COI^NELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME OF -THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND GIVEN IN 1891 BY HENRY WILLIAMS SAGE Cornell University Library The original of tliis bool< is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924071172914 AEISTOTLE'S POLITICS BOOKS I. III. IV. (VII.) LONDON : PRINTED BY SP0TTI8W00DB AND CO., NBW-STRBET SQTJAttB ASD PARLIAMEST STSEfit AEISTOTLE'S POLITICS BOOKS I. III. IV, (VII.) THE TEXT OF BEKKER WITH AN ENOLISH TRANSLATION BY W. E. BOLLAND, M.A. ASSrST.^NT-MASTER OF BEDPOKD GRAMMAR SCliOOL LATE POST MASTER OF MKRTON COLLEGE, OXPOUn TOGETHER WITH SHORT INTRODUCTORY ESSAYS BY A. LANG, M.A. LATK FBLLOW OF MEBTON COLLEGE, OXFORD LONDON LONGMANS, GEEEN, AND CO. 1877 AU rights reserved £40 CONTENTS. ESSAY PAGn I. The 'Politics' of Aeistotle 1 n. Aeistotle's Conception of Political Science . 4 III. On some Leading Conceptions of Abistotle . . 8 IV. The Greek Citt-Statb .... 16 V. Tybannies in Gbbbcb 25 VI. Internal Caitses of vabious Fobms of the State 32 VII. Theory op Revolutions 36 VIII. Intbenational Relations of the Gbebk Cities . 43 IX. Causes affecting the Personal Chabacteb op the Citizens 47 X. Pbactical Aims of Aristotle 50 XI. Slavery, Commerce, and the later Dbmoceacibs 55 XII. Aristotle's Ideal State 64 XIII. Land-Tenuee in Greece 76 xrv. The Origin op Society 90 POLITICS. Book 1 107 Book III 155 Book IV 231 PEEFACE. In offering this translation to the public, I wish to say a few words as to the object with which it was written. When I took private pupils at Oxford, I found that Passmen who read Aristotle's ' Politics ' laboured under great disadvantages in comparison with those who read the ' Ethics.' The latter possessed an excellent translation in that of Mr. Williams, and a complete edition, with good notes for their purpose, in Mr. Moore's book. The Passman-student of the ' Politics ' generally used Mr. Congreve's edition, in which the most useful notes were not of the kind he needed, and the translation in Mr. Bohn's series. To help pupils who aimed at taking a Pass degree, I tried to translate for them the work they had to do in a manner at once literal, and not un- intelligible when read apart from the Greek context. I soon found that I could not keep pace with my pupils' work ; and as I hoped that others might find useful what was helpful to them, I have, after many interruptions. vi PEEFACE. completed the books which Passmen take up in their final schools. To obtain success in my object, of com- bining a literal translation of Aristotle with English that can be read easily as English, soon appeared im- possible. I have endeavoured, however, to give the Passmen the best aid in my power, and I hope that even this amount of assistance will induce more men to take up so interesting and profitable a subject as the ' Politics ' of Aristotle. In rendering the more difiicult passages, I have endeavoured to make out the meaning, if possible, from Aristotle himself, and have not always followed th,e beaten track. I have found great help in St. Hilaire's French translation, and many of Congreve's English notes, besides other works in different languages. In the matter of text, I have found Susemihl's edition most useful, though the text printed is almost entirely that of Bekker's second edition, now used in the schools at Oxford. I must take this opportunity of thanking many friends for kind suggestions and help, especially the Eev. T. L. Papillon, Fellow and Tutor of New College, for his kindness and care in looking over the proofs. In conclusion, I would only say that no one can PREFACE. Vll judge of the difficulty of translating Aristotle till he has himself tried to do so. The greatest encouragement that I have found was in the words of a writer in the ' Saturday Eeview ' : — ' No one who has not tried such work can know the labour and the thought which often go to the decision of this or that shade of expression : the shade chosen at last is a compromise. A slap-dash reader thinks it clumsy or tame, and would at once put in some more telling phrase, for he has not gone through the difficult and delicate poising of the scales ; he does not see that, of many conditions which the translator must regard, the greatest number is satisfied by just this particular word or turn, and could be satisfied by no other, though the general sense might be far more brilliantly expressed.' W. E. B. To try to give a brief account of the evolution of Greek Political conditions, and of Aristotle's attitude and method as a student of the philosophy of society, is to labour vsim hi TpiiroXrp. I have, therefore, sought to introduce some novelty by bringing in a few illustrations from the Ufe of backward races. Tiii PREFACE. I have to thank Mr. Eknest Myers, Fellow of Wadham College, for his kindness in looking through the proof-sheets of my notes. The quotations from Mr. McLennan's ' Primitive Marriage ' are from the first edition, not the new and enlarged ' Studies in Ancient History.' A. L. INTEODUCTOEY NOTES. I. THE 'politics' OF AKISTOTLB. The Politics of Aristotle have a double value: they contain the first really scientific discussion of the origin, the elements, the constitution, and the condi- tions of human society, and they are a storehouse of information as to the facts of the history of Greece. It is true that conscious reflection on the different shapes and possible perfect form of the State, on its relations to the Individual, and on its international rights and duties, had been awake in Greece long before the age of Aristotle. The great questions had been propounded and discussed, the terminology had been almost fixed. In the first place had arisen the early Lawgivers, Solon, Charondas, Zaleucus, Philolaus — whom we may call the Judges — and the early mystics, Pythagoras. Apollo's son, Epimenides, the healer of souls, and Empedocles, who were in a sense the Prophets of Hellas. The latter possessed a secret of life, a certain method of conduct, which they inculcated to disciples, who then formed spjall communities within the cities of Sicily and Italy. B 2 EARLY THEORISTS. From these mystics Aristotle received, through tradi- tion, many ideas, and, above all, the notion of the power which the lawgiver has to direct the conduct of men to a moral end. From the example of the great Spartan lawgiver Lycurgus, whom the Delphian Pythoness knew not whether to address as God or as mortal, and from the enduring influence which his system of almost monastic discipline exercised on Sparta, Aristotle, like other Greek writers on politics, drew the conclusion that one man of impressive character, backed by the influence of religion, might mould the characters of men to a uniform type. Hence the recurrent idea of the Lawgiver {yofjio6eT7}s) who, with the help of the Delphian oracle, is to fashion the spiritual lives of the citizens towards a given end. Again, the Lawgivers who appear on the horizon of really historical times, such as Solon, had codified and committed to writing the unwritten customs and dooms of early Greece ; and the ideas fixed in these customs and dooms, ideas dating from the time when the Chieftain-Priest was a living oracle of law, greatly coloured the political speculations of Aristotle. After the actual legislators came the amateur theorists, like Phaleas and Hippodamus, who seem to have tried, in a fashion, to buttress the old traditional notions of Greece, with the help of the new rational doctrines, which we connect with the names of the earlier sophists. Still later appeared the wandering rhetoricians, dis- turbing the repose of political custom, with arguments drawn from abstract notions about Eight, Virtue, Nature, Law, and so forth. These arguments were AEISTOTLE AND HIS PKEDECESSOKS. 3 popularised by dramatists like Emipides, who made his characters speculate on duty and morality on the stage, and who did for the new democracies what Pindar and Theognis had done for the ancestral aris- tocracies — gave them poetic texts in support of their ideas. N^ext Plato, in a variety of dialogues, had sought after some permanent basis for morality, had constructed an ideal state, had discussed almost every difficulty which Aristotle handles, and one may almost say had left, in beautiful scattered fragments, the notions which Aristotle tries to arrange into a scien- tific body of doctrine. Plato had amplified the teaching of Socrates, and had helped out reason by imagination, by rhetoric, and by the invention of myths, which like the gods in the plays appear whenever there is a nodus vindice dignus. Xenophon had discussed the constitution of Sparta with par- tisan admiration, and had treated of the commercial democracy of Athens, and pointed out the tway to make her more wealthy and indolent than ever, with the irony of a man of high birth and education, a soldier and a sportsman. Acquainted, as we may believe, with all or most of these writings, and with the political thought of Thucydides, and not un- influenced by any of them, Aristotle went to work to build up a philosophy of human society, which should neither depend wholly on old traditional wisdom, nor be a series of empirical maxims, a moyen de parvenir in politics, nor rest upon poetic imagina- tion ; but should be founded on a collection of facts, and on the teaching of historical experience. Quite 4 HIS CONCEPTION OF POLITICAL SCIENCE. unlike Plato, he determined to discard no institution — as the Family, and Property — which immemorial use approved. He would introduce nothing new, nothing which had to be based on a myth, for he probably perceived that myths had been invented to account for institutions already sacred, and that no new custom could be made sacred by being grounded on an equally new myth. Thus he neither rejects anything dear to men (ar/airrp-ov) from of old, nor brings in a new dyanrrjrov, like the Enthusiasm of Humanity: II. abistotle's cokception of political science. Befoee entering on the study of Aristotle's scientific philosophy of the State, it may be well to ask what he meant by his science; and further, whether he was mistaken in thinking that a science of Politics is possible at all. Now if by political science be understood a knowledge of the general laws of human nature, acting in political associations, and of the effects of variable causes, such as the influence of great men, sufficient to enable the philosopher to predict, and if he chooses to alter the development of history, we may say that Aris- totle did not consider this science possible, and did not attempt to construct it. If he had made any such preten- sions his own failure would be obvious. He lived in an age of slavery, and far from foretelling a day when slavery PLACE OF POLITICAL SCIENCE. 5 should fall into discredit and disuse, he gave it a place among the ' natural ' institutions of society, such as property and the family, and left it there. He lived in a country of small city states, and in a time when the spirit of these states had departed, when their liberty had well-nigh perished, and he proposed no scheme of union, and looked forward to no such fresh order of things as the Eoman Empire, or the national system of modern Europe, or even to such a federation as the Achaean League. Such a new and striking factor in politics as the beginning of the Macedonian Empire seems to attract his attention indeed, but gets no notice in detail. Again, although the military age of Greece was practically past, he did his best to dis- courage industrial development, and left a stigma on commerce and on credit which still clings to them. What, then, did Aristotle mean by ^ ttoXitikjj — political science ? What was his idea of its scope, its aim, and its method ? In the first place, he gives this science the loftiest rank in the hierarchy of sciences ; it is jj Political science takes this lofty place, because the matter which it deals with is the noblest. That matter is the nature of Man, and of Man too in his highest rela- tions, in the condition's within which alone he attains his most perfect, his almost divine development, namely, as the free citizen of a free state. The end of this science is like that of all sciences- — the attainment of good, but of good in its brightest form, the form of Justice.^ Now Justice here is only another name for the > Ethics,!. 2, 5. ' PoL jii. 12, 1. 6 STUDY OF FACTS. common weal ; or, in other words, the end of political science is to discover the conditions under which every citizen will be able to secure the most free and perfect development of himself, consistent with the good of the State, without impediment in harmonious circumstances. But as this ideal harmony of circumstances is not always to be found, it is the practical duty of political science to study the almost infinite diversity of existing circum- stances, ' for there is not one sort of democracy or one sort of oligarchy only,' and to suggest the adaptation of institutions to facts which have come into existence through different laws of historical necessity.^ Laws must be made for states, not states for laws. Therefore untiring study and collection oi facts are necessary. The nature of political science, and its scope, as conceived of by Aristotle, are now apparent. It is the science which observes man in the sum of his relations, as historically exhibited in his institutions. It is a science based on the collection of facts, and on the discrimina- tion of countless shades and gradations in the evolution of the various forms of government. And it is the science which, having thus obtained a clear and critical conception of man's needs and powers, applies that conception to his institutions, and attempts to bring them into harmony with circumstances. Again, it is the science which constructs, as a type and example, a model of the ideal state in which men might reach perfection, if perfection could ever be reached by more than an isolated person, here and there in the world. Sometimes the brightness of this ideal conception blinds ' Pol. iv. 1, 11. ' COMPARATIVE POLITICS.' 7 Aristotle to the value of the ordinary civic life of Greece, and draws him away from realities. But Aristotle always has history and historical development present to his mind ; he has a fact for every assertion ; he is keenly alive to the immense variety, the many differences in institutions which come under the same general name, such as Democracy, Liberty, Tyranny, and so on. It is in his continual reference to history and to fact that he is most instructive. His collection of the constitutions of one hundred and fifty-eight Greek states, and his researches into the customs of barbarous tribes, with his habit of making these customs throw light on the earlier institutions of G-reece,give him a place among students of what we now call Compara- tive Politics. Aristotle is not satisfied with saying, like one of the characters in Plato's ' Eepublic,' that ' there are reported to be many and absurd forms of govern- ment among barbarians.' He notes the constitutional kingship of the Molossi ; he remarks on an early G-reek custom like compurgation ; on the fact that the G-reeks used to buy their wives from each other; and he men- tions some curious traits of savage manners.* Thus Aristotle studied political life in the spirit of modern criticism, and he treated many modern problems in a scientific fashion. .But his science has many precon- ceptions and prejudices, his method many peculiarities, his field of observation many necessary limits ; and all these combine to make him seem remote, out of date, and difiBcult of comprehension to modern readers. It is therefore needful first to give an account of ■• Eep. 544 ; Pol. v. 10, 8 ; vii. 2, 11 ; ii. 8, 20. SOME PEECONCBPTIONS. Aristotle's Method, and of his preconceptions, and then to trace in history the development of the Greek City- state to which his speculation is confined. III. ON SOME LEADING CONCEPTIONS OF AKISTOTLE. In reading the 'Politics' of Aristotle we meet with many arguments which appear either to want force altogether, or to depend for their force on some conception not stated, or on some premise taken for granted as if it were generally known and admitted by everyone. There seems to be a store of ideas in the background, which no one is expected to dispute, and which Aristotle appeals to with confidence. When he has brought a theory within the reach of one of these conceptions, such as Nature, Measure, the End, Order, he is satisfied that he has made his point. Some of these conceptions are tolerably familiar to us, others less familiar, or even strange ; some of them are parts of Aristotle's general system, for it must never be forgotten that his ' Politics ' is only one stone, a corner-stone, in a whole theory of knowledge ; some, again, may be called Greek common- places, notions that were parcels of the mind of Greece ; and some are part of Aristotle's inheritance from the older philosophers, such as Pythagoras and Anaxagoras. Then there are processes of argument which do not seem always convincing to us, especially the argument from the analogy of the arts, with conclusions in the METHOD. 9 sphere of politics. Again, there is a strong belief in the power of the Legislators, to whom the Greeks were wont to attribute such arrangements as the a-va- alria, — the early distributions of land, and so on— arrangements which we believe to have been produced by circumstances, before the age of law, out of the remains of tribal customs. Further, there is the tendency in Aristotle which we may almost call mystic — the tendency to look now to an ideal life of political virtue, now to an ideal life of philosophic contemplation, or to a blending of both, as the best for individuals and for the State. Besides all this, there is the obscurity arising from a method of arguing in which aTTopoaij or difficulties, are put forward, while the question is not definitely settled, but is relegated to some later portion of the ' Politics.' On the whole, the method of Aristotle may be called analytical, with a view to a later synthesis. He will exa- mine the ultimate units, the elements of every compound existence, before pronouncing on the nature of the whole which the elements make up.® In the ' Organon ' and in the ' Ethics ' he has analysed the psychological and moral elements in the nature of the Individual ; and in the ' Politics ' he begins by examining the component elements and the conditions of the State, as husband and wife, father and children, master and slave, owner and property, citizens of this rank and citizens of that lower grade, as differentiated by such natural causes as birth, wealth, occupation. But all the time that he is analys- ing, Aristotle has present to his mind some very dis- ' Pol. i. 2, 1. 10 NATUEE AND CONVENTION. tinct ideas as to the nature of the whole, as to the natural, unspoiled form of the State. These ideas are the result of all sorts of factors, of aristocratic prejudice, of traditional morality, and of a philosophic theory about Nature, which it is necessary to understand. Aristotle mentions among the devices of Sophists the trick of ringing changes on the terms Nature, and Law, or Conventional Institutions. The dialecticians of Greece had discovered that ' the estimates of things just and honourable, with which Political Science is con- cerned, shift and vary so much, as to seem the result of capricious enactment, rather than of Nature.' ^ In fact the revolutionary thinkers of Greece laid much the same stress onNature(meaning thereby the presumedprimitive freedom from all authority of law, reason, and custom) as Eousseau did in his ' Discourses on the Origin of Inequa- lity among Men.' This is a commpn sort of reaction against a complicated civilisation, founded on religious and traditional beliefs which men have ceased to believe in. Now the purpose of Aristotle was conservative, and thus it became his object to prove that the institutions he wished to preserve were not the result of capricious enactment, but were founded on Nature. But Aristotle's way of understanding Nature is just the reverse of Eousseau's way, except when it suits his purpose to shift his ground, as in the disquisition on money and trade. Nature is identical with the fulfilment, and final cause of all progress to an end (fi Bs ipva-ts rsXos Kal ov svsKa)J Nature is matter fully fashioned and elaborated rather than matter in thorough {fidWov aitrj ^vffis rfji vXrjs). • Ethics, i. 3, 2. ' Nat. Auscult. ii. 1, 10. MEANING OF NATURE. 11 Man in a state of Nature is Man as Nature would have him to be, that is, as Aristotle would, have him to be, a free warrior, statesman, and politician, at leisure, not a savage, feeding on acorns. ' Nature seeks not only right activity, but the power of living in noble leisure.' Contrast this with Eousseau's State of Nature : ' L'exemple des sauvages qu'on a presque tons trouves a ce point, semble confirmer que le genre humain etoit fait pour y rester toujours . . . et que tous les progr^'s ulterieurs ont ete en apparence autant de pas vers la perfection de I'individu, et en effet, vers la decrepitude de I'esp^ce,' * The contrast is particularly marked where Eousseau denounces the man who invented property, which Aristotle declares to be an institution suggested by Nature and ' unspeakably sweet.' ', In Aristotle's eyes, then,! Nature is almost the un- conscious action of the will of the world, bringing all things into uniformity with limit and with right reason. The right reason of course is Aristotle's notion of what is best. Mr. Grote's way of stating the doctrine of Nature makes the matter very clear, if we apply to politics what is said of physics and metaphysics. ' There are in the sublunary bodies ' (in which form is implicated with matter) ' both constant tendencies and variable tendencies. The constant Aristotle calls " Nature," which always aspire to Good, or to the reno- vation of Forms as perfect as may be, though impeded in this work by adverse influences, and therefore never producing anything but individuals comparatively = Discours sur I'origine de I'in^galiti parmi les hommes. » Pol. ii. 5, 8. 