BOHN'S CUSSICAL LIBRARY. ARISTOTLE'S POLITICS AND ECONOMICS. EXTRACTS RELATING TO ARISTOTLE, FROM STANLEY'S LIFE. OF DR. ARNOLD. " His pu-sbiou Ht this time was for Aristotle those who knew him will bear witness liowdeoi)ly he was inibiicd with Aristotle's lan^^uii^re an«l ideas; liow, in earnest and unresened conversation, or ui writing, his train of tlioughts WHS affected by them — liow he lited the maxims of the Stapirite as oracles, and how his langnape was racily pointed with j>hraseci from him. I never knew a man who made such familiar, even fond, use of an author— and when he was selecting liis sun's university, with much leaning for Ciimltridge, and many things wliich made him incline against Oxford, Arhtuitc turned the scale. " ' I would nut consent,* said he, 'to send my son to a university where he would ln>,c I lie sttuly of liim.' '•'Y(»u may believe,' he said, with regard to the London University, * that 1 hav(! not forgotten the dear old Stagirite ui our examinations, and I hope he will be construed and discussed in Somerset Mouse as woll tus in the schooU.' " '* 1 am giiting pretty well to understand the history of the Roman kings, anil to (;oinmence writing. One of my most useful books is dear old Tottlir's (Aristotle's) Politics, which give one so full a notion of the state ol' xKjety and ojjinions in old times, tiiat, by their aid, one can pick out the. \v heat from the chalf in Liw witli great success." "It i> jus! as imjio-ssihle for a man to understand the (piesuous which arc now so much agitated of Church autluuity ami Church gt illustrious cttnsul of Home, in the beginning of 'the sixth century. Alter a long interval of more than six luindred years, Latin translations and comnu-ntaries began to abound, through the industry of Alberlus Magnus, 'I'homas Aquinas, and the succeeding ticholastics ; and multiplied to such a })ileh, that, towards the close of the sixteenth century, I'atricius recki»ns twelve thousand commentators on k 'j dillerent works of the Stagirite. (Discuss. I'eripatet.) This vast and \ |, cold mass of (iothic and Saracenic ilulness is now consigned to jtiat ob- " livion. But even to the best of Aristotle's commentators there are two unanswerable objections : lirst, they imiversally confound his solid sense with the fanciful visions of Plati), thus endeavouring to reconcile things totally incongruous: secondly, they a^ribe to their great master innu- meralde ojjinions mIhcIi he did not hold, by making him continually dog- matize, where he only nu'ans to discuss. To the same objections those more modern writers are liable, who have drawn their knowledge of Aris- totle's philosophy from any other than the original fountain. ►i I. Ills BIUTII-PLACK, STAGIUA. Ill jiul.ir in tliip, not that his autliority should have boen most resj)ectc(l in the ages h'ast qualified to appreciate his merit, hut tliat philosopliers sliouhl liave despis^ed liis name almost rxactly in proportion as tliey adopted liis opinions. The mul- tiplied proofs of this assertion, wiiich 1 shall have m-casion to produce in examining his works, will not, it is presumed, ap- pear uninteresting to men of letters. Those who know some- tiiing of Aristotle, must naturally be desirous of knowing all that can Ikj told; and of seeing, comprised within a narrow compass, the life and writings of a man, whose intellectual mngnitude ought to have preserved and shown him in his proper shape to the impartial eye of history, but whose pic- ture, beyond that of all other great characters, has been most miserably mangled. Aristotle, who flouri?;hed in Athens when Athens was the ornament of Greece, and Greece, under Alexander, the first country on earth, was born at Stagira towards the beginning ^ of the 99th Olympiad, eighty-five years after the birth ; of Socrates,' and three hundred and eighty-four before the I birth of Christ. The city of Stagira^ stood on the coast of ] Thrace, in a district called the Chalcidic region, and near to ^j the innermost recess of the Strymonic Gulf.'* It was origin- i ally built by the Andrians,* afterwards enlarged by a colony I ' Socrates drank the hemlock, accordinjs to most authors, the first year I of the Ooth Olympiad ; luui, accordinp to Diodorus Siculus, the first year .i of tlio 'J7th. Socrates therefore died at lea^^t cipht years before Aristotle \\ was born. Tlie latter was one year older tiian Philip, and three years \^ older than Demosthenes. Vid. Dionys. Haliearn. Epist. ad AmmiTum. ,; Tliis chronolopy is clearly ascertained by various critics. See Bayle's ;| Dictionary, article " Aristotle." I know not therefore why Lord Mon- itoddo and the late Mr. Harris (two modem writers who have paid great ;| attention lo Aristotle's works) should say, and frequently repeal, on no Vi - - - - --_.--..- - l)elter authority than that of the Life of Aristotle ascribed to Ammonias, 'T Johannes Philoponus, that tlie Slagirite was three years a scholar of i; Socrates. i: ' Sirabo Excerpt, ex lib. vii. p. 331. He calls the place Stageirus. |, ' P'olcnu'i Geogrpph. According to his diyision, Stagira was in the 1 Amphaxetide district of Macedon. Herodot. 1. vii. ch. 115 ; and Thucvd. 1. iv. ch. c. b '2 * IV LIFE OF ARISTOTLE. Irora Eubocan Chalcis,' and long numbered among the Greek cities of Thrace, until the conquests of Philip of Alaccdon extended the name of his country fur beyond the river Stry- nion, to the conlines of Mount Khodope.'' Stagira, as well as the neighbouring Greek cities, enjoyed the precarious dignity of independent government ; it was the ally of Athens in the Veloponnesian war, and, like other nominal allies, experienced the stern dominion of that tyrannical republic. It afterwards became subject to the city and conuuonwealth of Olynthus ; which, having subdued Stagira and the whole region of Chal- cidice, was itself besieged by Piiilip of Macedon ; and, with all its dependencies, reduced by the arms or arts of that politic prince, in tlie first year of the 108th Olympiad, and 348 years before tlie Christian era.** That the resistance of Sta- gira was obstinate, may be inferred from the severity of its punishment ; the conqueror nised it to the ground.^ Aris- totle, who was then in his thirty-seventii year, had been re- moved from Stagira almost in his childhood ; and he appears not, in that long interval, to have ever resided in it, and even rarely to have visited it."' But the misfortunes which fell on that city gave him an opportunity of showing such ardent af- fection for his birth-place, as is the indubitable proof of a feeling heart. Through his intiuence with Alexander the Great, Stagira was rebuilt;*^ both its useful defences and its ornamental edifices were restored j its wandering citizens were > Justin. 1. viii. c. 13. ' 'I'luncL' the frivulims (lisj)uto ninong modern biupriiiihcrs, wholhiT Aristullc, whu was ically a (iirck, ought tu bi: dcfnii'd ii Maceduni.m i»r a Thrut'iun. St-e Suuilcy and Hnicker's Lives of Aristolle. ' (jillics' History ol" Am icnt (ireecc, vul. iv. o. xxxv. * lMuiuri;lj, advtM^us Culot. p. ITJG; and de Kxil. p. (>i)h. * Uionys. llalicuiu. Kpisl. ad Ainuiu'uni. Arinnoiiius and Diogcii. Laert. in Aristot. " l»iin. Nat. Hist. 1. vii. c. 21); and Valer. Maxim. 1. v. c. 0. Plu- larch prefers to all the pleasures of the epicurean, the delights whieh Aristotle nm>t have fell wlien he rebuilt liis native city, and jilaced in tlieir hereditary seats his expatriated eountrynien. IMutareh. advers. lil)icur. ]). UVJ7. lie ascribes the rebuilding of Stagira to .\ristotle'=' iuUueuce with Philip. HIS lURTn-ri^AfE, stagira. v colloctcd, 5iii«l reinstated in tlicir posscpsions ; Ari>totlo Inm- sclf n^gulatt'd tlioir «;ovcrnnient by wise laws; and the 8Ui- {liritcs instituted a festival to commemorate the generosity of Alexander, their adnnred sovereign, and the patriotism of Aristotle, their illustrious townsman.' The city of Stajrira indeed owes its celebrity wholly to Aristotle and his family ; and, if its name is still familiar to modern ears, this proceeds merely from its havinj; communi- cated to our philosopher the appellation of Stajjirite.^ His father, Nicomachus, who was the physician and friend -"^ of Amyntas, king of Macedon, is said to have derived his descent, through a long line of medical ancestors, from -/Esculapius, the companion of the Argonauts, whose skill in the healing art had raised him to a seat among the gods.* Nicomaclius improved a branch of knowledge, which was the inheritance of his family, by writing six books on natural philosophy and medicine.'' To the same illustrious origin which distinguished Nicomachus, the testimony of one ancient biographer^' (but liis )f. Anonym, upud Suid. in Aristot. Lilerully, " Nauirc's st'creliiry." - DifigciJ. Luert. in Arislot. ' Idem il)id. * Ditjnys. Kpist. ad AtniiJiiMiiii, Dio^en. Lnert. ibid. * Idem il)id. • Dicpeii. Liioit. ibid, ' Or ratliiT, the mind or iiiUUiti, vort r/'/c ClaTplfl^)^:. Idem ibid. " I'iiiluponns de Eternit. Mund. iidvers. I'loilum, vi. 27. * Diugcn. Lacrt. ubi supra. i ins MrFRAUV INDUSTUV. Ml his very sinuuliir inciit fnWoA not to recoinmond liim to the •liseerning adiniratioii of Plato, witli whom ho continued to' reside twenty years, oven to liis ma^^tcr's deatli ; alike carclesH of the honours of a court, to whicli the rank and connexions of his family might liave opened to him tlie road in Macedon ; and indifferent to the gh)ry of a name, which his great abilities might early have attained, by establishing a separate school, and founding a new sect in philosophy.' At tiie same time that Aristotle ai)plied so assiduously to tlie embellishment of his mind, he was not neglectful, wt are told, of whatever might adorn his person. Ilis figure was not advantageous; he was of a short stature, his eyes were remarkably small, his limbs were disproportionably slender, and he lisped or stammered in his speech. '^ For his ungra- cious person Aristotle is said to have been anxious to com- pensate by the finery and elegance of his dress ; his mantle was splendid ; he wore rings of great value ; and he was fop- pish enough (such is the language of antiqtiity) to shave both his head and his face, while the other scholars of Piatt kept their long hair and beards. To some learned men, the omis- sion of such particulars might appear unpardonable ; yet, in a life of Aristotle, such particulars are totally unworthy of be- ing told ; since his love for ostentatious finery (probably much exaggerated by his enemies) was in him merely an accessory, which neither altered his character, nor weakened that ardent passion for knowledge which reigned sole mistress of his soul. In men born for great intellectual achievements, this passion must, at some period of their lives, suppress and stifle every other ; and, while it continues to do so, their real happiness is probably at its highest pitch. The pursuit of science in- deed, not having any natural limitations, might be supposed to invigorate with manhood, to confirm itself through custom, ' oiT€ (T\oXf)i' y'fyov^H'OQ, ovT( iciav Trtiroifjrwf n'iptoiv. Dionys. Epist. (\d Amtiijrum. ' Diopcn. Lacri. in Aristot. — Plutarch, dc Discrim. Adulat. pt Amic. y. 53, s;\ys, " iliat nuiny imitated Aristotle's sluUcriiig, as they did Alex- ander's wry neck." VIII LIFE OF ARISTOTLE. and to operate tlirougli life with unceasing^ or increasing energy. But tliis delightful progress is liable to be inter- rupted by other causes than the decline of health and the decay of curiosity ; for great exertions are not more certainly rewarded by celebrity, than ceUbrity is punished with, envy, which will sometimes rankle in secret malice, and sometimes vent itself in open reproach ; wrongs will provoke resentment ; injuries will be oflered and retorted ; and, a state of hostility being thus commenced, the philosopher, in defending his opi- nions and his fame, becomes a prey to the wretched anxieties incident to tlie vulgar scrambles of sordid interest and sense- less ambition. Of this melancholy remark, both the life and the deatli of Aristotle, as we shall see hereafter, will atford very forcible illustrations. riato died in the first year of the l()8th Olynjpiad, and 338 years before tjje Christian era. He was succeeded in the Academy by Speusippus, the son of his sister Potona; a man far inferior to the Stagirite in abilities ; and however well he might be acquainted with the theory, not strongly confirmed in the practice, of moral virtue, since he was too often and too easily vanfjuished both by anger and pleasure.' Aristotle appears not to have taken oirem-e that, in the succession to his admired master, the strong claim of merit should have been sacrificed to the partialities of blood. In some of the latest of his writings, he speaks of Plato with a degree of re- spect approaching to reverence. Soon after that philosopher's decease, Aristotle wrote verses in his praise, and erected altars to his honour:'^ and the connexions which he himself liad already formed with some of the most illustrious as well as the most extraordinary personages of his own or any age, might naturally inspire him with the design of leaving Athens, after he had lost the philosojdjcr and friend whose fame had first drawn him thither, and whose instructive so(.'iety had so long retained him in that eelebrated city. One of the memorable characters with whom Aristotle " Diotjcn. Lacrt. in Spcusipp. • lekin ; ami Ainmuiiius in Aristot. ins IJESIDENCF, "WITH IIERMEIAS. IX maintained a close and uninterrupted correspondence, was Hernieias, style»ihis, a pritKf niui |ihilos»>pliir of Bitliyni.i. SiikIhp. '■■ ' Diodor. Sicul. 1. xvi. sect. \Ti. ''Dionys. Episl. ad Ammwum. X I.IFK OF ARISTOTLE. propping, by his friendly aid, the declining age of his early guardian. Aristotle found at Atarneus the wish of Plato realized ; he beheld, in his friend Ilcrineias, philosophy seated on a throne. In that city he resided near three years, enjoyinj^ the inex- pressible happiness of seeing his enlightened political maxims illustrated in the virtuous reign of his fellow-student and sove- reign. But, to render liis condition enviable, an essential requi- site was wanting, namely, that of security. Artaxeixes, whose success against the rebels in Egypt had exceeded his most san- guine hopt'S, could no longer brook the dismemberment of the fair coast of ]\Iysia, through the usurpation of a slave and a eunucli. ]\Ientor,' a Greek, and kinsnian of ^Icnmon the Kliodian, a general so famous in the Persian annals, had sig- nalized his zeal and valour in the Egyptian war. Ho was one of those crafty and unprincipled Greeks, whom the am- bitious hopes of raising a splendid fortune often drew to a standard naturally hostile to their country ; and his recent merit with Artaxerxes reconunended him as the fittest instru- ment to be employed in chastising the Mysiau usurper. This employment he did not decline, although the man whom he was commissioned to destroy had formerly been numbered among his friends.'^ Mentor marched with a powerful army to the western coast, lie might have etfected his purpose by open force; but to accomplish it by stratagem, was both more easy in itself, and more suitable to his character, lie had been connected with llernieias by the sacred ties of hospi- t ; i ' Aristotle himself brands with infamy thi-J successful knave, by con- trastinj,' his proflijjiale dexterity witli the'real virtue of jirudence. 'A\Xd OMi'of flit' Kai u (pavKof; Xiytrat, etc. " A scoundrel may be clever; for oxamplc, Menlc Do Cura Uei fainiliaris, p. ,'ilJS. - Comp. Dionys. Kpist. ad Aninuiuni ; el l)ii)pen. Laeit. in Aristot. * Puhtic. 1. vii. c. ill. « Diogen. Laeil. ubi bupra. i «, HE IS INVITED TO MACEDON. XIII accession cnj^agcd by ncce«sity, and in which ho continued to be involved during his wliolc reign by ambition, seem never to have interrupted his correspondence witli tiie friends of his you til ; with those who either possessed his affection, or who merited his admiration.' In the fifth year of his reign his son Alexander was born ; an event which he notified to Aristotle in terms implying niueli previous communication between them : " Know that a son is born to us. We thank the gods for their gift, but especially for bestowing it at the time when Aristotle lives ; assuring ourselves that, educated by you, he will be worthy of us, and worthy of inheriting our kingdojn.'"'^ If this lett(*r was written at the aira of Alexan- der's birth, it must have found Aristotle at Athens in his twenty-ninth year, still a diligent student in the school of Plato. But it is certain that the Stagirite did not assume the office of preceptor to the son of Philip till fourteen years afterwards, when the opening character of this young prince seemed as greatly to merit, as peculiarly to require, the as- sistance of so able an instructor.'' In the second year of the 109th Olympiad, Aristotle, probably in consequence of a new invitation from Philip, sailed from the isle of Lesbos, in which he had resideil near two years, escaped the dangers of the Athenian fleet, which then carried on war against Macedon, and arrived at the court of Pella,'* to undertake one of the few employments not unworthy of an author qualified to in- struct and l)enefit the latest ages of the world. In the education of Alexander, the Stagirite spent near ' Gillies* History of Ancient Greece, vol. iv. c. 33. ^ Anhis (Jellins, I. ix. c. 3. ' The chronology is clearly ascertained by Dionysins of Ilalicarnassns's letter to Animtrus; yet ihe accurate Quintilian, because it served to en- force his argument, says, " An Philip|ms, Maccdonuin rex," etc. " Would IMiilip, kinc of the Macedonians, have thought lit that Aristotle, the greatest jihilosopher of the age, should have been employed in teaching his son Alexander the first rudiments of Jearninp, or would Aristotle himself have accepted of such an office, had he not believed it of the ut- niust importance to the success of our fiUure studies, that their lirst foundation should be laid by a teacher of consummate skill ?" Quintil. liistit. 1. i. c. 1. * Dionys. Ilalicarn. ubi supra. XIV 1A¥E OF AHISTOTLE. eight years ;^ during winch long period, in an office of much delicacy, he enjoyed the rare advantage of giving the highest satisfaction to his employers, while he excited the warmest gratitude in his pupil."^ The teu»per of Alexander, prone to every generous atlection, loved and esteemed many ; but Aristotle is the only one of his friends whose superior genius he appears uncciisinjzly to have viewed with undiminished admiration, and wliom he seems to have treated through life with uniform and unalterable respect, liy Pliilip and his proud queen Olympias, our philosopher was honoured with every mark of distinetion which greatness can bestow on illustrious merit. l*hilip placed his statue near to his own : he was admitted to the councils of his hi *i*reign, where his advice was often useful, always honourable ; and where his kind intercession benefited many individuals, and many com- nmnities.^ On one occasion the Athenians rewarded his good services, by erecting his statue in the citadel .* and his letters, both to Philip and to Alexander, attested his unremitting ex- ertions in the cause of his friends and of the public, as well as his manly freedom in admonisliing kings of their duty.'' But the ruling passions of Philip and Alexander, the interested policy of the one, and the lofty ambition of the other, were too strong and too ungovernable to be restrained by the power of reason, speaking through the voice of their admired ])hilosoj>her. The ambition of Alexander had early taken ^ root; and the peculiarities of his character had displayed I ! ' The autlior of thf very able Lifo of Aii.^totlu in the Dicticnary of \ Greek iuid Human HioRriiphy, already quoted, hays tliat " Arislolle s[»enL \\ aeven years in Maeeihmia. but Alexander i-njoyi-d his instruetion wiilioui inierniplion for «jnly four years." Hut ihe two Klalenjeiits arc easily tj'- i-oueilable ; for he states below that even after the beginning of Alex- ander's re^^eney, Aristotle continued to be the 'young prince's instructor, I' but that he probably " cunlined liis instruetion lo advice and suggestion ; which may possibly have been carried on by means of epistolary corre- |*, : bpondence." ?• ' Flutnreh. in Alexand. torn. i. p. GGS : and ndvers. Colot. torn. ii. p. a iVli\. I - ^ Ammonius, Vit. Aristot. * Pausanins Eliac. J * Ammonius, ibid. Sec al^o U»e fragments still remaining in Du ;^ \allc's edition, p. 1102, et seq. | HIS nDLCATioN or ai.kxandkk. xv tlicniselvcs, in a very ])ii1)li(' nnd very important transaction, wliicli hap[)cno(l several njonths Itefore tlie Stagiritc arrived at the court of Pella. During I'hilip's lUyrian ex})editi(;n, Maeedon was lionouied witli an eniluissy iVoni the gn^at king. In tlic absence of his latlier, Alexander, at tliat time searcely fourteen years ohi, received the ambansadorsi ; and his conversation with those illustrious strangers, at a period in history when the public conferences of great personages (•(tnsisted not merely in words of ceremony, aflbrded a just subject of praise and wonder. Instead of admiring their ex- ternal appearance, or asking tluMu such superficial questions p as corresponded with the unripeness of his years, he inquired into the nature of the Persian government ; the character of ( )chus, who then reigned ; the strength and composition of his armies ; the distance of his place of residence from the western coast; the state of the intermediate country, and pirticularly of the high roads leading to the great capitals of Susa and liabylon.' To his premature love of aggrandize- ment, Alexander already added singular dexterity nnd unex- ampled boldness in his exercises, particularly in horsemanship ; the most fervid affections, invincible courage, and unbending Hignity.^ In training such a youth, the Stagirite had a rich field to • ultivate ; but lie could only hope to give a new direction to jjassions, which it was too late to moderate or control. In his treatise on Politics, he has carefully delineated the plan of education best adapted to persons of the highest rank in society ; and in performing the task assigned to him by Philip, this plan was to be skilfully modified, by adjusting it to the peculiar circumstances and extraordinary character of his pupil. Alexander's loftiness could not bo conquered, but it might be made to combat on the side of virtue: if he was \ngry, it was proved to hihi that anger was the effect of in- sult, and the mark of inferiority.^ His love for military glory, ' Plutarch, in Aloxnnd. ' Idem ibid. ' iElian. Var. Ilisl, 1. xii. c. b-U XVI LIFE OP ARISTOTLE. which, while it is the idol of the multitude, will always be the pasiiou of the great, could neither bo restrained nor moderated ; but, to rival this tyrant of the breast, still niore exalted affections were inspired, which rendered Alexander as much superior to conquerors, as concjuerors deem them- selves superior to the lowest of the vulgar. Agreeably to a maxim inculcated in that book of Aristotle's Polities which relates to education, the two years immediately following puberty constitute that important period of life, which is peculiarly adapted for improving and strengthening the bodily IVame, and for acquiring that corporeal vigour which is one mainspring of mental energy. During this interesting period of youth, with the proper management of wliieh the future hajipiness of the whole of life is so intimately connected, Aristotle observes that the intellectual powers ought indeed to be kept in play, but not too strenuously exercised, since powerful exertions of the mind and body cannot be made at once, nor the habits of making tiiem be sinuillaneously ac- (luired. In eonformity with this principle, Alexander was encouraged to proceed with alacrity in his exercises, till he ac(iuired in tliem unrivalled proliciency ; after whicii, the whole bent of his mind was directed to the most profound principles of science. It is the o[)iuion of many, that a slight tincture of learning is sufUcient fur accomplishing a prince. Both IMiilip and Aristotle thought otherwise ; and the ardent curiosity of Alexander himself was not to be satisfied with sucii superlicial and meagre instructions as have been sometimes triumphantly })ublished for the use of persons destined to ruign. Tlio young Macedonian's mind was therefore to be sharpened by whatever was most nice in distinction, and to be exalted by whatever was most lofty in speculation ; ' that his faculties, by expanding and invijoraling amitlst objects of the higliest intellection, miglit thereby be rendered ea[)able of compre- hending ordinary matters the more readily and tiie more ' riutarch. in Alcxiind. 1" ul u> tu e;i I"- ta: 11.. u. ir. or I'- (•ii< eii i wi. bii. sui 111. an. I'. the thf (II.: ti.. V Alii Wi I till ili. 1 . 1. 1 A Ills ACUOATIC rillLOSOPIIY. XVll ju'rfectly.' Tliis recondite pliilosophy, which was delivered hy the Stnjiiritc, fir!*t to his royal pupil, and afterwards to hi<» hearers in the Lyceum, received the epithet of acroafic;^ to distinjruish those i>arts of liis lectures which were confined to a select audience, from other parts called exoteric, he- cause delivered to the public at lar;:;;e. It has been sup- posed that, in those two kintnt. (1(> Animii, 1. iii. c. f), 0, and Elliio. Nicom. 1. x. c. 7 and 8. ' 'I'lus (livUiun of Aristotle's works into arronfic and rxoftrir, has given ri>e to a variety of opinions and (Ii>iiutes; wliieh all have their source in i!io dillereiu aecounts jriven by Plntareh and Aulns Gellins, on one hand ; and by Sirabo, Cieero. and Anunonius, on tlie other. The i'ornier writei-s IMutarc h. in Alexand. ; and Aulus (iellius, I. xx. c. 1,) maintain that llie aeroalic, or, as they call them, llie aeroamatic works, diti'crcd from the exoteric in the nature of their subjects, which consisted in natural piiih^soidiy ami logic ; whereas the subjects of the exoteric were rhetoric, 'thics, and politics. But tl)e opuiions of both Plutarch and Gellius (for tliey do not entirely coincide) are reluted by Aristotle's references, as wu -hall see hereafter, from his I'Jhical to his exoteric works, 'the latter diss of \Nriters (Strabo 1. xiii. p. GUi^ ; Cicero ad Attic, xiii. 10; and Ammonius Herm. ad Caurpor. Ari Aulus (ullius, 1. xx. c. b. ^ Idem ibid. If these leuers be ascribed to their ri^ht authors, tlitv prove in what lij^ht Aristotle regarded his acroatic works ; he considered them merely as tex»-books. ' IMularch. do Tranquillitatc Animi, p. 174. HIS INSTRUCTIONS TO ALEXANDER. xix wns called "the Iliad of the Casket."* The Stagirite was not only the best critic in poetry, but himself a poet of the first eminence. Few of his verses indeed have reached modern times ; but the few which remain prove hirn worthy of sounding the lyre of Pindar ;2 and it is not the least sin- gularity attending this extraordinary man, that with the nicest and most suitable powers of discrimination and analysis, he united a vigorous and rich vein of poetic fancy. Aristotle carefully instructed his pupil in ethics and politics. He wrote to him, long afterwards, a treatise on government ; and exhorted him to adjust the measure of his authority to the various character of his subjects ; agreeably to a doctrine which he frequently maintains in his political works, that dif- ferent nations require ditferent modes of government, respect- ively adapted to their various turns of mind, and different habits of thinking.^ From the ethical writings of Aristotle which still remain, and which are the most practically useful of any that pagan antiquity can boast, it is easy to detect that wicked calumny of his enemies, " that, for sordid and selfish purposes, he accommodated the tenets of his philosophy to the base morals of courts."^ It may be safely affirmed, that if Alexander is distinguished above other princes for the love of knowledge '^ and virtue, he was chiefly indebted for this ad- vantage to his preceptor: the seeds of his haughtiness and ambition were sown before Aristotle was called to direct his ' Phitarrh. in Alcxnnd. vol. i. p. 688. » Mpimg. Observat. in Diogen. Laert. 1. v. p. 189. ^ Plutarch, in AU-xand. * This absurdity is broupht forward and insisted on by Brnckrr, Hist. IMiiUisoph. vol. i. p.. 71)7. Nolhinp can be more erroneous or more un- inteliipible than Brucker's account of Aristotle's philosophy. I have heard it said in his own country, that this laborious German did not un- derstand Greek. * See the proofs of this in Plutarch, p. GG8. Alexander spared the house of Pindar, when he sacked Thebes ; and the town of Kressus in Lesbos, in his war with the Persians, because it was the birth-place of Theophrastus and Phan as, Aristotle's disciples. In the midst of his ex- ppdition, he wrote to Athens for the works of the trapic poets, with the dilhyrarabics of Tclestus and Philoxcnus, and the history of Philisius. c 2 XX LIFE OF ARISTOTLE. education ; his excellencies therefore may ho ascribed to our philosopher ; ' his imperfections to himself, to Philip, above all to the intoxicating etlects of unbounded prosperity. This is the language of antiquity, and even of those writers who are the least partial to the fame of the Stagirite. After the most intimate communication during the space of eiglit years,'-^ the pupil and the preceptor separated for ever, to pursue, in a career of almost equal length, the most oppo- site paths to the same immortal renown ; the one by arms, the other by philosophy ; the one by gratifying the most immo- derate lust of power, the other by teaching to despise this and all similar gratilications. During his eastern triumphs, ter- minated in the course of ten years by his premature death, Alexander (as we shall have occasion to relate) gave many illustrious proofs of gratitude to the virtuous director of his youth. One incident, and one only, seems to have occasioned some disgust between them. At leaving the court of IVlla, Aristotle recommended, as worthy of accompanying Alex- ander in his Persian ex[)edition, his own kinsman Callisthenes, an Olyntiiian ; a learned and certninly an honest man, but of a morose, unaccommodating temper, pertinaciously attached to the old system of republicanism, which the lather of Alex- ander had overturned in Greece ; equally daring and inflexi- ble in his purposes, and unseasonably bold in his speech.^ Aristotle himself perceived and lamented his faults, and ad- monished him in a line of Homer, "that his unbridled tongue might occasion his early death.""' The prophecy was fulfilled. Callisthenes, not reflecting that "he who has once conde- scended" (in the words of Arrian) "to be the attendant of a king, ought never to be wanting in due . xiv. ' Arrian. Exped. Alexand. 1. iv. c. 8. * 'llicv^io(io^ dt) fwt TiKoi; Unaiai ol ayopir^jf. II. xviii. 95. PLAN OF ins IjIFE 1\ ATHHNS. XXI exacting the same marks of homage from the Greeks wliich were olicerfully paid to him by the Persians.' The manner of Callisthencs's punisliment and death is related more vari- ously* than ahiiost any historical event of such public noto- riety ; but most writers concur in opinion, that he met with the just reward of iiis rashness and arrogance. This trans- action, it is asserted, much estranged Alexander fron^ his an- cient preceptor. 1 he assertion however is not accompanied with any solid proof ;^ and the absurd calumny, that Aris- totle not only regarded this pretended displeasure as an injury, but even proceeded to the wickedness of joining in a con- spiracy against Alexander's life, is warranted by nothing in history, but a hoarsay preserved in Plutarch,^ and the affected credit given to the monstrous report by the monster Caracalla, for the unworthy purpose of justifying his own violence in destroying the schools of the Aristotelian philosophers in Alexandria, the burning their books, and depriving them of all those privileges and revenues which they enjoyed through the munificence of the Ptolemies, Alexander's Egyptian successors.* Having taken leave of the Macedonian capital, Aristotle returned to his beloved Athens; where he spent thirteen^ years, almost the whole remainder of his life, instructing his disciples, and improving the various branches of his philoso- phy. His acrnntic lectures were given in the morning to those who were his regular pupils.'' A considerable part of ' Arrian. ubi supra. ' By Arrian, Curlius, Justin, Diogenes Laertius, Philostralus, and Suidas. ^ Alexander's resentment is inferred from a vapieand hasty expression in a letter to Anlipater ; " Ibv ci (Tat illiberal rejjroaches on his memory, because he preferred to himself Theophraslus for his successor. Suidas in Aristoxeii. and Arislocles apud Eusebium. ^ Diogen. Laert. 1. v. sect, I and b. HIS ACCUSATION AT ATIinXS. XXV ]\omh of tlie accus.ition wcro, *' that Aristotle lind conimcmo- rated tlic virtues both of his wife Pythias and of Ijis friend llernieias, with such ceremonies and honours as the piety of Athens justly reserved for the majesty of the pods." To Ilermeias, indeed, lie erected a statue at Delphi ; he also wrote an ode in his praise. IJoth the inscription and the ode have come down to modern times; the former simply relating "the unworthy and treacherous death of Ilermeias ;" and the latter "extolling virtue above all earthly possessions ; and especially that generous patriotism, for the sake of which tlie native of Atarneus, rivalling the merit of Hercules and Achilles, had willingly relinquished the light of the sun ; whose fame there- fore would never be forgotten by the Muses, daughters of memory ; and as often as it was sung would redound to tho priory of IlnspitnhJe Jovc^ and the honour of firm friendship." ' From the frivolousness of the accusation respecting Ilermeias, which was considered as the chief article of the impeachment, we may warrantahly conjecture that the reproach of worship- ping Pythias with honours due to Eleusinian Ceres, was al- together groundless : but in a philosoplier, whose intellectual 1 rather than his moral virtues have been the object of panegy- ric, we may remark with pleasure both the strength of his friendship, and the sincere tenderness of his love, since both atlections must have been expressed with an amiable enthu- ^ijism, to enable even the malice of his enemies to interpret them into the crime of idolatry. U I It must not be dissembled that the accusation, and consc- he quent condemnation, of Aristotle by the Areopagus, has been lel ascril)ed to a ditferent cause from that above assigned, and re- ferred merely to the impiety of his tenets. He is said by those who have carelessly examined his works, to have de- nied a Providence, and thence to have inferred the inef- ficacy of prayers and sacrifices : doctrines, it is observed, which ne A ho .nil -'US Laerlius in Aristot. .\lhen£cus, xv. p. 697. XXVI LIFE OF ARISTOTLE. could not but enrage the priesthood, as totally subversive of its functions, establishments, aud i^evcnucs.' But never was any accusation urged more falsely or more ignorai tly. Aris- totle, as it will be shown hereafter, enumerates the priesthooil among the functions or otlices essentially requisite to the ex- istence of every community. In writing to Alexander he eays, that those are not entitled to bo high-minded who con- quer kingdoms, but ratlicr those who have learned to form just notions of the gods ;"^ and in his life, as well as in his works, he uniforndy showed his veneration for religion in general, by treating witli great tenderness,^ even that distorted image of it retk'cted from tlie puerile superstitions of liis country.* lie is said to have written his own defence,'' and to have inveighed, in a strong metaphor, against the increasing dege- neracy of the Athenians.^ His discourse, of which the bold- ness would only have inilamed the blind zeal of his weak or \yieked jutlges, was not delivered in court : since he escaped his trial by seasonably (juitting Athens for Chalcis in Kubaa, saying, in allusion to tiie death of Socrates, that he was un- willing to atl'ord the Athenians a second ()])portunity of sin- ning against philosopliy.' lie survived his retreat to the shores of the Kuripus scarcely a twelvemonth ; persecution and banishment having probably shortened his days.* * Origines contra Cclsuni et Brukeri, Histor. Critic, vol. i. p. 790. ' Pluiunli. in Alexand. * This IcmU'riH'ss, however, did not, prol)al)ly, satisfy the Athenian priests ; who, as it will ai^pear from the foUowin^; analysis of his works, bud nitiiv lo apprehend Ironi his real piety, than to fcur from his pretend- ed iiK'lifiion. * Diopii. Laert. 1. V. sect. 10. But the best proof of this will appear hereafter, when we come to examine Aristotle's works. * His deleuee, (aTToXoyi'a I'lrrii^tiai^,) aecoidiiij? lo the biographical nc^ tice ill the Dictionary above quoted, is still in existence. But its auihen- lieiiy was doubted even by the aneients. Atheii. xv, IG, p. GUO. * Laeit. 1. V. sect. IG '()x»'»i t'""' u\i>y yiiiHinicu. Homer's deseription of the ^i;arilens of Alcinous. "The lip rottinj; on the tiK," alludes to llu Athenian syc(»phants, {nvKO(pdi>Tai,) so called originally from informinp' against the exporters of fi^rs. " /Klian, iii. Mj. * Justin (i>i Admon. ad (Icntes) and St. (irepory Nazianzcn (contra Ju- lian.) say that he died through the uneasiness of discontent at not bein^ HIS TESTAMENT. XXVl! Ilis tcstnmcnt, preserved in Dioj^enes Lnertius, accords ^vitli tlie circunistnnces related eoiieerning bis life, niid prac- tically illustrates the liberal maxims of bis pbilosopby. An- tipater, tbc confidential minister of Pbilip, regent of Macedon both under Alexander and after bis demise, is appointed tbe executor of tbis testament, witb an authority paramount, as it should seem, to that of the otlicr persons who arc afterwards conjoined with him in tbc same trust. To bis wife Iler- pyllis, (for be had njarried a second time,) Aristotle, besides other property in money and slaves, leaves the choice of two houses, the one in Ciuilcis, the other bis i)at('rnal mansion at Stagira; and desires, that whichever of them she might pre- fer, shouhl be properly furnished for her reception. He com- mends her domestic virtues; and requests bis friends that, mindful of her behaviour towards him, they would distinguish her by tlie kindest attention ; and should she again think of • 41 a husband, that they would be careful to provide for her a suitable marriage. To Nicomacbus, bis son by tbis Herpyllis, ,n- ft and to Pythias, tbe daughter of his first wife, be bequeathed n- ff the remainder of bis fortune, witb tbe exception of bis library and writings, which he left to bis favourite scholar Theo- phrnstus.' He desires that bis daughter, when she attained a marriageable age, should be given to Nicanor, the son of his ancient benefactor Proxenus ; and failing Nicanor, that his esteemed disciple Theophrastus should accept her hand and fortune. Tbe bones of bis first wife, Pythias, he ordered to be disinterred, and again buried with bis own, as siie her- self bad requested. None of his slaves are to be sold ; they arc all of them either emancipated by his will, or ordered to able to explain the cause of the tides of the Kuripns ; tipon whicli au- thority the puerile story is inprnfted of his throwing himself into that arm of the sea, sayinc. " Vou shall contain me, since 1 cannot comprehend you." Others say thai he ended his life by poison to escape the venge- ance of the Athenians. (Rapin's Comparaison de Platon et d'Aristote.) Such unwarranted reports would not be worthy of mention, did tiiey not afford an opportunity of observing the extreme improbability that Aris- totle should have been guilty of suicide, since he always speaks of it as of a shameful and cowardly crime. • Slrubo, xiii. 113. XXVni LIFE OF ARISTOTLE. bo manumitted by his heirs, whenever they seem worthy of liberty; an injunction conformable to the maxims inculcated in his Politics, that slaves of all descriptions ought to be set free, whenever tliey merited freedom, and are qualified fj:;t'n. » PliUiiich. de Virlut. Mural, p. lltt. KXTKAOWDINATIV FATE OK HTS WRITINGS. XXIX eilifice of pcicnce, tlic plnn of wliicli we arc Ptill orjablrMl to (k'lineatf from liis ini|)crfect and mutilated writin;zs. Tlic extraordinary and unmerited fate of these writings, while it excites the curiosity, must provoke the indignation of every friend to science. Few of them were published in his life-time ; the greater part nearly perished through neglect ; ami the remainder has been so grossly misapplied, that doubtp have arisen whether its preservation ought to be repanled as a benefit. Aristotle's manuscripts and library were beriueathed to Theophrastus, the most illustrious of Ins pupils. Theo- phrastus again betpieathed them to his own scholar Is'eleus, who, carrying them to vScepsis, a city of the ancient 'J'roas, left ihem to his heirs in the undistinguished mass of his pro- )i(M'ty. The heirs of Neleus, men ignorant of literature and careless of books,' totally neglected the intellectual treasure that had most unworthily devolved to them, until they heard that the king of Pergamus, under whose ilominion they lived, was employing much attention and much resenrcli in collecting a large library.'^ With the caution incident to the -ubjects of a despot, who often liave recourse to concealment ill order to avoid robbery, they hid their books under ground ; and the writings (if Aristotle, as well as the vast collection of materials from wliieh they had been composed, thus remained in a subterranean mansion for many generations, a prey to •lampness and to worms. ^ At length they were released fron» ' Strabo, lib. xiii. p. HUS nnd G09. Knyle pivfs too strong a nirnning t'l iiiMTaig arOpdiircti^, mIu'II he calls \\\vm "gens idiots:" inwrrjt mrans rtru- nho i-(vith that ' nf Strabo, ])y su]']i(tsiiip tlial Nclciis indeed Hold Aristotle's library and ^u.rks to kins iMuleniy. but not before ho had taken the pret amion of liavinp the whole cari'lully cojiied. Arcordiiic to those Mrileis, the books thus eopied, and not the oricinals, siitfered tlie un"«()rthy treatment men- tinned in the text. This supposition seems liiphly improbable; for, not t't mention the dinieulty of copying, in a short time, many thousand M>lumes, it cannot be believed that riolemy, hud he been in possession of XXX LIFE OF ARISTOTLE. their prison, or rather raised from the grave, and sold for a large sum, together with the works of Theophrastus, to Apellicon of Athens, a lover of books rather than a scliolar ; ' through whoso labour and expense the work of restoring Aristotle's manuscripts, thougli performed in tlie same city in which they liad been originally written, was very imperfectly executed. To tliis, not only tlie ignorance of tlie editors, but both tiie condition and the nature of the writings themselves, did not a little contribute. Tiie most considerable part of his acroatic works, which are almost the whole of those now re- maining, consist of little better than text books, containing the detached heads of his di^^courses ; and, through want ot' connexion in the matter, peculiarly liable to corruption iroiu transcribers, and highly unsusceptible of conjectural emend- ation. What became of Aristotle's original manuscript we are not informed ; but the copy made for Apellicon was, together with his whole library, seized by Sylla, the Roman contpieror of Athens, and by him transmitted to Home.'' Aristotle's works excited the attention of Tyrannion, a native of Amysus in Pontus, who had been taken prisoner by Lucullus in the Mithridatic war, and insolently manunntted,'* as Plutarch says, by Muraina, Lucullus's lieutenant. Tyrannion procured the the t,'eimine works of Acistotlc, would have purchasod at a hiffh i)iii( those counterfoils, whicli liad no other connexion with that i)hil«iS(iiihir than heurini; his forged name on their tiile-page. (Aninionius ad Cat* - gor. sub init.) Ilail a correct copy of the Slagirite's works adorned ihi- library of Alexandria \inder llio lirst Ptolemies, his genuine iiliilosoithy would have struck deeper root, and made further progress than it «vtr did, in tiwit Egyptian eajjital. Vossius (de Sect. IMiilosojdi. c. xvi. p. 811) endeavours to prove that Athenanis's words (which are certainly in- correct) imply that Neleus retaineil Aristotle's works when he sold all the rest. ' Strabo says, " ratlier tiian a pliilosopher." « IMutarch. in Sylhi. » Plutarch speaks with the dignity becoming a man of leUers, who feeU himself superior to the prejudices of his times: ''That to give liberty by nianunjission to a man of Tyranmon's education and merit, was to rci» him of that liberty which he naturally and ebsenlially possessed. " Plutarch, in Lucull. n. jU4. NlMnFR AM) MAGNITIDE OF HIS WORKS. XXXI manuscript by paying court to Sylla's librarian ; and commu- nicated the use of it to Andronicua of Khotles, who flourished a.< a pliilo?»opher at Rome, in the time of Cicero and Pom- pey ; and who, having undertaken the task of arranging and correcting those long-injured writings, finally performed the duty of a skilful editor.' Though the works which formed the object of Andronicus's labours had suffered such injuries as the utmost diligence and sagacity could not completely repair,''^ yet in conscciuencc of lliojc labours the Peripatetic philosophy began to resume the lustre of wliich it had been deprived since the days of The- (iphrastus ; and tiie later adherents to that sect, as they became uccpiainted with tlu; real tenets of their master, far surpassed the fame and merit of their ignorant and obscure predecessors.^ From the o'ra of Andronicus's publication to that of the in- vention of printing, a succession of respectable writers on civil and sacred subjects (not excepting the venerable fathers of the Christian church) confirm, by their citations and criti- ci^ujs, the authenticity of most of the treatises still bearing Aristotle's name ; and of more than ten thousand^ commen- ' Phitarch. in Syll. Porpliyr. in Vila Plotini. Bnriiiis in Proa?niio li1»ri (le iiif(T])ret. Strabooiily says that Tyrannion, in the manner men- tioned in the text, pot possession of the mannseript ; which was copied f'T the Roman booksellers by careless tiatiseribers, -who did not even take the pains of comparing their copies with the orij;inal : a ncplieence, be oltscrvcs, too common amonpthe transcribers bolh in Home and Alexandria. ' PiVe-i after this publication, Aristotle's followers were obliced ra rroXXa hkotioq \fyfii' Cta to Tr\r]9oi; roiv o^a()Tuov, " often to puess at liis meaninp, through the fiiultincss of his text." Strabo, in the place above cited. ' .Strabo, 1. xiii. p. GOO. lie observes, "that the Peripatetic philoso- phers succeedinp Theophrastus had, till this time, but few of their master's wnrks, and those few chic fly of the exoteric kind ; so that tlicy were more conversant about words than thinps ; and instead of reasoning ac- I urately and profovndly, were contented with displaying their skill in 'lialeetic and rhetoric." I have thus paraphrased the obscurity of the "riginal (pi\ofTO(pnv irpayf^iaTiKujg and Btrn^ \t]ko9i^hv, because Strabo, ^vhohad himself diliccntly studied Aristotle's philosophy, (Strabo, i.xvi. p. T'')?,) uses the word rr nay iiar tKu)^, most probably, in the same sense in ^hich it occurs in Aristotle, as synonymous with oKpif^u)^, Kara aXtjOnavi and in opposition to ^ioXiktikuj^ and to diaXiytoOai XoyiKtog, * Patricias Discuss. Peripatcl. XXXii LIFE OF ARISTOTLE. tators, who have endeavoured to illustrate dilfereut parts of his works, there are incomparably fewer than might have been expected, whose vanity has courted the praise of su- perior discernment by rejecting any considerable portion of them as spurious.* According to the most credible accounts, therefore, he composed above four hundred'-^ dill'erent trea- tises, of which only forty-eight** have been transmitted to the present age.^ But many of these last consist of several books, and the whole of his remains together still form a golden stream^ of Greek erudition, exceeding four times the coU lective bulk of the Iliad and Odyssey. ' Compare Diojienes Laertius in V'it. Aristot., Putric. Discuss. PtTipa- tetic, Fubncius Biblioihec. (Jiiec, and Bruckurus Hislor. I'hilosi. arlic. Aristot, ' Diug;{'nes Laertius (in Vit. Aristot.) niaksey. The whole works of Aristotle, therefore, nmsi have contained a (juantity of prose, equal to sixteen times '2^,U^^ verses ; a fact the more extraordmaiy, since the jrreater part of his writiiif^s are merely ele<;iint and comprehensive text books, containing the heads of his lectures ; laborious, but clear reiisonings ; and often ori- ginal discoveries in the most dilUcull branches of science. The following' passage concerning him in the French Encyclopedic, (article Aristott- lisme,) must excite a smile of something more than surprise. " Lenoni- bre de ses ouvrages est prodigieux ; on en put voir les tiires en Uiogt nc Laerce . . . encore ue sommes nous pas sCirs de les avoir tous : il c>t inome probable que nous en avons perdu plusieurs," etc. ^ ^ The treatises de IMantis el de Mundo are rejected by nmst writer.v The former is, indeed, of little value ; the latter, of the greatest; but 1 do not cite it as an authority, because it is my ambition to place my ac- count of his philosophy beyond the reach of cavil. ♦ A \ery excellent table of Aristotle's works, with a brief but accurate sketch of their contents, and an account of their transmission to the pre- sent time, will be found appended to the Life of the philosopher by l*ru- fcssor Stahr in the Dictionary of Greek and Homun biography. * Veiiiet llumen orationis aureum fundens Aristoteles. Cicero, Acadeni ii. 3"^. INTRODUCTION, JOHN GILLIES. L.L.D. Tins book embracc3 three subjects, the noblest and most interesting that civil science can boast : the origin of society find government ; the distinction of ranks in a comraonwealth ; and a comparison of tlie best plans of political economy. On each of these topics I shall olfer a few remarks, not with the presumption of interposing my own judgment, but v/ith the iiope of justifying or illustrating the decisions of my author. In explaining the origin of political society, Aristotle writes neitlier the satire nor the panegyric of human nature ; wluch, by writ(TS of less wisdom than fancy, have been al- tirnately substituted for plain history. In this, as in all other inquiries, his first question is, what are the phenomena? Ilia -ccond, what is the analogy of nature? Building on these )undationa, he concludes that both society and government re as congenial to the nature of man, as it is natural for a ,'liuit to fix itri roots in the earth, to extend its branches, and to scatter its seeds. Neither the cunning, cowardly princi- ples asserted by Ilobbes and iMandeville, nor the benevolent moral affections espoused by Shaftesbury and Hutcheson, ac- ording to our author's notions, ought to be involved in the Milution of the present question : since the first political so- ioties arc as indepentlent of human intelligence, and there- lorc of moral determination, as the instinctive actions of plants ind insects, tending to the preservation of their respective \ind3, are independent of any intelligence of their own ; even vhen they move and operate conformably to the law8 of the iinst consummate wisdom. Government, then, is coeval with society, and society with d XXXIV INTRODUCTION. men. Both arc the works of nature ; and therefore, in ex- phiining their origin, there cannot be the smallest ground for the fanciful aupposition of engagements and contracts, inde- pendently of which the great modern antagonisit of Arir^totle declares, in the following words, that no government can be lawful or binding: "Tlie original compact, which begins and actually constitutes any political society, is nothing but the consent of any number of freemen capable of a majority, to unite and to incorporate into such a society. And this is that, and that only, which could ;j:ive bc^-nning to any lawful go- vernment in the world."' From this maxim, which is per- petually inculcated in Locke's two treatises on government, is fairly deducible the inalienable right of mankind to be self- yoverned; that is, to be iheir own legislators, and their own directors ; or, if they find it inconvenient to assume tlio ad- ministration of ati'airs in their own persona, to appoint repre- sentatives who may exercise a delegated sovereignty, essen- tially and inalienably inherent in the people at large. Thence results the new inalienable right of all mankind to be fairl)- represented, a riglit with which each individual was invested from the connnencement of the world, but of which, until very recently, no one knew the name, or had the least notion of the thing.'^ From this right to fair representation, there follows, by necessary conseiiuence, the right of universal suffrage, universal eligibility, and the universal and just preponderancy of majorities in all eases whatever. Such is the boasted and specious theory begun in the works of our Locke and our ]Molyneux,^ continued in those of our ' Locke's Works, voh ii. p, IS5, edit, of 171 1. * According to the sysfem uf Locke and his followers, reprcspntativc? arc appointed by the ijcopio to exercise, in their stead, political liuictioii.- Mliiciilhe people have a rij;ht to exercise in their own persons. Thtv are elected by the i)eople, they derive th(.'ir wlioie power from the pt-o- iile ; and to the people, their consiiliicnls, tliey always are rcsi)onsib!i Of this doctrine, Mr. Locke is the lirst or principal author. But tin term representatives, in the usual and Ic^al acceptation of the word ii. the English consliiulion, meant, and still means, persons in virtue d their election exercising political functions, wiiich the people had not a right to exercise ui their own persons, and so little re^ponsible to their electors, that they are not even bound to follow their instructions. That the ancients were not unacquainted with representation in the usual and only i)ractical sense of the word, will be sliown hereafter. ^ Sec his Case of Ireland, reprinted by Ahnon, p. 113, and again, !'■ IXTUODUCTIOy. XXXV Price' and our Priostley,^ and carried to the utmost extrava- giince in those of (I wish not to say our) Housseau,^ Inline,* and the innumerable pamphleteers whose writings occasioned or accompanied the American and French revolutions. Such works, co-operating with the peculiar circumstances of the times, have produced, and are still producing, the most extraordinary elVects ; by arming the passions ot" the midtitudo with a false ])rinciplc, fortifying them by specious arguments, and thereby stirring into action those discordant elements «-hich naturally lurk in the bosom of every conununity. It is not consistent with my design, in defending the tenets of my author, to answer his political adversanes with declamation and obloquy, — (a rash and dangerous attempt ! since the voice of the multitude will always be the loudest arul the strong- est,) — but'merely to examine whether the fundamental maxim (»f their great master, Locke, be itself founded in truth. To prove that government is merely a matter of consent, lie as- sumes for a reality a wild fiction of the fancy ; what he calls a state of nature, which he defines to be " men living to- gether according to reason, without a common superior on ciu'th with authority to judge between them."'' 15ut he him- self seems aware that this supposed natural state of man is a state in which man never yet was found ; and in which, if by \iolencc thrust into it, he could not remain for a single day. Locke, I say, saw the difficulty, which, instead of meeting, he. only endeavours to elude. " Where are there," he asks, " or ever were there, any men in such a state of nature?"*^ He answers, " that since all princes and rulers of independent L^overnments, all through the world, are in the state of nature, it is plain the world never was, and never will be, without numbers of men in that state."' But this, 1 aifirm, is not to answer the proposed question ; for princes and rulers of inde- pendent states do not live together, nor associate and ** herd," as he himself expresses it, in the same society. If they did so, they could not subsist without government : for government and 169. " I have no other notion of slavery, but being bound by a law to which I do not consent." ' Observations on Civil Liberty, etc. ' Kssiiy on the First Principles of Govemment. ^ Dtj Contrat Social, ou Principes du Droit Politique. * Uifrhts ot Man, etc. » Locke's Works, vol. ii. p. 1G4. • Ibid. p. IG'2. ' Ibid. d 2 XXXVl INTRODUCTION. society are things absolutely inseparable ; they commence to- gether ; they grow up together ; they are both of them equally natural ; and so indissolubly united, that the destruction of the one is necessarily accompanied by the destruction of the other. ■ Tliis is the true sense of Aristotle, as understood and expressed by an illustrious defender of just government and genuine liberty. " As we use and exercise our bodily mem- bers, before we understand the ends and purposes of this ex- ercise, so it is by nature lierself that we are united and associated into political society." ' Locke, who so severely, and, as I have endeavoured to j)rove, so unjustly arraigns what is called Aristotle's Meta- physics, appears to have equally mistaken his Politics. Had lie understood^ the invaluable work to which he refers in terms of commendation, this idol of modern philosophers, and especially of modern politicians, would not probably (since he was a man of great worth as well as of great wisdom) have produced a theory of government totally impossible in practice; a theory admirably fitted, indeed, for producing revolutions and sedition, but according to which, as is evinced by all history, no political fabric ever yet was reared ; or if it were to be reared, could ever possibly be preserved.^ The neglect or misa})prehension of some of the most important parts of Aristotle's writings is indeed most deeply to be la- mented. Of the many thousand authors who have copied or commented on his Logic, the far greater number omit his in- teresting chapters on language ; deeming the consideration of ' Qucmadmodum ijjitur mernbris utimur, priusquam didicimus oujus ea ulilitatis causjl liabcamus ; sic inter nos nostra ad civiltm coininuni- tatein coujuncti et consociali sumus. Dc Fin. Bon. el Mai. lib. iii. c. '20. Conf. de Oiliciis, lib. i. c. 10, et seq. Cicero does not say " conimunila- tem " simply, but *' civilem cominunilatom," uhich agrees with Aris- totle's definition of man, ^iLov ituXitikui', not merely a herding^ but a political animal. See the same doctrine in Polybius, lib. vi. c. 4, vol. ii. p. 40(1, edit. Sweiph. - Among Locke's private letters, there is one to Mr. King, -w* o had asked him fur a pi; n of reading on morality and politics. "To proceed orderly in this," Mr. Locke observes, "the f«nindation should be laid in inquiring into the ground and nature of civil society, and how it is formed into dillerent models of government, and what are the several species of it. Aristotle is allowed a master in this science, and few enter into this consiileration of government without reading his Politics." How honour- able a testimony ! ' ArLstot. Poiit. passim. See especially book iv. ch. 1, p. 1'2G. INTRODICTION'. XXXvii words below tlte roQ, Plato in Repub. ix p. oiK), D. Xl INTKCUUCTION. they began to relish the pleusuroa of repose ; and instead of* courting new dangers abroad, to imitate at homo those objects and conveniences which, though they had not the genius to invent, they gradually acquired tlie taste to approve, the vanity to display, and the desire to accumulate. Manufactures then were established : navigation was exercised for the purpose not only of war, but of tralhc : an extensive commerce was in- troduced ; and colonies were planted. Tiie avowed purpose of all those operations was to augment in each country the (quantity of gold and silver ; since, with those precious metals, all other coveted objects might usually be procured. The business of each individual merchant is to get money; and commercial nations, it was thought, could not reitsonably have any other end in view. This false principle was regarded as the basis of all sound political arithmetic ; and the most con- clusive reasoning of Aristotle, in the book now before us, would not perhaps have sulHced to prove, that national wealth ,^ ,/.ittionsisted not in gold and silver, had not the ruined state of ^ Spain confirmed experimentally the same important truth. ,cWFor many years back, political writers have acknowledged, f^-ivith our author, that the real wealth of nations consists in the productive powers of their land and labourT ^ley acknow- le(Ige~atsC), wittrlrim7^artlio^)re(Mous inetals, in contradis- tinction to other useful connnodities, have only the peculiar advantage of serving as the fittest instruments of exchange, and the most accurate measures of value ; but that the quantity of number in which they ought to be desired or accumulated is, like the quantity and number of all other measures or in- strumenis, naturally limited and fixed by the ends and oper- ations which they are employed to answer or etlect.' Yet, while they reason thus justly respecting gold and silver, the same writers have not sullicient enlargement of mind to ge- neralize their assertion, and to perceive with our author that property itself is as much an instrument as money, though ' It is worthy of remark, that Locke is one of the most strenuous as- aerlers of the now exploded doctrine concerning money, which he con- siders "as tlie most solid and substantial kind of wealth, regardinp the multiplication of the precious metals as tiie great object of political economy." See tlie passage quoted and refuted in Smith's Wealth of Nations, vol. ii. p. 110, 8vo edit. It i'^ time that, with regard to subjects titill more important, men should return from tlie school of Locke to that of Aristotle. INTRODUCTION. xli serving; tor ft far more complicated purpose ; and tlierefore, if it be collected in greater quantities than that purpose recjuire?, the suri)lus will be at best useless, most commonly pernicious ; will inflame desire, foment luxury, provoke rapacity, and pro- duce that lonjj; train of disorders, which made our philosopher declare, "that the inhabitants of the Fortunate Isles, unless their virtue kept pace with their external prosperity, must inevitably become the most miserable of all mankind."^ In the lashionablc systems of modern politicians, national wealth is considered J\s synonymous with national prosperity. To the increase of productive industry and the augmentation of pub- lic revenue, both health, education, and morals arc sacriticed without apology and without remorse ; since that trade is uni- versally held to be the best, which produces most money with the least labour. But according to Aristotle, it j_s not the^ (juantity or the value of lhe_work produced, that ought.4o iorm TlTcjnain^^oQecr^LllH)--^^^ whicITThe producing of that_"vv0rk natttr«U}^iireat_es_im the niindand T)0(ly of the'workmen. In the praises of agricul- tiirc~{rniiTrcouTnTyTrfe,'^ur author's sentiments and expres- sions have been faithfully and generally copied by the most judicious writers of antiquity ; many of whom mark with as much reprobation as Aristotle himself, that species of traffic which is cultivated, not for accommodation but for gain ; since such a traffic, universally diffused among a people, has a tend- ency to pervert their feelings, and to confound their princi- ples ; to make them value as ends, things only useful as means ; and to debase and corrupt every part of their charac- ter ; because wherever wealth is the primary object of pursuit, luxury will naturally alTbrd the principal source of enjoyment. In agriculture and pasturage, the energy of nature co-operates with the industry of man. They are, of all occupations, the most beneficial and most necessary, as well as the most agree- able and most salutary ; conducing, with peculiar efficacy, to the firmest and happiest temperament of the mind and body : and the property acquired by them is intrinsically more valu- able, because essentially more useful, than any other property whatever. Our author likewise maintains, that those natural and primeval pursuits are of all the least likely to engender 6loth, intemperance, avarice, and their concomitant vices ; and ' Polit. book vii. ch. 16. > XUI INTRODUCTION. that nations of husbandmen, in particular, afford materials susceptible of the best political form, and the least disposed to disturb, by sedition, any moderately good government un- der which it is their lot to live. In consideration of so many advantages attending it, he concludes that nnidJabaiiLi^ught t^jJijiJhiLmQ&tLikvpured branch of juitioiiflLjiulustj-y ; an opi- nion which nothing but the intrepidity of ignorance, fortilied by false system, could venture to contradict. Yet, ho w^ far othorjrnethoda of accunmlaimgr Ktnc]c,-l^<'side those pj-o|)Qsed byijiini_aiyjioivouglit--to-beadiniU4Ml and-4.'ncourHgod,_Qr dis- catirag(!d and rcjer.fed^imiitt^^i^peiHl— a n (tirc u ms taj«;e8 and je^xintvthfi_fQrce_jQfj\vJiLLih4}te plnlosoj^^^'s-experience could not supply him with the means exactly to appreciate. From the artifices and shifts whicli lie explains, — (and he is the only writer that explains then),) — as practised by the repub- lics and princes of his own and preceding times, for the purpose of raising money, it was impossible ibr him to conjec- ture that, in a future age of the world, monarchical govern- ment should attain such stability as would render the public revenues a safe mortgage to creditors ; that the immense debts contracted through the facility of borrowing, would have a direct tendency, by interesting a great nimiber of powerful individuals in the permanence of constituted author- ities, to augment that facility itself, and thereby still further to accumulate the national debt ; for discharging the interest of which, heavy taxes must necessarily, but not altogether unprofitably, be levied, since they would in some measure re- pay, in public security, the burdens which they impose on personal labour, or rather the sums which they withdraw from private property. But taxes to a great amount cannot possi- bly be raisecljjexceplin comitnes JloumhmgT^ resources as agriculture and pasturage alone were never yet able to atford ; resources, which can only be acquired__by_war'ftiid rapine, on_ tlie oiie hand, or obtained on the other, by the powers of natiouaUinduiitry, assisted ^a4-mtttttptHAj j^JJij' most cojnpluMUed^m^^ a nd an^ end l ess subTli vis ion of ' ^allottedTtasks ; eacTT i ncl » v iduiiT pertbi^ming^Jiiisjiart quickly ^^■y^'^' and dexterously, because each has but one, and that a small 1 part, to perform ; while the diligence of all is perpetually a stiniutated by the bait of gain, supplied from the exhaustless fund of an enlightened commercial spirit, as extensive as the iNTnonucTiON. xliii world, and fi9 cnterprisini; ns those renowned ndvcnturcr3 who discovered and explored its remotest regions. It is in vain to inquire whetiier the plan of political economy imj' pTTsrft^y^Ansttrri^HKrTTTTtBct^^ tluTrwht^ some m()r[ern_i)atjon3 jMirsue. Tsatfons, circumstanced as they are, may derive armies chiefly from agriculture, but must princi- pally depend for supplies on manufactures and commerce. The option of their own or a better system is now no longer in their power : the question of expediency has ceased : they mu.n obey necessity.' This seems to me the only firm ground of defence for whnt is called the commercial system of economy ; a system which has often been defended by very inclusive arguments. "Pub- lic wealth and prosperity," Mr. Hume observes, "is the end of all our wishci4!L^d this wealth or prosperity, both he and his follower, ife. Srijitb, maintain, is only to be promoted by 5 (k'- h encouraging, with equaMnix>ar^ality, aJMdnds of lawful in- ^~ dustry i_for Jivough food bcjhe gr eat want ormanj^nfl. yet line man may produce as much food as will maiutaiiL many.'^ ' It is not difficult to explain why the doctrines of speculative poli- ticians, rosprctiiiK the weaUh and economy of nations, should also ditler «o materially from the theory prop(»sed by our author. Amonp the Gothic nations who subdued the Roman empire, every thing most vahiablc and most interesting is connected with the improvement of arts, and conse- quent extension of commerce ; which were the only engines that could coimleract without violence their peciiliar and unnatural arrangements with regard to landed properly. Previous to the Ychnement and luxury introduced by commerce and the arts, the great landholders, who had engrossed whole provinces, dissipated the superfluous produce of their .'rounds in maintiuning idle servants and worthless dependents, ever ready to gratify the wildest and wickedest of their passions, to abet their inso- h'lice, to uphold their haughtiness, to encourage and second their violence and rapacity ; and the governments of Europe, ignorantly termed aris- tocracies, formed the worst species of oligarchy ; an oligarchy consisting, not in the collective authority of the whole body of landholders, but in ihe prerogatives and powers of each individual lord over liis respective viissals and retainers. In such a condition of society the expensive allurements of luxury, produced by what Aristotle condemns as over- retinement in arts and manufactures, had the most direct tendency to n medy evils greater than themselves, to undermine the exorbitant power '>f the few, and to bestow consideration on the many. This particular •ISO has been, by a very usual fallacy in reasoning, converted into a :• nernl political axiom. ' Huvie's Essays, Tol. i., '^RefineTncnt of Arts;" and Smith's Wealth »f Nations, passim. jjliv INTRODUCTION. But this ftsseriion is not true in the acceptation in which it mubt be taken, in order to rccommenil tlio commercial system above the agricultural. In n«:5riculture, as we above observed, nature operates in concert with man ; and though one family co-operating with nature, may, in a given piece of ground, produce as much food as will serve six, yet six families la- bouring the same ground, will not reap a proportional in- crease ; and twenty families labouring the same ground, may find it barely sullicient to supply their own nourishment. The more that the land is laboured, it will be the more pro- ductive ; and the more fitly and fairly it is divided,' (other circumstances remaining tlio same,) it will be the more la- boured ; and tlie same country or island will thus maintain the greater proi)ortion of inhabitants employed in that kind of work, which, according to Aristotle, is the most favourable to healtli, morals, good government, tlie development of intel- lectual as well as corporeal powers, and the attainment of that measure of happiness which the general mass of mankind can ever in this world hope to reach. ' Does our author, tliereforc, propose an Agrarian law ? No; he IcncM? better. Tin; second b(;ok of liis I'olilics is, of uU works ever wrillcn, the best adapted to prove to levellers themselves, lliat the measures Irora which ihey expect so much pood, if carried into execution. Mould infalli- bly terminate in their own ruin and that of the community. ANALYSIS or ARISTOTLE'S POLITICS. In'TRODUCTORY. — Aristotle, in conformity with In's usual rustom, commences the first Book of liis treatise with a prac- tical inquiry into the parts or elements of which the state i"i composed ; and having laid down a brief outline of the first principles of man's social nature, and of domestic life i!i its various relations, he shows how tiiese relations na- turally combine into that form of social existence which is called a state. But before entering theoretically into the natui\^ of the best state, he gives, in Book II., a brief account of, and criticism upon, the various forms of government which have been devised by philsosophers and politicians. In Book III. he proceeds to discuss in detail the state, the citizen, and^ the iiovernment, with its various forms, and their respective perversions and corruptions. In Book IV. he gives a brief outline of his *' Polity," or perfect republic, (TroXirtta,) with an enumeration of the magistrates necessary for carrying it out : while Book V. enters philosophically into the causes which tend to overthrow it. In Book VI. he returns to the subject of democracy and oligarchy ; while in the two con- cluding books of his treatise — (which has evidently come down to us in a mutilated condition) — he enters into an ela- borate discussion of the best regulations of government in liis ideal polity, descending to the comparatively minute par- ticulars of the sites necessary for towns and houses, and the laws requisite for regulating matrimony and the education of the young, with a special view to the interests of the com- munity. In Book VIII. he commences his inquiry into the education of the young, which breaks off most abruptly just at i xlvi aristotlf/s politics. [book I. tliG point where we should most earnestly have desired to see our author's- opinions fully and fairly worked out, in the de- velopment and practical application of those principles which he has so carefully laid down. BOOK I. Introductory. — The first book divides itself into three parts. (1.) Chap. i. and ii., concerning the family (oT«foc) and village (ic/ \pr]^UTifrTiKyj) comes partly under okoiof.ua. C'nAP. IV. — Possessions (icT///iara) are parts of a house; and hence // KTrjnu) is part of the economic art. Possessions are either animate (dv^ux^) or inanimate, {tfi\lv\(t,) and relate either to 7roir;/Ttc or to rpuliQ. A slave (foDXoc) is a living instrument for practical pur- poses, (ifi;lv\n}' vpyarov tQv npuQ rriv Trpnlir,) and he is l\ part of his master, though separable (^wpt^ror). Tiie description of the characteristics of a good slave. Chap. v. — Some arc slaves by nature and birth, ((^urrtr,) as others are free and born to rule. This point established by sundry analogies, from tlie soul witli regard to the body, from the male with regard to tlie female, etc., and from inanimate things. We infer, then, that subjection is a law of nature ; and as some men are born wholly inferior to others in mental and moral endowments, it is clear that it is not only expedient but just that they should be slaves. Mental power and energy is the test of free birth ; mere bodily etlicicney marks the slave, whose whole excellence {upiTi)) lies in mere bodily activity. Chap. vi. — There is also a second kind of slavery, which is not natural, but by compact and agreement, (»o^^;,) as for example, where prisoners taken in war are reduced to the rank of slaves. Some persons think this slavery just, others unjust. Aristotle attempts to reconcile the conflicting opinions by laying down, that while such slavery is abstractedly unjust, still to a certain extent it is defensible, because sanctioned by the common law of nations. But it must be always unjust, when the war from which it results is unjust, or when persons of noble birth are enslaved. Slaves and their masters can have an identity of interest, if they are such ipi/ati ; but nothing of the kind .can exi?t xlviii Aristotle's politics. [book i. between the conqueror and his captive, because that relation does not exist between them ^pvau. Chap, vii.'— Despotic and civil {noX'tTiKi}) rule differ; the former is over slaves, the latter over freemen. The ruler of a household has monarchical or despotic power. The test of political government is the alternation of power and olHce between the rulers and the ruled. Tlie science of ruling a household, so far as it relates to slaves, is of an inferior character. J| Chap. Yiii. — Domestic rule is over, (1.) Persons; as wife, ^ children, and slaves. (2.) Possessions. Having already explained the herile relation, Aristotle postpones (to chap, xii.) the further discussion of the domes- tic rule over per6oiiSf and confines himself to that over jyo.s- semofis. Money-gotting (»/ xp»?/^«^»'^nk//) diflers from the economic art, in that tlie work of the ioYxu(yr\sJqj)7di'ide, of the latter low5'). Such a state of things, instead of binding families to- gether, would do away with family afTcctions, and so weaken the state. CiiAr. IV. — It would nlso give rise to incests and murders, which would be inexpiable. Certain other difhcultics and inconsistencies noticed in the Kepublic of Plato. How fai>the community of wives should be extended. Evils arisitig from the interchange of children, and from the fact that nature will defeat the end proposed by So- crates, by the likeness of the children to individual citizens. CiiAr. V. — As to community of property, instead of bringing about unity, it will be the parent of discord. It will also cause neglect, for what is everybody's busi- ness is nobody's. It will deprive individuals of the pleasure derived from that which is ro 'iCiov k:nt to dyaTrrjroi'. It will cut off opportunities of practising the virtues of temperance and liberality. This too great unity, then, will destroy the very essence of a state, as harmony would be destroyed if all sounds were reduced to a single note. A state then is not a mere individual, but a body com- posed of dissimilar parts, (n\r)8o£ U Qvn^oitjjr,) and its unity is to be drawn "ex dissimilium hominum consensu." The perpetuity of the magistrates in office, which flows as a consequence from the myth in Plato concerning the three classes of citizens, in whose natures gold, silver, and brass are blended, will be a further cause of strife. It is also absurd to attempt to make the whole state happy, while its component parts are deprived of their proper happiness. CiiAP. VI. — Plato's book of Laws discussed. e 2 lii Aristotle's politics. [book ii. It omits all mention of many important points ; such au the discipline of the citizens. It divides the citizens into two classes or castes, but says nothing of the lower class bearing arms. It says nothing of the education of the lower class. It confines itself to htvSy and says little about govern- ment. Some discrepancies noticed between the " Laws " of Plato and his " Republic." General character of the Socratic dialogues. Absurdity of framing polities which cannot be realized ; and of using vague terms ; And of enforcing equality of property. It is better to regulate the population. Pheidon the Cor- inthian. Plato. Plato's state lends to a perfect community of goods, but does not approach the true standard of excellence. Great merits of the Spartan constitution ; it blends to- gether a variety of forms. The monarchical form has not justice done to it in the Republic of Plato. Prevalence of the oligarchic principle in the election of senate. Chap. vii. — The ideal state of Phaleas ; based on equality of property, as a guarantee against discord. We object, iirst, tliat he limits the property, but not the number of the citizens ; And further, that an equality of property does not suffice to suppress discords ; Because, if men do not contend about goods, they will for honour. Other points are left undefined by Phaleas, as to military affairs and external policy. Chap. vin. — The ideal state of Hippodamus consisted of 10,000 citizens, divided into three classes, artizans, hus- bandmen, and soldiery. The land of the state to be divided into three parts, sa- cred, common, and private. Tlu-ee kinds of law-suits to be admitted, with one su- preme tribunal of appeal; and the amount of punishment CHAT. IX.] ANALYSIS. ]iii to 1)0. settled by the sentence of the judges written on a tablet. Honours and rewards to be given to those wlio have done good. service to the slate, and their chihlren to l)e reared at the public expense. The magistrates to be elected by the three classes of the I)coph\ Objections of Aristotle against the system of Phaleas. (1.) He has done wrong in giving full rights of citizens to tlio second and third chiss, though ho has deprived them of arms. (2.) The husbandmen till the land, not for themselves, but for the soldiery. (3.) There is no cla.s3 to till the public land, each being busied with its own duties. (4.) The oflice of the judge is confounded with that of an arbiter. (.5.) The system of rewards tends to produce calumnies and detractions, and tlius a premium is offered for innova- tions ; but a chnnge of laws and institutions is perilous in any state. Chap, ix.