only that ideal opposites exclude one another, but also the op¬ posites in us. I, for example, having the attribute of smallness remain small, and can not become great: the smallness in me drives out greatness. . . . . One of the company here remarked that this was inconsistent with the old assertion that .dpposites generated opposites. But that, replies Socrates, was affixed, not of opposite ideas either in us or in nature, but of opposite things — not of Me and death, but of individuals living aWMdying. When this objection has been removed, Socrates proSfds: This doctrine of the mutual exclusion of opposites is not only true of the opposites them¬ selves, but of things whiA.are inseparable from them, tor ex¬ ample, cold and heat are opposed; and fire, which is inseparable from heat, can not coiaust with cold, or snow, which is insepa¬ rable from cold, with Vat. Again, the number three excludes the number four, because three is an odd number and four is an even number, and the odd is opposed to the even. Thus we are able to proceed a step beyond “the safe and simple answer We may say, not only that the odd excludes the even but that the number three, which participates m oddness, excludes th ® even. And in like manner, not only does life exclude death but the soul, of which life is the inseparable attribute, also excludes death. And that of which life is the inseparable attribute is by the force of the terms imperishable. If the odd principle nere imperishable, then the number three would not perish, but re¬ move on the approach of the even principle But the immortal is imperishable; and therefore the soul on the approach of death does not perish but removes. . , Thus all objections appear to be finally silenced. n now the application has to be made: If the soul is im mortal, what manner of persons ought we to be? ” having rega. i not only to INTRODUCTION 169 time but to eternity. For death is not the end of all, and the wicked is not released from his evil by death; but every one carries with him into the world below that which he is and that which he becomes, and that only. For after death the soul is carried away to judgment, and when she has received her punishment returns to earth in the course of ages. The wise soul is conscious of her situation, and follows the attendant angel who guides her through the windings of the world below; but the impure soul wanders hither and thither without a guide, and is carried at last to her own place, as the pure soul is also carried away to hers. “ In order that you may understand this, I must first describe to you the nature and conformation of the earth.” Now the whole earth is a globe placed in the centre of the heavens, and is maintained there by the perfection of balance. That which we call the earth is only a small hollow, of which there are many; but the true earth is above, and is a finer "and subtler element, and is full of pU$bious stones and bright colors, of which the stones and colors in our earth are but fragments and reflections, and the earth itself is corroded and crusted over just as the shore is by the sea. And if, like birds, we could fly to the surface of the air, in the same manner that fishes come to the top of the sea, then we should behold the true earth and the true heaven and the true stars. This heavenly earth is of divers colors, sparkling with jewels brighter than gold and whiter than any snow, having flowers and fruits innumerable. And the in¬ habitants dwell some on the shore of the sea of air, others in “ islets of the blest,” and they hold converse with the gods, and behold the sun, moon and stars as they truly are, and their other blessedness is of a piece with this. But the interior of the earth has other and deeper hollows, and one huge chasm or opening called Tartarus, into which vast streams of water and fire are ever flowing to and fro, of which small portions find their way to the surface and form seas and rivers and volcanoes. There is perpetual inhalation and exha¬ lation of the air rising and falling as the waters pass into the depths of the earth and return again, in their course forming lakes and rivers, but never descending below the centre of the earth, the opposite side of which is a precipice to the rivers on both sides. The rivers are many and mighty, and there are four principal ones, Oceanus, Acheron, Pyriphlegethon, and Cocytus. Oceanus is the river which encircles the earth; Acheron takes an opposite direction, and after flowing under the earth and in 170 PHAEDO desert places at last reaches the Acherus.an lake, and this s he river at which the dead await their return to earth Pynphle gethon is a stream of fire, which coils around the earth and flows into the depths of Tartarus. The fourth river (Cocytus) is that which is called by the poets the Stygian river, and falls into and forms the lake Styx, receiving strange powers in the waters. 1 river too, f3.11s into T 3 .rt 9 .rus. . , , ,1 The dead are first of all judged according to their deeds, and those who are incurable are thrust into Tartarus, from which they never come out. Those who have only committed venial sins are first purified of them, and then rewarded for the good which they have P done. Those who have committed crimes, great indeed but not unpardonable, are thrust into Tartarus, but are cast forth at the end of the year on the shores of the rivers, w er they stand crying to their victims to let them come out, and t tey prevail, thef they arelet out and their sufferings cease; if tney pic J j whirl alone- the rivers of not, they are borne in Tartarus. The pure s