12 CONSTANT AND VAEIABLE TENDENCIES. defective, and sure to perish. The variable tendencies he calls Spontaneity and Chance, always modifying, dis- torting, frustrating the full purposes of Nature.' '" If we apply this doctrine to politics, we find that the matter is human character, and human circumstance, which Nature fashions into the forms of the family and the state. The constant tendencies in human character and circumstance make for good and for order. Such a tendency is that which keeps all things in due subor- dination of ruler and subject, which sets father over child, master over slave, old over young, reason over passion, which makes the city wish to consist of equals, which when one man or one family is undeniably better than the rest, as gods are better than men, puts kingly or aristocratic rule into their hands. Thus the results of Nature's unchecked workings are the Family, with due subordination of woman, child, and slave ; the Monarchy, with due obedience to the one Godlike man, who alone contributes more to the stock of excel- lence than all the others ; the Aristocracy, where a few are equally pre-eminent ; and the Polity, where there is a natural equality among the citizens. In all these natural forms of rule government is exercised in the interest of the natural whole, the State and citizens. On the other side are variable tendencies, contrary to Nature, which ruin the subordination of families, which induce men to take money, a mere instrument, for the end of their life, which work for the overthrow of natural slavery, which drive the one best man or the one best family out of the cities, which prevent the '" Grote, Aristotle, i. 165. LIMIT. 13 State from consisting of equals, which, in short, produce these abnormal and unnatural distortions called tyrcm- nies, democracies, and oligarchies, which govern in the interest of an overgrown member of the whole. Thus Nature is always being frustrated and defeated, and from this point of view Aristotle's doctrine of the decline of states is not so very far removed from the scheme of Plato, with its fatal cycles of better and worse. Analogous to the idea of Nature in Aristotle is the idea of the limit, to irdpas, and of to TrsTTspacrfiivov, the finite. Both these notions seem to be derived from the Pythagorean catalogue of limit and limitless, odd and even, one and many, good and bad, male and female, and the rest, which became a sort of accepted canon with Greek thinkers. Limit and the infinite are the elements out of which the orderly and knowable world is made. The infinite is all disorder, confusion, a blur of undistinguishable sensations, and in morals of masterless passions, till, by the introduction of the limit, chaos is slowly made orderly, and passions are formed into character. Apply- ing, for instance, this conception to the question^, is com- merce a legitimate occupation ? Aristotle answers no, be- cause oiSev SoKsi it spas slvat itXoi/tov koI KTrjostas, there is no necessary Umit to the acquisition of wealth." Now wealth is defined to be abundance of the instruments necessary towards the independent life. These used to be obtained by barter, and a man was satisfied when he had enough of them, that sufficiency was the " Pol. i. 9, 1. 14 LIMIT AND THE END, •jTspizs. But when money was invented, and it was commonly held that wealth meant abundance of money, there was no natural -jripas to the acquisition of coin, d-TTSipos Sr) ovros 6 wXovros. But there is a deeper reason than this for the fact that the endless acquisition of wealth is unnatural. Desire of riches springs from that character which thirsts insatiably for life, not for the noble life, which seeks satisfaction in the chaotic and infinite field of pleasure, without definite end, not in striving after the limit and end of exist- ence.'^ Here the limit (jrspas), from another point of view becomes identical with the end and aim of life (the t^Xos). This ts\os is the same for the State and for the individual, namely, happiness. No concep- tion is more constantly in Aristotle's mind than this of the End. From all past experience and history he has arrived at a fixed and luminous idea of what Nature would have, what all her workings tend to. This is not the life of men wandering in nomadic hordes, nor of men living as husbandmen in scattered villages, nor of great servile nations. The free wild tribes of the North have no central engrossing interest and bond of life : the peoples of Asia are gifted with intellect and art, but they are slavish. Hellas alone occupies the happy mean, alone offers to men in the city-state an object for noble action that must fill all their lives, and an environment of free relationships in which to exercise virtue. The State is the liTnit, beyond which Nature does not wish to pass in the formation of political organisms. The State in its perfection and the citizen in perfection are " Pol. i. 9, 17; Plato, La-ws, 714. PEA.CTICAL AND IDEAL END. 15 the end of her travail. Now that perfection is happi- ness. But is the happiness to be that of practical activity and the exercise of moral virtue, or that of philosophical contemplation ? The consideration of the riXos thus brings us to what is a standing difficulty in reading Aristotle. He seems to hesitate whether to recommend a possible life of civic virtue and activity, or an ideal life of contem- plation to men and states. The latter life answers to the saintly life, the entrance into ' religion ;' the former corresponds to the knightly life of the Middle Ages. As we have within us, he seems to say, the power of raising some divine element to a momentary delight in the divine reason, a momentary recognition of our connection with divinity, ought we not to make this our riXos ? Can this contemplative existence be com- bined with the political existence ? This is the question which is treated in the book on the Ideal State. It is here, then, that the mystic element appears amid the common sense and historical activity of Aristotle. In- deed, when we come to analyse his method, we find three incongruous elements, really scientific enquiry, aristocratic prejudice, and the dreams of a metaphysic which literally suhlimi ferit sidera vertice, and listens for the eternal harmonies of Nature. 16 THE CITY-STATE. IV. THE GEEBK CITY-STATE. The political speculations of Aristotle are bounded by the limits of the rroXis, 'or City-state, which he looks on as the ultimate and perfect form of society. '* It does not seem to have occurred to him, who, in his literary criticism, was ready to admit that the Drama might advance in changed circumstances to new forms, that human society also might come to be fixed on a wider basis than the city — on the basis, namely, of the nation. The political unit with which he concerned himself, the town of perhaps ten or fifteen thousand free citizens, supported by slave-labour, enjoying a life of leisure and culture, self-ruled, and exercising all the rights of a sovereign state, was the form of society through which Grreece attained her eminence in war, and in the arts. It was therefore his business to under- stand all the conditions which contributed to make up the City-state, to point out the causes which in the past had frustrated its development, and had sometimes perverted it from being the home of noble life into the seat of Tyranny, of Oligarchy, of Sedition, of the later Democracy, ignoble in the eyes of Aristotle. The ideal aim of the State was to give room and opportunity for the full and free development of the best powers of all its citizens ; that aim, as conceived of by the phi- losophers, had never been actually reached. Here, of " Pol. i. 2, 8. CITIES AND NATIONS. 17 course, we touch the point where Aristotle's political speculation diverges from that of later times. Modern thought is concerned with nations, that is with what were originally sdvr), aggregates of tribes with no poli- tical unity in the Greek sense. Various causes have united the descendants of these tribes into the large asso- ciations which we call nations. The common possession of conquered lands by a tribe of kin ; the defeat of one tribe by another, with the retention of its freedom under the new over-lord; the unity imposed by the Church ; the dislike of city life ; the growth of kingly power, which could not well grow in a city ; all these, with other causes, have brought about a wider and looser organisation than that of the city. But all Aristotle's thought is conditioned by the existence of the city, which had so powerful an attraction for the Grreeks, and which, within its narrow bounds, could actually school them in morality, and in the spiritual life. To do this is, of course, beyond the power of a national government, and thus Aristotle's ideas are in a different plane from that occupied by modern speculation. To understand the conditions under which the City- state grew up, out of general laws which were everywhere the same, and everywhere checked and diverted by vary- ing causes, it is necessary to look back to the dawn of Greek history. The State, as Aristotle knew it, was 'the inevitable consequence of its antecedents in the past,' and Aristotle himself enables us to trace a sketch of these an- tecedents. The State (IloXts) is ^ tov si ^ijv Koivmvia koX rals otKiais Koi rots yhsffi l^/j,as, and it may be presumed that their society was based, not on the ttoXw of course, but on the group, * Senehus Mor, iii. p. xxvi. Odyssey, xix. 109, 116, results of '» Pol. iii. 14. Cf. Kemble, Saxons in England, vol. i., and 22 KINGS AND NOBLES. most early peoples we find a certain stock or stocks, which are held almost divine. They differ _so much from the common, that sometimes they are believed to have immortal souls, while their subjects lack them, or to transmigrate into nobler creatures after death. At the least they descend from Gods, as the English stock from Woden, or as Agamemnon from Zeus. Aristotle conjectures that the founders of the monarchies had been ' the first benefactors of the people in the arts of peace or war, or had first collected them into a society, or given them a territory to live in.' We only know that the kings of Homer's time are represented as pos- sessing some strain of nobler blood than their free subjects, the chief of whom attend them in the coimcil, and whom they consult in the greater assembly of the host. The kings are of the kin of Gods, Sioyivsss ISacriXrjss, while most men are only Bioi, or noble. It IB not easy to understand the sort of nobility which was so general in the Homeric world. We are reminded of early Iceland, when ' nowhere was the common man so uncommon,' and of the fleet with which Cnut invaded England (1015), at least two hundred ships, and every man in every crew a noble-man.^" Both kings add nobles were selvered by an uncrossed line from ' churls rock-born or oak-born,' (xtto Spvb? rj aTrb irhprjs, but either king or noble, if taken in war, might become a thrall.2' Freeman's Comparative Polities, Lecture IV. For the peculiarity of royal souls, Ca/laway's Eeligiou of the Amazulu, ii. 197 : ' Chiefs turn into the blacyand green^Imamba, common people into the Umthlcoazi.' '° Freeiuan^s^^man Conquest, i. 373. " Odys^(rSiri62 ; Preller, Ausgewahlte Aufsatze, p. 179. FALL OF THE KINGS. 23 The heroic kingships, however they first arose, whether out of leadership in war or not, were usually hereditary, and hereditary rights were exercised over willing subjects, in accordance with traditional custom. The coronation oath was simply the laying hand on sceptre. The privileges of the king were a rsfisvos far larger than the common lot, leadership in war, and probably many of the profits arising from fines, as well as the gifts which Hesiod says the kings used to devour, rewards for decisions in suits, and the chief seats at feasts, and the best mess at sacrifices. The heroic mo- narchy left to later Greece the institution of the Gene- ral Assembly, and the germs of a council of elders, which might become probouleutic and administrative in an Oligarchy, or might be cut down to a mere commit- tee, with the task of preparing matter for the conside- ration of the full Assembly, in a Democracy. (Pol. iv. 14, 14; vi. 8, 24. Gladstone, Homer, &c,, iii. 58.) 'Kingship in a single city is not an institution which is likely to last;' for, as Aristotle says, many men would be found to be ' peers in valour and virtue,' and there is no mystery in a small community to protect the king. The members of the noble families would aim at equality, and some such anarchy would result as that which made confusion in the little isle of Ithaca before the return of Odysseus. Power would fall into the hands of all the noble houses in the clans, or into those of some one house, like the Penthelidse in Mitylene, or the Bacchiadse of Corinth, or the Protiadse in Massilia, or the Basilidse in Erythrse, who would cut down the royal functions, and hand over the real sway in 24 TYEAKNY OJ' FAMILIES. commission to their own kindred. The kingly title might be left, but the man who bore it would only keep up the continuity of religious tradition, by performing certain rites and sacrifices. An instance of such a process has been noted among primitive peoples, our own contemporaries. Among the natives of Tonga the real ruling monarch yields precedence to a functionary whose dutifes are purely priestly, though his title means King of Tongaf''' and whose position answers to that of Archon Basileus at Athens. The new form of government by a clan, or by members of noble houses, when corrupted, is called a ZvvaaTsia by Aristotle.^^ It corresponds to the worst sort of tyranny, or to the latest and most corrupt democracy, in the fact that old customary law was distorted to serve the selfish interests and passions of the rulers. Yet the Bvvaarsla claimed the noble name of 'Aristocracy,' the rule of the Best. The ruling class called themselves 'the good and fair,' 'the famous,' 'the illustrious.' They relied on long possession, on illus- trious descent, on knowledge of the law, which was hidden from the sheepsJein wearers, dusty feet, club- carriers of the country, and, above all, on possession of cavalry, which enabled them to ride down the dusty- feet as easily as the chivalry of feudalism used to crush the villeins. ^^ Many causes contributed to the overthrow of the hwameia, or early oligarchy of ancient Greece. Trade increased, the seafaring popu- ''^ Sir John Lubbock, Origin of Civilisation, p, 347 =» Pol. V. 3, 3 ; Pol. ir. 5, 1. ^* Muller, Dorians. Nicknames of Serfs, ii. 67. THE TYRANT. 25 lation grew strong and rich, the strength of light infantry began to be understood, the poorer land- holders were oppressed with taxes and usury beyond endurance, the Oligarchy conferred honoius and power within ever narrower limits, and the general discontent took the form of a demand for a written code of laws. ' When laws are written down, the rich man and the weakling find equal justice,' says Euripides. This was ordinarily secured after a struggle in which some neg- lected member of the higher class was frequently the leader. The lower classes, 'who have neither law nor equity,' as a poet of the aristocratic class wrote, suc- ceeded in making their leader sesymnete, as Pittacus was in Mitylene, and looked to him as an irresponsible magistrate to settle their differences with the nobles, in a strife which went on till it was settled by the giving of a code of laws, or, more frequently, silenced by the rise of a tyrant. TYRANNIES IN GREECE. These tyrannies, whether in Athens, under the Pisis- tratidse, in Megara, in Corinth, or elsewhere, helped to consolidate and shape into their ultimate form the city- states of Greece. All classes, noble or non-noble, were crushed under the same weight of reckless power. All were oflfended by the license, so distastefid to Greek ideas, which was permitted to women and to slaves ; and the pride of the nobles was sometimes humbled by 26 EISE OF TYRANTS. such insults as CHsthenes, tyrant of Sicyon, heaped on the tribes, calling them 'Ass-tribe,' 'Pig-clan,' and so forth. The tyranny may best be considered as the direct contradiction of all Greek ideas of life and government, as the negation both of the old notion of aristocracy founded on birth, and of the new notions of the equal claim of all freeborn citizens. The tyrant rules over men who are his equals and betters, purely in his own selfish interest, and not in that of the governed.^' Just as a true commonwealth, or Politeia, contained all the elements of the State mingled in due subordination, so tyranny mingled the worst qualities of the worst forms of government, selfishness beyond that of the narrowest oligarchy, license beyond that of the loosest democracy. The tyrant in early Greece was generally either a demagogue, or partisan of the people, who led them against the nobles, and seized the fruits of victory, or one of the surviving heroic kings, who strained his hereditary and constitutional powers,^^ or a magistrate who abused the sway he held for a long term of office, or an oligarch set in high place by his faction. His power was never stable till he secured a bodyguard, especially a bodyguard of strangers. Once supported* by this Oriental institution, he showed all the distrust of an oligarchy, all their greed, and like an oligarchy stripped the democracy of their arms, while in the spirit of democracy he put down the nobles, and drove them into exile less honourable than that of ostracism. Such crimes were the natural consequence of absolute power, though we should be wrong in supposing that ^ Pol. iv. 10, 4. 26 poi_ ^ iQ MODEEN TYEANTS. 27 Pittacus. of Mitylene, or Phidon of Argos, or Pisis- tratus even at Athens, were essentially criminals of this class. They had the excuse of Csesarism, and were not wanting in the redeeming features which the believers in despotism are wont to flatter. But the tendency of tyranny was to develop a character of lawless lust and cruelty, a character to which recondite evil became good, a fantasy which found pleasure only in arbitrary violence against nature and law, in exquisite varieties of sin and inflicted pain. This is the type of man which we find in the medieval cities of Italy, and the Baglioni may mate with the Penthelidae, Ezzelin with Periander. But there were also commonplace practices of tyranny, the mere natural result of greed and selfishness of a low sort, which have had their likeness in our own time. When we read how the tyrant is a stirrer up of war, how he fosters distrust between citizens, how he puts down all public gatherings, how he has his police everywhere, how he encourages the extravagance of women, how he impoverishes the State with public works, how he associates with the worst of men, how he sets class against class, how he corrupts all classes, we think of the author of the Crimean and the Mexican expeditions, and of the cov/p d'etat, the cause of great men's exile and of low men's promotion, the patron of Hausmann, the tyrailt who ' did so much for France.' "When the tyrants had been expelled, for the most part, by the action of individual revenge for insult, or of combined rebellion, or by help of the conservative power of Sparta, the Greek states emerged from the struggle, each a tolerably compact body of citizens, 28 SETTLED LAW. united by the wroBgs which all had suffered, and by- glory in the tyrannicide which had benefited all. If the tyrant had not always succeeded in ' lopping off the taller ears of corn,' at least he had levelled nobles and churls, gentiles and non-gentiles, by a common oppression of disgrace. The emancipated citizens were now heirs to the splendid public buildings, the roads, and acque- ducts, on which the tyrannic policy had expended public money.^' In the common feeling of relief the class privileges, which had been in abeyance, fell often into disuse. In Athens, where the development of democracy was, so to speak, normal, the laws of Solon had, even before the tyrant's time, made property, not birth, the qualification for rule, and even the poorest freemen had received just so much power as would suffice to satisfy them. How much that may have been it is not easy to ascertain. In one passage Aristotle represents some disputants as holding that he ' gave all a right to sit on the juries, wherefore some blame him, as if he had rather undone than 'stablished the State.* The opinion that he did establish the juries, which in time made the Demos all powerful, as well as the blame, was probably expressed by the censurers of Solon, for (in Pol. book iii.» 11, 8), as well as in the passage already quoted (ii. 12, 3), Aristotle himself declares that Solon only gave the people the right to elect magistrates, and to bring them to trial after their term of ofiBce. Whatever may have been the exact amount of liberty and power conceded, it is tolerably certain that the power could not have been actually wielded by poor and industrious men before " Pol. T. 11, 8. SOLON AND CLISTHENES. 29 Pericles began the custom of paying the jurors.^^ The laws of Solon, which were to the Demos what the laws of Edward were to the English after the Norman Con- quest — another name for justice and freedom, had the good fortune to please both the people and the later philosophers. Plato looked back to them lovingly, as to the institutions of a time when our ' Lady Eeverence was with us ; ' and perhaps it was not till the Solonian constitution was restored in all its exclusiveness by Antipater and by a foreign force (322 B.C.), that the Athenians discovered how their later democracy had outgrown its early limits.