^— In testing a constitution, wc should ask, (1.) whether it is consistent with the idea of perfection or not? and (2.) whether it is consistent with itself? All political writers agree that citizens should be ex- empted from illilx^ral arts and labours. But they differ as to the means of effecting this end. The Spartan constitution faulty, (1.) Because it allots the illiberal arts to strangers, and gives agriculture to the He- lots. (2,) It does not enforce authority over the women. Hence the women at Sparta, and indeed in all warlike states, grow licentious, owing to the long absence of the male population who are serving in arms. (3.) Too great a share of property is given to the women at Sparta. (4.) The choice of Ephors from the lower ranks is ob- jectionable. (5.) The 8cnatoi*8 relain their office when they are too old and past their work. U? Aristotle's politics. [book ii. (6.) The common meals are open to objection as being defrayed by private and not public cost. (7.) The permanency of the post of admiral of the Spar- tan fleet is objectionable. (8.) Tlie end of the Spartan constitution and of the in- stitutions of Lycurgua, namely, war, is a wrong end. As was [)rovcd by fact : for Sparta throve, as long as she was engaged in war and acquiring power; but as soon as yhc had gained the summit of her ambition, she fell through luxury and licentiousness. Chap. x. — The constitution of Crete is like that of Sparta, though less skilfully contrived. How Lycurgus became acquainted with the legislation of Minos. The natural advantages of the situation of Crete. Analogy between tlie Spartan Helots and the Cretan serfs — common tables — the Ephors and Cosmi. Objections against the constitution of the senates of Sparta and Crete, as irresponsible {ayvmvdvioi). Practical evil consequences. The insular position of Crete saves it from external at- tacks, and keeps the serfs from revolting. Chap. xi. — The constitution of Carthage is like the two above mentioned : but better ; for it has remained a long time un- changed. Common tables. Council of the " hundred and four," answering to the Ephors and Cosmi. The kings or sutfetes at Carthage chosen on a better principle than at Sparta. The ruling body ciiosen on a good principle. Tendency of this state to pass into an oligarchy. Advantages of placing political power in the hands of those only who have a competency. Two points to be remarked in the constitution of Carthage ; (1.) Admixture of oligarchic and democratical principles. (2.) Pluralism, and its ill eifects. Chap. xn. — Different writers on Politics, both statesmen and philosophers. Various opinions concerning Solon. Fusion of different elements in the Atlienian system. ( IIAF. I. — 111.] ANALYSIS. Iv Aristocraticftl tendency of the Areopagus ; tliis was grn- ilually (linnnislied as tlie popular power increased after the Persian war. Solon introduced a plutocracy. Ills different ranks. Other legislators. BOOK III. This book naturally is divided into two parts. (1.) Chap, i. — v., in which tiie definition of a citizen and of a city or state is considered. (2.) Chap. vi. — xvii., which discuss succes- sively the various forms of government. CiLvr. I. — First question, •'what is a state V It is a whole body or system made up of citizens. What then is a citizen? To answer this, let us first sec who arc wo^ citizens. Slaves, sojourners, children, degraded persons, (an/ioi,) are not called citizens, because they have no share in the government. It is this share which constitutes a man a citizen. Ob- jection answered. But in ditferent states it is not always the same persons who will have the rights of citizens ; ( c. g. in a tyranny the people have no sliare.) Hence our definition of a citizen will only a})ply strictly to a democracy or polity ; for no one can be truly a citizen who is absolutely excluded from obtaining civil power. Chap. ii. — The popular definition of a citizen, as a person who has one parent at least a citizen, considered. Its absurdity shown by considering the case of the first founders of a state or a family. The true test of citizenship is the actual right of holding office ; whether justly or unjustly, it matters not. Coap. III. — The identity of a state is not altered, though its outward form is changed. When may a state be said to be the same ? Its identity does not consist in mere sameness of situation. Is it then in containing the same inhabitants ; as a river or fountain is still the same, though its waters are for ever changing ? Ivi Aristotle's politics. [book hi. Na for the form of government may be changed, though its material part continues the same. It consists therefore, in the same form of government being preserved. Chap., iv. — The good man and the good citizen are not ab- stractedly (ctTrXuic) the same ; nor, consequently, is the virtue of the one and of the other the same. For the virtue of a good man is always the same, since it i8 the union of all the moral virtues. But that of a good citizen differs with the form of go- vernment ; and in the same state the virtue of some citizens differs from that of others. The virtue of a ruler in a state, and of a good man, may possibly be the same ; and in the best ideal state, the good citizens must also be good men. The peculiar virtue of a ruler is ^poiijatt, or prudence. Servile occupations do not befit citizens. In a political government, or that of equals, the citizen must learn how to obey and conmiand ; and therefore, to some extent, the virtue of a good citizen and of a good man may be identical. Chap. v. — Reasons for regarding mechanics as citizens, and also for excluding them from citizenship. In the best state, mechanics and tradesmen will not be citizens. They may be admitted, however, to civil rights in an oligarchy or democracy, especially if they become rich. Chap. vi. — Being about to speak concerning the various forms of government, Aristotle now proceeds to define a common- wealth {iroXirela). The government differs according to the number of hands in which the supreme power is lodged. Man is a social being, and has a natural tendency to asso- ciate with others, even apart from all consideration of per- sonal wants and mutual benefits. The rule of a master over his slave is primarily for the benefit of himself, and accidentally for that of his slave ; but the master of a house rules over his wife and children for their common good as well as his own. CHAP. VTl. — IX.] AyALTSIS. Ivil Just SO, in states, the ruling body, be it composed of one or of many, may regard the interest of itself only, or that of the entire community. All those forms of government which regard the common good, are right and proper forms. And those which do not, are perversions or corrupt forms Chap. vii. — Tiie various kinds of government. There are three proper kinds, (1.) monarchy, (2.) aris- tocracy, and (3.) a commonwealth. Corresponding to which are tlieir three respective per- versions, (1.) tyranny, (2.) oligarchy, (3.) democracy. The latter are distinguished from the former, by their regarding the interest, not of the community in general, but of the rulers only. Chap. viii. — Tyranny is a despotic monarchy: and the sub- jects of a tyranny are analogous to slaves. The state is an oligarchy when power is exclusively in the hands of the rich ; a democracy, when in the hands of the poor only ; whether they be few or many, in either case it matters not. Still it seldom happens that the rich in an oligarchy are many in number, or that the poor in a democracy are few. Chap. ix. — The Athenians held that a democracy was just; the Spartans thought in like manner of an oligarchy ; the former considering that every thing should be equal, a.s the citizens were all equal in liberty ; the latter, that things should be equal among those who were already equal in power and riches. Now neither party are wholly right. For firstly, individuals are bad judges in their own case. And secondly, they are apt to confound what is relatively just with that which is so abstractedly. Virtue and merit, not riches and liberty, ought to have supreme power in the state ; and the best citizens are not the most wealthy .or free, but those of the highest virtue. This position proved from considering the end of a state ; which is, not merely life, or mutual aid, or commercial in- tercourse, but a perfect and happy life, sufficiently supplied with external goods, and which looks to virtue as its aim. Iviii Aristotle's poutics. [book lu. Chap. x. — In whose hands ought the supreme power of a state to be lodged ? In the hands of one or of more ? The different inconveniencies which arise under each form of government. Under a democracy, there is danger of the poor laying V violent hands on the property of the rich. Under an oligarcliy, tliere is danger lest the wealthy few should tyrannize over the poor. Under an aristocracy, lest the many should be left ex- cluded from honours and othce. Under a monarchy, lest all but the reigning sovereign should be excluded. But if any one says that the law should be supreme, the ditliculty remain^ the same ; for the law must be adminis- tered by men, under any form of government, and must be accommodated to that form. Chap. XI. — -It is better to lodge po^ver jt^ the hand^^ many than of the few. For collectively the citizens will unite many points of ex- cellence which one individual could not possess. It is not however safe to intrust the iiighest magistracies to a poor and ignorant multitude, nor yet wholly to exclude them from office. They must therefore have a share in deliberative and judicial functions. Thus 80I0U gave them at Athens the right of election and of scrutiny (tvdviT)). A fusion of the upper and lower classes is good for both and for the state. Brief review of the constitution of Solon. In the professors of the arts there are three grades ; the lowest grade executes practically, another preseribes, wliile the tliird and highest studies tiie theory ; and even the lowest grade, by mere experience, comes to be a fft judge of matters within its own sphere. Just so in political matters, the multitude, even though they know nothing of tl»e political science, and hold no ma- J gistracy, still can form a good practical judgment upon go- vernment in general, and even a better one than those in office, who cannot see their own defects and errors. The supreme power should rest with the laws, if they are just. CHAT. XII. — XIV.] ANALYSIS. ^''f CiiAi\ XII. — Justice (ro dikaioi) is the end of the poUticnl scicMicc. lint justice is a ccrtftin equality; and equality is of two kinds, like justice itself. In distribution of honours, mere equality or inequality of things is not to be regnrdrd. But the end nnd interest of the stnte itself must be taken into account. Chap, xiii.— If a state contains the rich, the noble, the good, and the multitude, to which of these classes shall the public honours be given ? To answer this, let us first settle whether upright laws ought to regard the interest of the good, or of the multi- tude. Clearly they should refer to the common good: and a citizen will be one who has a share both in governing and in being governed. The citizen differs in each different form of government, etc. As to men of pre-eminent and heroic virtue, if such be found, the supreme power should be given to them ; for they stand in the relation of gods to their fellow-men; and it is absurd to legislate for such individuals ; for they are a law to themselves. Great pre-eminence, however, in merit or civil power, is an object of suspicion among citizens. Ostracism devised as a remedy against this evil in free states. Corresponding methods adopted in other states. The principle defended from the analogy of the arts. Pre-eminence of political power not to be tolerated ; but the man who is pre-eminent in virtue should be elected king, and receive perfect submission from all. Chap. xiv. — Discussion concerning particular forms of go- vernment ; firstly concerning the right forms, secondly con- cerning their perversions. Is monarchy better adapted for practical purposes than any other form ? To answer this question, we distinguish the different kinds of monarchy. IX ARIST0TLE*8 POLITICS. [UOOK HI. (I.) That established at Sparta ; which is, in fact, a per- petual generalsliip. (2.) Hereditary ; as among barbarians. (3.) Elective; called iEsynineteia in ancient Greece. (4.) Limited monarchy, such as that of the heroic times. (5.) Absolute and paternal. Chap. xv. — These five kinds may be reduced to two, the ab- solute and the Lacedccmonian forms. Two questions proposed ; (I.) Is it for the interest of the state to have a perpetual monarchy established, as at Sparta ? Tliis question postponed. (2.) Is it better to be under an absolute king, or under the best of laws ? The law docs not enter into particular cases, but the king can do so in executing the law. It is absurd, tiicrefure, to go upon a mere written law. On the other hand, the law is not atlbcted by passion as a king is. In the best state, the law and the king should conspire. Is it better to leave tlie correction of the written law to one or to many ? Three reasons in favour of the latter. Monarchy, as compared with aristocracy, is free from fac- tions ; though if tlie inembers of an aristocracy be good, they can be as one man ; hence aristocracy is to bo pre- ferred. Monarchy proved to be the more ancient form ; for it was easier to find one good man than many ; and it is only as good citizens increased, that aristocracies supplanted mon- archies, and in turn were supplanted by democracies. The love of wealth and gain next paved tlie way for oligarchies, which soon were turned into tyrannies, and these at length reverted to the form of democracies. Two questions proposed ; (1.) Whether upon the suppo- sition of a monarchy being the best form, it ought to Ix' made hereditary? (2.) Whether a king has need of arms and soldiery to support him ? The former question left unsolved : it is bad to have as kings the degenerate sons of noble parents ; but it is na- tural for a parent to bequeath his power to his son. CUAP. XVI. XVII.] ANALYSIS. 1X1 The second question solved : the king ought to have a sutricient guard to enforce the laws. Chap. xvi. — An absolute nionarcliy not natural. It is better that tlie law should be supreme, than any citizen. (1.) The citizf'us being all equal, it is unjust not to give them equal dignity. (Tiie law should be supreme, and the magistrates minis- ters of tlie law.) (2.) The law is intellect free from all passions, and the supremacy of the law is but the supremacy of God under another name. (The argument supported by the anulogy of the medical art.) (3.) Many eyes see better than one eye. (4.) Two good men are better than one. (5.) The policy of kings in power proves the superiority of aristocracy ; for they impart a share of their power to friends. Chap. x>ni. — Men are not all fitted to one kind of govern- ment ; but some to a despotism, others to a political state. Three kinds of government arc natural ; monarchy, aris- tocracy, and a republic ; tlie others arc unnatural. In a true and well-constituted republic, all the citizens should have a share of rule. AnyLpersonj)f pre-eminent merit ought to be chosen king ; for any other arrang^ement will involve an ineq^uality and Jibsurdity. The same course of education and training which make a good man, will also make a good citizen or king. BOOK IV. Introductory. — This book contains three parts: (1.) Chap, i.— iii., which treats of states in general. (2.) Chap, v.— xiii., of their different forms. (3.) Chap, xiv.— xvi., the component parts of a free state. Crap. i. — The politician ought to be acquainted with four things ; (1.) What is the best ideal and abstract polity. (2.) What is the best viewed practically. I Ixii AU18T0TLE*8 POLITICS. [bOOK IV. (3.) The nature of the constitution of his own state and its means of preservation. (4.) What government ia beat suited to all stales. Argument drawn from analogy of the arts and sciences. The medical art ought to ascertain the best abstract bodily condition, the same viewed practically, and so forth. The politician ought to study existing forms of govern- ment, and existing laws. Chap. ii. A repetition of what was said in the last book con- cerning monarchy and aristocracy, and the division of governments into natural and unnatural. We come now to consider a polity pro})erly so called ; and also to ti-eat of oli<^archy, democracy, and tyranny. A tyranny is the worst perversion, as being the corrup- tion of the best form. And consequently a democracy is the least bad perversion. An outline of our future method. CiiAP. III. — A variety of constituent parts causes a corit*- sponding variety in the forms of government. The rich and tlie poor, the noble and ignoble, etc., con- f-titute these dilferent parts. 'J'he noble, too, may be so called, from their riches, or tlieir birth, or tlu'ir personal merit. The error of those who reckon only two forms of govern- ment, oligarchy and democracy. Chap. IV. — The test of a tlemocracy is the supreme power being vested in its poor Ijut free citizens, as superior in numbers to the rest. That of an oligarcliy in its being vested in the wealthy citizens, though inferior in numbers. As the various genera of animals are distinguished by the varied composition of their bodily organs, so it is in polities. And their different genera are subdivided into various minuter species. The component parts of a stale are eight different classes. Plato censured i'or introducing into his state none but such as are employed in necessary matters of daily life, emitting such as belong to the liberal ai'ts. CriAT. V. — IX.] ANALYSIS. Ixiu Five cl)i3,sc3 of democracies ; tlic last of which is tyran- nical, because the laws arc not supreme in it. Chap. v. — Oliparchy distinguished into its four kinds. (1.) AVlicn its nienihois are chosen from a hi^rh census. (2.) When its members are cliosen from a low census, to s»ii>ply vacancies. (3.) Hereditary. (4.) When tiie richest individual is chosen, witliout re- gard to the law or merit. This tyrannical, and called a dynasty. Chap. vi. — Democracy similarly distinguished into its four kinds. In what cases the four kinds of oligarchy are respectively found. Chap. vii. — A polity, properly so called, very rarely found in existence. There are three kinds of aristocracy, to be distinguished from each other. Chap. viii. — A polity or republic. It is an admixture or fusion together of oligarchy and democracy ; its ofTices being open, as in the former, to the rich, and to the poor, a.** in the latter. And henc(^ it is called an aristocracy or a democracy, according as it tends to the one or the otherof these extremes. But the name of an aristocracy is not rightly given to it ; for an aristocracy and an oligarchy differ very widely. CnAP. IX. — The origin of a polity considered. It arises from a fusion of oligarchic and democratic prin- ciples; and this in three Avays. (1.) Where a fine is laid on the rich, and pay is given to the poor. (2.) Where the standard is moderate for the admission of citizens to political power. (3.) Where an oligarchic principle (such as election by votes) is combined with a democratic principle (such as election of persons without an income). The first test of a good admixture is, if you are able to call the same state by either name indiscriminately ; for each extreme should be recognised in the mean. Ixiv Aristotle's politics. [book iv. CiLA-P. X. — Three kinds of tyranny. (1.) That among bar- barians. (2.) Tlie CEsymnetic. These are not tyrannies, but monarchies, if exercised over willing subjects. Upon this point, see above, book iii. (3.) The last kind is that which is the most perfect coun- terpart to monarchy ; viz. wliere one individual is supreme and irresponsible, and consults his own interest, and not that of his ."subjects. Chap. xi. — The best practicable form of government and the happiest state is that in which the middle ranks are very nurnerouj. For the upper ranks, if many, become factious and de- spotic: th<^ lower classes, if they preponderate, produce fraud and malice, and tend to servility. The middle state safest and best. This kind of republic is rarely found, because a large middle class is rare : so democracies and oligarchies pre- vail. The best form of democracy, or of oligarchy, is that which most nearly approximates to this polity ; tlie worst, which departs furthest from it. CiiAP. XII. — Tiie conservative element ought to iiave greater weiglit and authority in a state than the element which is given to change. There are two things in a state, quality and quantity. By quantity is meant numbers ; by quality, wealth, no- bility, etc. Sometimes the one party excels in quantity, and the other in quality. A democracy is best where the popular party by its quan- tity surpasses the quality of the nobler class ; an oligarchy, where the contrary takes place. The law to be especially directed to the interests of the middle class. The mistakes of statesmen who seek to bend 8tatot kui i//itxp^ the case. ciiAr. II.— IV.] ANALYSIS. L\xi CiiAr. IT. — Liberty the end of democracy. Two notes of liberty : first, a sliare of governing and be- ing ^jTovcrned nltcrnately. Seeond, the ri;iljt of livin;:: nt will. Hence these two things are the concomitants of demo- cracy. The institutions of a democracy are, (1.) The election of magistrates from the whole body of citizens. (2.) That all sliall have power over each and each over all. (3. The election of magistrates by lot. (4.) The absence of a fixed census as a qualification fur ofiice. .(.5.) That no office be held twice, (6.) nor for a penna- nency. (7.) That all shall have the right of judging over all causes. (8.) The siiprenmcy of tiie ecclesia, or popular assembly, over the /5ou\»/, or senate. (9.) Pay to be given to certain magistrates. The (iovX)) will have greater power when no pay is offered to the people for their attendance in the ecclesia, or in the courts of justice. CnAr. III. — The* rights of the people in a democracy. Is the decision of the majority, or of the leaders, or of the wealthy few, to be binding ? That which is affirmed by the majority of both ricli and poor should be deemed binding. One rich man's vote should be equal to that of. two poor men. If the votes are equal, the matter must be decided by lot, or by some other way. Chap. iv. — Of the four kinds of democracies, the earliest or agricultural kind is the best The people should have conceded to them the right of electing their magistrates and of calling them to account. It is bad to exclude any section of the community from office, as such a proceeding tends to foster seditions, Tiie best method of appointing and regulating the magis- trates. Ixxii Aristotle's politics. [book vi. Agrarian regulations — share of land held by each person to be limited by law. Of the other kinds, that which is composed of shepherds is best. Other kinds of democracies — the last and worst — the reason why it is not apt to be permanent. A democracy should be strengthened by takinj; care that the plcbs out-numbiT the rest ; by an increase in the tribes ; by confiscating private sacred rights ; by a general fusion of all ranks and classes ; and by giving general licence to in- dulgence. Chap. v. — Care to be taken not only in appointing, but also in preserving a state. Tiie property of the citizens not to be confiscated, but to be consecrated. Trials to be as few as possible — so also meetings of the popular assembly. The people not to be suffered to sink too deeply into poverty. Five means'of preserving the people from poverty enu- merated. Chap. vi. — As to an oligarchy, the means of preserving it are to be inferred from what has been said upon the subject of democracy. In the best and purest oligarchy, the highest magistracies should be given to those wlio have the highest census, the lesser to those who are poorer. It is for the interest of an oligarchy to confer some lesser oflices on men of slender means. In the second kind of oligarchy a higher census is to be required, so that fewer persons may be in odice. The third and worst kind is most tyrannical, and requires the greatest attention. Af large number of citizens suits a democracy, a smaller number, if well ordered, suits an oligarchy. Chap. vn. — The commonalty divided into four classes suited to a peaceable life, and four warlike classes. CHAP. VIM. J ANALYSIS. Ixxiii The worst kind of oH};arcby will arise where the land is suited to cavulry. The middle kind of oligarchy, where the land is suited to foot-soldiers. Li;;ht-arniod troops and seamen suit a democracy. Light-armed troops to be mixed with the hoplites and cavalry. Circumstances under which the plebeians in an oligarchy may be chosen for olTicc, The duty of rulers in oligarchies to give sumptuous " liturgies." Chap. viit. — Magistrates, civil, religious, and extraordinary. What civil magistrates are indispensable to the existence of a state. Six different ofTicos enumerated. Some other magistrates of a higher order enumerated. • Religious magistrates — priests. Extraordinary magistrates — officers to superintend the women and children — the theatres and games — Nomo- phylaces. What magistrates are suited to each respective form of BOOK VII. Introductory.— This book contains three parts. (1.) Chap. i. — iv. Prefatory — concerning the best state and the best life. (2.) Chap. v. — xiii., containing certain principles as to the theoretic construction of a state. (3.) Chap. xiv. — xvii., in which Aristotle commences the practical considera- tion of the education, training, matrimony, etc., of the citizens of the best state, which he continues throughout the next book, to the end of his treatise, at least as it exists in its pre- sent state. Chap. i. — The politician should have clear views of the best life, for this and the best form of government cannot be disjoined. The happiest life is that which is based on virtue ; and our happiness is proportioned to our virtue. That a life of virtue is best for a state, may be proved Ixxiv AUISTOTLF/s rOLlTICS. [book VII. by the same arguments which prove it to be the best for individuals. External goods come in as auxiliaries (xopiyy/a). Chap. ii. — The chief good of the state is identical with that of the individual ; viz. happiness. Those therefore who regard happiness as consisting in • riches, make riches the end of a state ; and so forth. So also with reference to virtue. Two questions proposed: first, Whether the philoso- phical or political life is superior ? Secondly, What is the best form of government ? That is to be regarded as the best government, in which a man can live the best. But as to tiie former question, a dispute is raised. Some proi)ose dominion over neighbours, as the end of states, and estimate virtue by warlike prowess. Heiisons why the hitter end cannot be right, and why such a state cannot be perfect or liappy. War not to be re^'arded as an end, but as a means. The duty of a politician is to consider the true interest and happiness of the citizens. CiiAP. 111. — Is the political or contemplative life to be pre- ferred ? Reasons for preferring the latter — " the life of a citizen is servile." Keasons for entertaining the contrary opinion — " the contemplative life is indolent, and works no good." Aristotle answers that not all obedience to government is servile. Reasons for preferring upon the whole the political and practical life. Mistake of politicians as to the practical life. There are higher kinds of actions even than the carrying out of the details of government. Philosophers, in consulting and advising, follow this higher lino of action. Character of the actions of God. Chap. iv. — The best and most perfect form of government requires certain external conditions, e. g. population, a fit site, climate, etc. CHAP. V. — IX.] ANALYSIS. IxXT ^/ Only things practicable are to be desired. Iloncc Pluto's errors. The real power of the citizens not to be reckoned by their mere numbers ; the host city will be the greatest. Shives, and low mechanics, etc., are not parts of the state in reality. Too large a population not to be regarded as a sign of strength : it is not easily manngcd by the law. States, like every tiling besides, should have a certain definite size — the best size is one such as can be controlled by the laws, while it makes the state independent, and en- ables the citizens to become known to each other. Chap. v. — The site of the city should possess various advan- tages. ^ It should be self-sufticient in productiveness: Inaccessible to enemies ; easy of access to its own mem- ])ers : Commodious for sea and land traffic. Chap. ^^. — Commerce by sea profitable to the state. Advantages and dangers arising from commerce. Too large a force of sailors not to be maintained in the best state. Chap. vii. — The citizens of this state ought to be ingenious and brave. The particular merits of the European and northern na- tions ; their bravery. Character of the Asiatics ; the reasons of it. The middle position of Greece ; its advantages. Influence of climate on national temperament. Civil war most deadly in its character and results. CfiAP. VIII. — Many things necessary to a state, but not parts of it ; e. g. food. Things necessary for a state. Chap. ix. — In a democracy, different offices may be combined in one individual. Illiberal arts and trades forbidden to the citizens of the best state. Military power to be intrusted to the young ; political to the elder. Ixxvi auistotle's politics. [book vn. Some amount of wealth necessary for the citizens. The priestly order to be chosen from tlie upper ranks. Chap. x. — Things invented at the earliest date are most ne- cessary. The land should be partly public and partly private ; and each of these divided again into two portions. The tillers of the land should be a servile race. Chap. xi. — In choosing a site, regard should be had to health, to security from attack, to a good supply of water, etc. A lofty acropolis suits a monarchy or oligarchy ; a level plain suits a democracy ; a quantity of strong places suits an aristocracy. Private houses how to be arranged. Chap. xii. — The public tables to be held on the ramparts. Temples of tlie gods to be set apart from profane uses. The gymnasia ; the forum ; syssities of the priests and magistrates. Regulations for the country districts. Temples to be consecrated to the gods and heroes. Chap. xiii. — To be happy, one must choose a good end and good means. All seek happiness ; but the good need fewer things than the bad in order to attain to it. The test of a good state is the goodness of its citizens ; and men become good by nature, by habit, and by reason. Chap. xiv. — Internal discipline. Interchange of govern- ment requisite, except where a person of heroic virtue is found. Obedience the best stepping-stone towards command. War to be sought for the sake of peace. Hence the error of the Spartan constitution. Chap. xv. — Philosophy more necessary in the time of peace. Moral virtues required both in peace and in war. Tlie body to be taken care of betbre the soul in order of time ; but only for the sake of the soul. Tlie passions to be disciplined for tlie sake of the in- tellect. Chap. xvi. — The legislator should regulate the marriage of the citizens. CIIAl'. XVII.] ANALYSIS. IxXtII Aire for niarrlnge— time of year— stnte of liciilth. Abortion allowed as a check to population. Chap, xvii.— -Early rearing of rhiklrcn— diet— manner of life. Amusements — exercij*c — fables and stories. Pericxls of life for a change in education ; at seven ; at fourteen ; and at twenty-one. Manhood. BOOK VIII. Introductory.—Contains seven chapters, all on the in- struction of the young; comprising gymnastics, grammar, painting, and music. The book, as well as the entire treatise, has come down to us in a mutilated form. See observations above, p. xvii. Chap. i. — The legislator ought to take cognizance of the edu- cation of the youth ; this proved by expediency. All education should be directed by the same pattern and to the same end. And, as the part exists for the sake of the whole, this end should be the good of the state. Chap. it. — Children first to be taught such useful arts as are not illiberal and mean. It is not illiberal to study the. liberal arts to a certain point ; but they should not be studied to excess.* To study them for their own sake, or for one's own sake, or for that of one's friends, is not illiberal, but to do so for money is mercenary. CiiAP. HI. — The arts to be learned by youths are, (1.) Gram- mar and painting. (2.) Gymnastics. (3.) Music for recreation, rather than as a mere diversion. Youths to be handexl over when young to the wrestler and trainer. Chap. iv. — Gymnastics not to be enforced so far as to injure health, and so defeat their end. Mistake of the Spartans. Bravery not so often to be found in fierce M in gentler creatures. ' Du Vftllius in his Synopsis suggests as nn example in point, the case of Louis Xr. of France, who would not allow his son, afterwards Charles »ni., to study literature. Ixxviii auistotle's politics. [book viii. The same true of men. After the fourteenth y^ar, should follow a space of three years spent in harder exercises. Tlie body and the mind not to bo severely exercised at once. Chap. v. — On what account should music be cultivated ? For recreatit)!!, and for moral improvement. The moral elTects of music. Moral effects produced by some paintings. The Doric and Phrygian harmonies ; their opposite effects. Tlie Pythagorean and Platonic schools identify tlie soul witli harmony.' Chap. vi. — Youtlis should lenrn music in order to practise it hereafter, as a source of amusement. But not to an excess, nor on all instruments.^ CiiAP. vii. — Three kinds of harmony : the moral ; the prac- tical ; and the cntluisiastie. Various ends and ohj«*cts of music : ])urification of the atU'etions. (Sec Poetics.) All haruionics to be used, but not in the same way. The harmony to be suited to the hearer. The Doric is of a moral kind, as between Lydian and Phrygian. Different harmonies suit the old and tlie young.^ • Avi'ltiiln rcfuli'K iImm «>i)iiiii»ii in Ium llixl budk do Animri, ' Tims Alcxiimlur tlio (irmt, wi; urr luUl, was .severely censured by his futhor rUilip, because he i)liiyed skilfully on the lyre, " quud cximie tidibus caneret." IMut. in i*ericle. * We append here the remarks of the learned Du Vull on this last chapter. '* Sic (init i'olitica siia Aribtotelcs, quibus nuilta deesse vel hinc api)aret, quod in puerorum iiislitutione ad hue versetur. Conatus est Cyriacus Stroza. I'alritius Florentinus, ea hupplere (lua- deesse videban- lur, duobua libriit (.Iru.'ct'i ct Lutint"' a «e ad Arihiotelis niirani iinilutioneni t'dititi; ubi a»{it de fueultate niilituri. prinei|iali, et Maccrdolali. In ({Uuh 8U0S libros ipso posuit ar^'unicntuui «a(i.s elaruni ct facile. (^uanyife by adultery. It is better to marry a maiden. Display in dress to be avoided. CiiAP. V. — The herile relation. A master*8 duty towards his slaves. Slaves of two kinds. Lib erty ought to be given a s the reward of good behaviour. /Chap. vi. — T he duty of an oIkuvo^oq is toj)rocure, preserve, and use .property. Certain pi-actical precepts relativ e to domestic econ omy. ^ J. BOOK II. HAP. 1. — Four kinds of economy : the monarchical, the sa- trapical, the political, and private or domestic. Subdivisions of the above. HAP. II. — XLi. — Clever artifices by which individuals have collected large sums of money. " Sed hac sola indigent Icctione, ut intelligantur." END OK ANALYSIS. ARISTOTLE'S POLITICS, on, TREATISE OX GOVERNMEXT. INTIilODUCTORY NOTE. Politics, or the political science, (as has been ohserved in tlic Ana- lytical Inlroduclioii to the Kllucs,) was understood by Aristotle, and indeed by all the ancient philosophers, not in the narrow and restricted sense to which modern ideas have contined it, but as a science invcsti- paling the subject of human good and the nature of man, not merely as an iii'lividunl, but as a ynemhcr of the family and of the state. Hence it naturally divides itself into three currespondinp parts ; Kthics, wjiich treat of man's nature and pood, apart from the social relations ; and jyonomics and Politics, which view him imder the social relations of the family (o(»:o(;) and tiie state (rroXif) respectively. Occasionally, Imwever, the word TroXcroc// is used in a wider, as well as in its nar- r'lwcr, sense, both as embracing the two otlier branches, and as ex- clusive of them. In the last chapter of the Nicomachean Ethics, where Arist. speaks of education, and shows that it is the duty of every state to educate its members, and that the st\idy of legislation is necessary in order to qtialify jiersons to undertake the education of others, he expresses his intention to write at length upon the subject of poli- tics ; and in the last words of the chapter, he even goes so far as to sketch <'Ut the three divisions of the present treatise, thus: "Since ... all f'irmer authors have passed over without examination the subject of legis- lation, it would be better perhaps for us to examine it ourselves, and, in short, the whole subject of politics, in order that the philosophy of human nature may, as far as in our power, be completed. ..... Let us then make a commencement." (Eth. \. ch. 9.) The present treatise is that tn which he hero relers ; and it is divisible into three general parts, (I.) h. i. and ii. (2.) 13. iii.— vi. (3.) B. vii. and viii. The following table of the division of Philosophy in general, according to the Stoic and the Peripatetic schools respectively, will be useful. It may bo observed in passing that Cicero mainly follows the former of these di^ visions, Aristotle the latter. 4 v/^-^-7 J-.,- v.. / E ^vatKTi (the laws of nature). A. Hoicaldnmm. L^ ^OtKn' or rroXcn./, (moral or political eci- Oi 'i'^«/*'>»', ^vhic!l denotes merely what is good and desirable, not in itself, but as a means useful or subservient to some further end. ' ») KV(\noTUT7j. Compare ch. 2, •' But when many villages join tliem- selves perfectly together into one society, that society is a stale, (ttoXw;,) and contains in itr,ilf, if I may so speak', the i>erfection of independenc'e ; it is indeed first foujided that men may live, but continued that they n:ay live happily." i U\\\ 1.] COMrONT.NT TAUTS OF A STATK. 3 turn l»cc()inrs a ma;:istrntc and apain a private person, nc- coi«lin;r to the rules of ])()litical science. Now this is not true ; '.uv\ wliat we say will be e\ idont to ajiy one who will consider ihi.'^ (jueslion after the approved method. For MS, in every other suhjeet, it is necessary to se- ,^„''ilHtv*io'i'^" ])ar;\te its component nature, till we arrive at its rf'tiNi.rcuMi first jirst elements,' which are the most minute parts m n t Vnt'sl'^ thereof ; so by viewing the first elements of which a state '^ is composed, we shall see wherein states differ from each other, and whether it is possible to arrive at any sys- tematic knowledge concerning each of the points above mentioned. ' riiysical analysis reduces ohjccts to their component purts. Pliilo- S'.phicul iuialysis, to their orifrinal causes. The method here adopted \% tlie t'oimtr. A slate is considered as consisting of vario\is members. Viewed philosophioally, indeed, the slate exists before its component pirls, Trponpov >) ttoXij," pvfTit 7/ oiKia »/ tKaaroQ t'l^iuv. Inf. c. 2. So a ii'iuse exists in the architect's mind, before he brings tlie materials toge- ,ilier : but, physically sjx'uking, the materials exist lirst, and the house is al'terwards composed of them. ' As at the cojnmencement of tliis book Aristotle begins bis philoso- phical analysis of the real nature of a state, (voXig, or TroXtrtja.) it may be veil to insert here a few words upon the subject, for the bcnelit of the Knpliah reader. " If we would i)icture to ourselves the true notion whicli the Greeks embodied in the word ttoXiq, we must lay aside all niodern ideas respecting the nature and object of a state. With us, prac- tically, if not in theory, the essential object of a state hardly embraces ninre than the protection of life and property. The Greeks, on the other h.ind, had the most vivid conception of the state as a whole, or system, CAcry part of which was to co-operate towards some great end to which ull other duties were considered as siibordinate. Thus the aim of demo- cracy was said to be liberty : wealth, of oligarchy ; and education, of aristocracy. In all governments, the endeavour was to draw the social nniun as close as possible ; and it seems to have been w ilh this view thai Ari-stotle laid down a principle which answered well cno\igh to the acci- dental circumstances of the Grecian states, that a ttoXic must be o( a, certain size. (See below, book vii. 4, and compare Elh, Nic. ix. 10.) This unity of purpose, marked as it was in all tlic states of Greece, was no where so fully carried out as at Sparta." Accordingly, we cannot be ."•urpriscd to find that in discussing the nature of a rroXif, Aristoll'" begins ^Mlh the question, '* What constitutes a citizen?" (7roX(r;;f). " He de- tines a citizen to be one who is a partner in the lecislaiivo and judicial functions of the state. No definition, of course, will apply equally to all tJie ditFtrent states of Greece, or lo any single state at ditfertnt times ; but the above seems to comprehend, more or less, properly all those whom the common use of language entitled to that name. . . . Hecurring to Aristotle's definition, we find the essential properties of Athenian citizen- B 2 AU13T0TLE*S POLITICS. . [llOOK I. CHAP. II. A itate viewed Now if any one would watch the parts of a state Iiing**.^^'" from the very first as they rise into existence, as Necessary re- in Other matters, so here he would gain the truest mai?a.ui iifi ^'^^'^^ ^^ ^^^^ subject.^ In the first place, then, it 12.) master and is requisite that those sliould be joined to«rethcr, ***^'''' which cannot exist without each other, as the male and the'-^ female, fur the business of propagation; and this not through deliberate choice, but by that natural impulse which acts both in plants and in animals, namely, the desire of leaving behind them others like themselves. By nature too some beings connnand, and others obey, for the sake of mutual safety ; for a being endowed with discernment and forethought is by nature the superior and governor ; whereas he who is merely able to execute by bodily labour, is the in- ferior and a natural slave ; and hence the interest of master ship lu have consisted in the shftre possessed by every eitizen in the lejiis- lature, in tlie eU-etion of niugistrutes, in the coKi^iaaia, and in the eourt* ol"justiee." (See Dielionury of (ir. and Koni. Anliii-, ftrii<-"l« Cicitas, jip. •i.'i 1-230. ) For further information on this snbjec t, the reader is referred to the Analysis of tlie Sth book of Ari^lolle's Kihies jmlixedto the irans- lalion of that work by l*rof. U. W. IJrowne. (Hohn's Classieal Library.) ' There aie upon the whole two view;s held concerning the origin of society : — 1 . 'I'hat it arose by co»/i;)ac^ (Hobbes.) 2. Tlmt it arose by nature. (Aristotle.) In support of the theory of Aristotle, it is observed by Wachsmuth, tiiat " to assiniie an agreement with a view to ])ulitical society, before the commencement and trial of the same, is nearly tantamount to the propo- sition of Lord Monboddo, which allirms that language was the result of an agreement entered into for the purpose of calling it into existence." ' Compare Lthics, b. viii. ch. 12. " Between husband and wile, friend- ship is thought to exist by nature; for man is by nature a being inclined to live in pairs rather than in societies, hiasmuch as a family is prior in point of time and more necessary than a state, and procreation is more common to him, together with animals. To other animals, therefore, community proceeds thus far only ; but human beings associate, not only ftir the sake of procreation, but for the atlairs of lile." Compare also Cieero de Olf, b. i. ch. 17. Nam (Hiuin sit hoc natura commune animan- tiuni, uthabeant libidinem procreandi, prima societas in ipso conjugio est, proxima in liberis; deinde una domus, communia omnia." The whole chapter is useful, as proving that Aristotle believed in tlio progressive expansion of human sympathies. niAr. II.] noMKSTic uf.lationj?. 5 nnd slave is identical. But there is a natural difTcrenee be- tween the leinale nnd the slave; for nature docs nothing nieanl}', like artists who make the Delphic swords ; but she has one instrument for one end ; for thus her instruments aro most likely to be broujjht to perfection, being made to con- tribute to one end, nnd not to many. Yet, among Barbarians, tlio female nnd tlie slave nre upon n level in the community; the reason for ■wiiich is, that they nre not fitted by nature 'to rule ; and so their relationship becomes merely that between slaves of difterent sexes. For which reason the poets say, " Ti3 meet that barbarous tribes to Greeks should bow." as if a barbarian nnd a slave were by nature one iMir^i/sHMr* and tiie same. Now of these two societies the 'ir'^t tiie fnmiiy domestic tic is the first, and Ilesiod' is right when >"iiiau!; ul" „)'* I,,. ^.iv<* ""'• '""">■ tlie ' ■'"' state (ffoX.i). " First house, tlien Avifc, then oxen for the plough ; " for the ox is to the poor man in the place of a household slave. That swiety, then, which nature has estab- lished for daily support, is a family (oTcoc), and P^!^c"i°'^^ those who compose it are called by Charondas 'O^ioffinvni^'^ and by Kpimenides the Cretan 'OfioKavroi. But i1m; society of many families, which was instituted for lasting nnd mutuaPadvantairo, is called a village (kwiit)). » , ^ , . , .,, . "* * 11 1 I' A A «»..un defined. und a village is most naturally composed ot the ' migrant members of one family, whom some persons call o^ioynAn^Tfc,^ the children and the children's children. And hence, by the way, states were originally governed by kings,^ as the Barbarians now nre ; for they were composed .... ,. , ,1 1 1 . 1 Antiquity of ot those who nlways were under kingly govern- npai govern- ment. For every family is governed by the elder, "^*^"'' '*"'' "' • So Exod. ch. 5EX., "Thou shall not covet thy nciphbour's house, thou shall notius eonsistit, . nt beate vivant eives." See below, iii. 5, tl H ^iin rov s,t]v iyUa, uWd fiaWov ToTi lu ^yjv. Plato Kep. ii. 3.')'.), aWa fir)v irpvjni yi Kai fuyinrq Xpduiv »■/ rT/c rpo0i/f Trapaatcivt) tov tlvai rt Kai ^»i»' ivfKa. lb. yiy- j'trai Toivvv ttoXic, kTrtiCt) rvyxdvn ly/^iiv iKaaroQ ovk ai'TcipKfjc d\\a TrcXXtoi' ii'^n)(;. . ' 1. Civil f^overnnienl is natural : for a. It is the eud of the lirst Kon'ioviai. fl. Its end is the end of man's moral nature (avTupKiia). 2. Civil povernineut is by nature prior to all {xoveriuncnl, und to the . individual ; for the whole is by nature prior to its parts. CIIAr. II.] MAN A SOCIAL IlEING. 7 " No tribe, nor slate, nor home halli he." For he whofc nature is such as thi.^, must needs be a lover of strife, and as solitary as a bird of prey.' It is clear, then, that man is truly u more social animal than bees, or any of tlic herding cattle ; for nature, as we say, does nothing in vain, and man is the only animal who has reason. Speech indeed, as being the token of pleasure and pain, is imparted to other beings also, and thus far their nature extends ; they can perceive pleasure and pain, and can impart these sensa- tions to others ; but speecli is given to us to express what is useful or hurtful to us, and also what is just and unjust ; for ill this particular man differs from other animals, that he alone has a perception of good and evil, of justice and injustice, and it is the interchange of these common sentiments which forms a family and a city. And further, in the order -. „ ^ •' -^ . . 1 o M 1 The woX iv livOpionut aXV ovk ixfi—^vpionXaaia yap av Kaicd TToiij'JUfv av6pu)iro<; kokv^ dtjpiov. There are three reasons why we should not act carelessly as Iho brutes do. 1. We have certain owXa which the brutes have not. 2. Because brutes act conformably to their whole nature in obeying their lusts ; man does not. 3. Because, while brutes follow one desire only at a time, man follows several ; we therefore want some guidance. See Butler's Pref. to Ser- mons, and Sermon i. « For o/jciac CJocttling proposes to read oUovofiiag in this place. As there is some little perplexity in what follows, it may be useful here to insert the table which he gives. It is as follows : !1 . to be ( "■ ^*''^ori»fwf , according to relation of master and slave, ruled 1 /^- y^/^'fi^C husband and wife. My. TtKvoiroitiTixuti, father and child. '2. to be maintained by ( %' ''V XP'>0a. ro7f rrr/>aor.. { p. To TTopinaaBat rii xpif^ara^ V KTf]TiKi), { i. c. y) XP»?Aolitical and regal government, are all the same things, just as we said at the beginning ; but others think that despotic government is contrary to nature, and that it is cus- tom only which makes one man a slave and another free, but that in nature there is no difference between them ; for which reason that tie must be unjust, for it is founded in force.* CHAP. IV. Since then a subsistence is implied in every family, the means of procuring it certainly makes up part of the management of a family, for without necessaries it is impossible to live, and to live well. And as in all arts which have a definite Every art end, they must needs have their proper instru- nceUt instm- * This WM the opinion of Milton, see Farad. Lost. b. xii. " But man over men He made not lord : such title to Himself Resenring, human lel\ from human free." 10 AniST0TLE*8 POLITICS. [bOOK I. menti; and lucnts if thcy would perfect their works, so is it Btruments in ^" ^^^^ ^^'^ "^* managing a family. Now of instru- i.xoironun. mcnts some are alive, others inanimate ; thus with respect to tlie pilot of a ship, the tiller is without life, the sailor is a live instrument ; and so too a servant is as an in- strument in many arts. Thus property is as an instrument to living ; and an estate is a multitude of instruments ; so a slave is a living instrument, and every servant is an instru- ment more valuable than any other instrument. For if every instrument, at command, or from foreknowledge of its mas- ter's will, could accomplish its special work, (as the story goes of tho statues of Danlalus,' or what the poet tells us of the tripods of Vulcan, how *' Self-tiiiight they moved into the gudlike course ; ")' if the shuttle thus would weave, and the lyre play of itself; tlien neither would the architect want servants, nor the master slaves. Now what are generally called instruments, are the oiHcients of something else, but possessions are what we simply use : thus with a shuttle we make something else over and above its mere use ; but we only use a cloak, or a bed : since then making and uslug ditler from each other in kind, and they each reijuire their own instruments, the latter also must be ditferent from each other. Now lite is a thing whicli we use, and not an etlicicnt of something else ; and hence the slave is a minister in matters of daily use. But a i)08session Ti»e slave u ^'''^^ ^^ considered as a part of any thing ; now a merely a j>art part is not Only a part, but also wholly the pro- of ti.e master. |>erty, of something else ; and the same is true of a possession ; therefore, while a master is oidy a master of the slave, but no part of him, the slave is not only the shive of the master, but also wholly his property. This iully ex- plains what is the nature of a slave, and what is his capacity ; for that being, who by nature is not his own, but totally an- other's, and yet is a man, is a slave by nature ; and that man is the property of anotliLT, who is his mere chattel, though he is still a man ; but a cliattel is an instrument for use, separate from the body.^ ' Mentioned by Plato : see Menexcnus, cli. 39. ' Homer, Iliad xviii. 37G, ' Compare the dctinition of the (^van IovXoq given below, 6 tvvu^nvoQ CIIAI'. v.] SLAVnUY, 11 The considfm- CHAP. V. But wliotlior any por>on of snoli a nature exists, and whrtlKT it is ri;^ht and jiist lor any one to be tion ofiiu- ju*- a slave or no,' or wiietltcr all slavery is contrary p,^s",poiH^j^'^' to nature, must be considered hereafter. Not slavery Rup- tliat it is diliieult to take a philosophic view of the pyf^'i 'y "na- matter, or to infer it from matters of fact ; for that fn.m'ti'c'ni!,. some sliould povern and others be jxoverned, is not |"^n <>f "'<'i'o<'y 1 << 1 -I /> 1 1 n 'o the soul, of only necessary but usetul ; and trom tlie hour of the animal tlu'ir birth, some are marked out for the purpose rian! amW the v[' obeyinsr, and others for rulinjif. Tiiere arc, f^'"i»ie »» the moreover, many species ot both the j^overning and the jjoverned. And the better those are wlio are j^o- verned, the better also is the government, as for instance that of man, rather than of a brute : for the more excellent the materials arc with which the work is finished, the more ex- cellent is the work; and wherever there is a governor and a governed, there certainly is some work produced. For what- soever is composed of many parts, which together make np one whole, whether united or separate, evidently shows the marks of some one thing governing and another thing governed ; and tliis is true of every living thing in all nature ; nay, even in some things which partake not of life there is a principle of subjection, as in music -^ but this matter probably belongs to aXXouiIi'ai. The whole train of rcasoninc adopted in tliis cliaptrr, may serve to recall lo ihe reader's mind a similar argument of Bmler in his Analuf:y, part i. eh. 1, Avhich, however, he uses lor a very diilerent pur- pose ; namely, to show that our limbs arc mere instruments and organs, and not essential parts of our actual selves. ' The sum is this, according to our author : " Slavery appears to me both necessary and expedient, as is shown by the existence of a ruling and a ruled principle, pervading all the orders of nature, and extending (ven to things inanimate. We may sec a like analogy in the mind and body, and in the despotic rule exercised by the former over the latter. We see how wild animals are subjected by tlie tame ; we see the female subject lo the male ; we see the well-born from their birth adapted to social life, and lit for the service of war ; while the base-born are fitted erily for the humble services which their bodies can render to a master. And all these analogies point to one single conclusion, viz. that slavery in some cases is in conformity with nature." With what liuiiiations this is to be understood, will be seen in a later chapter of this book. ' In every chord of music there is what is technically called the " dominant note." 12 Aristotle's politics. [book i. n disquisition somewhat foreign to our purpose. Every livinnr thing, in the first ph\ce, is composed of soul and body, and of these the one is by nature the governor, the other the go- verned ; now we must learn what is natural, by those things which are in accordance witli nature, and not by those whicli are corrupted ;^ we sliould therefore examine into a man who is most perfectly formed both in soul and body ; Men born with <. . , . ^i • p * • •! ^ i m • /i different quaii- lor in him tlus Idct 13 evuicnt ; while in the tics of body as Jepravcd and vicious, the body would seem to rule well as of soul. ', , , ' J .. i • , . rather than the soul, on account ot their being corrupt and contrary to nature. Even in an animal, then, as we affirm, it is possible to discern tiie despotic and p(jlitical government ; for the soul governs the body as the master his slave ;'^ but the mind governs the appetite, with a political or kingly power; which shows that it is both natural and advan- tageous that the body should be governed by the soul, and the scat of the j)assions by the mind and that part which is possessed of reason ; but Cfjuality of rule, or power inverted, is hurtful to all. And this holds true not only of man, but of other animals also ; for tame animals are naturally better than wild ones, and yet it is advantageous to all these that they should be subject to man ; for thus they insure their own safety. So too is it naturally with the male and the lemale ; the one is superior, the other inferior; the one governs, the other is governed ; and the same rule must necessarily hold good witli respect to all mankind. Whoever, therefore, are as mucli inferior to their fellows as the body is to the soul, or the brutes to men, — (and this is in reality the case with nil whose proper use is in their bodies, and whose highest excel- ' What sliall be taken as the standard ? Nut tlie bodies of those who labour under some dofec?t or other ; for these elearly fall short of the design of nature ; but we must look for our standard and pattern to those who, as it were, have reached their full growth, for in their case only nature has seen her design realized. Hence they alone can be rightly said to be Kara. ^voiv. ' Conf. Ar. Kth. v. sub finom. Kara fHTaersons who are con- versant in law call m question this nglit as they wuuhl an orator, and say that it would be hard that whoever is compelled by violence should become the slave and subject of another, who has the power to compel him, and is his su- niversityof poriiU' in strength; and even of thu^e who are opinion on thii wise, some think one way and some another on ''^'"'' tiiis subject ; but the source of this doubt, and that whicli makes this contlict of opinions, is the fact that ability when accompanied with proper means, in a certain way, is able to commit the arcate»t violence ; for victory is always owing to ^ome superior advantage ; so that it seems that violence does not prevail without ability ; and so the dispute is only concerning what is just. For on this account some persons think that justice consi>ts in benevolence, while others think it just that the superior sliould govern, since in the midst of these contrary opinions, the opposite argument has nothing weighty enough to persuade us that the superior on the score of ability ought not to rule and to govern. 'But I consider icara I'ofiov us equivalent to Ttapd (^vtrtv, and can only say that their inlcnsts can never be identilied, and ih.it the ^y»tenl of making a IVoeniau iiuo a slave is unnatural, and a juTversiun ol that which, if well j'.irected, would work well — a good system i>f slavery fur those A\hum na- t;ire has adaptc d to sue h a state." 'liase are the limitations of slavery to v.hieli we alluded in a preceding note. ' ru'ff. TJie IMatonists, to wliom Aristotle is here alluding, allow tlie jusliie of war-slavery ; but this is absurd, lor thi- war may be unjust, and he rannut be rightly a t^orXoi; who uialiujQ Coi<\fvn. Consequently thtv exclude (jneks, and hold Barbarians only to be slaves raclically true. It ought to be renuirked here, that by the word rivir, whenever it is used in this treatise in tliis connexion, our author intends to refer to the opinions of Plato. . ll\r. VI.] WHEN SLAVKRT IS LNJCST. 1 . > nevertheless, «onie persons, clinp:iii^, ns they think, to a cer- liiin plea of right, (tor eu>toni is ;i kind of riglit,) in'«i«*t that slavery in war is just, hut at the same time they contradict iliemselves.* For it may liap{K?n that the principle upon wliich tiie wars were commenced is unjust ; and no one will say that the man who is undeservedly enslaved, is therefore a -lave ; for if so, men of the noblest families might happen to he slaves and the descendants of slaves, if they chance to be taken prisoners in war, and sold. And on this account they do not cho<.^se to give the name of slave to such jR^rson^, but only to barbarians. But when they TirunT^rt "^ s;iv this, thev do nothinjr more than inquire who niakciiaves in IS a slave by nature, as we said- at the tirst ; tor p.y th&t »on)« we must acknowledge that some persons, wherever J^fxV.."*' they may be, are of necessity slaves, but that oiliers can in no case be slaves. Thus also it is with those of noble descent ; it is not only in their own country, but every where, that men esteem them as such, while barbarians are respected on this account at home only ; as if nobility and freedom were of two sorts, the one universal, the other not so. Thus says the Helen of Theodectes ; " Who dares reproach me with the name of slave ? Wiun fro'.n immortal gods, on either side, I draw my linoajc." Those who express these sentiments show that AT.om each other by no test -ave that of their virtues and their vices ; for they think it reasonable, that a5 a man begets a man, and a beast a beast, so from a good man, a good man should be descended ; and ' The whole pa'^sasrc may be paraphrased thus ; '* Those arc not WT inj in their judgment who hoUl that a captive taken in war is law- tully a slave. Some however impugn this doctrine. Now this dif- ference of opinion all ari?(.s from the fact that they are not acreed as I ' what justice is. For the one parly think that is just, v^hich man's nnale good-will or benevolence prompts him to do; others think that the 1 iw of micrht is the law of ri?ht. Now those who deny that conquest T'^ts a man no right over another, have no arguments to support their •pinion ; the others follow justice in some sense, for tliey adhere to the -i^. and the law is a kind of justice." — "Afxa C ov ^a i i i i- seem to be also one sort ot knowledge proper lor a master, and another for a slave : that of the slave is such as tlie slave taught at Syracuse ; for there a fellow at a stipulated * In order to harmonize nho meaning of Aristotle hero with what goes before and follows, it is neoossary to read the sentenie thibj with Goet- tliiii? ; "On fiiu ovk txft Tiva \6yov ») dfipytKC>v. \ 7* V OrjntvriKiZv. C 18 auistotle's politics. [book , •ubwrvient to or something subservient to it ; and if so, whether ^* ^ it is as the art of making shuttles is to the art of weaving, or as the art of making brass to that of statue- founding ; tor they are not subservient in the same way ; for t}ie one supplies the tools, tlie other the matter ; and by the matter I mean, that out of whicli the work is tinished ; as, for instance, wool is the matter of the clothier, and brass of the sta- tuary. It i s evident then that the gettin g of money and iJliV*'"* ' Js notih g Siimc thing as ec o nomy, for the busi ness of the one is to furnisli the m eans, of the otheT to use tliem. For Avliat ar t is ther e but economics, to make use of what is^in the lunis e^ StilTtTiere is a doubt, whethl"oVe re- wlictlicr this is a part of economics, or something of Rani it a>j a a dllVercnt kind ; lor if it is the business of iiini who ordinate.' *"^' is to get uionoy, to find out how riches and pos- sessions may be procured, and if possessions and wealth embrace various parts, we must tirst' ascertain wlie- thcr the art of husbandry is a part of money-getting, or some- thing diilerent, and wli('ther,[tlie same is not true of] the care and acquisition of ])rovisions in general. But as tliere are many sorts of provision, so is there a variety w«'!!l^'i^.n* i>i the lives botli of men and of the brute crea- tion : and as it is impossible to live without food, the ditTerence in that particular makes the lives of animals so diilerent from each other. Now of beasts, some live in herds, others separate, as is most convenient for procuring them- selves food ; as some of them live upon llesh, others on fruit, and others on whatsoever they light on, for nature has dis- tinguished their course of life, so that they can with ease make choice of such things. And as the same things are not agreeable to all, but one animal likes one thing anrocuring their provision by way of exchange or merchandise ; such are shepherds, husbandmen, fr»'ebooters, fishermen, and hunters: some join ditferent em- pl(»yments together, and thus live very agreeably, sup})lying those deficiencies which are wanting to make their mode of life independent. Thus, for instance, some persons will join together the life of a nomad and a freebooter, or of a hus- bandman and a hunter ; and so with respect to the rest, they pursue that mode of life to which necessity consj)ires to com- ])omc copyist. c 2 20 . Aristotle's politics. [book i. :^^ '"j^finseja part of the art of acquisition ;' f or hunting is a part of it, which it is necessary for us to employ against wild beasts, and again-^t those of mankind who, being intended by nature for slavery, arc unwilling to submit to it ; and on this occasion, such a war is by nature just. That One kind of . ', ... xi i i • i • i •cTnT.M, name- spccics ot acquisition, tlKMi, ouly whicli IS accord- ly, that which jjj^ ^^ nature, is part of ecotiomy ; and this ought is partofoUo- to be at hand, or ii not, it should be inimediuteiy ''"** "''■ procured, by those whose office it is to keep in store what i s useful as well for the state com munity as fur the family. And true riches would seem to co nsist in Infd"' lie- t hese ; a nd the independent possession of those things which are necessary for a happy life is not . infinite ; though Solon speaks otherwise in this verse, •' No bounds to riches can be lixcd for man ;" for a bound may be fixed here, as in all other arts ;- for tlie instruments of no art whatsoever are infinite, either in their number or their magnitude ; but riches are a number of in- struments in domestic and civil economy. It is therefore evi- dent that there is a natural art of acquisition, both in domestic a nd civil- economy, and for what rea soTTT" CHAP. IX. , . TiiKUK is also another kind of acquisition, whicli VpMUaTKTTIKH 18 . ,, ,, . 1 • 1 ukindof«TN- men specially call pecuniary, and with great jus- brJiiS 'i'.fao tieetoo; and by this indeed it se ems that there /v, lz'-s.^Jorou"•<•• tlu)uj];li not very difTcM-cnt ; I'or ouo. of tlicsc is natural, tl>o otlior is not, but ratlicT aris(>s from some art and skill. Now let ns niter on our inquiry into the subject from the follo\vin<^ point. The u^ es of every possessio n are two, both indeed essential, j but not in the same niiuiner; for the one is strietly proper to '' "^ tiie thinp:, the other not ; as a shoe, for instance, may be cithert^*^^- worn or exchanjred for something else; for both these are ^^t^^ uses of the shoe; for he who exchant^es a shoe with some^ man who wants one, for money, or provisions, uses the shoe' as a shoe, but not according to its proper use ; for shoes are not made to be exchanged. 'J'he san]U3 thing holds partor (*<„,,- true of all other possessions ; tbiTfmrTei' in general ^""J' '" •'^ s*^- , , .^ . . ,' , . . . ^ -r"^ P^ ,, ronilarv use of had Its original beginning m nature, from the prnjurty, and fact that some men had a surplus, and others less ^""*<"^ '?"<^"- tlian was necessary for tiiem. And hence it is evident, that the selling provisions tor money is not naturally a part of pe- euniary science ; for men were obliged to use barter as far as would supply their wants. Now it is plain that j,j.ouidnot barter could have no place in tlu^ first community, exist in the that is to say, in the household; but must have ""'"^' «"'* "^y- begun when the numl)er of those who composed the commu- nity came to be enlarged ; lor the former of these had all tilings the same; and in common ; but those who unw money came to be separated, had in common many other f^^ose from ex- things ' which both parties were obliged to ex- "^"'^^ wans, change as their wants arose. And this custom of barter is still preserved amongst many barbarous nations, wdio exchange one necessary for another, but do nothing more ; for example, giving and receiving wine for corn, and the like in other such things. This sort of barter then is notcontrary to nature, nor yet is it any species of money-getting ; but it is necessary in order to complete that independence w hich is natural. From this barter however ar ose the use of money, as might ^^^^ „gg ^f Ik? expected ; for as the needful means for import- money arose ing what was wanted, or for exporting a surplus, *""'' ""'' was often nt n great distance, the use of money was of nc- ' Gocttlinjf understands the words thtis ; ol fi, KixdOi^tt'tvoi rovrwv (scil. ujv llrtpoi Ikoivuivovv) rroX\u>v ndXtv rat enpwv ikoiviovovv. 22 aristotle'8 politics. [book I. ccssity devised.* For it 13 not every thing which is naturally useful, that is easy of carriage ; and for this reason men in- vented among themselves, by way of exchange, something u^t/^"^ which they should mutually give and take, and which being real ly valuable in itse lf, might easily be passed from hand to hand for the purposes of daily life, as iron and silver^ or any thing else of the same nature. This at first had a fixed stiujdard simp ly accordin g to its weight or size ; but in pro- cess of time they put upon it a certain sTa iiip, to save the trouble of weiglung, and this stamp was affixed as a sign of its express value. Money then being de\ised from the neees^hy $ p^^J'■-^ of mutual interchange, tiie second species of money-getting oy arose, namely, by buying and selling ; and tliis was eoiulueted jv^t^ -. ^ probably at first in a simple manner, but afterwards it came to jciJi to i""»t' ohivvt of em|)l<>y more skill and experience, as to where and jYe^'il'Miv of ^'^^^' ^^'^' n***''*^<-''*^^ profit might be made. For whieJi instrmnciits, reasoii the firLoOlL""l'y-o^'^r seems to be chiefiy not of coin. conversant about trade, and jts end to be able to see where the greatest profit can be made ; for it is the means of pr ocuring al)undance of wcvalth and possessions. For men oftentimes suppose wealth''^ to consist in thecpian- vSh.'*""' **^y ofliumey which any one possesses, as tiiis is that medium with which trading and trafiieking are coneerned : ^other s again regard it as a mere trille, as haviugno value by nature, but merely by arbitrary compact ; so that if those who use it should alter their sentiments, it would be worthless, and unserviceable for any necessary pur- pose. Thus oftentimes the man who abounds in money will want the necessary food ; and it is absurd to say that wealth is a thing of such a kind that a man with plenty of it around hiiu ' Compare Eth, v, b, olor di viraWay^a rf/g XptiaQ t6 j-o/xiff/ia yi- yovt Kara ffvrOiJ ki}1', Kni Cia tovto rovvo/ja *x** i'o/4ia//a, oti ov ^van aWa vu^tft ioTt, Kai t^' >}^iv /i£rn/3(JXX»iv koI noti'iaai dxi>y), <'oiiKistin|^ in coin, luul un- limited. They are easily conlouiuied, but tht.'V diller in this respect, that the latter does but provule the means by \\liich we may attain the wealth which is the end of the other. Thus Horace speaks of one who was *' niatrnas inter ojies inops." ' The (iicek text here is obscure. Tanchnitz proposes to insert the Word tit before vofioQ. CHAP. IX.] ORIGIN OF MONEY. 23 niny perish with liunjrrr, like Midns in the fablo, who from hi.H insntiablc wish tbiiml every tiling set hcfoio him turned into fTold. For whieli rea-on jieople hxik about tor soriiething else by way of rielies aiui iiropcrty, and riglitly too; for the^ . ineny jrcttini; of money dilVrrs from natu ral weahh, and the ^^'*" latter is tlie true olr.ect of ejX)noiiiy ; while trade only procures money, not by all means, but by the oxchnnj]:e of it; and it*'''^*^' ' seems to be chietly employed about trading, lor money is tlic ^"-^ element and the regulator of trade ; nor are there any bounds ' ' ^,) to be set jo th e wealt h whi ch is^ thereby acq u i red . For just as there are no limits to the art of medicine with respect to health, and as all other arts with respect to their ends are in- ,^ finite ' — (ibr these ends they desire to eifeet to the I'urthest ' ^ ])ossible extent) — but still the means used for those e nds arc limited, and their several ends arc the limits of each ; so too •in the art of aecjuiring riches, its end has no limits, for its object is money and possessions ; but economy has a boundary, though the former has not ; for acquiring riches is not its real end. ^And for this reason it should seem that some boundary should be set to riches, though in practice we sec the contrary of this taking place ; for all those wlio get riches add to their money without end. The cause of this is the near connexion of these two arts with each other, The storing up for they sometimes change employment with i; oncy is ui each other,^ as getting of money is their common ""^^ '^'""*" ' Thinps vliich are rnds in tlicmsclvcs nrc nifinitc : as Imppincss, health, viiUic ; but thiiips iiistninirntal arc limited by the ends to wljich they arc means. As to the distinction botNvccn rtXoc and Trtpag, sec GoeitUnc's notes in loco, p. *297. Tf Xog, he says, is " finis id( alis," 7rtp«c •'linis icalis." The end (riXoc) of the medi'cal art is health; it is th(! end uliich it proposes, and ^vlli(•h it ahvays attains. And so what lio means here by sayiiip Tripag to rtXoc irunaiQ is this ; " ijiasmnch as ihcy cannot always reach the ideal end, artists in any line put up with tlie lurthest point which they can attain, though they desire to attain the end itself." * These few lines are very cornipt ; but the whole scope of the passapc "would s^eem to be nearly this ; t; xpTj^iartaTtKri is of two kinds, first t) xpfj- fiaTttjTtKr) proper, and second )'/ KnTrrjXjrrj. It is no wonder that these iwo are so often confounded, for they have the same use, and are exerted on the same object, »y KTijtJig. But their ends arc dillerent ; that of the former is natural, the supply of necessary wants ; that of the latter unnatural, the increase of money. ' To translate more literally, " for ihey trencli on each other, in that they both use the same thing, both belonging to xP';/^rt''"^ni:r;." "24 Aristotle's politics. [book i. pursuit.^ For thoycach employ the same thing, but not in the same manner ; for the end of the one is something beyond itself, but the end of the other is merely to increase it ; so that some persons are led to b«'lievo that this is the proper object of econonjy, and think that for tliis purpose In the above . ** w . .• * * i i 8en>e xpnaa- tlicy ougiit to continuc to savo or to hoard up T< o j ..u,K.;, iiut sub- the business of the head of a family or a stiite, or servient to it. ^y],pther it is uot, and yet must of necessity exist ; for as the political science does not make men, but * For xptjaitoc KtliaiQ Gnellling suggests KTt'irrno^ XP'/'^'C ; ft"ssary. Now, as it is indeed in some s«'nse the business of both the master of the family and the ruler of a state to see after the health of those under their care, but in another sense not, but the physician's ; so also as to mone^', in some respect s it is the business of the master of the famiTy, in others not, but of t he servile ar t. But as wc have already said, it is chiefly the part of nature ; for it is her part to sup- ply her offspring witlTibod ; for nourishment is left for every thing born, by that which gave it birth ; and hence by the way, the natur al riches of all men arise from fruits and from animals. But since these riches may be applied, as we havo said, to two ])urposes, the o ne fo make money of, the other for the service of t he h ouse ; of these the first is necessary and c ommendable, the other, which has to do with traffic, is justl y censured ;' for it has not its origin in nature, hutit^ui^-' amongst ourselves; for usjirxJj, most reasonably vnn«,„„, ^ha- c/tfci^^ detested, as the increase of our fortune arises ractcr of usury from the money itself, and not by employing it <^'""<'""^>- to the purpose for which it was intended. Vox it was devised for th e sake of c xchangcjbut usury multiplies it. And hence usury has received the name of rokoc, or ** produce ;'' for whatever is produced is itself like its parents ; and usury is merely inoncyjborn of money : so that of all means of money- making, thisis^hc most contrary to nature. ' Conip. Psalm xv. " Who shall nsccnd into tho hill of iho Lord ? • • • he thai hatli not pivcn his money unto usury." Deut. xxiii. H>, '* Thou sink not hnd upon usury to thy .brother ; usury of money, usury of virtui\U,.\H)iry of nny thinp thnt is lent upon usury : unto a sirnngcr thou m.iyest lend upon \isnry ; but unto thy brother thou shalt not lend upon nsury : thftt the Lord thy God may bless thee." Comp. Exod. xxii. 25; Lev. XXV. 36. See also Lord Bacon's Essay on Usury. • Bohn's Stand- ard Library edition, p. 113. 26 ARISTOTLE*S POLITICS. [bOOK I. CHAP. XI. But since we hftve already suftieiently considered the matter in its general principles, let us now go into the practical part of it ; lor the contemplation of such matters otiers a liberal employment for the mind, but tlie application to practice is necessary. But it is an useful part in the man- xp,l^^J,aT?Ki, agemcnt of one's atfairs, to be skilful in the HUTU V"tf<^. nature of cattle, as to which are most profitable, and where, and how ; for instance, what is the advantage of rearing horses, or oxen, or sheep, or any other live stock. It is also necess ary to be acquainted with the com ptirative value of these tilings, andjvvhic h of them arc worth most in par- \' respect to gaining m oney b y exchange, thej)rinci|)al nu'thod ^ is merc handi se, w hich is carried on in three diiferent ways, ^''^ i ^, , either by sea-trading, by warehousing, or by x^:'o least to do ; and of the various those are the meanest in which the body is most ^'"" imj)aired, and those the most pervile in wliich bodily strength alone is ehiefly wanted, and those most illiberal which require least skill, lint as there are books written on these subjects by some persons, as by Chares the Parian, and A])ollo(loru8 the Lemniiin, upon husbandry and planting, and likewise by others on other matters, let those who have occasion draw out a theory therefrom : but every person should collect tojrethcr whatsoever chances to be spoken at random, by means of which many who aimefl at making a fortune have attained success. For all these arc useful to tho'JCMvho set Aj^rartica] p >^ f. ^ •■ sreat store on monev-'iettin": ; as was the money- K ^^'''''^ pr !-/ijvvk/ getting contrivance ol ' liiales the ^^Inesian, tia- v-UoKfuor, which men attributed to him on account of his '*"^^''>'' wisdom, thougli it is one of general application. For when liicy reviled him for his poverty, as if tlie study of philosophy was usele,, i{; r«p iro^avinrfnti iriirpt}y'iPai. CHAT. XIII.] DOMESTIC GOVKUXMENT. 29 arnl tlio fonialc. The government of cliildren should be kin;:1y ; for the power of the fjitlier over the child i^ founded on both atfection and seniority ; and this is a species of kingly •roverninent ; for which reason Homer very properly calU .Jupiter *' Father of r^ods and men," as bein;]^ the king of all of tliera. For it is required that a king should be of the same species with those whom he governs, though naturally supe- rior ; as is the case between the elder and the younger, and between the father and the son. CHAP. XIII. It is evident then that, in the due government of a family, greater attention should be paid to its mifsnoortlT several members than to the mere gaining of inan- l'!^' ^'r'^'*; "f nnate thnigs ; and to the virtues ot the tormer rather than of the latter, (and this we term wealth ;) and greater regard to tliose of freemen than of slaves. But ran a slave here some one may question whether there is any possess uptTri, , . . "^ , '^ , . . I'l ocvonu pcr- otber Virtue in a slave than his meciianical ser- fornianreof bo- viees, nnd of higher estimation than these, as tem- ''''^' ''^^•^"^ ' p<'ranre, fortitude, justice, and other such like habits, or wlu'ther slaves possess none beyond mere bodily qualities. Each side of the question has its dilhculties ; for if they possess these virtues, wherein will they dilfer from freemen? and since they are men, and partakers of reason, it is absurd to say that they do not. Nay, nearly the same in- quiry may be made concerning a woman, and a chUdV^*^ *" child, whether these also have their proper virtues, wliether a woman ought to be temperate, brave, and just, and wliether a child can be unbridled and temperate or not ;' and indeed this inquiry ought to be made in general, whether the virtues of those who by nature either govern or are governed, are the same, or different. For if it is necessary tliat both of them should partake of noble charac- l^' iT^^^vH^i. ter, why is it necessary that the one should always govern, the other always be governed ? Surely this difference cannot be merely one of degree ; for to govern, and to be ' (lopltHne (p. 303) takes a different view of Aristotle's meaninj^ here, nnd says " aKoXaorov esse, quod vitio vertitur servo, laudabile est in piicro.^ uKoXatria pucrilis est immatura forliludo. Quia enim dvdpiav puori 'esse dicat ? " 30 AU1ST0TLE*8 POLITICS. [bOOK 1. governed, are things different in species, but more or less nvo not. And yet it is stranjic that the one party ought to have them, and the other not ; for if he who is to govern sliall not be tcnipenite and just, how can lie govern well? or if he is to be governed, how can he be governed well ? for he who is intemperate and a coward, will never do what ho ought. It is evident, then, that both parties ought to partake of virtue, but that there must be ?onie diilerence of virtue between them, „,-.,, as there is between those w ho by nature command of the ruler mul those' wlio by nature obey. 1 his is sug- and u.e ruled. ^^^^^^^ ^^^, ^^^^ ^^^^f . ^^^^ j^^ ^^^j^ ^j^^.^.^ j^ implanted by nature one part that rules and one that obeys ; and the virtues of these we say are diiferent, as are those of a rational and an irrational being. It is plain then that the same ])rin- ciple may be extended to the ease of the others, so that llure is by nature a variety of things which govern JalV'^dTffer'iic- ft"d are governed. Now a freeman governs his cordint' to their gl^ye in oiie laauuer, the male governs the iemah* in another, and in another manner the fathi-r go- verns his child ; and all these have the dillerent parts of the soul within them, but in a dilferent manner. Thus a slave can have no deliberative faculty,' a woman but a weak one,"^ a child an imperfect one. Thus also must it necessarily be with respect to moral virtues ; it must be su})posed that all must possess them, though not in the same manner, but as is best suited to the several ends of each. Hence, by the The apx'<>*' 1 1 • ^ ^ ^ ^ \ p i : mu.st be p T- way, he who is to govern ought to b(; peilect \n feet in /ii'.K,; moral virtue, — (fur his business is entirely that of a master artificer, and reason is the master arti- ficer ;) — while others want only that portion of it whicli may be suHicient for their station : and hence it is evident, that although moral virtue is common to all those of whom wt- have spoken, yet the temperance of a man and of a woman are not the same, nor their courage, nor their justice, as Socrates thought ;^ for the courage of the man consists in commanding, ' II" however this be llio case with the ])ttr Aristotle says that " slaves need education even more than children." ' This uKvpov [iovXivTiKoi' of the wife nearly corresponds to oiriair. Eth. vi. 10. • Reference is here made to the opinion given by Socrates in the Ut- The lipfTfi of tlie wife. The fioeTr7 of till- child. Tin: si.AVK, Tiin wife, and tiik ciiii.d. 31 the womnn\<« in obodirnce. And thn same is true in all other particulars, and thi.« will be evident to those wlio will examine the matter in detail ; lor those who use jreneral terms deeeive themselves, when they say that virtue consists in a good dis- position of mind, or in doinj:^ what is right, or something of this sort. They do much Ix'tter who enumerate the different virtues as Georgias did, than those who thus de- tine them, and hence we ought to think of all per- sons, as the poet says of a woman, " Silence is ^^•^man^s ornament,'' ' but it is not tlie ornament of a man. But as a child is incomplete, it is evident that his virtue is not to be referred to himself, but to the full-grown man, and to him whom he obeys. In like manner, the virtue of a slave is to be referred to his master ; for we laid it down as a maxim, that the use of a slave is to be employ- ed in what is wanted ; so that it is clear enough Jlj.^stavc" °' that but little virtue is required in him, only just so much as that he may not neglect his work through intem- perance or cowardice. Here some person may question (supposing what I have said is true) whether jhe ..pfrj, of virtue will not be necessary for artificers in their an nrtificcr calling ; for they often neglect their work through ^'*"*""" • intem|>erance But the difference between the two cases is very great ; for a slave partakes of animal life, but the arti- ficer is something more than this;^ as near therefore as the artificer approaches to the slave, just so much ought he to liave of the virtues of one, for a mean artificer has a certain distinctive kind of slavery ; but then a slave is one of those tilings which are by nature what they are, though this is not jiublic .of Plato, to tlic effect that ^^•omen arc equally fit ^-itli men to im- ilertake civil oflices and dtities. See Plato Rep. b. ii. ch. 5, in. ' 'l"his line occurs in Sophocles Ajax, 1. 291. The words are spoken ly the hero to his slave Tecmcssa. - 6 ^i TToppwTfpov. Pas.sow says that " no example of this form is found." It is just therefore to recard this passage with suspicion as not f ntirely sound. Perhaps we oujzhl to read dXX' ov Troppwrfow, " but no further than this ;" in olher ^vor(Is, he enjoys !^wjj hut not /iiof, wliich at oiKc implies rrpn^if. If however we read the passaee as it stands at present, \\c must render it thus ; ** But he (tJie artiliccr, r«x''«^»JC) i» something more." 82 AttlST0TLE*8 1K)LITICS. [bOOK I. equally true of a shoemaker, or of any other artist.* frahredTvir!^ It id evKleiit then that a slave ought to be trained tue by their ^o such virtuc bv hls master ; and not in the way in winch a master would teach him mere servile drudgery. Those theretbro are in the wrong who would de- prive slaves of reason, and say that they have only to follow ilieir orders, for slaves want more instruction than children ; thus, then, let us determine as to this matter. But it is ne- cessary, in a treatise uj)on government, to enter particularly into the relations of husband and wife, and of parent and child, and to show what are the virtues of each and their re.<})ective connexions with each other, what is right and what is wrung ; and how they ought to follow the good, and avoid the evil. . , Since tlien every I'umily is part of a state, and We must seek , „ , .•',..,•',.' ^ ^ i' -i thfuptrr/ofthe each ot tliose individuals is })art ol a lamily, ^nl^iL^^i.l^vi-" ^"^^ ^^^^ virtue of the parts ought to have regard dual mtiubers to the virtuc of tlic wliolc ; it is necessary to in- struct both the wives and children of the commu- nity, as to the nature thereof, inasmuch as it is of some conse- quence to tlie virtue of the state tl»at the wives and children therein should be virtuous. And of consecjuence it necessarily is, for the wives compose one half of the free persons ; and of the children the succeeding citizens are to be born. As then we have determined these points, we will leave the rest to be considered in another place; and- as if the subject was now finislied, let us begin again anew, and first consider the senti- ments of those wlio have treated of the most perfect form of government. ' The slave then must be brought by lus inasler to suc-li aptr/) as this, and not merely instructed according to tlio way that a master wuuUl teach him mere servile duties. Td txovTa ruiv tpyujv, " ea quai ad bcrvilia mu- nera necessario pertinent." ' These -words reler to the question discussed at greater length in b. vii. and viii. — that of education in relation to the :jtatc. CHAP. I.] THE BEST POLITY. 33 BOOK II.— CHAP. I. SiN'CK then we propo-ie to inquire wlint civil Tofmdwhatu society is of all otliers best ^ for those who have it '^*" '^^* p^. , . ^1. . , ,, • 1 •• • vrrnmcnt, let in tlieir power to live entirely ns they wisli, it la u^rx.imine necessary to examine into the polities adopted in '^'^'^''"pfor"!"