^^ Solon had anchored the State, with the fixed power of the Areopagus, which exercised a censorial sway, based on old religious privilege. It was the business of Clisthenes, coming after the interval of tyranny, to complete the equalisation of ranks which the Pisis- tratidse had begun. For this purpose he introduced into the tribes many stranger-residents, and even slaves, made new tribes altogether, and separated the citizens into the local divisions of demes for political purposes, while the clans tended to become a mere religious sur- vival,'" and mode of registering the legitimacy of citizens. "What with new guilds, new tribes, and the bringing together of the many separate family-worships into few and common shrines, everything was contrived so as to '0 Grote, iii. 170. ^» Plato, Laws, 698, 744. SetnriiTis ^i'?!' tis aiStis. Grote, iv. 139. '° Pol. vi. 4, 18; where Aristotle says that the same sort of reform was carried out in Gyrene. Herodotus, v. 69, says he made ten tribes instead of four, bnt supposes him to have done so out of contempt for the sons of Ion. 30 THE ULTIMATE DEMOCEACY. blend the State into a new avvoiKicris. Changes almost as important followed the victory of the ' mob of seamen' at Salamis. The Archonship became open to all free citizens by Lot, the sacred power of the Areopagus was checked by Pericles and Ephialtes, the jurors were paid for attendance in the courts, the tables of the law were brought down from the Acropolis to the Agora, and step by step the dema- gogues reduced the democracy to that last estate which Plato calls a critical theatrocracy, and Aristotle despises as perverted and unnatural. But if Athens incurred the censure of Aristotle because, through the influence of trade, her population grew heterogeneous, because by aid of success in war she became a tyrant city, ruling other states against their will ; if her citizens pursued commerce till they came to make money even out of their intellectual powers; if there was no drill, no surveillance of private life ; on the other hand, Athens may be looked on almost as an Ideal State at the time when she placed full power in the hands of him who ' excelled all the state in virtue,' who was ' as a Grod among Men,' Pericles the Olympian. ^' In Athens the development of the State was most natural and normal, but of course there were many varieties of growth, and many cases of arrested develop- ment in Hellas. In mountainous districts of Arcadia the people in Aristotle's tiine lived as an Wvos, or tribe, in separate homesteads. Sparta, again, knew no age of tyrants, and suffered from aTaa-ts, or civil strife, " Pol. iii. 13, 13; Grote, iv. 215. 6 (rxivoK4a\os Zebs TlepiKKens, so called by Cratinus. VARIETIES IN DEVELOPMENT. 31 only in very remote times. She preserved the semblance of kingly power, in the two kings, with their sacred and military functions.'^ In many states, as in Thebes and Corinth, Oligarchy was as successful almost as Democracy was in Athens, and, in spite of insur- rections, gave the stamp to the character of the city. Other states, again, lived without fixed character, either Oligarchic or Democratic, and changed with each revolution that brought back one party of exiles, and drove the Government to wander in search of foreign aid, or gave dominion to a tyrant. When Sparta and Athens had fairly consolidated their powers, and had consciously recognised their state-character as Liberal or Obstructive, they were always interfering with the politics of the smaller towns, and so preventing a normal development.^' Still on the whole there did exist a normal and natural law of revolution which, subject to occasional variations, governed the internal afiairs of the Grreek States. Having sketched their his- torical career to the period of ftill growth, it becomes necessary to examine the many causes that inclined the balance in every direction, from the loosest democracy to the sternest oligarchy. « Herod, vi. 56. '» Pol. iv. 11, 17 ; v. 7, 14. 32 CONSTITUTIONS. VI. INTEBNAL CAUSES OP VARIOUS FORMS OF THE STATE. Aristotle has left us an elaborate theory of the causes which produced not only Oligarchies, Democracies, and Tyrannies, but also the various degrees and shades of difference that distinguished one from another Oligarchy or Democracy. All three forms of constitution are in the first place to be considered as TrapsK^aasts, as in- stitutions which have missed the rational order, foimded on the very nature of things, which governs the real Monarchy, the true Aristocracy, the genuine Common- wealth. To fall short of this perfection, then, was the common feature of all existing non-ideal governments; but they fell short of it in various manners and degrees. They varied in their character^ — that is in their organic arrangements as to the distribution of power, as to the sovereign, or strongest portion of the state in the last resort. The sovereign {Kvpiov) is ' that which decides in questions of war and peace, and of making or dis- solving alliances, and about laws, and capital punish- ment, and exile, and fines, and audits of accounts, and examinations of administrators after their term of office.' '* Clearly the character of the TroXiTsv/xa or constitution may vary almost infinitely — (and to ob- serve the variety of shades was Aristotle's main pre- occupation) — in proportion as few citizens or many belong to the sovereign body, and in proportion to the " Pol. iv. 14, 3. CONSTITUTIONS. 33 degrees in which they share, and the manner in which they exercise sovereign functions, and the amount of discretion and power they allow to the elected magis- trate. Judicial, administrative, elective, legislative functions may be arranged, in states so small as the Greek cities, in hundreds of artificial ways, so as to preserve a balance of power for a year or two. States were thus differentiated as regarded the form of their constitution, and again they were differentiated by their moral object, by the kind of life at which they aimed. This aim, whether in Tyranny, Oligarchy, or Democracy, was a selfish one, namely the interest of one lawless ruler, of the few who were in power, or of the poorer freemen. All oligarchies, however, were not equally selfish and equally narrow, nor all democracies on one level of indolence, useless meddlesomeness, and greed. None of the perverted constitutions were nat- ural, but none, not even Tyranny, might not be ren- dered more serviceable than total anarchy or constant change, by the moderate exercise of power which preserves the duration of governments, while duration might make even an oligarchy lose its virulence, as diseases grow milder when they have long prevailed in a country. This is the tolerant way in which Aristotle regarded all existing polities, however distasteful they might be to his own sense of right. The constitution and character of a state depended on, and was in fact identical with, the distribution of power, and power was distributed in accordance with the proportionate differences in the social elements. There were rich men, poor men, men of middle fortune, D 34 OLIGARCHY AND DBMOCEACY. men who could afford heavy armour, others who went light-armed to battle, and the bulk of the people de- rived its livelihood from trade, agriculture, or fishing and maritime enterprise. All these classes of the population, which might be reckoned in six sets, as husbandmen, handicraftsmen, warriors, men of property, priests, judges, had their various tasks, and claims to power and recompense from the state, and the character of the state was determined by the proportions in which each class got its claims recognised. When men of wealth and birth were powerful, they would exclude husbandmen, handicraftsmen, and tradesmen from rule — if possible even from the general assembly — on the pretext that persons engaged in business had neither the leisure necessary for the discharge of civil duties, nor strength and skill in war. Where, on the other hand, circumstances such as the victory of the seafaring popu- lation of Athens at Salamis, or a defeat in war which weakened the aristocracy, threw power into the hands of the multitude, they would establish Democracy, glory in that as the only really free constitiition, and reply with the watchwords of ' equality,' ' rule and be ruled in turn,' ' trust the sacred lot,' ' collective wisdom,^ to the Oligarch's pretension of wealth, education, and high birth.^' The constitution now established might varv, Aristotle thought, in four degrees, resulting from the nature and occupation of the ruling people. In a Democracy, where the majority of the citizens were husbandmen, and had little leisure to spend in the market place, or where the holders of magistracies =* As to the Lot, Plato, Laws, 690 C. OLIGAECHY AND DEMOCRACY. 35 ■were selected out of the possessors of a slight census, or even where all citizens were eligible for office, but the mass, being poor, had to attend to their own affairs. Law was likely to reign, and not popular self-will. But when there was a large population, paid out of the state resources, out of tributes, fines, and so on, for attend- ance at the Assembly, Law Courts, and Theatres, the last and worst form of Democracy arose. All the social evils of tyranny were felt; the people had its flatterers, as tyrants had theirs; justice was perverted by greed of fines. In such a state popular will ruled through decrees, instead of the passionless No/ioy, and the regulative powers of the upper house or irp60ovXoi, were disregarded by the brawling Assembly. When, on the other hand, birth, wealth, and edu- cation managed to make good their claims, when an Oligarchy was established, that too might be more or less intense in its action. A tolerably large class in easy circumstances might be the actual sovereign, or again, a very large property census might be demanded as qualification, or power might fall into the hands of one family or kinship, and, worst of all, the self-will of hereditary rulers might override Law. In contradis- tinction to these degrees of injustice, the IIoXiTeta, or Commonwealth, was a form of well-tempered state, which united the virtues and satisfied the claims of freedom, wealth, birth, and native genius or virtue. Any form of Oligarchy or Democracy, or the juster Commonwealth, might be gradually brought about by slow transfer of the balance of power, by raising or lowering the franchise, electing to magistracies by vote, ]>2 36 EEVOLUTIONS. an oligarchic arrangement, hy lot, as Democracy pre- ferred, or by combining both systems. In the Law Courts there might be many degrees of property quali- fication, conferring the right to sit on trials, and many shades of power might be entrusted to the Senate, to the Nomothetae, and to the Assembly. In oligarchies and democracies all these matters were in a state of delicate equipoise, which might be upset at any mo- ment, with consequences affecting the whole state. ' The smallest thing maybe the occasion of a revolution really involving the most important results,' says Aris- totle, whose theory of revolutions is an expansion of this text. VII. THEORY OF EETOLUTIONS. EEVOLtTTiONS, and civil strife, were the permanent dangers of the Greek City-state, and the great bar to its usefulness as an instrument of education, and as an environment of the perfect life. As the character of the citizen shifted with that of the city, and as that was always changing, there could be no stable character at all. Therefore what the Greek political theorist wished to secure, before all else, was a permanent constitution. As a rule he made the error of thinking that this could only be found in a stationary condition of society, which he found more nearly attained by Sparta than by any other State. A theory of Eevolutions was therefore a necessary part of political philosophy, and PLATO'S THEORY. 37 in Aristotle's theory the difference between the methods of himself and of Plato is very clearly displayed. Plato's views are made difficult to us by the fact that he starts from an astrological scheme of numbers which rule the existence of his ideal city. During a certain necessary cycle of time there will be certain births of inferior citizens among the G-uardians ; hence a selfish love of wealth, and of individual distinction arises, and the ideal polity is corrupted into a likeness of the warlike Spartan commonwealth. In the decline to Oligarchy, to Democracy, and to Tyranny, it is always the passion of greed tlxat is the corrupting power. Oligarchic magistrates engage in commerce — a practice, as Aris- totle says, forbidden in most real oligarchies — they impoverish young men of birth, and thus a class arises like the Mirabeaus and Catilines of French and Eoman history. The step to Democracy is easy, as the poor despise the bloated oligarchs, and at last attack them, while the extreme license of Democracy tends to the opposite evil of Tyranny. To all this theory Aristotle opposes facts. A State does not usually change into the form next it, but into its opposite. Oligarchy, more often than Tyranny, succeeds Democracy. Plato has given no account of the end of Tyranny itself. Injusticg^andofience_ta-iea5£e&, more frequently than greed, produce revolutions. Lastly, the Platonic theory neglects the very many shades of difference which in real life separate democracy from democracy, and oli- garchy from oligarchy. In the 'Laws,' however (709), Plato hints at a wider theory, and a more historical one. In his own theory Aristotle is guided by history. The 38 CAUSES OF 2TA2I2. ' fountain' of Eevolution was that jealous love of equality which marked the Greek character. ' Men turn to civil strife when they think that they have not got their dues in proportion to their estimate of themselves,' Aristotle observes.^s The civil strife might take the form of a desire to overthrow the existing constitution, or to seize its rewards and offices, or to modify the intensity of its character as oligarchic or democratic, or to change some special detail in its working. On the whole a Democracy was less subject to aTacris than an Oligarchy, because there was room for the jealousy of 'an oligarchy within an oligarchy,' and so for a tripartite division of envyings and heartbufnings. The universal and pre- vailing cause of Eevolution was jealousy, but jealousy had many objects, and took many shapes, and foimd great variety of occasions. The distribution of wealth and civic honours and office was of course the main ground of quarrel, but habits of insolence, moments of terror, the pride and negligence of overweening power, the strength of some magistracy or class which had outgrown its proper status (av^rjais irapa to dvaXoryov), the factiousness of party, the undue depression of any set of citizens, were all predisposing causes of Eevo- lution. Again, a State might contain citizens of alien races, as Achseans and Trcezenians were mingled at Sybaris, or as the G-ephyrssans were blended with an Ionic population at Athens, and race hatreds might break out into civil war. Even differences of local situation afforded very pretty quarrels, and the dwellers on the height might hate the dwellers in the plain; , »« Pol. v. 1. SPECIAL DANGEES. 39 the people of the harbour might be nior^ democratic than the people of the city.^^ ' In short, the acquisition of power, whether by private citizens, or magistracies, or tribes, or by any single portion, small or great, of the State, was a cause of sedition; for either the persons who envied these began the strife, or the men, or party which had gained the strength, were no longer content to live on a footing of equality with their fellow-citizens.' Such were the general conditions of civil discord in Greece, but there were evils and dangers peculiar to Democracies, and others which beset Oligarchies. In a Democracy there was the terror felt by the rich, and .their reactionary revolution against the peril of confis- cation. The greed of demagogues would drive forth large troops of hostile emigres, who waited their chance to destroy the Democracy. Then there was the risk, greater in warlike than in later times, of a demagogic dictator setting up a Tyranny. Any powerful magis- tracy might be made a stepping-stone to a despotism by an unscrupulous demagogue. Again, the proverbial haste of democracy which gave the force of law to sud- denly carried decrees, might destroy some old legal safeguard of the constitution. In Oligarchies the besetting sin was insolence and injustice towards the mass of the citizens. Through this fault most of the old dynasties fell, under the assault of some popular leader, whether sprung from the oligarchic families, or of the oppressed classes. Allied to these dangers was the risk of narrowing the Oligarchy, and of constructing an " Pol. V. 3, 15. 40 DANGERS OF STATES. im/perium in imperio. The insolence of wealth, and the demands of luxury threw men of the type of Cati- line or of Mirabeau, youths of ruined fortunes, on projects of sedition. Distrust of the people in war made mercenaries a necessity, and a general of meree- naries might anticipate the conduct of Italians like Francesco Sforza and Castruccio Castrucani, and en- slave the state he had served. Either in an Oligarchy or a Democracy a change in the value of money might widen or narrow the census, and a crowd of new citizens might be admitted to power, or, again, office might thus be limited to the few, and in either case a revolution was imminent. As might be expected, revolutions broke out on slight occasions, though really the matters in dispute were of high importance. A love quarrel, a lawsuit, a marriage difficulty, might divide a city into parties, as in medieval Italy. The words of Hallam apply almost without change to the earlier civilisation of Greece : ' In every city the quarrels of private families became the foundation of general schism, sedition, and proscription.' In short, the condition of Greek cities went to prove that ' the pathological state is more frequent and more dangeaous in proportion to the complicated character of the organism.' In all these combinations of power, the form of the constitution was the prize of party victory. This state of things was positively ruinous to the philosophic conception of the State. There could be no fixed moral habit of character among men whose polity was always shifting its ^dos. To bring out the darkness of 'THE ORDERLY TYRANT.' 41 the political picture, Aristotle sketches a brighter design of the best possible State. He will not speak of the ideal Aristocracy, where a few men, of preeminent merit, rule the State for the advantage of the governed, nor of the ideal Monarchy, where one divinely gifted man reigns in the same fashion. Aristocracies demand somewhat be- yond the real condition of States, or they approach the form of government called Politeia. This is almost a confession that the true Aristocracy, based on willing concessions to half-divine superiority, is usually a mere dream. A set of men, or one man, might flatter them- selves, or their friends might flatter them, into the belief that they were the founders of a true Aristocracy, or of a true Monarchy. But in the eyes of Grreece the self-styled Aristocrats were really Oligarchs, and Aris- totle himself did not escape the charge of being the trencherman and boon companion of that slave-eunuch turned tyrant, Hermeias. The philosophers might expect much from an 'orderly tyrant,' 'young, tem- perate, quick at learning, having a good memory, of a noble nature, and the friend and contemporary of a great legislator.'^' But the constitution of things was against this favourable conjuncture of absolute power, virtue, and knowledge. Monarchy of the true sort. Aristocracy of the true sort, were but visions. ' There are no kingships now,' says Aristotle.^' There remains the other natural and unperverted ideal government, the Politeia, Polity, or Constitutional Commonwealth. What was the Politeia.' We have seen that Oli- garchies and Democracies derived their names from the »» Plato, Laws, 709 E. "■ Pol. v. 10, 37. 42 THE CONSTITUTIONAL EEPUBLIC. abnormal disproportionate growth of a part of their organisation, from the monstrous development of the power of poor or of rich. The more excessive the deformity, the easier it was to give its name to the deformed organisation, whether Oligarchy or Demo- cracy. Now the Politeia has no distinctive name; it is simply a constitution far excellence.*'^ This fact in style points to the distinctive merit of the Politeia in nature. It had no overgrown part, all were mingled in due proportion. The life of the Politeia, and of the citizen in the Politeia, is established on the basis of the ijuiaov, the golden mean. Property is equalised as far as possible, extreme wealth and extreme poverty are unknown, tav sv-rv-)(r}fia,-Tv\aKTOV uirb avdpu- irlvm yl/vxds ■ TaxeV yhp imh rpvifias KoL Sffpios dWdo-fferai. He goes on to speak of the jealousies within oligarchies, and of the right the free citizen has to yipas from his State. Archytas is represented as saying, 8€r TCI.P ■k6mv 4k iroirav aMerov elyoi Tav &KKa,v iroKneiav. Fuhr's Diesearchus, pp. 37, 38. FOREIGN EELATIONS OF STATES. 43 This State is clearly the best of possible constitutions, because it has the note of excellence, it is alone un- shaken and unchanged by civil brawls. This is a picture of happy political life, as the philosophers hoped that it might be constituted. But when we ask where an example of the iroXiTeia, of the ' well-mingled State,' is to be found, the answer is but doubtful. Sparta, perhaps, came near it, for the Spartan consti- tution held democratic, monarchic, and oligarchic elements in steady equilibrium. But Aristotle con- fesses — ^ /LtrjBswoTS T^v fjLsarjv jivsadai iroXiTeiav, fj okuyaKis Kol irap oXtJyotr.*' Thus he is at one with Tacitus, where he says — ' delecta ex his et consociata Eeipublicse forma laudari faciUus quam evenire,' though he would deny that, when the mixed State was once formed, ' baud diuturna esse potest.' We have sketched Aristotle's analysis of the factors, historical, political, and social, that made up the Greek States, and the causes that disturbed them. The inter- national relations of the States to each other must now be considered. VIII. INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS OF THE GREEK CITIES. The very essence of the Greek City-state was isolated, self-governed freedom. For a city to be subject to the *' Pol. iv. 11, 19. Solon also had the praise of ' mixing the State well,' as the Areopagus represented oligarchy; the elective nature of the governors, aristocracy ; and the juries, democracy. (Pol. ii. 9.) 44 CAUSES OF SMALL EXTENT OF STATES. commands of another state in the regulation of her foreign affairs, was almost to cease to be a city at all, and to become a nondescript community, as much wanting in definite position as the once free citizen who has become the subject of a tyrant. Autonomy was as much the note of the free State, as a share in deliberative and judicial functions was the note of the full citizen/2 Many reasons might be given to help to explain this peculiarly Greek demand of autonomous in- dependence for each state, which caused at once the va- riety, the many-sided development, and the weakness and disunion of the race. The physical structure of Hellas, with its various climates, its deeply indented coasts, its walls of mountains, its different classes of productive soil, tended to sever city from city, and the mode of life in one state from the mode of life in another. To these natural causes must be added the force of religion, which combined the associations of ancestral kindred with those of locality. When once the religions of the gentes had been united under the sanction of a higher and more comprehensive worship, when once the city had been placed under the protection of an Olympic God, as Apollo, Athene, Hera, the limits of early Greek religion had been reached. The citizen, whose patron was Athene, could not allow his state to be swayed by the citizens who worshipped Hera in chief place. ' The Gods are hard to reconcile,' and all the instincts of the Greeks prevented them from making the effort. True, it was religion that tried to unite city with city, just as religion had united 7eVos with ^^evos. The Amphic- *= Pol. iv. 4, 11. ouTopKTji yap i/ v6KiS, Tb Si SovKov o6k aUrapKis. WEAKNESS OF GEEEK LEAGUES. 45 tyonies of Caiauria, of Delphi and Pylse, the gatherings at Deles and at Olympia, were all the result of a feeling that tribes of Hellenes were one in blood and faith. It might have been expected that, just as the old hospitali- ties, in which one village received deputies from another village to its sacred feast, had promoted the combina- tion of villages into the city, so the meetings of lonians, Dorians, Dolopes, Perrhsebians, and so on, at Delphi and Pylse, would help to amalgamate cities into a nation, or at least into a confederacy. But the greater Am- phictyony was after all a survival from the tribal times, from ages earlier, perhaps, than the foundation of the City-states, which, when once founded, exercised so ab- sorbing an influence over their citizens, that Greek states never could coalesce into a Grreek nation. Confederacies there were in plenty, such as the Theban confederacy, the Athenian alliance. But just as few Greeks, with all their hatred of tyi-anny, could resist the temptation of an opportunity to become tyrants, so neither Thebes nor Athens could bear to be only first among equals. The confederacies of the flourishing age of Greece were always weakened by ambition on the one side and jealous watchfulness on the other. There were, how- ever, two causes which tended to promote a national feeling in Greece, and to give a more than parochial breadth to Greek politics, but these causes had ceased to act in the age when Aristotle surveyed the constitu- tions of Hellas. Eesistance to the barbarous power of Persia in the struggle that saved civilisation went near to combine all Hellenes, though, even in the face of the Persian invasion, Thebes and Thessaly stood aloof, 46 DECLINE OF NATIONAI/ SPIRIT. Argos was doubtful, or took the side of barbarism. Again, after Persia ceased to be formidable, the strife for supremacy between Athens and Sparta divided Greece into two camps — the camp, in a sense, of Demo- cracy, and the camp of Oligarchy, and it might have been hoped that the complete victory of either side would result in some sort of steadfast unity. But, im- happily, the pretest of liberty, whether urged by Athens or Sparta, only covered the ambition to erect a Tyrant State on the ruins of free Commonwealths, and the ultimate exhaustion of both powers left Greece, free indeed, but without a policy or an aim, save the sen- timental policy of Isocrates, without even a wholesome dissension. When Thebes had grown to an equality with the two 'primary States' — Thebes, wliich in the struggle for the very existence of Greece had sided with the powers of darkness — a sound national feeling had ceased to be possible, and Greek politics became a chaos of petty and hostile ambitions. The new Athenian naval confederacy broke up disastrously ; the backward States, Phocis and Arcadia, arose in sudden strength that had none of the polish of the old leading cities. The ambition of Phocis ended in the* sack of Delphi, and in the consequent destruction of the associations that made the religious unity of Greece. Meanwhile the power of Macedon was growing up in the background, as surely and stealthily as the power of Brandenburg in modern Europe. The character of the individual Greek citizen had also been changing, his ideas becoming blurred and confused, through cir- cumstances which need to be glanced at. I I CHAEACTEE OF INDIVIDUALS. 47. IX. CiUSES AFFECTING THE PERSONAL CHAKACIER OF THE CITIZENS. The sources of dissension within the cities, and the causes of revolution which we have been considering, were all, it may he said, of a necessary character. It was necessary, if the States were ever to exist at all, that interests should clash, that there should be a struggle for power between sacred privilege and num- bers, between wealth and birth, and the force of the majority and the might of individual ambition and genius. But when the struggle had been decided in one way or another, when the balance had been struck, which might unfortunately be so easily dis- arranged by a slight access of strength to the Demos, or to the Oligarchs, the cities had acquired each an individual ethos, or character. One was adven- turous, industrious, full of variety of mood, yet con- stantly set on maintaining democratic freedom, like Athens ; one was steadily devoted to military glory, and submitted to military drill, like Sparta; another was commercial, like Corinth; another reposed indo- lently on the labour of an enslaved agricultural class, like Thebes. Whatever the ethos of the State, it was most important, for the avoidance of revolution, that the ethos should be impressed on all the citizens, and that the social tone should not be offended by individual vagaries, by ' a want of conformity to the standard of opinion in daily life,' like that which was censured in 48 POEEIGN AND SCEPTICAL INFLUENCES. Alcibiades. Besides the ethos of each state, there was what may be called the Hellenic ithos, the conformity to Grreek ideas, to vary from which was to cease to be a good Greek, as to vary from the character of the State was to cease to be a good citizen. Now the character which the opinion of Hellas demanded from every true citizen might be summed in one word — Patriotism. Patriotism set the claims of the city above all other claims, urged the Greek to spend and be spent 'as if his body were not his own but another's,' in the interests of the State. The patriotism might be narrow, but it was genuine, and after the Persian war it was sapped by many causes. First came acquaintance with foreign lands, alien religions, non-Hellenic customs in daily life. Persian luxury and despotism. Oriental mysticism, and the wild rites of orgiastic religions, probably shocked the Greek at first; then they ap- pealed to his love of power and his sensuality, then they set him to ask why the free institutions and temperate life of his country should be the best life. They were handed down to him by his ancestors, it is true, but wherefore should his ancestors be held wise with more than the wisdom of the Egyptians? These ideas led to speculation on the origin of society, on its religious basis, on the sanction of social rules, and in this era of enlightenment speculators were found, like the Thrasymachus of Plato, to denounce the life of the free State, to demand a return to Nature, and to defend tyranny. Political speculation was now set free, and metaphysical philosophy became more and more pop- ular. Was it not a better and nobler thing, the Greek DEMORALISATION. 49 had to ask himself, to strain all the mental faculties to the apprehension of truth, and in the search after God, than to haunt the Assembly, and mix in ' the Babel of sterile politics?' Thus philosophy began to draw the best minds away from the service of the State, into an exclusive sect, while the ambitious were tempted, by the sight of foreign luxury, to reject the old Greek temperance, to desire unlimited wealth, splendour, and power. Clubs and Sym/mories began to claim the at- tachment once felt for the r^ivos and for the city. Upon luxury and culture followed indolence, and life became too sweet to be wasted in the service of the State. Thus mercenary forces began to be employed, and if any Greek felt the old warlike impulse, he preferred to take arms as a condottiere in Oriental or other service, where booty was plentiful, rather than to stay at home and defend the frontiers of his city.'*' Thus the younger and poorer men were withdrawn from their states, and this, with the increased luxury of the rich, and with the fact that the old lots of land which sup- ported a yeoman's family, were united in the hands of a few great proprietors, along with the system of mar- rying ' in and in,' brought about that 6Xiyav6pco7ria, decline of population, which was the bane of Sparta. On the other hand, there arose just the opposite evil, as Aristotle thought it, "for the commercial activity of the maritime cities increased their population out of measure ; the spirit of colonising was spent ; citizen- ship was too easily conferred, or might be claimed " Plato, Laws, 701 0. On the ' Titanic' character of the later Greeks. E 50 CONPISCATIONS. with less chance of detection. Thus the crowd of paid jurors, a pauperised aristocracy of thousands, was tempted to raise the never gratified cry of yrjs ava- Sacr/j,6s, to demand the meting out afresh of the lands of the rich, and did, if Aristotle is to be believed, inflict heavy and unjust fines, which went into the common fund for pleasures.*^ But the philosophers probably exaggerated the real proportions of the Eed Terror in Greek democracies. PEACTICAL AIMS OF AEISTOTLE. The picture of the political state of Greece in the time of Aristotle, which has been sketched, is, perhaps, too darkly coloured. There was plenty of life left in Hellas, and she had not even yet 'completed her practical tasks in the domain of Politics.' But, on the whole, the spirit of her people was, for the future, to 'continue its activity in freedom from local boundaries,' was to flood the world with the light of civilisation, not to kindle a bright and solitary fire before the shrines of Apollo and Athene. To us, in the perspective of time, the unbroken continuity of Greek life is apparent, but to the contem- poraries of Aristotle the new years seemed so different _ " Confiscations by Demagogues, Pol. r. 5, 5. While the old Greek ideas prevailed, there would seem no injustice to the heirs in confisca- tion. The -whole house had sinned with the sinner Cf Eoeekh Public Economy of Athens, Engl. Transl. ,393. Does Dicsearchus say It -was^a favourite practice with the Athenians ' to entrap the resident aliens, orishespeakingof thebasersortwhomhecallsthe ^«j« p 141? MACEDONIAN PEOTECTOEATE. 51 from the old, that they may well have thought the con- tinuity stopped, the existence of Hellas ended. Grreece was not dead, but changed — so changed that those who looked back to the years in which she best fulfilled her own ideas, the years of Salamis and Himera, when she withstood in one day the whole force of two alien bar- barisms — or to the age of Pericles — might well have thought her dead. Yet we find Aristotle studying her political conditions, as if she were still the Hellas of times past, and we may well ask what was the nature of his practical hopes and aims. In the first place Aristotle had to recognise the fact that, what with the weakening of Sparta and Athens, the rise of Macedon, the failing strength of the old natural enemy, Persia, what with the new cosmopolitan philosophies and the spread of enlightenment, national feeling, attachment to the city, exclusive pride in Hel- lenism, were waning forces. It has been suggested that he wished to revive the national sentiment, in the spi- rited words which contrast Grreeks with the warlike and unsettled tribes of the North, and with the tame, though crafty Asiatics. ' Greece might rule, the world, if she came under one single government,' he says, and the hint may imply a whole theory of an united Greece, combined with and absorbing the military order and drill of Macedon.'" There is no word, however, to tell how Aristotle would have produced the union ; whether it would have been a ■irafi/3av KiivOQ, fiv, ovrjiiKa tirjp(Tiv SiaiTae elxo" kfi^^pCiQ fipoTOi ' 6 S' atrQevriz iiv tS)V a.jxe.Lv6vii)V fiopa.^^ This may be called a mere sophistic paradox ; but the author of the Homeric hymn to Hepheestus was no sophist, and he speaks of men — ul TO Trdpoc TTtp avrpoLQ vaieraaaKov kv ovpeaiv ijVTe dfjpes. It is only natural to attribute to cave-men the mora- lity of cave-bears, and we shall see that Greek tradi- tion did not scruple to do so. Cecrops, the Serpent king of Athens, was credited with the invention of marriage, as the Australian blackfellows of to-day assign the innovation to the lAzard.^^ Another legend "' I am indebted to Preller, Auagewahlte Aufsatze, p. 287. " The words of Suidas are plain enough, p. 3102. wpdrepov yap ai TTJr xf^P"' ixelvris yvpaiKcs, k.t.K. This and similar expressions are not quoted as if they afforded any historical proof that such manners ever preTailed among the tribes settled in Greece, but merely to show that nothing in Greek feeling made belief in such a tradition impossible. 94 TEACES OF SAVAGEEY. ran to the effect that, before Cecrops, children in Athens went by the mother's name, just as nobility went by the mother's side among the Lycians and Etruscans, just as 'the Plots chose their royal race ever on the mother's side,' just as nobility in heroic Greece came through the mother, and the Divine father who saw the daughters of men that they were fair.96 We thus find that neither tradition nor opinion in Greece ran absolutely counter to the view that Greeks had once been like barbarians, while barbarians had been like savages. It would not be hard to go further, and show that many traces in the symbolism of Greek marriage customs, that certain strange and revolting provisions of Greek law, are derived from an antiquity when the family was a very different thing from what it became in historic times. The mere persistence of a pretence of capture in the Spartan marriage ceremony points to a time when women had to be, as in so many Greek myths they were, stolen from a hostile tribe. And the fact that women had to be stolen points to the prohibition to marry within a man's own group, which again was deduced from a scarcity of women within* the group, which must have made polyandry a ne- cessity. To take another instance, the law which allowed an Athenian to marry his sister-german clearly looked on the relative by the father's side as no relative at all, while relationship on the mother's side was a sacred tie.^^ It is unnecessary to dilate on this subject '= The Englisli Chronicle, p. 1. »' Plutarch, Solon. OKIGIN OF THE rE'N03. 95 more fully here, because Mr. McLennan has collected enough of the evidence that makes for the ancient ex- istence of kinship through women in Greece. What we are now about to attempt is a mere application of views which Mr. McLennan has originated and set forth with an admirable combination of clearness, originality, and learning. . There would perhaps be little reason to examine the origin of the family in Grreece if there were not grounds for supposing that the process which ultimately deve- loped the family produced also the germ of an associa- tion which lasted, as a political body, long after the family had acquired its civilised form. This association was the lydvos ; and the object of this essay is to contrast the two views of the origin of that important political factor, the views of Mr. McLennan and of Sir Henry Maine. To state the matter shortly, we may say that the former writer believes the yevos, or at least the germ of the yivos, to have existed prior to the evolution of the patriarchal family ; while the latter, like Aristotle, Mr. Freeman, Mr. Cox, Mr. Grote, and Mr. Kemble, holds, or did hold, that the yevos was probably composed by aggregation of families. By the first theory, the ysvos was the earlier unit, and the families grew up and sepa- rated each from each within the bosom of the group. By the latter theory, the ordinary family existed first in time, and the yevos was formed later by the extension of the single family, and by the adoption of other families into the first.^* °' Early History of Institutions, p. 66; Freeman's Comparative Politics, p. 104. Dicsearchus held the same view, if -vre suppose ircJrpo 96 THE CLAN IN EUROPE. We have already seen the great political importance of the <^svos in Greece. This association answered to the gens at Eome, and to the sibsceaft, or kinship, which, when settled within its own mark of land, is known in early Teutonic history as the Markgenossenschaft. Whether in Greece, Eome, or England, not to mention other countries, the members of each of these kinships all bore the same patronymic name, were all held together by the two most sacred bonds — of belief that they shared the same blood, and of participation in the same religious rites and worship of a heroic ancestor. Whether in Greece, England, or Eome, the chief families in these kinships, subordinated to the wider tribal arrangement, formed the earliest aristocracies. Outside the gentes there was neither tribal right, nor civic right, nor land, save at exorbitant rack-rent, for the stranger who settled in their neighbourhood. Even in the later times of Greece, full citizenship generally implied admission within the sacred circle of gentile feasts and sacrifices. The question which we have now to ask is, did the members of each jsvos really par- take in any degree of common blood ; were they really kindred, or was the idea of kinship little more than a legal fiction? That any traceable blood connection had disappeared in the time of Pericles, or of Gracchus, may be admitted at once. Indeed, there was a defini- tion which recognised the ysvvrJTai, as connected by to have the same meaning as y4i>os. ^parpia, with him, is the union on festal occasions {Upav koivi«>/ikJ) (rimSos) of brothers and sisters who have married into different ndTpti. s oiiSh/ Sia- Aspova-av jjbsydXrjv oiKoav fj fiiKpav ttoKiv, koX ttoXitikov Se Kol ^aaiXiKov, orav fisv ainos s^sanjicri ^aaiXtKov, orav Ss Kara Xoyovs rfjs sTTtffrijfirjS ttjs tomvttjs, Kara fiepos 3 apx(ov Koi apxo/J'Svos, iroXtTiKOV. Tavra 8' oijk sa-rtv aXr)6i}. BriXov S' s(TTat to Xsjofisvov kiriaKO'iTovcn kuto, ttjv vjyq- ryrjfiivTjP fisBoBov. aaiTsp jap kv Tois aXXois to avvde- Tov fis'X^pi T&v aa-vv0ET(ov avdyKT) Btaipsiv (TavTa yap iXa- yta-Tu fjbopia tov iravTos), ovtco kol ttoXiv i^ cbv avyKsnai aKoirovvTSs oi^rofisOa koX irspl tovtcov /udXXoi', Tt ts Sta^e- pova-iv dXXijXiov, koX si tl TS')(yiKov svSsx,^Tat Xa^slv irspl SKaUTOV tS)V pj]6hT(0V. 2 si Bij Tis 1^ dpxvi TO, irpar/fjLaTa (j)v6p,sva ^^Xsyjrsisv, o)(TiTsp iv Tols aXXoLS, Kal kv tovtois KaXXLtTT^ av ovtod if a man is in authority over a few, they call him a Slave-master, if over a greater number a Householder, if over a still greater a Magistrate or Monarch, implying that there is no difference between a large household and a smaU state, and the only dif- ference (they say) between a magistrate and a monarch is that, when one individual is personally supreme over the rest by him- self, he is a Monarch ; but if in the terms of a science of this kind he is in turn ruler and subject, he is a Magistrate. But this is not the truth ; and what we say will be clear if we examine the subject in accordance with our normal method. For just as in the othai departments of science it is necessary to analyse what is compound tin we reach atoms that are incomposite (for these are the smallest elements of the whole), so also it is by examining the component elements of a state that we shall both have a clearer view of the, differences between these elements, and also see if it is possible to arrive at any scientific result in each of the subjects that we have mentioned. It is by examining things in their growth from the very begin- ning that we shall in this, as in other matters, obtain the clearest view. Now, it is necessary, in the first place, to group in couples BOOK I. CAP. 2. 