- those states wliicli are allowed to he well j^overned, and in any others which may chance to have been described by writers, and ajipear properly repjulatcd, in order that we may note wliat is rii;ht and nscfiil in them. And as to our scekinj; for something; beyond these states, let it not be re- <,'arde(l as an aiTcctation of wisdom ; but let us have the credit of sittinji ourselves to this systematic work, becansc there are great defects in those wliieh are already established. And we must bejiin first with that part of the subject which na- turally is the foundation of our discussion. Now the members of every state must of necessity have all thinirs in crnnmon, or nothing at all in common, or some things in common and not others. To have nothing in common is evidcmtly impossible, for the social state itself is a species of community; and the first thing necessary is a common place of habitation, namely, the city ; this too mu"*t be one, and every citizen must have a share in this one state. But in a ' Having in the first book laid down the elements of whirh states are coniposed, Aristotle proceeds next in order to discuss the question, *' What is the b.-st form of covornment ?*' and he examines it in a prac- tical way, and with a praclical object. There are three possible ways of cxamininp this question : 1. Ideally. Whicli is tlie most perfect conceivable theory, irrespective of practicability ? 2. Bealh/. Which is the best form of povemmcnt now in existence ? 3. VrncticaVy, Which is the best and most suitable that can be de^ised for man as he m .' It is tlie third of these methods which Aristotle adopts, as most entirely in a( cordance wiili his system of philosophy. Compare book iv. ch. i. " Besidt^s . . . it is necessary to distineiiish what sort of government is best littinp for all cities : for most of those writers who l,iavc treated this subject, however speciously they may handle other parts of it, have failed in describing the practical parts : for it is not enouch to lay down scien- tifically what is best, but what can be put in practice {ri Ivvarov). It should' also be simple and easy for all to attain to. But, contrary to this, they seek out only the most subtle form of government, and one which needs many things to fill it up." D 34 Aristotle's politics. [book n. state wliich is to l)e well governed, will it be best that all shall have a share in every thing which is capable of being shared, or only in some particulars, but not in others ? for it is possible that the citizens may have their wives, and chil- dren, and goods in common with each other, as in Plato's com- monwealth;' for in that, Socrates affirms that tlie chiUlren, the wives, and the possessions ouglit to be common. Which then shall we prefer? the plan which is ahvady cstablislied, or the custom which is proposed in Plato's commonwealth? ' For the views of Socrati s on this subject, the reader will do well to consult IM.ilo's Kepublic, esppciiilly b. v. p. IbS — IGIj. Aristotle's objec- tions to tlu' theory of I'hito iniiy all be red\ucd to two lieads: 1. That Plato's end is a wroiur one. 2. 'I'hat his menus do not answer their end. Plato's end was that the slate should be as much one as possible. Compare Itep. iv. 123, B., ovKori> orrof av thj ku\\i \ujp(iu (lf/»op(i'r r;)i' a\\»;j' \nipnv iiiv \ rii; t iOtXy af^ai'o/iir;; t\i>(u fitii,fii\pt Toii^t av^tiv TTfoa H /(»';: and also Hop. v. ib'l, ll.,t\ofifv oiiv ri /ifjsor Kaicuv TTokti t't tictho o civ aiiTi)i> ^lanTrd Kni Troty ttuWu*; d^ri fnat^ \ i) fit'i^QV dyaOov, »"/ o av ^t'l-Jy n kuI ttouj fitc'iv ; Plato desired a slate in which all thing's should be common ; in which all should be as brothers, and call nothiuf:^ "mine." He desired to ellcct a moral union, but he endeavoured to attain it by pft;/sicne ? or any prealcr pood than that which hinds it topether and makes it one? " Pinztrcr, in his commentary on the Strictures of Aristotle npon Plato's Republic, asserts that Aristotle does not take the word unity in the same sense as Plato, but understands it ns meaninp an itidivirfual, (in lopical phrase, V7\um nu- niero ;) while Philo lakes it in the sense of viuniirjiidj. To prove hia assertion, he quotes the well-known passape from Aristotle's Metaphysics (iv. G) ; but incorrectly. But the answer which Aristotle pivcs below, In ihe elTect that an excess of unity will reduce the state first to a mere family, and from that to an individual, shows that lie scarcely understood or appreciated Plato's meaninp. A moral unity is plainly something iliHerenl from physical unity, and a moral whole from a physical whole. ' The three words here used by Aristotle are (n»/i;iax«a, f0i'f>c,and7roXi^C. Of the former Goettlinp says, 2i;^/iax«a est societas jure pariurn (r«iv <'»/ioi(uj')8ed diversoTum oripine. .... IIopc quid ditTerat a vera civitate, quam dicimus rempublicam, non est quod multis demonstrem." As to ihc second, he adds, " Post ptjgnam Leuctrica, Arcadum gens syncdrinm d2 36 AUISTOTLE'8 politics. [book II. ftre two different things; a confederacy is valuable for its numbers, though all those who compose it are men of the same calling ; for this is entered into for the sake of mutual defence, just as the addition of another weiglit makes the scale go down. The same distinction will prevail between a state and a tribe, when the people are not collected into separate villages, but live as the Arcadians. Now those things by wliich a state should become one are of different sorts ; and it is the pi< serving a just and equal balance of power, which is the safety of states, as has already been mentioned in our treatise on Ktliios.* Now among freemen and equals this is absolutely necessary ; fur all cannot govern at the same time, but either by the year, or There must be according to some other regulation or time.'-^ I5y a distinction tjjj^ means, it follows that every one in his turn between the -n i • /«• -p i i i i ruiersandthe VviU be lu otlice ; as it the shoemakers and ruled. carjjenters should exchange occupations, and not always be employed in the self-same calling. IJut as it is better that these should continue in their respective trades, so also in civil society, where it is possible, it would be better that the government should continue in the same hands ; but where it is not — (as Nature has made all men equal, and therefore it is just, be the administration good or bad, that all should partake of it) — there it is best to observe a rotation, and let those who are their equals by turns submit to those who are magistrates at the time {^ since they in turn will alternately be governors and governed, as if they were different men ;* by the same method dillerent persons will execute dif- Ti)v ^KyaXrjv 7r6\tv constimit, qtio, qaasi vinculo pons univorsa con- tiiiprttiir, run" u^oiujv sid non diversortim oriftutTipov, tu ^e npfafivrfnov ui»' tuuj //m' tip- \i(rOai TrpiTTHf roli; t^i af)\nv' dyavaKTU ^' ouctiQ Kn9 i)\iKiai> a(i\()/4t»'0i'. ■* Locke says, that " A niapislrale was lor this purpose appointed, to pivo ft sanction to tliat common measure to wliich reason teaciies \\i that creatures of the same rank and species, and endowt'd with the same faculties, have all an equal right." See I'refatory Kssay by Dr. Uil- lics. * On this difllcult and complicated ^uissnpo, see Coi'iilinp's note. lie s\ii:t:esls as a better reading, to iv ;i»()t« ro?i; 'ktoiq uktiv o^ojwf tovs »^ CIIAr. III.] TOO flUF.AT IMTV DKSTUUCTIVK. 37 fcrcnt oiriccs. From lionce it is evident tliat a state cannot naturally be one in the manner that sonic persons propose; and that what has been said to be the greatest good of Htute?, is really their destruction ; though the good of any thing tends to preserve it. Foranother reason also it is clear, that it is not for the best to endeavour to make a om'hi*no?fnbe state too much one, because a family is more JJf[l|dSviduaf sulficient in itself than a single person, and a state than a family ;' and indeed it can lay claim to the namo of ft state only when this sufficiency results to the members of the community. If then this sufficiency is preferable, a state which is less one, is better than that which is more nearly so. CHAP. in. Bit admitting that it is best for the state to be , ' M 1 -i. 1 1. ^1 I'l.ito's theory one as mucii as ]H)ssible, it docs not seem to be fails when proved that this will take place on his tlieorv, bv '"^rpiit'i 'o jurmitting all at once to say "this is mine," and "this is not mine," though this is what Socrates regards as a proof that a state has perfect unity. For the word oil is used in two senses ; if it means each individun!, what Socrates {iroposes will more nearly take place ; for each person will say, this is his own son, and his own wife, and his own pro- perty, andof every thing else that may ha])pcn to belong to him, that it is his own. But now those who have their wives and children in common will not say so, but all will say so, though not as individuals ; and likewise with regard to property, all will say so, but not as individuals ; therefore, this use of the word "all," is evidently a fallacious mode of speech ;^ for the words "all" and "both" are odd and even, and are some- times used distributively, and sometimes collectively, on ac- "PX'lc- The words wapA ftipo^ in the following line, he regards ns a mere gloss on the iv /ifpic whuh ]>rccede3 them. ' In other w»irtls, it is certain that by stretching this unity too far, we shall lose the independence of a state; for it will sink down lirst into a mere family, and from a family into an individual : and when it has gone thus far, its essence will be found to be in a great measure destroyed. ' This is what is commonly called a fallacy of " Compositio et Divisio." Sec J?oph. Elenth. i. 2, where among syllogisms which are wapA r>)v ^fC«»', Aristotle enumerates those which are said to be napd. r^v (laiptotv, and he gives as an example the following, on rd irtvri iori ivb Kai rpia fai irfpirrd Kai dpna. 38 AU1ST0TLE*S POLITICS. [bOOK II. count of their double meaning, and are the cause of contentious syllogisms in reasoning. Therefore for all persons to nay the sumo thing was their own, using the word "all" in its distribu- tive sense, would be well, but is impossible : while in its collec- tive sense, it would by no means contribute to the concord of the state, liesides, there is another harm attending this proposal ; for whatever is common to miny is taken least care of ; for all men regard most what is their own, and care less for common property, or only just as much as concerns them. For, be- sides other considerations, every one is more negligent .of what another has to see to ; as in a family, one is often worse served by many servants, than by a few. Now eacli eitizcn in the state will have a thousand children, but none of them will be as the children of any individual, but every child will be the son of every fatlier, as chance may have it, and the parents all will alike neglect them. Besides, in consequence of this, whenever any citizen fared well or ill, every person, be the number what it would, might say, "this is my son," or " that man's son ;" ami in this manner would they speak, and Further dim- doubtingly withal. Concerning each of the thou- cuiiio!,; coi»- sand, or whatever number the city consisted of; for it would be uncertain to whom each child be- longed, and who should preserve it when born. Now which of tlie two do you think is better, for every one to say *' this is mine," while they apply it ecpially to two thousand, or ten thousand ; ' or, as we say *' this is mine," under our ])resent forms of government, where one man calls another his son, another calls that same person his brother, another nephew, or according to some other relationship, either by blood or marriage, and first extends his care to him and his, while another regards him as one of the same brotherhood and the same tribe ? For sure it is better for any one to be a nephew in his private capacity, than a son after this manner. Besides, it will be impossible to prevent some persons from ar'isinR from suspccting that they are brothers and children, or family like- fathers and mothers, to each other ; for from the mutual likeness which exists between the parent ' On the cosiuopoUtan tlieory wliich woiiUl incrRo all particular and social affections into a mere system of general benevolence, compare Chalmers' BridRcwaler Treatise, vol. i. c. 6, (p. 2ib,) and Newman's Sermon on St. John's Day. CHAr. IV.] COMMUNITY OF WIVES AND CHILDREN. 39 and the ofr^prinjr, they will neces?aril}' obtain proofs of their mutual relationship. This circumstance, we arc informed by those writers who describe ditlerent parts of the world, does sometimes iiappen ; for some tribes of Upper Africa ' have their wives in connuon, but yet their children are distin- p:uished by their likeness to their i)arents. There are also some women, and scjme other animals too, as mares and cows, whicii naturally bring forth their young very like the male ; such was the mare called Dica?a, in Piiarsalia.^ CHAP. IV. Besides, those who contrive this plan for a com- munity, cannot easily avoid such evil*» as the fol- dJri! '&"c" """ lowing ; namely, blows, murders, voluntary or in- voluntary, quarrels and reproaches ; all of which it would be imj»iou3 indeed to be guilty of towards our fathers and mothers, or those who are nearly related to us, as it is towards those who are not connected with us : and certainly these mis- chiefs must necessarily ha])pen oftener among those who do not know each other, than among those who do ; and when they do happen, among those who know their relations, they admit of a legal expiation, but in the latter case, this can- not be done.^ It is also absurd for those who y>]a{o» com- inake a counnunity of children, to hinder those minityof who love each other from sexual intercourse, beVxtended while they do not restrain them from the passion <" «*"• itself, or from those other embraces, which are of all things ' For example, the Knsamoncs, (see Herod, iv. 1"'2,) and the Ayscnscs, •(ib. IW),) and the Apatliyrsi, (ib, 104,) ol 'AyaOvpfToi—iiriKoivov rwy yvvaiKiov Tt)v fnKiv iroitvvrat, tvd Ka(Tiyvr)Toi r« aXAj7Xu>v tuKTi, rat oiVf'/Voi tovT((^ Trdrrtf fiiiTt (p96v^} fir]r( tx9u XP^*^*'^"* ^C a\\r)\ovQ. *' Tiie A;;aihyrsi have their women in common, that so they may be all brothers, ancl in virtue of their relationship, they may be free from all envy and mutual hatred." Mela (i. 8) relates the same of the Gara- nianles; as also does Pliny, Hist. Nat. v. 8. ' Compare Aristotle's HisU Anim. vii. 6. (Schn.) , ' It is worthy of remark here, how wide-spread among the heathen world was the doctrine of the necessity of expiatory sacrifices. On this subject, compare the remarks of Butler, Analogy, Part II. chap. v. Bohn'8 edition, p. '2r)2. See also >Eschylus, S. c. T. 676. aW dvipai WpytioKTi Ka^/nti'ou? tilXn tJs Xflpn^ iXdtlv nl/ma yap KnSnpffiov' Avcpihv i' b^iuip.wv QdvaruK e who labour hard and have but a small proportion of the pro- duce, will of necessity complain against thos(! who take a large share and do but little labour. Upon the whole, it is ditlicult to live togetlier as a community, and thus to have all things that man can possess in common, and especially this is the case with respect to such property. This is evident from the partnerships of those who go out to settle a colony ; for nearly all of them have disputes with each other upon the most common matters, and come to blows u})on trifles : we find too, that we oftenest disagree- with those slaves who are gener- ally emphjyed in tlie common otllces of a family. A conununity of property then has these and other inconveniences attending it : but the manner of life whicl» is now established, more particularly when embellished with good morals and a system of upright laws, is far superior to it, for it will embrace tiio advantages of both ; by *'both" we mean, the advantage arising CIIAr. v.] COMMUNITY OF rUOPEUTy. 43 from properties being common, and from being divided also; tor in some respects it onglit to be common, but upon the whole private. For the fact that every man's attention in em- ployen thcin, sec Hutlcr's first Sermon ou Human Nature, and Analojry, Fart I. chap. v. ' We have hero ahnost a Christian argument apainst the ideal com- munity of goods proposed by Socrates. In a state where the principle of unity is thus carried oiit. it will he impossible to exercise the social duties of liberality, kindness, &c., and there will be no room for the virtties of benevolence, charity, modesty, &c. But virtue cannot exist if its proper objects arc withdrawn ; this result, then, shows that however fair and plausible stjch an Utopian theory may be, it is contrary to the nature of man, and Ihcrefore false in principle. 44 Aristotle's politics. [book ii, where they make the state too entirely one. And further, they destroy the offices tyf two principal virtues, modesty and liber- ality — modesty with rej^pect to the female sex, for it is right to abstain from her who is another's ; and liberality, as it re- lates to private property, without wliich no one can appear liberal, or do any generous action ; for the otiice of liberality consists in imparting to others wliat is our own. On other ,„, . S i- i • i i ** i •. jrroun.is also 1 his systeui ot pohty does indeed rec6mmend it- impracticabie. ^g|j' j^^ jj^ rrood ii{)pearance, and specious pretences to humanity ; and the man who hears it proposed will receive it gladly, concluding that there will be a wonderful bond of friendship l)etween all its members, particularly when anyone censures the evils which are now to be found in society, as arising i'rom property not being common ; as for example, the disputes which hiippen between man and nuui, upon their con- tracts with each other; the judgments passed to punish per- jury, and the Hattering of the rich ; none of which arise from properties being private, but from the corruption of man- kind. For we see those who live in one conwnunity and have all things in connnon, disputing with each other ot'tener than those wiio have their property separate ; but we observe fewer instances of strife, because of the very small number ot* those who have property in common, compared with those where it is appropriated. It is also but right to mention not only the evils from which they who share property in common will be preserved, but also the advantages whieh they will lose ; for viewed as a whole, this manner of life will be found impractieable. We must suppose, then, that the If'Sy' '''"'*' error of Socrates aroso froju the fact that his tirst principle' was false; for we admit that both a family and a state ought to be one in some particulars, but not entirely so ; for there is a ])oint, beyond which if a state proceeds towards oneness, it will be no longer a state. There is also another point at whieh it will still be a state, but in proportion as it approaches nearer to not being a state, it will be worse ;'^ as if one should reduce the voices of those who sing ' Tifi' l>Tru6((Ttv. Tlie first principle wiih uhich he starts, " Initia et fundiinu'iUii rfipuhlicie." ((iut'uliiip;). Set' below, book vi. chap. 2, i»jro- 0<(Tif fiivovv rfiQ diJuoKpaTiKiji; TroXiri/of iXivOtpia. ' the (ireek text as rectived by Bekker and dthers stands thus, «'"""«• troduce education, and who thinks thereby to make his state excellent, will be absurd if he expects to fashion it by the former means, and rather than manners, philosophy, and laws.* Ant all thinjis have already been foutid out; but some have b' v'n ncjrlectcd, and others, which men know, tlu'y do not ]>ut into ])ractice. liut this would be most evident, if any one could see such a form of nrovernm'ent actually established : for it wo\dd be impossible to i'rame such a state without dividini; and separating it into its distinct parts, as ]Miblic tables, wards, and tribes ; so that here nothing further will be ])rovided by the laws than to forbid the military to engage in agni'ulturi', which is what the LacedaMuonians are at present I'udeavouring to do. And further, Socrates has not told us (nor is it easy to say) what ])1an of government sliould be pursued with respect to the individuals who share in a com- munity of goods ; for the majority of his state will comprise a multitude of persons of ditl'erent occupations, but of these he has determined nothing ; whether the jiroperty of the husband- man ought to be in common, or whether each should have his -hare to himself; as also, whether their wives and children Many editions, however, nnd that of Goi-ttlinp atnonfr the number, omit '>!i(« word tffrrrt ; an onu'iidalioii which makes the tf\t somewliat more intellieibU\ We have piven what seemed upon the whole to he the sim- I ;• St meaninp. Compare below, book v. ch. 9, rrQiLrov ^iv \(ipit) Tron'jati r/;r TToXirt'av, TfXoc f J or^i rroXiTtiav. May we b(> aHowcd (o sucpest >i very simple emendation ? The only alteration reqtiired is the iranspo- Mtion of llic sinplc word TroXif. The sentcnee then would stand thus, *Tri i' il)Q trrrni fi^viroXig, iyyrg ^' ovtra rov f.i)) TroXcf elrai, (trrni xfT'"'*'. Krit quidi'm eivitas, qnanto autem proprius absit qtiin non sit ornnino < ivitas, erit pejor." '• IMato, carried away by zeal for his ideal th.eory. forpot that a wnral 'inity must be bronpht about by moral, and not by physical mean?. This mistake Ariototic here corrcilfl. 46 AmSTOTLE*S POLITICS. [bOOK II. ought to be in common or not. For if all things are to be alike common to all, where will be the diti'erence between them and the military, or what will they get by submitting to their government ? and upon what principles would they thus submit, unless they should establish the wise practice of the Cretans, who allowed every thing else to their slaves, but forbade them only gynmastic exercises and the use of arms?* But if matters are to be with them as they are in other states, what will be their terms of intercourse ? For in one city there must of necessity arise two states, Absurditv of , , •' ^ i ,i i- i i cniiiiiiiMK tiiu- and tliose contrary to each other ; tor he makes military! **'''' ^''^' niilitary to be the guardians of the state, and the husbandmen, artisans, and others he makes citizens; and all tho.se quarrels, accusations, and things of the like sort, which he says are the bane of other states, will be found in his also. Notwithstanding, Socrates says that in conse(pien(;e of their education they will not want many laws, but such only as may be necessary for regulating the streets, the markets, and the like ; while at the sam(? time it is the military only to whom he has granted education. Ik-sides, he makes tiie husbandmen masters of property upon paying a tribute ; but this would be likely to make them far more troublesome and high-spirited than the Helots, the Penestu*, or other slaves. Nor has he determined what is conniH'ted herewith, their i)olity, tiieir education, and their laws : be- sides, it is of no little conse(iuence, nor is it easy to determine, how these should be framed so as to preserve the eonnnunity of the military. Besides, if he makes the wives connnon while the property continues sej)arate, who shall manage the domestic concerns witli the same care which the man bestows upon his li(dds? Nor will it answer by making the property common as well as the wives : and it is absurd to draw a comparison from the brute creation, and to say, that the same principle should regulate the connexion of a woman with a man, as prevails among brutes, amongst whom there are no family ties. It is also very hazardous to settle the magistracy as Socrates has done ;^ for he would have persons of the same ' It would sc'pm that the treatment of the children of Israel by their Kizyptian masters was somewhat similar to this. " These are the philosophers as a body, though individually they rule in turn in the U»'public of I'lato. See book vii. chap. 17, where Socratca nivr. VI.] rr-ATo's laws considered. 47 rank nlway:* in oflice ; n thing wliich becomes a cauFC ofsedilion even anionfrst tliosc who are of no account, but surely' more partieiihirly amonjzst men wlio are of a courageous and warlike disposition. It i.«5 indeed evidently necessary that lie should iVanie his community in this manner ; for that golden particle which God has mixed np in the soul of man, flies not from one to the other, but always continues with the same ; for he snys,'^ that some of our species have pold, and Thethmrynf (ttiiers silver, blended in their composition from i'!a<" n« to the , p 1 • 1 • 1 1 1 1 three several tlie moment ot their birth ; but those Avho arc to nnkR in his be husbandmen and artists have brass and iron, '•"'""'"""^■^'th licsides, though he dej)rives the military of happiness, he says, that the legislator ought to niake the entire body of citizens happy ; but it is impossible that the whole state can be happy, except all, or the greater part, or some part of it be happy. For liappiness is not the same as the property of even num- ber, which belongs to two numbers added together, but to neither of them tsikt^n separately: it cannot be thus with happiness. And withal, if the military are not happy, who else are to be so? for the artisans are not, nor the multitude of those who arc employed in inferior offices. The state, then, which Socrates has described, has all these defects, and others which are not of less consequence. CHAP. VI. Ir is also nearly the same in his treatise upon p^^^^-^ Laws,'*^ which was written afterwards ; and hence, "laws" next by the way, it will be proper in this place briefly ^''''^"^'"^ • si'oaks of llirm after tlicy arc fifty years of aj^e, as " for the most part, in- dvrd, occupying themselves with ]'hilosophy, and when it is their turn, toilins? in political atfairs and taking the povernment." ' See Blonif. (iloss. on iEsch. Prom. V. 1. 210. ' Sec the beautiful legend given at length in the Republic of Plato, li'ink iii. sub fincm. ' With reference to the " Laws " of Plato, it may be well here to intro- 'lure a few pcntence.s from the " Introduction " to the Translation of Plato, (vol. V.) by G. Burpcs, M. A. He says that " Plato.having in his imaginary ' Uepublic ' delineated what he conceived to be the best form of covernment, v.A prescribed the course of instruction by which the people living under ^'1. h a polity might be brought up and fitted for it, has in his ' Laws ' d' tailed some of the leading enactments which a constitution would rc- 'luirc Ast asserts that it is sufficient to read only a page of the 48 ahistotlf/s politics. [book ii. Too many ^^ conaidcf tho polity thore described. For So- quoitidn* Uft cFfttes has thorou<2j)dy settled but very few parts of umieiiiiej. |^.^ polity { as for instanco, in what manner tho community of wiven and children ought to ho regulated, and as to property, and to the manner of conducting tlje govern- ment. Now tlie whole amount of inhabitants are divided by him into two parts, the husbandmen and the soldiery ; and from thes(^ In; selects a thinl part, who are to be senators and to govern the state ; but he has not said whether or no the hus- bandmen and arlithters shall have any, and what, sliare in i\w government, or whether tliey wluill havi' arms, and join with the others in war, or not. He tliinks also that the women ought to go willi the men to war, and have the same edu- cation as the soldiery; and as to other particulars, he has fdled his treatise with matter fori'ign to the purpose ; and with respect to education, he has only !^aijv ravra dvayKalov tifivai, K 50 AmSTOTLK's POLITICS. [iJOOK 11, alno be considered, whether the quantity of property may not be settled in a diflfiirent manner, and better too, by more cU'arJy defining; it ; for he says that it ouf^ht to be hu'»e enough for every one to live moderately, as if any one had said "enoufjjh to live well," whieh is the most yh^uq expression. Besides, a man may live moderately and miserably at the same time ; he had therefore better have laid it down, that they should live both moderately and liberally ; for unless these two eon- spire, luxury will follow on the one course, and wretchedness on the other ; since these two habits of livincj are the only ones which rej^ard the employment of our substance ;' for it is not possible for a man to bo mild or coiinifreons in the use of his fortune ; but he may be jjinident and liberal ; so that these uses are the only ones necessarily connected with pro- perty. It is also absurd to render property e(pial, Asjoi)o;mia- ^^j^j j^^^ ^^ provide for the number of the citi- zens, but to leave the increase of population un- certain ; as ifitwonld regulate itself according to the number of women who should happen to be cliildless, let that be wlial it may, because tliis seems now to take place in other states. Hut the case of neces-iity woidd not hapiien witli the same certainty in such a state which he ])roposes. as in tliose which now exist ; for in these no one actually wants, as the property is divided amongst tlu' whole body, be its numbers what they will ; but as it could not then be divided, the superninneraries, whether they are many or few, nmst needs have nothing at all. But one would suppose that it is even more necessary than the regulation of j)roi)erty, to provide, as to the increase of numbers, that not more than a certain nun^ber should Itc- come parents ; and to determine this number by caleulatiii;: the chances of tho^e children who will die, and of those women who will be barren ; and to neglect- this, as is done in several • Ci>rai-s rishtly reads here, rt^ ^itv to Tpvl' uiur.i virtne laid down in Kih. Niconi. ii. 2. ' TO a(/»tT(T0ai. It is snpi^csied by Goi'ttline to tindorstand tliis word a- meaning emuimtiun, " possis di' t'inittendis coloniis intt^UiixcrL'." And h supjiorts liis rt'iiiU'riiig by a rcfiTiiice bidow to Aristotle's own wt)rds, ! V. chap. 5, with rdorenco to IlcrackM. It wouUl seem that Aristotle, i: objocling to Plato's scheme, on the ground that he has not proposed ai.) CHAT. VI.] AXn OTIIF.n Dl-ITXTS. 51 states, is to hrinp: certain poverty on the citizens ; and poverty is the cause of sedition and evil. Now l^lieidon tlie Corinthian, one of the oldest of l(';rislators, thought that the families and niimher of citizens ou^ht to continue the same; allhoujrh it -hould happen that all at the first have allotments dispro- I-(»rtionato to their numbers. In Plato's Laws it is however iii}T(T<*nt ; and we must mention hereafter' what we think would he best in these ]>artieulars. lie has also iit\!]:lecti»-;ed of men-at-arms. If Plato intended to frame a state, in which more than in any other every thing should be common, [ lio has certainly given it a right name ; but if he intended it '■ • the the next in perfection to the best theoretic state,"^ it is not • i^urc to guard ncainst an excess of popiilation, has overlooked the fact .It IMalo in liis Laws (b. v. p. IV)) expressly suppcsts a voluntary co- :ii/ition as the preat safeguard against any superfiuous population in > ideal rily or state. I'iic foll.)winp is the substance of the note of Goi-'ltlinff, in loco : rb ?i Wirt9ai, This is generally rendered as if it meant ''to ucfflect." Bui • luiu'ht very ]>lausibly argue in favour of understanding ihc words as I' rriiip to ** co/nnization," the remedy projiosed by Plato as a means of iryinp otl" the supernumerary members of the state. See Laws, book v. ' " Moreover, should any'difliculty arise concerning the inequality of . •'I'UU liousoholds, there remains the old contrivance which • hive often mentioned, of friendly colonies being sent out from friends, ':.i:li»>r!?oever it may appear to be suitable." . ' This promise Aristotle aflervsards redeems in book vii. '' S.c Plato's Laws, v. 741. * Ibid. v. 11, '^.3G. * >'e below, book vii. ' The polity which was the original object of our inqtiiry — or that . h is abstractedly the best and purest. This Aristotle would consider E 2 52 Aristotle's politics. [book ii. so ; for perliaps some persons will give the preference to the Lacedaemonian form of government, or some other whicli may more nearly approximate to an aristocracy. Now some per- sons say, that the most perfect government sliouhl be one composed of all others blended together, for which reason they commend that of Laceda^mon ; for some say, that this is composed of an oligarchy, a monarchy, and a democracy ; their kings representing the monarchical j)art, their gerusia tlie oligarchical ; and that in the ephoralty niay be found the de- mocratical element, as they arc taken from the body of the people. But others assort, that the ephors have absolute power, and that it is their common meals and daily course of life, in which the democratic ibrm is re])resi'nted. It is also said in tiiis treatise of Laws, that the best form of government must be one compos(id of a democracy and a tyranny ; though such a mixture no one would allow to be any government at all, or, if it is, the worst possible. Those, on tiie other hand, j)ropose what is much better, who blend many governments together j for the most perfect is that which is formed of many F.iiiitsastothe parts. But now this polity (of Plato's) >hows no coniim>iti()n traccs of a monarchy, but only of an oli^arcliy ami ami ilection of , i • / • i •" i i5ie ruiiui,' deuiocracy ; and it seems rather to incline towards ^"^*' an oligarchy, as is evident I'rom the appoint- ment of the magistrates ; for to choose them by lot, is common to both ; but the fact that men of ibrtune must necessarily bi' members of the assembly, and ele(;t the magistrates, and take part in the management of other ])ublic atl'airs, while the rest are passed over, this makes the state incliiie to an oligarchy; as does the endeavouring that the greater j)art of the rich may be in oihce, and that the rank of their appointments may correspond with their fortunes. The oligarchic principle prevails also in the choiee of their senate ; the manner ol electing which is favourable also to an oligarchy ; for all an' obliged to vote for senators out of the first class, afterward? for the same number out of the second, and then out of tlio third ; but this compulsory voting does not extend to all ul to be one in which the various forms of povernnient are blended to soni' extent, but inclining more nearly to an aristocracy, wliich, as its name in; l)lies, is based on virtue or merit (dptr//). See a lew lines l)eK)w, " T\\o>- on the other hand propose what is much belter, who blend many poviir. ments together ; for the most perfect is that which is composed of mm; parts." CHAP. VII.] THE IDEAL STATE OF TIIALEAS. ,53 tho thinl and fourth cla?>os, but only llic first and pocond ('la>sos out of the entire four.' liy this means, lie say.**, ho ought to show an equal number of each rank elected : but he is mistaken ; for the majority will always consist of the first rank, and the most considerable people ; and for this reason, tliat many of the commonalty, not being obliged to it,^ will not attend the elections. From hence it is evident, that such a state will not consist of a democracy and a monarchy, as well as from what we shall say when we come particularly to con- sider this form of government. Danger also will arise from the manner of choosing the senate, when those wlio are elected themselves arc afterwards to elect others ; for, if a certain number choose to combine together, though not very considerable, the election will always fall according to their pleasure. Such are the points on which Plato touches, concerning his form of government, in his book of Laws. CHAP. VII. There arc also certain other forms of govern- ment, which have been proposed, some by pri- poiuu's!'^*' vate persons,'' and some by philosophers and politicians, all of which come much nearer than the above to those which have been really established, or now exist : for no one else has introduced the innovation of a community of wives and children, and public tables for the women ; but they have set out v/ith establishing such points as are absolutely ' necessary. There are some who think that the first object That of of government should be to regulate well every f,'^^'^'"': , . .^ . . r- t 1 ^''^ mode of thing relating to property ; tor they say, that equalizing herein lies the source of all seditions whatsoever. i'^°p^''*>- For this reason, Phaleas the Chalcedonian was the first who proposed this plan, that the fortunes of the citizens should be 'qual. This he thought was not difTicult to accomplish wlicn ' Rckkor roads U rou rtrapTov ruiv Tfrapriov. But it is necessary to M<1 TtTTapiov in order to preserve the sense. ^ Compare Plato's Laws, b. vii. 5. See also Goottlinc's note. ' tciwTai. This word must be understood as opposod not so much to .•'\(i(To0rti as to TToXtTtKoi, Tho class of philosophers being divided into sc who have taken a practical part and share in legislation (TfoXin- 0, and those who have not (i^iwrai). 54 AUISTOTLE's politics. [book II. a community was first settled, but tliat it was a work of much dilliculty iu states which had been long establislied ; but yet that an eiiuality might possibly be etfected as follows : name- ly, thiU the rich sliould give marriage portions but never receive any, while the poor should always receive but never give them. But Plato, in liis treatise of Laws,* thinks that a difference in circumstances should be permitted to a certain degree ; but that no citizen shouhl be allowed to possess more than five times as much as tiie lowest income,'^ as we have already men- tioned, liut one thing ought not to escape tlie notice of legis- lators who wouUl establish this principle, though now they are apt to overlook it ; that whili' thi'V leguhite llie (piantity of property belonging to each individual, tiiey ought also to regulate tlie number of his children ; for if the number of his family exceed the allotted quantity of properly, the law must necessarily be repeaU'd ; ami yet, apart from sut'h a reix-al, it will have the bad «'tlcct of reducing numy from wealth to poverty ; so dillicult is it t'or innovators not to fall into such mistakes. That an e([uality of goods has some force to strengthen political society, seems to have been determined by some of the ancients ; for Solon made a law to this etfect ; and also among certain others there is a law restraining per- sons from possessing as nmch land as they please. And upon the same principle there are laws which forbid men to sell their property, (as among the Locrians,) unless they can prove that some notorious misfortune has befallen them. They j were also to preserve their ancient patrimony ; and this custom | being broken through among the Leucadians, made their ' gONcrnment too democratic ; for by that means it was no ^ longer necessary to be possessed of a certain fortune, in order f to step into the magistracy. But it is possible that an equid- j ity of goods is established, and yet that this may be either [ too great, when it tends to luxurious living, or too little, when j it obliges them to live hard. Hence it is evident, that it is not enough for the legislator to establish an equality of cir- cumstances, but he must aim at a proper medium. Besides, it any one should so regulate property, as that- there should be * * See the LaNvs, book v. eh. 13. ' Aiisioile is hero quoiiui; iVom memory. In tlie Laws of Phito, the qua(irui»l<.' of a siii^'lc lot (K-\r/{)oc) is laid down as the exlreme iunil of wealth Nshieh the l-'Jiishilor ouirhi lo lolcrale. ClUr. VII.] TIIF. IDF.AL STATE OF niALEA??. 55 :i nuxleratp sulTicicncy fur all, it womM bo of no w^c ; for it is nf niort' con."*oqucnce that the citiztns shoiiM entertain a simi- larity of fft'ling-i than an equality of property ; but tliis can nev»T U\ unless they are properly cUicatrd under the din ction <»f ilie law?*. IJut probably l*halea!« may say. that thi? i? what he himself mentions ; for he thinks that state* ought to po3- M -- , an equality of these two things, pn»j^)iTty and education. But he should have said particularly what education he in- tended ; nor is it of any service to have this one and the same for all ; for this education may be one and the same, and yet such as will make the citizens over-jrreedy to gra-p after honours, or riches, or both. Beside?, not only an inequality of |>o-3es3ioa"». but also one of honours, occa.sion« seditions, though in a contrary way in eitlicr ca^e ; for the vulgar will be i-i'ditious if there be an equality of goods, but those of more « levated sentiments, if there is an equality of honours ; whence it is said, " When pood and bad do equal honoura share." H..mtr, U. ix.319. For men are not guilty of crimes for necessaries only, — (for which they think an equality of goods would be a sufRcient rmedy, as they would then have no occasion to steal for cold r hun:rer,) — but that they may enjoy what they desire, and not \-\A\ for it in vain ; for if their desires extend beyond the •^'Uimon nece-^aries of life, they will do any injustice to gra- tity them ; and not only so, but, if they feel a desire, they will (In the same to enjoy pleasures free from pain.' What nmet, let every one have a moderate subsistence, and labour for his living. For the second, let him practise tem|>erance ; and thirdly, let those who wish for pleasure through them- - Ives, seek for it only in philosophy ; for all other plca.-sures want the assistance of man. Men, then, are guilty of the _'n.atest crimes from ambition, and not from necessity ; no -ne, for instance, aims at being a tyrant, to keep him from the cold ; hence great honour is due to him wlio kills not a thief, but a tyrant;^ so that form of polity which Phaleas ' There arc three molires of human action?, accordine to Aristotle in tiiis pa>*ace. 1st, Absolute trani (fTi9»'/tia ruir avayKalinv^. '2nd, De- »tre (rtiv ftrf aiaytaiuiv). 3rd, PUastire itself 'lid \aipw tlian their own, and those who are of a had ono from hein;^ able to acquire it ;' and tliis may bo d(mo if they are kept in an inferior station, and not exposed to injustice. Nor has he treated well one of the .'(luality of floods ; for lie has extended his regu- JJ'uSa'lio" lation only to land, whereas a man's substance consists not only in this, but also in slaves, cattle, money, and :ill that variety of things which fall under the name of chat- t'ls. Now there nuist be either an equality established in all these, or some certain general rule, or they must be left en- tirely at large. It apj>ears too by his laws, that he intends to establish his state on a small scale, "ue,i 'Initios ;is all the artificers are to belong to the public, and ver>Rmaii will add nothing to the complement of citizens ; but if all those who arc to be employed upon public w-orks ;ire to be public slaves, it should be done in the same manner :h it is at ICpidamnus, and as l)io[)hantus formerly regulated it at Athens. From these particulars any one may nearly imlgc whether Phaleas has said well or ill as to his com- munity. CHAP. VIII. r>n Ilippodamus, the sou of Euryphon, a IVIile- jhe ideal poii- -;an, the same who contrived the art of laying out ty "f nippoiia- tnwns, and who separated the Pineus, was in ""'*' "ther respects over-eager of notoriety, and seemed to many to live in a very affected manner, with his flowing array of locks ^ nnd expensive ornaments, and a coarse warm vest which ho ^vo^e, not only in the winter, but also in the hot weather. And as he was very desirous of being regarded as a universal ' Cdmparc llie last chapter of ihe Nicom. Ethics, b. x., where Aristoile ^nys that the irrcat majority of mankind, who are * by deprivine them of all civil power. * This Koy^oQ TToXvrtXt'iQ rpixiov is probably the same with the tvtptJiQ XM'nwv rirriywv mcntioncd'by Thucyd. b. i. 6, as the favourite ornament 1 the Athenians. I 58 auistotlk's politics. [book h. pliilosopher, ho was the first wlio, not being actually engaged in the management of public atlairs, took in band to lay down what sort of government was best. Ac- and"divlsfoni. t!ordingly hc planned his state to consist of ten tliousand persons, and divi»led into tliree parts, one consisting of artisans, the second of husbandmen, and tho third of the military order ; he also divided tlie lands into three parts, allotting one to sacred purposes, another to tlie public, and the third to individuals. The first of these was to supply wliat was necessary for the established worsliip of the gods; tlu' >ecoud was to be allotted to the support of the soldiery ; and the third was to be the property of the hus- bandmen. He tiiought also that there need only be tlu'ee sorts of law's, for there are only tliree matters on account of which actions can be brought, namely, assault, trespass, or death. He ordered also that there should be one final court of appeal, into whicli all causes were to be remove,) avrdv rovi; TTal^aj; rt» ajro Tuvct hjfiuniif // ttoXic /uperior to the other two parts, and this will not be elfected unless they are very numerous ; and if they are so, M-hy should the community consist of any other members, and have a right to elect the magistrates? Besides, of what use are the husbandmen to this community? Artisans, it is true, are necessary, for these every city wants, and they can live off their business as in all other states. If the husbandmen in- deed furnished the soldiery with provisions, they would be properly part of the conmumity ; but these are supposed to have tlu.'ir private ])roperty, and to cultivate it for their own use. Moreover, if the soldiery are themselves to cultivate that common land wdiieh is appropriated for their support, there will be no distinction between the soldier and the husband- man, which the legislator intended there should be ; and if there should be any others besides those who cultivate their own private property, and the military', there will be a Iburth order in the state, which has no share in it, and Avill always be alien from it. But further, if any one should propose that the same persons should cultivate their own lands and the public land also, then there would be a deficiency of provisions to supply two families, as the lands would not immediately yield enough for themselves and the soldiers also ; all these 60 Aristotle's politics. [book it. DifTicuUieg of thin;^3, then, involve great confusion. Neither his nidiciai is liis method of determining causes u good one, ^vhen he would have the judge, in deciding, split the case which comes simplj before him, and thus, instead of being a judge, become an arbitrator. Now in matters of arbitration, this is possible to a number of indi- viduals;' (for they confer together upon the business that is before them ;) but when a cause is brought before judges it is not so ; but on the contrary, the majority of legislators take care that the judges shall not coumiunicate their sentiments to each otlier. IJesides, what can prevent confusiou in the de- cision, when one judge thinks a line should be inflicted, but not so great an one as that which the suitor thinks fit ; the latter proposing twenty minjc, while the judge imposes ten, or be it more or less, another four, and another five? It is evi- dent tlien that in this manner they will diifer from each other, some giving the whole damnges sued for, and others nothing ; and if so, how sliall the determinations of tlieir votes be settled? I^esides, nothing compels a judge to j)erjure him- self who simply aeijuits or condemns, if tlie action is fairly and justly brouglit; for he who aequits tlie party, does not say tluit ho ouglit not to pay any One at all, but that he ouglit not to pay a fine of twenty m'miw Hut he tliat condemns liim is guilty of juTJury, if he sentences him to pay twenty mina', while he believes the damages ought not to be so high. 15ut with respect to the honours wliieh lie proposes to bestow on those who devise any tiling which is useful to the community, this, thougii all very pleasing to the ear, is not safe for the legislator to settle, for it would occasion inlormers, and, it may be, commotions too in the state. And this pro- „ ., . . posal of his gives rise also to a further conjecture I- urther ob)ec- * , . . '^ ,, i , i i • tions and diiFi- and inquiry; tor some persons doubt whether it *^"'""' is useful or hurtful to alter the established laws of any country, if even it be for the better ; for which reason ono cannot immediately acee«le to what is here said, since it is not advantageous to alter them. We know indeed, that it is pos- sible to propose a remodelling of both the laws and govern- ment as a common good ; and since we have mentioned this subject, it may be very proper to enter into a few particulars ' Kai ir\tioaiv. On this pass.ipo Goi'ttlinpf remarks, " Mihi hrrc verba suspecta sunt, saltern quo pertineant non intelligo." CllVr. VIII.] JUDICIAL BIATTKRS. 61 concorninp; it; for it contain? some diflicultios, n.s we li.ivo al- ready said, and it may ajipoar better to alter them, for it lias l>een tbund useful in other sciences at all events so to do. Thus the science of physics is extended Ix^yond its ancient hounds; so is the •rymnastic, and indeed all other arts and faculties ; and hence, since the political science must be held to be one of them, it is clear that the same thins will necessarily hold pood in its respect. And it may also be aHirmed that experience itself gives a proof of this ; for the ancient laws are too sinijile and barbarous ; for example, the (Jreeks used to wear armour in common,' and to buy their wives of each other. And indeed all the remains of old laws which we have, are very simple ; for instance, a law in Cyme relative to murder, by which if any one, in prosectiting another for murder, can produce a certain number of witnesses to it of his own relations, the accused person is to be held puilty of the crime, lint, in a word, all persons ought to endeavour to follow what is rij^ht, and not what is established ; and it is ' ])robable that the first of the human race, whether they sprung out of the earth, or were saved from some general calamity, were much in the same state as the vulgfir and un- learned now, as is aiVirmed of the aborigines ; so that it wouhl be absurd to continue in the practice of their rules. Nor is it moreover right to permit written laws always to remain unaltered; for as in all other sciences, so in politics,- it is impossible that every thing should be expressed in writ- ing with perfect exactness ; for when we commit a thing to writing we must use general terms ; but in every action there is something particular to itself, which these may not com- jirehend ; and hence it is evident, that certain laws will at certain time.'^ admit of alterations. But if we consider this matter in another point of view, it will appear to be one which requires great caution ; for when the advantage pro- |)')sed is trifling, as the accustoming the people easily to abolish their laws is a bad thing, it is ancUonstitu.^" evidently better to pass over some faults on the 11","'*''"'' part of both the legislator and the magistrates ; tor the alterations will not be productive of so much good, aa ' Compare the statement of Thucydidcs, b. i. 6. iraaa yap r) 'EXXa<; >T«^7po0npti «5cd rdi atppaKTOVQ rt oicT/ffUf xai oiiK dff^oXtTf Trap' dXXt'/- 62 ARISTOTLE*S POLITICS. [bOOK II. a habit of disobeying the jnagistrates will be of harm. Be- sides, the instance brought from the arts is faUacious; for it is not the same tiling to alter the one as the otlier. For a law derives from custom all its power to enforce obedience, and this requires long time to establish ; so that to make it an easy matter to pass from the establislied laws to other new ones, is to weaken the power of laws. And besides, if the laws are to be altered, are they all to be altered, and in every government or not? and shall it be the pleasure of any chance person, or of whom? Now all these particulars make a great ditfcrence ; for which reason let us ai present drop this in- quiry, tor it better suits some other occasion. CHAP. IX. -,. ^„ But the considerations which offer themselves The covcrn- , i. • » ' ineiit of Spar- With respt'ct to tiic govemuients established at ta reviewed. Laccdoimon and in Crete, and indeed in all other rtar*ted'^**'°"* statcs, ai'c two in number ; the one, whether their laws are laid down well or ill, when com- pared with the best form possible: the other, whether there is any thing in its prinei})les or administration, in any way opposed to the theory proposed to them.' Now it is allowed that the members of every well-regulated state should be free from servile labour ; but in what manner this shall be etfected, is not easy to determine. For the Tenestie have very often attacked the Thessalians, and the Helots'^ the ' The qiieslions to be asktd horo with rclWonoo to slavery are two; a. Is iljc end jiood, in conipftrison with the best possible form of polity ? b. Do the means snccecd in etl'i'ctinp their end? - The Helots, a. The object of their institution issiiHicienlly good ; viz. to enable the citizens to perform the duties of citizenship, i. The practical working of tiie system is bad ; for, 1. Like the Penestea of Tliessaly, it breeds IleUjt wars. If the case be otlierwise in Crete, this is to be attributed to its insular position and the prevak'nce of the same instituiiDn in all its towns ; while Sparta was surrounded by nations who had no llelotry. 2. It is impossible to associate with them on common terms; if you oppre^s them, tlicy rebel ; if you treat them with kindness, they grow insolent. Midler speaks as follows conceniin? the Helots. *' Their name is de- rived (not from the town Helos, but) from V Xw, capio— ' perhaps those who were taken after resisting to tlie uttermost, while the Feria^ci sur- rendered on conditions;' but more probably ' an aboriginal race, subdued (WW. IX. SrAUT.V. TIIK IIF-F-OTS. 63 LaooilMMMonians ; for thoy in a niannor continually „.^ ,, wiitcli an opportunity lor some nii.stortun«3 to txi- nrisinc from fill them.' Hut no such thinf; has ever yet hap- *''« neioii. pcncd to the Cretans ; tho reason for which ])rohahly is, that a!thon;ih tho neighhourinnj cities are eni^apjcd in frequent wars with each other, yet none of them are ready to enter into alliance with therevolters, as it would he disadvantageous lor themselves who have villains of their own. liut tliere has heen perpetual enmity between the Lacedaemonians and all tlieir neijihbours, the Arjiives, the Messenians, and'tiie Arca- dians. Their slaves also, from the very first, have revolted iVotn"^ the Thessalians, while they have been engaged in Mars at a vory early poriiul, and passod over as slaves to the Dorian conquer- '•rs.' " Dorians, vol. ii. book iii. <"h. 3. I. Political rirjhts of ihr If riots, a. They were ]niblic slaves— not alienable, even by the state — belonged to tho land — had dwollinps of their own— paid rent — pot wealth by cultivatinp the >\n'\\, and by plunder in war, (llerod. ix. HO,) — had little intereonrse with their masters, lor the Spar- tans lived in town — and sc.Tved as ^/(Xoi in war. At IMatira .o,0(M) Spar- ta!is were attend(>d ))y .3r),(M)0 Helots. The Helots in battle were immc- dialely under the kinp. (Herod, vi. SO, SI.) Slav(>ry was, in Dorian states, the basis of eoniniereial pros|>erity ; but in tinieof wiir slaves were danperous — iu(tt( yap <(^f^(i»?''o»'rtc roTj; dTvx*l^(toi hartXaixji. See Tinicyd. i. 100, lis ; v. 11, 2:3. b. They could bo enfraiiehised. They served in the fleet with the I'erirrei, \inder \hv natun of hnTroniovnvTai. After some lime th(7 were called Neodamodes; and the Mothaees, or Mothones, answered to the Latin " Verna-,'' were well treated, and could acquire full citizenshij) ; I'lr Callicralidas, (Jylippus, and Lysander were all of this class. '2. Their treatment has probably been much misrepresented. They wnre a (cui-f; — as the peasants in Homer. (See Odyss. xxiv. 230.) This has been absurdly understood as a hardship. Plutarch's story wo reject as un- true ; that I hey were compelled topetdnmk as an example to the Spartan youth. The Cryptea is also misunderstood ; it was not an institution fur murder, btit for inspection of roads and fortresses. This we gather from Plato's Laws, i. p. G.3.3, C. Thucydidcs, however, (iv. 80,) seems to adhere to the popular b(dief. 3. Their nximbcr. Thucydides (viii. 40) says that the Laceda?mo- iiians had the larpest body- of slaves. Now there were present at IMata^a StHK) Spartans, .3r),0(}0 Helots, and 10,000 Periicci. Almost all the Spartans served in the war, but few Pcrineci ; for the latter had 30,000 rXT/poi, the former 9000. And as there were 8000 Spartans, h> oTrXoic, they were attended by 56,000 Helots, i. e. by about half their entire number. ' In Crete slaves of the class correspondinp to the Helots were called AphamiotjR, and at Arpos, Gymnesians (Pv/ti-r/rf?). ' Perhaps it would be better to read here t^itrrarro, as it suits better vhc context, and the case governed by the verb—" usen up against.'* 64 Aristotle's politics. [book ii. with their neiglibours the Ach^ans, the Perrhnjbeans, and tlie Mognesiana. It seems to nie indeed, if nothing else, yet a very troublesome business, to settle how to keep upon })roper U'ftis with them ; for if you are remiss in your diseipline, they grow insolent, and think themselves upon an equality with their masters ; and if they are hardly used, they are continually plotting against you, and hate you. It is evident then, that those whohapj^en to employ .slaves, have not as yet hit upon the right way of managing them. As to And from tbe. nriviprr liceiico to the womtu, it is hurtfid to the women. t? n^ ' • <> i end ot government and to the prosperity ot the state ; for as a man and his wife are each a j)art of a family, it is clear that we must sui)pose the city to be divided into two nearly equal parts, namely, into the number of men and of women. In whatever city, then, the women are not under good regulations, we nuist look upon one half of it as not under tlie restraint of law. And this actually happened at Sparta ; for the legislator, desiring to make his whole city a collection of warriors, most evidently accomplished his design with respect to the men, but in the mean time the women were quite neglected, for they live without restraint in every im))ro})er in- dulgence and luxury.' So that in such a state riches will ne- cessarily be in general esteem, })articularly if the men chance to be governed by their wives, which ha.s been the case wiUi many a brave and warlike people, except the Celts, and those other nations, if there are any such, who oj)enly approve of connexion with men. And the first mythologists seem not without good reason to have joined ^lars and Venus to- gether ; for all nations of tliis character appear to be greatly addicted either to the love of women or of boys ; for wliich reason it was thus at Laceda^mon ; and many things in their • " So strange did tlie influence uliich the Lacedtrniunian women ex- ercised, as the managers of their household and mothers of fsiniilies, appear to ihcCJreeks at a time when the jirevaUnce of Athenian manners prevented a due consideration for national customs, that Aristotle sup- posed Lycurgus to liave attempted, but witliout siieeess, to regulate the life of women as lie had that of the men. ... In accusing the women of Sparta, however, for not essentially assisting tluir country in times of ne- cessity, Aristotle has . . . required of them a duly which even in Sparta lay out of their sjjhere, and . . . his assertion has been suliieiently contra- dicted by the events of u subsequent period, in the last days of Sparta, whicli ac(|uired a surprising lustre from female valour, bee Plutarch, Cleom. 38." Midler's Dorians, vol. ii. ch. iv. 4. CHAP. IX.] rowF.n in thk hands of women. 65 state wore done by tlic autliority of the women. For wlmt is thcditVerence, if the power is in tlieir hands, whether the women r\\\c, or wiiether the rulers themselves are influenced by their wonuji ? 'J'he same is the result in either case. And as this ]>ul(lne*9 of the women can be of no use in any matters of tiaily life, if it was ever so, it must be in war ; but we find that the Lacedamionian women were of the greatest disservice in this respect, as was proved at the time of the Theban inva- sion, when they were of no use at all, as they are in other cities, but made more disturbance than even the enemy. This licence which the Laced.Tmonian women enjoy is what might be expected from the fir.st ; for the "S''''^'*P" men were wont to be absent from homo for a long time upon foreign expeditions against the Argives, and afterwards against the Arcadians and ^lessenians ; so that, when these wars were at an end, owing to their military life, in which there is no little virtue, they showed themselves pre- pared to obey the precepts of their lawgiver ; but we arc toM, that when Lycurgus endeavoured to reduce the women also to an obedience to his laws, upon their refusal, he de- listed from his purpose. The women, then, were the causes of these results, so that all the fault was theirs. But we are not now considering for whom we ought to make allowance or not, but what is right and what is wrong ; and when the manners of the women are not well regulated, as we have al- ready said, they are likely not only to occasion discord be- tween the various parts of the community, which is dis- jrareful, but also to increase the love of money. In the next place, after what has been said, one might find fault with his unequal division of property ; for uncquai"distri- it so happens that some have far too much, i>ujjon of pro- "thers too little, by which means the land has «-ome into few hands ; and this matter is badly regulated by iiis laws. P'or lie made it infamous for any one either to buy • T sell his possessions, and in this he did right ; but he per- mitted any one that chose it to give them away or bequeath tliom, although nearly the same consequences must needs arise iVum the one course as from the other. For it is supposed that nearly two parts in five of the whole country is the property ^f women, owing to their being so often heiresses, and having ^uch large fortunes in marriage ; though it would be better to r 66 Aristotle's politics. [book n. allow them none, or a little, or a certain regulated propor- tion. Now however every one is permitted to give his heiress to whomsoever he pleases ; and if he dies intestate, he who succeeds as heir at law gives her to whom he pleases. Whence it happens that, although the country is* population. ^^^^ ^^ support fifteen hundred horso and thirty tliousaiid foot, the number does not amount even to one thousand. And from these results it is made evident, that in this particular the state is badly regulated ; for the city could not support one blow, but was ruined for want of men.'^ They say, that during the reigns of their ancient kings they used to present foreigners with the freedom of their city, to prevent there being a want of men while they carried on long wars ; it is also alHrmcd that the number of Spartans was formerly ten thousand ; but be that true or false as it may, it is far better to increase the number of the male population by an eiiuality of property. The law too which ho made to encourage population, was by no means calculated to correct this inecjuality ; for being wiUing that the Spartans should be as numerous as possible, lie encouraged them to have as large families as possible ; and to this end there is a law that he who had three children should be ex- empted from the night-watch, and that he who had four > It has been suppested that we should here read rpi(Txe magistrates take cognizance of things of the ^•p''"'^'*^' lii.st importance, and yet tliey are chosen out of the people in general ; so that it often happens that very poor ^^^ j,,p j)erson3 chance to be elected to that office, who, I'phoraity wu from that circumstance, are easily bought. There '■'"°'^^"*''- have been many instances of this formerly, as well as in the late atliiir at Andros. For certain men, being corrupted with money, went as far as they could with tv^-mA to to ruin the city. And, moreover, because their contrary to Spartan usage. (Herod, v. 39.) They fined Agesilaus. i'l'itarch.) They punished citizens for indolence, luxurious habits, etc., and pro- ^"iv took a part in superintending public education. They were assessors of the kings in judicial matters, (Herod, ri. 63,) 1 they judged according to their own will and pleasure, or rather ac- rding to un>>Tittcn laws ; for Sparta know no others. As to their re- liny, 8C0 some remarks in Aristotle's Rhct. iii. 18. f2 68 Aristotle's politics. [look h. their kings too were obliged to flatter them, which contri- buted greatly to hurt the state ; for it was altered fron» an aris- tocracy to a democracy. This magistracy ' is indeed the great bond which holds the state together ; for the people are easy, knowing that they have a share of the first olHce in it ; so that whether it took place by the intention of the legislator, or whether it happened by chance, this is of great service to their affairs ; for in a state which aims at permanency, every member of it ought to endeavour that each part of the govern- ment may be preserved and continue the same. And upon this principle their kings have always acted, out of regard to their honour ; the wise and good from their attachment to the senate, a seat wherein they consider as tlie reward of virtue ; and the common people, tliat they may support the epliors, for the latter are chosen from the entire body. And it is proper that these magistrates should be chosen out of the wiiolo community, but not in the way which is customary at present, for it is very ridiculous. The ephors are the supremo judges in cases of the hist consequence ; but, as tl»ey are per- sons taken at chance from the p(?o))le, it is nut right that they should determine according to their own opinion, but by written law or established customs.'^ Tlieir way of life also is not consistent with the will of the city, for it is too indul- gent ; whereas that of tlie others tends to too great severity, so that they cannot support it, but privately act contrary to the law and enjoy sensual pleasures. There are also great de- fects in the institution of their senators. If indeed they were of a kind disposition, fitly trained to manly virtue, every one would readily admit that they would be useful to the govern- ment ; but still it might be debated, whether they should con- tinue judges for life, to determine points of the greatest moment, since the mind has its old age as well as the body ; but as they arc so brought up that even the legislator couKl | } not depend upon them as good men,^ their power must be far * The Ephoralty was established at Sparta hy Lycurpus ; its powers wore extended hy Theupompus. Tlie Ephors were ck-eted out of thf ^nfioQ, and to a great extent resembk'd the Tribune!* of the people in the Hvtinan commonwealth. ' In del'enreof the Dorian policy, Miillcr says tliat there were no writ- ten l.iws at all at Sjjarta. * The reference of Aristotle iicrc is evidently to some particular occfl- sion and person, bul v/hat it may be we are unable to ascertain. I niAr. IX.] FAULTS IN Tim SYSTEM OF LYCrnr.T'S. GO from safe : for it is known that the niombors of that body liavo hcon j^uilty of takiiif; bril)cs, and of much partiabty in j)iiblic atVairs. For tlii.s reason il had boon mucli better if they had been made responsible for tlieir conduct, wliich tliey are not. Ibit it maybe said that the cphors seem toliavca check upon all the ma^xi'^trates. This power indeed is far too great a pri- vilege ; but I affirm that they should not be intrusted with this control in the manner in which they are. ^Moreover, the mode of choice which they make use of at the election of their sen- ators is very childish. Nor is it right for any one about to be elected to office to solicit a place ; for every person who is fit to hold ollire, whether he chooses it or not, ought to be elected. Hut his intention was evidently the same in this, as in the other parts of his government. For making his citizens am- bitious after honours, he has employed persons of that dispo- sition in the election of liis senate, since no others will solicit that ofHce ; and yet the principal part of those crimes of whieli men are deliberately guilty, arise from ambition and avarice. We will inquire at another time whether the kingly ntfice is useful to the state or not : but thus much is certain, that they should be chosen, not as they are now, but from a consideration of their individual conduct. But that the legis- lator himself did not expect to make all his citizens completely virtuous, is evident from the fact, that he distrusts them as not being sufficiently good men ; for he sent out enemies upon the same embassy, and thought that dissensions between the kings were the very safety of the state. Neither Tendency of were their common meals, called Plieidittia,* well the public arranged by him who first established them : for tl>e table should rather have been provided at the public ex- pense, as at Crete ; w*hereas at Lacedirmon every one was "bliged to contribute his portion, although he might be very poor and could by no means bear the (kxpcnse. By this means the contrary happened to what the legislator desired : t'»r he intended that the appointment of those public meals -hould strengthen the democratic element ; but arranged as it was by him, it had far from a democratic tendency ; for those ' Compare the statement of Plutarch, Lye. 12. " The Lnccdfrmonians ■ all ihcm (iheir common tables) X«ia, called by Cretans nvo'iay) the slaves of individual citizens, (d^or/ifwrai,) and the Peria^ei (i)7rf;rooi). Now we know that the Aphamiotac re- ceived their name from the cultivation of the lands of private individuals, (in Crete called aower regard as honourable, the opinion of the citizens necessarily follows in their wake ; and where the first honours are not paid to virtue, there the aristocratic form of government cannot flourish firndy : for it is reasonable to conclude, that those who bought their places ' should make an advantnge of it, when they gain their ollices by purchase ; a* it is absurd to suppose that if a man of probity is poor, and still desires to gain something, a bad man will not wish to do the same, to reimburse himself ; for which reason the magis- tracy should be formed of those who are most able to support an aristocracy. It would have been better if the legislator had })assed over the poverty of men of merit, only taking care that in oflice they should have sufficient leisure to attend to public affairs. It seems also improper, that one person pluralism in should execute several offices, which is approved of |»'e statp : lu at Carthage ; for one business is best done by one ' *^<^^'<^'8. person ;^ and it is the duty of the legislator to look to this, and not to appoint the same person a musician and a shoemaker: so that where the state is not small, it is more politic and more popular to admit many persons to have a share in the govern- ment ; for, as 1 just now said, it is not only more usual, but every thing is better and sooner accomidished, when done by the same persons: and this is evident both in the army and navy, where almost every one, in his turn, both commands and is under command. But as their government inclines to an oli- ' We are told by Polybius, (vi. 5G,) that llie very sufTclcs and captains- cencral of the commonwealth of Carthage bouthl their jilaces. Dr. Arnold doubts "whether this is to be tmderstood of paying money to obtain votes, or that the fees or expenses on entering oflice were purposely made very heavy, to render it inaccessible to any but the rich." He thinks that the latter supposition is the more probable. ' Compare book i. chap. 1. " Nature makes nothing shabbily, like the Delphic sword made by workers in brass, but one thing for one end ; for thus any instniment will have a better chance of being turned out per- I'.it, if it serve one end and not manv." 78 Aristotle's politics. [book it, garchy, they cleverly avoid its effects by always appointing some of tlie popular party as governors of the cities. Thus they consult this fault in their constitution, and render it stable ; but this is depending on chance ;* whereas the legislator ought so to frame his government tliat there can be no room for insur- rections. But now, if there sliould be any general calamity and the people should revolt from their rulers, there is no remedy to enforce obedience by tlie laws. And these are the particulars of the Lacedivmonian, the Cretan, and the Carthaginian governments, each of which seem worthy of commendation. CHAP. XII. » SoMK of those persons who have written upon government are men who never had a share in public affairs, but always led a private life ; and nearly every thing worthy of notice in their works wo have already spoken about. Others have been legislators, some in their own cities, and some of them em- I ployed in regulating the governments of foreign states. Some of them were merely composers of a body of laws ; others formed the constitution also, as Lycurgus and other legisia- Solon, wlio Were the authors both of laws and of *""• a polity. The Lacedaemonians have already been The Athenian mentioned. Some persons think that Solon was constiiution an excellent legislator, in that he dissolved a pure three elements oligarchy, and savcd the people from their state of together. slavery, and established the ancient democratic form of government in his country, thus blending ijeAreopa. ^jj^ whole system well together. In the senate of Areopagus, the oligarchic element was pre- served ; by the manner of electing their magistrates, the aris- • ' Goettling rejects the whole of this last chapter as spurious. It certaiji- ly contains a quantity of useless repetitions, and its style is very puerile ; and especially is it void of all connexion. For example, the story of l*hi- lulaus and Diodes is entirely out of place, and is connected neither with what goes before nor with what follows. And the Equites {'nrnili) con- fatituted not the third but the second rank in the timocracy of Athens, ns settled by Solon. Goi-ttling also remarks sundry uses of words and forms of expression, very unlike those adopted by Aristotle. And for these reasons we are at liberty to condemn the chapter as spurious ; it is pro- bably the work of some commentator, embodying some of his own Adver- saria, CHAP. XII.] ATHENIAN CONSTITUTION. 79 tocratic ; ami in tl\eir courts of justice, the (lomncratic So- lon, too, seems not to have altered tlie established form of government, either with respect to the senate, or the mode of electing their maj:;istrate3 ; but to have raised the people to jrrcat consideration in the state, by electing the supreme courts Irom all the citizens : and for this some persons blame him, as having overturned the balance of power, by making the po})ular assembly, chosen as it was by lot, supreme. For as soon as the latter grew strong, it became necessary to flatter a tyrannical po- j)ulace : and so they brought the government to its present form of a democracy. Both Ephialtes and Pericles abridged the power of the Areopagus, tlie latter of whom introduced the method of paying tliose who attended the courts of justice :* and thus every popular leader went on increas- ing the power of the people to what we now sec puur*'powerl'° it. But it is evident that this was not according to the intention of Solon, but that it arose from accident ; for the people, being the cause of the naval supremacy in the Persian war, grew proud, and enlisted themselves under fac- tious demagogues, although opposed by the better part of the citizens. Solon, indeed, seems to have intrusted the people with the most necessary part of power, the choice of their magistrates, and the right of calling them to account ; for with- out these powers the people must have been slaves and ene- mies to the rest. But he elected to the magistracy ^^^^^>^ pg^^^,. none but persons of good account and property, iishmeniofa «iut of those who were worth five hundred me- P^"*o"»<^y ' An additional induccmont to attend the mcolinps of the Ecclcsia, v,Hh iho ])nnrcr classes, was the fiiaObq iKKXrjfTiaoTiKog, or pay wliich ihcy rc- rcivi'd for it. The oricinatorof this practice seems to have been a person iinmcd Callistralus, who introduced it lone after the bepinninp of the influence of Pericles. The payment itself, which was originally one oliolus, was afterwards raised to three obols, by a popular favourite called Atnrrhius, of Collytus. This increase took place about the year b. c. 392, or a short time before the Ecclcsiazusa; of Aristophanes came out. For the poet thus alludes to it in that play, verse 380, B. rpiu)€o\ov SffT' IXaftfQ; X. ft yip wftXav. >oo also Bocckh's Economy of Athens, (transl.) vol. i. 307. A ticket {fv^ftoXov) appears to have been given to those who attended, on pro- ducing; which, at the close of the proceedings, they received the money from one of the Thesmothetee. (Eccles. 295.) This payment, however, ^vis not made to the richer classes. Diet, of Gr. and Roman Antiq., Art. 80 Aristotle's politics. [book ii. composed of dimni, or those who were called Zeugitoe, or those four rank*. ^^j* ^|jq third rank in income, who were called horse- men. As for those of the fourth class, which consisted of njechanicH, they were incapahlo of any olllcu, Za- other leguu- leycug wus the legislator of the western Locrians, as was Charondas the Catanean of his own cities, nnd of the Chalcidian cities also in Italy and Sicily. Some per- sons end|'avour to prove that Onomacritus the Locrian was the flrst person of note who drew up laws ; and that he employed himself in thai husinens wliiU^ hi was atOrete, where he con- tinui'd some timetoli-arn the prophetic art : and they say, that Tliales was his comj»anion ; and that Lyeurgus ami Zuleueiis were disciples of Thales, and Cliarondas of Zaleucus ; but those who advance this, speak without due regard to chrono- logy. Philolaus also, a C'orintiiian, and of the family of the lhi«^chiada% was a Thehan legislator. This man was very fond of Diodes, a victor in t)ie Olympic, games, and wiien lie lel't his eourUry from a disgust at an improper jMissiou which his mother Alcyone had entertained for hini, and scuttled at Thehes, Philolaus followed him, where they both died, and where they still show their tombs placed in view of each other, but so dis- posed, that on(^ of them is in sight of Corinth, the other not; the reason they give for this is, that Dicu^les, from his detest- ation of his mother's passion, would have his tomb so jdaced that no oni^ could see C'orinth from it ; but Philolaus chose that it might be seen from his : and this was the cause of their living at Tiiebes. As Philolaus gave them laws concerning many other things, so did he upon the rearing of children, which they call Laws of Adoption ;' and this he did in a man- ' ner peculiar to himself, to preserve the number of families. IJut Charondas did nothing new, except in actions for perjury, which he was the tirst person who took into piirticular con- sideration. He also drew up his laws with greater accuracy than even any of our present legislators. Philolaus introduced the law for the equal distribution of goods ; Plato, that for the ' Upon the words of Arislolle (vSnoi OirtKoi) Tliirhvali remarks, that from the peculiar title given to tiie laws of Fhilolaus, " it may be col- lected that he aimed on the one hand at preserving; the number of fa- milies in the Theban state, by some provision for the adoption of «'hildreii ; and on the other, at limiting; the number of individuals in each family, by establishinjr a lethal mode of relieving indigent parents from the support uf llieir utrs[)ring." (Hist, of Greece, vol. i. p. -132.) CHAP. I.] OTHER rrOISLATORS. HI coininunityof womrn, cliiMrrn, nnd ^ood.^, nml nlso for public tallies lor tlio woinoii ; fijul l)i'si(k's tliu law concerning]; ilrunk- onncss, tlmt the sober sbould )>r('inp both hands alike, as it was necessary that one hand should be as useful as the other. There are also laws by Draco, but they were published when the rrovernment was already established, and they have no- thing: particular in them worth mentioning:, except their seve- rity on account of the greatness of their punishments. Pitta- cus, too, was the author of some laws, thou_i:h he never drew up any form of covernment ; a peculiar one of which was this, that if dnuiken men beat any person, they shouhl Ihj punished more than if they did it when sober; fi:riNi:i). f;3 (ibjcctidn?, and the same answers. Tliere is nothing tlmt more, eharacterize'^ a eomulete citizen than having . ., , a share in the judicial and executive part of tlic ^^iioi.asn government. With respect to ollices, some are povI^rnmJnt of lixed to a })artieular time, so that no person on any *''^' "'^'^■• account is permitted to fill them twice, or else not till some certain period has intervened ; others are not fixed, as that of a juryman, or a member of the popular assembly. But pos- siidy some one may say, these arc not ollices, nor have the citizens in these capacities any share in J'^^^''""- the government ; though surely it is ridiculous to aay that t]\o>e who have the principal power in the state l)ear no oihce in it. But grant that this objection is of no weight, for it is only a dispute about words ; as there is no general term which ran be applied both to adicast and a member of the assemblv. For tho sake of distinction, then, let us call it an indeterminate olllce : we lay it down then as a maxim, that those are citi- zens who have this share. Such then is the description of the citizen wdio comes nearest to what all those are wdio are called citizens. Every one also should remember, that of the component parts of those things which differ from each other in species, those which follow after the first or second remove have either nothing at all, or to a very little extent, in com- mon. Now we see that governments' differ from each other in their form, and that some of them are prior, others poste- rior in time; for it is evident, that those which have many dtfc'Cts and deviations in them must be in time posterior to those which are without such faults. • (What we mean by deviations will be hereafter explained.) Hence it i.^ clear, that the office of a citizen must ditTer just S'S?!!!'-!' as governments do from each other: for which ftrent fonn* of reason he who is called a citizen is most truly a citizen in a democracy. In other forms of government he may he so indeed, but not necessarily ; for in some states the people Imve no power ; nor have they any general assembly, but a f'.w select officers ; the trial also of different causes is allotted ' -bist as in the Nic. Ethics, (book i. ch. 6.) Aristotle disproves the 'xistcncc of the abstract or ideal '• good " of Plato, by asscrlinc: that pri- ■"■nfy and posteriority could not be predicated concerning it; so here, ac- f'"rdin<: to Aristotle, there can be no single definition given of a iroXirrjSf ^ccau«!c some politics arc prior and posterior to others. o 2 84 ARISTOTLE*S POLITICS. [bOOK III. to different persons ; fts at Lace(la}mon, where all disputes con- cerning contracts are brought before sorae of the ephors ; while the senate are tlie judges in cases of murder, some cases being heard by one magistrate, others by another: and'thus at Car- thage certain magistrates determine all causes.' IJut our former description of a citizen will admit of correction ; for in some governments, the ollice of a dicast and of a member of the general assembly, is not an indeterminate one ; but there are particular ])ersons appointed for these purposes, some or all of the citizens being appointed jurymen, or meml)ors of the general assembly ; and this cither for all causes and all public business whatsoever, or else for some particular one. This A state is the ^''^'^ ^^ sutlicicnt to sliow what a citizen is; for aptrrt'nato of whoever lias a right to take ]>art in the judicial such citizens. , .. ,/. ^,. '' ^ ^ and executive part ot government in any state, him we call a citizen of tliat place ; and a state, in one word, is tlie collective body of such persons, sutlicicnt in themselves for all the purposes of life.'