109 Osmp^asbsv, avwyxT) Srj irpcorov avvSva^saOai tovs avsv 2 aW'^Xtav fir] Svvafisvovs slvai, olov drjXv /jlsv kuI appsv Trjs ysvdaseos svsksv [koX tovto ovk sk irpoaipsasms, dW' Siairsp KoX sv Tois aXKois ^aiois Koi vasi SovKov. Bio SscnroTT] koI SovXa Tavrb avfi^ipei. va-si fj,sv 3 b II oSc BuopiaTai to drfKv Kal to BovXov. ovOev yap rj ^va-is TToisl TOiovTov olov "^faXKOTviTOL ^ Ttfv ^eXcfwcTjv fid'^citpav •jrsvi'xp&f, dW Iw TTjOos Ev ■ ovTio yap av diroTeKoiTO Kok- XiaTa T&v opydvmv sKaaTOV, fir) ttoWoIs sfyyois dXTC svl those elements tliat cannot exist without each other, such as the female and male united for the sake of reproduction of species (and this union does not come from the deliberate action of the will, hut in them, as in the other animals and plants, the desire to leave hehind such another as themselves is implanted by nature), and also that which naturally rules, and that which naturally is ruled,connected for the sake of security. For that which has the capacity, in virtue of its intelligence, of looking forward is by nature the ruling and master element, while that which has the capacity, in virtue of its body, of carrying out this will of the superior is the subject and slave by nature. And for this reason the interests of the master and the slave are identical. Now it is by nature that the woman and the slave have been marked as separate, for nature produces nothing in a niggard fashion, as smiths make the ' Delphian ' knife, but she makes each individual thing for one end ; for it is only thus that each instrument wiU receive its most perfect development, ' tJik A6\(()ikV jm^xa'P"" — probably a knife that could be used for various purposes besides cutting, and called the 'Delphian,' because originally made to serve in diflferent parts of the sacrifice at Delphi. Macarius mentions the greed of the Delphians, •who ' took somewhat from the offerings and made something out of the hire of the knife.' — Oncken, Staatslehre, ii. 126. 110 , BOOK I. CAP. 2. 4 SovXsvov. h Sf Tols ^ap^dpois to fffjXv km SovXav ttjv avrr]v sx^t Ta^tv. atriov 6' on to (pvcrsi apxov ovk sxov- a-iv, aXXa ryivsrai r) Koivwvla a\n&v BoiiXrjs koI SovXov. Sio (pacnv ^ol TroirjTal '^apfidpmv S"'EWr]vas dpxsiv sIkos,' 5 Q)s TavTO ^vffsi ^dp^apov km SovXov ov. sk p,sv oliv tov- TWV T&V Svo KOIVCOVICOV OLKia TTprnTI], KCU, OpOtbs ^ HffloSoS siTTS TTOtjjo-a? ' oIkov fj-sv 7rpa)Ti(7Ta r^vvalKO. TS ^ovv t' dpo- Tfjpa-' 6 yap ^ovs dvT oIkstov tois irsvrja-tv saTiV. rj /j,h ovv SIS -Tracrav ■^/j.spau avvscrTrjKvia KOivavia KUTa ^vaiv oIko^ sa-Tiv, ovs XapcovBas /jlsv kcCKzI ofj^oaiirvovs, 'Evifis- vl8r]S Bs 6 Kpr]s * o/iOKa7rou? • r) S" sk itKsiovcov oIkiwv ko\,- 6 vasvia irpmTj] XPVC^<^^ svsksv fit) i^rjfispov Kcofirj. fiaXicna he KUTo, dtvaiv eoiitsv rj Kwfir] diToiKia 0LKia<; sivai ' ow xa- namely, by subserving not many functions, but one. But among the barbarians the female and slave have the same position as the man ; and the reason is that these nations do not possess the natu- rally ruling element, but, instead, their association becomes that of slave-woman and slave-man : and on this account the poets say, ' It is proper that Greeks should rule over barbarians,' implying that the ideas of barbarian and slave are by nature the same. So from these two forms of association comes the Family in its original form ; and Hesiod was quite right when he wrote, ' First the House, the wife, and the ox which ploughs the land,' for the ox stands in the place of a domestic to the poor. Thus the associa- tion formed to supply the wants of each day in the course of nature is the House, and the members of it Oharondas calls the ' sharers of the mealbin,' and Epimenides the Cretan, the ' sharers of the table.' Then the association formed of several households originally for the supply of necessities not limited to those of the day was the Village. And entirely in accordance with nature does ^ 01 TTotTjTal. Eurip. Iph. Aul. 1400. ' 'Ho-ioSos. Op. et Di. 403. ' ilJ-oKiTTOvs. d/wKiiiTvovf is the reading of the Vet. Trans., and adopted by Susemihl and others. It would mean ' sharers of the fireplace,' See above, p. 97. BOOK I. CAP. 2. Ill Xovffi Tivss o/ioydXaicra'; waiSd^ rs koI TralScov "TraiSas, Bio Koi TO TrpSiTov s^aaiKsvovTO at iroXsis, ical vvv stl tcl sdvT)' SK ^ao'iKsvofjLsveov'yhp a-wrjXdov, iraaa yap oiKia /3a^ aiXevsTai viro rov irpsa^vrarov, wcrre Koi ai dTTOiKiat, Bik T^v avyysvsiav, Kal tovt* scttIv o \eyet ^"0/J,rjpos, ' di/j,i,- 7 (TTSvsi Se sKaoTos •jraiSav rjB' d\6')(a)V.^ (TTropdBss yap ' koI ovTO) TO dpj(a'tov wKovv. Kal roiis Osoiis Bs Sia tovto •jravrss <}>aai, ^acriXsvsaOai, oti Kal avrol ot filv sti xal vvv ot Ss TO dp^aiov k^avaLS tsXos sva-£i ^ 1253 irokis ea-Ti, Kal on dvdpanros t^tvcret, iroXiTtKov fcSov, Kal 6 wiroXis 8ta ^va/j,sp, p^aTrjv rj (fivcns troisl, Xoyov Ss fjLOVOV dv- every state is a natural production, since tlie original associations were so. For the State is their end, and the natural development of anything is properly its end. For that which is the character of each thing when its growth is fully completed, that we say is its true nature, as in the case of a man, a horse, or a house. Again, the object aimed at and the end is the best possible, and the power of supplying all wants from within is an end and the best possible. From these _considerations, therefore, it is clear that the State is one of iVaijce'sjproductions, and that man is by nature a social ani- mal, and that the man who is without a country through natural taste and not by misfortune is certainly utterly degraded (or elseji being superior to man), like that man reviled by Homer as clanless, lawless, homeless. For he is naturally of this character and desirous of war, since he has no ties, like an exposed piece in the game c^ backgammon. And that man is a social animal in a fuller sense than any bee or gregarious animal is evident ; for nature, we say, makes = v(i>' 'Oiiipov. n. ix. 63. ' Sfu| i>v liffwep iv TTirrois. An epigram of Agathiaa (Anthol. Pal. ix. 482) throws light on the game of ir^aaoi, which appears to have been very like onr backgammon. The Sfu{ there occurs as a ' blot.' See ' Proceedings of Cambridge Philological Society,' Feb. 1876, where it was suggested that perhaps the SfuJ could move only to take, which would suit iroXefiov iiriQvfiriT'Sjs very well. BOOK I. CAP. 2. 113 Bpunros s)^si rwv ^moav. fj fisv ovv vasi ttoXis r) olxia Kal SKaaros rjfjiSsv iariv. ro yap oXov irpoTspov dvayxalov slvai tov fispovs' J3 dvaipovfjLsvov yap tov oXov ovk sarai rroiis ovBs vslp, si fir] Ofiwvv/jicos, mairsp si ris \syoi Trjv 'Kidivrjv • Sia^dapsiaa yap sarao roiavTT). travra Ss tS spyo) Soptarai Kal rff hvvdfiSL, wars fiTfKsrb Toiavra ovTa ov XsKriov to, aiird nothing without an object, and man ia the only animal that pos- sesses rational speech. Now the utterance of a cry is a sign of pleasure and pain, and is therefore found to belong to other ani- mals; for to this point has their nat are reached, namely, to the per- ception of pleasure and pain, and to the power of manifesting this to one another. But rational speech is intended to explain what is useful and what is harmful, and so also what is just and what is unjust. For this gift is the distinguishing property of man as compared with other animals ; namely, that he is the only one which has perception of Good and Bad, Just and Unjust, and the like. And it is the association of creatures who have. this power that produpes a House and a State. The State also in ita real nature comes before the House and our individual selves ; for the whole must necessarily^ coine before the part. For, if the whole be removed, there will be no foot or hand except in the .equivocal sense in which we speak of a hand of stone ; for the natural hand, when its powers have been destroyed, will be a hand only in that equivocal sense. Everything is defined by its Function and Oapa- bUity, 80 that when its character is no longer the same, it must not be called by the same name except in a metaphorical sense. Now I 114 BOOK I. CAP. 2. U sivai aW o/xdovvfia. oji fisv ovv v -ttoXis xal (jiv&'iL-Kal TTporepov V exacTTOS, BriXov ' si jap /Mr) avrdpKrjS 'iicaaTos ympiadds, ofioicos rots dWois fiipsaiv s^so -rrpos to oA.oi;' o hs (irj Bvvd/j.svos KOivcavslv, rj firjdsv Sso/MSpos Sl' avtdp- 15 Ksiav, ovOsv fiepos ttoXscos, oxtts rj drjpiov rj dsos. (piKTSL fisv ovv r] op fir) h •Jrdcriv hrl ttjv T0iav7r)v Koiveoviav ' 6 Ss irpcaTOS crvcrTriaas ixs^iarmv OP/aOSiv alruos. ccaTTsp yap KCbL TsXewOsv ^sXriffTov rwv ^mwv dvOpmiros sariv, omm jg Koi ya>pia6iv vofiov km Biktjs yskptarov iravTwv. %aX£- TTcoTdT'Tj yap dhiKla s^ovaa oirXa' 6 S' dvOpwrros OTrXa syaiv (hvsjac (^povrjcrsi KaX dperi], ols sirl rdvavTia ken yprjadai fidXitna. Sto dvoaioorarov kul dypidiraTOv dvsv dpsTrjs, KOi TTjOOff d^poBLcrta Kal iBoiBrjv ')(Sipi,(JTOV. r) hs BiKaionvvr) "ttoXitikov' r] yap BUrj iroXniKfjs Koivav.ias rd^is eariv' r) Bs BUr] tov Bixawv Kplcris. that tlie State is a natural production, and also before tlie individual^ is clear ; for unless the individual can supply all Hs wants in himself when he is separated from others, he will bear a similar relation to the whole to that which the other parts bear. But the man who has not the capability of association, or requires nothing from outside through his own complete resources, is no part of a state ; so that he must be either a brute (below the level of man), or a God (above it). It is true that the impulse in all men is directed by nature towards association of this sort ; but still the first orga,niser was the author of the greatest blessings, for man is an animal which, jiist as it is when fully perfected the best of all, so when separated from llw and justice, is the worst of all. For injustice is most difficult to cope with when armed. Man is born into the world in the possession of arms, in the shape off practical wisdom and moral excellencejN which he can use to the tnUest degree for exactly contrary objects ;' and therefore, when destitute of virtue, he is an animal most un- holy and most savage, and most viciously disposed towards sensuality and gluttony. Justice is a virtue of society, for the administration of justice is an arrangement of the association of ^ the state ; this administration being the determination of what is just between man and man. BOOK I. CAP. 3. 115 b hrsi Be ^avspov i^ uv fiopiav rj iroKis (twsctttjksv, 3^ avajKatov irsph oixias slttsiv irpoTspov Traaa yhp TroXt? If oIkiwv cvr^KSiTab. oIkUis Se fiipr], s^ OiV avdis OLKia crvviaTaTai' oiKia Ss rsXstos sk hovXwv xal sXsvOspiov. STTsl o' sv Tois sXa'yLo'TOts Trparov sicaaTOV ^rjTrjr^ov, irpdra oi koI sKa.'^^iaTa fJ-ipT] olicias hsa-TTOTrjs koI BovXos KUL TTOcns Koi dXo'xps Koi rrraTr)p koX rstcva, -Trspl rpiwv av TovTcov a/cewrTEov sit) tL sKaarov Koi irolov Bsi elvai. ravra 8' iarl BsaTToriicr] koI ryafitKi^ {dva>vv/j.ov yap r/ 2 yvvacKos koL dvBpbs av^sv^is) xal rpiTov TS/cvoTroirjTiKi]' Kal yap avrr] ovk d>v6p,aaTai ISiq) ovofiari. scrraaav S' axnai, rpsls as siirofisv. 'dan Bs ti puspos o ' BoksI rots pikv 3 sliai, olK.ovofj,ia, rots Bs //.sjicttov fispos avrris' ottojs S' Now that it is clear what the elements are of which the state.is composed, we must speak, in the first place, of the House- hold ; for every state is composed of Households, and the parts of the Household are those elements of which the household in its turn consists. Now the Household, when complete, consists of slaves and free persons. But since each individual thing ought first to he examined in its smallest elements, and since the first and smallest elements of the household are master and slave, husband and wife, father and children, we must first inquire into these three relations, and see what each is, and what its character ought to be. These relations are that of the master, that of mar- riage (for this relation of husband and wife has no name in Greek), and in the third place that of the generation of children (this also having no proper name). Let us then consider these that we have mentioned to be the three parts of the family. There is indeed another subdivision, which is thought by some to be actually equi- valent to Household Management, and by others to be a very large part of it, the truth of which statement we must examine into. ' SoKei. As a general rule, in translating Aristotle, it may be no- ticed that he never uses the words Soksiv S6^a to signify his own opinion. These words express the common or general view, often not shared in by Aristotle. iJO'iv to Ssairo^siv. vofJim yap top fisv SovXov slvai, Tov 8' sXsvdepov, ^vasi 8' ovOsv Bia(f)Epsiv. Bwirsp 4 ovBs BUaiov ^iaiov yap- ^irsl ovv r) KTrjcris fiipos Trjs oIkms scttI km, rj KTrjTiKrj fispos rrjs oiKovofiias {avsv yap TMV avayKaicov aSvvaTov Kal ^fjv Kai'sv ^rjv), taairsp Bs sv Tah wpLapLsvais Tsxvais avayKolov av s'iij vTrdp^siv to, oiKSia opyava, si p,iK\si airoTsKscrB'qasadai, to spyov, I allude to that which, is generally called the art of making money. Let us speak first about the master and the slave, that we may see hoth the general facts which concern the wants of ordinary life, and also whether we can, with a view to a scientific knowledge of the question, arrive at any conclusion more satisfactory than the present opinions upon it. For while some men hold hoth that mastership over slaves is really a science, and that there is no difference between the management of a household or of slaves and that of a free state or of a monarchy (as we said at the he- ginning of the hook) ; others, again, consider that any mastership over slaves is a violation of nature (it is oply by convention, they say, that one man is a slave and another free, by nature there is no difference between them), and therefore not just, for it rests upon violence^ Since then Property is an integral part of the Household, the art of acquiring Property is also an integral part of the manage- ment of the Household ; for without the absolute necessaries of life it is impossible to live and live happily. And just as in the definite arts it will be necessary to have the proper instruments ready to hand if the work required is to be brought to completion, so also will it be necessary to have the instruments proper for BOOK I. CAP. 4. 117 ovrm Kol t5)v oIkovo/j,ikS>v. tmv 8' opydveov ra fisv % ay}rv)(a -ra 8' kfj,yjrv^a, oiov tw KV^epi^Tr/ o fjisv ol'af ayjrvxpv o Ss irptppsiis £fj,yfrv)^ov' 6 lYap inrrjpsTrjg sv opjd- vov siSsi, Tals TS'^Qiabs eerr/j'. outcb Kai to KTrjixa opyapov •irpbs ^airjv scrn, /cal r) KTrjais TrXrjOos opydvojv sari, koX 6 hoiikos K,if)p.d Ti. sf]Li^v)(pv, Kol SxTiTsp opyavov irpo op'^d- vcov, irds 6 V7r7]p8Tr]s. si opdv. 6 Ba ^Los irpa^is, ov iroiqa-^s kcniv Sib Kal 6 BovXos virr)psrr}s t5)v irpos ttjv irpd^iv. to hs KTrjixa 'KerysTai Ma-nsp koL to fiopiov. to ts jdp fiopiov ov fiovov dXkov iarl fiopiov, dWa Kal oXtus aWcu' ofioieos Bs xal TO KTTIfJia. Bio 6 IJbSV BsaTrOTTjS TOV BovKoV BstTTTOTTlg flOVOV, IkSLVOV B' OVIC SCTTIV' 6 Bs BovXoS ov flOVOV Bsa-TTOTOV 6 BovXos saTiv, dXXd ical oXais sksIvov. tis filv ovv rj cf)va-i9 TOV BoiiXov Kal tIs rj Bvvafiis, sk tovtoh) BrjXov ' o yap firj avTOv (^iiasi aX,X' aXkov, dvOpcoiros Bs, oiiros ^vasi BovXos sariv. dXXov 8' ecttIv dvOpwiros, os av KTfjjia fj dvdpanros '5 c!)V. KTrjjjM Be opyavov TrpaKTlKov Kal 'x^apiaTOV. moispov S' sgtI tis (f>vcr£i ToiovTos rj ov, Kal TTOTspov ^sXtiov Kal existence a something new, and distinct from itself, from our cloth- ing, on the other hand, or our bed we have the use alone. Again, since there is a difference in kind between production and action, and each requires instruments, it is absolutely necessary that these (respective instruments) also should show the same difference in kind. Now life is action, not production, and for this reason also the slave is an assistant in matters that concern action. An article of property is spoken of in the same way that a portion of a whole is, for the part is not only a part of something else, hut entirely belongs to it ; so is it with the thing possessed. And while the master is only master of the slave, but does not beldhg to him, the slave is not only the slave of the master, but does en- tirely belong to him. From this we clearly see what is the nature of the slave, and what his capacity for being such. For he who does not in his nature belong to himself, but to some other man, being himself a man, is indeed by nature born a slave ; and he belongs to someone else who, though a man, is but an article of property. Such an article is an instrument adapted for active use^ and that can be set by itself. Whetheror not there exists a man thusformed by nature, and if so whether or not it is a better thing and a just for him to be a slave to liOOK I. CAP. 5. 119 Bi,Kai6v TLVi hovksvsiv r) ov, aXXa Traera BovXsia irapa (pvcnv scFTi, fiSTa Tavra (TKSinsov. ov ')(aXs7rov Bs koX ra Xoyq) Bewprjcrai Koi sk t&v rytvofisvoyv Karafiadslv. to yap 2 ap-)(Siv KOI dp'Xsa-Oai, ov fiovov twv avayKamv aXK^ Koi TWV (TVfi av apx^i'V TToXXaKis to awfia TrjS ^jryxv^ ^'^ ''"'> ^civXcoi 6 Kal -n-apa t^xiaiv sx^tv- scTt S' ovv, wcnrsp Xsyofisv, irpm- Tov ev ^dxp dswpfjcrai, Kal hsairoTiK'qvlapxhf "^"'i' voXi.TiKrjV rj fisv yap ■^I'xh '^''^ crd)fj,aTos apx^i- BsairoTiK'qv apx^v^ 6 Bs vow Tfjs opE^ECos TroXiriKrjv Kal ^aaiXiKrjv ev ols (fjavspov iuTiv OTt Kara 6a'H BovXoi, ois ^sXtiov iaTiv apj^Sddai TavTTjv ttjv dp^Tjv, siirsp Kul tois slprffisvois. scTTi, yap ^vv SovXcov Kai, irapa riov 10 r)fiep(ov ^(poov- /SovXsrai, fisv ovv rj epovja -jroislv rd tS)v sksvOspoiv km, rSiV oov\tov, rd fj.sv la)^vpd irphs rrjv dvayKalav ■)(pfjaiv, rd B' opdd koX dyp'qaTa irpos rds roiamas spyaaias, aXX,a -xpi^at/xa •rrpos TToXiTiKov ^lov {omos Ss koI 'yivsTai Sirjprjfji.ei'os sis TS rhv ■yroXsfj.tKTiv ■)(pslav koX rrjv slprjviKijv), crvii^aivsi Se iToXkaKis KoX Tovvavrlov, tovs fiSV rd o'oop.aT h'y^stv s\iv- Ospoiv TOVS Ss Tas ^^vyds' SJrsl tovto ys (pavspov, a>s si TOcrOVTOV rysVOlVJO ScdcpOpOl TO (TOifia fJbOVOV OdOV ai TCOV Oeajv sIkoves, tovs vnoXsnro/xsvovs irdvTSs (palsv av d^bovs 11 sliai, TovTOis SovXsvsiv. si S' em tov aco/uaTos tovt^ dXrj- 6ss, TToXu SiKaiOTspov ettI tTjs ■x^ut^tjs tovto StcopoaOai • dXK' ov'^ ofjLoiois paSiov ISslv to ts ttjs 'yjrvxvs icdWos KoX i 6 TO TOV aci/MaTos. oTi pisv Tolvvv sta\ rk Kara •TroXep.ov Kparovfisva tS)v KpaTOVV- Ta>v Sivat, (paatv. tovto Brj to BUaiov •jroXXol t&v sv TOts 2 vofJiois (ocTTTEp prjTopa * ypdovrat irapavofimv, ois Ssivov si Tov ^laaatfdai, Bvvafisvov xal Kara Bvva/MV KpeiTTOvos saTai, oovXov /cal ap')(Ofjisvov to ^laaOsv. Koi toIs jjlsv OVTCO BoKsl TOIS B' SKiivas, KoX TWl' ao(j}S)v. aiTiov Bs 3 TavTTjs TTjs a./j,(f>ial3r]Tijcrsa>s, km o iroisi Toiis Xoyovs sirakXaTTSLV, oti rpoirov Tiva apsrr) Tvy)(avovara ■)(op7)yias Kat, ^id^sadai Bvvarai fid^-icna, Kal sariv asl to KpaTovv sv vTrspo')(^ dr/adov tivos, &ctt£ BoksIv firj dvev dpsTrjs sivai TTjv ^lav, dXKu Trspl tov Biicaiov fiovov slvai ttjv u.p,^iovTanrapav6iji.wv. That is : they lodge an objection against the new v6iios (here rh Sixaiov) as being a violation of an existing vdfios. Alluding to the process called ypa^ii vapai/dfioii/ at Athens. 124 BOOK I. CAP. 6. hUaiov slvai, to2s S' uvto tovto hUaiov, to tov Kpslr-rova ^p-vsLV, sirel SiacrrdvTcov ye %<»pts tovtcov t&v 'Koycov ovt' IcTYvpov ovdsv s-)(pv(riv ovts TTodavov arspoi Xoyoi, o)s ov 5 Ssl TO ^iXriov kut' apsrrjv ap')(Siv Kot Bscnro^siv. o\&)s 8' avTS'XpjJ.svoi Tivss, a)s o'lovrai, BiKatov ttvos (d yap vofios BUatOP Tt) Tr]v Kara iroKsfiov SovXeiav TiGsaai 8(,Kaiav, ana 8' ov (pacriv. ttjh te yap apxv^ svhs'xsrai ixrj BiKaiav slvai twv iroXspiWV, Kal tov avd^iov BovXevsiv ovSap,(as av (ftaiT} tls hovKov slvab' si Bs /ni], crvpi/S'i^a'STai Toi/s evysvsaTWTovs slvai BoKovvTas BovXovs Sivai Kai sk 6 BovKwv, sav crvfji^fi irpadrjvai XTj^dsvTas. Bioirep arjTovs ov ^ovXovTai Xsysiv BovXovs, aXXd tovs ^ap/3dpovs. Kairoi OTav tovto Xsycoaiv, ovdsv aXXo ^TjTOvaiv ij to (f>vcTSi, BovXov, oirsp s^ ^PXV^ s'iirofisv avayKT} yap sivai Tivas (pdvai tovs p,sv TravTa^pv BovXovs tovs B' odBa/iov. 7 TOV avTov Ss TpoTTOV Kal TTspb svysvsias' avTovs /jusv yap Justice consists in kindness, others that tMs very rule of the su- perior is just ; since different as these views are, there is no strong ground or power of convincing in the other alternative ; namely, that it is not right for that which is superior in excellence to rule and he master . Still, on the whole, persons in their clinging, as they thinlr, to something that is just (for law is a form of justice) make out the slavery which comes through war to he just, hut at the same time they deny it to he so. For it is quite possihle for the beginning of wars to he anything hut just, and no one would say that the man who did not deserve to be a slave was really a slave. Otherwise it will happen that men held to he nobly horn will be slaves and the children of slaves, if they chance to have been taken prisoners and sold. And for this reason men do not generally speak of themselves {i.e. their own countrymen) as slaves, but only of foreigners. And yet when they use this language they are really looking for the slave by nature ; and this is just what we said at the beginning. For they must allow that there are persons who are slaves everywhere, others who are slaves nowhere. It is the same also with regard to noble birth. For men deem themselves to be BOOK I. CAP. 6. 125 ov /jLovov Trap avTols Evrysvsls aWa Travra'yov vofii^ovaiv. Toils Bs ^apj3a.povs o'Uoi jjlovov, ms ov rt to /j-sv dirXms svysves Kal iXsvOspov to B' o^p^; aTrXtos, wa-nsp jj ©soSek- Tov EKsfT] (^rjcrX ' Oeiiov h' utt' a.p(po'lv tKyovov pil^iopariov rig av ■Kpoatnriiv a^iuiaeiEV Xarpiv;' OTav Bs TOVTo XJjaxTiv, ovOevl aXX' rj apsTy koI KaKia 8 Biopt^ovcri TO BovXov Kal sXsvOspov .vol tovs svyivsls Kal Toi/s Bvcry£vsi<}. d^iovai yap, coaTrsp s^ dvOpcoirov dv- OpcoTTOV Kal EK 07]pi(ov yivscrOai, Orjpiov, ovtco Kal Jf dyadcov dyaQov' 't] Be (f>v(Ti<; ^ovXsTai fisv Tovro irotsiv ttoXXAkis, ov fxsvToi Bvvarai. oti fisv ovv sj^eo rivd Xoyov 9 rj a/ji^tcr07jTr)ai9, Kal slal Kal ovk slalv ot fisv (fivasi BovXoi 04 B' eXsvOspoi, B^Xov Kal oti 'iv rial SicopiaTai TO TOIOVTOV, S)V CTVfKpSpei Tft) fJ^SV TO BovXsVSlV TW Bs TO cscTTTo^siv, Kal BiKaiov, Kal Set to fisv dp'^^sadai to S' dp- nobly bom not only among tlieir own people, but everywhere ; foreigners, on the other hand, to be noble only at home, implying that there is a class of men which is essentially noble and free, and another which is essentially not so, just as Helen, in the play of Theodectes, says : ' Sprung as I am from two dfvine stems, who could deem it right to hail me servant ? ' When persons use such language, they make the distinction between slave and free, the nobly born and the low born, depend upon nothing else than virtue and vice. For they really maintain that as man is the oifspring of man, and beast of beast, so also good is the offspring of good. But Nature, while having a tendency often to produce this result, has not the power to do so always. It is clear then that the objection raised has one ground of reason, and some are not slaves by nature and some are not free : it is also clear that in certain cases some such distinction has been marked, and that in these it is for the ad- vantage of the one party to be slave, of the other to be master, and that it is also just, and that one class ought to be ruled and the other to rule with the rule for which they were intended by nature, 126 BOOK I. CAP. 6, 7. p^gw, rjV TTS^VKaaiv ap')^r)v dp)(siV, wcrre koi BsffTro^siv. 10 TO Sh KaKOJs dav/J,(popcos bottIv afi^oiv ' to yap avTO avfJ.spsi, To> /j,sp£i KOL TO) oXo) Koi aco/nan koI '^v)(rj, 6 he Bovkos (ispos ri ToO BsffTTOTOV, olov f/tn|rv^oj/ Tt TOV o-ftj/ittTOS Ke'xccpoafisvov Bs fispos. Bio kuI avp-^dpov £(ni Ti KoX (ftiXla BovKo) Kai BscnroTQ irpos dXXijXovs rots (j>VlTSl TOVTCDV ^^iCO/jiSVOlS ' Tols Bs firj TOVTOV TOP TpOTTOV, dXKa Kara vofiov Kot 0iacr6siai, ToiiravTiov. 