- , CHAP. II. Other opinions ^^^^ common usc, tlicu, mcn define a citizen to be as to citizen- one who is sprung from citizens on both sides, not *"''■ on the father's or the mother's only.*^ Others carry the matter still further, and iiuiuire as to his ancestors, ' See above, note on the last chapter. ' In llie same spirit Cicero, in the Sonininm Seip. eh. 3, delines u State as '* coneiliiun icetiisqur liomiiiuni jure sueiati." A '* ei\ itas," or ttoXk;, therelure, is properly a politieal eoniinunity, possessed of an internal prin- ciple ot unity of its own, sovereign and indei)endc'nt. Its avrapKfia (of uliich Aristotle here speaks) is a property neeessarily Howing Irom the above essential point in its constitution. ^ Aristotle iiere says that, for practical purposes, it ia sufTicient to define a citizen as the son or p;ran(lson of a citizen. It is certain that tlie law required that any one I'lirollcd as a citizen should prove that lie had been born in lawful wedluck. This regulation, however, was only carried out in its utmost rii^our at the time when Athenian citizenship was most valuable. In Solon's time, it is not certain that the ofl'spring of a citizen and a foreitin woman incurred any civil disadvantaso ; and even the law of Pericles, (IMut. I'erid. c. 37,) which enacteil citizenship on the inu- thcr's side, appears to have become obsolete vt ry soon afterwards. Our author in this place makes his test the fornuil cause of a man beiriu' u citizen, viz. the j)ower which he aet'ially enjoys: the other writers re- ferred to, measurtjd iiis "ciiizenshiii by the eilieient or material cause, namely, birth and hereditary descent.' . (IT AT. Til.] OriN'lONS CONCEUNINf; CITIZKNSIIII'. 85 f(»r three or more ^('iK'rati()ii«<. But some persons have fjues- tioiu'il liow the lirst of tlie family, be he third or toiirth in a-oi'iit, couM prove himself a citizen, aceording to this popu- lar and careless detinition. Gorgias of Lcontium, partly entertaining tho same doubt, and partly J.'fuJjlf°°^^'** in jest, says,. that as mortars are made by mor- tar-makers, and Larissa\an kettles by kettle-makers, so citizens arc made by citizen-makers.' This is indeed a very simple account of the matter ; for they would be citizens if they had a share in the state, according to this definition ; but this can- not npply to the lirst founders or inhabitants of states, who can claim no rifjht either from their father or mother. It is probably a matter of still greater dilFiculty to determine their political rights, in the case of those who are enfranchised after any revolution in the state. As, for instance, at Atliens, after the expulsion of the tyrants, when Cleisthenes enrolled many foreigners and city slaves amongst the tribes ; the doubt with respect to them was, not whether they were citizens or no, but whether they were legally so or not. Though indeed some persons may have this further doubt, t1on"^fl8 to ciu*' whether a citizen can be a citizen, when he is z*'"* unjustly illegally made ; as if an illegal citizen, and one "^'**'' * who is no citizen at all, were the same : but since wc see some persons govern unjustly, whom yet wc admit to be governors, tiiough not justly so, and the definition of a citizen is one who exercises certain olHces, (for such wc liave defined a citizen to be,) it is evident that a citizen illegally created yet continues to be a citizen ; but whether justly or unjustly so, fullows next upon the former inquiry. CHAP. III. Some also doubt what is and what is not the act «*i, ot the stato ; as tor instance, when a democracy sists the idcn- arises out of an aristocracy, or a tyranny; for *'^>' ^^ * ^^^'cf ^umo persons then refuse to fulfil their contracts ; as if the ' Copper kettles made i\t Larissa wcro called Larisstr, just as those nnflo at Tanapra were called Tannpra?. Thirlwnll, however, understands tho word fn^^^ovpyol in a dilTercnt sense, and would seem inclined to iden- liiy it with the olhce of iro\iro .. : : , . 1 . . . - : , ~ « :>- : . , ^ -..■...'r .■:;,;_.;. . er : ' ■ ■' ■••■••-•"• ' - ■-■■■:- ■ ^J . taken three ttays, some ot the in- ^ U it. But we shall find a proper ? que&tic n ; for the extent of a state, - _ : ' :.'--\ whether it should consist of more : • particulars which ought not to 1 • • is a matter of inquiry, whether V . ^ : 1 state id the »me while it is - rice of men, though some 1 vrns, oth^ coming into ijuntain is the same^ - : - :nj- or; when a ^- enarethe :dame, L-i. . ? "'-tiunity, it ii a c:; _. ^ovemmeot ' '" ;■ i wAi'rfc will depen : :..■> probity : vriiittihec me «ne . . • i-. . ; is iiue suae A.i . - .JiBe will L _ . . . . ,,.... j: CHAT. IV.] WHAT MAKF.S THE IDKNTITY OF A STATK. 87 phouM alter, and bonoino of another Hort, it would seem a ne- Cfs-ary C(>nsef|uenec tlmt the state is not the same ; as we rc^ianl the trii;^ic cliorus as •liflerent frf)m the comic, tliough it may prohal)ly consist of tlie same ])crl'ormers. Tiius every other community or comjKJsition is said to be different, if the sjirries of composition is dillercnt ; as in music the same voices produce different liarmony, as at one time the Doric and at another the Phrygian melody. If this is true, it is eviflent that when we speak of a state "f'govcJnraem as being tlie same, we refer especially to the {go- vernment there established ; and it is possible to call it by the same name or any other, whether it be inhabited by the same men or by dillerent ones. But whether or no it is riizht or not right to dissolve the community, when the state passes into an altered form of constitution, is another question. CHAP. IV. After what has been said, it follows that we i, the virtue should consider, whetln.T the virtue of a good man °/ ^ f^''""-^ "'^" 1 r. 1 1 1 • • iT»- tl.e same as IS the same as that of a valuable citizen, or ditrer- that of a good cnt from it ; and since this point ought to have a ^'"""' particular incpiiry, we must first give in a general outline the virtue of a g(jod citizen. For as a sailor is one of those who make up a community, this also we say of a citizen ; although the province of one sailor may be different from that of an- other, — (for one is a rower, another a steersman, a third a boat- swain, and so on, each having their several denominations,) — it is evident, that though the most accurate description of any one good sailor must refer to his peculiar abilities, still there is some common description which will apply to the whole crew ; for the safety of the ship is the common business of all of them, as this is the point at which each sailor aims. So also with respect to citizens, although different from each other, yet they have one common care, the safety of the community ; for the state is a community : and for this reason, the virtue of a citizen has necessarily a reference to the state. But since there arc different kinds of governments, it is evi- dent, that those actions which constitute the virtue of an ex- cellent citizen will not always be the same, and hence that it catuiot bo perfect ; but we call a man good when he is of 88 Aristotle's politics. [book iil perfect virtue ; and hence it follows, that a man who is an excellent citizen may not possess that virtue winch constitutes a good man. Those who are doublful concerning this same question as to tlie best polity, may follow up the matter in another way ; for if it is impossible that a state should con- sist entirely of excellent citizens, (while it is necessary that every one should do well in his calling, in which consists his excellence, and as it is impossible that all the citizens should be upon the same level,) it is impossible that the virtue of a citizen and a good man should be the same. For all should possess the virtue of an excellent citizen, for from hence ne- cessarily arises the perfection of the state ; but that every one should possess the virtue of a good man is im[)()ssible, if it is not necessary that all the citizens in a well-regulated state should bo virtuous. Besides, as a state is composed of dis- similar parts, as an animal is of life and body ; the soul, of reason and appetite ; a family, of a man and his wife ; pro- perty, of a master and a slave ; in the same manner, as a state is composed of all these, and of numy other very ditl'er- „. . , ent parts, il necessarily follows, that the virtue The virtue of .. ,} . . . .1^1 .11 some citizens ot all tiic citizcns cauuot be the same ; as the bu- th'It oVothers siness of the leader of a chorus is ditferent iVom that of a dancer. From all these proofs it is evi- dent that the virtues of a citizen cannot be one and the same, liut do we never lind those virtues unitctl wiiich constitute a good man and excellent citizen? for we say tiiat sucli a one is an excellent magistrate, and a prudent and good man ; but prudence is necessary to all wiio engage in public alfair^.' Nay, souk; persons allirm, that the education of tliose who are intended to command, should irom the beginning be dillerent from other citizens ; as is shown by those who instruct the children of kings in riding and warlike exercises ; and thus Euripides says, * The 6vT](Tig wliick Aristotle requires in the private citizen is only that which will enable him u> i)crtorni well his pr(»[)er tpyuv, and dillcrs widely from that moral (ppoi'tjanj properly so called, which is a master faculty, {kiriaraTio) Cuvafii^,) and is requisite in the ruler only. The ruler indeed knows, or should know, how to rule and to obey, but the latter he need only know virtually, not experimentally. Hut the subject need only know Ikjw to rule virtually, if at all, but it is necessary that he should know practically and experimentally how to obey. riixw IV.] Tin: vitmuk of the man and tiik citizkn. 89 " No showy arts l)C mine,' Rut what the slate requires ; " a.-^ if tlioro wore some cduciUioii peculiar to a rulcr. But since the virtues of a good man and a good magistrate may l»e tho same, and since a citizen is one who obeys the magistrate, it follows that the virtue of the one cannot in general be tho same as the virtue of the other, althougli it may be true of some particular citizen ; for the virtue of the magistrate must be dilierent from the virtue of the citizen. For this reason Jason declared, that were he no longer king, he should pine away with regret, as not knowing how to live a private man. lUit it is a great recommendation to know how to command as well as to obey ; and to do both these things well is tho virtue of an accomplished citizen. Since then the virtue of a good man consists in being able to J^djl""*''''^ Command, but that of a good citizen renders him e([ually lit for either post, they arc not both equally ])raise- worthy. It appears then, that both he who commands and he who obeys should each of them learn their separate busi- ness, and not the same ; but that the citizen should be master of and take \mv{ in both these, as any one may see from the fact that in a family government there is no occasion for the nr.ister to know how to perform the necessary olfices, but rather to enjoy the labour of others ; for to do the other is a servile part. 1 mean by the other, the performance of the family business of the slave. There are many sorts of slaves, for their em- ployments are various ; one of these are the handi- f JrY,!^ kf„ j'f[ (Tiiftsmen. who, as their name imports, get their living by the labour of their hands ; and amongst these all me- chanics are included. For which reasons such workmen in some states were not formerly admitted into any share in the 'government, till at length democracies were established: it is not therefore proper for any man of hono»>r, or scrviicnccuva- any citizen, or any one who engages in public af- ti"v« »nfit for fairs, to learn these servile employments, without they have occasion for them for their own use ; for otherwise the distinction between a master and a slave would be lost. ' This vorse docs not occur in any of the extant plays of Euripides, Init is preserved among his fragments. 90 ARIST0TLE*8 POLITICS. [bOOK 111. But tlicre is a ^ovonimont of another sort, in which men go- vern those who are their equals in rank and freemen ; and this we call a political government, in which men learn to command, by lirst submitting to obey; just as a good general of horse, or a commander-in-chief, nmst acquire a knowLjdge of his duty, by having been long under the command of an- other, and having served in command of a rank and a troop ; for well is it said, that no one knows how to command, who has not himself been under cummi\nd of another. Tiie virtues „ - ., of each are indeed different, but a good citizen How far the , , 1,1 i 1 virtue c'f the must Kiiow liow to oc able to connuand and to fhet'oofrcitu' obey; he ought also to know in what manner Zfn are ideii- frciMneii ought to govem and be governed. Both tical 00 F5 too belong to tlie good man, even thougli the temjierance and justice of him who commands is ditl'erent in kind from that of another ; for it is evident tliat the virtue of a good citi/.on cannot be the same when he is under com- mand or W-cCy (as justice, for instance,) but nuist be of a dif- ferent species in eitlier of these dilVerent situations, as the temperance and courage of a man and a woman are ditft.Tent from each other ; for a man would appear a coward, who had only that courage whicli would be graceful in a woman, and a woman would be thouglit a chatterer, who should take as large a part in the convcrs^ation as would become a man of consequence. The domestic employments of each of them are also different ; it is the man's business to accpiire a sub- sistence, the woman's to take care of it. IJut practical wis- dom is a virtue peculiar to tliose who govern, widle all others seem to belong in conunon to botli parties, liut practical wisdom does not concern tiie governed, but only to entertain just notions; the latter indeed are like flute-makers, wliile he who governs is the musician who plays on the flutes. And thus much to show whether the virtue of a good man and an excellent citi/en is the same, or if it is different, and also how far it is the same, and how far ditlerent. CHAP. V. But with respect to the citizens there is a doubt renuiining, whether tliose oidy are truly so who are allowed a share in the government, or whether cuw. v.] i.AnoruKKs now fau citizkns. 91 mechanics also arc to he considered as sucli. For if tho«e who uiv not permitted to rule are to he reckoned among them, it is impossible tiiat the virtue of all the citizens should be tUv same ; (for these also arc citizens ;) and if none of them arc admitted to be citizens, avIktc shall they be ranked? for tlicy are neither sojourners, nor forei<:ners. Or shall we say tliat no absurdity will arise from their not beinp: citizens, as nei- ther the slaves nor the frcedmcn consist of those above n:en- tioned ? Thi-* is certainly true, that all are not citizens who are necessary to the existence of a state, as boys are not citizens in the same manner that men are, for the former are jxrfectly so, the latter under some conditions; for they are citizens, though imperfect one«^. In former times indeed, among some people, the mechanics and foreigners were slaves ; and for this reason many of them are so now ; and indeed the bes^t-rcgulated states will not jx'rmit a mechanic to be a citizen ; but if it be allowed them, we cannot then attribute the virtue which we have described to every citizen or fn cman, but to those only who an^ disengaged from servile ollices. Now those who are employed in such things by one person, are slaves ; those who do theni for money, are mechanics and hired servants ; and hence it is evident on the least reflection what is their situation, tor what 1 have said is self-evident, and fully explains the matter. iSince the number of commu- nities is very great, it follows necessarily that jy^-^ ^^j„ ^^ there will be many ditVerent sorts of citizens, par- «iirt"trent in ticularly of those who are governed by others ; so that in one state it may be necessary to admit mechanics and hired servants to be citizens, but in others it may be impos- sible ; as particularly in an aristocracy, and where honours are bestowed on virtue and merit ; for it is impossible for one who lives the life of a mechanic or hiivd servant to prac- tise a life of virtue.' In oligarchies also hired servants are not admitted to be citizens ; because there a man's right to bear any office is regulated by the size of bis fortune ; but ^ The prescription whieh practically excluded from the riehls of citi- 7'^nv, X'PVC> etc. 92 AR1ST0TLE*S POLITICS, [bOOK 111. mechanics aro admitted, for the majority of citizens are very rich. Tliere was a law at Tliebes, that no one couhl have a share in the government, till he had been ten years out of trade. In many atates the law invites strangers to accept the freedom of the city ; and in some democracies the son of a free-woman is himself free. Tlie same is also observed in many others witli respect to natural children ; but it is through want of citizens regularly born that they admit sucii ; for these laws are always made in consequence of a scarcity of inhabitants ; so, us their numbers increase, they first deprive the children of a male or female slave of this privilege, next the child of a free-woman, and last of all, tliey will admit none but those whose fathers and mothers were both free. From this it is clear that there are many sorts of citizens, and that he who shares the honours of the state may be called a complete citizen. Thus Achilles, in Homer, com[)lains of Agamemnon's treating him " like some unhonourcd stranger ; " ' for he who shares not in the honours of a state, is as it wero a stranger, or sojourner ; and whenever such a thing as this is concealed, it is for the sake of deceiving the inhabitants. ^^ , , From what has been said then, it is plain whether The virtue of a .11 1 • . !• 1 1 good man nil) wc must lay down the virtue ot a good man and t'haVofTpooir '^'^ excellent citizen to be the same or ditferent; citizen when in for WO find that iu somc slates it is the same, command. j^ others not, and also that tliis is not true of each citizen, but of those only who take the lead, or are ca- pable of taking the lead, in public alfuirs, either alone or in conjunction with others. CHAP. VI. How many -^^^ ^^"^® ^^^^^^ poiuts are determined, we pro- poiitiesare cccd ucxt to Consider whether one polity only admisbibie! should be established, or morc than one; and if more, then how many, and of what sort, and what are the dirt'erencea between them. Now a polity is the ordering and regulating of the state, and of all its offices, particularly of that ' See Homer 11. ix. G14. ciiAr. VI.] roMTiES OF Dii fp:kknt kinds. 93 wherein the supreme power 13 lodp^ed ; and this power is alwiiys possessed hy the administration; luh'th'/^fonn i)iit thoachninistration itself determines the parlieu- oCft'itninistra- lar polity. Tluis, for instance, in a democracy the supreme ]>ower is hxlgecl in the whole p(^ople ; on the contrary, in an oliaarchy it is in the hands of a lew. We say then, tliat tlie polity in these states is ditVurent, and we shall find the same thing hold pood in others. Let us first dotcrminc for whose sake a state is established, and point out the different species of rule which relate to mankind and to social life. It has already been mentioned, in the bcf^inning of our treatise, where a definition was made as to Sp**"^'*^ the manajrement of a fan)ily, and the power of a master,' that man is an animal naturally formed for society, and that therefore, even when he does not want any foreign assistance, he will equally desire to live with others ; not but that mutual advantage also induces rhem to it, as far as the share of it enables each person to live agreeably. This ig indeed the great ol)ject, not only to all in general, but also to each individual: and thc^y join in society also for the sake of being able to live, (for doubtless in this, too, what is agreeable has. a share,) and tbey also bind together civil society, even for th(^ sake of preserving life, unless they are grievously over- whelmeil with its miseries : for it is very evident, that men will endure many calamities for the sake of life, as having in itself something naturally sweet and desirable. It is easy to point out the difi'erent received modes of government, and we often lay them down in our exoteric'^ discourses. The power of the master, though there is an identity of interest between him who is by nature a master and him who is by nature a slave, yet nevertheh'ss tends especially to the benefit of tho master, but accidentally to that of the slave ; for if the slave i>j desti'oyed, the power of the master is at an end. But the authority which a man has over liis wife, and pi^tinctioni* of children, and his family, which we call domestic povcmmrnt in government, is either for the benefit of those who ^'''"*^*"*^ are under subjection, or else lor the sake of something cora- ' Sec book i. ch. 8. ^ c^(^nZ6^^9a. 8ee the note of Goi-ttling. " Pra?scn9 certisaimum indi- ersons, the same distinctions must be made with ^^xf^^ '* "" respect to persons, which are made with respect H 98 AUISTOTLe's politics. [book III. to things, in the manner that I have already described in my Ethics.* As to the equality of the things, they are agreed; but their dispute is concerning the equality of the persons, and chiefly for the reason above assigned, because they judge ill in their own cause ; and also because eacli party thinks, that if tliey admit what is right in some particulars, they say what is just on the whole. Thus, for instance, if some per- sons are unequal in riches, they suppose them uncciual in the whole ; or on the contrary, if they are equal in liberty, they suppose tliem ee of liie masses. And as men are to be made good in lliree ways, by nature, by reasoning, and by teaching ; and as over nature we have no 1 "wer at all, while reasoning and teaching exercise an influence only oyer minds duly cultivated for their reception, the moral character of the in- dividual members of a state must be formed by education, and this edu- ''.itinn ought to be enforced by law. And as education is necessary not ' nly while we are children, but throughout life, hence exhortations to Mriue become the duty of legislators, as much as the punishment of evil- "i'crs; and as men will acknowledge the authority of tlie state and of !ho law, though not of individuals, the state therefore ought to undertake 'He duty of educating its members— a duty which, if neglected by the sUte, in the opinion of Aristotle, falls upon the parents. u 2 100 ARI8TOTLE*8 POLITICS. [bOOK III. city by thoae who reason correctly, if they preserved the same customs when they were together as when they were separate. It is evident, then, that a state is not a mere community of place, nor established for the sake of mutual safety or traffic ; but that these things are the necessary consequences of a state, although they may all exist where there is no state ; but a state is a society of people joining together with realty is**^^'* ^^'^'^^' fii"i>ii('3, and their chiUlren, to live well, for the sake of a perfect and independent life ; and for this purpose it is neccsf^ary that they should live in one place, and intermarry with each other. Hence in all cities there are family meetings, clubs, sacrifices, and public enter- tainments, to promote friendship;' for a love of sociability is friendship itself; so that the end for which a state is estab- lished is that tlie inhabitants of it may live happily ; and these things are conducive to that end ; for it is a cunununity of fa- milies* and villages, formed for the sake of a perfect independ- ent-life ; that is, as we have already said, for the sake of living u» end ^^^'^^ *^"*^ happily.'^ The political state therefore is founded not for the purpose of men's merely living together, but for their living as men ou^jht ; for which reason those who contribute most to this end deserve to have greater power in the state than either those who are their equals in family and freedom, but their inferiors in civil virtue, or those who excel them in wealth, but are below them in worth. It is evident from what has been said, that in all disputes upon forms of government each party says something that is just. CHAP. X. Who should There may also be a doubt as to who shouhl jx)S3es9 possess 8u- the supreme power of the state. Shall it be the fiuhe state" majority, or the wealthy, or a number of proper ' Soe Professor Browne's introductory remarks prefixed to the Analy- sis of Aristotle's Kthics, book viii. * Civil rights, it is clear, will and ouphl to ditl'ir according to the differ- ent ends for which the state was established. In a state whose end is t6 iu KyVf he who has the most political virtue, will have the precedence in civil rights ; for it is juNt that the greatest power should be lodged in the hands of those who contribute most to the end for which the statt* was founded and continues to exist. Thus, if the stale has wealth iu view as its chief end, it ought to be an oliyarchy. CHAP. XI.] THE SLTHKMK POWER. 101 persons, or one bettor than the rest, or a tyrant ? But wliichever of tliesc wo prefer, some difficulty c»Uic"cor!lIi. will arise. For what? if the poor, because they "^"':'' are the majority, may divide among themselves !n fhVll»ndrof wliat belongs to the rich, is not this unjust? In '''pf^sny? sooth, by heaven, it will have been judged just enough by tlie multitude when they gain the supreme power. What there- fore is the extremity of injustice, if this is not? Again, if the many seize into their own hands every thing which be- longs to the few, it is evident that the state will be at an end. Hut virtue never tends to destroy what is itself virtuous ; nor can what is right be the ruin of the state. Therefore such a law can never be right ; nor can the acts of a tyrant ever be wrong, for of necessity they must all be just; for, from his unlimited power, he compels every one to obey his command, as the multitude oppress the rich. Is it right then that the rich and few should have the su- feJ^/"^^^^ preme power ? and what if they be guilty of the same rapine, and plunder the possessions of the majority, will this be just? It will be the same as in the other case ; but it is evident that all things of this sort arc wrong and unjust. Well then, suppose that those of the better sort shall have the supreme power, must not then all ^s^^*'^**'" tljc other citizens live unhonoured, without sharing the offices of the state ? for the offices of a state we call honours, and if one set of men are always in power, it is evi- dent that the rest must be without honours. Then, will it be better that the supreme power be iij the hands of that one person who is fittest for it? but by this means the power will be still more confined, for a greater number than before will continue unhonoured. But some one may say, that, in. short, it is wrong that man should have the supreme power rather than the law, as his soul is subject to so many passions. But if this law appoints an aristocracy, or a democracy, how will it help us in our present doubts? for those things will happen which we have already mentioned. CHAP. XL Of other particulars, then, let us treat hereafter ; rpmoth fw but as to the fact that the supreme power ought ^«»»'"8 »h« »"• 102 Aristotle's politics. [book ui. preme power to be lodged with the many, rather than with those with tho many, ^f ^\^q better sort, who are few, there would seem to be some doubt, tliough also some truth as well.' Now, though each individual of the many may himself be unfit for the supreme power, yet, wlion the!»e many are joined together, it is possible that tliey may be better qualified for it, than the others ; and this not separately, but as a collective body. So the public suppers exceed those which are given at one per- son's private expense : for, as tliey are many, each person brings in his share of virtue and wisdom ; and thus, coming together, they are like one man made up of a multitude, with many feet, tnany hands, and many senses. Thus is it with respect to the character and understanding. And for this reason tiie many are tiie best judges of music and poetry ; for some understand one part, some another, and all collectively the whole. And in this particular men of consequence dilfer from each of the many ; as they say tho»e who are beautiful dilfer from those who are not so, and as line pictures excel any natural objects, by collecting into one the several beautiful parts which were dispersed among different originals, although the separate parts of individuals, as the eye or any other part, may be handsomer than in the picture, liut it is not cK^ar whether it is jmssiblc that this distinction should exist between every people and general assembly, and some few men of con- sequence ; but, by heaven, doubtless it is clear enough that, with respect to a tew, it is impossible ; since the same conclu- sion might be applied even to brutes : and indeed, so to say, wherein do some men differ from brutes? But nothing pre- vents what I have said being true of the people in some states. Tlie doubt, then, which we have lately proposed, deddTr'"'" ^vith that which is its consequence, may be settled in this manner ; it is necessary that the freemen and the bulk of the people should have absolute power in some things ; but these are such as are not men of property, nor have they any reputation for virtue. And so it is not safe to trust them with the first oflices in the state, both on account of their injustice and their ignorance ; from the one of which • III Bckkcr's text tho words stand thus, Co^iitv av XvtaOai Kai rtv' ixiiv dKo^Hav. But it is clear that the word XviaOai has crept into the text thn.ut;h the carelessness of some copyist. Goi'ltling has printed it in brackets as spurious. CHAP. XI.] TIIK FKW AND THE MANY. 103 tliey arc likely to do what is wronj;, from the j^^ ,p other to make mistakes. And yet it is danf^erous to f-hnuid be lu- allow them no power or yliare in the government ;' fhinS.'burnot tor wlien tiiere are many poor people who are '""'hen. excluded from oiUce, tlie state must necessarily have very many enemies in it. It remains, then, tiiat they sliould have a place in the public assemblies, and in dat esteem ; and further, it is reasonable to expect that the descendants of men of worth will be men of worth themselves ; for noble birth is the virtue of a family. For the same reason also we shall justly sav that ^, ^ . Virtue has a right to put in her pretensions ; lor justice, wo say, is a social virtue, and all others must yield her the precedence. Let us now see what the ^, , 1 X ^1 • • 1 • X .1 /> Of the many. many have to urge on their side against the few" ; they may say, that if each are collectively taken and compared, the many are stronger, richer, and better than the others. But should it ever happen that all these should inhabit the same city, I mean the good, the rich, the noble, as well as ' This is but another form of the old proverb, IK iya9wv dyaOovQ. Compare Hot. Od. IV. iv. 30—32, *• Est in jnvenci9, est in equis, patrmn Virtus : ncque imbcllcm feroccs Progencrant aquilae columbam." 108 auistotle's politics. Pbook hi. the many, such as usually make up the community, I ask, ■ will there be any reason to dispute concerning who shall ^ govern, or will tlierc not? for in every community which we ^ have mentioned, there is no dispute as to who ought to rule ; • for they dift'er from each other in those who have the cliief j power. For in one state the rich enjoy it, in anotlier the me- | ritorious, and thus, each according to their separate manners. Let us however consider what is to be done when "j St\e"hJiJl;'d. ^^^ ^''^'^^ happen at the same time to inhabit the city. If the virtuous should be very few in num- k ber, how shall we tlien decidt* ? shall we direct our attention to their fewness as compared with their work, if tliey are *] capable of governing the state? or should they be so many as j to compose a state ? There is also a doubt concerning the J pretensions of all those who claim the honours of government : * ibr tliose who found them either on their Ibrtune or their / family would seem to have nothing which they can justly say l; in their defence; since it is evident upon their principle, that f if any one person can be found riclier tiian all the rest, the % right of governing all these will be justly vested in this one f person. In the same manner, one man who is of the best family will claim it from those who dispute the point upon family merit ; and probably in an aristocracy the same dispute might arise on the score of virtue ; for if there is one man better than all the other men of worth, who are in the same community, it is reciuisite on the same plea of justice, that he should enjoy the supreme power. In like manner also, while the many suppose that they ought to have the supreme com- mand, as bi'iiig more powerful than the few, if one, or more than oue, though it be a small number, should be foimd stronger than themselves, these ought rather to have it tlian they. All these things seem to make it plain, that none of these principles are justly founded, on which these persons would establish their right to the supreme power, and tliat all men whatsoever ouglit to obey them ; for with respect to those who claim it as due to their virtue or their fortune, the multitude miglit justly have some objection to make, which tliey could jointly urge against them ; for nothiug hinders but that it may sometimes happen, that the many may be better or richer tlian the ihw^ not as individuals, but in their col- lective capacity. As to the doubt which some persons raise CHAP. XIll.] LF.OIPLATION ; OSTRACISM. 109 and propose, we may answer it in this manner; ^, , it IS tins, whether a legislator who would ostab- lator lay down lish the most perfect system of laws, should cal- L"'"'/."^ J'^f ft 1' 1 1 rt 1 henent of the culatc them lor the use ot the better part of the many, orof th« citizens, or of the many, under the circumstances '^^^ ' we have already mentioned? The rectitude of any thing must be assumed to consist in its equality ; that therefore which is e(iually right, will be advantageous to the whole state, and to every member of it in common. Now, in general, a citizen is one who shares in the government, and also in his turn submits to be governed ; but his condition is dilferent in ditVerent states ; the best is that in which a man is enabled to choose both to govern and to be governed with regard to virtue during his whole life. But sliould tiiere be found one person, or a very few, eminent for an uncommon degree of virtue, though not enough to make up a civil state, so that th(; virtue or political abilities of the many are unable to come into comparison witii theirs, if more tlian one ; or if there be but one, with his abilities alone ; such with tile pel- are not to be considered as part of the state ; for ^"">' ^'rtuoui It would be doing them injustice to rate them on a level with those who are so far their inferiors in virtue and political abilities ; for it is fit that sucli an one should a])pear to them like a god amongst men.' Hence it is evident, that a system of laws must be calculated for tliose who are equal to each other in nature and power. .Such men therefore are not the object of law, for they are themselves a law ; and it would be ridiculous in any one to endeavour to include them in legislation ; for probably they might say what Antisthcncs t<'lls us the lions did to the hares, when they harangued and demanded an equal share with them in the government. And it is on this account that democratic states have Therraiprin- ostablished Ostracism ;2 for of a truth equality cipieof ostra- secms the principal object of their government. *^'*'^' ' Sec Eth. Nicom. vii. ch. i., for an explanation of Aristotle's opinion concerning supernatural virttie, (y)p(oiKTj nc Kai 9fia apiTj),) on which he there comments at considerable length. He there admits that this rjpuiiKfi aotrri is brought about by extenial causes ; i. e. that man cannot work him- !"ii' into it, as he doc? into s('nger sent to iiim with reference to the matter of advice, but that he struck oif those ears of corn which were higher than the rest, and so reduced the whole crop to a level ; so that the messenger, without knowing the cause of what whereas the ostracised did not ; iho former also had no Axed place of abode, or time of rrlurn, but the latter had. Tliis ostracism is supposed by some to have been insiituted by Cleisihenes, after the expulsion of the Pisistratidic. It is well known, as Aristotle implies here in tlu; text, that ostracism was not a pmiishnient of any crime, but ratiier a precautionary removal of those who ])osses>>C(i snllicient power in the state to excite cither envy or fear. 'I'hus Plutarch says (l*ericl. ch. x.) tliat it was a good-nat\jred way of aliayinp envy, {(pOoi'ov TrapafivOia (piXdyOpiowot;) by the humiliation of superior dignity and power. The manner of ell'ecting it was as follows at Athens. A space in Jie ayopa was enclosed within barriers, with ten entrances for the ten trib( s. By these the tribesmen entered, each with his oarpaicov or piece of tile, on which was written the name of the individual whom he wished to be ostracised. The nine archons and tlie senate, i. e. the presidenLs of tiiat body, superintended the proceedings ; and the party w ho had the greatest number of votes against him, supposing that this number amounted to (JOUO, was obliged to with- draw from the city within ten ilays; but if the number of votes did not amount to GUOO, nothing was done. The expelled was not deprived of liis property .... some of the most distinguished men at Athens were removed by ostracism, but recalled when the city found their services in- dispensable. Amongst these were Themistocles, Alcibiades, Cimon, and Aristides The last person against whom ostracism was used at Athens was Hypcrbolus, a demagogue of low birth and character ; but tlie Athenians thought their dignity compromised, and ostracism degraded by such an application of it, and accordingly discontinued the practice. (Plut. Arist. c. 7. Thucyd. viii. 73.) Ostracism prevailed in other de- mocratical states as well as at Athens ; as for instance at Argos, Miletus, and Mogara; and from it was copied the Petalism {niTuXinfioi:) of the Syracusans, so called from the leaves {niraXov) of the olive tree, on which was written the name of the obnoxious person. Diet, of Gr. and Uoni. Antiq. Art. Banishment. * See the story as related in Herodotus, i. 20. CHAP. XIII.] OSTRACISM. Hi \v:is (lone, rolatcd the fact to Thrasylmlus, Avho understood IVom it tliiit lie must take otf all the principal men in the city. Nor is tliis serviceable to tyrants only, nor is it _, 1 1 1 -^ r .1 \.i • • TJicRanicpnn- tyrants only who do it; for the same thinp: is cipic prrvaiis ])rartised both in olia;archies and democracies : oli.l-i^lJle,*""' tor the ostracism has in a manner nearly tlie same an«i democ'ra- power, by restraining and banishing: those who '^"^"" are too great. And the very same thing is done also by those who have tlie supreme power in the cities and separate states ; as by tlie Athenians, with rev«!peet to the Samians, tlie Chians, and the Lesbians;' for when suddenly they had acquired a firm sway over Greece, they brought the otiier states into .subjection, contrary to the treaties which subsisted between them. The king of Persia also very often has reduced the Medes and Babylonian^, when they have assunK^l a tone of arrogance on account of their former power. And this is a principle on which all governments act, even those which are i)est administered : those which are corrupted do it for the ?.ike of private utility, and this also takes place in like man- ner in polities which look to the common good. The same thing is to be perceived in the other arts and sciences ; for a painter wouM not represent an animal with a foot large be- yond proportion, though he had drawn it remarkably beau- tit'ul ; nor would the shipwright make the prow, or any other part of the vessel, larger than it ought to be ; nor will the mas- ter of the chorus permit any one who sings louder and better than the rest, to sing in concert with them. There is there- fore no reason why a monarch should not act in agreement with free states, to support his own power, if they do the same, thing for the benetit of their respective communities ; upon which account when there is any acknowledged disparity in the power of the citizens, the reason upon which the ostra- cism is founded will be politically just. It is prevention better indeed for the legislator so to establish his better than ?tate at the beginning as not to want this remedy : hut, in the second place, if in course of time such an incon- venience should arise, to endeavour to amend it by some such correction. This certainly was not done in the states ; for ' For an account of the growth of the Athenian ap\tj after the Persian ^ar. see Thncyd. b. i. chap. 95, 96, and compare Thirlwall's History of fl recce, vol. iii. p. 46 — 54. lis AR1ST0TLE*8 POLOTICS. [bOOK HI. they did not regard the benefit of their respective comraunitiet, but used the ostracism for party purposes.' It is evident, then, that in corrupt governments it is partly just and useful in an individual case, though probably it is as clear that it is not absolutely just : for in a well-governed state there may be great doubts about the use of it, not on account of the su- periority wliich one may have in strength, riches, or friends ; but when the point of superiority is virtue, wliat then is to be done? for it seems not right to turn out such a person, and to banish liim ; neitlier does it seem right to subject him to control ; for that would be like desiring to share tlie power with Jupiter, and to govern him. Nothing then remains but what indeed seems natural, and that is, for all viruiouVcha^ persons quietly to submit to one who is thus emi- ractertobe neutlv vlrtuous, and to let sucli men be perpetu- chosen king. ,,,.., ■ r i ally kings m the respective states. Monarchy. CHAP. XIV. After what has been now said, it would seem proper to change our subject, and to inijuire into the nature of a monarchy ; for we admit this to be one of those species of government whicli are properly founded. And here let us consider, whether a kingly government is proper or not for a city or country whi(!h desires to be well governed, or whether some other polity is proper. But let us first deter- mine whether this is of one kind only or more. Now it is easy enough to perceive that it consists of many dif- ofmanykinds. ^^^^^^ species, atul that the forms of government 1st, At Sparta. ' ' • ,i . p 5ti . .1 are not the same in all states ; tor at Sparta the kingly power seems chiefly regulated by the laws ;^ for it is » See note above, p. 109, 1 10. ' With respect to the nature of the sovereiffuty in Doric states in ge- neral, as well a.s at Sparta in particular, see Miiller's Dorians, vol. ii. ch. vi. As to the power of the kings of Sparta, Miiller observes that it *' »le- rived additional strength from the fabulous notion that the conquest of iho country had originated from the royal fi\mily." In war they had liberty to sacritice, (see Herod, vi. 40,) and it consequently follows that they pre- sided over the entire worship of the army, being both priests and princes, like the Agamemnon of Homer, or like Anius in Virgil, " Itex Anius, rex idem hominiun, Pha-biciue sacerdos." They considered the kingly power as proceeding from the Deity, and not as originating from the people. The constitutional powers of the kings at CHAT. XIV.] IMOXAHCHT OF TWO KINDS. 113 not siipmue in nil circumstances ; hut wlicn the kin^r quits tl»o territories of tlie state, lie is their general in matters of war; and all relij:ious atlairs are intrusted to the king. In- deed, the kingly power with them is chielly that of a general wiio cannot be calliMl to account for h'ni conduct, and whose command i:^ for life : for he has not the ])ower of life and death, except as a general ; as the ancients frequently had in their expeditions by martial, law, which we learn from Homer ; for when Agamemnon was alfronted in tiic council, he rt^strained his resentment, but when he was in the field, he bad the power of life and death. At any rate, he says, " Whoe'er this il;iy sliall- slum th' impcinhng fight, To docs niid vulttires soon shall be a prey ; For in uiy huuU is death." 11. v. 391. This then is one species of monarchical government, in which a man is made general for life ; and it is sometimes hereditary, S(»metimes elective. But besides this, there is jnd. Among also another, which is to be met with among some barharous of the barbarians. In these states the kings are invested with powers nearly equal to those of a tyrant, yet are tliey nevertheless bound by the laws and the customs of their country. For as the barbarians' are by nature more prone to slavery than the Greeks, and those about Asia more than those in Europe, they endure a despotic government without murmuring. For this reason their governments are tyran- nical ; but yet not liable to be overthrown, as being customary- Sparta were inconsiderable, Mhen compared with their dignity and hon- ours. Tiic two kintrs were members of the gcrusia, but as such they had only single votes. The greater part of their prerogative was their power in foreicn atfairs. The kings of Sparta were the commanders of the Pclo- ponnosian conlederacy ; and limited as was his power at home, as soon as Uit; king had assumed the command of the army, and had crossed the lioundaries, ho became general with )mlimited powers. It appears that Uie political sagacity was almost past belief with which the ancient con- stiiution of Sparta protected the power, dignity, and welfare of the oflice of a king, yet without suffering it to grow into a despotism, or placing the king in any one point above the law. And so, without endangering the liberty of the state, a royal race was maintained, which, blending tlic pride of their own family with the national feelings, produred, for a long succession of years, monarchs of a noble and patriotic disposition. (Vol. ii book iii. chap. G.) See also Ilcrod. vi. 57, and Thucyd. i. 20. ' Compare Uic statement of Aristotle above, book i. ch. 2. I 114 Aristotle's politics, [book in. and according to law. Their guards also are such as are used in a kingly govern raent, not in a despotic one ; for the guards of kings are composed of liis citizens, but those of a tyrant are foreign mercenaries. The one according to law rules over willing subjects ; the other arbitrarily rules over those who consent not. The one therefore is guarded by the citizens, 3rd. Elective ^^^^ Other against them. Tliese, then, are two tyrannies in ditfereut sorts of monarchies ; and another is that which, among the ancient Greeks, is called an vKsymnety ;' which, speaking simply, is nothing more than an elective tyranny; and its difference from that which is to be found amongst the barl)aiians, consists not in its not being according to law, but only in its not being according to an- cient customs. Some persons possessed tliis power tor life, others only for a particular time or purpose ; as the people of Mitylcne elected Pittacus to oppose the exiles, who were headed by Antimenides and Alcieus the poet. And Alcieus himself, in one of his songs, proves tliis fact ; for he upbraids the ^litylenians for having chosen Pittacus for their tyrant, and with one voice extolling him to the skies, though ho was the ruin of a senseless and devoted people. These sorts of government then are, and ever were, despotic, on account of their being tyrannies ; but inasmuch as they are elective, and over willing subjects, they are also kingly. A fourth species of kingly government is that which was in use in the heroic times, when a free people submitted to a kingly government, according to the laws and customs of tlieir country.- For those who were at first of benefit to ' The aiavfiviiTijc was an individual soinL'times invested wiili unlimited power in the Greek states. His power, according to Aristutle iii this place, partook in some deprce of the nature both of kingly and tyrannical authority ; since he was appointed legally, and did not usurp the govern- ment like a Tvpavvoq. but at the same time was not bound by any laws in his public administration. Hence Aiihtotle and Theophrastus call the cilice TvpavviQ a'uHTii. It was not hereditary, nor was it held for life; but it only continued fur a certain time, or till some object was accom- plished. Thus we read that the inhabitants of Mitylene appointed Pittacus to the post o( alevfiv})ri}i;, in order to prevent the return of Alcicus and the other tribes. Dionysius compares it with the dictatorship at Home. In some states, such as Cyrene and Chalcedon, it was the title bore by the regular magistrates. (Diet, of Gr. and llom. Antiq.) The verb a/(Tt, used in the wider and more general sense of ruling, occurs in Kurip. Medea, Il». - Compare the statement of Thucyd. book i. ch. 13, as to the real na- . lIAr. XIV.] MONARCHY IN ANCIENT GULKCK. 115 mankind cither in arts or arms, or by collecting tl'.cm into civil society, or by granting them possossionfl, became kings over a willing people, and handed on the monarchy to their succc-'sor.'*.* They were also their generals in war, and pre- sided over their sacriticcs, excepting such only as belonged to the pri(>sts : in addition to this they were supreme judges in lawsuits; and in this ca.se some of them took an oath, others did not ; when they did, the form of swearing Avas by lifting up their sceptre.^ In ancient times the power of Kingiy power the kings extended to every thing whatsoever, praduaiiy both civil, domestic, and foreign ; but in after- ^''^'^^^'^• times they relinciuished some of their privileges, and others the people assumed; so that, in some states, they left their kings only the right of presiding over the sacrifices; and .'ven those whom it is worth while to call by that name, had only the right of being commander-in-chief in their foreign wars. These then are the four sorts of kingdoms : tlie first is that of the heroic times ; which was a ^^"''' government over a free people, with limited rights in some particulars ; for the king was their general, their judge, and tlieir high priest.^ The second, that of the barbarians; which is an hereditary despotic government, regulated by laws : the third is that which they call ^Esymnetic, which is an elective tyranny. The fourth is the Lacediemonian ; and this, in a few words, is nothing more than an hereditary ge- neralship : and in these particulars they differ from each other. There is a fifth species of kingly government, which is where 'iiirc nf the nncicnt monarchies of Greece, rrportpov dk i'lcrav In-l prjrol^ ytpam irarpiKai fianiXttai. These yf^nra, it wo\ild seem, consisted chiefly in the Ti/i*»'rj, or pround allotted to them; a right of irpotSpia in coun- til. and liic first or the largest share at public feasts. ' The reader will do well here to consult the chapter on '* National Institutions and Forms of Government,'' inThirlwall's History of Greece, vol. i., especially from page 391 to 411, (Ist ed.) ' Thus in Homer, Iliad i. line 23 1, Achilles says, Nat ^d t66i OKtj-irrpoVt r6 fxiv ovtoti (^v\\a Ka\ oX^ov^ told in the book of Genesis, (ch. xiv. 18,) that he was *' king of Sa- l-'ii," and at the same time " priest of the Most High God." Compare ■110 words of Virgil, (^En. iii. 80,) " Rex Anius, rex idem hominum, Phoebique sacerdos.'* I 2 116 Aristotle's politics. [book hi. one person has a supreme power over all things whatsoever, in the manner that every tribe and every state is supreme over those things which belong to the public : for as the master ot* a family has a kingly rule in his own house, so a king is master of his own state, and over one or more tribes. CHAP. XV. The four kinds Now the different sorts of kingly governments, so J maybe re- to Say, may be reduced to two; which we must FRED. 117 more perfoct in liini who is entirely free from passion??, tlian in liim to wliom they arc natural. In tlu3 law indeed this (jinlity does not exist ; while the other of necessity belongs to every human soul. But some one perchance may say, in answer to this, that man will be a better judge of particulars. It will be necessary, then, for a king to be a legislator, and tliat his laws should be published, but that they should have no authority where they are absurd, but that in all other cases th(\v should have authority. But is it better for the commu- nity tiiat those things which cannot possibly come under the cognizance of the law at all, or properly, should be under the crovernment of every worthy citizen ? for at the present day they come togetlier, and act as judges and counsellors, and decide cases ; but all their decisions are upon particular mat- ters.' For one individual, be he who he will, will be found upon comparison inferior to a whole Jj°j^I,"J^ people taken collectively : but a state, as composed of many, is, as a ])ublic entertainment, better than one man's portion ; for which reason the multitude judge of many things Ix'tter than any one single person. The multitude are also h"^s liable to corruption ; as water is from its quantity, so arc tile many less liable to corruption than the few: besides, the judguM^nt of an individual must necessarily be perverted, if he i* overcome by anger, or any other passion ; but it would be hard indeed if the whole community should be misled by anger. ^Moreover, let the people be composed of freemen, who do nothing contrary to the law, except only in those cases which the law necessarily omits. But though the following may not easily be met with, yet if the majority of the state should happen to be good men, should one uncorrupt governor he preferred, or the majority who are all equally good ? Is it not evident that the many should be preferred ? for there may he divisions among them, but this cannot happen when there is hut one. In answer to this, it may be replied, that all their souls will be as much animated with virtue, as this one man's. If then a government of the many, and all of them good men, must be laid down as composing an aristocracy, and the go- ' For a complete account of the iKKXrjtria, or popular assembly at Athens, the (iovXt), or senate of 600, and the various fiKanTTjpia, the reader will do well to consult the admirable Dictionar)' of Greek and Human Antiquities, edited by Dr. Smith. 118 AR18TOTLE*8 POLITICS. [bOOK III. Why anarut- vemment of one, as a kingly power, it is evident, ocracy prefer- that an aristocriicy ia to be preferred to a monarcliy, *''*®* whether the state is powerful or not, if mjuiy such persons so alike can bo found. And for this cien^ state"* Tcason probably it was, tliat the first governments were under were generally monarchies ; because it was ditii- monarchjes. i . i "^ i r> • i • cult to hnd a number ot persons eminently vir- tuous,* more particularly as they then dwelt in small commu- nities. Besides, kings were appointed in return for the benefits they had conferred on mankind ; and such actions are peculiar to good men. But when many persons equal in virtue ap- peared at the same time, they brooked not a superiority, but souglit after eciuality, and established a free state.'^ After this, when they degenerated, they made a property of the public ; which probably gave rise to oligarchies ; for they Gradual sue- ^^^*^^ Wealth a mark of honour. And this was the cession of Origin of tyranuics, and these in their turn gave ci*e^t*^govern" ^isc to democracies ; fur as the power of the ty- ments. rants continually decreased, on account of their ' rapacious avarice, the people grew powerful enough to frame and estabHsh democracies : and as cities after that happened to increase, probably it was not easy for any other tbrm of government to prevail beside a democracy. But if any person prefers a kingly government in a state, we ask what is to be ' It is difficult, and indeed impossible, to reconcile this passage with the assertions of the First Book, as to the natural growth of the monar- chical power out of domestic and paternal rule. Compare especially book i. chap. 2. " And hence, by the way, states were originally governed by kings, as the barbarians now are ; for they were composed of those who were '^ always under kingly government. For every family is governed by tlie elder." ' Upon the various stages through which the ancient governments of Greece seem to have passed, by the operation of an almost uniform law, | the reader will do well here to consult the masterly sketch given by Thirl- wall in his History of Greece, vol. i. chap. 10. The passage would be too long to be quoted here, though much of its contents wiU be found cm- bodied in the Introductory l.Issay prelixed to the present volume. It will be enough here to quote the author's words as to the real cause of the abolition of royalty in the early states of Greece, as indeed it was the Y\ cause of all their after-changes. " It is to be sought for," he says, " in tlie character of the people : in that same energy and versatility which prevented it from ever slillening, even in its intancy, in the mould of oriental instit\uions ; and from slopping short, in any career which it had once opened, before it had passed through every stage." CHAP. XV.] MONAUCMY FUIITHKU CONSIDKRED. 119 saj:e from Thirlwall's History of fireccc, vol. i. chap. 10. " A tyrauny, m the Greek sense of the word, w;is the irresponsible dominion of a sinple person, not founded on heredi- •uy ripht, like the monarchies of heroic ages and of many barbarous M'iions ; nor on a free election, like that of a dictator or an ^itsymnetc, but uii force. It did not chanpe its character when transmitted through several generations ; nor was any other name invented to describe it, when the power which had been gained by violence was used for the public C'od ; though Aristotle makes it an element in the definition of tyranny liiil it is exercised for selfish ends Most of the tyrannies which >prung up before tlie Persian wars, owed their existence to the cause above d'scribed, and derived their peculiar character from the occasion which cave them birth. It was usually by a mixture of violence and artifice that the demagogue accomplished his ends. A hackneyed stratagem, which l.jwever seems always to have been successful, was to feign that his life ^as threatened, or had even been attacked, by the fury of the nobles, and •^n this pretext to procure a guard for his person from the people. This ■ and, though composed of citizens, he found it easy to attach to his own -uercsta, and with ita aid he made the first step towards absolute power by ^'izing the citadel; an act which might be considered as a formal assump- uon of the tyranny, and as declaring a resolution to maintain it by force." 120 Aristotle's politics. [book hi. CHAP. XVI. An absolute It follows next i:i ordor to consider tho absolute monarchy con- mo.inrch wlioiu WG luivc just mcntioutMl, who does »ider*:d. evorv tWuv^ accordincj to liis own will ; for a king governing under tl»e direction of laws does not of himsetf eon- stitiite any particular species of government, as we have al- ready said ; for in every state whatsoever, whether an aris- tocracy or a democracy, it is easy to apjjoint a general for life ; and there are many who intrust the administration of affairs to one person only ; such is the government at Dyrrachium, and the same at Opus though in a less degree. As for an absolute monarchy, as it is called, (tliat is to say, when tho whole state is wholly subject to the will of one person, namely the king,) it seems to many to 1k» unnatural that mZrt^. ""* <*'»^' "^'^'^ should have the entire rule over his fel- low-citizens, when the state consists of equals ; for UiUure recpiires that the same right, aud the same rank, should necessarily exist aniongst all those who ar(; Ciiual by na- ture ; for as it would be hurtful to the body, for those who are of dilferent constitutions to observe the same regimen, either of diet, or clothing ; so with respect to tho honours of the state, it is as hurtful that those who are e([ual in merit . should be unequal in rank. And for this reason it is as nmch ''> a man's duty to sul)mit to command, as to as-iimie it, ami this '' also by rotation; for this is law, for order is law; and it is more }>roper that the law shoidd govern, than any one of the citizens. Upon the same principle, if it is advantageous to place the supreme power in some piirticudar persons, they U should be appointed to be only guardians and servants of the { * Shall man or hi^^'"*» f"^* the supreme power nuist be placed sonu- law be sii- wlicrc ; but they say, that it is unjust that where '"^^'"*^ all are e written law, and is conversant with far superior objects ; for the supreme magistrate is safer to be trusted to than the written one, though he is inferior to the moral law. Rut ns it is not easy for any one person to have an eye to every thing himself, it will be necessary that the supreme magistrate should employ several subordinate ones under him ; why then shoidd not this be i i i an aristocracy Will bc touud to bc cducatiou and morals tliat are or monarcliy. ai^iost the wholc which go to make a good man, and that the same qualities will make a good citizen or good king.» These particulars being treated of, we must next endeavour to consider what sort of government is best, how it naturally arises, and how it ought to be established. Now it is neces- sary that he who intends so to do, should make a proper in- quiry concerning this point. BOOK IV.2— CHAP. I. The practical ^^ ^^^ those arts and sciences which are not con- provinceof vcrsant with parts, but with son^e one genus, and are perfect, it is the business of each to determine * This branch of Aristotle's inquiry is resumed below, in books vii. and viii. With the following book a new division commences. ' The present book does not resume the subjeet of the prccedinp ones, but it is intended to show how civil society is formed and niouldtd into dillerent types and models of government, and what are the several species of government. The book itself is generally divided into seven parts. 1st, The proposed outline of the treatise, with a statement of the necessary subjects of political society. 2nd, The causes which lead to there being several kinds of polities. 3rd, The ditl'^'rent denomination* of polity, and diti'erent species under the same form. Ith, Of the Republic and the Tyranny. 5th, Of the best polity in the abstract. Glh, Of the best polity according to the particular case of individual states. 7th, Deliberative, executive, and judicial powers. (HAT. 1.] Tin: IDKAL STATE. 125 what is tittcd to its particular genus; as wliat particular cxcrcix* is littcd to u particular body, and suits it best: (for that body whiclv is formed by nature the most beauti- t'ul and most perfectly constructed, necessarily requires the best exercise ;) and also wiiat that one kind must be, whicli will suit most and all bodies, for this is* the business of the Lnnuiaslie art. And although any one should not desire to ai'(juire an adeipiatc knowledge and skill in these exercises, yet it is not, on that account, the less necessary that ho who prol'csses to be a master, and to instruct the youth in them, should be perfect therein. And we see that this is what hap- pens eipially in the art of healing, ship-building, cloth-making, and indeed all other arts ; so that it evidently belongs to the >ame art to find out what kind of govcrnnjent is best, and wtjuld of all others be most correspondent to our wish, provid- ing it received no impediment from without, and also what parti- cular species of it is adapted to particular persons ; for there are many probably who are incapable of enjoying the best I'orm. So that the legislator, and he who is truly _,, ,. . . ,. . , *; ' . , , . , The politician a politican, ought to be accjuamted not only with si.ouid study, tliat which is most perfect in the abstract, but "e't-e^'llu/''"""* also that which is the best suited under any given rracticai cx- tircumstances.' There is, moreover, a third sort <»f polity, an imaginary one ; and he ought, if such a one should be presented to his consideration, to be able to discern how it would grow into being, and, when once established, what would be the proper means to preserve it for the longest lime. I mean, for instance, if a state should happen not to have the best form of government, or to be deficient even in what was necessary, or not to be as good as possible under existing circumstances, but something inferior. And, be^ide3 all this, it is necessary to distinguish what sort of p)vernnient is best fitting for all cities : for most SnVwritm. uf those writers who have treated this subject, liowever speciously they may handle other parts of it, have ' Bocck (in his Plat. Min. p. G5) says, that by these words Aristotle i'Tiplics exi9tin«5 states. This is not qtiile true. By a TroXiriia i^ vtto- '.^ifffwf or tad' vTToOtniv, he means, (to use the definition of Gocttling,) respubhca qua; optima tingitur iatis quibusdam condilionibtis," and the W'»rds, therefore, here as elsewhere, stand opposed to rj anXCjg Kpari^rri - \iTiia. See b. ii. chap. G ; iii. 3; v. 9 ; vii. 4, 8, 12, etc., etc. 126 AR1ST0TLE*S POLITICS. [bOOK IY. failed in describing the practical parts : for it is not enough fe to be able to lay down scientifically what is best, but what can be put in practice. It should also be simple, and easy for all to attain to. But, contrary to this, they seek out only the most subtle form of government, and one which needs many things to fill it up. Others again, choosing rather lo treat of what is common, censure those which now exist, and extolthe excellence of a particular state, as the Lacedaemonian, What the aim ^^ ^^^^*^ Other. But cvcry legislator ought to of a politician establish sucli a form of government, as from the present state, and disjjosition of the people who are to receive it, they will most readily submit to, and persuade the community to ])artake of: for it is not a business of less trouble to correct the mistakes of an established government, than to tbrm a n(?w one ; as it is equally dillicult to recover what we have forgotten, and to learn any thing afresh. The politician, therefore, besides all that we have already said, ougl.t to be able to remedy the faults of a government already established, as we have before mentioned. But tliis is im- possible for a man who does not know the dilferent forms of . government : some persons think, that there is Hence theneed ^ , • i ^i i» i i i- i of studyini,' the Only oue species both ol democracy and ohuurcliy ; »\"us"'""*'^" but tliis is not true: so that no one should be un- aecjuainted with tlie ditierence of these govern- ments, how great they are, and in how many ways they aie constituted. And together with this })ractical wisdom, he ought to perceive what laws are best, and what are most suit- able to each particular government : for all laws ought to be framed, and are framed by all men, with reference to the state, and not the state with reference to the laws. For government is a certain ordering in a state, which respects the magistrates as to the manner in which they are regulated, where the supreme power shall be placed ; and what is the final object which each community shall have in view. But laws are something ditlerent from what expresses the form of the constitution ;' and according to them, the magistrate must rule and keep watch over those who transgress them. Anil ' What is the dift'orence between vo/ioi and iroXiTiia, has been already incidontiilly explained above in the seeond book. CJoi-Uling remarks, vofiOQ, est JUS civile : TroXtrtia, vol rd St)\ovt>Ta ti)v noXiTtiav, univcrsa' reipublicK constiiutio. CIIAl'. II.] GOVKUN'MKNTS AND THEIR, CORRUn IONS, ]27 licnco it is evident, that the founders of laws sljould attend to tlio ditVcrent kinds and to the ninnbcr of governments ; for it i«< inipossiible that the same huvs should be fitted to all sorts of oligarchies and democracies ; for of both these governments there are many species, and not one only. CHAP. II. Since, then, according to our first method of Three kinds of treating the different forms of government, we Bo^cmment. have divided those which are regular into three sorts, the kingly, the aristocratical, and the free state, and have shown their three corruptions resi)ectively ; — tyranny the corruption of monarchy ; oligarchy of an aristocracy ; and democracy of the free state ; — and as we have already treated of the aristo- cratical and kingly governments ;— (for to enter into an in- quiry what sort of government is best, is the same thing as to treat of these two expressly ; for each of them desires to bfe • '-tablished upon the encouragement of virtue :) — and as more- over we have already determined wherein a monarchy and an aristocracy dilfer from each other, and when a state may be -aid to be governed by a king, — it now remains that we ex- lunine into a free state, and also those other forms inf^„iry into of government, an oligarchy, a democracy, and tiie nature ofa a tyranny. And it is evident, which of these three excesses must be the worst of all, and which next to it ; for, of course, the excesses of the best and xyranny tiie aiost divine must be the worst;* for it must ne- worst corrup cessarily happen either that the monarchy will have the name of king only remaining without a reality, or I'lse that it will remain owing to the great excess of power on the part of the king ; whence a tyranny will arise, the worst ex- cess imaginable, as being a government the most contrary to a free state. The excess next most u;" next worst, hurtful, is an oligarchy ; for an aristocracy differs much from this sort of government; and that which is least hurtful is a democracy. This subject has been already treated of by one of those writers who have gone before me,'^ ' An illustration of the old provpr]>, " Corruplio optimi pessima fit per* i>i').'* Compare the McU-known rxpresaion, f; 9r}piov fj 9i6t. ' Aristotle here refers to IMato, Rep. p. 303, A. 128 Aristotle's politics. [book iv. though his views do not look the same way m PUto'« opinion, ^jj^^g . ^-^^ j^^ thought, that a democracy was the worst of all excellent ctmstitutions, as a good oligarchy, or the like, but the best ot* all bad ones. Now I atUrm that all these . states witliout exception have fallen into excess; and also it is not well to say that one oligarchy is better than another, but that it is not quite so bud. liut let us defer this question for the present. AVe must tirst in- kinds'oflree quirc liow many dirterent sorts of free states there htaies thae ^j.^. . ginoo thcrc are many species of democracies and oligarchies ; and which of them is tlie most comprehensive, and most desirable after tiie best form of government ; or if there is any other, aristocratic in its prin- ciples, and well-established ; and also which of these is best adapted to most cities, and which of them is j)referable for particular persons ; — (tor, probably, some nuiy suit better with a violent oligarchy than with a democracy, and others better with the latter than the former ;) — and afterwanls in what manner a man ought to proceed who desires to establish eiilier of these states, 1 nu'un the several spucies of democracy and of oligarchy. And, to eoni'ludc, when we shall How govern- , i • ii i .• i» ^i • ^i i. • mints iiro pro- have bnetly made mention ol i-very thing that is sL-rvid and do- uecessarv, we must endeavour to point out the sources ot corruj)tion and ot stability in govern- ments, as well those which are common to all, as those which are peculiar to eacii slate, and from what causes they chielly arc wont to arise. CHAP. III. Why govern- '^'"^^ reason for there being many ditferent sort.^ meiitsarcof of governments is this, that each state consists of ditltrunl kinds. , , /. . i i* • .1 i« ^ i a great number ot parts ; ' lor, in tiie lirst place, we see that all cities are made up of families : and, again, out ' The cause of iIiltp being sevtTal kinds of poHlii-jj, is tlu' fact i1j>h ihere are so many dilitTL-nt ingredients in tlic state ; the «7ro()oi, tin fviropoi, and tlie fttoot, of whom the lirst is liionXov, the others art OTrXirtcov'. And, uguin, there uro otiicr divisitiiis of tlio eilizins on a dilferent prinfipk'. Now these parts, it is elear, may all partake of stiit' privileges; and according as a larger or a smaller part of them has .1; aetnal share in the udn»inistration, the complexion of the governmci' itself will varv. ( HAT. III.] lOItMS or (lOVF.RNMKNT. 129 of tlic multitude' of tliese !^oIne must be rich, some poor, and others in tlic middlu station ; and tliat botli of the rich and ]iOor, some will be u-e tlie reader of his Politics cannot fail to observe) " on a vast store of imatitm which he ha.d collected on the history and constitution of r- than a hundred and fifty states in. the mother country and the colo- . and which he had consif:^ed to a preat work now unfortunately lost. : knowledge of the internal condition and vicissitudes of almost all -'■ slates is ven>- scanty and fragmentary; but some of the main facts crning them, which have been saved from oblivion, will serve to throw :.t on several parts of Grecian history." Thirlwall's Hist, of Greece, i. chap. 10. K 2 132 Aristotle's politics. [book iv. these, and what they are, and why ; startinp^ from the first prin- ciple which we have already laid down. We admit tliat every state consists not of one, but of many parts. For example, if it should be our purpose to comprehend the ditferent sj)ecie3 of animals, we should first of all note those parts which every animal must have, as certain of the organs of sense, as also what is fitted to receive and retain its food, as a mouth and a belly ; and besides, certain parts to enable it to move from place to place. If, then, these are the only parts of an animal, and there are difterences between them, namely, in their va- rious sorts of mouths, and bellies, and organs of sense, and be- sides these in their powers of motion ; the number of all these combined together must necessarily make up dilferent species of animals. For it is not possil)le that the same kind of animal should have any very great deal of diifcrence in its mouth or ears ; so that when all these possible combinations are collected together, they will make up various species of animals, which will be as many kinds as there are of these general combina- tions of necessary parts. Now the same thing is J^an/oTl'^bUt"! true of what are called politics ; for a state is not made up of one, but of many parts, as has already 1. yaofnoi. been often said ; one of which is those wlio supply 2. Hiiv.tvaoi. provisions, called husbandmen ; another called me- chanics, whose emj)loyment is in the manual arts, without which the city could not be inhabited ; of these some » are busied about what is absolutely necessary, others about things which contribute to the elegancies and pleasures of life ; „ . - the third sort are liucksters, I mean by these buyers, sellers, petty traihckcrs, and retail dealers ; 4. t6 OnTiKOK. ^1^^, fourth are hired labourers, or workmen; the 5. TOTT^.ToXf- fifth are the men-at-arms, a rank not less useful than the otlier, unless the community choose to be i the slaves of every invader. For doubtless a state which U naturally a slave, is unworthy of the name of a city ; for a . ., city is self-suihcient, but a slave is not. So that ; Anerronn the , ., ■ , . . -i Hepubiicof whcu Socratcs says' that a city is necessarily ^ Plato refuted, composcd of four sorts of people, weavers, hu ' III Plato's ItcptibUe, book ii. p. 3G1), D., »n; c di- i) yt ava-^KaioTuTi] TTiAiQ ix TtTTc'ipuiv i) irivTi dv^puiV ; is tahts of the stati:. 133 bfindmon, slioenKikrr:^, and builders ; lie tlicn adds, a? if those were not stifrioient, .siniilis, licrdsinon for what cattle arc ne- OL'Ssary, and also merchants and victuallers, and these are by way gf appendix to his lirst list ; as if a city was established for necessity, and not tor the sake of perfect life, or as if it was e([uallyin need of shoemakers and husbandmen. Also he does not reckon the military as a part of the stale, before its ter- ritory increases and brings about war, by touching on tho borders of the neiglibouring powers.* And even amongst tliem who compose his ft)ur divisions, or whoever have any ccot, aXitvTiKoi, \^)r}^aTlKci, TroXtftiKvi. As tu the t(«J»; Twv yi'ivpifnov, they are respectively TrXoDroc, d^ttn), luyivna, the bcbt. CHAP. IV.] PURE i>i:mocracy. 135 OL'llonco which is attiihiited to tliom. The most nrmocrarv • pure democracy ' is that Avliich is calh>(l so prin- i cipally from the equality whicli prevails in it : for ' The reader will better understand a prent part of wliat TjIIows in tliis book on the subject (tf democrat y. if he -will p'wo his attention to the subjoined ncco\int of Grecian denioeratical povernnient, taken from Thirlwall, History of Greece, vol. i. ch. 10. " The term democracy is usi'd by Aristotle sometimes in a larger sense, so as to include several l.'rms ol' f:ov(>rnment, which, notwitlislandinp their common diaractcr, \v(re distmpuished from each other by peculiar features; at other times ui a narrower, to denote a form essentially vicious, which stands in the same relation to the happy temperament to which lie gives the name of I'olity, as oliparchy to aristocracy, or tyranny to royalty. It must not be foipotten, that the body to which tlic terms oliparchy and democracy nil T, formed a comi)aratively small part of the population in most Greek slates, since it did not include either slaves or residing free foreiu'ucrs. The sovereign power resided wholly in the native freemen ; and whether It was exercised by a part or by all of them, was the questic»n which dc- tirnnned the nature of the government. When the barrier iiad been thrown down by \\ Inch all political riphts were made the inheritance of cf rtain families,— since every freeman, even when actually excluded from tin ni by the want of sullicienl property, was by law capable of acquiring tlum. — democracy might be said to have bepiin. Thus where the legis- lative, or, as It was anciently termed, the deliberative, branch of the S'lvtreipnty was lodged in an assembly open to every freeman, and when no other qtialilication than free birth was required for judicial functions, and for tlie election of mapistrates, there the povernmcnt was called de- iimcratical, though the hiphest olhces of the state mipht be reserved to a l>rivil(>ped class. But a linished democracy, that which fully satisfied the Greek nation, was one in which every attribute of sovereipnty might be shared, without respect to rank or property, by every freeman. More than this was not inii)lied in democracy; and little less than this was re- quired, according to the views of the philosophers, to constitute the cha- racter of a citizen, which, in the opinion of Aristotle, could not exist without a voice in the lepislativc assembly, and such a share in the ad- ministration of justice as was necessary to secure the responsibility of the magistrates. Hut this equality of rights left. room for a great diversity in the modes of exercising them, which determined the real nat\ire of a d'niocratical institution. There were indeed certain riphts, those which Aristotle considers as essential to a citizen, which, according to the re- ct'ived Greek notions, could, in a democracy, only be exercised in person. The thoupht of delegating them to accountable representatives, seems never to have occurred, either to practical or speculative statesmen. But still, even in the purest form of democracy, it was not necessary that all the citizens should take an equally active part in the transaction of pub- lic business, and the unavoidable inequality in the advantages of fortune, and of personal qualities, fixed a natural limit to the exercise 'of most pflitical riphts. But the principle of Icpal equality, which was the basis "f democracy, was gradually constructed in a manner which inverted the wholesome order of nature, and led to a long train of pernicious 136 Aristotle's tolitics. [uook iv. this is what the law in tlmt state direct^ that the poor shall bo in no greater subjection than the rieh ; and that the su- preme power sluill be not lodged witli either of tliese, but that both shall share it alike. For if liberty and equality, as some persons suppose, are chiefly to be found in a dumocracy, it must be most so, by every department of government being alike open to all ; but as the people are the majority, and what they vote is law, it follows that such a state must be a democracy. Tliis then is one species of a deino- 2.^a:td T.Mnu"- (jj.j^tj^. government. Another is, when the magis- trates are elected by a certain census, the standard of which is low ; antl ,where every one who possesses property ought to have a share in the governnuMit, but as s(x>n as he has 3. wiui • rill ^^^^ ^'^^^^ property, he ought no longer. Anotlier rule who arc sort is, tluit in which every man who is not under ban has a share in tlie government, but where the 4. Ware all govcmmeiit is ill the law. Another, where every s areupxu'- ^^^^^.^ provideil he be a citizen, has this right, but 5. Where the where the government is in the law. Anotlier is rscdethe tlic samc With thcso lu Other particulars, but al- lows the people and not the law to be supreme ; and this takes place wlien every thing is (k'tenuined by a majority of votes, and not by a law ; a tiling wliieh liiippens by reason of the demagogues. For where a democracy is governed by stated laws, there is no room for a demagogue, but men of worth fill tlie first oilices in the state; but wliere conscqucncog. The administralion of ihe coinmonwealih caim; to be rc- giirded, not as a service in mIulH all were inleresUd, bui I'oi which some might be qnalilicd belter than others, bnt as a iiroperly, in which each Wiuj entitled to an equal share, in proijorlion as the as»inibly, or huge portions detached iVum it lor the exerci^e of judicial fundions, drew all tlie branches of the sovereignly more and more into their sphere, the character of their proceedings became more and more subject to the influence of the lower class of the citizens, winch constituted a perma- nent majority. And thus the democracy, instead of the etiuality which was its supposed basis, in fact, established the ascendency of a faction, whicii although greatly preponderant in numbers, no more representcti the whole state than the oligarchy itself; and which, though not ecpially liable to fall into the mechanism of a vicious system, was more prone to yield to the impulse of the moment, more easily misled by blind or treacherous guides, and might thus, as frequently, though nut so deli- berately and methodically, trample, not only on law and custom, but on justice and liumanily. 'I'his disease of a democracy was sonu-times de- signaled by llie term ochlocracy, or the dominion of ihe rubble." law. rilAP. IV,] TURK DRMOCRACY. 137 \]\Q i-owuris not vcstod in tlic laws, there dcniajro^rues nboinnl.* For tlirre the people's voice becomes tliat of a kinjr, the wliolo (•oiii|)osinfX one body ; tor they are supreme, not as individuals, hut in their collective capacity. Homer also says, " 111 fares it, nhrre the multitude hath sway;" hut whether he means this kind of democracy, or one wlierc tiie many are individually supreme, is uncertain. Now, when tl»e people possess this power, they d(>sire to be altogether absolute, that tliey may not be under the control of llie law, and they p;row despot ical, so that flatterers arc held ^ „ , iu repute ; and such a people become analogous to t^cin s.;cii a tyranny among the forms of monarchy ; tor tlieir ^mann? '^"'^ niatmers are the same, and they both hold a des- l>otic power over better persons than themselves. For their decrees are like the otliers' edicts ; and a demagogue witli them i- like a tlatterer among tlie others ; but botii these two classes :tl)0iind witli each, flatterers with tyrants, and demagogues among such a ])eople. And to them it is owing that tlie su- preme power is lodged in the votes of the people, and not in written laws : for they bring every thing before them. And this tliey do because they have influence, on account of the supreme power being lodged in the people ; tor these are they whom the multitude obey. Besides, those who inveigli against rulers are wont to say that the people ought to be the jii'lges of their conduct; and the people gladly receive their Complaints as the means of destroying all their oflices. Any "•ne therefore may with great justice blame such a govern- ment by calling it a democracy, and not a free state ; for where the government is not vested in the laws, 1 1 • -. ,11, 1 . . 1 A free state or th'.n there is no tree state, tor the law ought to be p„iit> only supreme over all things; and particular incidents J'^'i^yi'i^J*'' wliich arise, should be determined by the magis- trates or by the state. If, therefore, a democracy is to be ' In such a case as this, the form of povcrnmcnt would rather be called • in ochhrrncy, or, in the words of Thirhvall, a dominion of the rabble. A ^i]ns of exercising his franchise; and as the siun which et)uld be all'orded for this purpose was necessarily small, it attracted precisely tlie persons whose presence was least desirable." Thirlwall, ubi supr. CIIAI'. VII.] A I'OLITV. 141 llic men of property in the state arc fewer tlian in the ibrnier case, and if tlieir j)r()i)erty is l:ir«;e, Ji'ji'jl"**"*' then an oli;;archy of tlie second sort will take ]>hice ; for those who have power will claim a right to lord it over the others. And, to accomplish this, they will associate tlu'inselves with some who have an inclination for public affairs, and as they are not yet powerful enough to govern without law, they will nuike a law for that purpose. And if tliey set themselves, as being fewer, to gain greater fortunes, the oligarchy will then alter into one of the third ^., ., . „. ^ " •' , , I rt. ,' • 1 • The third kind. sort, because they keep tiie oflices ot state m iheir own hands by a law, which directs the son to succeed upon the death of his father. liut as soon as they extend their strength further by means of their wealth and powerful con- nexions, such a dynasty nearly approaches to a monarchy, and the m(>n will be supreme, and not J[)f/°"^**' tlie law; and this is the fourth species of an oli- garchy, and it corresponds to the last mentioned kind of de- mocracy. CHAP. VII. There are also two other states, besides a democracy and an oligarchy, concerning the one of which all speak, and it is always esteemed one species of the four sorts ; and thus they reckon them up ; a monarchy, an oligarchy, a democracy, ;i!id the fourth, which they call an aristocracy. There is also a fil'tli, which bears a name tlint is also common a fifth kind of to the other four, namely, a Polity ;• but as this poviriimem, i> seldom to be met w'ith, it lias escaped those °^^'°'-" who endeavour to enumerate the different forms of govern- ' " The form of govcnimcnt in which the possession of a certain amount ' t I'rupcrty was the condition of ail, or at least of the hiphcst political i rl\ill■^(.'s, was sometimes called a timocracy, and its character vuricd uf crdmjr to the standard adopted. When this was high, and especially ifii was fixed in the produce of land, the constitution diflVrcd but little la ctfcct from the aristocratical oligarchy, except as it oi»tnrd to those "^vhowerc excluded a prospect of raising themse Ives to a higher rank, liut when the standard was placed within reach of the middling class, 'li«' form of government was commonly called a polity, and was considered '••' one of the best tempered and most durable modification of democracy." iliiilwall, ubisupr. • 142 . auistotle's politics. [uook IV. ments, of which they admit four only, as docs Plato in his Republic' What an ariB- -^^ ai'istocracy of which we have already trcat^nl totracy is. in our first book, is rightly called so ; for a state 1. First kind, governed by the best men, upon the most virtuous principles, and not (so called) according to any arbitrary defi- nition of good men,'- has alone a right to be called an aristo- cracy ; for it is tliere only that the good man and the good citizen are identified ; while in otiier states men are good only rehilively to their own country. Moreover, there 2. Second kind. .^^.^^ ^^^^^^^ ^^j^^.^. ^^.^^^.^ ^^,^j^.j^ .^^.^ ^.^jj^^^^ ^^^ ^j^^^ ^.^^^_ name, that diller both from oligarchies and free states, wherein they choose men for othee, not only according to tlieir weallli, but aceonling to their merit. Now tliis polity difiers from botli of the above, and is called an aristocracy ; for in those governments wherein virtue is not their conunon care, there are still men of high worth and approved merit. Whatever How it diirors -''^'^tc, then, as at Carthage, favours the ricli, tlie from .1 virtuous virtuous, and the eitizens at large, is a sort of dtMiiocraiy. aristocracy : but when only the two latter are held in esteem, as at LacecUemon, and the state is jointly composed of these, it is a virtuous democracy. These are the two species of aristocracies over and above the first, • 'T. • 1 . • A which is the best of all governments. There is 3. Third kind. , ... , . , • ^7 ,. , , also a third, which is to be lound whenever any one of what are called hua. states inclines to the dominion of a few. CHAP. VIII. It now remains for us to treat of that govern- r/raVr^el"'''"'* mcnt whieh is particularly called a free state, and also of a tyranny ; and we have thus arranged our method, because, although this, as well as the aristocracies already mentioned, do not seem excesses, yet, to speak truly, ' See Plato's Rep\ib. book viii. chap. 1 and 2, where he describes \\\c most perfect ideal slate a.s an arisloiracy, and then lays down tiinocrat y, oligarchy, democracy, and tyranny, a.s the four perversions of it, or cor* rupied forms. ' Tliat is, by absolutely pood men, and not men who are so called arbi- trarily, and are adapted lo this or ihat form Of government. A FRF.K STATi:. 143 they have all dt^partcd from a porrcct govrrniuont : and .«o tlicy arc irckoiUMl anionic tlu'sc, and tlioso arc their eor- niptcd forms, as we said at the beginning. It is proper to uuntion a tyranny the hist of all governments, for it is of all others the least like a polity, but our treatise is on tlie subject of pcilities. \Vc have said, then, why this arrangement has been made ; but now we must explain what is meant by a iVee state. For we shall the better understand its p()sitiv(» nature now that we have already de- gJJleV " '^^'^ -eribed an oligarehy an been usual to eall those whieh incline most to a democracy, iVie states, and those which incline most to an oligarchy, aris- tocracies, because rank and education arc generally append- ages of the wealthy. Besides, they enjoy those things which • thers are often guilty of crimes to procure ; for which reason tiien regard them as men of worth, honour, and note. Since, t!ien, it is the genius of an aristocracy to allot the larger part (if the government to the best citizens, they therefore say that :in oligandiy is chiefly composed of those men who are worthy and honourable. Now it seems impossil)le that a state, where tin- government is in the hands of the good, should not be well governed, but ill : or well governed, wliere the power is in the hands of the bad. Xor is a government well xiie laws alone "•nstituted because the laws are such, unless they no test of a •* observed ; for the enforcement of obedience to '^°^""'"*^"*- mc laws is one proof of a good constitution in the state : an- ■ ilier is, to have laws by wdiich they shall abide well made; ' t'-r even if they are improper they must be obeyed ;) and this may be done in two ways, either by their being the best 1' latively to the particular slate, or the best absolutely. An iri.-tocracy seems most likely to confer the honours of the Mate on the virtuous ; for virtue is the object of an aristocracy, riclies of an oligarchy, and liberty of a democracy ; for what i- approved of by the majority will prevail in each one of these ''irce difTerent states ; and that which is esteemed by the -Tcater part of those who compose the community will have '111' supreme power. Now what is called a free state prevails i'l most communities which are generally made up of rich Hi"! poor, riches and liberty : for among almost all men the ' See note on the preceding chapter. 144 Aristotle's politics. [book iv. rich seem to maintain their position as worthy and honourable people. But as there are three things which claim an equal rank in the state, namely, freedom, riches, and merit, — (for the fourth, which is called nobility, is consequent on two of the others, since merit and riches are the origin of nobility) — it is evident, that the union of the rich and the poor makes up a free state ; but that the union of all three tends to an aristo- f cracy more than any other, except that state which is truly so, > and which holds the first rank. We have already seen, then, that there are governments diiferent from a monarchy, a demo- cracy, and an oligarchy, and what they are ; and also wherein . both aristocracies dilhr from each other, and I'ree states from an aristocracy ; and it is evident, that these are not nmch unlike each other. i CHAP. IX. Next in order to what has been said, let us state ir?s^8* ^"^'^^ how that government which is j)eeuliarly called a polity arises, besi down ; for instance, in a d^'Uiocracy the right to vote in thf p!jl)li(^ assenibly i.'* eilher confined by no census at all, or liy a low o!»e4 in an oligarchy it belongs only to those when ( n.vr. IX.] MixTi HF. or orrosiiK oovkhn-mknts. \Ao standard of wealth is lil^jjh : tlicreforo, n.^ tlicse two practices are incompatible, a census between each may be established ill .-uch a state. Tiie tliird mi-tliod is compounded ,, ,, , , i> , ,. , . 3rd mode. (it two ordmances,' partly trom the oligarchic jirinciplc and partly from the democratic. For instance, as it seems suitable to a democracy, that the magistrates should b-' chosen by lot, but to an aristocracy by vote ; and it is oligarchical to choose them according to a census, while not to do so is democratical. To copy sometliing from each other, iht>n, is at once aristocratical and suitable to a free state; trutn an oligarchy, their choice of magistrates by vote, but iVum a democracy their refusal to impose a census. This is the way of blending tliem : but the best test of a ^ , * . . f 1 1 !• 1 TcHtofafrce happy mixture ot a democracy and an oligarchy Mate orpniity is when a person may properly call the same state '^'j^JJ *'^" '^^' In.th a democracy and an oligarchy ; for it is cvi- (Iriit, that those who thus speak of it arc led to do so, because li.»th forms are tliere well blended together. And indeed this i- common to all means, that the extremes of each side should he discerned in them ; it is the case with the state .j-,,(. j;,,artan of LaciMhemon ; for many strive to maintain that constitution • . T , * . , . , instanced. It IS a democracy, because it has many particulars which follow that form of government;'^ as for instance, in the firht place, in the bringing up of their children. For the ' iiildren of both rich and poor are brought iij) in the same nner; and they are educated in such a manner that the lildren of the poor may partake of it: and the same rules re observed when they are successively youths and men, ' I'pon the csr>rntially 'practical character of the Politirs of Aristotle, ■ 1 the contrast which it rresenls to the Kcpublic of Phito in this re- tt. scc» the Inlruilnclory Essay. The present chapter is a particular ■'incc of this tliaraclcristic feature. ■ rpon the constitution of Sparta and the legislation of Lycurgus, the " tl'f will do well to consult the admirable summary of the subject \in by Thirlwall, History of Greece, vol. i. chap. 8. He says, inter aliA, At Sparta, as in nil other Greek reptiblics, the sovereign power resided t!;(' Assembly of the people; where a Ileracleid, however n speeled for ■^ birth, had no advantago in his vote over the common Dorian. In ■ T times we hear of Imo Assemblies, a greater and a lesser; Imt this i' ars to have been an innovation, connected with other changes to be :• after described." The whole chapter is well worthy of an attentive t^ '^al, to anv one who wishes to gain a real insight into the polity of ^ irt;l. 146 Aristotle's politics. [book iv. there is no distinction between a rich person and a poor one, and in their public tables the same provision is served to all. The rich also wear only such clothes as the poorest man might be able to purchase. Moreover, with respect to two magistracies of the highest rank, to one they have a right to elect, and to have a !*hare ot* the other ; lor they elect the Senate ' and partake in the Ephonilty. Others consider it as an oligarchy, because it has many oligarchical points ; as in choosing all their ofHcers by vote, and not by lot ; in tliere being but a few who have a right to judge on capital causes, and in matters of banishment, and the like. In- shouid be in- dccd, a state which is well composed of two others deiHmUnt of ouglit to show tluit it rescmblcs them both, and is its i»f iglibours. "... It j yet IS neitlier one nor the other. Such a state ought to have its means of preservation in itself, and not from without; and when I say in it.oi. The tidvvrj, or judicial account which every public otlioT at Athens, and penerally ihroiichout all the states of Greece, had lit render to the people at the expiration of his oflice, was the paUadium of civil and political freedom with the whole Hellenic race. Whatever power (>rected itself into a position where it was not thus responsible to the sovere.'ignty of the people, was at once condemned va an infringement ai;iinst the very first principles of liberty. The officers before whom tiiese accounts used to be rendered, were called at Athens. ivQvvoi or Xoyirrrat : elsewhere they were also known by the names of t^traarai or m-i/r'/yopot. For further remarks on the tvBvvoi, sec below, book vi. chap. 5. ' " A tyranny, in the Greek sense of the word, was the irresponsible dominion of a single person, not founded on hereditary right nor en a free election .... but on force." Thirlwall, toI. i. ch. 10. L 2 148 AniSTOTLE*S POLITICS. [BOOK IV. j\ry form of polity ; ' but let it be witli reference to that mode of life in wliich the greater part of mankind can share, and that government of which most cities can partake. For as to those, so CiiUed, aristocracies which we liave now mentioned, they eitlier fall beyond the attainment of states,'^ or so nearly resemble that whicli is properly called a polity, that we shall treat of them botli as one. The opinions which we shall pass ujuin tliese subjects must depend upon the same principles: for if what we have said in our Klhics^ is true, that a happy life mu.^t arise from an un- interrupted course of virtue, and that virtue consists in a cer- tain mean, of necessity the middle life must certainly be the lr.ij)picst, the mean bcin*; sup}H)scd to be attainable by every one. The buuJidaries of virtue and vice nuist also necessarily be the same in a city and in a polity: for a }H)lity is the very life of the city. In every state the pe()j)le are divided into TheniiJdie three sorts ; the. very rich, the very poor, and, htaie to be thirdly, tliose who are bi'twcen them. Since, then, i.ru.ru'i. j^ is universally admitted that the mean is best, it is evident, that even in point of fortune, a middle state is to be preferred ; for that state is most apt to submit to rea- son. For those who are very handsome, or very stronjx, or very noble, or very rich, or, on the contrary, those who are very poor, or very weak, or very mean, with dilliculty obey it. And this, because the one class is capricious and wicked ' Aristotle lioro tacitly refers to the Idoiil Republic of Plato, which Urofes.scdly was intended as an I'tcjpian outline, and even in the opinion of its uullinr, could not be eaiiied out into iiraeliec. ' " To constitute an aristocracy," (says Thirlwall, ubi supr.,) *' it is not sufficient that the rulinf; few should be animated by a desire to ])roniote the public good; they nnist also be distinpuislud by a certain character, for aristocracy signilies the rule ctf the best men. Iflhis epithet is referred to an absohuc ideal standard of excellence, it is manifest that an aristn- cratical puvcrnmenl is a mere abstract notion, which lias nothini; in his- tory or nature to correspond to it. Hul if we content ourselves with taking the same terms in a relative sense, . . . aristocracy \\ ill be that form of government in which the ruling few arc distinguished Irbm tlu multitude by illustrious birth, hereditiiry wealth, and i)ersonal merit." ' See i'^th. Nicom. b. i. chap. 7, where hapi)iness is dclined as kvtf)ykia ^vxiic Kar a^triiv iv /.Sk/j rAn(^. In a jierfect life, Aristotle meant, not only to include the development of life to the liighcst degree of per- fection, but also the idea of a consistent and uninierrui>ted {ai>f^nrohaTv<:) perseverance in it from the beginning to the end. CHAP. XI.] THi: MIDDLK STATK. J^g on a largo sonic," the otiier rnscally and moan ; nn3 inhabitants are in the middle state; whence it follows, fliat that city must be best framed which is composed of those v.ho we say are naturally its proper members. It is men of this station also who are best assured of safety ; for they will neither covet what belongs to others, as the poor do; nor ^vil others covet what is theirs, as the poor do what bclon^-s to the rich ; and thus, without plotting against any one, and liaving any one to plot against them, they will live free from •linger. For which reason Phocylides wisely prayed, ! ^l-y"^. At Athens the otHcers so called, after the age of Clistliene.s, were m nnmber, one for each of the tribes, jind were specially charpcd with •onunand and superintendence of the cavalry. Herodotus (v. 19) in- :nsus that Chsihcnes, when ho increased the tribes from four to ten, ' e ten 1 hylarchs instead of four. It is however probable that he there ntounds the oflicc of Phylarch with that of the 0.-Xo/3a,T.\Hf. whowcro ' r in number. 1 ho word ihtXapxtli^ here is used apparently in a lax • 1 popular sense, equivalent perhaps to imTranh', to act as imfrrarnc r ihe irpoupoi or body often senators who presided over the rest for a ■X one of whom was chosen for ever/ day in the week to preside as 1 rman ,n the senate and the assembly of the people. During his day ' ^Ihce he kept the public records and btal. b / loO AUISTOTLE's politics. [look IV. *' The midtlle stato is best ; that state be mine, Whate'er my city be." * It is plain, then, that tho most perfect political community must be amongst those who are in the middle rank, and that those states can best be carried on, wherein these The best state, ^, . . , . , ... m i i i i wiierethe mean are the majority and outweigh, it possible, both the thJ'ejS'tTem". ^^^^^^ classes ; or, if that cannot be, at least then either of them separate ; i'or being thrown into tlie balance it will prevent eitlier excess from preponderating. It is therefore the greatest happiness of citizens to possess a moderate and convenient fortune ; for when some possess too much, and others nothing at all, the government must be either an extreme democracy, or else a pure oligarchy ; or, from th(i excesses of both, a tyranny ; for this arises from a lieadstrong democracy, or an oligarchy, but far more seldom wlien the members of the community are nearly on an ecpiality with each other. We will assign a reason for this when we come to treat of tlie alterations which ditferent states are likely to undergo. But it is clear that the middle state is the best, for it is alone free from seditions ; fur where the middle class is large, there is less of sedition and insurrection to disturb the commuidty. And for the same reason extensive govern- ments are least liable to these inconveniencies ; for there the middle classes are very numerous ; whereas in small ones it is easy to pass to the two extremes, so as hardly to have any in a middle state remaining, but the one half are rich, the other ,.,. . poor. And from the same principle it comes, that ties more deinocracics are more tirmly established, and ot oiigarcilie" lougcr continuaucc than oligarchies ; but even in those Wiien there is a want of the proper number | of men of middling fortune, the poor extend their power too far, abuses arise, and the government is soon at an end. "We ought to consider as a prqof of what we now advance, that the best lawgivers themselves were those in the middle rank of life; amongst whom was Solon, as is evident from lii^ poems, and Lycurgus, (Ibr he was not a king,'^) and Charondas, ' Thus in Kurip. Ion, 032, the prayer occtirs, tn/ y' »/ioi ^y}> ^itTftta. ' As U> the pcrsuiiahly of Lyciirj^us, the rcinlcr will ilo wt'll to con^nll tlu remarks of Thirhvall upon tlie history of that Icgishitor. (llisioiy of (Jr. vol. i. ell. S.) Aceoriliiip lo lIiToilolus, (i. eh. Go,) it was during' tlu minority of L(!(ibotas, that Ly» ur>;u.s, governing as re^:tut, emjiloycii ihi l)o\vcr placed in his hands fur the purpose of eslabUahuig his own instiiu- » IIAP. XI.] INFLUENCK OF Till: MIDDLK CLASSKS. 1 ."j 1 j\ii(l ins either a democracy or an oligarchy. Moreover, when in consecpicnce of tluMr disputes and fpiarrels with eacli other, either the rich fret the hetter of the poor, or the poor of the rich, ne worst. various forms both of democracy and oligarchy, it will not be dillicult to judge to which we should give tlie first place, to which the second, and which in a consequent order is better or worse, now that the best form has been defined: for that mu-t be the best which is nearest to thi?, and that the worst whicii is most distant from the mean, un- less any one forms a mere ima«'inary standard. I No abstract / *v • .i * •* i .1 * *i 1 rule can be laid mean by this, that It may hapj)en, that though one down. form of government may be better tlian another, vet oftentimes nothing prevents another from being preferable to it in particular circumstances, and for particular purposes. CHAP. XII. After what Juis been said, it follows that we n»cnt\feir/uit» sliould now sliow what and what kind of govern- particuUr meut is most suital)le for particular cases. Ihit cases. , 111 first we must lay down the same maxim as ap- ])licable to all, that that party which desires to support the established policy of the state, ought to be suju-rior to that statfH made up w'»>*''> >vould alter it. Every city is made up of of quality and quality and cpiaiitity : by (piality I mean liberty, quantity. yiches, education, and nobility, and by (piantity the excess of its population. Now it may so happen, that quality may exist in one of those parts of which the city ii composed, and (piantity in the other; thus, tlie number of tlif low-born may be greater than the number of those of family, and the number of the poor than that of the rich ; but not su far that the quantity of tiie one sliall outweigh the (piality These should of thc Other. HenCO tlieso iniist hit properly ad- be in due pro- justed to each otlier ; for where the number cf portion. ^j^^^ j^^^^j. g^^^.j.j.j]^ ^Ijj. proportion above-mentioncil. there a democracy is wont to rise up, and the democracy will be of a particular species, according to that class of men which -,_ . , ,. may happen to be most numerous: thus, shoiiM I.flTtTt of di.spo- t ^\ ,. , 1 , 1 . . .,, gition in tiu'sc the iiumber ot luHoandmen be excessive, it will two element.. ^^^ ^^ ^j^,. ^^^ j.-^^^ . jj. ^^. mechanics, and tho^n uAi,rrv. 1,33 who work for pay, of i\\v worst ; in llic snnio inaniur il may 1)0 of any otiicr i>v.l hctwecn these two. Hut wliere tlie rich and the noble prevail more in quality, than they fall short in (pian- tity, there an olip:;arehy ensues; and this oli;jnrchy in like manner may be of dillerent species, according to the nature of the oliirarchical partv which prevails. Every le- • 1 . • r • r- .•! *• w * I ^^e middle fiislator in tramin;; his constitution oupht to have ranktobecon- a particular regard to those in the middle rank "^'''^^^' nf life;' for whether lie intends an oligarchy, they should be the object of his aim ; or whether a democracy, he ou;;lit to win tljese over to the laws. 15ut whenever their number exceeds that of the two others, or at least over one of them, it is possible to find stability in the constitution ; for tiure is IK) fear that the rich and the poor should agree to conspiie together against them, for neither of these will choose to serve the other. lUit if any seek to fix the administration on a wider basis, they will find none preferable to this ; for to rule by turns is what the rich and the poor will not submit to, on account of their distrust of each other. It is moreover allowed, that an arbitrator is the most V^ ^^.^^ * proper person lor both parties to trust to; and the midijle class serve as an arbitrator. Those too who would establish aristocratical govcrnmentg arc mistaken, not only in giving too much power to the rich, hut also in misleading the common people; for in length of time, out of unreal goods real evils must needs arise ; i'or the encroachments of the rich are more destructive to the state than those of the poor. CHAP. XIII. Tiikrp: nre five particulars, in which, under fair Points in which pretences, they deal craftily with the rights of the <'»«• r\ch cajole Jtr-ople ; and these are their public nsscmblies, '^"i"""^' their otliees of state, their courts of justice, their military power, and their gymnastic exercises. With regard to their public assemblies ; in having them open to all, but in fining ilie rich only, or a far larger sum, for not attending: with respect to offices, in permitting the poor to swear off, but not ' 'I'his would 9crm, for instance, to have been the distinguishinR feature m the legislation of Solon at Athena, and of king Serrius at Home. 154" Aristotle's politics. [book iv. granting this indulgence to tliose wlio come up to tlie census ; with respect to their courts of justice, in fining the ricli for non-attendance, but the poor not at all ; or those a great deal, and these very little, as was done in the laws of Charondas. In some places every citizen who is enrolled, has a right to attend the assemblie:^ and to try causes ; and if tlicy do not do so, a very heavy fine is laid upon them ; tliat thri)Ugh fcjir of the fine, they may avoid being enrolled, and that tln-ough not bj'ing on tlic roll, they need not serve i)\ the ansembly or the (!ourts. The same spirit prevails with thoso who regulate their bearing arms, and their gynmastic exereisi-s ; for the poor are excused if they have no arms, but the rich are fined ; an«l the sami* method takes place if they do not attend their gym- nastic exercises, for there is no penalty laid on the one, but there is on the other : in ordtT that the rich may be led to keep the one, and attend ti»e other, wliile the poor, through f«'ar of tl»o penally, do neither. These arc the deceitful eontrivanees of oligarchical legislators. Ihit contrary devices a democracy "' [)revail in a democracy : for there they make the poor a proper allowance for attending tlie assem- blies and the courts, but give the rich nothing for so doing ; and hence it is evident, that if any one would properly blend these eust(»ms logi'ther, they nnist extend both the pay ami the tine to every member of the community, and then every one would share it, whereas at ])resent the polity is in the hands of one part only. The citizens of a free state ought to consist of those only who bear arms: with respect to their income, it is not easy to determine exactly, and to say that it t»ught to be so nmch : but keeping (|uality in view, UiV*frriK'IIl"e. *' '"^ '"'' ^** nuike the franchise as extensive an pos- silile, so that thoMi! who share in it nliall out-nnn>- ber those who do not; for those who are poor, although they partake not of the otlices of the state, are willing to live quietly, provided that no one disturbs them in their property. But this is not an easy matter ; for it may not always happen that those who are at the head of public affairs are of a luunane behaviour. In time of war the ])oor are atu'ustomed to show no alacrity except they have provisions fouml them ; but when they are provided, tlien indeed they are willing to fight. In some governments the power is vested not only in those who bear arms, but also in those who have borne them. . HAT. XIV.] TiiK incii AM) roon. l.jo Anions the Mali(Miso!«, tlic state was composed of these iattcr only, for to all the oiliees they elected [["pluVr'n^' voKlicrs who had served their time. And the «''i- f'j<>i soi- lir>t states in Greeee which succeeded those wliere kinuly power wa.«^ established, were rroverned hy the military. First of all they were poverned by the horse, — (for at that time the strength and excellence of the army depended on the horse, as the lieavy-armed foot were useless without proper di-cipline ; hut the art of tactics was not known to the •ancients, for which reason their strength lay in their liorse :) I — hut as the cities grew larger, and depended more on their toot-soldiers,' greater nundters partook of the freedom of the state ; and for this reason, wiiat we call republics were fonn- crly called democracies. The ancient governn\ents were pro- jK-rly oligarchical and monarchical ; for on account of the few jK'r^ons in each state, they had hut a small number of the iiiiildle rank ; so that being but lew, and used to subordina- tion, they more easily submitted to be governed. We have now shown why there arc many sorts of governments, and othiTs different from those of which we have treated; (for there are more species of democracies than one, and the like is true of other fonns ;) as also what are their ditferences and whence they arise ; and besides this, we have shown which is the iK'st form, at least in general ; and which of tlie others is best suited for particular people. CHAP. XIV. Lkt us now again proceed to make some reflec- ocnerai re- tions, both general and particular, upon each form '"arks on et' government in due order, beginning with those ^" ' '"' jMiuciples which appertain to each. Now in all Three pointsto . . .1 ,1 .• 1 ' 1 • 1 ^1 be considered. "•lates there are three particulars, in which the e;»reful h'gislator ought well to consider what is expedient to e;ich form of government ; and if these are in a proper con- ' Compare Thirlwall, History of Greece, i. eh. 8. "The strmpth of i!i^ 8])iirtan army lay in its heavy-armed infantry ; and no other service ^v IS thought equally worthy of the free ■warrior, becatise none called forth uracc and djsoipHne in the same decree. Hence little value wa^ set on "«a\ahy; and ihouph in the Peloponnesian war it was found neccs- Mry to pay greater attention to it, it never acquired any great efficacy or ■ < I'Ulation." 156 Aristotle's politics. [uoox iy. dition, the state must necessarily prosper ; anil according to the variation t)t' each of these, one state will ditVer iVoia the 1 TK„i v- other. The tirst of these is the assemhly for 0iu. public affairs ; the second, the otncers ot the state ; 2. The officer! (that IS, who they ought to be, and with what power they should be invested, and in what man- ■y The judicial ^^,^ ^\^Qy yhould be appointed ;) and the third, the department. . ,. . / , * *^^t • • i , ludicial department, rsow it is the proper busi- The public *• ,. ,i t i- i i i * i i. • assembly iicss ot the public asi'dnbly ' to determine con- considered. ceniing war and peace, to make or break off alli- ances, to enact laws, to sentence to death, banisliment, or contiscation of goods, and to call the magistrates to account for their behaviour when in office. Kow these powers must ne- cessarily be nil intrusted to the citizens in general, or all of them to some, whether it be to one magistrate or to more ; or different ones to different magistrates, or some to all, but otliers to some only. Now that all should be intrusted (demo^raUcai). "^^'^^^ ^^^ olHccs, is in the spirit of a democracy, fi>r the people aim at such an eciuality. There are many methods of delegating these powers to the citizens at large, one of which is to let them execute them by turn and not all together, as was done by Teleeles the Milesian in his state ;'^ (for in other states the supreme council is composed of the different magistrates who meet together, and they suc- ceed to the oifices of the eommunity by proper divisions of tribes, wards, and by other small distinctions, till each goes tiirough them ;) and to provide that the wliole eommunity shall not meet together, except to enact new laws, or on some matter of state, or to hear what the magistrates have to propose. An- other method is for the people to meet in aeollectivo met^il^ud'^ body, but only for the purpose of holding the co- mitia, of making laws, of (letermining concerning war or peace, and of incpiiring into the eonduet of the magis- trates, while the remaining part of public business is conducted by the magistrates, who have their separate departments, and * Upon the whole subject of the tKKXtjrria, or public assembly, at Athens, the reader will do well to consult that article in the Dictionary of Grecian and Uonian Antiquities: as also Thirlwall's History of tJreece, vol. ii. chap. 1 1. * Nothing is known to be recorded of Telecles the Milesian, *' Do Te- leclc Milesio aliunde non constat." (Goe'ltl.) ci!.\r. XIV.] jLniriAL in:rAKTMi:NT. 1,57 ;\r(' clioscn out of the whole comniunity, by vote or by ballot. Another nu'thed is (or the i)eo])l(^ in ;zeneral to iiirct for the choice of ni:i;:istrates, and to exniniiic ^^'"^ nicthod. into tlu'ir comluet, and also to deliberate concerning war and alliances; but to leave nil other things to the niagistrates whoever happen to be chosen, and whose particular eniploy- iiicnts are such as necessarily recjuirc persons well skilled in ilieni. A fourth method is for every person to ^ , , ... ^ ,•; ' , Fourth method. meet and deliberate upon every subject, where the magistrates can determine nothing of themselves, but only ■jive their opinions first; and this is the method according to wliieh the most pure democracy is carried on, whi( h, we say, is analogous to the proceedings in a dynastic oligarchy and a ty- rannic monarchy. These methods, then, are all democratical. r»nt when the power is in the hands of part of the ^^-^^^^ ji,^ ^^^ cftmnuinity onlv, it is an oligarchy ; and this also Mittition is oii. a\oi is often used in a looser sense, as ai»i)Ueuble lo any body of persons appointed to coiinull or lake nieiiMiits lor the henetii of iht,' people. In this sense the word is apjdied to tin* delejiutes sent by the twi'lve eities of Ionia to attend tlic Panionian assembly, (Herod, vi. 7,) and to those sent by the (ircek states to the Istlimns (vii'. 17'i). Hut tlu' word is also used, like j'o/u)0e\«*:t(;, to denote an (tligarchieal body, iii ■wliom the povernment of a state was vested, or who exercised at least a ceii- trollins? power over the senate and popular assemblies. Such a body would seem to luve existed at Mepara, where, allhouph demoeraey jirevailed at an earlier period, the government beeame oliparehieal before the bepinninpol' the Pel'iponnesian war. (See above, book iv. V2.) A body «)f men, un in number, were appointed at Athens, at the expiration of the Sieilian war, to act as a committee of public safety, under this title. Tiuy are mentioned by Thucydides (viii. 1). . WW. XV.l CIIOIPK OF M.\f;i.«^TI{ATF.S. 1.59 tlioy uv,\y ^ivo tlioir advice, wliile tlio power of determining may be witli tlie nia;]jistrates only. It is al.-o necessary to fol- low a contrary practice to what is establislie(l in some democra- cies ; for the people should be allowed the power of pardoning, hut not of condemning, but the cause should be referred back n;:ain to the magistrates : whereas the contrary takes place in some republics; for the power of pardoning is with the few, hilt not of condemning, which is always referred to the people at large. And. thus let it stand determined concerning the deliberative power, and that which is supreme in the slate. CHAP. XV. Wi: now proceed to discuss the choice of magis- The choice of irites; for this branch of public business contains niaci'ix months, others less, others for a year, others for a much loML^er time ;) or whether tht^y shall be perpetual, or for a long time, or neither; and also whether the same j)erson may fill the same office several times, or may not be allowed to en- j(ty it even twice, but only once ; and also with respect to the iijtpointment of magistrates, from whom and by whom they should be chosen, and in what manner ; for in all these par- ticulars we ought properly to be able to distinguish as many i (litVerent ways as may be followed ; and then to show which ? of these is best suited to such and such governments. Now it i is not easy to determine whom we ought properly to call a magistrate : for a government requires many persons in office ; hut every one of those who is either chosen by ^ Tnapistrate N ote or lot is not to be i-eckoned a magistrate. The denned, prac- priests, for instance, in the first place ; for these '" ^' are to be considered as a very different body from civil magis- trates : to these we may add the choragi,' and heralds ; nay, o\('n ambassadors are elected. There arc too some civil cm- ' Tlip chorapus was the person on whom fell the burden of one of the i""t;rrinf: {tyKVKXioi) Xfirovpyiai, called chorapia, and was the person X if( ted by the state to bo its representative. He had to provide and to niaiiuain the chorus, and to procure a xopo^^^^\ mcnts which belong to the citizens ; and these are either >vlieii they arc all engaged on one business, as when as sohliers they obey their general, or when part of them only are engaged, as in governing tl»e women or educating the youth ; and also some economic ; for they often elect inspectors of the corn- market ; othei*s are servile ; and for these, if they are rich, they employ slaves. But to speak simply, those are most properly called magistrates, who are members of the deliberative coun- cil, or who decide causes, or are in some command ; the last morc especially, for to command is somewhat peculiar to ma- gistracy. But, to speak the truth, this question is of no great practical consequence ;' for as yet no decision has been given between those who dispute about the term. It admits indeed another speculative incpnry ; but to inquire what ollieers are necessary to the being of a state, and how many, and what, though not necessary, may yet be advantageous in a well- established government, is a nuich more useful controversy with respect to all states in general, as well as to small cities. wiuther one "^^ cxteusivc governments indeed it is j)ossible and oiiico siiouiii be proper too to allot oneenq)loyment to one person ; fi'.an ono'"""^^ as there are many to serve the public in so nu- p.rson. merous a society, where some may be passed over for a long time, and others never be in ollice but once. And indeed every thing is better done which has the whole atten- tion of one person, than when that attention is divided amongst many. But in small states it is necessary that a few of the citizens should execute many enqdoyments ; for, owing to the scantiness of their numbers, it is not convenient that niany of them should be in ollice at the same time ; for where shall we find others to succeed theui in turn ? Small states too some- times want the same magistrates and the same laws as large ones ; but the one often want the same magistrates, but this liappcns in the others but once only in a long lime ; so that dif- I'erent charges juay be intrusted to the same person without any inconvenience, for they will not interfere with each otiier ; and for want of sutlieient members in the comnumity it will be necessary to nuike otlices like a spit and candlestick in ' ai'Ctv hn<^'if)ti trpbc ruf XPUfrtiQ, as opposed to Trpinj r;)j' yiCJ(Tiv, i. c thcorclically jiiid scii'iililically viewed. In uther words, they do iint dill'i r fur all praeticiil purposes, und ihotigh disliiiguiblmble I'luin each oilier, they arc not divisible. ' H^^- XV.] TIIF. MAr.lSTnATFS. IGI no. If we could toll how ninny nin;ris(rat03 nrc nccossary m ovcry cily, and how many, tlion^^h not nooossnry, it is yet propor to havo, wc could then tho bettor infer what ditTbrent ollicos it is fitting to assign to one magistrate. It is also •itting to know v.'hat tril)imals in diflTorent places should have ■iilhront things under tiieir jurisdiction, and also what things -liould always come under the cognizance of the same magil- •itc ; for instance, as to decency of manners, whether the clerk the market' shall take cognizance of it in the market, and iii'jther magistrate in another ])laee, or tlie same magistrate ■vrry where : or whether a distinction shall 1m? made'^of the ■t, or of the parties; as for instance, Avhether there shall one judge of all decency, or one when a man is concerned il another when a woman. I'urther also, in dilFerent states, shall tho ma- -trates be diiferent or the same in kind ? for ox- 'lt\nZ'"A' 'mIo, in a democrac}', an oliaarchy, an aristo- '" tracy may be sonu^times proper, sometimes otherwise: ••ae state it may be necessary tliat the magistrate have great "jwers, in another but small. There arc also certain magis- rates peculiar to certain states ; as the provisional commit- ••e is not proper in a democracy, but a senate is; for some •rJ.T is necessary, whose business shall be to consider and irpj)arc the bills beforehand, that the people mav have •• '-■'ure to attend to their own affairs ; and when th'esc are The Aeoranomi, or clerks of the market, were public funrtionarics ■ almost all the (iroek staUs, whose occupations corresponded for the -' part wuh those of the Ilonian trdilcs. At Athens their number was n; their pruicipal duty was to inspect Uic market, and to sec that all •"\^ relating to it were duly observed. They had the power of innicling , i-nmary punishment on all persons convicted of chcatinp, especially in •aseof using false weights and measures; and on foreigners they , i'l the right of inflicting corporal chastisement, for which purpose they ''.I'i seem to havo carried in their hands a whip, as we learn from the I'liast on Aristoph. Acliarn. G88. 162 AUISTOTLE's politics. [book IV. few in number, the state inclines to an oligarchy. The pro- visional committee indeed must always be few, so that it is peculiar to an oligarchy: and where there are both these offices in the same state, this office is superior to that of the senator, the one having only a democratical power, the other an oligarchical. And indeed the power of the senate is lost in those democracies in which the people meet in one public assembly and take all the business into their own hands. And this is likely to happen when the community in general are either in easy circumstances or paid for their attendance ; for they then have leisure often to meet together and determine everv thing for themselves. A magistrate to control and 7i.„a,Ko- tlie boys ' or women, or who takes any department vouov, wiicre siniilnr to this, is to be found in an aristocracy, but i necessary. . ' ,. , . i , "^ . I not in a democracy ; tor who can torbui the wives I of the poor from appearing in ])ublic ? Neither is such a magistrate met with in an oligarchy ; for the women there are too 8. ^.jj^^ens collectively, or some out of their whok ' The 7rai?6vofto(; at Sparta was a mnpistrate wlio had the jrciur. superintendence ul" tlie educatiun of the boys. His ollice was held in v» n high esteem, und he was always chosen from tlie noblest citizens. !!■ had to make u general inspection of the boys, and to punish those vi. were negligent and idle: those who were refractory lie might even brii;: before the Epliors. The yvi'aiKovoi.ioi were Athenian magistrates wl; superintended the conduct of Athenian women. There were no sue;. oflicers at Sparta ; whence arose perhaps the laxity of the women, (yerdi icuii' livfair,) to which our author in the tirsl book of his prestnt treati?' attributes such serious consequences. Sunie think that they were tir-. instituted by Solon, but that their powers were afterwards extended so.i- to include the control of men as well, and of repressing all excesses ai. indecencies committed in private society. They would appear to have bet ministers of the court of Areopagus, and in this capacity to have takt care that decency and moderation v ere observed in private as well as ; public life. Cll.Vr. XV.] COMniNATlON OK JIAfJISTRATF.P. lf)3 body, or somo out of a })articiilar order in it, mav nppoiiit, according to fortune, nobility, or merit, or some otlier rule — (as lit Mepara, where the rijrht of election was with those who had returned together to their country, and liad reinstated tlienisclves by force of army) — and this either by vote or lot. Ajiain, thcFe several motles may be differentlv , ,,",,, i> • X • ■' ^'f- combined. lorined together ; as tor instance, some magistrates may be chose n by part of the community, others by the wliole ; some out of part, others out of the whole ; some by vote, others by lot: and each of these difTercnt modes admit of a four-fold subdivision. For eitlier all may elect all by vote, or by lot ; ;ind when all elect, they may either proceed without any distinc- lion, or they may el(^•t by a certain division of tribes, wards, or companies, till they have gone through the whole com- munity : and some magistrates may be elected one way, and others another. Again, if some magistrates are elected either Ity vote or lot by all the citizens, or by the vote of some and the lot of some, or some one way and some another ; that is to say, some by the vote of all, others by the lot of all ; there will then be twelve dilVerent methods of electing the magis- trates, without blending the two together. Of -which fonn these there are two forms adapted to a democracy ; ^est in a demo- naniely, to have all the magistrates chosen out of ^^^^^' all the people, either by vote, or by lot, or by both ; that is to -ay, some of tliem by lot, and some by vote. In a free state the whole conununity should not elect pJUy^ '" * at the same time, but some out of the whole, or out of some particular rank; and this either by lot, or vote, or both : and they should elect cither out of the whole com- munity, or out of some particular persons in it, and this both by lot and vote. In an oligarchy it is proper to choose some magistrates out tif the whole body of oligarchy *" tlic citizens, some by vote, some by lot, others by lK)th : but to choose by lot is most suitable to that form of 'government. In a free aristocracy, some magis- trates should be chosen out of the community in JlJIocrac*" general, others out of a particular rank, or these by choice, and those by lot. In a pure oligarchy, the magis- trates should be chosen out of certain ranks, and by certain jHTsons, and some of those by lot, others by both methmls ; hut to choose them out of the whole community is not corre- M 2 164 Aristotle's politics. [book iv. sponclent to the nature of this government. It is proper in an aristocracy for the whole community to elect their magistrates out of particular persons by vote. So many then are all the ditferent ways of electing magistrates ; and they have been allotted according to the nature of the different communities ; but what mode of proceeding is proper for ditferent com- munities, or how the otlices ought to be established, and with what powers, shall be particularly explained. I mean by tlie powers of a magistrate, such a province as the management of finance or tlie position of a guardian ; for different magis- trates have diftercnt powers, as that of tlie general of the army dillers from the clerk of the market.' CHAP. XVI. The judicial ^*' ^^^^ three parts of a government, it remains iiepartnu'Mt to Consider the judicial ;"^ and this also we shall divide in the same manner as before, into three parts. And there are three points of distinction ; of whom the judges shall consist, and for what causes, and how chosen. When 1 say of whom, I mean whotlier they sliall be the whole people, or some individuals ; by for what causes, I mean, how many different kinds of courts there shall be ; and by how, whether they shall be elected by vote or lot. Let Kotcouru. "* fi»'=^t determine, how many different kinds of courts there ought to be. Now these are eight : the first, is the court of judicial scrutiny ; the second, one to punish those who have injured tlie public ; the third, to take cognizance of those causes in which the state is a party ; the fourth, to decide between magistrates and i)rivate persons who appeal from a fine laid upon them ; the fifth, to determine dis- ' Sec note above un the dyopflro/joi, p. 161. ' For an adequate explanation of the import of the terms ^iKaariiQ and hKaarripiov, the reader is referred to Smitli's Dictionary of (Jrccian and Roman Antiquities. It is as well to add, that at Athens the Dieasts were elected by lot to their duties in the Heliastie, courts; and that the con- tUtions of eligibility were, that the individual should be, Istly, a fri>c citi- zen ; 2ndly, in actual enjoyment of the franchise, in other words, nut un/jog; and 3rdly, at least thirty years of a^e. It is to be olisi-rved that Aristotle here tacitly approves the principle on which the Ilcliasiic eourt> Wire founded, and that in fact the division here giv« n is mainly based upon it. < HAT. XVI.] ELKCTION OF .TUDOrS. 1(J5 putcs which may arise concerning contrncts of great value ; and itcsidcs tlu'sc tlicre must be courts to judge between loreignersi, aiul of murders, of whicli tlierc are ditVerent species. And tliese may all be tried by the same judges or by diflerent ones ; lor there arc murders of malice prepense, and of eliance- niedley ; there is also justifiable liomicide, where the fact is admitted, but the legality of it disputed. There is also a fourth, called at Athens the court of Phreatto,' which deter- mines points relating to a murder committed by one who has run away, to decide whether he shall be allowed to return ; but such affairs happen very seldom, and then in large cities ; the >eventh court is to determine causes wherein strangers are concerned, one ])art if cause is between stranger and stranger, and another if between a stranger and a citizen. Over and above all these there is a court lor small actions, ranging from niic drachma to live, or a little more ; for these ought also to Ik.' legally determined, and not to be brought before the whole body of the judges. lUit let us set aside these matters, both actions for murder, and those wherein strangers are the par- tit's ; and let ns particularly treat of those courts which more l>articularly relate to the affairs of the community, and which, if not well conducted, occasion seditions and commotions in the state. Now, of necessity, either all persons, appointed by Vote or by lot, must judge of all these different causes, or all must judge of all causes, some of them chosen by vote, and (Mhers l)y lot, or in some causes by vote, in others by lot. Thus there will be four modes of appointing pourwavsof judges. There will be just the same number also appointing it' tliey are chosen out of part of the people only ; ^" '''^^' for again, either the judges of all causes must be chosen out of that part by vote or lot, or some by lot and some by vote ; or some courts which have cognizance of the same causes must be formed j)artly by vote, and partly by lot ; by which means there will be the same number of them also as was mentioned. Besides, the same may be joined together ; 1 ' Probably so called from its position, as beinp near a well or reservoir, f'rl ^pmrt. The Ilrliastic courts were many in number; and this was ' lU' tif (he five eourls which had cncnizance of matters of blood, and in ii'iieral of all graver cases. The other four were the courts ^;ri IToXXa^ii^, tT( JkA^tvi'y, iiri llpvTavti({), and that of the Areopagus. 166 ARISTOTLE'd TOLITICS. [bOOK V. mean that some may be chosen out of the whole people, or from part of them, or from both ; a^, for instance, in the same court, some of the judges may be chosen from all the people, others from a part only, and this either by vote, or by lot, or by Which mode is both. And thus WO have said how many sorts of bost suited to a courts it is possible to form. Of these appoint- uciHocracy, an i • i i • n i • i oligarchy, and ments, that which admits all the conmiunity to be an anstocFAcy. jmjggs in all causes is most suitable to a demo- cnicy ;* the second, which appoints that certain persons shall judge all causes, to an oligarchy ; the third, which appoints the whole community to bo judges in some causes, but par- ticular persons in others, to an aristocracy or a free state.^ BOOK V.»— Chap. I. What tends to ^^' ^^^'^^ "*^^ nearly gone through all those par- preserve and ticulars of which we proposed to speak ; it re- destroy btates. • *i * ^ • i i' \ a. mams that we next consider Irom what causes, and how many, and of what kinds, a change arises in govern- ments, and what tends to the destruction of each state ; as also from wliut form a polity is most likely to shift into another form, and what arc the preservatives both of governments in ' •' A further application of the sainc democratic principle of legal equality, which is the basis of democracy, was as much as possible to in- crease the number, and to abridge the duration and authority, of public offices, and to transfer their power to the people in a mass." Thirlwall, History of Greece, vol. i. chap. 10. ' Although, theoretically, an aristocracy and a polity differed in prin- ciple, yet nevertheless in practice they would often approximate very closely, even if they did not become to some extent identical. For ex- ample, as Thirlwall remarks, " when the census or pecuniary standard of citizenship was high, and especially if it was lixcd from the produce of land, the constitution diifcred little in effect from the aristocratic oligarchy, except as it offt.'red to those who were excluded a prospect of raising themselves to a higher rank." (Vol. i. ch. 10. )• * This and the followuig book (iillies regards as supplemental to the rest ; and accordingly in his translation, or rather paraphrase, he places them last in order, and calls them books vii. and viii. CHAP. 1.] CAUSKS OF CHANGE IN STATKS. ] G7 •jcnoral, and of each state in particular ; and wliat arc tlic means of savinpj eacli form of tjovcrnmcnt from All iJx^i^i 1 A principle laid corruption. And here we ouj;ht tir^^t to lay down doVn. tlii«5 principle, tluit tlicre are many p;overnmcnts, Two kinds of all of which approve of wluit is just and ecpial ^'J^^'^y- according; to analogy,' and yet fail of attaining "Xc'omVto to it, as we have already mentioned. Thus de- fni< of obtain- , • r • ^1 ^ ^1 inp llicir end, iiKHTacies have arisen trom supposinjT that those who are equal in any cuie thiii'r, are so in every other cir- cumstance; as, because they are equal in liberty, they think themselves equal in every thiiifjj else ; and oli;xarchies, from 5!ipposing that those who are unecpial in one thinjj, are un- 0«in;d in all ; for they deem that when men are unequal in jiniiit of foi'tune, there can be no equality iK'tween tliena. Hence it follows, that those who in some respects ppsireofcqufii- are e(pial with others endeavour to secure an ity or superior- t'quality with them in every thinir ; and those who ^" are superior to others, endeavour to pet still more ; and it is this more which keeps the inequality. Thus though most Mates have some notion of what is just, yet they are almost intally wrong; and, upon this account, when either party has not that share in the administration which answers to its ex- I'lrtations, it becomes seditious. But those who of all others liave the greatest right so to act, are least disposed to do it, namely, those who excel in virtue ; for it is most reasonable 11 at tliey alone should be generally superior to the rest. There are too some persons of distinguished families, who, on account "I' that point of superiority, disdain to be on an equality with "tilers : for those esteem themselves noble who can boast of their ancestors' merit and fortune ; and these, to speak the truth, are til'' source and fountain-head from whence seditions arise. Ac- <'"nlingly, changes of government take place in two distinct ways ; for at one time they raise seditions for the purpose of 'Hinging the state already established to some other form ; as when they propose to erect an oligarchy instead of a democracy, r a democracy or free state in place of an oligarchy; or an iristocracy in place of these, or one of the latter instead of an Aristocracy; and at another time without reference to the ' ^tablished government, which they wish to be still the same, ' For a further account of this relative justice, the reader is referred to 'V> Nicomach. Ethics, book r., especially chaps. 3 and 7. f IG8 ARIST0TLE*8 POLITICS. [bOOK V. though they choose to have the sole management of it them- Desire of carry- sclves, either in the hands of a few, or of one only. ing out ti.e They will also raise commotions concerning the constitution to •' . i i- i i /• • the furtiicii ucgiee ot powcr to be established ; as, tor instance, lengths. jj- ^j^^ government is an oligarchy, and in the same maniKT if it is a democracy, to have it more purely so, or else to have it less so : and, in like manner, in the case of the other forms of government, changes arise either to extend or contract ., . ., . , their powers, or else to miik(' some alterations in Spirit of change. * ' , i. , , !• i some parts ot it ; as to establish or abolish a parti- cular magistracy ; as some persons say Lysander endeavoured to abolish the kingly power in Sparta, and kingrausanias, tliat of the Kphors. Thus in Kpidamuus tliere was an alteration in one part of the constitution, for instead of the Phylarchs' they established a senate. It is also still necessary for all the magistrates at Alliens to attend in the court of Ileliaia'^ when any new magistrate is created : the power of the one Archon,' also, in that state partook of the nature of an (nh?r"Se^"' oligiirehy. IiKMpiality is always the occasion of sedition, but among those who are not equal, an unequal treatment is not unfair. Thus kingly power is un- e(pial when it is exercised over ( quals. Upon tlie whole it is this aiming after an ('(piality which is the cause of seditions. Hut eciuality is two-fold, ibr it is either in number, or in desert. K<[uality in number is when two things contain the same parts or the same quantity; but eciuality in value is at- tained by proportion, as three exceeds two and two exceedi ' Sco note on hook iv. chaj). 10. '■» Fur suiiH' liniluT noiiio of the cimrts of the Heliiva at Athens, see note on book iv. cluip. IG, iind compare Miillfr's Dorians, vol. ii. hook iii. cliiip. 5, and the various references there nivt n. 'I"he word i/Xuiui, aecordiiip' lo Hesychiiis, is tlie same word with aXia, the usual name of a puhlic assembly in the Uori(; states. This is the name by which the Spartan assenddy is mentioned in Herodotus, vii. l.'U. ' " After the death of Codru.^, the nobles, taking advantage perhaps ol the opportnnily alforded by the di>pnte between his sons, are said lo have aboli.^hed the title of kiiij; (/-{afTtXtetO, and to have siibsiituted for it that of arehon {lipx^oi'). This ehanne, however, seems to liavc been import- ant, rather as it indicated the new and precarious tenure by which the royal power was held, than as ii immediately allei'li-d the nature of the olliee. It was .still held for lift; .... The arehon was deemt d a respon- sible inaKislrale, which injplies that those who elected him had the power of deposini,' him." (Thirhvall, History of Greece, vol. ii. chap. 11.) CHAP. II.] EQIAT.ITY OF TWO KINDS. 169 one 1)}' tlie same niinibcr ; but by j>ropc)rtion ibnr cxrcods two and two one in the saiiiL' dcj^rcc, tor two is tho pame pnrt of lour as one is of two, that is to say, they are balvcs. Now all ajjree as to wiiat is absolutely and sinijjly just; but, as wc have already said, they dispute concerniuj? proportionate value ; for some persons, if they are equal in one respect, think themselves ecjual in all ; others, if they are superior in one tiling, tliink tliey may ehiini the superiority in all. Hence chiefly there arise two sorts of governments, demo- cracy and olijrarchy ; for nobility and merit are to be found oidy atnongst a tew ;^ but their contraries, amongst the many ; as there is not one man of nobility and merit in a hundred, but many without either are every where. But to establish a government entirely upon either pie'of^quamV of these equalities is wrong ; as is made clear by "^iny^f'.i'rcvaii the example of those so established ; for none of tliem have been stable. And the reason of this is, that it is iinpossil)le that whatever is wrong at the first and in principle sliould not at last come to a bad result ; and therefore in some tilings an equality of numbers ought to take place, in others an ('([uality in value. However, a democracy is safer and less liable to sedition than an oligarchy ; for in this latter it may arise from tv;o causes, the tew in power conspiring either against each other, or against the people ; but in a democracy, men conspire only against the few who aim at exclusive' power ; but there is no instance worth speaking of where the j)oople have raised a sedition against themselves. Moreover, a government composed of men of moderate fortunes comes much nearer to a democracy than to an oligarchy, and is the safest of all such states. CHAP. II. But since we are inquiring into the causes of se- ditions and revolutions in governments, we must Jf^JcdiUon*." assume in general the first principles and causes of them. Now these, so to speak, are much about three in number ; these we must first distinguish in outline from each • Compare the words of Juvrnal, (Sat. xiii.l. 26,) " Rari quippebonij" and those of iEacus in the Uantc of Aristophanes, (1. 783,) oXiyov TO xp'Jow they may occasion sedition, is evident enougli ; lor tliose wlio are themselves unhonoured wiiile they ?oe others honoured, will Ik? reatly Ibr any disturbance: and these tliinj]js are done unjustly when any one is either liou- oured or discarded contrary to his deserts, but justly when according to them. Excessive honours are also a cause of sedition, when one jK-rson or more are greater than accords with the state and the power of the government ; for then a monarchy or a dynasty are usually established. On this ac- count the ostracism ' was introduced in some places, as at Ariios and Athens: though it is better to guard against such excess of honours in the founding of a state, than to correct it afterwards when it has been permitted to take place. Tliose who have been guilty of crimes will be the cause of sedition through fear of punishment ; as "' ^' will those also who expect an injury, that th<'y Antiripation ,.,,,, • • ' ii' ^ 1 of injury. may prevent it beiorc it is inflicted ; as was the ra-eat Hhodes,^ when the nobles conspired against the people, on account of the decrees which they expected would be passed :»i:ainst them. Contempt also is a cause of sedition and conspiracies ; a.s in oligarchies, where there "" ^^^ ' are many who have no share in the administration ; for they fancy that they are superior. The rich also, even in democra- oil's, thinking lightly of the disorder and anarchy which will :iri>(\ hope to better themselves by the same means ; as hap- jx'ned at Thebes, after the battle of Oenophyta,^ where through had administration the democracy was destroyed ; as it was at Megara,* where the power of the people was lost through ' For a detailed account of the practice of ostracism at Alliens, ece n"tcon book iii. chap. 13. At Syracuse a similar proceeding was styled IN'talism. ' See the other allusion to Rhodes, a few lines below. Compare also brjow, (chap. 5,) the reference to the same slate, where mcnliuii is made f lliat the grove, which Herodotus mentions (vi. 7^) as the sceiu; of the encounter, may have been ialled Hebdoma, just as other places ^^crc called Trite and Trita-a. This is Cioeitling's view of the subject ; Me his note, ' Tivtc tCjv Trtp/ouwi'. Tlie ye/ii'i/nr, or lowest order, are here meant. ^ Compare Thucyd. vi. 31; viii. '21. rilAP. III.] r.RADUAT, CITANfiES IN STATF.S. 173 oliL'archy of the arclions wn.^ suppressed at tlie election of Ile- riioleoilonis, wlio clian^ed tliat form of government into a (Icinocratic frei^ state. Moreover they cliange by little an.l little; and I mean by this that very «"^ *''''•'"»">• = (ifton preat alterations silently take place in the form of a 'government, when peojile overlook small matters ; as at Am- hraeia, where the census was originally small, but at last hecanie nothing at all, as if a little and nothing at all were nearly or entirely alike. A state also composed ..fdilferent nations is liable to seditions until their J'J^.p''"'''^' "' (litVerences are blended together ; for as a city cannot be composed of every multitude, so neither can it in every given time. For this reason all those republics which have hitherto been originally composed of different peoj)le, or have afterwards admitted their neighbours to the freedom of their city, have been most liable to revolutions ; as when the Achaians joined with the men of Tra^zen JxamfS in founding Sybaris ; for soon afterwards, the former grew more powerful than the Tra'zenians, and expelled tliem from the city ; (hence the vSybarites became under sen- teiueof a curse ;) and again, disputes from a like cause happened iit Thurium, between the Sybarites and those who had joined \vith them in building the city ; for claiming all the country ;is their own, they were driven out in consetpience. And at Uyzantium the new citizens, being detected in plots against the state, were driven out of the city by force of arms. The Antisseans also, having taken in those who were banished from Chios, afterwards did the same thing; and also the Zan- dgin- niiij: ; lor tlie boginninpj is said to ha " lialf of tlio l)nsincss,"' so that what wns then hut a little fault, will be Ibiind to bear its i'nll i)ro])ortion to errors in the other parts. Moreover, di-pute?* between men of note involve the whole city in tlieir (•nnse(juenee.'H ; as in lIi.>*ti.Ta, after the Persian war, whore two brothers had a dispute about their jmtcrnal estate ; he who w;is the poor(T. because the other had concealed some effecli* nnd som(^ money which his father had found, engaged the popular party on his side, while the other, who was rich, the men of fashion. And at Delphi,'^ a quarrel about a wedding was the beginning of all the vseditions that afterwards arose amongst them ; for a bridegroom there, being terrified by some unlucky omen, waited upon the bride, but went away without niarrying her ; in resentment for which her relations put some sacred money into his pocket while he was sacri- ticing, and then killed Inm as a sacrilegious person. At Mi- tylone also a dispute which arose concerning heiresses, was the benrinning of great evils, and of a war with the Athenians, in which raches-* took tlieir city ; for a man of fortune named Timophanes \ei\ two daughters, and Doxander, being out- r,liied in procuring them in marriage for his two sons, began a sedition, and excited the Athenians against them, as he was a public guest of the city.* There was also a dispute at Plioca^a concerning nn lieircss between Mnaseas the father of Mneson, and P>uthycrates the father of Onomarchus ; and this strife brought upon the Phoca^ans the sacred war. The go- ' Soo Z(>lli\is on Aristotle's Nicomach. Ethics, p. 39. ' Upon the constitution of Delphi, see Miillcr's Dorians, vol. ii. chap. 9, ?nh finrm. ' Sie Thucyd. iii. 2. * TTpor^i'of. Hospitality in ancient Greece -was divided into Kn'la and vncbvia, respectively correnponding to the hofpitium privatum and pvhii- f^im of the Romans. This irpnlu'ia might exist either bet^\ een iv,o stales, or hftween an individual or family on the one hand, and a state on the fttlicr. Of the latter kind was the hospitium existing between the family f^f the Pisistratida^ on the one hand, and the state of Sparta on the oilier. (^Sop Arnold's note on Thucyd. ii. '29, and Giiller's note on Thncyd. iii. "'••) I'pon the honours and privileges enjoyed by a proxenus at the hands f'f the state with which he had formed that tie, the reader will do well to f""nsult the very complete account contained in the Dictionary of Or. and Hnm. Antiquities, Article Hospitium. 176 aristotlf/s tolitics. [book v. vcrnment of Epidamnus * too was changed from a marriage quarrel ; for a certain man having contracted his daugliter in marriage, the lather of the young man to whom she was con- tracted, being Archon, punished him ; whereupon, in resent for the affront, he seditiously joined himself with those who were excluded from any share in the government, intowhatform ^^ government may be cluuigcd either into an Kovirntnents oligarchy, a democracy, or a free state ; when the may change. n^.^rristnites, orauyoiiepart of the city, ao(piire great TheAreopagus. (.pt^jit^ qj. .^^ii increased in power ; as the court of Areopagus 2 at Athens, whicli, having procured great credit during the Persian war, added lirnmcss to the administration ; Growth of the ii'^d, ou the othcr hand, tlie maritime force, coni- j.opuhir power poscd of tlic commonulty, having gained the vic- .it Atiaus. ^^^^^, ^^ Salamis,^ by their power at sea got the lead in the state, and strengthened the popular party. And at Ar- gos,* the nobli's, having gained great credit by lighting the battle of Mantinea airainst the Lacediemonians, endeavoured to ' Upon the constitution an(i history of Epidamnns, see Tlnu.-yd. i. '21, cto., and Miillor's Dorians, vol. ii.cliap.9, \vhtre the reader will also litui information concerning the changes in the consliiutions of Argos and Syrac\ise, mentioned below. ^ •• .Tiie venerahle eliaracter," says Thirlwall, "of the court of Areo- pagus, seems to have determined Solon to apply it to another purpose ; and . . . . to erect it into a supreme council, invested with a superintending and controlling aiUhority, which extended over every part ol" the social sys- tem." It was the main anchor of the slate against democrat ical in- fluences. *' The nature of its functions rendered it scarcely possible pre- cisely to define their limits; and Solon probably thought it best to let them remain in that obscurity which maiinilies whatever is indistinct." (vol. ii. di. 11.) On its consequent aristocratical character, it would be needless to speak. The reader who desires further intormalion will do well to consult the Dictionary of (ir. and Ilom. .\niiiiuities. I'pon the rise of the Athenian ciov'/i ii^ tfi»- immediate ellect of the bravery shown by that state in the Persian wars, and of the ])olii-y of Themistocles in strengthening her maritime ]H>\ver, see Thirlwall's History of (ireece, vol. ii. chap. IG. Compare Thucyd. book i. chaps. b'J— 97. » B. r. 1^0. * "After the Persian war, Argos, which had previously been under a djTiasty of the Ileracleid family, became a democracy. Wiieu Argos began to aspire to the leadership of (Jreece at'ter the ]>eacc of Nicias, it appointed a council of twelve, with full power to treat with such (Jreck stiites as would be willing to join them. It was natural however that this oligarchic body should endanger the democracy, wliich they over- Cll.vr. IV.] RISK OF Sr.DlTIONS. 177 (li-solvc the doinocracy. And at Syracuso, as the vi(jtory in their war with tlie Athenians was owin^ to the common people, tliey ehan;re«l their iVee stale into a (h-nioeracy ; and at Chal- eis. the people havini; (h*stroyed the tyrant Piioxns tojicther witii tlie noi»le3,' inunediately seized the [rovernnient ; and at Anibr.ieia also, the people, liavin;j: expelled the tyrant Peri- anth'r with his party, broutrht round the supreme power to themselves. And this in {general ought not to be forgotten, that whosoever has been the real oecasion of a state being powerful, whether private persons, or magistrates, a tribe, or anv part of the citizens, or the nniltitude, be they who they will, they become a cause of disputes in the state. For either some persons, who envy them the honours they have acquired, will begin to be seditious, or else on account of the dignity ihey have acquired, they themselves will not be content witli their former equalitv. A state is also liable to , ,* p • 1 • 1 ^ Seditions arise commotions, when those parts ot it wIikmi seem to in states when he opposite to each other a{»proach close to an |g"^"Ja}j'!''"*^'**' equality, as the rich and the common people ; so that the part which is between them l)oth is either nothing at all, or too little to be worth notice. For if the one party is so nnich more powerful than the other as to be evidently stronger, that other will not be willing to hazard the danger: fur which reason those who are superior in merit never are the cause of seditions ; for they are too few lor that purpose >vhen conq)ared to the many. In general, then, the begin- nings and causes of seditions in all stales are such as I have now described, and revolutions in them are brought about in two ways, either by violence or fraud ; and if by „„,, ^^^^ viulcnee, then either at first, or by compelling them violence or at'trrwards to siibmit. They may also be brought ahoiit by fraud in two dilFercnt ways, either when the people, King at first deceived, willingly consent to an alteration in ihrew in concert with tliQ Lacedflcmonians after the battle of Mantinea, (n. r. 118,) havinp first put the dcmapopucs to death. Their doininion h'lwcver only lasted eight months, as an insurrection and battle within tlit'(ity deprived them of their po.wcr, and reinstated the democracy; a 'liaiipc which Aicibiades afterwards completed by the expulsion of many f-'i the oligarchs who still remained in tlie stale." Compare Thucyd. V. Hl_.H4. ' cc yi'Mpt^ot, more pcnernlly known at Chalcis under the title of Hippubotce. See Herod, v. 77, with Bachr'a note. w 178 aiustotlf/s politics. [nooK v. their government, but arc afterwards obliged by force to abide by it: as for instance, wlicn the four Imndred' imposed upon the people, by telling them that the king of Persia would sup- ply them with money for the war against the Lacedarmonians ; and after they had been guilty of this lie, they endeavoured to keep possession of tlie suprenie povver ; or when they are at first persuaded, :ind utterwards consent to be governed. hy one or other, then, of the methods above mentioned, all revolutions in governments are brought about. CHAP. V. Whence seiii. ^^ ^' ought now to inquire separately into th<' tioDs arise in a eveuts whieh will arise t'nun these eauscs in eaeli ' sj)een^s ot govfriinu-nt. Demoeraeies will be must Hubject to revolutions from the dishonesty of their dema- gogues ; for ]mrtly by informing against men of j)r(.pert}', and partly by rousing the* conunon people ngainst tlii-m, tluy induce them to Join togi'llicr, for a c(»nnnon fear will make.tlie greatest eneniies uniie : — and this is what any one may con- tinually see j)raeti>ed in many states. In tla- "ulus!"'''^''' i^l'i>»uy(h>iii. A^, and fullowing chapters: and Aristojih. Acliain. I. lOM. ^ I'or thi- allusions to L'vs, lihodes, Hirachu, Mr|-aia, sec Mililir's Dorians, vol. ii. cluq). U. ^ See above, note on cliap. 3. ♦ (Jcucrally called, fvoni ita situation, llcraclca Ponlicu. en AT. v.] SEDITIONS i\ i>i:MO(:i:ACir.?. 179 lianislicd bcojune considerable; and those returned and j^ot the k'tter of tlie people in n battle, and ho established an olig- archy. The like liappened at Cyme, during tiic time of tlic (leiuoeracy ^vllieh Thra-^ymnchiis destroyed ; and whoever considers what lias hnitpcned in other states may perceive tliat revolutions h.ave arisen from the same causes. For often, to curry favour witii the jieople, tliey drive tiic nobles to con- spire together, either by dividin|j^ their estates, or by obliging them to spend them on j)ublie services, or by publicly impeach- inirtliem, tiiat tliey may Ite able to coniiseate the fortunes of the wealthy. In form(*r times, whenever the The fi(ntrpi« same person was both demagogue and general, the cupirsickd uy democracies were chjinged into tyrannies; and in- "*^^""'K"P"^'^- d<'ed mostof tiie ancient tyrants were once demagogues. And there is a reason why such was tl\e casp at that time, but not now ; foi' at that time the demagogues were of the soldiery ; ( tor they were not as yet pf)werful by their elocpience ;) but now that the art of oratory is cultivat(Ml, the able speakers lead the peopl(>;' but, i\^ they are unf[ualilied to act in a military cajiacity, they cannot impose themselves on the people as ty- rants, if we except one or two trilling instances, rorinerly, too, tyrannies w<,'re more common tluin more ircquint now, because great powers were niore often in- !'.'""'''"! , ' '^ '. tinn.s.nnrtwliv. trusted to some magistrates tlien than now ; (as to the Prytanes'^ at Miletus; for they were supreme in many things of the last consequence ;) and also because at that time the cities were not of that very great extent, and the people in general lived in the country, employed in husbandry, the leaders of public aflairs, if they had a turn for war, tried to make themselves tyrants. All this they did as soon as ' In the later period of Athenian histciry, so paramount was the influence ' f oratory, and ronsiqucntly of the (lemapopucs, luit tlie great pcncraU IrrquL'Mtly retired alter succcsi^ful eampai^ins, not to Athens, but to some I'.uis of Kpypl or Asia Minor. Thus Conon retired to Cyprus, Iphicrates lo I'hrace, Chares to Sipeuni, Chabrias to Kfr.'pt, Timotheus to l.(>sbo>. ^ TrpvTavKg. " Olheers called by this name were olten intrusted with th'^ chief macristracy in several stales of Greece, as Coreyra, Corinth, and Mil-.-ius. (Wiuksmuth, I. i. 181,) and the title is sometimes synonymous ^viili .-'aTt.XHg or princes, having apjurently for its root the word vptoror, "r ffoorarot;. At Athens in early times, the I'rytanes ^^erc probably a niasristracy of the second rank in tiie slate, next to the Archon, acting ns i;idc(>s in various cases, probably in conjunction with him, and sitting in I lie prytaneium." Diet, of Gr. and R. Ant. N i 180 Aristotle's politics. [uook v. they had gained the confidence of the people ; and this con- fidence was their hatred to the rich. This was the case of Pisistratus at Athens, when he opposed the Pediii'ans : ' and of Theaganes in Megara, who shiughtered the cattle I'u- longing to the rich, after he had seized those who kept them by the rive-rside. Theagenes also, on account of having ac- cused Daphnieus'^ and the rich, was thought worthy of being raised to a tyranny, for in consequence of these ennnties, tlie people trusted him as a man of popular principles. ^'o'\l-rnmcut ^' Governments also aUer from their ancient demo- becoiiau an cratic fomi iuto one entirely new ; fur where ma'Ms- trates are electea without a lixed mcome, and tlie election is with the people, the aspirants for oilice,"^ to flatter them, endeavour with all their power to make the people supe- rior even to the laws. To prevent this entirely, or at least in a great measure, the magistrates should he elected by the tribes, and not by the people at large. These are nearly the revolu- tions to which democracies are liable, and the causes from whence they arise. CHAP. VI. H wchan TnEUE are two things which of all others most arise ill oii- evidently occasion a revolution in an oligarchy ; f!* Hy'in-treat- ^^^ '^^^ ^^ ^'*^ people are injuriously treated ; fur nicnt oi the then cvcry person is a ready champion of sedition, ^°^^' and more particularly if one of the oligarchy .should happen to be their leader ; as Lygdamis,^ at Naxos, who was afterwards tyrant of that island. Seditions also which arise from different causes will difl'er from each of uie'^rict**"" other ; for sometimes a revolution is brought about by the rich who have no share in the ad- ministration, which is in the hands of a very few indeed: and this happened in Massilia,'' and Ister. and Ileraclea, and ' Sec Ilerodol. i. 59, and Thucyd. ii. 55, 5G. ' See Diodor. Sic. xii. 91. ' OTTov^aQx^iLvTu:. Compare Arist. Acliarn. lib. 595, where Dica'opolis, in answer to the inquiry of Laniachus as to who he is, replies, ♦ See Herod, i. Gl, 64. * For an account of ihe fuundalion of Massilia, see Herodotus, book i. chap. ICG. CM AT. VI.] CHANGES IN OUG ARCHIES. 181 in otlior cities. For those \vlio hnd no sliare in tlie povern- ment censed not to raise disputes, till they were admitted to it; tirst the elder brothers, and then the younger also: for in some places the father and son are never in ofhce at the same time ; in others, the elder and younger brother. In the first of these cities, the oligarchy verged upon a free state. At Ister it was changed into a democracy ; in Ileraclea, from being in the hands of a few, it came to consist of six hundred. At Cnidos,' the oligarchy was destroyed by the nobles who quar- relled with each other because the government w^as in the hands of so few ; (for there, as we have just mentioned, if the father was in olhce, the son could not be ; or, if there were many brothers, the eldest only ;) for the people, taking ad- vantage of their disputes, elected one of the nobles for their general, and got the victory : for a government torn by sedi- tions is wcak.'^ And formerly at Erythra?, during the oli- jrarchy of the Iiasilida:>, although the state flourished greatly under their excellent management, yet because they were dis- pleased that tiie power should be in the hands of so few, the peojde changed the form of government. Oli- 3 py quarreU garchies also are subject to revolutions, from amonf? the those who are in ofhce therein, as well as from '" '^"' the quarrels of the leaders of the people. Demagogues are of iwo sorts ; the one flatter the few when they arc in power : for even among the few there are demagogues ; such were jt Charicles and his followers at Athens,^ who had great influ- * ence over the Thirty ; and, in the same manner, Phrynichus^ over the Four Hundred. The others are those demagogues who have a share in the oligarchy and flatter the people: such were the state-guardians^ at Larissa, who flattered the ' Cniilos was a close aristocracy, or rather an oligarchy : at the hend of the state was a council of sixty, chosen from the nobles, with powers f< almost identical with those of the Gernsia at vSparta : its members held oflicc for life, and were irresponsible {iwrrtvOvvoi). Owing to the fact, that •mc only out of each family could be elected, some of the excluded mem- I ftfTs joined the popular faction, and the oligarchy was overthrown, proba- i bly hut a very short time before the life of Aristotle, according to the opinion of Miiller. ' " A house divided against itself, falleth." Matt. xii. 25. * Compare Lysias contra Eratosth. p. 125. * Compare Thucyd. viii. 68 and 90. » * It is \incertain to what period in the history of Larissa Aristotle here I refers. The iro\tTO(pv\aKig would seem to have been certain magistrates, 182 aiubtotlk'h i'ulitich. [uook v. jxjople, because tlicy were elected by them. And hapJSn?'