7 (pavspby Bs koX sk tovtccv oti ov tuvtov sart, BeaTro- Tsla Kol iTo\i/nKri, ovBs iracrab aXKrfkais at ap')(ai, wairsp Tivis (jjaa-iv. ^ fisv OC ev tw j^prjadai BovXots. sari B' avTTj rj STrKmrjiirj ovBsv fisya ^^(ovcra oi/Ss asfivov ' a yap tov BovKov iiTLaTaaOat Bsl iroislv, sKslvov Bel ravra iirlaTaadai, sTriTaTTSiv. Bib 5 oaois s^ovala fir) avTOVs KUKOiradslv, itriTpoiros XafM- /Sdvsi, ravTijv rrjv TifJirjv, avroi Bs "TToXirsvovTai fj (piXo- (70(f)0vaiV' 'Tj Bs KTTjTiKr] ET^pa d/J,(J30TEp(ov TOincov, olov 7] BiKala, iroXeixLKrj ns ovcra ij drjpivriKtj. slaves we have an instance in what the man taught at Syracuse. There a certain person, on the receipt of a fee, used to teach servants their ordinary round of duties. But the power of learning such accomplishments will extend farther to such things as artistic cookery and other similar branches of service. For there is a dis- tinct difference between the more valuable and the more necessary services, and in the words of the proverb, ' There are slaves and slaves, and there are masters and masters.' Now aU such accom- plishments are forms of the science of slaves, while the science of the master is how to use slaves, for the master is such in virtue not of possessing but of using slaves. Still this science implies nothing very great or elevated. For what the slave ought to know how to dc, that the master ought to know how to order. For this reason, if men have the power of escaping the per- sonal trouble, an overseer takes this charge, while they them- selves engage in public life or study philosophy. But the art of acquiring slaves is distinct from both of these — the just form I 128 BOOK I. CAP. 8. irspl fiev ovv BovKov koI Secnrorov tovtov BiapicrOto 8 Tov rpowov • okms Bs -iTspl Trdartjs KTrjosms ical 'x^prjfia- isisss Tia-TiKrjs Osmpija-wfiev Kara rov v4y>TyVf^^vov rpoTrov, STTSLTTSp KOl BovKoS TTjS KTrjCTSOaS fJLSpOS TL TjV. irpSdTOV p,ev ovv a'7roprjriv aiiTols, Bia to ra fisv f^JO- ^dya TO, Bs Kapiro(^dya rd Bs Tra/ji^dya aircbv slvai ' &(TTS TTpos rds pa(7Ta)vas Kal Trjv a'lpsaiv Trjv tovtwv t) (pvais Toiis jStouff airSiv Biwpiasv. iirsl 8' ov ravTo But -whether the art of money-makiiio; is a particular part of household rule, or is distinct in kind, admits of some discussion. For if it is the business of the man concerned with money-making: to find out the soiu'ce from which money and property are to be got, still property includes many subdivisions, and so does wealth. So, in the first place, is the art of husbandry a subdivision of the art of money-making, or is it distinct in genus ? And so, in general terms, what are we to say about the industry and acquisition that are concerned with food? Nay but further, there are certainly many forms of food, and for this reason there are many kinds of life, both among animals and men. For it is not possible to live without food, so that the differences of their food have made the modes of life of animals different. For of wild beasts some are gregarious, others solitary, according as it suits them in their pm'suit of food, since some are flesh- eaters (carnivorous), others herb-eaters (herbivorous), others of them, again, eaters of anything (omnivorous). So that it is Nature who has determined their modes of life, with an eye to facilities and power of choice in getting their livelihood. But since the same thing is not natwally sweet to every individual, but some things K 130 BOOK I. CAP. 8. sKciaTO) '^Sii Kara (pvatv aXk' sTspa srspous, Kat avrcov tS)v ^a)os iKavqv sivai p,EXf>is ov av Bvvr)Tai, avTO axnm TTopi^Siv TO jswrjOev, olov baa crKoiXTjKoroKSL rj o^otoksI' oaa Sf ^atoTOKsl, tols yswoj/Msvots sj^si rpo^rjv ev avTols pisXP'' ''""'0*5 "^V^ "^ov Ka\ovp,Evov ydXaKTos (j>vai,v. uars 11 which confine their daily work to personal exertion, and do not get their food by barter and trading — namely, pastoral, agricultural, the pirate's, the fisherman's, and the hunter's. Other men, again, live enjoyably by mixing up some of these, thus filling up the most de- ficient part of their existence where it happens to fall short in attaining self-sufficingness. For instance, some combine the pastoral and the piratical modes of life, others that of the husband- man with that of the hunter. Similarly also with the rest, just as necessity combines their aims, so do they live. Property then of this sort seems to be given by Nature herself to all creatures, as at the first moment of their birth, so also when they have come to full growth. For even looking at the moment of birth, some animals produce with their young just that quantity of food which win suffice till the new-born can provide for itself by itself, as for instance, animals that are vermiparous or oviparous. But those which are viviparous have nourishment for their young within themselves for a certain time, namely, natm-e's supply of what is called milk. So in like manner it is clear that at a later period of growth also we must conclude that plants exist for the sake of ani- K 2 132 BOOK I. CAP. 8. ofjboiws Zrj'Sjov on Kot ^v ^axav BVSKSV slvai koI raXka ^a>a twv dvdpcoirmv ■yapiv, ra fikv rifxtpa Kal Bia rfjv y^priaiv koX Sia Tr]v Tpo(fyrjv, Ttov 8' ar/piwv, si /jlt) iravra, aXka ra ys TrKsXara ttjs 'rpo(pr]s km aXKrjs ^orjOsias evsksv, iva Kal scrOrjs Kal aXXa opyava ji- j2 vrjTai s^ avTwv. si ovv t] ^vais fj,7)6sv fj.Tjrs arsSis ttoibI HrjTS (la.T'qv, avayKolov rwv avSpamtov evsksv avra irdvTa •rrsTroirjKsvai Tr)V s (pvcrsi BiKaiov rovrov jQ ovTa rbv iroXspbov. tv fiev ovv siSos kttjtikt^s Kara vcnv TJ)? oiKovo/jyiKrjs fispos saTiv • o Set rjToi v'7rap')(Siv rj Tropl- ^siv avT7)v o'rrcos VTrapjQ), mv san drjcravpt(Tfji,os ')(p7]fm- ■Twv TTpits ^oyrjv avayKaimv Kal '^pTjai^cov sis KOLvmviav mals, and tlie other animals for the sake of man — those domesticated for Ms use and his food, and of those wild (if not all), yet the greatest proportion, to supply him with food and other things, so that rai- ment and other serviceahle things may he formed out of them. If then Natm-e makes nothing either imperfect or in vain, it must needs he that she has made all these things for the sake of man. Therefore also the art of war will naturally in a certain sense he an art of acquisition. For a hranch of it is that art of the chase which must he used both against wild beasts and such men as being intended by nature to be ruled over, are unwilling to submit to this*' arrangement : — on the ground that this form of war is naturally just. One sort then of the art of acquisition is naturally a part of Household Rule. And this must either be found by it already in existence, or it must take measures to secure its existence, namely, the acquisition of things which are capable of being stored, neces- - ysvoiihois cannot, if it is the right word here, have its proper meaning of ' at the moment after birth.' It must have taken the place of some such word as rf\iueee'is fiiav Kal ttjv avrrjv Tt) Xs'xBsia-r) •jToXXol vonii^ovai Sia rrjv yetrviao'iv. sa-ri S' OVTS 7] airr) rfj st,p7]p,svg oiiTS Troppco sKsivrfs. sari S' sary for life and useful for tlie association either of the state or of the family. Moreover, it is of these things that genuine wealth seems to consist For the sufficient supply of such sort of pro- perty for a good life is not ' unlimited,' as Solon said, when he wrote ' of wealth no limit lies clearly shown to men.' For there is a limit, just as in the other arts. For there is no instrument belonging to any art which is without a limit, either in quantity or in size ; but wealth is an abundance of instruments needful to manage households and states. That there is then a form of the acquisition of property in ac- cordance with nature to be practised by masters of households and statesmen, and why this is so, is clear. But there is another class of the art of acquisition which above others men call, and rightly call, the art of making money, and it is by reason of this that there is thought to be no limit of riches and property ; and this many men look upon as one and the same with that already described, because the two border closely on each other. But it is neither the same as that aforementioned, nor yet very widely removed from it. In reality one of them exists 134 BOOK I. CAP. 9. f} fjukv cj>v(Tsi fj 8' ov ipijcrsi, avT&v, aWa Bi sfiirsipias 2 TWOS Kal TS')(y7)s 'yivsTat fiSXkov. Xd^Ufisv Bs irspo avTrjs rrjv dpy-tjv ivTSvdsv. SKaarov yap KTi^fiaros BtrTr] rj ■)(priais scttIv, afi^oTspai Bs icad" avro fisv aX.X' o^% ofiouos Kaff" axJTO, aW' r) fisv olxsia rj B ovk olKSia tov Trpdy- fjLaTOs, olov {iTToB'^fiaTos rj re inroBsats Kal r) fisTa^XrjTiKij. 3 dfi(f)6TSpab vcnv ovts y(pTifj,aTi(TTiKfjs iaTiv stSos ovhiv sis avafr\ripa>aiv jap rfjs Kara ^(xriv avrapKSUis ^v. i/c 7 fjbsvTOi TavTrjs ijsvsr eiceivif Kara \6jov. ^sviKcaTspas jap jivofj-siir/s Trjs ^orjBsins tqJ sladjiaQai 5>v svBssis Kal i/cTrsfiTrsiv SiV knXsovatov, i^ dvdjKris rj rov vofila-fiaros association (that is tke family) it is clear that there is no part for it to play ; but there is a part as soon as the association has become wider. For these (the members of the household) used to have all the same things in common use, but those (members of the wider community), having become separated, have in common many things as before, and also have a share of different things ; and it is of these different things, according to their wants, that they must needs make their exchanges, as even now many of the barbaric tribes do in the form of barter, for they exchange things useful separately one against the other, but they never go farther. For instance, they give and take wine for grain, and so on with each other of the same class of things. Now this kind of exchange is neither contrary to nature nor is it any form of the art of money-making, for it was adopted to fill up the measure of natural self-eompleteness. Still it is out of this form that the other rose, as might have been expected. For when the help that men foimd in importing what they wanted, and exporting what they had in over-abundance, came into use over greater distances, fi-om sheer necessity the use of 136 BOOK I. CAP. 9. 8 sTTopiadr] ■^prjcns. oil yafi Evj3da'TaKT0v 'iicaarov rmv kutu v 'XP'Tjcrifiuv avro ov et^e rrjv '^psi.av sifJiSTW^sipierTov irpos TO ^fjV, olov criSrjpo! Kai apyvpos, Kav s'i Tt toiovtov STSpov, TO fjiBv TrpSirov aiiKais opiadsv fisysSsi koa vaEv 8' oxi6sv, OTt iiSTaOsiJLsvmv re t&v ■xpofisvcov ovdavos a^uov ovBe XP'lo-tp-ov Trpos ovSsv t&v dvajKalcov ia-ri, Kal pofiia/xaTos ttXovtoiv wroXXaKis a/rropi^asi, rrjs avayxaias Tpodypjs' KatTOi aroTTov toiovtov sivul ttXovtov ov sviropSyv Xt^co awoXsLTai, KaOdirep Kal tov MiSav sksIvov /ivdoXoyovcri Ota TTjv a/TrXTfaTiav ttjs ev-^tis •jrdvTwv avTW 'ytvofiEvtov tS)v irapaTiOsfi^vcov j^^pvcrcov. Sib ^TjTOvaiv STspov Tt Tbv 12 TtXovTOP Kal TTJV -XpTllMaTia-TiKriV, 6p6S)S t,7jT0VVTSS. EO-TO yap ETspa r) j^orjfj.aTurTiKr) Kal 6 'jtXovtos 6 KaTa (^vcriv, Kal avTT] fjjsv oiKovofiLKTi, 7] Se KaiTrjXiKr) TToirjTCKrj ■xpv~ fiaTcov, ov irdvTtos dXX' 7) Sia y^pTfixdraiv /iSTa^oXiis. Kal BoKsl ^spl TO vofwjfia avTTj slvar to yap vofj^ia-fjLa crroi- produce wealth and possessions. Indeed, men often define wealth as an abundance of money, because the art of getting rich and trading are concerned with money. At another time, on the con- trary, money is thought to he vanity, and quite as conventional as its name implies, but to be by nature nothing at all, because if those that use it change their standard it is worth nothing and profitless for obtaining anything necessary. And a man rolling in wealth will often be at a loss for his needful food. And yet it is ridiculous that that should be wealth which a man may have in abundance and yet perish of hunger, just as they tell in the fable that the famous Midas perished through the insatiate greed of his prayer, all that was set before him turning into gold. For this reason men seek for something else as the true wealth and the true art of seeking it, and they do well so to seek. For the art of getting wealth and wealth itself, when they follow nature, are quite distinct from this ; and while this form {i.e. the Kara cf>vcnv) belongs to household rule, the trading type is merely productive of money — not by every means but only by exchanging it. This latter also is thought to be concerned with money. For money is the 138 BOOK I. CAP. 9. 13 ^Etof Kal TTspas rrjs aWajijs iarlv. koX airsipos or] ovTos 6 liKoinos 6 utto ravrys Tfjs '^prj/j.aTKTriKrjs. ^oycnrsp vcnv, avhplas yap oil '^prjp^ara iroislv scttw dXka Odpaos, oiihs crrpaTTiyiKrjs Kol laTptKrjs, aWa tyjs pisv 18 VLK7)V Tijs 8' vyUiav. ot 8s irdcras rroitOVCTi ')(^p7]fiaTi- (TTiKcis, ms TovTo TsXos OV, 'jrpos Ss TO riXos airavTu osov aTTavrav. irspl fiiv ovv TYjs T£ p^r] avw^Kalas -^DrjpMTicyTiKris, kuI Tt'y, Kal St' alriavTlva sv XP^ia sapikv -avrris, siprjrai,' Kai irepl rrjs dvayKaias, on srspa p,sv aiiTrjs olicovop,iK.r) ok Kara 'r]v, ovy^ oiairep avTrj airsipos oKK 1 s-)(pvcra opov. BPj\,ov bs km to aTTopovp^svov s^ ap^V^j irore- pOV TOV olKOVop,(,KOV KoX VoXlTlKOV S(TTIV 7] J(p7]p,aTt,(TTl.K'q fj oil, dWa SsiTOVTO psv virapx^iv aiairep yap Kal dvdpco- TTovs ov TTOLsl r] TTo'kiTiKrj, dXkd Xa^ovaa irapk Ttjs vcr£a)9 ypiJTai, aiiTols, ovtoj Kal rpo^v rrjv v(riv Bsi irapaBovvUi yfjv rj OdXarTav rj aXKo Ti, ' sk Se rovTcov, uis some other means, using each of their faculties in unnatural fashion. For it is not the part of ooiu^age to produce money, hut daring ; nor is it the part of the arts of war or medicine ; hut the former ought to produce victory, the latter health. Others make arts of aU sorts instruments for getting money, under the idea that this is the great end, and that all things ought to unite to further this end. Thus now we have spoken on the subject of non-com- pulsory money-making, and stated what it is, and what the reason is why we use it ; also on the subject of the compulsory form, that it is distinct from the other, and belongs naturally to the art of household rule, where it concerns food, not being, as the other form, without any limit, but having a fixed boundary. Plain too is that which was the question at the beginning, namely, whether or not the art of getting money is the business of the master of a household and a statesman. If not, the existence of wealth (in the state or household) must be presupposed. For just as the science of Politics does not create men, but receives them from Nature, and then uses them,so also oughtiVatore to provide nourishment, whether she be in the shape of land or sea or any other element ; but after- BOOK I. CAP. 10. 141 osi, ravra oiadsivai, irpocrrjKsi tov olKovofiov. ov ryap rrjs 2 v(pavTiKrjs spia Trotijaai, aX\a '^(prjcraaOai, avrois, koX fyvSyvai hs to ttoIov 'xprjaTov koX sttit'^Ssiov rj (pavXov koI avsirvrrjhsiov. ical sp7] '^p'^o-tfia to irspl Ta KTi^fiaTa s/Mirsipov sivai, iroia 'KvaiTeXio'TaTa Kai ttov Kai ttcos, gain is, as we have said, of two kinds, one belonging to trade, the other to houseliold management, while the latter is neces- sary and praised, the other — that connected with harter — is rightly hlamed (for it is not a making gain in a natural manner, hut a robhing of man from man) : and most reasonably of all is hated the trade of the usm-er, because the gain comes from the money itself, and not from the use for which money was devised ; for it came into existence for the help of exchange ; but Interest (which means Breeding) increases it more and more, whence also Interest has got the name of breeding, for things born are in themselves similar to that from which they are bred, and Interest becomes money bred of money, so that of the means of making gain this is by far the most unnatural. But as we have sufficiently determined the theoretical side of the question, we ought to consider in detail its practical side. All matters of this class are free in theory, but constrained in practice. Useful branches of the art of getting wealth are — to he ex- perienced about stock — what class pays best, and where, and under what conditions ; for example, to know what is the advantage of BOOK I. CAP. II. 143 OLOv uirirciiv KTrjcrts iroia rts rj ^ocov rj Trpo^drcov, o/Molcas Ss Kai T&v XoiTTMv ^w(ov. Sst ^OjO s/MTTSipov slvat irpbs 2 aWrfKa re tovtcdv rlva XvcTLTsXeaTara, koI irola sv TTOiois TOTTOis' oXXa Jap sv dWuis sv6r)v£l 'xcopats. sira TTspi, yscopyias, Kal ravTqs ^Brj iifnXfjs rs koX 'irsT7)s' Ej(St yap xal rrji Kard vvT£v/j,svr]s, ofioccos Bs Kal aXXois irspl usg aXXayv, Tavra fisv sk tovtcov OscopslTO} orcp sinp.sXss ' sti Be KUi Ta Xsyo/Jisva, (nropdBr)v, BC S)v sTTLTSTV^ijKaaiv form (of money-getting) and in that wliicli rests on excliange, namely, the profit made from the earth and from things produced by the earth, things without fruit but useful, wood-cutting and the art of mining of every sort ; and this now embraces many kinds of metals obtained from the earth. Of each of these divisions we have now spoken, but while speaking accurately of them in detail is useful for the pursuits in question, to linger over them is tire- some. The most scientific of men's pm-suits are those where there is » the least element of chance ; the meanest are those in which men's bodies are most deformed ; the most servile where there is most use of the body alone ; the moat ignoble where the least excellence is required. But since works have been written on these subjects by certain persons, such as by Chares of Paros, and Apollodorus of Lemnos, on husbandry in both its branches of tilling the soil and growing plantations, and similarly by others on other subjects, let whoever cares to do so study these matters in the writings of these authors. Also it is well to collect scattered stories of the means by which certain persons have made a lucky hit in their pm-suit of BOOK I. CAP. 11. 145 hvioc 'x^prjfiaTi^ofisvoi, Bsb avWeysiv. irdvra yh-p axpsXi/ia s TavT JffTi Tots rifiMcTi, Tr)v ■^(fTjfiaTia'Tiic'^v. olov Kal to ®aXs(o rov MiXria-iov rovTO yap scni Karavorj/jLci Tt XPV- fjiaricniKov, aXK ekslvo) /jlsv Bia lijv ao^iav Trpocrd-movai, Tvyj(avsi 8s KaOoXov ri 6v. ovsiSi^ovroov yap avroa Slh 9 rrjv TTSvlav cos dvtoophv saofievrjv sk rfjs aarpo- Xoyias, stl ■^ufiMvos ovtos, sunopijcravTa y^prjfidrmv okip/wv dppa^mvas StaSoCvot r&v iXatovpyiav rSav t' sv MiXjjt^ KoX Xtw irdvTWv, oXiyov /uo'dcoa'dtisvov olt ovOsvos stti- fidXXovTos' ivstSr) 8' 6 Kavpos Tjks, iroKKSiV ^rjrov/jLevwv OLfui KoX s^aicj}vr}S, sKfMO'dovvTa bv rpoirov tj^ovKsto, ■jtoXXo, ^(pritJiaTa avXKs^avra sirihsl^ai on pdSiov s(tti ttXovtsiv Tols <})iXoa6^ois, av ^ovXcovrai, dXX' ov tovt kcnl irspl o s"0/Mr]pos TOP Ata wpoaTjyopsvcrsv slirayv ' Trarrjp dv- Sp&v TS OeSiv T£,' TOV /3aiTi\£a tovtcou aTravTwv. ^vcrsi, yap TOV ^aaiXsa Biaefispstv fMsv Bsi, tw ysvst, S' slvai toi' aVTOV • OTTSp TTETTOvOe TO TTpSCT^VTSpOV WpOS TO VSStTSpOV KoL o yivvqaas irpbs to tekvov. 13 ^avspov Toivvv oti irKsimv rj crirovhrj ttjs ocKOVOfiias TTSpl Toils dvdpco'jrovs rj r/rspi ttjv tS)v dyjrvj^cov KTrjaiv, Kal •irspl TTjv dpsTr]v tovtcov rj Trspl rrjv rrjs KTrjascoi, ov Ka- \ov/j,sv ttKovtov, Kal t&v iXsvdspcov fiaXXov rj hov\(i}v. 2 TTp&TOV flEV OVV TTSpl SovXmV dTTOprjffSiSV CIV TIS, ITOTEpOV sa-Tiv dpsTrj tis BovXov Trapa rhs opyaviKas xal SiuKovt- Kas aWrj Tiiuaripa tovtcov, olov a'copocrvvr] Kai dvBpla Kal BiKaiocrvvr} Kal tS)v dWcov tcov toiovtcov s^ewv, fj ovk is always of this character and unchanged. But the rule over the children is the rule of a Hng, for the father is ruler both through affection and seniority, and this is the character of a Mug's rule ; and for this reason Homer was right in addressing Zeus as ' Father of Gods and Men ' — Zeus the king of all these. For a king should differ in nature from his subjects, but be still the same in land ; and this is the relation of the elder to the younger, the father to the child. It is clear, therefore, that the earnest attention of household management is more concerned with living men than with the ac- quisition of inanimate objects — ^with the excellence of the former rather than with that of property, to which we give the name of wealth — with the excellence of freemen rather than with that of slaves. Now, in the first place, some one may raise a difficulty with regard to slaves : whether a slave has any excellence beyond that of an instrument and an agent ; any other more valuable than these, such as Temperance, Courage, Justice, and any of the other dis- positions of that sort ; or whether he has none at all beyond bodily BOOK I. CAP. 13. 