* ^*" ^^"^ ^*^^ always happen in every oligarchy where the magistrates do not elect tljemselves, but are chosen out of men eitlier of great fortune or certain ranks by the Holdiers or by the jx'ople ; as was the custom at Abydos. And when the judicial d(;partment is not in the hands of the supreme power, the demagogues favour the people in their causes, and so overturn the government ; which happened at lleraclea in Pontus. And also when some desire to con- tract tlie power of the oligarchy into fewer hands ; for those who endeavour to support an eipiality, are obliged to apply iiy iiixur ^^ ^''" pf'oph; for aHHiMtauce. An oligarchy is aliso subject to revolutions, when tin* nobility spend their fortunes in luxury; for such persons are desirous of in- novation, and endeavour either to be tyrants themselves, or to support others in becoming so, as Ilipparinus supported Diony- sius {){' Syracuse.' And at Amphipolis one named Cleotimus colli'cled a colony of ('hnleirlians, and whi-n they came, he set them to (piarrd with the rich: and at ^Kgina, a ct^rtain per- son who brought an action against Chares, atten»ptt'd on thut account to alter the government. Sometimes they try to raise connnotions, sometimes they rob the public ; whence they tiicratical committee, selected from the popular assembly. Thus nukli is dear, that the power of tlie people was very limited ; and that, M Aristotle here says, there was one oligarchy within Rnother. Miillcr's Dnnans, vol. ii. chap. G. ' Tliis must have been about the year n. c. 345. The tyranny of Timoplianes was but a short interruption of the oligarchy in this city : he ^as put to death by Timoleon. * Since, according to Herodotus, (vi. 130; vii. G,) the Aleuadw were princes of Thessaiy, and not of Samoa, some editors have suggested as the true reading here, ol rtpl 'latrova, or ol wtpi I7/iov. Sec the note of Gocttling. 184 ARISTOTLE*S POLITICS. ' [bOOK V. oligarchy of the knights on account of a marriage quarrel. A sedition also arose at Ileraclea, from a certain person being condemned by the court ; and at Thebes, in consequence of a man's being found guilty of adultery ; the punishment indeed wliich Eurytion suffered from the men at Heracloa was just, yet it was illegally executed : as was tliat at Thebes upon Archias ; for their enemies eagerly contended to have them publicly bound in the pillory. ^lany oligarchies too have been de- 7. By being too stroyed by disatlected persons in the state, owing despotic. to their too despotic spirit : as the oligarchy at Cnidos, and at Chios. Changes also may happen 8. yacci cut. ^^ accident, in what we call a free state, and in an oligarchy, wherever the senators, judges, and magistrates are cliosen according to a certain census. For it often happen?, that what was tixed as the highest census suitable to tliat time, so that a few only could have a share in the government in an oligarcliy, and those of moderate fortunes only in a free state, becomes so little as the city grows rich through peace or some other hai)py cause, that every one's fortune rises to many times the amount of the census, and so the whole com- munity partake of all the honours of government ; and this change sometimes happens by little and little, and insensibly approaches, and sometimes more quickly. These are the re- volutions and seditions that arise in oligarchies, and tlie causes to wliich they are owing : and indeed both democracies and oligarchies sometimes alter, not into governments of a contrary form, but into other forms of the same government ; as, for instance, from democracies and oligarchies which place the supreme power in the law, they come to vest it in the ruling party, and the contrary. CHAP. VII. How seditions COMMOTIONS also arise in aristocracies, partly l^\l^ '" c" because tliere are so few persons in power, — (a fuet 1. ijy paucity which, as we have already said, shakes oligarchies, of numbers. bccause in a certain sense an aristocracy nio,-t nearly approaches to an oligarchy ; for in both these states the administration is in the hands of a few ; not that this arises from the same cause in both, though it is herein thai an aristocracy seems to be oligarchical) : — and these will neces- ClIAr. VII.] CHANGES IN ARISTOCRACIES. 185 sr\rily be most likely to happen when the generality of the people are hij:jh-spirite(l, as tl)inkin{j themselves equal to each other in merit ; such were those at Laceda-mon, railed the ParthenicT,' (for these were descendants of citizens,) who Ix-injL' detected in a conspiracy against tlie state, were sent as colonists to Tarentum. They will happen also when some great men are disgraced by those who of great 'men*^' have received higher honours than tliemselves, hut to whom they are no ways inferior in aV)ilities, as Ly- sander, who was disgraced by the kings i^ or when an ambi- tious man cannot get into power, as Cinadon, wlio, in the reign of Agesilaus, was chief mover of a conspiracy against the Spartans. And also when some are too poor, and others too rich, which will most frequently happen in time of war ; as was the case at Lacedjemon, about the time of the ISIessenian war. This is proved by a poem of Tyrta?us, called ICunomia ; for some persons being reduced by war, desired that the lands miglit be divided. They arise also when some person of very high rank might still be higher if he could rule alone, which seems to have been the case of Pausanias at Laceda^mon, when he was their general in the Persian war, and tliat of Ilanno^ at Carthage. But free states and aristocracies , „ . . . . '^ . . . . f, . . 3. By injustice. arc mostly destroyed by a departure Irom justice in the administration itself; the cause of this evil at first is the want of a due mixture of the democratic and oligarchic principle in a free state ; and in an aristocracy from these causes, and also on account of merit ; but chiefly from the former two, 1 mean, the undue mixture of the democratic and oligarchic parts ; for these two things are what all free states, and many of those which we call aristocracies, endeavour to ' UapOh'iai. Children bom after marriage, but before the husband brouclit his bride into his own house, according lo Miillcr, (Dorians, vol. ii. book iv. ch. 4,) were called by this name. They were in general considered in all respects equal to those born at home; but in the first Mcssonian w^r, particular circumstances seem to have made it impos- sible to provicle them with lots of land; and hence they became the founders of Tarentum. ' For the account of Lysander, see Muller's Dorians, vol. ii. book ir. ch. 9. ' See the learned disquisition of Cluzius on Aristotle's statements con- cerning the constitution of Carthage, p. 200, etc. 186 Aristotle's politics. [book v. blend into.one. For aristocracies differ from what 8tatl fs more are Called polities in this, the one form is less stable thun an gtable, and the otlier more so : lor that state which aristocracy. ... i. i • n i inclines most to an oligarchy is called an aris- tocracy, and that whicli inclines most to a democracy is called a' free state. And on this account the latter is more secure than the former ; for the greater power is the stronger, and men are more content to live where they have equality. But the rich, if the community gives them rank, often endeavour to insult and to tyrannise over others. On the whole, which- ever way a government inclines, towards that it has a tend- ency to settle, each party supporting their own men. Thus a free state will become a democracy ; an aristocracy, an oli- garchy ; or the contrary, an aristocra(;y may change into a demoenicy, (for the poor, if they think themselves injured, directly take part with the contrary side,) and a free state When a M.ite *"^^ '^^^ oligarchy. The only linn state is that may >)o tdiied where every one enjoys the equality which befits *^'^^'' his merit, and fully possesses what is his own. And tliat of which I have been speaking happened at Thu- riuin ; for the magistrates being elected according to a very high eensus, it was altered to a lower one ; and they were sub- divided into more courts, but because the nobles possessed all the land, contrary to law ; for the state was too much of an oligarchy, so that they were able to encroach on the people ; but the people, being well inured to war, so far got the better of their guards, as to drive out of the country every one who possessed more than he ought. Moreover, as all aristocracies are free oligarchies, their nobles are apt to grasp at too much power ; as at Lacedjcinon, where property is now in the hands of a few, and the nobh^s have too mueli liberty to do as they please, and to make such alliances as they please. Thus the state of the Locrians' was ruined from an alliance with Dionysius ; and this would not have happened in the case of a democracy or a well- tempered aristocracy. But aristocracies chietiyan- A change in an , ^ ^ / , it- i ^ i aristocracy proacli to a secret (thange through being destroyed ^'^'^"yt^ra- ijy degrees, as we have already said of all go- vernments in general. And this happens because changes are caused by something which is trifling ; for when- ' Compare Diodor. Sicul. xiv. 41. CllAr. Vlll.] now r,OVKRNMKNTS ARE PUESKUVKIX 187 iver tlioy throw nsido nny thing wliich in the least ropanU the .^tJite, aCterwards they more rcaclily chanpe soin«,'lliin;: else of a little more consequence, until they subvert the. whole jiovernment. This happened in the state of Thuriuin ; tor a3 there was a law that its citizens should serve as soldiers for five years, some young men of a martial disposition, who were in 2reat esteem amongst their oflicers, despising those who had the management of public ailairs, and imagining that they could easily gain their end, first endeavoured to abolish this law, with a view of having it declared lawful that the same person might continue in the military, perceiving that the [)eople would readily appoint them. Upon this, the magistrates ap- pointed to this matter, who are called counsellors,' first joined together with an intention to oppose it, but were afterwards induced to agree to it, from a belief that, if that law was not repealed, they would permit the management of all other public afiairs to be in their hands ; but afterwards, when they I endeavoured to restrain some from making fresh changes, they t'ould do nothing, for the whole form of government was ; altered into a dynasty of those who first introduced the innova- \ tinns. In short, all governments are liable to be ; destroyed either trom within or trom without; (U-st roved from i from without, when a state whose policy is con- '^!|j'>"-f>Tfrom \ trary to their own, is near, or even at a distance, I if it has great power. Tiiis happened in the case of both the ; Athenians and the Laced;emonians ; for the one every where I destroyed the oligarchies, the other the democracies. What I then are the chief causes of revolutions and of dissensions in ? governments, has been pretty accurately stated. Ei CHAP. VIII. It follows next that we consider the means of ^^^ govcm- preserving both governments in general, and each nients are pre- state in particular. In the first place, then, it is ""^'^' evident, tiiat if we are right as to the causes of their destruction, we know also the means of their preservation ; for things con- trary produce contrary effects ; but destruction and prescrva- ' ffi'7i/3orXoi. The moaning of the term in this passnfjc must not be confounded with the officers of the same name at Athens, who were Rsscssors (Trnpc^pot) to the three chief Archons. ■ 5 188 Aristotle's politics. [book v. DanRerofneg- ^^^^ ^^^ contrary to each other. In well-tera- ieciin« leaser pered governments it requires much care to watch matters. ^|^^^^ nothing be done contrary to law : and this ought chiefly to be attended to in matters of small conse- quence ; tor a small transgression comes on with secret step, just as in a family small expenses when often repeated con- sume a man's income. For the understanding is deceived thereby, as it were by this sophism,* " if every part is little, tlien the whole is little." Now, this in one sense is true, but in another it is false, tor the whole and all the parts together are large, though made up of small parts. This tirst step therefore in any matter is what the state ought to guard against. In the next place, no credit ought to be given to those arguments which are composed to deceive the people ; for they are confuted by facts. But what we mean by the sophistical devices of states, has been already mentioned. How a novern- ^'^^* "^''^X often perceivc both aristocracies and ini-nt is render- oligarcliies continuiunj firm, not from the stability td stable. i'Z\ ' I- C * I * i" .1 • 01 their torms ot government, but Irom the wise conduct of the magistrates, both towards tliose who liave a part in the management of public atfairs, and those also who liavo not: towards those w!io liave not, by never injuring them, and by introducing those who are of most consee who are not already enguged in them, from taking a part in them : tor to perceive an evil at its very tirst ap])roach is not the lot of every one, but of the politician. To prevent any alteration taking \)\nce in an oligarchy or free state, on account of the ct'iisus, if that happens to continue the same while the quantity ot' money is increased, it is useful to take a general account of the whole amount of it in former times, to compare it with tlic present, and to do this every year in those cities where the census is taken yearly, in larger communities py continual once in tliree or five years; and if the whole revision of the should be found much larger or much less than it was at the time when the census was first established in the state, let there be a law either to extend or contract it accord- ingly, if it increases making the census many times larger, and if it dccn?ases, smaller. For if this latter Ijc not done in ohgarchies and free states, a dynasty is apt to arise in the one, an oligarchy in the other : if the former be not done, a free state will be changed into a democracy, and oligarchies into free states or democracies. It is a general ny checking raaxim in democracies, oligarchies, monarchies, excessive and indeed in all governments, not to let any one * Compare the phrase of Thucyd., (ii. 13,) rd rwv ^vfifidxtov ^id X"P^C 190 Aristotle's politics. [book v. acquire a rank far superior to the rest of the community, but rather to endeavour to confer moderate lionours for a con- tinuance, than gi-eat ones for a short time ; (for the latter spoil men, and it is not every one who can bear prosperity:) but if this rule is not observed, let not those honours which were conferred all at once, be all at once taken away, but rather by degrees. But, above all thing^i, let this JSler"'''''^ regulation be made by tlie law, that no one shall have too much power, by means either of his fortune or of his fiii.MKls ; but, if he has, for his excess therein, let it be contrived that he shall be removed from the country.' Now, as many persons stir up seditious that they may enjoy their own njaiiner(»f living, there ought to be a particular otlicer nykerpiiiR ^^ iuspeet the manners of all those whose lives watcii over the are eoutrary to the interests of their own state. whether it be an oligarchy, a democracy, or any of the other forms of governuient. For the same reason, watch should be kept in turn over those who are most pros- perous in the city ; and the means of remedy for this is by appointing those who are in the opposite scab? to the business and othces of tiie state. By opposite I mean, men of cha- racter and the co!mn(n people, the j) or and the rich. It is BvinrroaNin'^ wcll aiso to blend both these into one Imdy, and thV middle " to increase the uumbers of the uuddle rauks ; ami '^''" ' . this will prevent those seditions which arise from an inequality of condition. But above all, in vvcvy state, it i.s necessary, both by the laws and every other njethod, vJnai'ity.''''"''' ^^"^^ matters be so ordered as to shut out venality from state olHces ; and this ought particularly to be studied in an oligarchy. For then the people will not be- so much displeased when excluded from a share in the go- vernment — (nay, they will rather be glad to have leisure to attend their i)rivate allairsj — as if they suspect that the olKcers of the state steal the public money ; then indeed tliey grieve on two accounts, because they are deprived both ui Way of blend- State lionours and of profit. There is one method int,' an aristo- q{' blending together a democracy and an aristo- ' The allusion is to honourable banishment. — An instance in point would be that of Pompey, who was sent out to ch-ar the sea of piratt^;. as a pretext, but in reality because the citizens were afraid of his inilu- encc at Rome. CnAr. VIIT.] MEANS or rUESERVATlON'. 191^ rracv at the same time, if nny one should clioose Prary and a to lorin siicli a t^tato ;' for it wc)uld be possible to Oeniocrary to- admit l)oth tiie rich and tlic poor to enjoy what ^*^ tiiey di'sire. For to admit all to a share in the government, is demoeratical ; but to reserve otHces for the rieh is aristo- cratiral. This will be done by allowing no public eni{)loy- ment whatsoever to be attended with any emolument ; lor the piKir will not desire to Tic in olhee when they can gain nothing l)y it, but had rather attend to their own affairs ; the rich however will choose it, as they want nothing whicii belongs to the conuuunity. Thus the poor will increase their fortunes by be in ;r wholly enijiloyed in their own concerns; and the principal part of the jieoj)!!' will not be governed by the lower sort. To prevent the exchequer from being defrauded, let all public money be delivered out oj)enly in the face of all the citizens, and let copies of the accounts be deposited in the dif- ferent wards, tribes, and divisions. But, as the magistrates execute their offices without pay, the law ought to jirovide proper honours for those who execute them well. In demo- cracies also it is necessary that the rich should be protected, nut only by not ]KMinitting their lands to be divided, but not even the produce of them, which in some states is done ini- ]>erceptibly. It would be also better if the people would pre- vent them, when they offer to exhibit a number of unnecessary and yet expensive entertainments ^ of plays, torch-races, and tiie like, liut in an oligarchy it is necessary to take great care of the poor, and to allot th(^ii public employments which are profitable; and, if any of the rich insult them, to let their punishment be severer than if they insulted one of their own ' An instance of this, perhaps, may be found in the Roman stale as s-H-n as the commonalty attained their fnll rifrhts and privilcprs. Tlie same mi^'hl bo said ol Athens, with some limitation, as m lait it is said by Plato in the Mencxcmis, (cli. viii,,) Ka\?7 H 6 ^iv ai'T})v nuioKpariav, cf uXXo n (^ civ \ainy i among arcliy, to allot thosc wlio take less part in public t ic cinzciis. affairs, an equality, or a preference in other tilings', (as to the rich in a democracy, to the poor in an oligarchy,) except the principal offices of state ; but to intrust these only, or mostly, to those who are statesmen. CHAP. IX. There are three qnalitications necessarv for those S'S^Iinan. ^^''^^ intend to till tlie lirst departments in go- vernment ; first of all, an atli'ction ' for the estab- lished constitution; in the second place, abilities wiiolly ecjual to the business of their office ; in tlie third, virtue and jusiie'c correspondent to the nature of that particular state in which they are placed ; for if justice is not the same in all states, it is evident that there must be ditfcrent species of it. There may be some doubt, when all these (jualilications do not meet in the same person, in what manner the choice shall be maile; as for instance, suppose that one person is an accomplished general, but a bad man, and no friend to the constitution, while another is just, and a friend to it, how ought the choice to be made ? We should then^consider, of two (jualities, which of them the generality possess in a greater, and which in a less, degree. For this reason, in the choice of a general a glncraiT''^^ we sliouUl regard his courage more than his cha- racter, as the more uncommon (piality ; as fewer men partake of military skill than of virtue: i)ut, to protect the state or manage the finances, the contrary rule itatesmaii* should bc followcd ; for these reciuire greater vir- tue than that which the generality possess, but mere knowledge is conmion to all. It may be (piestioned, if a man has abilities for statesmanship, and is well affected to tlu- constitution, what occasion is there for being virtuous, since ' Compare Thucyd. ii. chap. GO, where Peritles lays claim to the pov session of ti-t'ota, 6i>})(Jig, and aptr/;, the three causes of i/Otjc/) TTicrnt, according to Aristotle. See Uhct. ii. 1. i CHAT. IX.] IMrOUTANCE OF TnE MIDDLK CLASS. 193 tlioso \\vo tliinpjs alone nro sufricient to ioiuIlt him useful to tlie public ? liut it is of use, Ixvausn tlu)«<(' who pos'icps the aWove qualities nre of'teu deticicnt in i)rudcnce ; for, as men often ne;j;lect their own ntVairs, thoujzli tliey know tliem, nnd love theuKHelves, so nothiui^ will prevent tliem from being dis- po'ed towards the couiiuouwealtli in the same manner. In short, whatever is contained in the laws, anrl which we allow to l>e useful to slates, all contributes to preserve the state ; but its principal sui)port (as has lieen often ur^^ed) i,e,,,ouia re i;< to secure that the number of those who desire par'i '''<• to preserve it shall be greater tlianof those who wish '""' ^ ^ ''*"■ to destroy it. Above all things, one must not be forgotten, though it is forgotten by many governments which are now corrupted, namely, the mean. For many things which seem t:ivourable to a democracy, (lestroy a deniQcracy, and many wliidi seem favourable to an oligarchy, tend to destroy it, Tiiose who think this the only virtue, extend it to an excess ; f'tr they do not consider that as a nose which varies a little from jXTtt'ct strtiiglitness, either towanls beijig a(piiline or flat, may ytjt be beautiful and agreeable to look at, but that still if any 'ine exteml this variation too far, first of all the properties of the }»art itself will be lost, till at last it can hardly bo admitted to be a nose at all, on account of the excess of the ri::i' or sinking — that thus, I say, it is with other ]nirts of the human body. 80 also the same thing is true with respect to the other states ; for both an oligarchy and a democracy may vary somewhat from their most perfect form, and yet be well ooiistituted ; but if any one endeavours to extend either of iht'in too far, at first he will make the government worse, but at h hy law established ; or an oligarchy, if it be an oligarchy. Ftn- if there is such a thing as incontinence in an individual, there , . , ,. is also in a city. But to educate a child in a wav And to he ill- .^^,. ^ , •' . , i i • •it rectt'd towards littiug to the state, IS iiot to do such things as will Mau- """"^ "^ """ e''*^'^y t'^^"^'* ^^'1^^ ii«^^'^ tl»^ power in an oligarchy, or who desire a democracy, but to do those tllinl:^ whereby they will be able to conduct respectively either ol' these forms of g(jvernments. But now the children of the magistrates in an oligarchy are brought up delicately, and the children of the poor are made hardy with exercise and labour; >u that they are both desirous of change, and able to promote it. In democracies of the purest form a method is pursued wliich is contrary to their welfare ; the reason of which is that thov deline freedom wrongly. Now, there are two things which seem to be the limits of a democracy, that the people in gene- ral are supreme, and enjoy freedom ; tor that which is just seems to be equal, and it is just that what the people deter- mine should be supreme. Now, their freedom Kty^s.*^ and erpiality consists in every one's doing as he pleases. So that, in such a denioi-racy every on • (livr. X.] MONAIJCIIV AND TVII.VNNY. 195 iiiiiy live a«» lio likes; " as leads Ijis bent,"' to use the words ot' Kuripidps. But this is wrong, for no one ought to tliink it slavery, to live in eonforinity with government, but pro- tection. The causes, then, of corruption in dilVerent stfltcs, and the means of their preservation and continuance, to speak simply, are such as we have related. CHAP. X. It now remains that we speak of nuinarchy, the ,^. f, . . \ . ,, "^ or monarchy. oaii'icsot Its corruption, jind the means ot preserv- iacr it. And indeed almost the same things which have been 'iiid of other governments arc incident to kingdoms and tyran- nies ; for a kingdom partakes of the nature of an aristocracy ; but :i tyranny is formed from the worst s})eeies of oligarcliy and de- ino(Tacy. For tiiis reason it is the most injurious to ^ tyranny cm- its subjects, as being composed of two bad forms, bottios i-a'o »iad anrain their ^ * • "^ n ^ o ^ power. Some tyrannies were established in this manner, when the cities were already consideriibly enlarged ; others, \)o\\)vc that time, by kings who exceeded their hereditary power, from a desire of governing despotically ; while others wore founded by those who were electeil to the superior officer •^f state ; (for formerly the people appointed officers for life to bo at the head of civil and religious affairs ;) and some were ' This rcfprcncc to Euripides is uncertain at the best. Aristotle mAy i")ssibly be referring to Iphij:. in Aul. I. 1017, li ycip t6 xP^^ov iiriOtr ov rovfibv xpidtv o2 196 A1U8T0TLE*8 POLITICS. [UOOK V. founded by the oligarchs, who chose one out of their body, with the supreme power over the highest magistrates. By all the^ means it was easy to establish a tyranny, if they chose it ; for their power was ready at hand, because they were either kings, or else in possession of the honours of state. Thus Pheidon' at Argos and others became ty- examiS. rants, having enjoyed originally the kingly power ; while Phalaris,"^ and others in Ionia, from holding state honours. Paniutius at Leontium, Cyp^elus at Corinth, Pisistratus at Athens, Dionysius at Syracuse, and others, accpiired their tyrannies by having been demagogues. A How iiion- kingdom, as we have said, partakes much of the archies are naturc ot' au aristocracy, and is bestowed accord- ing to private worth, or character tor vu'tuc, or rank, or benelicent actions, or to tliese joined with power. For all persons have gained this power as having benclited cities and states, or as being able so to do; some by prevent- ing a people from falling into slavery by war, as C'odrus, and son»e by freeing tliem from it, as Cyrus ; or by having founded cities or coh)nized a country, as the kings of Sparta, Maeedun, and the Molossians. A king desires to be the guardian of his people, that those who have property may sutler no wrong, and that the people in general may live free from injury; but a tyrant, as has been often said, has no regard to the conunon good, except for his own advantage. His only object is pleasure, but that of a king is virtue. A tyrant therefore is ambitious of engrossing wealth, but a king rather of honour. The guards too of a king are citizens, but those of a tyrant are foreigners. That a tyranny contains what- ?yJaiu.r*°^'* ever is bad both in a democracy and an oligarchy is evident ; from an oligarchy it has gain tor its end, (for thus only will the tyrant be sure of the continuance of his guards and his luxuries ;) and it puts no conlidenee in the people, and therefore deprives them of the use of arms: it is also common to both an oligarchy and a tyranny to per- secute the people, and to disperse the population. It borrows ' Pheidon of Argos niii.st not be confounded with lMioiili)n the Otrin- thian htpislutor, who is nu'ntioned in book ii. chai). 5. For tic hisluiy v\ tliis IMitidon, see Miiller'a Dorians, vol. i. book i. clmp. 7, ^ If), ■'' For the history of I'lialaris at Agrigenlum, see Miiller's Dorians, book iii. chap. 9, note. rilAr. X.] DESTRUCTION OF MON'ATU'lIV. 197 iVoiii a tleniorracy its quarrels witli tlic noMcs, and tlio fact tJKit it destroys them piihlicly nnd jn-ivatcly, or drives tlieni into banishment, as rivals and an obstacle to the governnKMU ; hence naturally arise conspiracies, as the one party desires to govern, and the others are not willin^^ to be slaves. Hence flie advice of Periander to Thrasybulus to take off the tallest stalks,' liintin^i thereby, that it was necessary from time to time to make away with the most eminent citizens. We oupht tlien in reason, as has been already said, to account for the changes which are incident to a monarchy, from the same causes which produce them in other states ; for it tiip fame is on account of injury, terror, and contempt, that f-T'-'t^ (>lu- tiun too of a kingdom and a tyranny are generally the same ; lor monarchs abound in wealth and honour, which all are de- sirous to obtain. Of plots, some aim at the life of those who u'overn, but others at their government. Those formed on uccount of injury aim at their persons. Injury may be owing to many causes, and either of these is a suilicient cause to excite anger; and most of those who are led by anger join in u consj)iraey, for the sake not of their own advancement, but of revenge. Thus the plot against the children of Pi^istratus arose from the fact that they atTronted "Jampie^'s- the sister of Ilarmodius, and insulted him also ;^ for Ilarmodius resented the injury done to his sister, and Aristogiton the injury done to Ilarmodius. A conspiracy was also formed against Periander, the tyrant of Ambracia, because while drinking WMth a favourite youth, he asked him if he were as yet with child by him. Philip-'' too was slain hy Pausanias, for permitting him to be affronted by Attains ; ns was Amyntas the Little, by Dardas, for insulting him on account of his age ; and the Eunuch,^ by Evagoras the Cy- prian, for in revenge for having taken his son's wife away from him, he slew him as having been injured by him. ' Ilerod. i. ch. 20. ' The story is told by Herodotus (book v. ch. 55, etc.) ; compare Thucydidos (\i. 54;. ' Sec Diodor. Sicul. xvi. 93. < Ibid, xv 47. 198 auistotle's politics. [book v. And many attacks have been made on tyrants owing to some such personul insult offered by them, as that of Crntieus' on Archehius ; lor his iamiliarity always disj^usted liim ; so that even a small pretext became a sufficient plea, namely, that he did not give him one of his daughters to wife, as he liiid promised. For being entangled in a war against Sirrlia and Arrhabunis, he gave his elder daugliter to the king of Elimiva, and his younger to the son of Arnagentas, tliinking that he would thus have U'ss strife with tlie son of Cleopatra. But the real origin of his estrangement was his disgust at C(a'tain familiarities. Ami Ilellanocrates of Larissa joined with him in his attack for tlie same reason ; for wlien, in his intercourse with him, he did not fulfil his promise, lie thouglit thjit the intercourse took place as an act not of affection but of insidt. . Parrliou and lleraclides of ^'Knos, too, slew Cotys, in order to be revenged for the injury offered to their father; and Adamas revoked from Cotys, considering that he had been insulted ; for he had been castrated by him when a hoy. Many also who have iiad their bodies scourged with stripes, througli resentinent have either kiUed or conspired against tlieir injurers, even when they were in oflice and in possession of royal dynasties ; as, at Mitylene, Megacles joined with liis friends and killed the Penthelida;, who used to go al)out strik- ing those they met with clubs, 'i'hus, in later limes, Smerdis killi'e. In like? manner through terror: for terror is one of the causes mentioned above, and this as well in monarchies as in other states. Thus Artabanes eonspired n;j;ainst Xerxes througli fear of being accused to him about Darius, whom he had huii;; without his orders, suppt)sing that he would obtain pardon, aFid that \\ui king would forget the matter, on account of the splendid ban(piet which he gave him. Some kings iiave been killed through contenipt; as some one conspired against Sar- * Cuiupure IMiilo, .\lcib. ii. 7. CHAT. X.] OKKilN OF CONSriHACTF.S. 199 (Innnpiilus, having seen liiin spinning witlj liis women, if the story hv true whioli historians relate ot* him; but il" it is not true of liini, it may very probably be true of some one else. Dion also conspired ngain^t Dionysius the Younger, because lie saw iiis subjects desirous of the deed, and tliat lie himself was always drunk. And even some of a man's friends will do this if they despise him ; for from being trusted by him, lliey think that they shall not be I'ound out. Those also who think ilicy shall gain his throne will conspire ngainst a king pome- huw or other through contempt ; for as they are powerful themselves, and despise the danger, on account of their >tiength, they will readily attempt it. Thus generals at the head of an army will endeavour to dethrone the monarch, as Cyrus did Astyages," despising b(;th his manner of Hie and his forces ; because tiie latter were inactive, and his life eflemin- ate: thus Seuthes the Thracian, who was general to Amado- cus,'^ conspired against him. Sometimes men enter into con- sjiiriu'ies, on account of more than onr> oi' these reasons, as through contempt and desire of gain ; as Mithridates conspired aL'ainst Ariobarzanes. Those also who are of a bold dispo- sition, and have gained military honours amongst kings, on this account of all others most frequently engage in sedition ; for strength and courage united inspire great bravery : when tlicrefore these join in one person, he will be ready for con- spiracies, as he will easily conciuer. Tho.-e who conspire iiL-ainst a tyrant through ambition, have a ditlerent motive in view from what we have already mentioned ; lor they do not :\ttack tyrants as some do, seeing before tiiem great gains and vast honours ; it is not thus that any of those who conspire through ambition engage in the dangerous enterprise, but the others do so for the aforesaid reason, while these engage in this, as they would in any other noble action, that they n)ny be illustrious and distinguished among others, and so destroy '■ a tyrant, not wishing to gain a tyranny, but renown. No ; »loid)t the number of those who act upon this princi{)le is very small, for we must suppose they regard their own safety a> nothing in case they should not succeed ; and they must f'aihrace the opinion of Dion, (which few can do,) when he made war upon Dionysius with a very few troops ; for he said, > Sec Horodol. book i. ch. 127—129. • Compare Xcnoph. Aimb. vii. 2. 200 ARISTOTLKS POLITICS. [bOOK V. that let the advantage l»o made be e\'er so little, it would satisfy him to have gained it ; and that should it be his lot to die the moment he had gained footing in his country, he should A tyranny de- ^^^'^"^ ^^'^^ death glorious. A tyranny also is ex- stroyedbvex- posed in onc way to destruction, just as each of ternal violence; ^^^^ ^^j^^^. ^^^^^^^^ ^^^^^ f^,^^ without, if tliere bo some hostile power superior to it. For it is evident that tlie wish to subvert it will exist, owing to the opposition of prin- ciples, and all who can, will carry into etfect what they desire. And some states are opposed to others, as a democracy to a tyranny; as says Ilesiod,' " Pollers with potters clash ;" for the extreme of a democracy is a tyranny ; a kingly |K)wor is opposed to an aristocracy, from their ditlcrent forms of government. For this reason the Laceda-monians destrovid very many tyrannies ; as did the Syracusans, during the prosperity of their state. And in one way tiu y lifhin!'" are destroyed from within, when those who have no share in the power bring about a revolution, as that which happened to Gelu, and lately to Dionysius ; to the lirst, by means of Thrasybulus, the brother of lliero, who flattered Gelo's son, and urged him to lead a life of pleasure, that he might govern himself; but the family joined together, and endeavoured to support the tyranny and expel Tlirasybu- lus ; but those of them who combined togetlier seized the opportunity and expelled the whole family. Dion made war against his relation Dionysius, and being assisted by the people, first expelled him, and afterwards was killed. As there are two causes which chiefly induce men to conspire against tyrannies, namely, hatred and contempt, one of these, namely, hatred, seems necessarily to belong to tyrants, but con- tempt also is often the cause of their destruction. For though, for instance, those who have raised themselves to the supreme power, have generally preserved it, still those who have re- ceived it from them, to speak the truth, almost immediately all lose it ; for, by falling into an etfeminate way of life, they soon grow despicable, and oiler many opportunities to con- spirators. Part of their hatred we may very litly ascribe to anger ; for in some cases it becomes their motive to the same » See Op. 1. 25. ClIAT. X.] DKSTIil CTION OF MONAUCllIKS. 201 iiotions ; for it often urpc? them to act morr powrrfullv tlinn li!\tiv(l, and tlioy proceed with greater veliemeiice n;;ainst those wliom they attixck, as tliis })assioii is not under the di- rection of reason. But it happens that persons especially yield to this passion on account of injury ; a matter which oc- casioned the fall of the Pisistratids and of many othcTs. IJut hatred is still more j)owerful ; fur anger is accompanied with grief, which prevents the entrance of reason ; but hatred is free from grief. • Jn short, whatever causes may bo assigned as the destruction of a pure and unmixed oligarchy, and of an extreme democracy, the same maybe aj)plie(l to a tyranny; for these are distinct forms of tyranny. Hut a ,.-, ^ Kmgive their power is, by so mueh llie longer will llieir entire go- vernment of necessity continue ; I'ur tliey become less de;«potii', and more ujHjn an equality of condition with thtir subject:?; and on that account they are the luss envied by them. It was on this account that the kingdom of the Molos^i continued so long, and that of the Lacedu'monians,' owing to the I'ai't that their government from the beginning was divided into two I)arts, and alst) to the moderation introtluccd into the t)ther parts of it by Thcopompus, and es])ecially to his establishment of the Kpliors ; for by taking something IVom the power, he increased tlie ite to each other, one (d' which is, when the j)ower is delegated from one to the other ; and in this manner most tyrants govern in their states. Report says that I'eri- ander founded many of these. There are also many of thein to be met with amongst the Persians. AVhat has been already mentioned is conducive, as far as any thing can be, to the _. preservation of a tyranny, namely, to keep down Tvriiiiiiv IS to J J ' J ^ 1 bJ prcMrvcii those who risc too liigh, to take otV those who are I>n\'rhuhjlct"" ^^ '^" aspiring tone, to allow no public meals, im clubs, nc» education, nor any thing at all, but to guard against every thing which is wont to give rise to high s])irits (>r mutual conlidcnce; not to sull'er schools or learned meetings of those wlio have leisure for discussion, and to en- deavour by every means possible to keep all the people ' See above, book ii. thup. 2. ' See I'lut. Lye. 7. !i illAT. \1.] rKKSKUVATlON OF TYHANNIKS. 203 strnngevs to racli other ; for kiiowlcd^zo iiuTcjisi's inntu:\l con- tidi'iico;' iind to oblige all stratipiM's to sippciir in |)nl)lic, nrul to live nciir the eity gate,'^ that all their actions may be nntli- cicntly seen, and that by beinj:; kept like slaves they ni;iy l)e accnstoined to be humble. In short, to imitate every tliin and employed ; their tyrants, liie pyramids ot hgypt are a proot oftlii-i. and the votive edifices of the Cypselidai, and the tem- ple of Olympian Zeus built by the Pisistratida% and the works ' It was for this reason that the policy prevailed so extensively with th«' PirsiaiH ami oth(>r Eastern despots of transl'errinp whole tiihcs Iron) tli'ir original homes to another loeality. The jijirase e.\pres^,inf: tliis is ni'd'jmtrTTovQ TroifTi', which ocenrs so often in llerodotiis, as in iii. 'J"^ ; iv. '201. tte. Tho eases ot' l''retria. Cyrcne, Miletus, the Ionian'?, aTid the ra'oiiiiins (v. 1*2) are well known in profane history; not \o mention the rise of the Israelites in the Old Testament. With recard to the senti- nunt that " knowledpe inspires conlidcnee," compare the words of Hnller, {.\nalo::y, Part i. chap. 3,) *' If the soul be naturally immortal, and this stale bf a prepress to a future one pood men may naturally umtc not only ainonp none feel confidence in tlu'inselves, the tyrant is safe frotn overthrow. For which rt :i>()n they are always at enmity with men of merit, as hurt- ful to their j^iovernment ; not only because they scorn to bo governed despotically, but also because they are trustworthy towanls themselves and towards others, and because they will not inform against their associates, nor any one else. The third is, that they shall be without the means of doing any thing ; lor no one undertakes what is impossible for him to perform ; so that without power a tyranny can never be de- stroyed. [These then are the three objects to which the wi>lirs of tyrants incline ; for all their tyrannical plans tend tn [)romote one of these ends, that their peoj>le may have nei- tlter nuuual confidence, nor power, nor bol« style ot a I and partly to aifect to seem like a king ; first, by "'*^ 5 appearing to pay attention to what belongs to the public, and I ' Schnpider, Cornos, and Gocttlinp all nCTCc in considering these lines H a? \ spurious addition by some grammarian of a later date. 206 AmST0TLE*8 POLITICS. [bCX»K V. not making such profuse prestiUs as will offend the people^ while the money is taken out of the hard labour of their own hands, and given in profusion to mistresses, foreigners, and actors ; as also by keeping an exact account both of what they receive and pay, a practice wliich some tyrants ere this have followed, though ruling on this plan they seem rather masters of families than tyrants; nor need a tyrant ever fear lest he shall lack money, while he have the supreme power in his own hands. It is also much better for those tyrants who quit their kingdom, to go without UKUiey, than to leave behind them the money which they have hoarded ; for their regents will be much less desirous of making innovations ; and thi'?e guardians aie more to be dreaded than the citizens by tyrants while absent: for some of the citizens go out with him, i»ut these regents are left behind. He should also endeavour tu appear to collect taxes and to require public services only fur purposes of the state, that whenever they are wanted thi'y may be ready -in tinie of war; and particularly to take care that he appear to collect and keep them, not a.s his own pro- Tlu' private pi'''ty, but as that of the public. Ills appearance ihai.icttr oja also should not be harsii, but noble, so that those «^ to seem a guardian and not a tyrant. More- over, lie fniiiiit always to seem to pay particular attention to the worship of the p^ods, for from persons of such a character, nun entertain less fears of suffering any thin;: contrary to the law, while they su|)pose that he who governs them is rr-ligious and reverences the gods;' and they will be less inclined to r.iise seditions against such a tyrant, as one who has the gods tui his side: but this must be so done H3 to give no suspicion of hypocrisy. He should also show such respect to men of merit in any line, that they shall not think that they could be more honoured, if their fellow-citizens were members of a free state. He should also distribute all such honours from him- ?»elf, but every censure shouhl come through other ollicers and the courts of law. It is also a common preservative of all monarchies not to make one person too great ; but if any, then more than one ; for they will act as a guard upon v:\rM other. If !iowev(!r it is necessary to intrust any large ])owers to one person, then he should take care that he be not one of an ardent spirit ; for such a disposition is upon every opportunity most riMily to rebfil ; and, if it should segm necessary to deprive any one of his power, it is well to do it by degrees, and not to reduce him all at once. It is also necessary to a tvrant should ahstain from all kinds of insolence, more particu- ''ii>'«tain from larly Irom corporal punishment, and trom wanton conduct towards young men. And especially must he be careful in this respect with regard to men of honour ; for as those who love money are touched to the quick when any I tiling atft'cts their property, so are men of honour and prin- l ciplc when they receive any disgrace. Therefore a tyrant t oivuht either never to employ personal punishment, or if he I iloes, he should let it be only in a paternal manner, and not \ with insult. Ilis intercourse too with young men should -| arise from amatory causes and not from authority ; and upon the whole he should atone for any seeming disgrace by bestow- ing greater honours. But of all persoi^s who are most likely to entertain designs against the person of a tyrant, those are chiefly to be feared and guarded against, who regard as nothing the loss of their own lives, so that they can but destroy him ; ' 6inTi^ai^{t)v. See Acts, chap. xvii. 22. 208 ARI9TOTLE*3 POLITICS. [bOOK V. they ought therefore to beware of those who think either themselves affronted, or those who are dear to them ; for those who are excited by anj^er to revenge, regard as nothing their own persons ; for, as Ileraclitus' say:*, it is dangerous to fight with an angry man, for he will purchase his object >vith his A tyrant should ^^^'^- -^^ '^^^ cities are Composed of two sorts of sidf with the persons, tlie rich and the poor, it is necessary powerful party, ^j^.^^ i^^tj^ ^^,^^^^ should think that they are ec^ually protected by him who governs them, and that the one party should not have it in their power to injure the otlier; but that the tyrant should attach to himself that party which is the most powerful. For if he does this, he will have no occasion either to set free his slaves, or to deprive the citizens of their arms ; lor the strength of either of the parties added to his own will be enough to render him superior to any conspirators. — But it would be superfluous to go through all such j)artieul;irs as these ; for the rule of conduct which the tyrant ought to pursuti is evident enough ; and that is, to alTect the character not of a tyrant, but of a guardian and king ; not the plunderer, but the protector of his subjects ; and to aim at the middle rank in life, not one superior to all others ; he should, tlier^jtbre, associate his nol>les with him, and flatter his people. For thus his government will not only be of necessity more honourable, and worthy of imitation, (jls it will by ruling over men of worth, and not abject wretclies, who perpetually both hate and fear him,) but it will be also more durable. Let him also frame his life so that his man- ners may be in accordance with virtue, or at least half good, and not wholly wicked, but only in part. CHAP. XII. Oligarchy and I^'i^^ED an oligarchy and a tyranny are of all go- tyranny of vernments of the shortest duration. The tyranny short duration. . o- •.. • * xi ^ i ^' r •'» at JMcyon, it is true, was the most lasting ; tor it .xainpes. remained in the hands of Orthagorius^ and his ' See Zellitis ad Arist. Eth. Nicom. ii. 3, p. G7. ' See Miillcr'sj Dorians, vol. i. book i. cli. 8. " In the instance of Sicyon, as in many others, the tyrant was the U'ader of the lower elasses, who were opposed to the aristocracy. It was in this character that f)r- thagoras came forward, who, not being of an ancient family, was called tllAT. Xll.] DIRATIUN OF TYUANNIKS. 209 sons for a liundrcd yoarj». The rcasoti of tliis fact Wiis, that ihi'V iuUmI their subjects with moderation, and were in iiKiiiy particuhirs obedient to the hiws ; Clistlienes too wns an al»le jieneral, and so never fell into conteniftt ; and tliey took ureat care in most matters to be popular. Clistlienes, at any rate, is reported to have ])resented a person with a crown, wiio adjudpred the victory to another ; and some say, that it is the statue of the jud;j;e whoso decided which is placed in the Aurora. They say also that Pisistratus submitted to be sum- inuned upon a eliargo into the court of Areoj)a;:us. The second in duration was the tyranny of the Cypselida3 at Cor- inth, which continued seventy-three years and six jnonths ; for Cypselus was tyrant there thirty years, Periander forty-four, ami I'sammetichus, the son of Gordias, three years.' And the r(>a>on of this was that Cypselus was a popular man, and ccmtinned in his p:overnment without ^luards ; and IVriander ruled like a tyrant, but then he was an able general. The third was that of the Fisistratida^'^ at Athens; but it was not continual : for l*isistratus himself was twice expelled during his tyranny; so that out of thirty-three years he was only fifteen in power, and his son eighteen ; so that the whole time aniuunted to thirty-live years. Of the rest we shall mention thai of Iliero and (ielo at Syracuse;'' but even this did not ' y tlio nobles a cn^k. But, notwitlistandinpr its iow origin, tlic faitiily of . this |>cr.son maiiilaiiicd a saitri'macy at .Sityon longer than any other ; ■accurdiiip to Aristotle, lor a century ; as tliey did nut nniUieut the citizens, and njxin tlir uliole respected the laws : their sttcc ession is Orthaporas, Andreas, Myron, Aristonynius, and CkMsthcnes ; of uliotn. however, the I xcnnd and lourth never ascended ihc throne, or only reigned lor a short L time. This s< ries, Ihjvvc ver, is not quite certain, as Herodotus (vi. 1*20) I cocs only as far as Andreas." ! ' In order to make the total of years acrec with the duration of the ' r«iinis of the C'yp^elidir, as pivcn in the text, some editors have read ittto. i instead o( roia. Others hi)ve cut (?ut tlic rtrrapa after the forty years i assipied to I'eriander : hut Goetthng prefers to keep the text as it ori- I chially stood, and adduces reasons for bclievinp that the true sohition of j disujrrccment is to be found in the fact that Psammetichus was not one of \ the Cypsehd;r, and hence is not reckoned in the computation of Aristotle I ln-re. Tor an account of the Cypsehd dynasty at Corinth, see Herodot. v. '? l'"i. s< q., and Miiller's Dorians, vol. i. book i. eh. 5, and also ch. b, ^ 3. ' ' I'or an account of the Pisistratida?, sec Herod, book v. ch. 03, scq i^ and Thueyd. book vi. chap. 53. : ' Tor the internal history of Syracuse, sec Miiller's Dorians, vol. ii. i chap. 0. i P 210 Aristotle's tolitics. [book v. continue long, f..r both their reigns together were only ciglileen years ; ibr Gclo, having reigned seven years, died in the eighth year of his tyranny, and lliero in his tenth. Thrasybulus too was expelled in his eleventh month, and the greater part of other tyrannies liave continued a very short time. We have now gone through nearly all the general causes of corruption aud means of preservation botli in free states and monarchies. In the Kepublic of Plato' Socrates Why Kfiat men treats uijon the chan«'es incident to dillen-nt co- vernments ; but his disconrse is laulty ; lor he does not particularly mention to what changes the best and first form of judily is liable ; for he only assigns tlie general cause, that nothing is immutable, but that in a lixed course of time every thing alters ;'^ and that tlie prineipleof these changes is to be found in those thingn of whieii the ses(|ui-tertian pru- giMiy, eoMJoined with th«' jientad [ami llirlee iiiereascjl], all'unU I wo hannonies. lie says al."»o iluit tlii-i liappens when the mnu- i>erof this diagram becomes soli*!, in (!on,>«e«[iienee ol'naUM'e pio^ dueing sometimes bad men and sometimes those who are made better by education.^ And in saying tins, probably, he is not wrong ; for it may be that then* an* some persons, whom it is imposMible by any education to make into good men. But rinto'd cycle ^^''y sliouM this chaugc be more peculiar to what i.fni)v«rii lie culls the Ix'st-tbrmed government, than t(» nil exist? And with resp<>ct to time, which he assigns as the cause of the alteration of all things, we tind, that things whicii did not begin to exist at the same time, cease to be at the ' Sc'c Phito's KH, whiil ArUtotlt; prolxihly would iiul dfiiy, that ihtTf im ttortof lixed cyclu or nn)i^n'^n: in nil huumn iimllcrrt, and tliiU (•onstM^uiiilv great men, like comets, appear upon the htape ofihe world only at disiiini intervals. Tiie same sentiment apparently is plaeed in the mouth itt'Soluu by Herodotus, (i. .'{2,) when; lie says to Cro'sus, -nd^; iari av0^)i>i7rv(; nv^t- ^op/;, words which, as IJ.iflir well observes, do not unply that man's liU is noihintf but calamity. "Do I'ortuna ejusijue vici^'i.situdiitihuH intelliccii- dum esseet ipsa voeiUie notio et \miversa hujus loci ratio docere vidclur.' (See llaehr's note in loco.) " (Jpon iliiM oliseui'e paNNane. the editor haN I'oUowcd very closely tin translation of Taylor, but he munt refer the reader to the appendix to tlui volume for an attempted solution of the dillieulties which it involve:. Tile well-informed reader will not need to be reminded of tiio proverb, "Numeris I'iatonieis nihil obscurius." CHAP. MI.] CIIAN(;i:S IN TYnANNir.?. 211 s:imo time; so tlmt, if any tiling came into benritming tlic day before the solstice, it must alter nt the same time, liesides, why should such a form of «jjovernmcnt be changed into the L;i('ed;emonian ? for, in jieneral, when governments alter, they alter into the contrary s])ecie^s to \vjiat they before were, and not into one like their former. And this reasoning holds true of other changes ; for he says, that from the Laecdtemonian form it changes into an oliuarchy, and from thence into a de- mocracy, and from a democracy into a tyranny : but yet some- times the contrary change takes place ; as from a democracy into an oligarchy, rather than into a monarchy. With respect to a tyranny, lie omits to say whether there will be any change in it or not, and for what reason ; or, if so, into wliat other state it will pass. IJut the reason of this is, that that could not easily have laid the matter down, for a tyranny is an in- determinate government ; and, according to him, every slate oiiglit to alter into the first and most perfect form ; for thus the continuity atid circle woidd be preserved. JJut one ty- ruiiiiy often changes into another; as at Sicyon, Irom Muru to Clisthenes ; or into an oligarchy, as did that of Antile^ti at Chalcis; or into a democracy, as that of Gelo at Syracuse; or into an aristocracy, as that of Charilaus at Lacediemon, ami at Carthage. An oligarchy is also changed into a ty- ranny: such was the rise of almost all the ancient tyrannies ill Sicily: at Leontium, into the tyranny of PanaUius; at (iela, into that of Cleander ; at Hhegium, into that of Anax- ilius ; and the like in many other cities. It is Yunhox de- ahsurd also to suppose that a state is changed into fi^t* in »»is [ an oligarchy, because those who are in power arc '*^°'^^" I avaricious and greedy of money, and not Ijccause those who [ are by far richer than their fellow-citizens think it unfair [ that men who have nothing should have an equal share in the ; state with themselves who possess so much ; for in many oli- l garchies it is not allowable to be employed in money-getting, I and there are many laws to prevent it. But in Carthage, i which is a democracy, money-getting is allowed, nnd yet their I form of government remains unaltered. It is also absurd to I ^;iy, that in an oligarchy there are two cities, one of the poor, i !ind another of the rich; for why should this happen to them I more than to the Lacedcrmonians, or to any other state where IS »il possess not equal property, or where all are not equally ! P 2 i 212 AUISTOTLE*S POLITICS. [bOOK VI. good ? For though no one member of the community should be poorer than he was before, yet an oligarcliy may change to a democracy, if the poor chance to outnumber the rest ; and IVom a democracy to an oligarchy, if the rich chance to be more powerful than the poor, and the one too negligent, and the otlicr industrious ; and thougli these clianges are owing to many causes, yet he mentions but one only, that the citizens become poor by luxury and payment of interest ; as if at lirst they were all rich, or the greater part of them. r>ut this is false. The truth is, that when some of the ])rincipal rulers lose their fortunes, they will endeavour to bring about a revo- lution ; but when others do so, nothing of consi'i[uenee will follow ; nor when such states alter, do they change into u democracy more than into any other form. IJesidcs,' if tlu-y share not in the honours of the state, or if they are ill-used and insulted, they will endeavour to raise seditions an*! laing about a revolution, although they may not S(iuandor their ioi- tunes, that they may be allowed to do as they like : and the _,. , cause of this, as Plato says, is too nuieh liberty. The real mis- ... , ' •' ' , . , , • ukL' of Although there are nuuiy oligarchies and demo- Socrates. cracit s, yet, in treating of their changes, Socrates speaks of them as if there was but one of each sort. BOOK VI.2— Chap. I. It has been already shown, then, what and how great varia- tions there may be in the supreme deliberative council of i\ state, and in the appointment of the dillerent magistracies; and also as to the judicial department, what is best suited to each state ; and also from what causes and sources both the destruction and preservation of governments arise. As there are very many species of democracy as well as of ^ tTi ce . . . TToit}}'. These arc to be regarded ns the words of Aris- totle hiinsflf, nut forms oi gijvernment, witli a recapitulation of the poiiUs uhich have al- leady come under discussion. • (MAr. 1.] A PF.MOCHACY. 213 the Other stnto?, it \\\\\ not be amiss nt tho. same time to con- sider any tliinp: which remains to he said' concerning either of them, and to assign to them that mode of conduct which is pecidiar and advantaireous to each ; and also to y^rg^^rp,,, ^f,^_ inrinire into the combinations of all the diiferent MnatiMnsor modes ot frovermnent wlucli we have mentioned ; for as these are blend(>d together, governments shift their form, so as from an aristocracy to become an oligarchy, and from a free state to become a democracy. Now, by those combinations'^ of governmimts which onglit to be examined, tliough as yet we have not done so, I mean, whether the deli- berative department and election of magistrates is rerrnlated in a manner correspondent to an oligarchy, and the judicial to an aristocracy, or this and the deliberative part only like an oligarchy, and the election of magistrates like an aristocracy ; or wheth(T in any other manner every thing is not regulated in cordbrmity to the nature of the government. We have al- ready considered indeed what particular sort of democracy is litted to a particular city, and also what particidar oligarchy to a particular people; and of the other states, what is ad- vantageous to each. But nevertheless it is also necessary, not only to show clearly which of these governments is best for a state, but also briefly to inquire how we ought to arrange both these and the other forms of government. And, first, let us speak of a democracy ; this will at the same The mmponent time show clearly the nature of its opposite, whicli P'^rts of a de- sonie persons call an oligarchy; and in doing this "'"^'■**^>' we must take into account all the ]>arts of a democracy and every thing that is connected therewith. For from the manner in which these are compounded together, ditVercnt species of democracies arise; and hence it is that they are more than one, and of various natures. Now, there are two causes whence it arises that there arc many kinds of democracy ; one ' Havinc; slated the contents of the preceding books, Aristotle poos on . to consider the dilUTent kinds of povernmenls dislinpnished by the same sporific name, and also " to consider any thing which remains to be said concerning them " — words snfBcient to show (according to Gillies) that this and llio preceding book arc supplemental. The present editor how- ever considers it best to adhere to the old-established order. ' Aristotle says that the results of these (Tvvcvaofioif or combinations of different elements, constitute a subject which was not sufficiently at- tended to in his time. 214 AUISTOTLE*S POLITICS. [bOOK VI. of which id that which wo liave ah-eady mentioned, namely, These ditfer in there bcinj^ ditferent sorts of people ; for in one ditiereni coun- country the people are husbandmen, in another ^"'^*' mechanics and hired servants. Now, if the first of these is added to the second, and the tiiird to both of tlieni, tlie democracy will not only ditler in the particular of better or worse, but in the fact that it is no loncjer the same govern- ment. The other cause is that of which we are now about to speak. The ditlerent matters whicii are connected with de- mocracies, and seem to be proper to this form of f^overnment, by being combined together, produce changes in democracies; for some few particulars will attend on one form, on another more, and on a third all. It is useful also to be aeijuainted with each particular, if any one would found any state of wiiich he may hap{>en to approve, for the pur|K)se of amendin{i it. For all founders of states endeavour to comprehend Avithin their own plan every thing of nearly the same kind with it ; but in doing tins they are mistaken in the manner whicli we have already described in treating of the j)reservation and de- struction of governments. I will now speak of the tirst prin- ciples, and character, and aims of such polities. CHAP. II. Liberty the Now the Very foundation ' of a democratical state end Ola lie- is liberty, and jwople have been accustomed to mocracj. ^_^^ ^j^j^^ ^^ .J. ^jjj^|,,j. ^jjjg government alone could men have a share of liberty ; for they athrm, that this is the end proposed by every democracy, liut it is one element of liberty to govern and be governed in turns ; for, according to the justice which prevails in a democracy, ecpiality is mea- Bured by numbers, and not by worth ; and, as justice is such, it is necessary that the supreme power shoidd be vested in the people, and that what the majority determine should be deemed tinal and just ; Ibr they say that every single^ citizen ought to possess etjuality. So that in a democracy th(! poor ought to have more power than the rich, as being the greater numlHi', ' vrruOtnir. This word is used in iho same sonstr in book ii. chap, o, whore Ari.^lotU* says that the I'auUy ruasoninp of Socratt's arises on ai- foniit oi" Ti)i> virMhaiv ovk ovaav u^)Utfv. " lie is wrung in his lirst prin- ciple at starting." ,iiv:*. ii] ritArTiCAT, vir.w or a i>r.MoruA(v. 21.> iiml that wliicli is dccrond hy tluj iniijorify is 5ly shall be supreme in all matters ; and that no magistrate ^ hut that of the highest authority shall be supreme in any point, j or onlv in the most trifling matters.' Of all ma- ^^ , , . I . " . , 1 1 • 1 • 1 The *««Anxt : but Goeitling rejects as interpolated the words t; riiv } fityinTiDV Kvpiav. ] ' He refers to books, ii. chap. 12 and iv. 14. 2I(> AUISTOTLE*S POLITICS. [bOOK VI. niombtrs of the supreme assembly, as also those oflicers who are obliged to eat at a common table, ought to be paid.' Moreover, as an oligarchy is defined by the no- Til Kiice°' hility, fortune, and education of its members ; so, on tlie contrary, a democracy is a government in tho hands of men of low birlli, poverty, and vulgar employ- ments. ^ In this state also no oflTice should be held riods'of o'mce. ^"^' ^^^^' * ^"^ ^^ '^">' ^^^^^^ should remain after the government has been long changed into a demo- cnicy, they sliould endeavour by degrees to diminish its power, and also elect by lot instead of vote. These things, then, ap- pertain to all democracies ; and they arise from that kind ol' justice which is suited to those governments ; (ihat is, that all its members shall enjoy an equality according to number;) which seems chiefly to C(jnstitute a democracy, or government Equality the ^^' ^^^^' pe()j)le. For it is held to be lit that the jniansto rich sliould have no more share in the govern- ^^*-^^' ment than the poor, nor be alt)ne in power; but that all should be equal according to number ; lor thus, they think, the equality and liberty of the state is likely to be best preserved. CHAP. III. How equality ^^ ^^^^ "^'xt plucc wc incjuiro, how they shall at- t<. i.e brought tain this equality.^ Shall the fortune of live hun- auout. 1111 ••11 I 1 11 dred be tlivided amongst a thousand, and the^e ' Aristolle here cinunerutes tuq cipxag, ru ^iKaarfiput, and r//r /SorXr'/r, that is, magistrates invested respeeiively with execulive, judicial, and deliberative powers; who, as well as the citizens at hirpe, eouvened iu their iKK\t}pear that Aristotle mc.uis t(» class, as to this particular, the citizens convened in their stated and periodical assemblies. * liy the word ftavaraia (iillies would argue that Aristotle means here " tliat condition of manners and morals resulting from the degradmg state of lab(»ur, generally known by that term." But this, after all, is u ques- tion of little moment, jis in coniujon conversation tilings which stand in the mutual relation of cause and elfect are (.ften confounded. ' it is to be remembered here that the Greeks always employed pro- portion to answer the purpose of fractions. (MIAP. III.] POLITICAL F.i.HALITY. 217 tlioii-'.ind h.ivc cqiial power with tlio five Immlrod ? or sliall we cstablisli our oqiiiility in another manner, naaixnd uiagistratcs and of calling them to account, will *''^'"'' satisfy them, if they feel any desire of honours. great historian has horo exactly uiitlerstood the mcttuiiiR of Aristotle, sti* Goi-'illing's iiotL' in loco. ' 'I'his laincntalion is often made by the historians of Home. C()mpare for instance Liv. iii.Or): '* Sed alter semper ordo gravis allerius modes- tiu} erut. Adeo moderalio tuendii; libertatis, dum n^piari velle siinulunda ita se (iniMi\it,- extollit, ut deiuiinat alium, in dillicili est : cavendcique ne nietnant liomines, metnendos nltro }>e elliciunt : el injnriam a nt>l)is re* pulsam, tauquam aut facere ant pati necesse sit, injungimus aliis." rilAr. TV.] TIIK HKST DrMOCRACY. 219 Tor in sonio (lemooracio.^, tliouijlj tlio rip^ht of elcctinix the ma- jlistratos is not in linnds of the conunonalty, yet it is invfstiMl in \r.\vt of tliat body rlioscn to rcprcMont tlicin, as was tlu? case at Maiitina^a ; and it is sullicirnt for tlio p('Oj)l(; at laijrc to pos- se>s the deliberative power. Now this we oii^jlit to consider a<ower «»f choosiiif]^ their mai^istrates, and of ccnsnrinjx them, and of sittin;]; in judijment upon all causes: but that the chief magistrates should be elected according: to a certain census, higher according to p^aMc 'in uie the raidv of their office, or else not by a census at all, riiief maBis. but merely according totheir abilities. A state thus constituted nuist be well constituted ; ibr the magistracies will iduaysbefdled with the best men ; forthe peophMvill acquiesce, and will feel no envy against iheir betters; and these and the nohlcs shoidd be content with this part in the administration ; tor they will not be governed by their inferiors. Thev will al.>o rule justly, as others will censure their conduct ; for it is serviceable to the state to have them dependent upon others, and not to be permitted to do whatsoever they choose ; for the power of doing whatever a man pleases atlbrds no possible check against that evil particle which is in every man. It is iit'cessary, tlien^tbre, and useful to the state, tliat its ofticcs shall be tilled by the ])rincipal persons whose characters nro unhlemisli(Ml, and that the people shall not be oppressed. It is now evident that this is the best species of demo- cracy, an" who are of a bad dispitsition would not then b(; the U -« cautiou-i, as their ])unishment would be the same; and lb couunuuity would not be so ready to condenm those on whoi:, they sit in judgment, when they are about to get nothing l\ it. Tiiey should also take care that the causes which art- brought before the i)ublie should be as few as ])os.^ible, aii«! pimish with the utmost severity tho>e who bring an acti«:i agaiiist any one without cause ; for it is not theconuiions, but tin nobles, whom they are wont to prosecute. Hut in all things tl- citi/.ens of the same ^tate ought to be atl'eetionate to each other or at the least not to treat those who have the chief power ii it as their enemies. Now, as the democracic- HoKulations to i • i , i i >^ i i i> i i be ..t)ser*i.-(i in which havc been lately established are very nu- bhc"''*'''"^'"' "^<-'^*^^^^' ^"'1 ^^ ^^ dillieult to get the cfuniiio: peoples to attend the public assemblies unless tiu\ are paid for it, tliis is against the interest of the nobles, win : there is not a sutlicient public revenue. For the (ieliciemi«- must be necessarily made up by taxes, conliscations, and liii<- imposed by corru))t courts of justice : tldngs which havealre;ui destroyed many ie receive it, and again want the same supply ; while the giving such help to tlie poor is like pouring water into a sieve. 15ut the true patriot in a democracy ought to take care jmorVi'mVia be ^ that the majority are not too poor, for this is the "'•"'^" '"^*-'- ? cause ot rapacity in that government. He nhould I endeavour, thereture, that they may enjoy a lasting plenty ; and a3 thi-^ also is advantageous to the rich, what can be saved out of the public money should be put by, and then divided at once among the ]K)or, if possible, in such a quantity as may cfiable every one of them to i)urchase a little tield ; or, if that cannot be don(% at least to give each of them enough to pro- cure the implements of trade and husbandry ; and if there is nut enough for all to receive so much at once, then to divide it aconbng to tribes, or any other allotment. In the mcAn time, let the rich pay them for the necessary attendance, and cease from lavishing them on useless shows. And something like this was the manner in which they manage at Carthage, and so preserve the atVections of the j)e()ple ; for, by continually sending some of their community into colonies, they procui-c plenty. It is also worthy of a sensible and generous nobility, to divide the poor amongst them, and to induce them to work hy supplying them with what is necessary; or to imitate the conduct of the people at Tarentum:' for by permitting the lM)or to jiartake in common of every thing Avhich is needful for them, they gain the affections of the commonalty. They have also two ditferent ways of electing their magis- trates ; for some are chosen by vote, others by Jp'^i^'pi's^rV/s. lot ; by the kst, that the people at large may have some share in the administration ; by the former, that tlie state may be well governed. It is also possible to accomplish the same thing, if of the same magistrates some are chosen ' I'l^on the constitution of Tarentura, sec Miiller's Dorians, vol. ii. chap. y. 224 aristotlk's politics. [book yi. by vote, and others by lot. And thus much for the manner in wliich democracies ought to be established. CHAP. VI. The constitu- Fhom what has been already said, it will be almost tionofan manitcst how an oligarcliy ought to be founded. oigarciy. y^^^ .^ .^ right to draw conclusions from things which are contrary, and to frame every species of oligardiy by a kind of analogy, corresponding to some opposite species of democracy. ^, , , . ^ The purest and best-framed oligarchy is one Tlie best kind. , . , * , i . i . n which approaches most nearly to wliat we call a free state ; in which tliere ought to be two dilferent standards of income, the one made liigh, the other low. From tliose wlio Jire witiiin the hitter, the ordinary ollicers of the state ougiit to be chosen ; frtan the former, the supreme magistrates: nor should any or.e be excluded from a part of the admiui.vtratioii who is within the census ; which should be so regulated that tlie connnouahy who are included in it should, by that means, be made superior to those who have no sliare in the govern- ment. For those who are to take their share in public allairs ought always to be cliosen out of the better sort of the people. „,, ,,. , Much in tlie same manner ouglit tiie next kind of The laxt kind. ,. , , , ,• i i , i • i i oligarchy to be established, by drawing the rule a little tighter; but as to that which is most opposite to a j)ure „., , democracy, and approaches nearest to a dynasty llic worst. . ' . . ,. 11 I 1 "^ ^ and a tyranny, as it is ot all others the wor^t, so it requires the greatest care and caution to preserve it. For as bodies of .sound and healthy constitutions, and ships which are well manned and well adapted for sailing, can bear many detects without ])erishing thereby, while a diseased body, or a leaky ship with an indill'erent crew, cannot support the least .shock; just so the worst-otablished governments want the most careful attention. A number of citizen.- is Ti'sts )f sta- ^, . ,. 1 /> I bih'.y in a (It- the preservation ot a democracy; lor they are a J^\\"j;;f^;>'^;',','J^ body oj)posed to those rights which are foumUd in rank ; while on the contrary, the pre.^ervatiuii of an oligarchy depends npon the due regulation of the dil- ferent orders in the society. CIUP. VII.] OLKiAUCIIT, 225 CHAP. VII. A"< tho greater part of the coniinuiiity is divided \\n,preannu. into lour sorts of })eopk', liusbandiuen, inechaiiici, g«rrh> ran be jictty traders, and hired servants; and, as those ^*'''^''*"^ will) are useful in war may likewise be divided into four sorts, the liorsenian, the heavy-armed soldier, the light-armed, and the sailor; wherever the nature of the country admits of a great niunher of horse, there a powerful oligareiiy may be easily established. For the safety of the inhabitants de[)ends upon a foi'ee of that sort ; but those who can suj)i)ort the expense (•f hor.-emen must be persons of some considerable fortune. WJuM'e the troops are eliiefly heavy-armed, there an inferior nligarchy may be established ; for a heavy-armed force is com- posed more out of the rich than the poor, but the light -armed and the sailors always contribute to support a democracy. IWit where the number of these is very great, and a sedition arin's, the other jtarts of the eonnnunity tight at a disadvan- tiJL'e ; but a remedy for this evil is to be learned I'lom skilful generals, who always mix a proi)cr number of light-armed solthcrs with their horse and heavy-armed. For it is in this way that the populace get tlie better of tiie men of fortune in an insurrection ; for being lighter, they are easily a match for the horse and the heavy-armed. So that for an oligarchy to form a body of troops from these is to form one against itself. l»ut as a city is conjposed of ditferent ages, some young and some old, the fathers should teach their sons, while they are still very young, the ligiit and easy exercises ; and when they are grown up from childhood, they should be perfected in war- like exercises in general. Now, tiie .admission of „ ^ tlio people to any siiare in the government, as i i.iti- tiu- ad- said betore, should be either regulated by a census, "J.^''Jc"toofl?re. or else, as at Thebes, allowed to those who for a crrtain time have ceased from any mechanic employment ; or !!•* at Massalia, where they are chosen according to their worth, ^vi^other citizens or foreigners. With respect to the magis- trates of the highest rank, which it may be necessary to have in the state, their services to the public should be strictly laid tlown, to prevent the common people from being desirous of ft share, and also to induce them to regard their magistrates Q o 226 auistotle's politics. [book vi. with favour, as men who pay a larjje price for their honours. It is also fitting that the magistrates, upon entering into oftice, should make magnificent sacrifices, and erect some public structure, tliat the people, partaking of the entertainment, and seeing the city ornamented with votive gifts in their tempks and public structures, may see with pleasure the stability of tlie government : tiie nobles will thus gain lasting records of their generosity. But now this is not the conduct of those who are at present at the head of an oligarchy, but quite the con- trary ; for they are not more desirous of honour than of gain ; for which reason such oligarchies may more properly be calktl little democracies. Let it then suflice to have laid down thus nuicli as to tlie principles on whicii a democracy and an oli- garcliy ouglit to be established. * CHAP. viii.» What magis- After what has been said, it follows next to div trades are ne- tinhic'e we ou^^ht to look lor Arisl^ilt \ complete btalenient ol'dortrine with relercure to the constitution of .irisi •' cracios, IVce states, and inoiKirchios. But the reader has already bc^^ warned of the frapnicntary iliaraeter ol" tlie present treatise of «.ur autluf ' Compare book i. » hap. 2, and Nieom. Elh. book v. chap. G. . HAT. Mil.] VARIOUS OFIK'KUS NKCKSSAIJ V. 227 t ;uv, and nearly related to the fir.Ht, is to have an ive both to tl>e public and private ediliees in the J'^"" i"'*'!''' city, tiiat they may 1)0 ornaujented ; and also to take eare of all buildint^s whicii are likely to fall, and of the repair of hiizlnvays ; and also to see that the land-marks ])el\veen dillerent estates are preserved, that they mav live tree from disputes, and all other business of a like nature. Now sueh an oWicXi as this is called by most an inspectorship of the city, and the business itself may be divided into several branches, over each of which in populous cities they appoint a separate person ; one to inspect the buildings, another the foun- tains, and another the harbours. There is a third otUcc, most necessary, and very like the last, and conversant nearly about thi' same objects; oidy its sphere lies in the country and ti>e suburbs of the eitv. These oilicers some persons II • • i« Ti 1 1 II • Of lands. call insi)cctors ot the lands, and others, inspectors of tlit^ woojIs ; these then are three matters of can;. But there must also be another magistracy appf)inted, to receive the ])nl)lic revenue, from whose safe-keeping it is td be delivered nut to those who are in the dillerent departments ,, , , 11 1 • Qua-stors. vi the state ; these are called receivers orqua'stors. There must also be another, before whom all private contracts. and sentences of courts shall be enrolled ; and before these I .Ninie, as well as the magistrates, must be brought all indictments I and openings of ph'adings. Sometimes this employment is j tlivided amongst many, but. there is one supreme Notaries, etc. ! over the rest ; these are called i)roctor.s, notaries, ^ . , ., I , , ,., X' 1 . Coiirt for the I and other like names. rsvxt to these is an recovery of I nlHcer, whose business is of all others the most ''"^■''" ^5. necessary, and yet most ditlicult; namely, the exaction of I ))enalties from those who arc condemned, the recovery of I tines, and the charge of the persons of prisoners. This ollit c I is very dilHcult, on account of the odium attending it, so tlwit I no otie will engage in it uidess it is made very protitable, nor, I if he does, will he be willing to execute it according to law ; but it.is most necessary, as it is of no service to pass judgment in any cause, excei)t that judgment is carried into execution ; for if human society cannot subsist without actions at law, it certainly cannot exist without the inlliction of penalties. Fortius reason it is best that this otlicc should not be executed hy one person, but by some of the magistrates of other courts. Q 2 i I 228 Aristotle's tolitics. [book \i. Ill like manner, emloavour should be made tliat the levying x)l' lines which are ordered by the judges, shall be divided amongst ditfeivnt persons. And further, that ditferent magis- trates shall judge ditl'erent causes; new judges trying novt'l matters in preference ; and as to those which are ahvady ruled, let one person pass sentence, and another see it executed ; as, for instance, let the curators of the public buildings execute the sentence which the inspectors of tlie markets have j)assc(l, and conversely in other cases ; for in proportion as less odium attends those who carry the laws into execution, by so mucli the easier will they gain their proper end. Tlicrcfore for tht* same persons to pass the sentence and to execute; it, will sub- ject them to double hatred; and if the same judges pass sen- tence in all ca^es, they will be considere«l as tlie enemies ot' all. And in many places a ditferent magistrate has custody of the prisoner, while another sees execution done upon him; as the eleven at Athens : for whicii reason it is prudent to se- parate these olhces, and to seek out a i)lca for arranging this matter. ' For it is no less than any matter of care already mentioned; for it so happens that men of character will de- cline acci'pting this oUice, and wi>rtldess ju-rsons cannot pro- perly bo intrusted with it, as being themselves rather in want of a guard, ratlier than (lualified to guard others. This, there- fore, ouglit by no means to be a separate ollice fnun others; nor should it be permanently allotted to any individuals, hut to tlie young men ; and where tliere is a band of young men or a city guard, the youtlis ought in turns to take tliese otUees upon them. These, then, as the most necessary magistrates, ought to be first njcntioned ; next to these are otliers no le?s necessary, but of nuich higher rank, for they ought to be men of great skill and tidelity. Such would be those n.i-aty*°' magistrates which have the guard of tlie city, ami ])rovi(le every thing necessary for war ; whose bu- siness it is, both in war ami peaee, to defend tlie walls and gates, and to take care to muster and marshal the citi/t.-ns. Over all these there are sometimes more ollieers, some- oinml?^ times fewer; thus, in little cities there is one su- j)reme ov(!r all, whom they call either general or polemarch ; but where there are horse and light-armed troop*, and bowmen, and sailors, they somi'times plae«' over each ul' these distinct connnanders, called navarchs, hipparchs, and (HAP. Mil.] MAniSTIIACIES OF TlIK HI«.HI-.>T (>I!I»I W. 229 ta\inr<'hs ; who iijrnin hiive otlicrs uiidor tliciii, as triornrclis, loclm^li. ami |)liylarclis, acconlincr to their diflrrcnt divisions; ;ill ot" which Join tourcthcr to make one bo soinf of tli(> nia^^iMtintcs, if not all, have ltnsin(>sM with the public money, it is necessary that there should be other ollicers, whose employment shall he nothing: else than to take an account of what they have, and to correct any misnianajrement therein ; and these they call auditors, or lojiistir, or inquisitors, or scrutineers. r»ut, hesides all these niajristrates, there is one who is Uii 1 r. 1 • 1 • Tlic premier, jein nil, who very often has in his own ])ower the disposal both of the i)ublic revenue and taxes; wlio presides over the people, when the supreme power is in them ; for the magistrate who has a power to summon them together, must be suj)reme head of the state. These are sometimes called i)robuli, because they preadvisc ; , hut, where there are many, they are more proper- ly called a council. These are nearly all the civil magistrates which are recjuisitc to a government : but there arc other per- .sons, whose business is coniined to religion ; as the . priests, and those who have to take care of the temples, that they are kept in proper repair, or, if they fall down, that they may be rebuilt ; and whatever else Ix-- leiigs to public worship. This charge is sometimes intrusted to one person, as in small cities ; in others it is delegated to iiumy, and these distinct from the priesthood, as the builders er kee))ers of holy places, and olFicers of the sacred revenue. Next to these are those who are appointed to have the general I care of all the public sacrifices, which the law does not intrust s to the priests, but which have their high rank as being ottered I on the common hearth of the city ; and some call them 5 archons, .some kings, and others again prytanes. To sum up i in few words the different magistracies which are ,. . I . , .'^ . , \arious others. I necessary in these matters, these are either con- .; corned with religion, with war, with taxes and expenditure, I with markets and public buildings, with harbours and high- ^ ways. Belonging to the courts of justice there are scribes, to I enrol private contracts ; and there must also be some to see I to executions, and guards over the prisoners ; there are also \ courts of iiuiuiry and scrutiny, to pass the magistrates' ac- \ counts ; and lastly, others to watch over the dclilx'rativc element 230 AR1ST0TLR*3 POLITICS. [bOOK VI. of the state.' But separate states which are peculiarly hap})y, and have leisure to attend to more minute particulars, and Supei Intend- are Very attentive to jrood order, require jiarti- entsoithe cular magistrates: such as tliose who liave tlie women . ,. i i , youths, and pjovernnu'ut ot the women, who are to see tlie cii.uuiii.n. jj^^Y.s ar(» executed ; who take the care of tlu^ boys, and preside over tlieir education. To these may be added, those who have tlie care of the gymnastic exercises, the the- atres, an«l every other public spectacle which there may hap- pen to be. Some of these however clearly do not concern the }>eoi)le at lar^e, as the governors of tlie women ; Ibr the poor are obliged to employ their wives and chiklren in servile oUices, lor want of slaves. IJut as there are three magistrates to whom some statt's intrust the supreme i)ow('r, namely, guardians of tlifi lawsZ-^pi-eadvisers,^ and senators; suit tlie Im-re guardians of the laws suit best to an aristocracy, forms (.fRo- prejulvisers to an oligarchy, and a senate to a de- mucracy. And thus mueh has been said by way of an outline concerning all magistrates. ' In this obstiuo ;uid ditUciilt passapt', in which Aristotle scenjs to al- tiiiiiiti; between lt)use ami li'chnicul Iciiiis, the cditur has t"ulh)Wfd the readiiiR nf Ikkki r, with the singU^ i-xi-eplion of lejc'cliufr the na't htdure the wolds ■^■^)VQ ti'Di'vaQ. Tliis he jiret'crs to the jjiojiosed rr-adiiip ot" (itieulinp;, icai frpuatvyvvai. In the earUrr part of the sentence Sdmeider. lullowr-d bv Corao's and Gocilling:, read anoXoymf^iDvij instead ot" IniXo- yi(T/j'Xo». These ollieers (iillies compares with the " lords of ar- ticles " 111 the old Scottish eonslitution. l-'or further remarks on the word, the rtiader will do well to refer to note on book iv. chap. 11. riiAi'. 1.] Tin: nr.sT mke. 231 BOOK VII.'— Ctiap. I. IIk wlio pro))oses to make the httinj; inquiry iis ^, to which iurm ot jrovernmcnt is the best, oiijzlit pibie lifctobe fir>t to (hMenninc wliat manner of living in nio^t [i^'J^'ll^tiHan eli;:ihle ;'^ ibr while tliis remains uncertain, it will aljjo he cfiually uncertain what povernment is best. For, un- less some unexpected accident interfere, it is ))robable that those who enjoy the best government, will live best according to existing circumstances ; he ought, therefore, first to come to some agreement as to the manner of life which, so to s])eak, is most desirahlo for all; and afterwards, whether this life is the same or difierent in the individual and the member of a ' Tlii>< and iho foUowinc h(K)k arc placed by Gillies ns the fourth and fifth. The lifiii and j-ixth books (called l)y him the seventh and eighth) are retranled by him ns supplemental to the rest, lie thus defends his rc- arrnncenietit of the treatisf, and traces the connexion bet\v( en its S( voral parts. " In tlie first l)Ook of his I'olitics, Aristotle examines the oriffin of 1 .xMtidy and po\crnment, the essential distinction of ranks in a common- I Wealth, and the best plans of political economy; In tlic second, he dt- I scribes ilie most admired schemes of policy, eidier delineated by philoso- 1 pliers or instituted by legislators. In the third, (of which a considerable il'arl is now lost,) lie exjdains the nature and ])rinciplcs of the various jrovcrnments existing in Cireecc and in the ancient world, whothrr repub- 1 licaii or monarchical ; bestowing just and liberal praise where praise 5 scrincd to be due; but declarinp himself not to be completely satisfied I Willi any thins that philosophrrs had devised, lepi>lators prescribed, or I that lime and cliancc had produced, he proceeds in tiiis fourth (commonly ] puMished as the seventh) book, to exhibit the result of his own reflections i c'inrerninc the preat question, vvhat form of povernmcnt is the best ? Thi«» \ prohlnn. he observes, cannot be solved abstractedly ; because government i beinp an arranpemenf, the best povernmenl must be the best arrangement, i^ and this must be that ft^m which the materials to be arranged are the best fitted to receive and to preserve." ' In order to tind what is nifitrwrorr; TroXcrtia, Aristotle considers first I the practical question on which it must depend, viz. what is aipfro'jrarof I /^tpc- In both the one and the other, that will be the best which is the best i under existing circumstaneea. Now in his Rhetoric, (book i. chap. 5,) to i which he here alludes as one of his exoteric treatises, Aristotle divides all I px'ds into, I. tSl iKToQ. 2. to. tv ry ooifiari. 3. ra h> ry 4/t'xp- Kach I and all of them, though they do not constitute happiness, are yet necessary I to its perfection, as every one but a fool will admit : the only difference } Will be concerning the proportion of each kind which is necessary. 232 akistotlk's politics. [book vii. state. Deeminj^ then that we have already sufficiently show n what sort of life is best, in our f)opular discourses on that subject, we must now make use of what we there said.' Cer- tainly no one ever called in question the pro- Three kinds of • / i» r *i T • • 1 *i r goods nicfs- priety ot one ot the divisions; namely, tliat as Karyforhap- there are three kinds of tliinK^ ffood for man, namely, what is external, what belon«:^s to the body, and to the soul, it is evident that all tliese nu^t conspire to make men truly happy. For no one would say tliat a man was happy who had nolliinjx (»f fortitude or temp«'rniiee, justieeor prudence, but was afraid of the Hies that Ih'W round him ; or who would abstain from nothing, if he chanced to be desirou« of meat or drink, or who would murder his dearest friend lor a fartliinj? ; or, in like manner, one who was in every j)articular as wantiuf; and mis;^'uided in his une who juvfer a life which enjoys tyrannic power, will also think that the city which has many others under its connnand is most happy : tlms, also, if any one approves a man for his vir- tue, he will think the most worthy city the happiest. But here „ there are two i)articulars which reti<.rmof ought to coiisidcr the best; whether the whole {,'o\erniMintf coimuunity should bo eligible to a share in the administration, or only the greater j)art, and some only. As this, therefore, is a subject of political examination and spe- culation, and not what concerns the individual, and as this is the view which we have at present chosen, the UefcrS*^'^ one of these would be foreign to our purpose,"^ but the other is proper to our present design. * The objeet of Plato in his HcjmbUe was to arrive at what is frood for the iiidiviilnal thr(Hi<;h the medium of what is ^ood for the slate; the method of Aristotle wuuld be as nearly as iiossiliie the converse of this. We do not, however, accurately know how far IMato all ahmg had in view a dilferent object, namely, to disi)rove the sophistical notion that liappiness and virtue depend mainly on keeping up the outward si-m- blanre of it. ' As not being strictly in accordance with the jiractical character of the present treatise. Still Aristotle enters into the (|uesti(tn as a ndpipyov. Since virtues are twofold, I. I'olitical or practical, 2. Theoretical or cmi- templative, is a political or contemplative life preferable ? 'I'he man who follows the latter kind of life objects to the politician, lliat his life is ciiAr. II.] Tin: iu:st form of r.ovr.uxMKNT. 235 Now it is cviiVnt tlint that ;i(>V('rnin('nt iini-t be the lif^t, \yh\r]\ ']< ti(t rst!il)lisli('(l tliiit. v\rvy one thcnin iiiiiy have it in liis li'.ucr t(» act most virtuously anl\v in itself, while it <'njoy.^ a ^ood gooli mu-mai sv.-tein of internal laws, though its constitution jLcniations it he not framed for war or conquest over its '''''''^' enemies ; for it would then have no occasion for these. It is evident therefore that all the business of war is to be eon- siilered as commendable, not as a final end, but as the means \ (»f proeurinij^ it. It is the duty of a good legis- I lator to examine carefully into his state, and the p,i?(Ud"a! activity is also wrong, for liMppiness consists in action,* and many noble ends are produced by tlie actions of the just and wise. From what we have ah-eady determined on this subject, some one probably may think, that supreme power is of all things best, for thus is a man enabled to perform very many useful services. So that he who can obtain this power ought not to give it up to another, but rather to seize it : and, lor this purpose, the father sliould have no attention or regard for liis son, or tlie son for ids father, or friend for friend ; f( r what is best is most eligibk' : but to be in pros])erity is tin best. What tiiese j>erson3 advance might probably be true, if tlie supreme good were certninly theirs who plunder and um violence to others. But it is most unlikely that it should be so ; for it is a mere false supposition : for it does not follow, tliat their actions are honourable who thus assume the suprciut power over others, unless they are by nature as superior u> them as a man to a woman, a father to a child, a master to ;. slave. So that he who so far forsakes the path of virtue can never return back so far as he has departed from it. For amongst eipials whatever is fair and just ought to be recipro- cal ; for this is equal and right ; but that ecpjals should not share with equals, or like with like, is contrary to nature ; aipl Who is If whatever is contrary to nature is not right. Ii. nature fittid therefore, there is any one superior to the re.^t oi t""ii<-'. the community in virtue and abilities for active life, him it is proper to follow, and him it is right to ohev . but he must have not virtue alone, but also the i)0wer accordin.' to which he may be capable of acting. If, then, we are riL'l' in what we have now said, it follows, that happiness co^^i^b in virtuous activity, and that with respect to the state. as well as to the individual, an active life is the best. No^ that an active life must necessarily refer to other persons,"* a- ' See book i. chaps. 5, 0, niid 7. * The two iinap;iiiiiry tlisputaiits conrorning virtue iiro evidt'iitly p;ut:\ rij;ht and partly \\rnn;;: iho ad\ocate of the coiitempjativu lift; is ri.sin^? that u lito of inm; tonlt'iiiplaiiou i.s bcUor than Id niK-ovc slaves; wroitif \\\ iiiia^Miiiiii; (as he wouKl seem to imagine) that all cii^\\ lA of necessity despotic in its nature. * It is nut true to assert that practical lifo needs to have reference l^ r\]\V. IV.] TFIK IIAITINKSS OF A STATF.. 239 some think, or that those studies alone are practical which arc pnrjiurd lor the sake of what result.^ train nctinfj. Jiut thi^ is much more true of tliosc self-dependent contemplations and discursive energies which subsist for their own sakes. For virtuous activity is their end, so that it is i„^|,„t,|,p something' practical ; nay, those ^vho contrive the happincMof a plan which others follow are more particiilarly ""*'*' ^""''•»^''- said to act, and are superior to the workmen who execute thi'ir designs. But it is not necessary that states which choose to liave no intercourse with others should remain in- active ; for the several members thereof may liave mutual in- tercourse with each other; and there are many opportunities tor this among the dilVerent citizens. The same thing is true ill like manner of every individual ; for, were it otlierwise, neither could the God nor the universe be perfect; but neither of these can have any external actions, over and above their own proper energies. Ilencc; it is evident that that very same life which is happy for each individual, is happy also for the state and for Qwry member of it. 1 CHAP. IV. Vs what has alr(>ady been said tinishes the pre- the ideal state. face of this subject, and as we have considiTcd at f^""''ti«"«io" «' larL'e the nature of all other states,' it now remains that I should tirst say what ought to be the form laid down I as that of the state which is in accordance with our idea ; for I no good state can exist without a proportionate supply of ; 'illicrs, or that the best ruh'oicti lead to some result beyond themselves ; \ tor the best arc complete in themselves, and look to no i'urther object. ; !?o also states, tliouph isolated, need not therefore be dTronicroi, because I Ihty have few or no external relations. The deity himself has none, and * yet lie is not withovit an object for his energies. — It must be remarked j Jiyrc that the Christian relicion, by unfolding liie dot trine of the Blessed I Trinity, shows us how God, though perfect in His own nature, linds an 5 "hject in Himself; and by the doctrine of the Atonement, has taught us i luriher still, that (iod has'an external object of His love in man. I ' Arisloilo here refers to the third book of iliis present treatise, where f lie uivcs the /or/;m/ cause of the best form of government, lie now I < jinsiihrs its material cause {U n'rwi'), the number of its citizens, its tcr- I ritory, etc. The practical character of his inquiry is marked by the -words \ iir)uv fiivToid^vvarov. 240 " Aristotle's politics. [book vil what 13 necessary. Many things therefore ought to be pre- viously laid down as objects desirable, but none of them such a»s are impossible ; I mean, relative to the number of citizens, and the extent of the territory. For as other artificers, such as the weaver and the shipwright, ought to have such ma- terials as are lit for their work, (since in proportion as they are better, by so mueh superior will tlie work itself necessarily be ;) so also ought the legislator and politician to endea- vour to procure proper materials for the business they have in hand. Now the first and principal instrument u!rp"S?ie!'''^ of tlie politician is the number of the people ; he should therefore know liow many and wiiat thcv naturally ought to be ; in like manner as to the country, how large and of what kind it ouglit to be. Most persons think, that it is necessary for a city to be large in order to be happy ;' but even should tliis be true, still they cannot tell what is a large one, and what a small one. For they estimate its great- ness according to the multitude of its inhabitants; but thev ought rather to look to its strength than to its luunbers. Fur a state has a certain object in vii'w, so that the state which i» most al)le in itself to accomplish tliis end, this we ought to consider the greatest ; as a person might say that llippocratis was a greater physician, though not a greater man, than one who was taller tlian him in person. Hut even it' cit'iLns."^*^*^ it were proper to determine the strength of the city from the number of its inhabitants, it shuuKl never be inferred from the nmltitude in general who may happen to be in it— (for in a city there must necessarily be many slaves, sojourners, and foreigners) — but from those who are really part of the state, and properly constitute the mem- bers of it. A multitude of these is indeed a }>roof that the city is large, but where a large number of mechanics dwell, and but few soldiers, such a state cannot be great ; for ;i great city and a populous one are not the same thing. Thl' too is evident from the fact that it is very diiUcult, if not in\[)o^- sible, properly to govern a very numerous body of men ; t^ : of all the states which appear well governed, we find not «ti,. ' The proper size of a city is to hu jiuIl'cJ by eoiisiderint; its to)' iianu'ly, the jiuiking its incini)(.'rs hai)py uuii indcpeiuk'nt, and wheUitr - is tilled to aecomphsh this cud. ( CHAP. IV.] SITR OF A STATE. 241 ] where tlic rl^^lits of a citizen arc laid open to the entire mnl- titiule.' And tliit* is also made evident by proof from the nature of the tiling ; for as law is a certain ordcT, „ ^,^^,,,^ ^^^ so^Mtod law is of course a certain iiood order ; hut '"' «"" lar^c too hir-e a multitude is incapalde of this. For ""'""'""'«": this is in vei-v trutli the pr(ro<:alive of that Divine Power which comprehends the universe. Not hut that, as (piantity and ^n-ea(in'ss are usually essential to beauty, the perfection ut' a city consists in its being bug^S if oidy consistent with that order already miMitioned. Hut still there is a determinate size I to all cities, as well as every thing else, whether animals, i plants, or machines ; ibr each of these have their ])roper I powers, if they are neither too little nor too large ; but when j lliey have not their due growth, or are badly constructed, — (as ! a ship a span long is not properly a ship, nor erne of two l\ir- 1 lungs length, but only when it is of a tit size; for either j from its smallness or from its largenc'Js, it will make all sail- 2 iiig hopt'loss ;) — so is it with a city. One that is too small has I not in itsrlf the power of stdf-d^fcnce, but this power is es- ^ >ential to a city : one that is too large is capable of self-defence I in what is necessary, in the same way as a nation, but then it ■| is not a city ; for it will be very ditlicult to find a form of go- I vcrnnient for it. For who would choose to be the gen«'ral of I sucIj an unwieldy multitude, or who could be their herald but a Stent(»r ? The first thing theretbre neces.-ary is, ' * »l 4 •• I II ' A. ' p a\ 1 , i 'Hit snrh as i tliat a City sliouhl consist ot tiie lowest numbers «iii maiiic the ? wiiich will be sullieient to enable the inhabitants j!'t'-'|'''-int; to I to live haj>pily in their political community. And ; it follows, that the more the inhabitants exceed that necessary i miinber, the greater will the city be. Uut, as we have already i ?ai(l, this must not be without bounds ; but what is the pro- .^ per limit of the exces.s,2 experience will easily show, and this i ' Tho evil arising from liavinp cities of too prcat a size is Ikto proved I in two ways : Isl, practically; no well ruled cities are over larcc '2nd, i from the naltire of the case; it is impossible for a city of excessive size to I l>o well and adequately superintended by human means; and when this I 1' the case, the city becomes out of all proportion. Like beauty, and liko i the plot of a poem,— (see Poetics, chap, vii.)— a city should be as larpc \ !is possible, consistently with beinp tvnOvoTrToc, and not so small as to. i lail ill beinp self-dependent (avrapKij^). ' The '6poQ Ti}Q vTTipfioXiig to be fixed with reference to the duo admi- nistralitm of justice in mailers of law, and to the fit distribution of ofRccs. R 242 " ARIST0TLE*8 POLITICS. [bOOK VII. experience is to bo collected from the actions both of the go- vernors and the governed. Now, as it belonp;s to the first to direct the inferior nuigistrates and to act as judges, it fol- lows that they can neither determine causes with justice, Lor issue their orders with propriety, without they know the cha- racters of their feliow-eitizens : so that whenever this happers to be impossible in these two particulars, the state must ct" necessity be badly managed ; for in botli of them it is unjust to determine too hastily, and without proper knowledge, which mu.publics, thai it is continually branded liy moralists as produeinp vile and versaiiit maimers, yOt) TruiKiXa Kai (pavXa, Plato de Lepp. sub. init. The surprisin: of (lelVnceless cities, the desolating of unpuarded coasts, attacks wiiluiut glory, and retreats without shame, were represented as oiJcnitions nut K^^ inconsisU'Ut with true courage, tlian incompatiblti with huuianity ar.d justice. See Isocrates, Orat. de I'ace, and IMatu de Lcgg. ubi supra. The ancient republics intrusted arms to those only who had a pro|>crt} to defend. Their soldiers were levied from the first classes, or privileges CHAr. VII.] CLIMATE AND DISPOSITION'. 245 coininaiKl at sen, arc frrcinen, ami upon these dcpenfls a naval enfrajii'iiiont. But when there are many of the surrounding iuhahitants ami husbaiulmen, there they will always have a number of sailors : as we now see happens to some states ; at Ileraelea, tor instance, where they man many triremes, though the extent of their city is mucii more easily measured than some others. And thus let it sulhce that we have determined concerning the country, the port, the city, the sea, and a maritime power: as to the number of the citizens, we have already said what the limit ought to be. CHAP. VII. • We now proceed to point out of what natural dis- position the citizens ouglit to be: but this siirely If^^iS".'"°" any one would easily perceive who casts his eye over those states of Greece which bear a hi^di repute, and in- dt'cd over all the habitable world, as it is divided among the nations. Those who live in cold countries,^ as the north of Europe, are full of courage, but wanting in understanding and in art; tiierefore they remain free for a long time; but, not being versed in the political science, they cannot reduce their nciglibours under their power. But the Asiatics, whose un- (li'r>tandings are quick, and who are conversant in the arts, are tlcfu'ient in counige ; and therefore they continue to be always conquered, and the slaves of others. But the Greeks, placed as it were between these two parts, thVorcciaii ° partake of the nature of both, so as to be at the states in this , respect. si\rae time both courageous and intellectual ; for orders, of socidy. But sailors were taken from the promiscuous crowj, . and troncrally from the meanest pop\ilaee. This practice, which prevailed equally in (J recce and Home, was fom)dcd on sound policy. The exer- ■ tions of sailors, being naturally directed apainst foreign enemies, are less j likely to prove dangerous to the internal stability of government." \ ((;illl.>s.) ] ' The remarks which Aristotle here oflFors, respecting the advantages \ cnjt.ycd by (ireece in comparison with the countries which lie far to the I north or to tlie soiuh of it, may be applied now, after a lapse of more tlian J 'ilHK) years, to the whole of Europe, except perhaps tlie very northernmost : parts. For some remarks on the advantageous influence of the temperate ^ zone in the formation of national character, the reader is referred to Pro- I fessor Heeren's First Essay on the Political History of Greece, and to « Thirhvall's History of Greece, vol. i. chap. I. ; 246 aristotlk's politics. [book vii. which reason Greece continues free, and governed in the best manner possible, and capable of commanding the whole world, could it be combined into one system of policy.* The races of the Greeks have the very same difference among them- selves : for part of them possess but one of these qualities, whereas in tlie other they are both happily blended together. Hence it is evident, that those persons ought to be both intel- ligent and courageous who will be readily obedient to a legis- lator, whose object is virtue. As to what some The military, p^^j.^^^^^ g.^^^ ^\^^^ tl,c military must be friendly towards those whom tiiey know, but severe towards those whom they knoY not, it is courage which makes any one lovely; for that is the faculty of tlie soul on account of which we most admire. As a proof of this, our resentment rises higher against our friends and ae(p»ainlance than against those whom we know not : for whieli reason Archilochus, properly accus- ing his friends, addresses the irascible part of his soul, ai\tl says, *' Art thou not strangled by these friends?" The spirit of freedom and command also is inherited by all who are ot" this disposition ; for couragi; is commanding and invincible. It also is not right for any one to say, that you should be severe to those you know not ; for this behaviour is proper for no one: nor are those who are of a noble disposition harsh in their manners, excepting oidy towards injurers ; and when they are particularly so, it is, as has been already said, against their friends, when they think they have injured them. Ami this is agreeable to reason : for when tliose who think t!iey ought to receive a favour from any one do not receive it. beside the injury done them, they consider what they arc deprived of. Hence the saying, " Crut-l tlic wars of brethren are;" ' *' Aristotle maintained in a former chapter that a commonwealth hud its limii.s in point of populou.sui'ss; and endi-avoured to point out with sul ficient aecnracy for all practical purposes wliat these limits were. In tht passage before as he says, yhix^ 'EWiivuiv ^vvdfitvop d^t\tn> irdi'Tui fiiag Tvyxavov TToXiniur, ' I'liat the (iroeks wuuld bo able to command all nuiiuns, if they had the same form of governnjent.' In fact, the ex- trenie ditlerencc in the forms of povernment in Greece, was the prca'. obstacle to their national uni(.>n in one political confederacy ; wliiih is t!u ihinR here intended by Aiiblolle; biuce, according to the principles abwM' explained, (Jrecco ^\.ls f.ir too populous to bu happily united in onecoiu- monwealth." (GiUics.) state, but are not parts of it. Cll.Vr. VIII.] THINGS NECKSSART. 247 und this, " Those wlio have greatly loved do greatly hate." And thus we Imvc nearly det(.'rniincd liow many the members of a state oiijrht to be, and what their natural disposition ; a^ nlx) liow liir<;e, and of what sort, their country eiiould be ; and I say *' nearly," because we ought not to require the sanie ncrnraey in matters of reasoning as in those which are the objects of the senses. CHAP. VIII. As in other naturally constituted bodies, tliose thinii^ are not admitted to be parts of them witii- ncresUry"tra out which tiie whole would not exist ; so also it is evident, that in a political state every thing tliat is necessary thereunto is not to be considered as a part of it, nor of any other conununity, from whence one genus is mad«\ For one tiling ought to be common and the same to the com- munity, whether they partake of it equally or imequally, as, for instance, food, land, or the like ; but when one thing is for the IxMiefit of one person, and another for the benefit of an- other, in tliis there is nothing like a community, excepting ; that one makes it and the other uses it. As, for instance, ; between any instrument emidoyed in making any work, and ; the workmt^n, as there is nothing conunon between the house \ and the builder, but the art of the builder is employed on the .: house. Thus property is necessary for states, but j property is no part of the state, though many T^ ^o-nt^ '^ '''" I species of it have life ; but a city is a community ' of etjuals, for the purpose of enjoying the best life possible. But happiness is the best: and this consists in the perfect practice of virtuous energies. As, therefore, some persons i, have great, others little or no share in this, it is evident, that i this is the cause of the difference which exists between the I different cities and communities there are to be found ; for i while each of these seeks after what is best by various and 1 dirtV-rent means, they give rise to different modes of living and j different forms of government. We are now to consider what I those things arc without which a city cannot possibly exist ; i for what wc call parts of the city must of necessity be inhe- I s I 248 Aristotle's politics. [book vii. ^. rent in it. And this we shall more plainly under- aary to a itate. Stand, H wc know the number ot things necessary 1. Food. to a city. First, the inhabitants must have food : 2. Arts. secondly, arts, for many instruments are necessarv 3. Arms. j^ jjj'^. . thirdly, arms, for it is necessary that the community should have an armed force within theniselves, both to support their government against the disatlected of tlam- selves, and also to defend it from those who seek to attack it 4 iievenue from witliout : fourthly, a Certain reveiHie, as Well for the internal necessities of the state, as for tlif 5. Religion. 1^^^^,^,.^^ q^' ^^,j^j. . lij'thly, and indeed chief of all, .6. Courts. i\^Q ^,.^lY^> Qf ti^y service of tlie gods: sixthly in order, but most necessary of all, a court to determine both civil and criminal causes. These things are matters whicli aru absolutely retpiired, so to speak, in every state ; for a city i< a number of people, not accidentally met together, but with a purpose of insuring to tliemselves sulhcient independency anJ self-protection ; and if any thing necessary for these purpoHs is wanting, it is impossible (hat in such a situation these eiul- can be obtained. It is necessary therefore that a city shuuM be composed with reference to these various trades ; for tlii> purpose a proper number of husbandmen are necessary to procure food ; as also artificers and soldiers, ami rich men, uiiil priests, and judges,' to determine what is necessary and U- nelicial. CIIAIMX. IlAVixa determined thus far, it remains that Svt g!"aJe\huse'* cousidcr wliethcr all ought to share these ditfereii: ' empioyiutnis, employments; (for it is ])ossil)le for the satoc or not I '•' ,^ , ,*, , .•/-_' persons always to bo husbandmen, artincet^, judges, or counsellors ;) or whether ditlerent persons ouglit tv; be appointed to each of those employments which we have already mentioned ; or whether some of them should be appro- priated to particular persons, and others conunon to all. But this does not take place in every state ; for, as we have already said, it is possible that all may be shared by all, or not by all. ' Under the term " juil>;cs," our author intends to lomprehcnd, n : merely those who take cognizance ot" matters of contention between inJ- viduals, but also those who are engaged in questions of public expediemy. dlAI'. IX.] TRADES AND AllTS. 249 Itut only by sonic ; and this makes one govcrnmnnt to difTcr from nnotlior: for in durnocrncics the wliolc romtnunity par- takes of every tliin;;, l)ut in oli;;areliics it is dilfercnt. Since wc arc in(iuirin;r what is the best ^o- verinnent i>ossihle, and as it is admitted to be that am "be for- in whieh the citizc^ns are liapny, and that, as \\c »>i'|'}en f^ the have an'ea> hen and now j vernnient to these two parties ; but not at tiie they may be •■ same time, but as nature directs ; what requires '^'""^"'*^'^- •: energy, to the young ; what requires practical wisdom, to the ; old. Thus each will be allotted the part for which they are S fit according to their different merits. It is also necessary I that the landed property should belong to these men ; for it j is necessary that the citizens should be rich, and these are the I ' In the best slate, happiness is the chief object. This cannot bo at- 5 laincd except by individual virtue. And virtue, according to Aristotle, 1 cannot belong to any one who leads a life of any servile kind, as such an . one can have no leisure for acquiring virtue. 250 AKlSTOTtE's POLITICS. [bOOK VII. men proper for citizens ; for no low mechanic ought to be admitted to the rights of a citizen, nor any other sort of people, whose employment is not productive of virtue. This is evident from our first principle ; for to be happy it is neces- sary to be virtuous ; and no one should say that a city is hap})y so long as he considers only one part of its citizens, but ho must look to the whole body. It is evident, therefore, that the landed property should belong to these, though it may be necessary for them to have for husbandmen, either shives, bar- _,. , , barians, or servants. There remains of the classes The order <>f ,. , , , , , , , priests to be ot the pcoplc already enumerated, OHO oiily, tliut distiiut. ^i* jjjg priests ; for these evidently compose a rank by themselves ; for the priests are by no means to be reckoned amonj2;st the husbandmen or the mechanics ; for it is fitting that the gods sliould be reverenced by the citizens. And sin e the citizens have been divided into two orders, namely, tlie military and tlie council, and since it is proper to oiler due worship -to tlie gods, and since it is necessary that those who are eniidoyed in tlieir service should have nothing else; to do, let those who are ripe in years be set aside for the business of the priesthood. We have now shown wliat is necessary to the existence of a city, and of what parts it consists ; and that husbandmen, mechanics, and the class of mercenary servants are necessary to a city ; but that the parts of it are the sol- diery and the councillors. Kaeh of these also is separated from the other; the one indeed always, but the other only in part. CHAP. X. It seems neither now nor very lately to have become known to tliose j)]iilosopherswMio have made polities their study, that a city ought to be divided by families into different orders of men ; and that the husbandmen and soldiers should be kept separate from each other; a custom which is even to this day preserved in Egypt and in Crete also ; Sesostris bavin;: founded it in Kgypt, ^linos in Crete. The common meals seem also to have been an ancient regulation, and to havo been established in Crete during the reign of ^Nlinos, and in a still more remote period in Italy. For it is said by those who are the best versed in the annals of the people who dwell CHAP. X.] ANCIENT ITALY. Er.Yl'T. 2.') I tl\crc, that one Italus was kin": of ilCnotria,' and that from liini the pcoj)le changed tlu'ir nanios, and wore called Italians instead of ^Knotrians, and that part of Europe was called Italy, which is hounded hy the Scylletic gulf on the one side, and the Lametic"^ on the other, the distance ])etwcen whicli is ahont half a day's journey. Now this Italus, as they relate, made husbandmen of the ^'Lnotrians, who were formerly Fhcpherds, and pave them other laws, and especially was the first who established the common meals ; for which reason some of his descendants still use them, and observe some of his laws. The Opici inhabit that part which lies towards the Tyrrhenian Sea, who both now are and formerly were called Ausonians. The Chaonians inhabited the part toward lapy- jria and the Ionian Sea, which is called the vSyrti^. These Chaonians were descended from the ^Enotrians. Hence arose the custom of connnon meals, but the separation of the citizens into ditfercnt families came from Ejiypt : for the reign of Sesostris is of much higher antiquity than that of Minos. As we ought to think that most other things were often found out in a long time, nay, times without number — (tor reason teaches us that want would make men first invent that which was necessary, and, when that was obtained, then those things which were requisite for the conveniencies and ornament of life) — so should we conclude the same with respect to a 'j political state. But every thing in Egypt is a proof of the great antiquity of these customs ; for the people of Egypt seem to he the most ancient of all others, and yet they have ac- quired laws and political order. We should therefore make a proper use of what is told us concerning states, and en- deavour to find out what others have omitted.^ We have ' Comp. Virg. JEn. i. 1. 530 : Est locus, Hesperiam Gri\ii cognoniine dicunt ; .'V.notri C(ihu*re viri, nunc fama minorcs Italiam dixissc, ducis dc nomine, genlcm. Upon the subject of the ^Enotrians, the reader will do well to consult the Icimipd remarks of Niehuhr in the first volume of his History of Home. ' Niehuhr, in his History of Rome (sub. init. ), calls this the " Napctic" pilf, not the " Lametic." Polybius also is said to mention the same part of the Mediterranean Sea under that name. * Aristotle here signifies his intention to fill up the deficiencies of others who have gone before him ; in allusion, perhaps, to his last work 252 Aristotle's politics. [book vii. The hubband- ^^^''^^^^J ^^'^^j ^^^^^ ^^^^ landed property ought to men a separate belong to the military and those who partake of °^'^"- the government of the state ; and that tlierefore the husbandmen should be a separate order of people ; and how large, and of wliat nature, the Country ought to be. We will therefore first treat of tlie division of tlie bind, and of the husbandmen, how many, and of what sort they ought to be ; since we by no means hold that property ouglit to he common, as some persons have said,^ but only V)y way of Iriend- ship it should be made common, so as to let no citizen want subsistence. As to common meals, it is in general agreed that tliey are proper in well-regulated cities ; but on account of what reasons we also approve of tliem shall be mentioned hereafter. They are things of which all the citizens ought to partake ; but it will not be easy for the poor, out of what is their own, to contribute as mucli as is enjoined, and to supply their own house Ijesides. The expense also of religious worship should be defrayed by the whole state. Of The land to be •' ,, ,. .11 i* 1.^1 r 'i 1 iiivukd into necessity theretore the land ought to be tUvided puiiiic and i,itQ j^^o parts, onc of which .should belong to the private. .» . ' , , , 1 • ," • 1 1 community in general, the other to the individuals separately. Each of these parts shouhl again be suhtli- vided into two: and half of that which belongs to the public shouhl be appropriated to maintain the worship of the gotls, the other half to support the common meals. Half of that w^hich of that wliicli beloiigs to the individuals should be is in private .^ the extremity of the country, the otiier lialf hands. , . •' , , • ' . , . near the city ; so that these two ])ortions being allotted to each person, all would partake of land in both places, which w^ould be both equal and right ; and induce them to act more in concert in any warwitli their neighbours. For when the land is not divided in this manner, one party neglects the inroads of the enemy on the borders, the otiier makes it a matter of too much consetpicnce, and more than is fair. For which reason, in some places there is a law, which forbids the inhabitants of the borders to have any vote in the upon the constitutions of tlie various states of Greece. His remark nhovo, to the ell'ect that most tiiiiiifs have been invented and have been stiti'ered to fall into disuse, will remind the reader of the wise saying uf Solomon, that there is '* nothing new under the sun." ' ilc alludes here to Tlato, de Itepubl. book v. See above note on p. 14. CIlAr. XI.] SITK OF A CITY. 258 council when they arc debating upon a war made nj^ainst tlieni, i\'^ their private interest niipjht prevent tlieir voting impartially. Thus, therefore, the country oup:ht to he divided, and tor the reasons before mentioned, lint those who arc to act as husbandmen, if clioicc be ti.i\'r!.iniii" allowed, should by all means be slaves, nor nil of *'"'"''' ^^ ''^p* •^ , . . f, , f^ ftrf.s. the same nation, nor men ot any spirit : for thus tiuy will ]>robal)ly hr industrious in their business, and safe from attempting: any novelties^ Next to these, barbarian servants are to be preferred, similar in natural disposition to those we have already mentioned. Of these, some who are to (niltivato the privat(> prop(Tty of the individual, should bidong to that indiviilual, and those who are to cultivate the pul)lic ter- ritory should belong to the public. In what manner th.esc slaves ought to be used, and for what reason it is veiy j)roper tJKit they should liave liberty held out to them as a reward for tlieir services, we will mention hereafter. CHAP. XL Wf, have already mentioned, that the city should communi- r;ite both with the continent and the sea, and with the adjoin- iii'j t(Tritory eciuallv, as much as possible. There _, .. .. , r 1 • .' 1-1 1 111 The situation iire these tour things ot which we should be par- oftiiecity ticularly desirous in the position of the city with '|;""^'n J.^,h respect to itself. In the first place, as to health, tii:hu\ to, *i r . *i • X' • I'll- Health. as the first thing necessary, rsow a city which fronts the east and receives the winds which blow from thence is est(>emed most healthful ; next to this a northern position is to be preferred, as best in winter. It should next be con- trived, that it may have a proper situation for the business of ;]:overnment, and for defence in war ; that in war the citizens may have easy access to it, but that it may be dithcult of access to the enemy, and hardly to be taken. In the next place, that there may be a suitable supply of water and rivers near at hand ; but if those cannot be found, very large and immense cisterns must be prepared to save rain water, so that there may be no want of it When cut otTfrom the country in time of ^var. And as great care should be taken of the health of the inhabitants, the first thing to be attended to is that the city should have a good situation and a good position ; the second 254 ^ AR1ST0TLE*8 POLITICS. [bC^OK VII. 19, that they may have good water to drink, and this must not be taken care of as a secondary matter. For what we chiefly and most frequently use for the support of tlie body, must principally contribute to its healtli ; and this is the intiuVnce which tlie air and water naturally have. For this reason, in all wise governments, the water ought to be appropriated to ditferent purposes if they are not equally good ; and, if there is not a plenty of ln)th kinds of water, that which is to driiik should be separated from that wliich is for other u^es. As to fortified places, what is suitaldc to some goveni- vosuSnf'^' °^ mtiits is not ecjually suited to all ; as, for instance, a lofty citadel is proper for a monarchy and an oligarchy, but a city built ujxtn a jdain suits a democracy; neither of these for an aristocracy, but rather many slroiiir places. As to the form of private houses, those are thouL'ht to be best, and most useful tor tln'ir dilferent purposes, wliiih are separate from each other, and l)uilt in the modt.'rn manmr, after the plan of llippodiimus. liut lor safety in tin>e of war, on the contrary, tlu-y shouM be built as tiiey formerly were; for they were such that strangers could not easily find their way out of them, and the method of access to them sucli as an enemy wlio assailed them could with dillieulty find. A city, theretore, should have botli these sorts of buildings ; and tliis may easily be' contrived, if any one will so regulate them a- the planters do their rows of vines ; not making the baildin^^- throughout the city detached, but only in some parts of it; for thus elegance and safety will be e(iually consulted. With respect to walls, those who say that a courageous neJlS*^" people ought not to have any, form their 'idea> from antiijuated notions ; particularly, as we may see those cities which pride themselves herein confuted hy facts. It is indeed disreputable for those who are equal, or nearly e(iual, to the en<'my, to endeavour to save themselves by taking refuge within their walls ; but since it is possible, and very often happens, that those who make the attack arc too powerful for the courage of those few who oppose them to resist, if they would be saved, and nut encounter much sutVer- ing and insolence, it must be th(jught the part of a good soldier to make the fortilication of the walls such as to give the best protection, more especially since so many missile weapons ami machines have been ingeniously invented to besiege cities. In- (MTAr. XII.] iu:iLDi\(;s of the city. 2.55 (k'L'd to nrglcTt purroundiii^ a city with a wall would 1»o '•imilar to choosing a country which is easy of access to an cni'rnv, or levelling the eminences of it ; or as though an individujil shOuUl not have a wall to his house, as if those who dwidt in it wire likely to ho cowards. Nor should this ho left out of our ac- count, that those who have a city surrounded with walls, may act hoth ways, cither as if it had, or as if it had not ; hut where it lias not, they cannot do this. If this he true, not only is it necessary to have walls, but care must be taken that they may be a ])roper ornament to the city, as W(dl ns a de- fence in time of war, not only according to the old methods, but also according to modern improvements. For as those wlio make otfensive war seek by what means they can gain advantages over their adversaries, so for those who are upon tli(^ defensive, some means have been already found out, and others they ought scientifically to devise, in order to defend themselves ; for people seldom attempt to attack those who arc well prepared. CHAP. XII. And as it is necessary that the citizens in general should eat at piiblic tables, and as it is necessary fife nlmpam tliat tlic walls should have bulwarks and towers at proper distances, it is evident that the nature of the case demands that they prepare some of the public tables in tiio towers. And these indeed any one could arrange lor this purpose ornamentally, liut the temples for public worship, and the hall for the public tables of the chief magistrates, ought to be built in pro]>er places, and con- tiguous, except those temples which the law or the oracle from the god orders to be separate from all other buildings. And the site of these should be so conspicuous, that they may have an eminence which will give them the advantage of distinc- tion, and this, too, near that part of the city which is best for- tified. Adioining to this place there ought to be a large 'square, like that which they. call in f^JXVobk? Thossaly the square of freedom, in which nothing i> permitted to be bought or sold ; into which no low mechanic or husbandman, or any such person, should be permitted to '-, enter, unless commanded by the magistrates. It oymnMtic ex- will also be an ornament to this place, if the gym- ercise^. 256 " Aristotle's politics. [book vii. nastic exercises of the elders are performed in it. For it is proper that for the performance of these exercises the citizens should be divided into distinct classes, according to their age«i, and that the young persons should luive proper othcers to be with them, and that the seniors should be with the magistrates ; for the presence of the magistrates before their eyes wouM greatly inspire true modesty and ingenuous fear. for"tli'de.^''"*'^^ There ought to be another square separate iVoiii this, for buying and selling, wliich shouM be su situated as to be connnotlious for the reception of goods both by sea and by land. As the citizens may be (livi(U'd into nui- gistrates ami priests, it is proper that the pul)lic tables of tiie priests sliould be in buildings near the temph'S. Tliose of tiie magistrates who preside over contracts, indictments, and such lilve, and also over the markets and the public streets, should be near the square, or some public way, 1 mean the square wiiere tilings are bought and sold ; for we intend the other for those who are at leisure, and this for neec ssary busine.-s. The same order which I have diii'Cted here, should It'coZiy.'^' I'o observed also in the country; for theiv als.» their magistrates, such as the surveyors of the woods, and overseers of the grounds, must necessarily have their common tables and their towers, lor the purpose of pro- tection against an enemy. There (aight also to be temples erected at proper [)laces, both to the gods and the herois. liut it is unnecessary to tlwell longer and most minutely on these particulars ; i\)v it is by no means ditlicult to plan these things, but it is rather so to carry them into execution ; for the theory is the child of our wishes, but the practical part must di'pcnd upon fortune ; for which reason let us di?miss the nuitter without saying any thing further upon such sub- jects. CHAP. XIII. Box concerning the state itself, we nnist say of ^_he popula- ^^j^^^ numbers and of what sort of people it ought to consist, tiiat the state may be happy and w«ll administered. As there are two particulars on which tlu perfection of every thing depends, one of these is, that tl.t object and end of the actions proposed should be proper; cii.vr. xiii.] HArriNP:s3. 237 the oIIht, to find tlic coursci^ of qondurt wliicli Irnd to that (.'lid. For it may liappon that i\\Q« tiiey may liave all tlic proper means in tlK'ir power, but tliey Ijave proposed to tliemselves a bad end ; and sometimes they may mistake in both : as in the art of medicine, physicians sometimes do not know in wliat con- dition the body ought to be, in order to be heal*hy ; and sometimes they do not hit well upon the means which are productive of their intended aim. In every art and science, therefore, we should be master of this knowledge, namely, as to the proper end, and as to the means of obtaining it. Now it is evident that all ])ersons aro desirous to live well, and be happy ; but that some have the means of so doing in their own power, others not ; and this cither through nature or fortune. For much external assistance is necessary to a happy life ; but less to those who are of a good, than to those who are of a bad, disposition. There are others who, though they have the means of happiness in their own power, do not rightly seek for it. But since our proposed object is to inquire what government is best, namely, that by which a state may be best administeretl, and that state would seem best administered where the peo[)le are the happiest, it is evident that the nature of happiness is a thing which J^.g, ■j^'^^^*" oiigiit not to escape us. Now, we have already said in our treatise on Ethics,* (if there be any use in what we there said,) that happiness consists in the energy and per- fect practice of virtue, ^ and this not relatively, but simply. I mean by relatively, what is necessary in some certain circum- stances ; by simply, what is good in itself. Of the first sort are just punishments and restraints in a just cause; for they arise from virtue, and are necessary, and on that account aro virtuous : (though it is more desirable, that neither any state or any individual should stand in need of such things :) but ' Aristotle's reference is to Ethic. Nicom. book i. chap. 7. . ' If the excellence of the stale depends on the attainment of happiness by the citizens who arc its members, we must then know wliat happiness is. Now it is delined elsewhere as hfpytia tear* (ipfrt'iv Tf\(iai> : and those words clearly imply and suppose some extermil advantafies. Many consequently suppose that these external things constitute happiness. 2o8 * ^ Aristotle's politics. [book vii. those actions which are directed to procure either lionours or wealth are simply best. For the one are eligible as tendin;: to remove an evil: these actions, on the contrary, are the foundation and means of protlucing relative good. A worthv man indeed will bear poverty, disease, and other isnecmary, * Unfortunate accitlcnts, with a noble mind, bui aiui how far han])iness consists in the contrary to these. Now external goods. » ^ i i i . , . "^ we liave already determined in our treatise on Ethics,* that he is a man of worth who considers what i« g(}od because it is virtuous, as what is simply jiood : it is evi- dent, tlierefore, that the using these tilings in such a maniu ; must be worthy and simply g(j()d. Tliis has led some })e^^(»!i^ to conclude that the cause of happiness was external good? . which would be as if any one should attribute to the lyi. itself a brilliant and noble performance, and not to the ar: itself. It necessarily follows from what has been said, tl:;. some things should be ready at hand and others i)rocured I;. the legislator: for which reason, we earnt'stly wish that ti. constitution of the state may have those things which ar; under the dominion of fortune — (for over some things Wc admit her to be su{)reme) ; — but for a state to be worthy and great is not the work of fortune only, but of knowledge an; deliberate choice as well. But for a state to be worthy, it i- necessary that those citizens who are in the administratis, should be worthy also: but in our city every citizen ha< . share in the state. And so we must consider liow a man iu:r. become wortiiy. For if the wliole body could become worth;, and not some individuals only, it would be more desirable; K then it would follow, that wiiat might be done by one, luigl be done by all.'^ Men are worthy and good i- nature, iiubit, three ways; and these are, by nature, by ciist' and riason on i^y reason. Ill the first place, each one ou«'lii be born a man, and not any other animal ; tl^ to say, he ought to be of a particular disposition both in l^ and soul. But as to some things, it avails not to be born >Yit. ' Aristotle refers here to the Nicom. Elliics, book ii. chap. iv. ' It is better lor the statt; tiiut its citizens slioiild jjosscss these ^.: in their iiulividual, than in their collective, capacity. For upon '• possession individually it will soon follow that they will be in the , session of all. A somewhat sinjilar form of exiiression occurs in T! dides, (ii. 6l),) in the speech of I'erieles, who speaks of the conditio: city, KaO' tKaaroi' riov ttoXitCji' tiTrnayovaai', dOnuav ci (T^aXXo/ifc» 'y » HAT. XIV.] EnUCATIOV. 2o0 tlicni, lor ciij*tom makes great alterations : lor tliore are some things in nature capable of alteration cither way, and wliieli arc lixctl by ciHtoni, either for the better or the worse. Now, otluT animals live chiefly a life of men; nature, and in very lew thiiij;s aceordinj; to custom ; but man lives accordin;i to reason also, with which he alone is (Widowed ; wherefore he ought to make all these accord with each other: for if they arc persuaded that it is best to follow some other way, men oftentimes act contrary to nature and custom. AVhat men ought naturally to be, in order to make good su})ject3 in a legislative community, wo have already determined ; the rest of this discourse, therefore, shall be upon educa- tion : for some things men learn by habit, others Jf^eXcation?*' hy hearing them. CHAP. XIV. As every political community consists of those wlio govern and those who arc governed, wc must next consider whether both the rulers and the ruled ouu'ht to be the same persons for life, or dif- . i' ' p . . • 1 1 I 1 P 1 '^ previous tcrent ; tor it is evident that the mode or educa- question : tion should follow in accordance with this distinc- JJJf.'Ji ^Jfd ,he tion. Now, if one man ditVered from another as ruled always to much as wc believe the gods and heroes differ from men, in the first place being fur their superiors in the body, and secondly in the soul, so that the superiority of the governors over the governed might be evident beyond a doubt, it is certain, that it would be better for the one always to govern, the other always to be governed.* But, as this is not easy to obtain, and as kings are not so superior to those they govern as Scylax informs us they are in India, it is evi- desirous of innovation, will apply themselves to such persoii? as are under the government of the rest ; but it is impossil! that the number of individuals in a state will be so great ast get the better of all these. But that the governors ou^^lit i excel the governed is beyond a doubt ; the legislator thert • fore ought to consider, how this shall be, and how it may I contrived that all shall have their equal share in the adniini- To some ex- tratiou. Now witli respect to this point we ha\ tint, but nut already spokeu. For nature herself has direeti: ^' us in our ciioice, laying down the self-same di*- tinction, when she has made sonie young, others old ; the fir« of whom it becomes to obey, the latter to eonnnaml. For i one when he is young is olVcnded at his being under govn; ment, or thinks himself too good for it ; more especially wl. he considers fliat he himself shall receive the same tribute, wh.. he shall arrive at a proper age. In some respects it nii.- bc acknowledged that tlie governors and the governed :;. the same, in others tliey are dilferent ; it is tlic:. Consequently ,. ' , , . , . i i i , tiie education lore ucccssary that tlu-ir education should he ciVsses'wiii be somc res})ect the same, in others dilferent: j;. partly the same as they say that he who will be a good govern ami uartly not. i ^ i- !. ^ i ^ \ x" i- ought lirst to learn to obey. ^«ow, ot g*»M: ments, as we have already said, some are instituted i'ui sake of him who commands, others for him who obey^: the lirst sort is that of the master over the servant ; of i latter, that of freemen over each other. Now, some thii which are cumnumded differ from others, not in the busiiK but in the end proposed thereby : for which reason nui works, even of a servile nature, are not disgraceful for you freemen to perform ; for many things which are orderc.l be done are not honourable or dishonourable so much in th own nature as in the end proposed, and in the reason wliich they arc undertaken. Since, then, we have determi that the virtue of a good citizen and good governor i- same as of a good man, and that every one before he ' mands should iiave first obeyed, it is the business of the 1> CHAr. XIV.] KDUCATION OF TIIK roi.iTiriAN. 2G1 latnr to consider liow his citizens may be ;^oorl inVn, what eilneation is necessary to tliat purpose, nmvinrc"of Ma- nivl what is tlic ultimate object, of tlie best-spent 'I'cisi.itor. and htV'.' Now tlie soul of man may be divided into two parts ;^ tliat whicli has reason itself, and that whirh has not, hut is capable of obeyinp; its dictates : and according to the virtues of these two parts a man is said to be pood, liut in wl\ioh of these the end subsists, will not be difficult f(»r those to determine who adopt the division which we liavc already rrivcn ; for the inferior always exists for the sakeof the superior ; and this is ecpially evident both in the works of art, as avcII as in those of nature ; but that is superior which hits reason. Kcason itself also is divided into two parts, in the manner we n5u;\lly divide it, namely, the theoretic and the practical ; whicii division therefore seems necessary for this part also. The same analogy holds j^ood with respect to actions ; of which those which are of a superior nature ought always to be chosen by those who have it in their power; for that is always most eligible to every one, which is the highest attainable end. Now life is divided into labour and rest, war and peace ; and of what we do, the objects are partly necessary and usefid, partly noble : and we should give the same preference to these, that we do to the dilferent parts of the soul, and its uotioTis : as war to procure peace ; labour for the sake of rest ; and {ho useful for tlie noble. The politician, there- j,,p poimcian fore, who composes a body of laws, ought to ex- ou^ht tobe , tend his legislation to every thing, the ditTercnt i^il S The *^w hole ' parts of the soul, and their actions; more par- natun- of man. I ticuliirly to those things which are of a superior nature, and ; ''nds; and, in the same manner, to the lives of men, and \ their ditTercnt actions. They ought to be fitted both for j ' Tho connoxion is as follows. '• Since (ho virtue of the best ruler is. .' to some vxU'ul nt least, the same as Ihiit of tho best subject, we must sre \ nh;ii coijrsL' of instruction will tend to make him cood. Now as ilit- soul i is divide i| into two parts, the irrational and the rational, the latter is su- 1 perinr ; anfl this is apain divided into two parts, the theoretic and the prac- ', lical. of which the latter is inferior to the former, and consequent Iv must be ': m;ulo Hiibservicnt to it. So also nnxoMn must contribute towards ff\^o\^, ^ and w.ir towards peace. Tliis is the right principle to be kept in view in ■ tho education of the younjr, but it is neglected in almost all states." ' For this two-fold division of the soul, the reader must refer to Aris- totle's Nicom. Ethics, book i. chap. 13. 262 Aristotle's politics. [book mi Education labouF and war, but rather for rest and peace should tend and also to do what is necessary and useful, bu: asweii^'what Still morc what is noble. It is to those object- is useful. <;}iat the education of the children ought to tend and that of all those ages which require education. Bu. those of the Grecian states which now seem best governoti sind the legislators who founded those states, appear not ! have framed their polity with a view to the best end, nor i every virtue, in their laws and education ; but meanly to 1ki\ attended to those which are useful and productive of gai; And nearly of the same opinion with these are some perscf. , , who have written lately; for, by praisiiiir tl the Spartan Lacediemonian state, they show that they apprvi\ coMstituiion. ^^' ^jj^. intention of the legislator in making w.. and victory the end of his government.' But that this is cui. trary to reason, is easily proved by argument, and has alreail. been proved by facts. But as tlie generality of men desire ! have command over the many, because thus they have eve: thing desirable in the greater abundance ; so Thibron a: each of those others who have written on the state of L:u daemon seem to aj>prove of their legislator, for having pi cured them an extensive command, by inuring tliem to . sorts of dangers. And yet it is evident, since the Laced.; monians no longer have the supreme power, that neitiier a: they happy, nor was tiieir legislator wise. This also is ri culous, tliat while they preserved an obedience to his hiv and no one opposed their being governed by them, they lu. thrown away tlio means of living honourably. But th people understand not rightly what sort of government it which the legislator ought to hold in esteem ; tor a go\e. ment of freemen is nobler than despotic power, and ni- consonant to virtue. Moreover, neither should a ciiy thought happy, nor should a legislator be commended on \ account, because he has trained the peoi)le so as to overpov- their neighbours. For in this there is a great inconveni* n since it is evident, that upon this principle every citizen ^ can, must endeavour to procure the supreme power in his. ' Upon the merits and demerits of the Spartan con^*tituti(>n, ili.- rt will do well to be:>tuw a very careful attention t)n the inimort.il w^tK the great historian and apologist of the Dorians, Miiller ; especuiUy ^ ii. chaps. 1, 0, 7, and 8. cn\r. XV.] n- ACE the end of wau. 2(]3 city; and thi^ is the crime of wliich the Lared.Tmonians accuse rausanms thon^rh lie enjoyed aiicli preat honours. But no part of such reasoning and such laws is either political' or useful, or true: but a lcp:islator ou-ht to instil into the minds of njen those laws which are most useful for them both in their public and private capacities. As * to tniininn: a people for war, this ought to bo the larTik^trl*" care of a legislator, not in order that they may '"«• enslave their inferiors, but that they mny not themselves be reduce.l to slavery by others. In the next place, he should take care, that they seek to take the lead for the benefit of those who are under them, and not to exercise a despotism over all. In the third j)lace, that those only are slaves who are fit to be only so. Reason indeed concurs with experience in showing, that all the attention which the legislator pays to the business of war, nnd all other rules which he lays down, should have for their object rest and peace. Since most of such states as the above are i)reserved by war ; but, as soon as they have acciuired a supreme power over those around tlicin, are ruined. For during pence, like a sword, they lose their brightness : the fault of which lies in the legislator, who never taught them how to be at rest. CHiU'. XV. As there seems to bo the same end common to a man both as an individual and a citizen, and as of Trfenrto suteS necessity a good man and a good citizen must have *? ^° »ndividu- the same object in view ; it is evident that all the virtues which lead to rest arc necessary ; for, as we have often said, the end of war is peace, and of labour, rest. But both those virtues whose object is rest, and those also whose object is labour, are necessary for a liberal life and rest; for we want a supply of many necessary things, in order that we may be at rest. A city therefore ought to be temperate, brave, and patient ; for, according to the proverb, *' Rest is not for slaves;" but those who cannot bravely face danger are the slaves of those who attack them. Bravery, therefore, and patience are necessary for labour, philosophy for rest, and temperance and justice at both times; but these chiefly in 264 Aristotle's tolitics. [book vii. time of peace and rest. For war obliges men to be just and temperate, but the enjoyment ot* pleasure and i>eaceful repose is more apt to produce insolence. Tlioso indeed who are easy in their circumstances, and enjoy every thing that can make them happy, liavo great occasion for the virtues of temperance and justice. Thus, if there are, as the poets tell us, any in- habitants in the Happy Isles, to these a higher degree of plii- losophy, temperance, and justice will be necessary, as tht v live at their ease, in the full plenty of all such pleasures. It is evident therefore, that a share of these virtues tu^eTthere^fore IS ncccssary iu every state that would be h:i]){)y superior lo Qp ^vortliy ; for he who is worthless can ul-mt warlike ones, . J * ,.,, , , enjoy reul good, much less is he qualified to be at rest ; but can appear good only by labour and being at war, but while at peace and at rest, the meanest of men. And i\>Y this reason virtue should not be cultivated as among the La- cedirmonians ; for they do not differ from others in consideritii: different tilings from others as tlie cliiefest good, but in ima- gining that this good is to be procured by one particular virtue. But since these are greater goods, hence it is evident that tin enjoyment of these is greater than that of those virtues, and that it is so for its own sake ; but how and by what meaii' this is to be efiected, nmst now be scientifically consideivi. time. And moreover with respect to the succession of ti. children, if they have them at the time wliich njay reason:\M be expected, they will be just arriving at perfect manhood wlu their parents are sinking down under the load of seventy yeai- Thus much tlien we have said as to the time which is prc-j): for marriage ; but moreover a propter season > of theVear!°" ^^*^' V^^^' should bo observed, as many persons r now, appropriating the winter for this muti« < The married couple ought also to regard the precepts of pli\ sicians and naturalists, for physicians speak sulliciently as ; the periods of the year which suit tlie body, and j)]iilosoplu : praise tlie northern rather than the southern winds, both whom have treated on the procreation of children. As what is the fit disposition of body for the children wl.i are to be born, we will now set aside the (juestion, as it w better suit to speak of it when we treat of the education children ; but it is enough to draw out a slight sketch at pr sent. Now, the habit of body belonging u of tV'cToiiy?" wrestler is not suited to political life, nor to lical. nor to tl»e procreation of children ; nor is an int'ii habit or too much dispirited by misfortunes, but one betwt CHAP. XVI.] rOPUI.ATlON. 267 botli of these. Tlie man ought to liavc ft liabit of labour, but not of too violent labour ; nor should that bo confinod to one ob- joi't only, as that of a wrestler ; but to such things as are jjfojx'r for freemen. These things are equally neeessary both i(tr niiMi and women. It is right also that women with child sihould take care of their bodily health, not living without ex- ercise, nor using too spare a diet ; and this it will be easy for the legislator to elVect, if he commands them once every day to repair to the regular worship of the gods who are honoured as presiding over matrimony. But, contrary to what is pro- per for the body, the ndnd ought to Ik? kept as tranquil as possible ; for as i)lants partake of the nature of the soil, so do children receive much of the disposition of the mother. "NVith respect to the exposing or bringing up of children, let it be a l;\w, that nothing imperfect or maimed shall be brought up ; but to avoid an excess of population, let some law be laid down, if it be not permitted by the customs pS'^ ° P**' and habits of the ])eople, that any of the children born shall be exposed ; for a limit must be fixed to the po- pulation of the state. But if any parents have more chil- dren than the number prescribed, before life and sensation bf^iins, an abortion must be brought about ; for what is right and contrary to right in such a case is determined by sensation and life. And as the proper time has been pointed out for a man and a woman to enter into the mar- ring*; state, so also let us determine how long it is advan- tnircous for the community that they should continue to beget cliildren ; for as the children of those who are too young are imperfect both in body and mind, so also those whose parents are t(to old are weak in both. While therefore the intellect continues in perfection, which (as some poets say, who reckon the different periods of life by sevens) is up to fifty years, or four or five more, the children may be equally perfect ; but when the parents are past that age, it is better they should abstain from sexual intercourse, openly at least ; but after that time intercourse should be continued only for the sake of health or some other cause. VV^ith respect to any connexion Wtween a man and a woman, when either of the parties are Ixtrothed, let it bo held in utter detestation on any pretext whatsoever ; but should any one be proved guilty of such a 268 Aristotle's politics. [book \ . thing after the marriajije is consummatecl, let his infamy be l great as his guilt deserves.' CHAP. XVII. The rearing of BuT when a ehild is born, it must be suppose children. ^|j^^ ^]^q strenfTtli of its body will depend great! 1. Bodily. upon the quality of its food. Now whoever wis examine into the nature of animals, and also observe tho.v people who are very di'sirous their children should acquire :. warlike habit, will find that they feed them chiefly with abundance of milk, as being best accommodated to their bodiov but without wine, to prevent any distempers. Those moiiui;- also which are natural to their age are very serviceable ; an . to prevent any of their limbs from being crooked, on accour.: of their extreme ductility, some people even now use purti cular machines in order tliat their bodies may not be distorted It is iiho useful to inure them to the cold when tliey arc vcr\ little ; for this is very serviceable for their health, and also uio> useful for the business of war. For this reason it is cus- tomary with many of the barbarians to dip their children i rivers, when tiie water is cold ; with others, to clothe tin very slightly, as among the Celts ; for whatever it is ])ossil»k' ; accustom children to, it is best to accustom them to it from tl; first, but to do it by degrees. Besides, children have naturall a habit of loving the cold, on account of their natural heat Tiie earliest age, then, ought to be regarded with such an similar attention. During the next period to this, which coi: tinues till the child is five years old, it is best to teach hii nothing at all, not even necessary labour, lest it should hinil^ his growth ; but he should be accustomed to use so nuich mufio. as to avoid an indolent habit of body ; and this he will acquire I various means, and among others by play ; his play also oiii:'. to be neither illiberal, nor too laborious, nor lazy. Their ii I Mental veruors and preceptors also should take care wli;. sort of tales and stories it maybe proper for tiiei to hear ; for all these ought to pave the way for their fuiu: ' To this chapter Aristotle refers by anticipation in book ii. chap. 1 where he says, "whether he (Minos) in this did well or ill, we shall ha' another opportunity of considering." CIlAr. XVII.] EAULY EDUCATION. 269 instruction ; for wliich reason the generality of their play should be imitations of what they afe afterwards to do seri- ously. They too do wrong who forbid bylaws the disputes and little troubles between boys, for they contribute to in- crease their growth. For they act as a sort of exercise to the body, and the struggles of the heart, and the compression of the spirits, give strength to those who labour, which Iiapi)en3 to boys in their disputes. The preceptors also ought to have an eye upon their manner of life, and those with whom they converse ; and to take care that they are as little as possible in tiic company of slaves. At this time and till „ . . , i J .... , , Home training. they are seven years old, it is necessary that they sliould be educated at home. It is also very pro- Every thinRin- . , , , 1 • 1 • 1 • 1 oictnl to be per to banish, both trom their hearing and sight, kept from every thing which is illiberal and the like. In- ^'"'^""• (Iced it is as much the business of the legislator, as any thing else, to banish every indecent ex|)ression out of the state ; ibr from a permission to speak whatever is shameful, very quickly arises the doing it, and this particularly with young people. For which reason let them never speak nor hear any such thing ; but if it appears that any freeman has done or said any thing that is forbitlden, before he is of age to be thought lit to j)artake of the common meals, let him be punished by disgrace and stripes ; but if a person above that age does so, let him be treated as you would a slave, on account of his biing infamous. Since we forbid his speaking every thing which is forbidden, it is necessary that he neither see obscene stories or pictures ; ' the magistrates therefore are to take care, that there arc no statues or pictures of any thing of this na- ture, except only to those gods to whom the law jurmits them, and to which the law allows persons of a certain age to pay their devotions, for themselves, their wives, and children. It should also be forbidden by law for young persons ^.^ to be present either at Iambics or comedies, before they are arrived at that age when they are allowed to partake of the pleasures of the table ; indeed a good education will preserve them from drunkenness and from all the evils which attend on these things. We have at present just cursorily ' Compare Juv. Sat. xiv. 1. 44 : *' Nil diciu fcedum visuvo ca limina tangat Intra quee puer est." 270 Aristotle's politics. [book vi; touched upon this subject; it will be our business hereat'i. when we properly come to it, to determine whether tliis c;. of children is unnecessary, or, it' necessary, in what miiniki must bo done; at present we have only mentioned it as i cessary. Probably the saying of Theodorus, the tragic aoi. was not a bad one, '• That he would permit no one, not v\ the meanest actor, to go upon the stage before him, that might hrst engage the ear of the audience." The same tl., happens both in our connexions with men and things; \vi we meet with first pleases best. And for this reason cliiM: should be kept strangers to every thing which is bad, in particularly whatsoever is loose and offensive to good ul. ners. Wlien five years are accomplished, the two next ma\ very properly employed in being spectators of those exei\i which tliey will afterwards have to learn. There arc t periods into which educatiijn ought to be diviii Jducauot'^' "*■ according to the age of the child ; the one is, iV his being seven years of age to tlie time of 1 hood ; the other, from thence till he is one and twenty. \ those who divide ages by the number s«.*ven are in gcih wrong ; it is much better to follow the division of nature ; : every art and every instruction is intended to complete \vl nature has left defective. We must first then consider, if . regulation whatsoever is requisite for children ; in the n place, wiiether it is advantageous to make it a common t or that every one should act therein as he pleases, as i> general practice in most cities ; and, in the third place, v it ought to be. BOOK MIL— Chap. I. , No one can doubt that the legislator ought grt The npcicct of . o o o education pre- to interest himself in the care of youth ; judicial to the where it is neglected, it is hurtful to the ci For every state ought to be governed acconl state ' The indispensable nature of education for the young is proved I fact that many states liave sulTored from the absence of it. And it « 11AI\ II.] END OF KDrCATION. 271 to its particular natnro ; for the character c>r oarh ^nvcrnmrnt i< tliiit wliicli jicculiarly marks it, and as this oriji^inally ('>tab- lisliod it, so it usually preserves it. For in-^tance, a denio- oratic character preserves a democracy, tlie olifiarchic an oli- i:;irciiy. but universally the best character tends to produce tlio best govcrnnK^nt. Besides, as in every business and art tlnTc are some things necessary to the performance of their several works which men must learn first, and to whicli tlx'v must be accustomed ; so it is evident that the same thinr' is necessary towards the practice of virtue. As p,j„(.jiti„n the there is one end in view in every city, it is evident same in all that education ought to be one and the same in **^^**- :ill ; and that this should be a common care, and not that of I'lich individual, as it now is, when every one takes care of his own children S(^parately, and each parent in ])rivate teaches them as he jdeases, but the training of what belongs to all ought to he in common. Besides, no one ought to tlnnk that any citizen belongs to him in ]>articular, but to the state in general ; fur each one is a part of the state, and it is the natural duty of each part to regard the good of the whole ; and for tills the LaeedannoniaiTS may b(> praised, for Jj.*JtenrpSed. thoy give the greatest attention to education, and they mnke it public.' It is evident then, that laws should be liifl down concerning education, and that it sliould be public. CHAP. II. What education is, and how children ought to be ^^^■^^ ^^ pju- instructed, is what should be well known ; for cate with a be ropiliitod and directed with a view to the character or pcnius of the .Mate itself. The citizens, consequently, will not all be educated to one an^l the same end, but fashioned to the good of that particular system of which thoy char^cc to be members. ' " The constitution " (of Dorian states)., says Miillcr, •' was formed for the education as well of the old as of the vounc ; and in a Doric slate, fducalion was upon the whole a subject of' greater importance limn po- vtmmrnt Every thin^ could be traced to a desire of making the Spartans courageous warriors, and Sparta a dominai.t and conquering Mate. ..... The Doric state was a body of men, acknowledging one strict principle of order, and one unalterable rule of manners ; and so subjecting themselves to this system, that scarcely any thing was unfet- ttrrd by it, but every action was influenced and regulated by the recog- nised principles." (Dorians, vol. ii. book iii. chap. 1.) 272 Aristotle's tolitics. [book viii view to utility, now-tt-days there are doubts concerning the busi- or to virtue? x^ess of it, as all people do not agree in ti»o»<. things they would have a child taught, both with respect to their improvement in virtue, and a happy lite : nor is it cUar whether the object of it should be to improve the intellect, . to rectify the morals. The view gained from the pre-et: mode of education is confused, and we cannot determine witl. certainty whether it is right to instruct a child in what wii; be useful to him in life ; or in that which tends to virtue, ml is really excellent : for all these tilings have their sepanu»; defenders. As to virtue, there is no particular in which tla v all agree : for as all do not e(iually esteem all virtues, reasonably follows that they will not cultivate tiie same. 1 is evident, that out of the number of useful things, what necessary ought to be taught to all : but that which is iur< p . , sary for one is not necessary for all ; for as iK Freemen to be -^ ,..,•' , debarred from ouglit to be a distinction betwceii the einpl illiberal arts. ^^^^^^^ ^^ ^ trccman and a slave, the freeiiian ;> time, to do it for the sake of another, may seem to be ai ; the part of a servant and a slave. The modes of iintrui i which now prevail, as we said before, seem to j)artake of Iv these parts. ' The test to be applied is the tendency of any thine; to incapacitai' virtue those who leaiu it. But even illiberal sciences may be pur- up to a certain point ; so long as the motive on which they are sludu a liberal one, and they are not pursued for the sake of gain. CHAT. III.] EDUCATION. MUSIC. 273 Four thinRi to tnii(jht CHAP. III. TiiFRF- are as nonrly ns possible foiirthiiip;s wliich it i>» usual to teach cluldron :' roadinfr, gymnastic u exorcises, and music, touliicli (in the i'ourth ])lacr) '^'''••'^i"- some add paintinjr. Keadiiij^ and paintinji they teach as be- ing both of them of great and various use in life, and gymnastic exorcises, as tending to produce courage. As to Music tobe music, some persons may entertain a doubt, since taught. «« a most persons now use it for the sake of j)leasure : plmTnVieTure Imt those who originally made it part of educa- ^^■"• lion, did so because, as lias been already said, nature requires not only that we shouM be properly employed, but that we should be able to enjoy leisure honourably : for this (to repeat what we have already said) is of all things the principal. But, tlioiifjh both labour and rest are necessary, yet the latter is juTferable to the former ; and by all means we ought to learn wliat we should do when at rest : for surely we ouglit not to finploy that time in play; for then play would be the neces- >iry business of our lives. But since this cannot be, play is liuTc necessary for those who labour than for" those wiio are ;U rest ; for he who labours requires ndaxation ; and this play will supply. For as labour is attended with pain and con- tinued exertion, on this account it is necessary that play «honld be introduced, under proper regulations, as a medicine : tV such an employment of the mind is a relaxation to it, and fomhines ease with pleasure. Now rest in itself seems to par- take of pleasure, and happiness, and an agreeable life : but this •^nnot be theirs who labour, but theirs who are at rest ; for he vho labours, labours for the sake of some end which he has not attained ; but happiness is an end which all persons think is "lUended with pleasure, and not with pain. Now _._ ^11 persons do not agree in making this pleasure standard* of /''Hsist in the same thing; for each one has his p'^**"""^- i punipular standard, corresponding to his own habits ; but the ^«st man proposes the best pleasure, and that which arises tVom the noblest actions. So that it is evident, that to live ft lite of rest, there are some things which a man must learu ' Compare Diodorus Siculus, vol. i. p. 486. T 274 aristotlk's politics. [book vni. and be instructed in ; and that tlio object of this learning and this instruction is only their acquisition : but the learning and instruction which is given for labour, has for its object other „ . ^, things. For this reason the ancients made Music taught P PI- I • among the inusic a part ot education; not as a thing neces- ancients. g.^j.^^ ^f^j. j^ jg jj^^ ^^^' ^\^r^^ nature,) nor as a tiling useful, as reading is, towards the common course of life, or for managing of a family, or for learning any thing as useful in public life. Painting also seems useful, to enable a man to judge more accurately of the productions of the liner art?. Nor is it like the gymnastic exercises, which contribute to health and strength ; for neither of these things do we see produced by music. There remains for it, then, to be the employment of our rest, and this is the end whicli tliey had in view who introduced it ; tor they thought it a proper em- ployment for freemen, and to them they allotted it ; as Homer sings : " How right to call Thalia to the feast ! "» and, addressing some others, he says : •' The bard was eall'd, to ravish every ear :" and, in another place, he makes Ulysses say, that the happiest part of man's life is, " When at the festal board in order placed, Tliey listen to the song."' It is evident then, that there is a certain educu- tationoverand tiou in whicli a cliild maybe instructed, not a^ uuiitV"*^^** useful, nor as necessary, but as noble and libenil ; but whether this is one or more than one, and ot what sort, and how it is to be taught, shall be considered here- after. We have now gone so far on our way as to show that we have the testimony of the ancients in our favour, by what they have handed down to us upon education ; for music make* this plain. Moreover, it is necessary to instruct children in what is useful, not only on account of its being useful in it- self, as, for instance, to learn to read, but also as the means i! acquiring other ditlerent sorts of instruction. Thus, they ' This line, as well as the following, dees not oeeur in the Homer;' poems as they have come down to us at the present day. ' Horn. Odyss. ix. 7. . MAI'. IV.] UODILY TRAIMNC. 