149 scTTbv oi/Bsfiia irapa raa awfuniicas virrjoeaLas. s^st yap airopLav afitpoTspms. bits yap sariv, rl Siotaovai r&v 3 aKevdiptov ; sits p,r) ea-nv ovtwv avdpmtroav koI \6yov koi- voavovvTOiv, aroTTop. a^ysSov Be Tairov scrri to ^rjTov/is- vov Kai irepl yvvaiKos koI iraihos, iroTspa xai tovtcov sI(tiv dpSTai, Kol SsL Tr/v yvvaiKa slvai iraxppova Kal avSpsiav Kal hiKaiav, Kai •jrais earl xat aKoXaaros Kal adx^pcov, r) ou ; Kal KadoXov Br) tout' strrlv siriaKSTniov trspl ap)(p- i pAvov (()va-ei Kal dpj(pvTos, iroTspov fj avTr/ dpsri) r) Erepa. £1 /jLsv yap Bel dfitjiOTspovs /isre^ftv KaXoKayadias, BiA rt TOW fj^v apysiv B^oi av tov Be dp')(ea6at Kaddira^ ; oiiBs rycip TO) fjudWov Kal ^ttov otov rg Bia^spsiv " to /jlep yap dpyeadai koI dpyuv siBst, Biapa)v Kal BiKaios, irws ■dp^si KoKcos ; eW 6 dpxofJ-svos, ir&s d^6'i]a-STai. Ka\S>s ; services. There is a difficulty either way. For if slaves have such excelleuce, in what wiU they differ from freemen ? and yet to say that they are not, if they are men with a share of reason, is absurd. The question is very nearly the same in the case of women and children, as to whether they too have excellences, and if a woman ought to be temperate and courageous and just, and if a child is utterly intemperate or wisely temperate or no. And to speak o'eneraUy, we have now this consideration before us with regard to the natural subject and the natural ruler, have they the aame excellence or a distinct kind ? For if both ought to share in nobleness of character, why, once and for ever, should one be ruler and the other be subject ? for it cannot be that they differ in the matter of greater or less (i.e. of degree), for to be i-uled and to rule differ in kind, but the greater and the less do not. On the other hand if one ought to possess this nobleness, while the other ought not it is a strange state of things. For if, on the one hand, the Tuler is not to be temperate and just, how is he to be a good ruler ? if on the other, the subject (is to lack these qualities), how is he 150 BOOK I. CAP. 13. aKoXaffTos yap mv koI SetXos ovdsv ttoujo-si tww Trpoar]- izso KovTwv, ^avspov roLvvv on avaryKij fisv /u,ETs^etv afKJ)o- repov; apsTrjs, TavTTjs 8' slvai hia<^opds, coffTTSp xai toov 6 (j)va-£i ap'XPP'ivav. koX rovro cvdiis xK^rp/iQTai trepl ttjv ■irvyrjv • if Tavrrj yap iari (pvasi to fisv apypv to oe apvofievov, Siv srspav ipaiJLSv slvai apsTT^v, olov tov Xoyov eyovTOS Kol tov aXoyov. hrfKov roivvv on rov avTov rpor- TTOV ^^(si Koi sttI r&v aWo)v, uktts (pvcrsc ra •jrXsLm 7 apxpvTa Kal ap')(p^isva. aXXov yap rpoTrov ro iXsvdspov TOV SovXov dpx^SL Kot TO dppsv TOV BrjXsos Kai avrjp irai- Sos • KOL iraaw euvirdp'x^si fisv rd fiopia rtj? '^f'X^^' "'^^ kwirdpyei SiacfispovTcof. 6 fisv ydp SovXos oXois ov/e 'e)(si TO ffovXsVTlKOV, TO Ss OfjXv £)(si fiiv, dXX! uKvpov • o 8e 8 irah £-)(Si p,sv, aX,V uTsXh. ofioicof tolvvv dvayKoiov SX^''^ '^'^' ""^P' ''"^^ V^i'f^ds dpsTds • vttoXtjtttsov Bstv p,sv to be a good subject ? For being;, according to our supposition, utterly intemperate and cowardly, be will do none of those things that be should do. It is ob\-ious, then, that while it is necessary for both parties to have their share of excellence, there must still be different kinds of excellence, just as there are also different kinds of those who are naturally subject to rule. And this has led us directly to the consideration of the Soul : for in the soul there is by nature an element that rules and also an element that is ruled ; and in these we recognise distinction of excellence — the excellence, to wit, of that which possesses reason, and the excellence of that t which lacks it. It is clear, then, that the same rule holds good in the other cases also, so that most things in the world are rulers or ruled by Nature's direction. For in different method does the free element rule the slave, the male the female, the man the child ', and while in all of these are there present their separate shares of soul, these are present in each in a different manner. For the slave, speaking generally, has not the deliberative faculty, but the woman has it, though without power to be effective ; the child has it, but in an imperfect degree. Similarly, then, must it necessarily be with regard to the moral virtues also. We must suppose that all ought to have BOOK I. CAP. 13. 151 lieri)(siv trdvras, aW ov tov airov rpoirov, aW oaov SKocrrqi irpos ro avrov spyov. Sib rbv fisv dpyovia rsKsav s^^iv Set ttjv rjBiKrjv apsT^v (to ycip spyov icnlv atrX-as tov ap')(iTSKrovos, 6 8e \6yos ap')(yrsKTtov), r&v 8' aWtov sKacTTov, 6pocrvvr] ywaiKbs koI dvBpos, ouS' dvhpia Kal oiKaioavvTj, KaOdirep ^wsro 'S.mKpdrrjs, dX\' rj fisv dp'X^LKr/ dvSpia ^ S' virriperiKrj, 6/j,oi(os S' S'xst Kal Trspl rds aXXas. orjXov Ss TovTO Kal Kara fispos fiaXXov sirnTKOirova-w • 10 KaOoXov yap ol Xiyovrss s^avaTaa-iv kavroiis oti to sS Ej^StJ/ Tr]V yjrvxrjv dpsTTj, rf to bpdoirpayBiv, rj rt tSsv toiov- TWj/ • iToKv rydp dfiEivov \syovaiv ol s^apid/MOVVTSS ras apsTas, wcrTTSp Yopyias, r&v ovtcos opi^ofidvoov. Bib Bsi, 11 (oairsp % voirjrrjs s'iprjKS Trspl yvvaiKos, ovt(o vofil^siv s^siv some share in them, though not in the same way, hut only so far as each requires for the fulfilment of his own function. Therefore the ruler should have moral excellence in its perfect form (for his function is strictly that of the master builder, and reason is the master builder), and each of the rest (the subordinates) should have just as much as falls to him. And so it is clear that moral ex- cellence belongs to all the classes we have mentioned ; and yet the same kind of temperance does not belong to woman and man, nor the same courage and justice (as Socrates thought), but the one is the courage of the ruler, the other the corn-age of the subject. And similarly with the other virtues. This is clear also if we look more closely in detail : for men deceive themselves who use general statements, saying that ' to keep the soul in sound condition ' is virtue, or that 'right action,' or anything of that sort, is virtue. For they who, like Gorgias, make an enumeration of the virtues, speak much more wisely than those who make such (general) definitions. ' Cf. Plato, Meno, p. 71 B-73 C. Compare also the discussion in Kep. V. pp. 451-7. ' 6 voirirhs. Sophocles in the Ajax, 293. 152 BOOK' I. CAP. 13. TTSDt Trdvrcov ^jwumI k6(t/j,ov rj air^-q (pspei,' aXK.' avopl oi/KSTi, Tovro. iirsl S' o irals areXrjs, SJjXov on rovTov fjLsv KoX T) dpsTT) ovK avTOV TTpos aiiTov saTiv, qXKa wpos 12 Tov TsKsiov KoX Tov rjyov/jievov. Ofioicos Bz koI oovXov irpos BsffTj-oTrjv. edsfisv Bs Trpbs TavayKala -xpija-ifj^v elvai TOV SovXov, wcyrs S^Xoy ort, koI apSTrjs Bilrai fiiKpas, Kol roaavTqs oVtus iMrjTS Bl aKoXacriav fii^re Bia BsiXiav iWsiyjri} r&v eoyav. aTToptjasis S' dv ris, to vvv stprj- /levov si aXrjOii, apa koX roiii rs'^yiras Bsijasi e^siv apiTTjv ' iToXXciKls jBip St' aKoXaoiav iXXslirovcri, r&v 13 epycov. rj Bi,a(j)ips(, tovto 7rXeis tsXos s'x^ovtus tovs vvv \6yovs, aXXijv apyr^v TTOtrjadfisvoi "Ksycofisv, Kal irpwrov sTTiaKsyfrcofieda irspl T&v dTro^rp/aixivtov irspt rijs TroXtrgtas rrjs dpiv aTifimv xal (j>v- yaScov s(TTi t^ ToiavTa Kal hiairopsiv KalXvstv. TroXiTrjS 6 o aTrX&s ovBsvl t&v SXKmv opi^eTai p.dWov rj t& /iSTdystv KpuTSws Kal apxrjs. t&v S' ap-)(S)v dl /xev slai Bi.ripT)/j,svac KaTa ■)(povov, wot' svias /jlsv oXcos Bis tov avrov ovk s^sotiv ap'xsiv, rj Bia TivSiv d)piap,Ei>eov ^poj/ajv o S' ■* aopuTTos, olov 6 BiKoaTTjs Kal kKKXqataxTTrjs. Tcu)(a fisv ovv av v apx(i<^v Sixd^eirSai irtitTas, Kol /iJ) itAAos utH JtAAuc KaBdwep in AoKeialiiOvi. The dpxE'a = boards of magistrates, are here called ipx"' Tices. 160 BOOK III. CAP. 1, 2. 12 rj TTspl TtvSiv. tU fisv ovv icrrlv 6 ttoXIttjs, sk rovrmv avep6v m yap i^ovcrla KOivmvslv ap'yfjs ^ovKevTiicrjs rj KpiTiKris, iroXirriv ijBrj X^yo/isv slvac Tavrrjs rfjs TroXsas, itoXlv Se TO Tmv TOiOWTWv ttXtjOos licavov irpos airdp- 2 Ksiav ^ft)»)y, ms dnrXws slirslv. opt^ovTai Brj irpos rrjv ')(prj(nv TToXlrT^v Tov Jf d/i(j}OTepo)v iroXiT&v Koi firj darspov fiovov, olov TraTpbs rj firjrpos ' o'l Se Kal toOt' iirl ttXsov ^rjrovaiv^ olov sirl irdiT'Trovs Bvo rj Tpsls rj irXsiovs. ovtco Sif opi^ofisvcov TroXiTiK&s Koi Tayiws, diropovcri. tives tov 2 rpiTOV sKslvov rj TSTaprov, ttms saTat TroXiTrjs. ^Topylas /Msv ovv 6 AsovTivos, rd fisv tcreos diropuv rcb S' slpwvsvo- jMSvos, s^irj, KaOdrrsp oXfiovs eIvch, rovs viro rcov oXfioiroiwu TTS'jroirjfiei'ovs, ovrm Kal Aapicra-aiovs roi/s vtto tcov ^Brj- fiiovp'yav TrsTTOirjfiivovs' sivat yap nvas ^Xapicraoiroiovs. tion of ju8tice, either in all cases or in some. It is now clear who the^citizen is ; we can now say that that man who has a rightto takehisjpartjn the office oF coiDSellor or judge is a citizen of the State where he has that r^Ki, anS thata number of such citizens sufficientto^proyide for the wants of life by itself is, roughly speaMng, a State. People do for practical purposes define a citizen as the child of citizens on both sides, and not of one parent alone, whether father or mother; others seek to go further still — as far, for instance, as two, three, or more generations of ancestors. Talring this practical and hasty definition, the diiEculty arises in what way is the third or fourth ancestor to be a citizen? Gorgias, of Leontium, partly in a real, partly in a pretended difficulty, said that just as kettles were those which had been made by the kettle- makers, so those were Larissseans who had been made so by their magistrates, for some of these were larissa- (or kettle-) makers. ' Topyias, the celebrated Sophist, the hero of the Platonic dialogue of that name. ' BTiiiiovpyuv, an ambiguous ■word, implying artificers as well as ma- gistratcs. ' Aafiaaimoiois, copper kettles made at Larissa, were apparently called XapuraaX or XapurcraToi. BOOK III. CAP. 2. 161 hoTTi S' cnrXoDv st y^p fisrsi^ov Kara top pTjOhra Bio- 3 pia-fibv Trjs ttoXltsms, *7ja-av av TroXiraL- km, yap ov Bvparov s^apfioTTSiv to sk ■koXLtov rj bk troXirihos inl tS)v -TrpcoTcov oUrjo-avTCOv ■>) KTicrdvTcov. dXX' lacos sksipoi fidXXov S)(0vcriv diropiav, oaoi fiSTsa-'x^ov /isra^oXiis ysvo- fJ^hrjS TToXiTslas, olov "AOi^vrjatv iij-oirjas ^ KXsia-dsvrjs fj-sra rrjv T&v Tvpdvvdjv SK^oXijv TToXXovs yap i(f>vXsT£vae ^svovs KoX '^hovXovs {KaX) [jisroUovs. ro S' d/j,^i,c7t3'r]Tr}fia i irpos TOVTOvs iarlv ov ris itoXlttis, dXXd -n-orspov dSUcDs r) SiKaioys. xairoc kuv tovto tis sri irpoa-aTroprjcrsuv, dp" si fxr) SiKatcos TroXurrjs, ov TToXiTrjs, dis Tavro Bvvafisvov Tov T dBiKOV Kal TOV i^si^Soi;*. iirsl B' op&fjLsv koL 5 Eeally the matter is simple ; for if these ancestors were memhers of the constitution in the sense om: definition requires, they were citizens. Indeed, it is not easy to apply the qualification of havino- citizen father or mother in the case of original settlers or the founders of a state. But perhaps another class involves a greater difficulty — namely, those who have become members in consequence of a change in the constitution, as Oleisthenes, for example, effected at Athens after the expulsion of the despots, for he included in the tribes many foreigners and slaves residing in the city. But the real question in regard to tbese persons is not which of them are really citizens, but are they such illegally or legally ? And yet someone might here raise the further difficulty, ' If a man is not legally a citizen, does it not follow that he really is not a citizen at all .P' on the ground that that which is illegal is equivalent to what is false. But since we sometimes find men even holding office and power * %(Tav (tv) TToXirai, omitting the hi/ with Congreve. ^ KA.6i(rfleV7|s, who raised the number of Athenian tribes from four to ten. B.C. 608. " Soi\ovs lieroiKovs. Cf. Grote, iv. 170, note 1 , who considers that ^eyoi /j.4toikoi and 5ov\oi fisTOLKoi are correlative terms, the kvtter ex- pressing ' intelligent slaves, living apart from their masters in a state between slavery, and freedom, working partly on condition of a fixed payment to him, partly for themselves.' M 162 BOOK III. CAP. 2, 3. ap'xpvrds nvas ahUws, ovs apx^tv fMsv S SVfUZpSia T^S TOiaVTHjS ^7IT1]v, iyairsp koI TTOTafiovs sitoOapnv Xsjsiv roi/s avTOvs Koi Kprjvas tcls avrds, Kaitrsp dsl tov p,sv sTrfyi- vo/jisvov vdfj,aTos tov S' vtts^iovtos, fj tovs fjbsv dv6pd>Trovs s 6 fj,sv aKpv^scTTaTos sxaa-Tov Xoyos iSios ecTTai, rrjs apsTrjs, ofiolcos Be Kai KOivos tis ecpapfiocrsi irdcnv. rj jap aeoTTjpia Tifs vavriXtas kpyov bcttIv avrav Trdvrwv' tovtov yap sKaaros opsysTau twv 3 ir\anrjpa)v. ofiOLcos roivvv Kai t&v irdXiTcov, Kanrsp avofioicov OVTCOV, r) aa}T7)pia ttjs Koivoovlas kpyov scjti, Koivcovia S' fcTTij' ?7 •Ko'KiTsia' Blo TTjv apsTTjv avayicalov slvac TOV itoXItov irpos ttjv •jroXLTst.av. siTrsp ovv ha-rt TiKsio) TToXirslas siBt], B^Xov d)s ovk EvBsj(STai tov airov- Baiov TToXiTov jjbiav apsT-qv slvat, ttjv TsXsiav tov B' 4 ayadov dvBpa ^ap,sv sivai icaT apSTrjv TsXsiav. oto /jlsv we are to succeed in this examination, we mnst first in outline determine tlie excellence of the citizen. Just as the sailor is a single unit among those associated with him, so, do we say, is the citizen ; and although sailors diiFer from each other in their par- ticular abilities (one is rower^ another pilot, another look-out man, another something else, with a similar special name), it is clear that while the most accurate description of each will he the one con- fined to his individual excellence, there will still he some common name which will equally well apply to all. For safety on their ' voyage is the object and function of all, since it is thife that each individual sailor makes his aim. Sinailarly .citizens, although individually dissimilar, have the safety of the association as their object and function, and it is the constitution which is" their asso- ciation ; and therefore the excellence of the citizen should be in some relation to the constitution of which he is a member. Since, then, there are several forms of constitution, it is clearly impossible that there should be one complete excellence to mark the "-ood citizen. But the good man, we say, is such in virtue of complete excellence. It is, therefore, now clear that it is quite possible that BOOK III. CAP. 4. 167 ovv hZs'^srai, 'ttoXittjv ovra airovlatov fir] KSKTrjadat, ttjv apsTTjv Kad' r]v cnrovSaios dvijp, avsp6v ov firjv aXXa Kai tear aWov rpoTrov scm SiairopovvTas iirsX-dsiv tov avTov Xojov wepl t^s apiaTrjs iroXiTslas. si yap dhwarov 5 E^ d-TravTcov airovhaicav ovtcov shai ttoXiv, Sst S' sKaarov TO KaO avTov spyov £v ttoisiv, tovto S" air dpsrrjs' iirsl 1277 S' dovvarov ofioiovs elvac irdvTas tovs TroXoTas, ovk clv scT) fiia apsTT) -TToKiTov KoX dvhpos dyaOov, ttjv /jlIv y;ip TOV cnrovSaiov ttoXitov Bel irdaiv virdpvsiv (ovrco yap apL(TTrjV dvayicaiov sivai rijv iroXiv), rrjv 8s tov dvSpos TOV dyaOov dSvvanov, si /j,r] -jravTas dvayKoiou dyaOovs slvai TOVS sv Ty cnrovBaia iroksi TroXtVas. grt hrsl i^ 6 avo/jLoiav t] iroXcs, wa-Trsp ^wov siiBiis sk '^v'yfjs xal crai- fiaTos leai "^^vyrj sk Xoyov Kal ops^scos Kol oIklu s^ dvSpos Kai, ywaiKos Kat KTrjais sk Bsctttotov Kai SovXov, tov avTov TpoTTOv Kai, TToXis s^ airavTcav ts tovtcov koi trpos a citizen, tliougli good as such, sliould not possess the excellence which characterises the good man. Xot but that we maj- not in another manner discuss the best constitution, and arrive at the same result. For if it is impossible that a state should be composed of good men without exception, and yet each member ought to perform his own peculiar function well (which he must do in wtue of some excellence), and since it is impossible that all citizens should be ex- actly similar (or 'peers'), we arrive at the conclusion that there will not be one and the same excellence to characterise the citizen and the good man. For the excellence of the good citizen must belong to all the individuals (for it is necessarily on this assumption that the state can be the best possible), but the excellence of the good man cannot possibly do so, unless all the citizens in a good state must necessarily be good men. Again, since the state is composed of dissimilar elements (just as a living being, to begin with, is com- posed of soul and body, and a soul again of reason and desire, and a household of husband and wife, and property of master and slave, and similarly a state of all these and other dissimilar kinds of elements as well), it necessarily follows that the excellence of all 168 BOOK III. CAP. 4. TovTOis s^ aWcov avojJLOicov avvscTTriKSv eIB&v, ava 9 TTokst, Sst,' COS ovadv Tiva dp-)(pvTos iraiBslav. si Bs rj airr} dpsTT] dp^ovros rs dyaduv kul dvBpos d^aOoVj TToXiTrjs S' earl kol o dp'^opLsvos, ov-y^ rj avTf] avrXols av tlie citizens is not one and the same, any more than in a chorus the excellence of the leader is the same as that of the next in order. Therefore that, as a general rule, it (i. e. excellence in the citizen and the good man) is not the same is ohvious from these con- siderations : hut ■will there not be any particular case where we shall find, at the same time, the excellence hoth of the good citizen and the good man ? Yes, we can speak of the good ruler as morally good and practically wise, and the statesman generally must necessarily be a man of practical wisdom. Also, some speak of the education of the ruler as distinct to start with, just as we see the sons of kings instructed in the art of riding and military service. Euripides, too, says, 'No ornamental arts I beg, but what the state wants,' implying that there is a special education for a ruler. Now, if the same excellence belongs both to the good ruler, aud the good man, and yet he who is ruled is also a citizen, it follows that, as a general rule, the excellences of the citizen and the man will not coincide, but that in particular cases they will. nil fioi, from the (Eolus, a lost play of Euripides. fi'i] fiot T& KO/ui|/^ irotKiXoi yevoiaro BOOK III. CAP. i. 169 SOT) TToXlTOV Kal avSpoS, Tlvbs /XSVTOl TToXiTOV ov Jap r; avrq apxovTOs Kal iroKkov, koI hia tovt 'laws ^"Idaaiv h(f)rj TTsivrjp ots /itj rvpavvoi, ws ovk Eiria-Ta/jLEVos ISimTjs aivat. aX\A firjv ivaivstrai js to hvvacrdai ap^xsi-v Kal 10 apxsaOac, Kal TroXiVou BoKip,ov t) apsT^ sivai ro hvva- aOai Kal ap')(siv Kal dp'^ea-Qab KaXws. si otv T-qv p,sv Tov wyaOov avSpos rldsfisv apXLKrjV, ttjv Bs tov ttoXl- Tov ap,olv, TovvTSvdsv av KaTi&oi, tis. sa-Ti yap dp')(rj BsawoTtKi] * TavTrjv Bs Trjv TTSpl TavajKaia Xijop,Ev, a -TTOiEiv ETilaTaaOai top dp')(pvT ovk dvayKawv, For the excellences of tlie ruler and the ruled are not the same ; and it was for this reason, perhaps, that Jason said that ' he was always hungry when not a despot,' meaning that he did not know how to he a private citizen. Still, praise is given to the capacity for both raUng, and being ruled, and the excellence of a perfect citizen is thought to consist in the capacity for either ruling or being ruled equally well. If, then, we consider the excellence of the good man as one adapted for ruling, and that of the citizen as adapted for both ruling and being ruled, the two will not be equally objects of praise. Since then it appears that there are times when both appear objects of praise, and that the ruler and the ruled ought not (as such) to be learning the same duties, while the general citizen should understand and have a part in both fimctions, what follows may be ea&Uy seen. For there is a form of rule which is that of a master over slaves, and this form, we say, is concerned with the necessaries of life, which it is not essential for the ruler to know how to produce, but only how to u:se (when produced) ; ' 'Id(Tuv, tyrant of Pheros in Thessaly. He was a bold and ambitious man, and metoated the interference in Greek matters which yre find later in Philip of Macedon. His plans were frustrated by his assassi- nation. 170 BOOK III. CAP. 4. aXKa XPW^''''' fJ^aXXoV ddrspov 8.5 Kal dvSpanoSaBss. 1 2 Xsyco Bi ddrspov to Bvvacrdai Kal VTTTjpsTsl:' ras Bia/coviKas irpd^sti. BovXov B' siBr) vrXsi'tu Xsyo/Msv' at yap ipyacnai, irXsious. oiv %v nipo? KaTE-xpva-iv ol ^(^epvriTiS- ovToi B' slaiv, axTTTsp arjfiaivsi Kal tovho/j/' amovs, ol ^avtss airo T&v -ysipwv, iv ols 6 ^uvavaos TBj^vbT7}s scrnv. Biu irap b iviois ov /xsTslxov ol Brj/xiovpyol r6 irdXaiov apymv, irpw 13 Brjfiov rysviaOat rov s rysvsi Kai tSiv sKsv-. 1* 6spo3v. Ta-uTrjv yap Xev avKT)Tr)s 6 '^pdfisvoSi, •JTOTSpov /Jbsv o5z/ rj avTT] apsTT) avBpos ayaOov Ka\ tto' XbTOv cr-TTovBaiov rj srepa, Kal irws rj avrr) koI ttcos STspa, 5 (paVipOV SK TOVTCOV' TTSpl Bs TOV nToXuTTJV STO XsLTTSrai TtS T&v awopiSiv. ws aXr}6S)s yhp Trorspov TroXiTrjs ia-rlv & Koivmvsiv s^saTLv apj(ris, rj Kal roiis ^avavcrovs TToX/Vay OsTEOv ; si fisv ovv Kal tovtovs Ostsov ols p,rj fisTscrTii) apyaiv, ovy^ olov ts iravTos sivai nrdXirov ttjv roiavTTjv apsTrjv • oinos yap itoXittis. si Bs fiTjBsls r&v tolovtwv irokirrjs, iv tlvi fjuepsu Ostsos sicacrros; oiiBs yap fisrotKos 2 ovBs ^svos. r) Bid ys tovtov tov Xoyov ovBsv 4>'^crofiEV 1278 (Tvfi/3aive(,v aTO-rrov ; ovhe yap oi BovKot reav slprjfMivw of the ruler,. and this alone, for the others appear necessarily to he shared by hoth rulers and ruled ; -hut.pra.oticaLwisdom is jiat.-the v5fSie'3£tiiB=TniEd;JHIECSJJ*eciation taking its place ; for the man subject to rule is like a flir{&=iHftkei'j-^nid"'ffieruIer is the flute- player -who uses the flute. Whether, therefore, the same or difierent forms of excellence characterise the good man and the ■worthy citizen, and in what sense they are the same, and in what sense different, is clear from what we have said. On the subject of the citizen there is one difficulty which still remains. Is it strictly true to say that he alone is a citizen who is qualified to take a part in the government, or must we admit artisans to^_citizehs'?' Certainly, if we do admit thfr'aais^at can have no part in oflices of government, it is not possible for every citizen to possess excellence of the kind that we described. For the artisan is in this case a citizen. If, on the other hand, no member of this class is a citizen, under what head are we to place such a person ? for he is not a resident alien, nor is he a foreigner, But may we not say that this question at any rate does not involve any difficulty ? For slaves also do not belong to any of the classes BOOK III. CAP, 5. 