275 -lioiiM bo instructed in painting, not only to pre- vent their being mistaken in purchnsing i)ictures, useful"'^ ^^^ or in buying or selling of vases, but more })articu- hrly as it makes them judges of the beauties of the luiman lorin ; for to be always hunting after the i)rofitable ill iigrecR with great and freeborn souls. 15ut as it is evident tliat a i-liild should be taught morals before reasoning, and that his hody should be cultivated before his intellect, it is plain that boys should be iirst put under the care of the difterent masters of the gymnastic arts, both to form the constitution of their Iwlies and to teach them their exercises. CHAP. IV. Now of those states which seem to take the 'greatest care of their children, some aim at pro- "^'^ol^cSen. liucing in them a habit framed by athletic exer- ci:?L's, though theie both ])revcnt the growth, and hurt tlic lorni of their bodies.' But into this fault the Lacedix^monians rty attributed to it. Now it is evident that boys arc not to ItL' instructed in "it as play ; for those who learn do not play, li-r to learn is accompanied by pain : neither is it proper to porinit boys at their age to enjoy perfect leisure ; for to cease Iroin education is by no means fit for what is as yet imperfect, liiit it maybe thought that the earnest attention of boys is bo- stowed on this art for the sake of that amusement which they v^nll enjoy when they come to l>c men and completely formed ; but, if this is the case, why are they themselves to learn it, and not Ibllow the practice of the kings of the Modes and Persians, who enjoy music by hearing others play, and so pin a share of pleasure and instruction ? For of necessity those must be better skilled therein, who make this science th(.'ir particular study and business, than those who have only ^pe^t so much time at it as is sutHcient just to learn the principles of it. But if it is fit that children should toil at >iich matters, they ought also to learn the art of cookery ; but tliis is absurd. The same doubt occurs, if music has a power <>t improving the manners; for why should they on this ac- count themsrlves learn it, and not learn to rejoice rightly and ' Thoro is here a possible allusion to the Poetics of Aristotle, where I'leqiiostion is further considered. Sec chapter 1. * The allusion possibly is to his play of the Bacchre, 1. 382, etc. /«ir(i T aiAoi' yiKaoai, avairavoai ri ^fpi^va(. 278 AR1ST0TLE*S POLITICS. [bOOK VIII. to be able to form a judgment, by hearing others, as the LacedoBmonians ? For without having ever learnt music, they are yet able to judge accurately, as men say, what melody is good and what is bad. The same reasoning may be applied it* music is supposed to be tiie amusement of those who live an elegant and easy life ; for we ask why should they learn themselves, and not rather enjoy the benefit of others' skill ? Let us here consider what is our belief of tlie 5omS goi*" I'nmortal gods in this particular. Now we find the poets never represent Jupiter himseli* an sing- ing and playing ; nay, we ourselves treat the professors of these arts as mean people, and say, that no man would prac- tise them but a drunkard or a buffoon. But probably we may consider this subject more at largo hereafter. The first question is, whether music is or is not to make a part of education ? and of these tliree thin{]js which have been started in discussion, which is it able to efiect ? Is it to instruct, to amuse, or to employ leisure ? Now all three ends are pro- perly allotted to it, for it appears to partake of them all : for play is necessary for relaxation, and relaxation is pleasant, as it is a medicine for that uneasiness which arises from labour. It is admitted also that a happy life must be an honourable one, and a pleasant one too, since happiness consists in both tliese ; and we all agree, that music is one of the most plead- ing thinj^s, whether alone or accompanied with a voice ; as Musceus says, " Music, man's sweetest joy :" for which reason it is justly admitted into every company and every happy life, as having the power of inspiring joy. So that from this any one may suppose that it is fitting to in- struct young persons in it. For all those pleasuivs and^ondiidve whicli are harmless are not only conducive to the to the end of final end of life, but serve also as relaxations; and, as men but rarely attain that final end, tluy often cease from their labour, and apply themselves to amuse- ment, with no further view than to acquire tlie pleasure attending it. It is therefore useful to enjoy some sueh pleasures as these. There are some j>ersons who make play and amusement their end, and probably that end has some pleasure annexed to it, but not what should be : but while ( n vr. v.] MUSIC, imitation. 279 men sock the one, tliey accept the otiier for it. Because tliore ']* -onie likeness in liunian actions to the end : for the end is pursued for the sake of nothing else tliat attends it, hut for itik^lf only ; and pleasures like these are sought for, not on account of what follows them, but on account of what has irone before them, a>s labour and grief. For this reason they seek for happiness in these sort of pleasures ; and that this is the reason any one may readily perceive. That music should Ik? general, not on this account only, but also as it is very serviceable towards relaxation from labour, probably no one doubts. We should also inquire, then, whence this arises ; lor it is too noble in its nature to be ultimately intended for this purpose ; and we ought not only to partake of the com- mon pleasure arising from it — (of which all have the sensa- tion, for music naturally gives pleasure, and therefore the use of it is agreeable to all ages and all dispositions) ; — but also to examine if it tends in any way to improve our manners and our souls. And this will be easily known, it' we feel our dispositions any way influenced Jf musif"^' thereby : and that they are so is evident from many other instances, as well as from the music at the Olympic games ; and this confessedly fills the soul with en- thusiasm : but enthusiasm is an affection of the soul which strongly agitates the disposition.* Besides, all those who hear any imitations sympathize there- SiUat*ion7 °^ with ; and this when they are conveyed even without rhythm or verse. Moreover, as music chances to be one of those things which are pleasant, and as virtue itself consists in rightly enjoying, loving, and hating, it \s evident that we ought not to learn, or accustom ourselves to any thing so much as to judge right, and to rejoice in honourable manners and noble actions. But anger and mildness, courage and modesty, and their contraries, as well as all other dispo- ' Music clearly has a moral effect upon our souls ; for (1.) iroloi tiviq yiyvo^ufla ct' avriiQ. For instance, we feel inspired with enthusiasm by !="mc music; and this a moral feeling. (2.) From imitation we arc taueht to feel sympathy ; now virtue is concerned with the feelings of love, hatred, etc. Now music gives us ofiotw^ara of these ; so that by tikint; pleasure in music, wc come to be affected by those same feelings of which they are ^i^/^ffttf , or expressions. And this is so, because when a person takes pleasure in a representation as being like the original form, it is likely that he will be pleased with that which it represents. 2S0 AUISTOTLE's politics. [book VIII. sitions of the mind, aio mo.^t niUurally imitated by music and poetry. This is pUiin from ex|)erience, for when we hear these our very soul \s altered ; and he who is affected either with joy or jrrief by the imitation of any objects, is in very nearly the same situation as if he was affected by the objects tliein- selves. Thus, if any person is pleased with seeing a statue of any one, on no other account but its beauty, it is evident that the sight of tlie original, from whence it was taken, . ^ , J would also be pleasin^f. Now it hai)pens that in to be found , , ^ , '^. . . . ^ ' ,. only in the thc Other scuscs there is no nnitation ot manniTS; hearing. ^^^^^ j^ ^^ ^,^y^ j,j ^|j^, touch, and the taste ; in the objects of sight, a very little : for these are merely repre- sentations of things, and the perceptions which they excite are in a manner common to aU. Besides, statues and paint- ings are not proj^erly imitations of manners, but rather signs and marks which show that the body is affected by some passion. However, tlie difference is not great, yet young men ought not to view the paintings of Pauso, but of Polyg- notus, or any other painter or statuary who expresses man- ners.* But in poetry and music tliere are imitations of man- mTs ; and this is evident, for different harmonics differ from each other so nuich by nature, that tliose wlio liear them arc diflerently affected, and are not in tlie same disposition of mind wlien one is performed as wlien another is ; the one, for instance, occasions grief, and contrsicts the Doric/and"* soul, as the mixcd Lydian : otliers soften the Phrygian niind, and as it were dissolve the heart : others measures. ^ . . ,, , . , .. i • i fix It m a firm and settled state. Such is the power of the Doric music only ; while the Phrygian fills the soul with enthusiasm, as has been well described by those who have written philosophically upon this part of education; for they bring examples of what they advance from the thing.4 themselves. The same holds true with respect to rhythms; some fix the disposition, others occasion a change in it ; sonje act more violently, others more liberally. From what has been said it is evident what an influence music has over the disposition of the mind, and how variously it can fascinate it: and if it can do this, most certainly it is what youth ought ' Cuin|)are our author's Poetics, chap. G. ulov Kal tu>i> y()a0Hu»^ '/.tlX^q 7r()o<; \\o\vyv(i)Tov TTiirovOtV 6 yiiv ytip IloXyyi'atroj; a-^udbi /)OJyp«^o£" CHAP. VI.] MISIC FUKTIIKR CONSIPEREP. 2ft 1 \n be instructed in. And indeed tlie learniii;,' of musir ia pnr- tieuliirly adajited to their disposition ; for at tlieir time of life tlicy do not willingly attend to any thing whicli is not n;:rec- ahle, but music is naturally one of the niost agreeable things; and there seems to be a certain connexion between harmony and rhythm ; for whicli reason some wise men held the fouI it>elf to be harmony, others, that it contains it. (?iiAP. vr. \Vi: -will now determine, whether it is proper that children should be taught to sing and play upon !inM,''»,p^'aI,Vht any instrument, a matter of doubt which we started '*? 'J'J^'' *"** iMt'ore. Now it is clear that it makes a great deal ^ "^^ <'\ dill'erence in (pialifying persons for any art, if the person liiiiitruction ought to be their rattle as they grow up ; p^n^ons why iunce it is evidcMit, that they should be so taught "n'^'f" i" Miitcd iiiiisic as to be able to practise it.- Nor is it ditli- °' >"rcn. cult to say what is becoming or unbecoming of their age, or to answer the objections wdiieh some make to this employment as mean and low.' In the first place, since it is i>„,,„iar ohjcr. necessary for them to practise in order that they <'"» '" music may be judges of the art, this, then, should be ^"^''"^ • •inne when they are young ; but when they are grown older tliey may be spared the practical part, while they are able to judge of excellence in the art, and to take a proper pleasure in it, from the knowledge they acquired of it in their youth. ' These two answers may be jnit thus : 1. It is not/^ai-ai-rroi' to learn, f'lr it is well for the younff to be able to judpc of music, thou^'h they do i>'l iiraetisc it wiien they ?row \ip, 2. It does not make them flavav THE FLUTF. 283 tlu'ir n()i)le actions SO exalted their minds that tlioy attended to every part of education ; selecting no one in particular, but •■ndeavourinfr to collect the whole. And hence they iritro- .juoed flute-playini: also, and joined it with theii other branches of instruction. At Lacedieinon ' the chorngus himself played (in the flute for his choir ; and it was so common at Athens, that almost (»very freeman understood it ; as is evident from the tablet which Thrasippus dedicated when he was choragus, but afterwards they rejected it as dangerous ; for they had become better judges of what tended to promote virtue, and what did not. For the same reason many of the ancient in- struments were thrown aside, as the mngadis and the lyre ; as also such as tended to inspire those who played on them with Itleasure, and all which required a scientific finger. AVhat the ancients tell us by way of fable, of the flute, is indeed very rational ; namely, that after Minerva had found the flute >he threw it away; nor are they wrong who say, that the godilcss disliked it because it deformed the face of him who played on it ; not but that it is more probable that she rejected it. as the knowledge thereof contributed nothing to the im- provement of the mind. Now, we regard Minerva as the in- ' vciitress of arts and sciences. As we do not approve that a rliild should be taught to use and play on instruments like a nia.>;ter, — (and by this we mean that which is suited for contests in the art ; for he who plays in this way plays not to improve himself in virtue, but to please those who hear him, and this in a common way,) — therefore we think the practice of it unfit for freemen, but then it should be confined to hired persons ; for it usually gives people sordid notions, as the end they have in view is bad. For the impertinent spectator is accustomed to make them change their music, so that it forces the artists who attend to bim to mould their manners and their bodies according to his motions. CHAP. VII. We must now further enter into an inquiry con- (^rning harmony and rhythm ; whether all sorts "^Thm.^ "^ of these arc to be employed in education, or ' On the subject of the Doric chorus see Miiller's Dorians, vol. ii. book iv. cliap. 7. 284 Aristotle's politics. [hook viir. whether a selection must be made ; and also whether we should give tlxe same distinctions I'or ll»ose wlio are cnf^aged in music as part of education, or whether t!ien> is something ditVerent from these two. Now, as all music consists in me- lody and rhythm,' we ought not to be unac(iu;iinted with the power which each of these has in education ; as also whetlier we should rather choose music in whicli melody prevails, or rljythm. liut as we consider that many tilings have been well written upon these subjects, not only by some nmsicians of the present age, but also by some philosophers, who are per- fectly skilled in that part of music whieli belongs to educa- tion ; we will refer those who desire a very particular know- ledge of it to those writers, and shall only treat of it in general terms, speaking only in outline concerning it. Srmdidy. Melody is diviiled by some philosophers, of whose notions we a[)[)rove, into moral, practical, and that | which fdls the mind with enthusiasm ; they also allot to each of these a particular kind of harmony which naturally cor- responds to it ; and we say that nmsic should not be applied to one purpose only, but to many; both for instruction, and purifying the soul ; — (w^e now use tlic word j)uri lying at pre- sent without any explanation, but shall >peak more at larire of it in our Poetics;) — and in the third jdace, as an agreeable manner of spending the time and a relaxation from any un- easiness of the mind. It is evident, then, that all iiriKninu moral harmonies are to be used, but not luv all ])urposC3; uBci"'''* '" ^^ the ujost moral, in education; but the mostaelive and enthusiastic, to please the ear, when others play. For that passion, which is to be tbund very strong in some souls, is to be met with also in all ; but the diHerence in diflerent persons consists in its being in a less or greater ' Aslo tlie difference between melody and rhythm, eomparo .\ii.stotlo's Poetics, (Imp. iv. ll will l)t' wi-U tu appciul hcic the note whieli hlands in Utirkley'H edition. " Hliyiliin diU'er-i Irom metre, iiuiHiinnhus rhyilim i.i pt'opDrtiim applied to imy inotinii wlnitever ; metre it pruporiidU ap- plied to the muiiun of words spoken. 'I'lm."* in the drumming' of u marcli, or in tlie dancing of a hornpipe, there is rhythm, lliouuh no metre. In Drj'den's celebrated ode there is metre iv.s well us rhythm, because with the rhythm the poet has associated certain words. And hence it follows, that thoni;h all metre is rhytlnn, yet all rhyllun is not metre." See Har- ris's I'hilol. In(niiries, (p. 07,) where ho nlso (jbscrves, very truly, that ii'> Enplish word expresses rhylhmus belter than the word titne. (Twinin>j un Arist. I'oet.) 11 A r. VII.] MORAL EFKF.CTS OF MUSIC. 28-' .lc;rn.'t', as pity, foar, ami enthusiasm ; tlio lattor of which is «o powerful ill some as to overpower the soul : and yet we M-e those ])ersous, by the application of sacred music, to soothe till ir iniiul, renderetl as sedate and composed as if they had . tiiploycd the art of the physician. Now this very same thinfj inuanie cure, and arc restored to tranquillity with pleasure. In the same manner, all music which has the power ... ■ .1 1 ir 1 11 Tlic music ot puntyin;r the soul, attords man a harnuess which purifien pleasure. Sucii therefore should be the harmony **^'^j""' '* and such the music which those who contend witli >[\A\ other in the theatre should exhibit, liut as the audience i.« composed of two sorts of peoj)le, the free and tlie well in- structed, the rude, the mean mechanics, and hired servants, and a whole herd of the like, there must be some music and some spectacles to please and soothe them. For as their minds are as it were perverted from their natural habits, so al>o is there an unnatural harmony and overcliarjrod music which is accomodated to their taste : but what is according to nature ^Mves pleasure to every one ; and therefore those who ate to contend upon the theatre, sliould be allowed to use this «jMcies of music. But in education a moral kind of melody and harmony should be used ; and this is the Doric, as we iiave already said, or any other which is approved by those {•hilosophers who are skilful in that music which is to be em- ployed in education. l?ut Socrates, in the Ke- ihecrromf jtiihlic of Plato, is very wrong, wdien he permits Socratcs in •Illy the Phrygian music to be used besides the "* ^^*i'" • Doric,* particularly as amongst other instruments lie banishes tiio llute. For the I'hrygian music 1ms the same power in liannouy as the flute has amongst the instruments ; for they arc both pathetic and raise the mind. This is proved by the i-ractice of the poets, for in their Bacchanal songs, or whenever t!i( y describe any violent emotions of the mind, the flute is . ' Sec Plato, Rep. book iii. chfip. 10. These two strains are mentioned -••tlarby Horace, (Kpod. ix. f), 0,) " Sonnntc mixtum tibiis carmen lyrt, Ua.c Dorinm, ilH« barbarum." ' i'li ilic subject of the Dorian, Lydian, and Pbrypian measures, it will ! advantage to the general reader to consult Miillei's Dorians, vol. ii. ^^ IV. chap. G. Aristotle's politics. [book vin. the instrument which they chiefly use ; and the Phryj^ian harmony is most suitable to these subjects. Now. Mmb^*'**^ it is allowed by general consent, that the Dithy- rambic measure is Phrygian ; and those who arv conversant in studies of this sort bring many proofs of xh- fact. As, for instance, when Philoxenus endeavoured to con.- pose Dithyrambic music for Doric harmony, he naturally fell back again into Phrygian, as being best fitted for that pur- pose. Now every one indeed agrees, that tin lior[rn»u»ic. i^oric music is moit serious, and fittest to inspin courage : and, as we always commend the miiKlle as being between the two extremes, and the Doric has tlii* relation witli respect to other harnu)iues, it is evident thai ii. tins ratlier than in any other should tlie youth be instructnl. There are two i)oints to be taken into, consideration, both what is possible, and what is proper ; every one tlien shouM chiefly endeavour to possess himself of those things which contain both these qualities. But this is to be regulated Iv ditferent times of life ; for instance, it is not easy for thon- wlio are advanced in years to sing such pieces of music a^ require very high notes, for nature points out to them thon- which are gentle and require little strength of voice. Fcr this reason some wiio are skilful in music justly find fiuih with Socrates,' because he would forbid the youth to be in- structed in gentle harmony ; as if, like wine, it would intoxi- cate them. It does not, however, cause men to be Bacchanak but languid, for it is wine rather which renders men Bacciia- nals. These, therefore, and such-like melodies, are what should employ those who are grown old. Moreover, if tlitrr is any harmony which is proper for a child's age, as being ai tjje same time elegant and instructive, as the Lydian of all others seems chiefly to be, [this is to be adopted also. _., , These then are to be laid down as it wore tla- 1 he three t ■, ^ • n ■, > i i boundaries of three boundaries ot education, namely, moUera- , education. ^^^^^ possibility, and decency. ' Socrates was wrons upon liis own principles in retaininp tlie DoiIa: and Pluygian music, as tlioy were uf a very opptjsite character; esj^' - cially as he rejected the Hute, which was the instrument most near.} currespondinR to tlie Phrygian nielodies, both being of an Orgiastic r.:;- ture ; whereas the Dorian is a grave melody, and is calculated to in>i :• a bold and mauly character. THE ECONOMICS OF ARISTOTLE, IN TWO BOOKS. ARISTOTLE'S ECONOMICS. BOOK I.— Chap. I. '"p ';# c DifTrrcncc Ih»- liiK economical and political science' differ not uiily in tlie same degree as a house and a city, (lor twcon o.«ow, tlie^e constitute the subject matter of them both,) ^""'^n<\wo\, but also in that pol itical rule involves a plura lity ut' jjovernors, while ."economic rule is monarchica l. Now in Ntnie of the arts a division is made, and it does not belong to tlic same art to make a thing and to use what is made, as for example, a lyre and flutes. It is however the province of the political science to constitute a city from the very first, and niRii constituted to turn it to a proper use ; so that it is clear diat it would naturally be the province of economic science boili to found a house and to make use of it. Now ^ ^_.^,^ ^^^ ^ a city '■^ is such a collection of these houses and k^o? ron- liiiul and wealth, as brings about an independent unil happy life. And this is clear from the fact that when- fMTtiie citizens are unable to attain this end, the community ii^solved. And further, this is the end for which they com- '•: but that for the sake of which any thing exists and is . y "liiced, is its essence ; so th at evidently eco n omi cs are prior >"-<^"> ^"^^ -' jtoHtics in the ord er of nature^ for t hcii' end is prior , and a j^.LXl^^ ii''ii>c or family is a part of a city. We must therefore l(X)k :nto the eeoiiaiukaLacknce, a nd sec what is its en d. ' Tor ii full t'xplanalion of the word TroXmic/;, nnt;^ turJ to itc tirst lor it docs uot derive its profits from men, either With their consent, like petty trallic and the luer- cenary arts, or without their consent, like the arts which per- tain to war. Further also, agriculture is natural, for naturally every existing thing derives its nourishment from its motlur. and so consecjuently men derive it from the earth.'' ^loreovt-r ' Compare the opening words of Pol. i. chap. 2, " Now if any o.ii would watch the parts of a state fioui the very tirst as they rise into ex- istence, as in other matters, so here, he would gain the truest view cfih. subject." This inductive method of entering upon his treatises is emiiuntl) practical and characteristic of our author, as we have before remarked. - This verse, which is also quoted in Pol. i. 2, is taken from llesiuJ? " Opera et Dics,*^ book ii. line 2'i. ^ iSyllburg would transpose the words, and read r) ct ynopyia, on fia- Xi(Tra ciKctia, "And agriculture is Kara (pvaiv, because it is most just." * This idea is very common in the Greek poets. Compare -'Esch. Sept. c. Th. 16-19, yy f"?^P*> »Xrary rpo^<^* )'/ yap I'fovQ fpnovrag irpivil iri^.^t, uTvavTa TTavcoKiivaa Traictiar utXov, tOlitxl/ar' oiKKJTi'fpiK; a(T7ridtj(popuV(;. and again Choeph. 127, icai yinav n Vu, paTtn avToo AkJc, ai KaKtit fiiiTto TTorj'i', iTrtjVCuniav. ill.Vr. III.] TIIK CONJrCAL RKLATION. 291 it contribute:^ much towards fortitude ; for it docs not nmkii the l)ody unscrvicrablc, like the illibend nrtR, but reud(.'r.-i it lit to Uve and hil)our in tlie open air, and to run the risks of witr a;:iiin>t as^^aihmt.^. For liu.sl>andincn ore the only persons wlic-^e possessions lie outside of the city walls. CHAP. III. IU;t as to man, the first object of his care should he respecting a wife ; for the society which exists J^ ".^J"*'^^ between the male and female is above all others natural. For it is laid down by us elsewhere,* that nature aims at producing many such creatures !\s the several kinds of animals ; but it is impossible for the fenuile to accomplish this without the male, or the male without the female, so that the ^ocioty between them exists of necessity. In all other animals imlfcd, this association is irrational, ami exists only so far as tliey possess a natural instinct, and for the sake of procreation alone. But in the milder and more intelligent animals, this hond more nearly approaches perfection ; for there seem to be ill them more signs of mutual assistance and good-will, and of co-operation with each other. But this is espe- cially the case with man, because the male and Jj|.'^ fonjugai iVinale hei*e co-operate not only for the. sake of f'xistcnce, but of living happily. And the procreation of chil- •Inn is a means not only of subserving nature, but also of ^'•lid benefit ; for the labour which they expend during their ■reason of vigour upon their helpless young is given back to them in the decay of age, from their children who are then in vigour. And at the same time, by this continual cycle, nature provides for the continuance of the race as a species, since she <'annot do so numerically. Thus divinely predisposed towards sucli a society is the nature of both the male and the female. For the sexes are at once divided, in that neither nistinct duties "f them have powers adequate for all purposes, oftiasoxcs. A commentary on the idea may be found in the story of L. Junius Bru- tus, iLs TLlatcil in Liv. i. 56. " Kx infinio spccu voi-cm red(Ulam fcnint. Impcrium summum Romfr liabcbit, qui vestrum primus, o juvencs, oscu- lum matri tulcrit .... Brutus, alio ratus spectaro Pythicam voccm, ^dut si prolapsus cccidisset, terrnm osculo contigit; scilict-l, qxiod ea ^omminiis mater omnium mortalium exsct." ' He alludes probably to Pol. i. chap. 2. U 2 292 auistotle's economics. [book i. nay, in some respects even opposite to each other, tliougli they tend to the same end. For nature has made the one sex strongor and the other weaker, that the one by reason of fear may be more adapted to preserve property, while the other, by reason of its fortitude, may be disposed to repel assaults ; and that the one may provide things abroad, while the other preserves them at home. And with respect to labour, the one is by na- ture capable of attending to domestic duties, but weak as to matters out of doors ; the other is ill-adapted to works when repose is necessary, but able to perfonn those which demand exercise. And with respect to children, the bearing of them belongs to one sex, but the advantage of them is connnon to both ; for the one has to rear them, and the other to educate tliem. CHAP. IV. The husbaiurs FiRST of all, then, certain laws are to be observeil duty towards towards a wife, and especiallv to refrain from in- nis wife. . . , /« \i •.! • Ml I • • 1 juring her ; tor thus neither will a man be uijuren himself. And tliis is suggested by the common law of natun\ (bidding us,) as the Pytliagoivans say, " nut to injure a sup- pliant torn away from the hearth ;" but the injuries inllieted by a husband are his liaisotts out of doors. Hut as to inter- course, the wife ought to be able to rest in the absence of lier husband, and accustomed to be content whether he is will, her or away from home. Well then has Hesiod said» " A maiden wed, and wholcsoinc laws inbiil; " * for dissimilarity of manners is most apt to interrupt affection, i, AVith respect to ornament, however, they ought not to ap- J ]>roach each other with any studied artectation in their man- I ners or in their persons ; for the society which is accompanii'l * with studied ornament dithers in no respect from that of tra- gedians with each other on the stage.^ ' Opera ct Dies, book ii. 1. ' Bckker tv ry oKtvy. Syllb. retains the same, but in a note su£ri:> ■^ • the emendation ot' Camerarius, iv ry oKtjvg. But the former word i- used in the same sense in Herod, i. 21, and Aristoph. Rana;, 10>. 1 CUM'- v.] SLAVES. 293 CHAP. V. I'.iT of property, the first and most neoessury part i.M ihat \\\ik\\ is best and chiefest ; and this is man. Ilriu'f> it is nt'ccssarv to obtain worthy slaves. ^•"«*'*i''»^i« Hut there are two kinds ot slaves, a steward and :i drudge. Hilt since we see that modes of education form the olmracters of the young, it is necessary when you have pro- fiired them to rear up those to whose care liberal oHices are Jo be committed.' And the conduct of a master towards his slaves should be sucii as not to suffer J^,*^.J,'t^ "'^'^*' them to be insolent or negligent ; and to those who are more liberal than others, he ought to give a share of honour, and to the working slaves a suiliciency of food. And -incc the drinking of wine makes even freemen insolent, and Muce many nations even of freemen abstain from it, (as the Tartliaginians when on service, ) it is clear that they should 1m.' allowed to partake of it either not at all or very seldom, r.iit as there are three things [to be regarded], work, punish- ment, and food, to give them tbod unaccompanied by work or punishment, is wont to cause insolence; but to give them labour and punishment without food is tyrannical, and makes - tlirm unable to work. It remains, therefore, to give them I employment and sufficient food ; for it is not possible to rule I over them without giving a recompence ; but the recompence 1 of a slave is his food. But as other men become j^^^.^, „f p^. I worse when thev get nothing by beinjir better, and couraping 1 . - c) njn ' slaves ] wlieu no rewards are given lor virtuous or vicious I actions, so it is with slaves. And hence we must look closely i into their character, and distribute or withhold every thing j according to merit, both food and clothing, leisure and pun- 5 ishments ; imitating both in word and in deed the faculty of I physicians, by way of a remedial measure, considering that I food, owing to its Ix'ing continual, ha3 nothing remedial in it. f But those races of slaves will be best adapted for work which I are not excessively co^vardly or daring, for both of the latter I act injuriously towards their ma.«:ter3 : those who are very 1 cowardly will not endure to work, and the high-spirited arc ' Tho Oxford odilion, following the text of Syllburgius, has TcpooaK' 'K'v. But ihc sense is scarcely affected by the change of words. 294 Aristotle's economics. [dook i. not easily ruled. It is likewise requisite that an end should bo defined to all things ; it is therefore right and expedient that freedom should be proposed to them as a reward ; for tiiey will be willing to labour when a prize and a definite space of time is laid down. It is right also to bind them them to the US hostages by their families, and not to have tou mU*'" * ^^ niany slaves of the same nation ; and to appoint sacrifices and holidays, more for the sake of slaves than of the free ; for the latter possess more of these advan- tagcs, and it is on this account that such things were devised. CHAP. VI. But there are four qualities pertaininjr to the How to acquire ^ .. , i i i i • i i i .. .. and how to ntaster ot a houseliold which he ought to possess preserve pro- res|K'Cting oiicTiesw For he ought to l>e able to procure them, and also to pr eserve th em ; but it' not, then there is no profit in procuring them ; for this is but " to draw water in a sieve and a perforated tub," as the pro- verb has it. Moreover he ouglit to be apt in applying what he possesses to the purj [X)ses of orn ament and use, for it is on this account that we need such a thing as wealth. The several kinds of his possessions ought moreover to be divided, and tlieie ought to be more of them fruitful than unfruitful. His em- ployments also ought to be so divided as not to incur risks with all his property at the same time. And for The customs ^, *-r. - '^ . , . . . of various the purposc ot preserving his property, it is ex- sSd'" ^*^" pedient to use the Fersiaii and Lacedaemonian cus- toms. The Athenian economy also is useful, for they sell t heir produce, and buy [wh at they want] ; and so there is no n<>v^j[j;^'jng a nd war ehousing in families of small means. The Persian custom is that tlie master shall order and inspect every thing with his own eye, as Dion said of Dionysius ; for no one takes the same care of what belongs to his neighbour as he does of his own property ; so that it is necessary for a master himself to inspect every tiling as far as possible. The saying of the Persian and the African too is to the purpose; for the former, on bein*' asked what was A master l i i • ,- i i . fiM should super- the ocst tiling to fatten a horse, answered, '* Ine things.'''^ eye of his master;" and the African being asked what was the best manure, replied, " The foot- < iiAr. VI.] rnACTiCAL nui.F.a. 09.3 5t(^ps of the landowner." Somo things tliorcforo sliouM 1)0 in- ^pcotcd by tlic niiist(?r himself', and some by his wilr, aceordin^ a- the employments ot* housekeeping^ are divided hotween tliem. And tiiis is to be done but seldom in small establishments, but (itten in those where a steward is employed. For it ig not j)o>sible to imitate well, unless a good model is proposed, tither. in other things or in the matter of a stewardship; so tiiat it is impo>;siblc lor stewards to be careful, where the masters are careless. But since these things are both honourable in rcr-pect of virtue, and useful towards economy, it is requisite tluit masters should rise before their slaves and go to rest later, and that a house, like a city, should never be left unguarded ; and what ought to be done should be omitted neither by day nor by night. It is likewise well to rise before ,, , , ^ dnybreak ; for this contributes to health, wealth, of early risinK. and wisdom. Where then the establishment is watchfuinesi small, tlie Athenian method of disposing the fruits and dose in. »»f the earth is useful ; but in great ones a division "^^'^ imnt be made between the yearly and monthly expenditure ; and in like mannt-r with respect to vessels in daily or oc- casional use ; and these things must be given over to the stewards. And besides this, these matters should be reviewed at intervals of time, that it may be known what is preserved and what is wanting. But with respect to the possessions themselves, the house should be furnis hed w ith a view to both liralth and comfort. And by " possessions^ " I mean what is advantageous towa rds produ cing crops and clothing, and what suits for preserving dry or moist fruits ; and by other pos- sessions, what places are accommodated lo the reception of ani- mate and inanimate things, whether slaves or freemen, women or men, strangers or citizens. And with reference to comfort and health, the house should be situated hou.^e!"" "'* so as to be airy in summer, and sunny in the win- ter. But this will be effected, if it is exposed to the north, and has less depth than width. And in great establishments a doorkeeper would seem to bo useful ; he may be one who is useless for other employments, except to watch over what is brought in or carried out of the house. And for the ready use of utensils the Lacedaemonian method is serviceable ; for every thing there must lie in its own place, for thus it will be ready at hand, and not have to be sought after (when wanted). 296 Aristotle's economics. [uook i. CHAP. vii.» A GOOD and perfect wife ouglit to be mistress of Sod'wife'* every thinj^ within the house, and to have the cure of every thinji^ according to fixed hiws ; allowinir no one to come in unbidden by her husband, and esjiccially keeping on lier guard against every tiling which can be noised abroad relating to a woman's dishonour. So that if any mis- chance has happened witliin doors, she alone ought to know- about it ; but when those wlio have come in have done any thing wrong, the husband should bear the blame. And slic should manage the expenses laid out upon such festival*! a? her husband has agreed with her in keeping, and make an outlay of clothes and other ornaments on a somewhat lesser scale than is encouraged by the laws of the state; consideriiii: that neither splendour of vestments, nor pre-eminence el" beauty, nor the amount of gold, contributes so much to tlie commendation of a woman, as good management in domestic affairs, and a noble and comely manner of life; since all sucii array of the soul is far more lovely, and has greater force (than any thing besides), to provide herself and her children true ornament till old age. A wife therefore ought to insj)irt herself with contidence, and perpetually to be at tlie head oi domestic aflairs. For it is unseemly for a man to know all Her conduct ^'^^^ r^^^^'^ ^" ^" ^''^ liousc ; in all respects indet'*! towards iier slic ouglit to bc olxHlicnt to her husband, and not husband. ^^ ^^^^^ herself about public affairs, nor to take part in matrimonial concerns. And when it is time to give ' The first hook of the Economics of Aristotle is clearly imperfect, as it only opens the suhjeet of economy so far as it appertains to domestic affairs, and tiien concludes most abruptly. The (ireek text of the laltti pajt of the book which follows liere, would seem to have ptrished at a very early period ; and accordinply this part of the treatise lias existed only in the sh;ipe of a Latin translation made from the original text by Aretinus, whicli has been rendered buck into (ireek by 'I'ussanus, and is retained in both languages in the ()xh»rd edition of Aristotle's I'uliiii;- and Economies whicli issued from the Clarendon press in IhIO, from il.>' text of Sylll)urgius, with the Latin version of D. Lambiims. As the f i lowing chapters are necessary to complete the impcrleci remains oftla treatise as it generally stands, they have been translated and appendcii in the present edition. (HAT. Vll.] rOIiTUAlTUHE OF A GOOD WIIF.. 2<)7 lii^ (l;iU2:litors in nmrriago, or to pot wives for liis son;*, l»v all \\]v[\u^ in these respects slic sljould obey her hushan«l. And :.li(' onpht to sliow hcr.-Jclf ji fellow-counsellor to her lni?bf\nrl, ?(> as to assent to what pleases liini, remembering tliat it is loss unseemly for a liusband to take in hand domestic matters, tli.m for a wife to busy lierself in atTairs out of doors, liut the well-ordered wife will justly consider the behaviour of lier liusband as a model of her own life, and a law to •lierself, in- \(stcd with a divine sanction by means of the marriage tie and the community of life. For if she can persuade herself to l)car her husband's ways patiently, she will most easily manafre matters in the house; but if she cannot, she will have greater (litliculty. So that it will be seemly for her to show herself of one mind with her husband, and tractable, not only when her hus- band is in g(X)d luck and prosperity, but also when he is in misfortune ; and when good fortune has failed him, or sick- rn>5 has laid hold of his bodily frame, or when he has been (iej)rived of his senses, she ought gently and sympathetically to yield in any matter which is not base and unworthy; but if her husband has been ailing and made a mistake, she ought not to keep it on her mind, but to lay the blame on disease or ignorance. For in proportion as she is now more careful to give way, so much the more gratitude will her husband feel towards her, when his ailment has passed by ; and if she fails to obey him wlien he commands something which is imstemly, he will he able to pardon her with a better grace when ho re- covers. Observing such rules as these, the wife ought to show herself even more obedient to the rein than if she had f^ntered the house as a purcha^scd shive. For she has been bought at a high price, for the sake of sharing life and bear- inn children ; than which no higher or holier tie can pos- Mbly exist. Further, if the husband with whom ^^i^ slie has lived should fare amiss, her merit would not otherwise reach the same pitch of fame and of good report. It is no small thing indeed to make a good use of prosperity, hut it is a far greater thing to endure the contrary lot in a fitting manner. For in every way it is the mark of a lofty mind to show no signs of depression under great sufferings find injuries. It is indeed much to be desired that nothing of the kind should happen to her husband ; but if any thing of an adverse nature should surprise him, she ought straightway 298 autstotlk'b economics. [hook 1. to consider that A\c will gain far higher praise if she directs matters successfully ; recalling to her mind the nobTuia'trona. ^^^^ *''*^^ neither would Alcestis have gained such renown, nor Penelope have been deemed worthy of 80 much praise, had they resju'ctively lived with their hus- bands in' prosperous circumstances; and that it is the auffiT- in^s of Adnu'tus and Tiysses which have given to them an everlasting fame. For l)y preserving faith and justice in the midst of their own husbands* misfortunes, they have gained a deserved reputation. For it is easy to find persons who will share prosperity ; but, except a very few and very good ones, women are not willing to share misfortunes. For all these reasons it behoves each woman above all things to honour her husband, and not to despise him if a sacred sense of respect and wealth, which, according to Orpheus, is " the child of eon- tidence," does not attend him. A wife, then, ought carefully to preserve herself in such customs and laws as these. CHAP. VIII. Conduct of a ^^^"^ ^^^^ husbaud in his turn should find out cer- husband to- tain laws to regulate his treatment of his wife, as one who entered the house of her husband to share his children and his life, and to leave him a progeny destined to bear the names of her husband's parents and her own. And what in the world could there be more holy than these tics? or what is there about which a man in his sound sensi's could strive more earnestly, than to beget the children who shall hereafter nurse his declining years, from the l>est and most praiseworthy of wives ; for they are to be, as it were, the best and most pious preservers of their father and mother, and guardians of the entire family. For it is probable that they will turn out good, if they have been reared uprightly by their parents in the habitual practice of what is just and holy; but if the contrary should be the case, they will suffer the lo?s themselves. For unless parents afford their children a tit pattern of life, they will leave them an obvious excuse to quote against themselves. And this is to be feared, that if they have not lived well, their sons will disregard them, and neg- Education of ^^^^ them in their old age. On this account femaiei. nothinijr is to be omitted which tends to the fit riiAP. viii.] maui:ia(;f. 299 ( .lMc;ition of a brido, so tliat tlic clnldron may be born of tlic best possible motbor. For tbo luisbiintbnan in «,'l(.'ct.s notliinr^ S(j ns to cast bis seed upon tbe ricbest and Ix-st wroii;:bt rrround, considering tliat it is from sucli a soil tlmt lie will bere- alb-r rcnp tbe I'airest fruits; and if any violence tiireatens, he lights aizainst bis enemy, and deliU'rately chooses to die rather than endure to see it ravaged ; and such a disposition as this is praised by most persons. And as such is tbe care which is spent by us on the support of our boflies, what manner of nun ought we to show ourselves on behalf of our children and of the mother that is to rear them ? Ought we not most readily to strain every nerve ? For in this way alone does the con>tilu- tion of man's nature, wi\ich is mortal, attain to prosperity, and the prayers of parents all tend to this one end. And hence, whoever cares not for this, is sure to be regardless of the gods. It was for tbe sake of the gods, then, who were present to him when he olfered the mar- nmrViaJe"' riai'e sacrifice, that he not oidy took to himself a wife, but also (what is far more) gave himself over to his hride to honour her next to bis own parents. But that which is most precious in the eyes of a prudent wife, is to see her hu-band preserving himself entirely for her, thinking of no other woman in comparison with her, and regarding herself, above all other wotnen, jls peculiarly his own, and faithful towards him. For in proportion as a wite perceives that she is t'liihfully and justly cared for, so much the more will she exert her energies to show herself such. Whoever therefore is prudent, will not fail to remember with how much honour it becomes him to requite bis parents, his wife, and bis chil- 'bvn, in order that he may gain the name of one who is just and upright in distributing to each their due. For every one i' iiulignant beyond measure at being deprived of that which iK'longs to binjself in a peculiar manner ; and there is no one who is content at being deprived of bis own projxTty, though one were to give him plenty of bis neighbour's goods. And in very truth nothing is so peculiarly the property of a wife as a chaste and hallowed intercourse. And hence Evii.ofpro- it would not befit a prudent man to cast his seed wherever chance miglit take it, lest children should bo born to him from a bad and base stock, on an equality with liis legitimate sons ; and by this the wife is robbed of her con- tniscuoiiB in- tercourse. 300 aristotlk's economics. [uoox I. jugiil rights, the children are injured, and above all, the hus- band himself is enveloped in disgrace. He ought therefore to approach his wife with much sell-restraint and decency, and to maintain modesty in his words, and in his deeds a regard to what is lawful and honest, and in his intercourse he should he true and discreet. And to little errors, even though they be voluntary, he ought to vouchsafe pardon ; and if she has made any mistake through ignorance, he ouglit to advise her, and not to inspire her with fear, except such as is accompanied with reverence and respect. For such treatment wouUl be more suited to mistresses at the hands of their gallants. Yet,^ nevertheless, justly to love her husband willi re- fl;[r.^^'^""'^"' verence and respect, and to be loved in turn, is that whicli bellts a wite of gentle birtli, as to her intercourse with her own husband. For fear is of two kinds ; tlic one kind is reverent and full of respect ; such is that whicli good sons exhibit towards their parents, and well- ordered citizens towards those who rule them in a kindly spirit. But tiie other kind is attended by hatred and aver- sion : such is that which slaves feel towards their master?, and citizens towards unjust and lawless tyrants. Furthermore, the husband ought to choose the best course out of all that we have said above, and so to conciliate his wife to himself, and to make her trustworthy and well disposed, as that whellier her husband be present or absent, she will be ecjually good, while he can turn his attention to public matters : so that even in his absence she may feel that no one is better, nor more suited to herself, nor more nearly bound to her, than her own hus))and : and that he may always direct his energies to the public good, and show from the very lirst that such is the case, even thougli she may be very young and quite inex- perienced in such matters. For if the husband should ever begin sucli a course of conduct as tliis, and show himself to be perfect master of himsidf, he would be the best guide of the entire course of his life, and he would teach his wife to adopt a similar mode of action. CHAP. IX. Homer Joins ^^^ q^qj^ Homcr would not praise either love or love and rever- * • , • ence. tear apart Irom respect, but every where he m- tuvr. IX.] Lovi: and UF.vr.uKNCK. 301 troiluocs friendship accompanied witli modesty nnd n-verenre. At all events he represents Helen as reganlin;: Priam %vith this kind of fear : for he says, '• Stop-fiilhcr dear, Thou in mine oycs art honoured and revered :"' ;ind by this he means nothing else except that her love i* accompanied with respect. And again, Ulysses thus ud- divsscs Nausicaa, *• Lady, 1 do admire thee and revere." * Homer accordingly considers that these arc tlie mutual terms on which a husband and wife should stand. For no one ad- mires and reverences his inferior; but such feelings arise only in regard to beings superior to each other in nature, and more I'ricndly disposed; and further, in the case of persons inferior to others in wisdom towards their superiors. Such were the sentiments which Ulysses cherislied towards Penelope, and long as he was absent from his home, he did not fail in his •liitv. Ajiamemnon, indeed, for the sake of . ,.," • i- 1 • ^ 1- 11 1 -I- Agamemnon. Ihryseis, did err against his own wedded wife, for he dared to say in the assembly of the (ireeks, that a cap- tive lady, and in no way distinguished for her natural qua- lities, but rather (to speak plainly) s})rung of barbarian origin, was in no way inferior to Clytcmnestra:^ and as he already had sons born of her, he would seem to have acted amiss in this matter. And how could lie have been right, consider- ing that ho took to himself Chryseis by force as a concubine, even before he could know how she was disposed towards liiin ? 15ut, Ulysses, when the daughter of Atlas earnestly besought him that ho would remain with '""' li'T, promising that she would render him immortal, was not willing even for the sake of this boon to give up the love and atfeetion and confidence of his wife, considering that immor- tality would be a severe infliction upon him as the price of living on with villany.* No, nor did he choose to live on Mhiii. 172. ' Od. vi. 168. ' This refers to the well-known lines in II. A. 1. 113, etc. Kn\ yap pa KXvTaifivrjfjrpriQ 7rpo/3t/,3ovXa, Koi'ntc'irjQ a\6\ov' iKti oi'x f^^tf ^'^ri \fpHo)V, ou Cf^ag, ov^i tic truly, r or when a man and his wne harmomou-lv concord. co-opcrate in the same concerns, it needs inu>t follow that the sentiments of both are tlie same. And in the next plaee, gaining power by concord, they deprive their ene- mies of all hope of success, and they can assist their friends: but when they are at variance with each other, then tlieir friends too are divided, and they especially feel their power- lessness. And hence the poet clearly admonishes the hushau'l and wife that they ought by no means to join together i:i matters of villany and shame, but in matters just and rig!it to assist each otiier, by unity of purpose; and first of all ii» every way to take care of their parents, the mjin regardiiiL' those of his wife no less than his own, and the wile tli(t>e <" ' The story of Circe is riven hy Hi^nicr in Otlyss. look x. l.'^d— 571. » Od. vi. 161. ' 3 Qj; Yj^ ljs2-ibj. ♦ Ibid. rilAI'. I.] TllK KCONOMI^'T. 303 litT Iiusbaiul. In the iiuxt place, it would l»e iiece.«sary for bulh to take care of their children, friends, and fortune-?, anrl i {)( the entire hour>ehold, as being their connnon property, en- deavouring to outstrip each other in zeal and attenlivcness, that each may become the author of as much good as possible, and may prove himself better and more Hcruj^nloiisly just : as also to dismiss all haughtiness, and to adopt habits of industry, and so with gentle and kimlly rule to regulate the house ; so that when they are now arrived at old age, having l)aa.-sions, they niay be able to give, each to the other and to ilicir children, an account of their stewardship, as to which of the two has throughout bestowed greater attention to the management of their home, and so may know at once whether nn>fortune has come by chance or success by merit. And whichever has exc(dled in these respects, will obtain from the gods one gift, the greatest of all. For, as Pindar says, " Swpot hojK' ilirxt cho(TS tlio heart, bears company, And proves tiie imrse of ape."' And also he will obtain another piece of good fortune, namely, to he cherished in old age by his childnm. On this accoimt, both in public and private life, it would become the man who would pass a happy life, to have a regard for all the gods and hi> fellow-men, and especially for his wife, his children, and his parents. BOOK II.— Chap. I. Hk who pur poses d uly to manage any branch of xj^p pi^^rarter (■•oonomy, should be well accjuainted with the ofnnecono- locality in which he undertakes to labour, and "''*^ should be naturally clever, atid by choicejmlustrious and just ; t'tr if any one of these ipialities be wanting, he will make •nany mistakes in the business whfch lie intends to take in hand. Now, to speak by way of general distinction, there ' This passage of Pindar (Fr. 233) is also quoted by I'lato in his first '""k of the " Laws." 304 " Aristotle's economics. [book ii. _ -^= ^ are four kinds of economy, t he regal, the sa tra- eSSj^ **' pieal, the p olitical, a nd the domestic ; for all others, as wo shall find, fall under one or other of tlicsc heads. But of these th e t | of necessity have very many joints irTcomnion with each otlier : but we must look to tliose points which belong toeacli of them distinctively. First, then, let us consider th^ l^ \ ^^^*-'^'^- gaS.^ This kind, indeed, is general in its force. I and it contains fo ^r sp ecies, one concerning money, another | concerning exports, a third concerning iuiports, while a fourth | relates to expenditure. And to sj)eak ol' these severally ; h\ f that whicii c o ncerns m oney I mean, >viiat coin sliould b e raided | or lowe red in price , and when; and by tliat which refers to I exports and imports , when and what it will be prolitable to f receive from the satraps in ollice, and to dispo>v for sal e ; and \ as to expenditure, I mean what retrenchments must be miuk- i and when, and whether we nmst contribute money towards 3^ expenses, or those articles which arejuiCiJiascable by montN And secondly, the/sat rapicaU''"'^TTh is embrac* ^ The satrapical. • i- i /• ^- — .. ^ ,< ., -. ^, six kinds ot r evenue, iro nittie soi l, I rom th e pc- _ . \*-^J^^.. culiar productions of tlie countrv, trom trade, iVuui | tons, tioni cattle, and Irom all other source'. J And of these kiiids the best is that concerned with the pro- duce of land, (and this is what some call tithe,' jind other- tenths ;) while next ranks that which is concerned with pecu- liar prod uctions, as for example, with golil, or silver, or bra>- where they are severally found ; thirdly comes that which h:i- to do with trnlhc; fourthly, that which arises Irom vegetubk produce and market tolls ; while fifth is that which is cuii- I cerned Avith cattle, and whicli is called usufruct or til he ; aii'l • last in order IS tliat derived from other soui-ces, and which i- known by the names of a poll tax, (»r handicraft tax. Hui ,. . . thirdly, rh;t us consider! the/poTiTical econoITT^ 1 lie political. 1 I' I • .1 1 . I . --- — _-__4_*,-t-— — *^ and ot lhi.>, the best is the nicome ^Tn cTT an>e from thejpeculiar prod uctions of the soil ; next, that wliici. couTesTFoin tralHc and carriage of goods ; juid tlien, that whii ': is derived from matt ers of every-day life. Fourth and \^^^' ' In tliifl sense the word uccursj iu Herod, iv. 1S*8, Uipufna roi^ mifi-ii CHAr. II.] rUACTICAL CONSIDKUATIONS. 305 comt.s tli(QoniC5iticj?og|ionij; niid ^lis i.s tlic rcvrrscof s imple, (iwini; to llic fact thnt a liousc cannot of necessity be managed witii a view to one single aim, and jt is the least of all, Ixcause its incominp^s and outjioin-^s are on a small scale. And under this kind oTcconomy the least is an income derived from land, scconNhich we must rt'uard not as a casual matter, but as one which specially be- lt iniis to Uns lasF kind ; naTne l yV t1iat the expens es do not oxoeed tlTc inconnnjis Since, then, we have mentioned the divisions ronsidrrations. (of economy), next we must again ascertain, as to ^'■^^"'"■'^' the satrai)y or the city about which we are con -itlcring, whether it is able to bear all these kinds of expendi- ture which we have just now distinguished, or the greatest of them. After this, whichof the means of revenue either do not exist at all, but yet may be made available, or are at present small, and yet are capable of augmentation ; and out uf the present exjienscs, which and what amount may be re- moveres3cd for moiir \ Of the Byzan- g^j^j ^,j^ ^^^^^^y^^^ j.^,^^j^ . j,.^,,^ ^j- ^j^^.,,^^ ^^,jjj^.,j ^^. fruitful, for a certain number of years; bui i unfruitful for ever in fee simple : both those which belon.' to a Tiiiasus ' or a clan, and likewis<; whatever lay in ; han' for a religious purpose, such as a choir of HiicclianaN, or a i^irty nv ' celebrate a festival. In the dcniocratii state of (Jieece, there uer. : gioii.s associations called hy this name, who clubbed to;;eiher, ki j coinuiou fiiiid, ptn-chased hind, etc., for reiigioiis ]iurposes. A nin;. of s.ieh a 'I'hiasus avhs called a OiaawTij^;. The Wurd is derived :: aii')^, Doric for Oio^ CHAT. V. VI.] HII'PIAS. ,J07 and motlicr's side, they decreed tlmt whoever liad one parent a citizen might become a citizen upon laying; down .'30 iiiinie. And being in want both of lood and monry, tliey !in»ii:ht back their sliips from the ICuxine Sea: and after a time, as the merchants were indi^rnant, they paid them a tenth hv way of interest, and onh^ed that those wlio pureliased any article sliouhl ])ay a tenth over and above tlie actual pricp. And when certain l^b't(I'ci liad lent money on pro])erty already ninrtL^aged, and when they could not pet |>ayment, they passed a decree that every one's property should be safe, who paid to the state the third part of the debt, CHAP. V. IIirriAs of Athens sold those parts of the upper stories which projected into tlie streets, and the [, -,^,3^'^ "^ .-ttjxand palisaih's before the houses, and the doors wliich opened outwards ; these were bouglit by those who had projxrty, and thus a large sum of money was collected. And tliccoin which was current at Athens he proclaimed spurious ; ;md settini:: upon it a fixed price, he ordered them to bring it l):u'k to him ; and when they met together for the purpose of devising a new coinage, be gave them back the same money a? they iiad brought him. And whenever any one was about to act as a trierarch or phylarch, or to give a chorus, or to expend money upon any other such liturgy,* he laid upon him a small fine, and bade him pay this if he was willing, and then enrolled his name among those who had discharged a liturgy. And he bade them ofter to the ])riestess of Athena in the Acropolis, on behalf of every one who died, one cha'nix of barley and another of wheat, and an obol besides ; and that the saina oHering should be made by every one to whom a child should be born. CHAP. VI. or tho Atheni- ans of Pptidsps. TiiK Athenians who dwelt at Potidasa being in ^vant of money for the war, agreed to order all the citizens to enrol their properties, not collectively each in his own deme, but each property separately where it ' See notes on Pol. iv. 15, and v. 8. X 2 308 - auistotle's economics. [hook ii. lay, that the poor might be able to make an assessment of their property ; but that any one who had no property at all, should assess their own persons at 2 mina3. From this pro- ceeding they contributed the sum enjoined, to the preservatici of their city. CHAP. VII. Of an Antis- A. MAN of Antissa, when the city was in want oi sjEan. money, us the citizens were accustomed to celebrate the Dionysia with splendour, providing lor that festival many yearly shows and costly sacritices, pt'rsuaded them when tlic feast was near at hand, to vow that they would give double tin* following year, and to collect together and sell what they had in hand. Accordingly a large sum of money was col- lected by them to meet their necessity. CHAP. VIII. The people of Ltimpsacus, when a large body of o/Lampsacul triremes wjis expected to come against them, tlio medimnus of corn being at 4 drachma*, ordertd the retail dealers to sell it at G ; and when the gallon of olive oil was at 4 drachuKc and 3 obols, and wine and other pro- visions in like manner. So the individual got the aecustomtJ value (for his goods), while the city gained what was over and above, and so became well supplied with money. CHAP. IX. The people of Heraclea, not being well furnished with mone\, sent forty ships to the tyrants about the Bosphorus, ami bought up from the merchants all the corn, oil, and wine, ami the rest of their provisions. And when the time came round at which they were to pay the purchase money, and it was to the advantage of the merchants not to sell their wares by re- tail, but wholesale, they ' did not set before them money, * The common reading here is ^i^ovrts ^t' iiXXt^v which clearly is ab- surd and meaningless. Tiie suggestion of Canierariiis is originil anJ bold, CiCuvTfg (7KVTd\i]v, " bringing with lliem a t;vlly," (st-f Lidilell and Scott, V. (TKi-raXq.) Such things, as it is known, were in frequent u>e niAr. X.— XII.] SAMOS. LACEDiKMON. 300 but mndc a mart on board of tlie vessels, and over eacli of the siiips tlioy set a man to dispense it. And on their arrival at flie enemy's land, tlic soldiers bonglit the whole from them The money therefore was collected before the generals gave h;ick the pay, and so the result was that the same money was ■jiven until they returned home. CHAP. X. WiiFx the people of Samos besought the Laceda?- monians to give them money in order to cfTect andUcX*"' thrir return, the latter decreed that they would '"""'""»• •J.) tasting for a single day, themselves, their servants, and their beasts of burden,' and that they would give to the Sa- niians the amount which each of them would otherwise have vxj>ended. CHAP. XI. fiiF. citizens of Chalcedon, having a great num- iiT of foreign mercenaries in their city, were un- ?,[„* ^^ ^*''^^''*" ahle to give them their pay. Tiiey'proclaimed tlierelore, that if any one of t'he citizens or metn.«ci either had or wished to have a pledge from either the state or private persons, tiiey should enrol their names. And when many had enrolled thcniselves, they plundered the vessels which were sailing into the Kuxinc on a specious pretence. And they appointed a time at which they said that they would give account con- "rning them. And when a large amount of money had been ".Ikrted, they dismissed the soldiers, but went to law con- '•rning the pledges. And the city out of its revenues gave 'ad what they had lost to those who had been unjustly plun- lertd. CHAP. XIL inE people of Cyzicus being at variance, the po- 'ilar party prevailed ; and having taken the rich "ne«'^*'"* •'tn prisoners, they decreed that as money was . t^i'fn debtors and crcditow, but the editor has thought it best to omit ■ " ^orus as spurious. ' Compare Jonah iii. 7, 8. 310 AUISTOTLE's economics. [uOOK II. owing to tlie soldiery, they would not put their prisoners to death, but that they would free them and banish them. CHAP. XIII. «, u .,. , TnK Chians, as they bad araonj'st them a law or- Of the Chians. , . , ' •' • /. i ■ i i . (lermg them to enter a register ot their debts iii tlic publie treasury, decreed that all debtors should pay back their debts to tlie state, and that the city out of its revenues should ^Mve interest to those wlio had advanced the money, until they should reach their former pitch of prosperity.' CHAP. XIV. Mausolus, tyrant of Caria, when the king sent Mlllsoiur''* to him to pay his tribute, collected together tlie wealthiest men in the country, and said that tlie king asked for the tribute, but that he himself had no supply of money. And certain persons, whom he had suborned, dt- clared to them how much each of them must contribute. And when this was done, the wealthy individuals, partly throuirli shame and partly through fear, promised and contributed a far larger sum than was specified. Heing again in want of money, he called an assembly and told the IMylassians that their city, which was the metropolis, was without walls, ami that tlic king was about to march against it. He therefore bade the Mylassians to contribute as much money as possible, sayinir that by what they should now contribute, they wouhl save thc rest. And when a. considerable sum had been contributed, In kept the money himself, and said that the god wouM not allow him immediately to build the wall.^ CHAP. XV. CoxDALUS, a deputy of Mausolus, whenever any one brought him a sheep, or pig, or calf, as he passed through the country, used to mark down the name ei ' Tlie emuiidiition of Syllbiirpius here is probably correct, fwj; "»' »"'^' TO cn>xa1ov iicTTopiautat, until they shouUl pay the sum originally due. ' After pi'/coeo/itTt', the word t^v, or some oilier of similar meaning, niu;". be supplied to lill up tlie sense, which clearly requires it. . livr. XVI.] AHISKJTLK OF UIIODKS. 31] the tlonor and tlic tinir, and ordered liiin to carry it back l;(imL' and kcop it until lie should ronio bark ; and wlion a suitable time seemed to have arrived, he used to reckon np the profit and demand it back with the usufruct besides. And as to such trees as projected over or fell upon the kin;;'s hi^rhways, he sold their preits. And if any of the M-Miers died, he exacted a drachma as a toll for the body I>;i-sin2 the gate; aeeordinjily he made money by the matter, and at the same time the riders did not deeeiv(> him as to wlu'n the soldier died. And as he saw that the Lyeians were fctnd of wearing lonrj hair, lie said that letttrs had been received from the king, bidding them send away their hair to make false fronts, and that accordingly he had been bidden by Mausolus to shave them. He said that therefore he would -end for hair from (ireece, if they would be willing to give liitn a specified sum as a })oll-tax. They willingly gave him what he demanded, and a considerable ([uantity of money v as (•(•Hected from a 1ary:e multitude. o* CHAP. XVI. AinsTOTLE of Rhodes, governor of Phoen?a, be- ing in want of money, as he saw that the Pho- HhllJcf "' "^ <\rans were cut into two factions, secretly came to an agreement with one of the factions, snying that their tfponents were about to offer him money, on condition that he would put matters into their hands ; but that he himself preferred to receive money from the former party, and to ;:ive the city into their hands lor them to manage. And upon hearing this, those who were present at once furn- ished motley, and gave him as much as he commanded them. Then, again, he showed the others what he had received from tlii'ir opponents ; and they said they would give him just as nuich. And having thus taken a bribe from both parties, he reconciled the factions together. And seeing that law-suits were rife among the citizens, and that there were many in- juries of long standing, he held a court, and laid down^ a law ' The text from this point to the end of the chapter is very suspicious, and the vftrious cmcndatitms proposed are but unsatisfactor}- at the best. It in perhaps almost necessary to regard as interpolated the words rpoilirtv bffoi dv fii^ SiKatruvrat, and to reject them as a marginal gloss upon vSfxov 312 Aristotle's economics. [book ii. that judgment should no longer be given in the case of all out-standing charges. Then by the deposits made in nunur- ous suits, and by reserving in his own hands those which involved damages, and by taking bribes iVom each party througli the instrumentality of the other, he collected together no small amount of money. CHAP. XVII. The people of Clazomena3, too, being aftlictcil nieiiUn^!^^**^ with famine and in want of money, decreed that those j)rivate individuals who had any oil sliouW lend it to the city at a certain interest : now this fruit abouiid? in their country. And having hired vessels from the Iciukrs, they sent them oW to the marts from which they had tluir supply of corn, leaving the value of the oil as a pledge. And as they owed their soldiers pay to the amount of twenty talents, and were not able to furnish it, they gave the ge- \ nerals four talents a year by way of interest. But when they i cut oiF nothing from the former debt, and were always ex- j pending money to no purpose, they coined some money of iron | to stand in place of silver to the amount of twenty talent*, I and giving silver to all the richest men in the state \\\)ui\ a | pri)j)ortionate scale, they took back from them an ecpiivalent. | So the private citizens had money to spend upon their daily wants, and the city was freed from its debt. And, secondly. out of their revenues they paid them the interest duo, and , continually dividing it they gave a share to each, and called \ in the iron coinage. CHAP. XVIII. The Selybrians were in want of money ; and a? b/ians. ^^''^" there was a law among them not to export corn in ? a season of famine, and they had stores of corn oi i the preceding year, they passed a deeree that private person? I should give up their corn to the state at the fixed price, each ^ leaving behind a year's supply : then they gave leave to any '; one who chose to export it, aiilxing to it such a price a? seemed good to them. ^ iOtjKt, K. T.\. In that case the conjunction ^£ must be expunged, and | fur Trapa/SoXi), or Trupa/ioXov, we must read 7rapa/3oXy. I CHAl'. XIX.— XXI.] DIONYSIUS. 313 CHAP. XIX. TiiK oiti/cns of Abydos, — when their country was Ivinj: fallow on account of tho prevalence of fac- ^/Abydo.""' tion, as their metcrci did not give them any thin^r^ owin;: to the fact that they were still in debt, — pas?ed a de- cree tliat any one who chose might lend money to the hus- bandmen, in order to induce them to work, as they themselves would get the first-fruits of the soil, and the others from what was leit. CHAP. XX. Tin: Ephesians, being in want of money, passed a liuv that their women should not wear gold, but J][,;j'' ^'J"*'*- should lend to the state all that they then pos- sessed, and having ordered them to pay the sum of silver wliich was necessary from the pillars of the templo, tliey allowed the name of him who gave the silver to be inscribed if he had offered it. CHAP. XXI. DiONYSirs of Syracuse, wishing to collect toge- tlicr some money, called an assembly, and said a/s^rTd'se.' tliat he had seen Demeter, who bade him offer at Ikt temple the ornaments of the women. He said that he for Ills part had done this with the ornaments of the women in his own family, and he urged the others to do the same, lest some venireance from the gods should befall them ; and as for the man who refused to do thus, he declared that he should l>e *s tliat the sohliers had a good supply of provisions. CHAP. XXV. ^ I)iDALK?5, a Persian, havin^r soldiers under him, was able to supply them with tlieir daily rations ' *^'* from the enemy's land ; but as he had no money to give them, and he was asked for it at the time when it became due, he made the following contrivance. He called an assembly and said that lie had no lack of money, but that he had it at a certain place, specifying where. And liar- nessing his mules, he went towards the spot ; but when he came near to it, and going forward into it, he took out from among the sacred things stored up, all the silver plate that was there, and then went his way having so arranged his mules as if they were really conveying coined silver and exliibiting it. And when the soldiers saw this, they thought that it was all silver which they were carrying, and took courage as though they were about to gain their pay. But lie said that they must come to Amisus and signify their approval. Now the journey to Amisus was one of many days and dillicult ; so accordingly, during that time he satisfied the army by merely giving them their provisions. But he him- self kept in hand the artificers in the cam]), and those Avho traded in any articles of merchandise : and no one else was permitted to set himself to any thing of this kind. CHAP. XXVI. CiiAinnAS, an Athenian, advised Taos, the king of ^,^^ ^ . tlie hgyptians, when he was going out on an expe- dition and was in want of money, to take one of the priests and aquantity of the victims, and to say to the priests that they must he discharged on account of the expense. And when the priests hoard it, each of them wished the victim to bo in their own hands, and so they each oflfered money separately for them- selves. And w'hen he had received money from' them all, he hade them give them an order, that they shouM set down to the account of the temple and himself, the tenth part of the 318 ^ ARIST0TLE*8 ECONOMICS. [UUOK II. expense which they had previously incurred, and to lend the rest to him until the war aj^^ainst the king should be ibrought to an end. And he ordered thera all to bring in a contribu- tion from every family, fixing the re(iuisite sum, and likewise a line upon every head. And wlien corn was sold, he ordered that tlie buyer and seller should deduct from the actual price, rnd give him an obol out of every artabe, and from the shipping and the manufactories, and from those who had any other employment, he bade that the tenth part should be j)iiicl. And when he was about to lead his army out of the country, if any one clianced to possess any uncoined gold or silver, Ik- ordered him to bring it to him ; and when most had broughi wliat they had, he bade them make use of it ; but those who lent it he placed together with his captains, so that he could pay them out of the tribute. CHAP. XXVII. Iphicratf.s an Athenian, when Cotys had col- P icrac3. |^.j.j^,j together some soldiers, furnished him with money as follows. He bade one of the men over wliom he ruled to sow for him some land with three medimni of com ; and when this was done, a large store of corn was collected. Accordingly he brought down his stock to the sea, and gained an abundance of wealth. Of Cotys. CHAP. XXVIII. A 'riiUACi.w, named Cotys, wished to borrow of tlie Perinthians some money for the purpose ol' collecting soldiers ; but tlie Perinthians would not give it to him. He claimed of them, therefore, at all events to grant him some men out of the body of citizens as guards for cer- tain strongholds, that he might be able to makt; the most out of the soldiers who were then on guard there. They speedilv did so, as ti»ey deemed that tliey would themselves gain the post. 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Compl.ie in 1 stout Vol. Hvo, closely but very handkuinely printed, illustrated by numerous EDgtavir.gs,lutrodured IS head and tail-pieces, cloth, U*. 111^ '« I have not terms sumcienl to express my admiration of Mr. Roscoe'a genius and erudition, or my gratitude for the ainui-emcnl and information I have received. 1 recommend his iutour* to our country an work* of unquestionable >.'eniu» and uncouimon merit. 1 hey add the name ot Itoscoe 10 the verv first rank ol lliiKlish Classical Historians."— iVuflnn«»r;iiion», .M iitinlci, 4.c. cnmprisltift the " Loii of the Wajtef," •' Mutiny of the hJunty," Xc. 1:^1110, Frontispiece and Vignette (pub. at G<.|, cloth, 3«. SMOLLETTS WORKS, KditpJ fiv Kohcof. Complete in 1 %nl. (Rodrrirk Rjxndorji, Humphrey Clinker, Perpirrlne I'lrkle, I.auncelot Grravri, Coiin' Fathom, Advenliirri of in Atom, Travels, l'Uv». Sjc.) 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Indeed It Is kll tlmt the Scrljiture tludent cin deiire."— Ciiar»»or S'tloviri-. "The n line of Uolierl Hall wi'll he placed hy po!iteriiy amoii* the best writer* of the ace. m \i '1 ,i< '.he rrri^t vieorou! defenders oi religious truth, and the brightest example* of CliriiiiaD t.n i;v."_iir/. MatKint'iH, ^-EN^iYS (MATTHEW) COMMENTARY ON THE PSALMS. Complete In one • ! It I i' spIv '.iiiiled vnluiue, post ^^ 0. w ilh 26 lUustratiuun on wo')d, cloth, [u>i^:>rm utih Ike * 7.1,1 ni /./'./urj,), U. (hJ. I»il MiLl-S (REV. ROWLAND) MEMOIRS. 1)y his Friend, the Rev. W. Joyrn. Kdited, n.'ha Preiac, by the llev.JvMEs Smfrman (Rowland Hiti,'l 8vo, fine steel Portrait (pub. tt 1 1.1, c!o!h. S». HOPKINS'S (BISHOP) WHOLE WOHKS, with a Memoir of the .\tithor, «ind a very .ex'e:isi\e general Index of Texts and Sui.jecls, 2 vols, royal 8vo (puh. at 1/. 4».), cloth, IJi. " ri'hop Hnpkins'i works f irtn of ilicmselTei a sounJ body of illvlnltjr. 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I RIDDLES ECCLESIASTICAL CHRONOLOGY; or Annals of the Christinn Church | liuni ltd Koui..i.iiiuii to the Present Tiiue ; coiituiiiinij a View of Cieueral Church History (in- cluding Coutruveisiics, Setts, and Partjeg, Ecclesiastical Writer*, *ic.) 8vo, cloth (put-, at lit.), reduced to 7«. 6tcd into one coutiiiued Scriea, and forming a Comiiu-iitary upon eveiy Uook of the Old and New Testament; to which are annexed an Imptovrd edition ot CUude'i Etuj na the Com|H)^li>on of a Sermon, atid very cumprehcniive Indexea, edited by Uev.THUMii IlAHTWki.L lluH.sa,31vul(. uvu (pub. at m. lot.), clotb, U. 7<. The /oiiouiny miniadire tdUiont q/ Sunton't popular workt art un\fwniUy pritUtd im SSmo, and LouiiU lA cliAk : THE CHRISTIAN'S ARMOUR, 9d. THE EXCELLENCY OF THE LITURGY, W. THE OfFlCKS OF THE HOLY SPIRIT, W. HUMILIATION OFTHE SON OFOOl); TWELVE 8ERMON8, M. APPEAL TO MEN OF WISDOM AND CANDOUR, »ii. DISCOURSES ON UEHALF OF THE JEA'S, 1». W. '•T)ie worka cf Simeon, containing 2536 dUcoursea on the principal pasaage* ortha 014 aad New Teatanieiit will be found peculUrly adapted to assist the *iuilic» of thv jouuger clergy Ic lliilr preparation for the pulpit ; ti.ey \» 111 likewise strve as a Roily of iJivtnliy; an.l are t) many rtcummcudfid as a biblical Contmentary, Aei> adapted to be read in fumlliea."— iLoivaiflT do*, iVi* Imirnt ofholil, powerful, and orlglnul thouKtit. Iti moit itrlklr»ly orlvtn*! tlfwi. hoirr^r ii»T»i lr«n«ifrem the »>niind< of pure rrntntint orthodoTT, or vInUte the iplrltnftnnh «nd'ioKer no-^< , and yot It di«riu»e« tn(dr^ ron^tilutlns the rerv ront «n( hmin of tho«r furlniii pole mlti winch h»ve *h«ken iepe«leilly the whole Inttllectuil an< I't M'tiazxAe. TAYLORS (ISAAC) ELEMENTS OF THOUGHT, or cnnci^n Frpbnation'?. nlph^- h:I' tlonary of all the i rlncipal Wordi In the Old and New TeiMment, llluatratrd by three tnap<, ami l.'t br.iutlful woodcuts, 8vo, cloth ielterrd, (pub. ,Tt lli. |. 7'. 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H) GREEK AND ENGLISH LEXICON TO iir.UDDOTtS, adapted to the 'lext of Oilnfurd aud Baehr, and all oilier Ediiiont, bvo, cloia (|)ub. at |-.'i.),8«. LEMPRIERE'S CLASSICAL DICTIONARY. Miniature Edition, eontaiiiing a full Accouiit of all the I'rojjer names nRiilioned In Ancient Author*, and much usetul liifurmauoa rei)>cr(iiitc the lines and hal)iti uf the Grrek* and Homani. New and cornplele Kailiuo, elegaiiWy printed la ptarl type, in 1 very thick vol. l8mo (pub. at U. W.), cloih, *i. CJ. UVII HISTORIA, EX RECENSIONE DRAKENBORCHII ET KREYSSIG; Et Annouilonci Crkvierii, Stmothii. lluptRri, et aliDruin ; Animsdversiunes Nitni HRii, Wachsmutuii, et »ua.s addiillt Travkrs Twus J. C. H. Coll. V'niv. Oi.oh. Soclus et Tutoi. Cum Indice aniplissinio, 4 vols. 8vo (pub. at W. !»«.), tlolh, 1/. 1«. OiJurJ, l»l] Tills ii the best aud most useful ediiinn of Llvy ever publWhed In octavo, and It 1* prelened In all our univen>it;es and claikical acliool*. LIVY. tilitcd l)v Peenuevim,k. 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This )i"!>'il'ir edition is stereotyped, and bcinij n^w reduced to a price sufflclcnlly low tJ Le cd iu S.iiools. it is hoj.cd It wi.l he o\teii»ively introduced. XTiiF.H VuLUMi; MAV BE H\U SLT.k HI tbl. V AT Tllk SAME HAVE, viz. 7«. PUBLISHED OR SOLD BY H. O. BOHN. 29 fACITUS, (the Utin Text), complete, from the Text of nnoTir.R, with hii F.tpl«n»toTy Nrl«i In Enellsti, edited, for the uie of 8chooli and Collegei, by A. J. Valpt, M.A. J *•!». poit l»o, (pub. «t W. 4i.), cloth, 10». Cd. TERENTIUS, CUM NOTIS VARIORUM, CURA ZEUNII. cum OiLHj tcced. Indet coploj;«»lmnt. Complete In I thick »ol. iTo, (pub. tt 10.,), cloth, ««. lur VIRGIL EDWARDS'S SCHOOL EDITION. Virgilii ;£nei8, rura F.nwARDS et Q-ifti. onei VlfRllUnif, or Nntei and UneMloni. tdapted to Ui« middle Forms In Scbooli. ] toll in I. IJmo. bound In cloth (pub. at 6». firf.), ii. •»• KIther the Text or Que«l!oni m»y be had leptritely (pub. at U. 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ROBERT AND FREDERICK; a Tale lor Youth, fcap. ^. «iUt 'M blfbly finished wood EngravlAMt. cloih, gilt edges, (pub. aV te. S->.). reducad to it. t~ PUBLISHED OR SOLD BY H. O. BOHN. 3l REYNARD THE FOX. THE MOST DFLKCrARLE UlSlORT OF. Squfire 12m KviRr>i«liMoBa, rojal IMiio. very eiegantly printed, wivb a beautiful fronlipltc* after Ha»tit, tlefanl, (Ut «lf«», U. Od. SKETCHES FROM FLEMISH LIFE. »')• He.nuhick Conscik.nck, iqtiare 12m^ p;alt-l, iK'tb, \cu\. ciigri (pub. at Ci.), 3i. bd. iilusic anil illusical ([Clorl^s. rHE MUSICAL LIBRARY. A Srlcrtion of the host Vornl and Tnstmmental Miiic, both Knwli«h and Foriiitn. Edited by \V. Ayrtov, F.»q., of the Op'ra Houte. g Tolt. foll», comprt heiuhnK more than 400 pieces of Mu^c, beautUuily printeu vllb meUlUc trp«a (sob •t 4>. 0.),se«ed. I . lit. firf. The Vocal and Instrumental may be had separately, etch In 4 roll. 16i. MUSICAL CABINET AND HARMONIST. A Collertion of CTassical iind Populu Vocil an I Instrument.Al Music; comprising Selfctions from ihe best production of a.l th« Great Masters ; tnglish. .Scrtch, and Iri'h .Me. es ; ni^h many of the National Airs of otbtt Countrlps, enihracini; Uvertt.rcs, .Marches, llnndos, Qnadrillej. WaltZfS. and Oallopadea ; also .Madrieals. Duets, and Glees; Ihe «hole adapted either for the Voice, the IMano-fute. tht Harp or the Or?in; with IMecci nccajionally fur he Flute and Guitar, under ibe superinten- dence of an eminent TroTpssor. 4 vols, small folio, comprehending more than 3c0 pieces of Music, beautifully printed with metallic types (pub. at it. 2i. ), sewed, 164. The content^ of the work are quite different from the >f usical Library, and the Intrinsic merit r' the selection is equal. MUSICAL GEM ; a Collection of 300 Modem Songs, Dneti, Glees, kc. br the ino«t eelfbrAtcil Cnmpniers of the preirnt (*I» W.jACCi •. itlaifjcinaiics, MAOLCrS CEOtlETRY. PERSPECTIVE, AND PROJECT CN, fr • e w A."-.'-: « * .ir«i ».;.; -; . .-,«".iia * .,.,- ."i ■ --.\ ft 7*.>, ClMUi, S«. . ». ^> - SrACT.CAL MEN; ioAtD UBIAIT. -OTESTANTS. ifA ^f. U,U. A or PC'-mCAL, CCNSTfTUTIONAu ■ t9«UUn«4fU4»f. « ;:^-^ ' --S»f Of THE -..',- ..'...' OH.trmdbtri>yC.Cocu> L,.ir ,■/,',. ■ ^ - . - - ^ 1-. « .. • . ««r7 bM«CJIk' f n» -.» t/« 14 DAY USE RETURN TO DESK FROM WHICH BORKOWED LOAN DEPT. This book is due on the last date stamped below, Rl or on the date to which renewed. Renewals onlv: Tel. No. 642-3405 Renewals may be made 4 days ^rior to date due. Renewed books are subject to immediate recall. ^ »EgQii> m2i rd'i> Ph, U 4. DEG10 73-9AM gHTPPP -£ APR R 1975 6 4 llEbCHb miJ15 VW: PiC. CIK. m l'if\Y ? 1980 BECCiit. APR 7 1980 l.D21A-20m-3,'73 (Q86778l0)476-A-31 General Librarr University of Caliiornia Berkeley i- f ^». ':-' / %- U C BERKELEY LIBRARIES CDMblbDSST 11 •