173 ovBev, ovB' ol airsKsvOepot. tovto yap aKr)dis, as ov irdvTas dersov TroXiras wv dvev ovk av ill) ttoXw, hrii ovS" 01 iralhss waavrms TroXLTai, kol ol dvBpss. aXX oi fisv aTrX&s ol 8' g^ viroOscrscos' iroXtTai [liv yap slaw, dXK aTsKsiS. iv fxsv ovv toIs ap'^aiois j^poi/ots irap 3 svLObs rjv BovXov to ^dvavaov fj ^sviKov' hioirep ol ttoXXoI TOIOVTOL Koi VVV. fj hs ^SKtL(TT7] "KOklS OV ■JTOIIJOSI ^d- vavaov ttoXitjji;' si Ss koI ovtos ttoXitj^s, dXXA ttoXItov dpsTrjv r}v siTrofJisv Xsktsov ov nravros, ovS' sXsvdspov fiovop, aXX' 0(701, Tiov spytov slaiv dv rs-)(yiTSiv. iv %ri^ai,s hs vofios tjv tov Bsxa stwv firj d'7rsa')(rifiivov tjJs d/yopds pJrj fi£Te')(siv dp')(ris. sv ttoXTuu! Bs TToXiTSiais Trpoasi^sK.KSTai Koi tcov ^ivoov o vofios' o jap ek iroXiri- Bos Ei> Ticrt Brj/jbOKpaTLais 7roXtT»?s ecttIv. tov avTov Be ■8 TpoTTOv sysi Koi TO, TTSpl T0V9 vodovs TTapa TToXKols. ov firjv dXX' ETTsi Bl svBstav toiv jvrjO'icov -jroXtTcov TroLovvrai "TToXiTas Toiis ToiovTov? (Bia, jhp oKvyavOpcoTTiav ovtio ypSivrai Tols vofioos), EviropovvTss 8' o'^ov KaTh fiiKpov constitution tlie artisan and tlie hired servant must necessarily he citizens, under other forms this is absolutely impossible; for instance, whenever there is -what is called an aristocracy, and honours are given on the groimd of excellence and personal worth ; for it is impossible to cultivate a state of excellence while living the life of an artisan or hireling. Again, in oligarchies the hireling cannot be a citizen (for in them admission to oiEce depends upon large income), but the artisan can, for most craftsmen grow wealthy. At Thebes there used to be a law that no one could be admitted to office unless he had retired from business in the Agora for twelve years. In many constitutions the law even draws some foreigners within the limit ; for in certain democracies the son of a citizen mother is a citizen. The same is the case with the regulations respecting bastards in many states. It is true that, since it is from a lack of genuine citizens that they make citizens of persons of these classes (for scarcity of population induces them to legislate to this effect), when they have sufficient numbers, they little by BOOK III. CAP. 5, 6. 175 ■vrapaipovvrai tovi ek BovXov irpSiTov 57 SouXi^y, slra tovs airo 'yvvatKUV • rsXos Be fiovov rovs if afijiolv aatwv •JToXiras TTOLOxJaiv. oti fikv ovv slhq ■nKsico ■ttoXltov, 9 (fiavspov EK TovTmv, KoX OTC XsysTai fioKicrra ttoXltt]! 6 p.sri'^cov Tuyv rifiaiv, &cnrsp koI "O/uTjpos iTroirjasv "cos sc Tiv aTi/XTjTov fJLSiavaaTTjv ' ' wanrsp fisrotKos 'yap sariv o TOiv tl/xcjv firj fjbsrs'^aiv. dW oirov to toiovtov £7rtK£KpufjLfi,evov icTTLv, aTrdTrjs 'Xp-piv tcov ctwoikovvtcov SffTlV. b TTOTSpOV flEV OVV ETCpaV ■)] TTjV aVTrjV 0ETEOV Ka6' fjv 10 avTjp aryados iari koX TroXLTrjs cnrovhaios, BrfXov sk rwv EipTJfJLEVCOV, OTI TIVOS flEV IToXsOiS 6 aVTOS TIVOS 8' ETSpOS, xcLKslvTis OX) irds aXk' 6 ttoXitikos koI Kvpios rj Svvdfisvos ELvai Kvpios, rj Ka6' avTov rj fiET^ aXXoov, ttjs tmv Koivmv ETifiEXsias. E-rrEi Bs Tavra Bmpicnai, to fiErh Tavra 6 little strike off, first the offspring of a slave father or slave motlLei-, and then those whose mothers only are citizens. Finally, they only allow children whose parents are both citizens to he them- selves citizens. From this it is clear that there are various kinds of citizens, and that he has most properly the title of citizen who has a part in the honours of the state. So Homer sings, ' To treat ine as a wanderer who has no honom-,' as if he deemed an alien the man who could hold no honom-. But wherever this exclusion is concealed, it is done to deceive those who come to reside in the state. T Vifi a.TiHwer t othemiestion whether the excellence that characterises the goodnaan, and that wEicE ch aracterises the perfect-citizen^ are the same or different, is clear iram_what we have ,said,.namely, thaFin some states they are the same, but in others different, and that in the former case the person itrwhom tiay meet is not any citizen, but 'the statesman who, either singly or with others, is, or can be, supreme in the general admimstration. Now that these points have been settled, the next question to ' iis e? Tic'. D. ix. 648. 176 BOOK III. CAP. 6. (TKSTTTEOV TTOTSpOV fj,iav OsTSOV 'TToXlTSiaV f] TtXsIOVS; KCLV sl ivKslovs, tIvss KOI iroaai, koI Bi,aVKSv, d^iovvTSs iv pJpsi XsiTovpyslv, Kal ctkottsIv two, 'TrdXiv rb avTov dyaSov, &c7iTsp TrpoTSpov avrbs dp)(asv the head of a family) over hia 'children, his wife, and all his household, which we call household government, is certainly for the interest of those under authority, if not for that of both par- ties — in the abstract it is "for the good of those subject, as we see ulso in the case of the other arts, as medicine and gymnastics, but incidentally it may be for the benefit of the person in authority. For there is no reason why the trainer should not be sometimes himself one of those engaged in gymnastics, just as the pilot is ♦ always one of the crew. Now the trainer and the pilot aim at the good of those under their authority, but when either of them be- comes one of the munber of his subordinates, he incidentally shares in the benefits that they derive ; the one becomes a sailor, the other one of those engaged in exercise, while he is still the trainer. And- so, in the government of a state, when it is based on the principle of the equality and sunilarity of the citizens, all claim a right to be in authority in turn. At fli-st, and naturally, each thinks it right to perform this duty in turn, and that another should afterwards consider his good, just as he himself, when in l^OOK III. CAP. 6, 7. 179 ia-Koirsi ro sKsivou trvfi^spov. vvv Be Sia ras mtfisXsias lo Tas diro t&v koivmv km, ras ex ttjs dpxrjs ^ovKovrai avv- sx&s apxiiv, olov si a-vvi^aivsv vyiaiveiv ael roh apxovai vocraKspois oScriv koI yap av ovtojs la-tos sSmkov ras H f-PX"'^' ^avspov roivvv ms oaai p.sv voXiTslai to Koivfj iTv/j.(f)epov cTKOTTova-iv, avrai fisv opdal -rvyxo-vowiv ovaai, Kara to fdTrXws'SUaiov, oerat Bs to a-tfiSTspov fiovov t&v apxovTtov, fjfiapTqfiivai, iraa-ai, kuI nrapsK^dasis twv 6p- oSiv TToXiTEimv • BsairoTiKal yap, ■q Bs ttoKls Koivtuvia tS)v sKsvOspaSV S(77LV, Bicopia-fisvav Bs rovrcov sxofisvov sari Tas li-dKbTSMs 7 STru7KEy{racr0ai, iroaat tov dpiO/MV Kol ti'vcS slal, koI irpoiTov Tas opOas ainav Kal yap al irepsK^dasLs saovTcu f^avspal TovToiv BvopityOeicrSiv. iirsl Bs itoXitsm fisv koL 2 ' iroXLTSvfia a-rfp/iivst, Taxnov, iroXiTevfia B' so-tI to Kvpuop Twv "iroXsmv, dvdyict] S' slva^i Kvpiov rj eva rj okiyovs rj Toiis autliority, consid ered that person's «Bod. But at the present day, owing to the advantage which arises from puhKc authority and office, men want to be always in office, just as if persons in office found that they were always in healtli, though naturally sickly ; for in such a case they would probably have coveted office as they do now. It4s-ob«ouA-then tha_t all those constitutions which aim at the interests of the community are really pure on^Ee"prlI^clples of abstract justice, while those that aim at the interests of the ruleis are aH corrupt and deviations from the right forms of con- stitution ; for they are of the natm-e of rule over slaves, while the state is an association of free men. Xow that we have marked these distinctions, the next point is to examine how many forms of constitutions there are, and what they are, taking, to begin with, the pm-e forms ; for when these have been distinguished, the corrupt forms or deviations from them wiU be also easily seen. Since a ' constitution ' and a ' government ' have practically the same meaning, and the power that is sovereign over states is the govermnent, and since the sovereign power must ne- N 2 180 BOOK III. CAP. 7. TToWovs, oTav fisv o sis fj OS dXlyoi rj oi TroXXot Trpos to- Koivov aTsov slvai rovs /xsts'^^^ovtus, rj hu Koivtovslv tov (tv/j,- S ^spovros. Koksiv 8' sicodafisv raiv fisv novap')(i,S)v ttjv irpos TO KOIVOV aiTopKiirovaav avfKpipov /SaaLXslav, ttjv Bs Toiv oXlr/cav /MsviirKsioicov S' sposldpio'TOKpaTlav, rj Sia- TO Tovs dpicTTovs dp')(si,v, fj Bia to Trpos to dpicTTov ttj TTokBi KoX Tols KOivwvovaLV avTrjs' OTav Bs TO ttAtj^os- Trpos to KObVOV TToXlTSVTjTat CrVfKpSpOV, KoXsiTat TO KOiVOV 4 ovofia Traamv tS>v ttoXotsiwv, ttoXitsux. crvfi/3alvsi S' sv- Xoyws • sva fisv yap Bi.aspsiv KaT dpsrrjv fj oXiyovs ivBs'^STat., TfXsiovs B' ■IjBtj '^aXsirov •qKpL^SiaOai Trpos IJTTda-av dpsrrjv, dXXd jiaKbcna ttjv ttoXsjmktjV avTrj yap b cessarily consist of either one individual or a few or tlie many, when eitlier tlie individual or the few or the masses make the general welfare the ohject of their government, the constitutions thus formed must he necessarily pure ; but those conducted for the private ends of either the individual, the few, or the mass, must be corrupt deviations, for we must either not give the name of citizens to all members of a community, or else these ought to have a part in the advantage obtained. "We.jisually call that form of Monarchy that regards only the interests of the community a Kingship, and that form of the government of the few (but still more than one) which has the same object an Aristocracy, either because the best men -are in authority, or because the aim is that which is best for the State and the members of it. Again, when the People govern with a view to the general goody this form is called by the term common to all constitutions — namely, a constitu- tion proper, or Eepublic. And that this should be so is what we- might expect; for while it is quite possible that a single indi- vidual, or a few, should be of conspicuous excellence, when w& come to a majority it is difEcult for it to have been brought to per- BOOK III. CAP. 7, S. 181 iv tr\r)dei yiv£Tai,. Biovep Kara Tavrrjv rr]V tToKnsiav jcvpiaiTarov to •irpoiroX.s/jLovv, kol fisrs'^pva-iv aiiTjjs ol KSKTrjfisvot ra onXa. -n-apSK^dasts Se tuv slprjixivwv tv- 5 pavvbi /isv ^aa-iXscas, oXiyapxia Bs apiajoKpaTias, Srjfxo- /cpaTia 0£ "TToXiTsias. ■rj iisv oXlyovs ■^ ttoXXovs sivai, Kvpiovs avfi- ^s^TjKos icmv, TO fj,sv Tois 6Xvyap')(^iais to bs rals St]- fiOKparuiis, Bia to tovs jmsv sliropovs oXvyovs, iroKKoiis 6' SLvai TOVS awopovs TravTa-xpi)' hio Koi ov avfi^aivst Tas prjQstaas ahias yivscrdai, Siaifiopas. S 8e Sia(l>spovatv y 7 re Br/fioKpaTia koi rj oktryapxia. aX.A.jJXtoi', TTBvia koX 12S0 irkoinos ecttlv. kui avajKOiov fxsv, oirov av dpycoat Sia irXovTov av t' eXuttovs av ts TrXetous, slvai TavjTjv oXl- 'yapj(^iav, ottou B' oi airopoi, BrjuoKpariav. aXXa avfji- 8 ^aivsi, KaOonTEp Etiro/j.sv, tovs /mev oXiyovs slvai Toiis Bs iroXXovs' sviropovcTi /j,ev 6- TSpoi, rrjs 'TToXiTSias. XrjTTTSov Be Trp&TOv Tivas opovs Tdyovai ttjs oXtyapy^ias 9 form the majority, or wliere the poor are in a minority, and either of these are supreme in their respective states, supposing that there is no form of constitution besides those that we have stated? Certainly reason seems to make it clear that the case of the Few or the Many being in power is pm-ely accidental, in the latter case in oligarchies, in the former in democracies, because the rich are few in number and the poor are numerous all the world over ; and so it does not really happen that the alleged causes of difference ever exist, and the real points of difference between democracy and oli- garchy are Poverty and Wealth ; and while the necessary rule is that whenever men rule in virtue of wealth, this form should be an oligarchy, and where it is the poor who rule, it should be a democracy, still the actual case is, as we have said, that the former--^ Idnd of rulers are few in number, and the latter many. For wealth is the possession of few, but freedom is shared by all ; and / it is on these respective grounds that either party prefers its claim \ over the constitution. "We must, in the first place, consider what are the boimdari^"' — 184 BOOK III. CAP. 9. KoX SrjfjLOKpaTias, Koi tl to Bi/caiov to t£ oXiya p^iKov koX STj/iOKpaTiKov. TrdvTSs yap aTTTOVTai, Bixaiov tivos, aXXa fi^XP'' ''■'"o* •jrpoip'^ovTai, km, Xsyovc^iv ov vav to Kvpoeoi BiKaiov. olov SoKsl "crov to ScKatov slvai, koX saTiv, aXX.' 2 ov irdcriv aWa toIs 'icrois. -koX to aviaop Bo/cel Slkuiov ELvao' Koi yap sotiv, a\X ov Trauiv dKKa toIs aviarois. ol hs tout' acfiaipovai,, '^to ots, koX Kpivovci KaicSts. to 8' acTiov oTi TTspl avT&v ri Kpoats' a'y^sSbv B oi ifKuo'Tot, 3 (TT ETTSI, TO BlKaiOV TiaLv, Ka\ BiypTjTai, tov avTov rpoirov siri ts tS)v Trpay- fidraiv Koi oh, KaOdirsp eiprjTai TipoTspov ^ev tois rjdcKols, TTjv fj,sv TOV Trpdyixaros laoTTjTa ofioXoyovcri, tt?)/ Be ols commonly assigned to oligarchy and democracy, and what is the idea of justice involved in oligarchies and in democracies. For all men attain some idea of justice, but they advance only to ' a certain distance, and do not state the principle of absolute justice in its entirety. For instance, justice is held to he equality, and so it is, hut not imiversally, only among equals. Also inequality is thought to he just, as it is, not universally, but only for those who are unequal. But men leave out the question of the persons con- cerned, and so they form wrong conclusions. The reason is that they have to judge on their own cases, and, as a rule, most men are bad judges on matters that concern themselves. And so, whereas justice involves persons, and a just division concerns equally the thing divided and the recipients, as was said before in the Ethics, these men agree about equality in the object divided, ' rh oh — tliey leave out tlio idea of to wliom, as, equal to the unequal to the unequal. ^ iv Tots r)9iKo7s. See Eth. v. ch. vi. on Distributive Justice, where it is shown that in distribution between two parties there are four points to bo kept in view, the two parties and the two shares. &,i/dyKri &pa rh SiKaio;/ iif ^Xa^^iffTois ejvai TeTapfftv oTs re yap diKaiov rvyKdvet iv dvo ^(TtI Kal iv oTs TO Trpdy/j.aTa Sio. Kal ri out^ ^ffTcu iffdTtjs, oTs Koi 4v oTs. The result is that justice must be relative. As the relation of the parties varies, so must their respective shares vary. The ratio will be the same for persons and things. BOOK lU. CAP. 9. 185 a/x,(f>ia-^'rjTovc7i, fioKicrra /mev Bm to Xsx^sv apn, Stori Kpivovai ra irepl avrom kukcos, sirsna hs koX Sta to Xsysw/ /i£j^4 rivhs SKarspovs Blkmop ti vofii^ovai, BUaiov Xsysiv a-TrXcos. o'l /j,si> yap av Kara ti dvicroi maiv, olov ')(^prjfx,acnv, 4 iXois otovTai dvK70i slvai, o'l 8' av Kara tl 'iaoi, olov iXsvdspia, oXcos ia-oi. to Se KvpicoTaTov ov Xsyova-iv. si 5 fisv yap Tav /cttj/jAtcov yaoiv eKOLvcovrjcrav kuI avvr]K6ov, TOtTOVTOV ftSTS-)(pV Bovti to Xovnov trdv, ovts tS)v s^ dpyris OVTS TOiV sirvyivofiivav. ^sl os ^tjts tov ^v 6 jxovov svSKSv aX\d fiaXXov tov sv ^rjv (/cat yap av BovXoov "but dispute about it in regard to the recipients ; and they do so primarily for the reason just mentioned, that men are unfair judges of their own affairs, and secondly, because, as each side states one view of justice con'Bctly up to a certain point, they both think that their own statement of it is complete. For while those who are unequal in some one point — ^wealth, for instance — consider that they are unequal altogether, others who are equal in one respect — ^freedom, for instance — believe that they are equal absolutely. But they both forget the most important point. For if it was for the sake of property that they fonued their associations and united together, then their share in the state is exactly the same as their propertj' ; so that the argument of the oligarchical party ■svould appear con- vincing, for, say they, it is not just that the conti-ibutor of one mina per cent, should have an equal share with the contributor of aU the rest, either iu the original deposit or in the subsequent profits. But [if] it was neither for the sake of life alone (that men ^mited), but rather indeed for the sake of a higher life (for had it ' ei 5e. There is no grammatical apodosis to this sentence, which becomes broken up as it proceeds. The argument is resumed in the next section : irepl 5* otper^y. 186 BOOK III. CAP. a. Kal roiv aXKwv ^datv rjv •jtoKi^' vvv B' ovk sctti Sia to fir) ij,STB')(st,v svBaifiovias /j,7]Bs tov ^rjv Kara •Trpoaipso'iv), /ijjTS avfi/j.a'^ias svbksv, ottcos viro fiTjBsvos aBiK&vrat, fiTfTS Bia Tas aXXar/as Kal tt/i/ ')(pfji7iv ttjv irpos aSXrjKovi ' KoX yap av Tvpprjvol Kai lS.apy(7]Sovioi, Kat iravTSS elf san avfi^oXa irpos aXKrjXov?, tJis /Mas av TroXiTat iroXscof 7 rjaav. slcrl yovv avTois avvOriKau irspl tcov slaajaylfioav Kal a-v/i^dXa irapl tov fir] clBlksIv kuI ypai^al Tripl avfi- fui'X^Las. aXX' ovt ap')(al iraaiv sirl tovtois Koival b KadsaTacTLV, alOC srspai Trap' SKaTspois, cuts tov iroLovi Tivas slvai. Bsl ^povTi^ovaiu arspoL tovs STspovs, ovB' OTTCOS /i7]Bsls dBiKos saTai, TbiV viro tus avvO'^Kas fiTjBs fi0')(6rjpiav s^st, fj^TjBs/MLav, dWa fiovov ottcos fiTjBsv clBlk'/j- 8 aovcriv dXXijXovs. TTSpl 8' dpsrrjs Kal Kaxlas TToXtTiKTJs BiacTKOTTovcriv ocroi, ^povTi^ovcnv siivofjiias. y Kal cpavipov on Bel TTSpl dpsTrjs imfisKss slvat rfj y' as dXrjOco'; 6vo/Ma- aot teen so a state coitld have been formed of slaves and otlier living creatiu'es, whereas this is impossible, as these have no share in happiness or life according to a definite purpose), nor was it for the sake of alliance in war, to avoid siifi'ering wrong from anyone, nor on the groimd of commerce and mutual assistance (for in that case the Tyrrhenians and Carthaginians, and all those who have commercial treaties with each other could have been considered citizens of one state). They certainty have treaties re- garding imports, and conventions to prevent wrong-doing, and enactments on the terms of alliance'; but still they have not all joint oiBcials appointed for this purpose, but different officials for each ; nor do they, on either side, have any care as to what the moral character of the other should be, or how to prevent any in- dividual member of those comprised in the treaty from being an unjust man, or guilty of any other vicious habit, but only how they are to avoid doing wrong to one another. But it is with virtue and vice in the state that those are concerned who make good legislation their care ; and so it is clear that it is virtue which must be chiefly the concern of the state which deserves that title BOOK m. CAP. 9. 187 ^ofjJvT] TToXst, fiTj Xojov xa/Jtv. ylvsrat ptov 6 (Totpiarrji, iyjvrjTrjs aXKjjXois twv SiKaleov, d\V 01^ oiOi -iroiuv ayadoi/s koI Sikocovs roiis iroXiras. ore Ss 9. TOVTOV gJ^St TOV TpOTTOV, ^UVSpOV. eI jdp TIS Kol (7VvdyOI, Tovs TOTTOvs sli sv, WITTS aTTTScrdac Tvv yLsyapimv iroKw Kai JS-opivBiav rois rev)(spov6slpib to sxpv avT)]v, ovBs to BUaWV ITOkSODS ^OapTlKOV SiUTi BriKoV OTI, Koi TOV VOflOV .3 TovTOv ov'x^ olov T slvai BiKaiov. £Tt KOI Tas Trpa^ics oaas 6 Tvpavvos tirpa^ev, avayxalov dvai irdaas BiKalas' ^id^£Tai yap av KpsiTTWv, wcytrep Kal to irXrjOos tow TrXova-LOVs. oXX' apa tow sXdrTovs BUaiov apx^iv kul Toiis irkdvclovs ; av ovv KaKSlvot, TauTa ttoikxti Kat, BiapTtaZfoai nal to. icrrrifuiTa dcjiciipcovTai tov TrXrjdovs, i TOUT IcTTt BUaiov ; km, OuTspov dpa. TavTa fiev toivvv OTi irdvTa (jiavKa Kal ov BtKaia,. aLT} Tis av to Kvpiov o\a>s dvOpta- TTov SLvai (jXKm fir) vojjlov avXov, s)(pvTd lys rd avp-^ai- vovra -irdOr} irEpl rrjv ^Irv^^^v. dv o5v y vofws p,sv ofuyap- ')(ticos 8e rj BrjfioicpaTiKos, ti Bwiast irspl tS>v rjiroprnxivtov ; fTvp-^-qasTai yap ofjboicos rd ks'^devra irporspov. irspl fisv 1 1 ovv Tuiv aXKwv so'tw rts ETspos Xuyos' on Ss Set Kvpiop Slvat fxaTCKov to TrXfjdos rj tovs dpiarovs fj.su 6\tr/ovs Bs, Bo^sisv dv ' \vea6ab Kal tm/' s^stz' dTropiav, Ta'^a. Se kov tliority, and be sovereign over all ? If so, it is necessaiy tliat the Test should be all without honours, inasmuch as they are not honoured by the possession of political olfices ; for we call such oifices ' honours,' and if the same persons are always holding office, the rest must necessarily remain without honours. But is it better that the single best man should govern ? Why, this is carrying the oligarchical principle still farther, for the number of those who cannot possess honom-s is increased. But perhaps it may be said that the principle that the sovereign power should reside in mau at all, and not in law, is bad, since man is liable to the pas- sions incident to the human soul. jS^ow, supposing that law is sovereign, but law with an oligarchic or democratic tendencj', what difference will be made in cm- difficulties ? For the results which we have mentioned wiU follow just the same. On the other questions let us speak in another place. But the .assertion that the numerical majority should have supreme power rather than the few best men would appear [to require a solution, and yet] to involve a difficulty, though possibly some truth also. ' Aiieffflai KOI. It seems impossible to translate these words as they stand. Thurot coujeotures tii/' tx"" ct-iropiay Tcix<« Se koI (k&v) \ie(r8at 192 BOOK III. CAP. 11. 2 aXrideiav. tovs ^yap ttoXXovs, uiv sxaa-Tos ia-riv ov airov- i> halos dvrjp, aficos svhs')(srai avvsXOovras sivai ^sXriovs eKBivav, ov'X^ cos skucttov aX\' a>s avjXTravTas, olov ra crviii.cfiopV'''^ BsiTTva tcov sk jMias SaTrdvrjs 'xopVlV^^^'^^^' TToWasv yap ovrmv skucttov fiopiov s^^iv dpsTrjs koI (ppov^- crseos, Koi 9aX/j,ov srspov Ss tivos srspov fiopiov. si o fiEV ovv -nspl irdvra B^fiov Koi irspX irav 'jrS.rjOov sv^s-)(irai, TavTTjv sivac rrjv Biay srros SL-rrslv ; aXXd irspL rt ttXtjOos oiihsv slvab kojXvsi to Xs)(^6sv dXtjOss. Bio Kal Tr]v trporepov £ip7}/j,si'r]v d-JTopiav Xv(tskv 6 av TiS Bia TOVTWV koI ttjv s^ofisvqv aVTTJS, TkVCOV Bsi KVp- iovs sivai roils sXsvdEpovs Kal to ttXtjOos tSiv iroXtr&v. -TOiovTot B slcrlv 0(701 fJ-tjTS irXovcrioi /jAjts d^uofia iyov-' otv apsTrjs /J.7jBsv. to fisvyap p.ST£)(Si,v ainovs t&v dp^wv 7 rmv /J-syitTTCov ovk dtr^aXss {Bid ts yap dBiKiav koI Bl d4)po(yvvr]v ra fjbsv dBiKelv av rd h' dfiapravsiv avrovs), TO Bs fiTj fisraBiSovat firjBs /mste^siv ^o^spov orav yap arifioi TToXXoi Kai, ttsvtjtss virapr)(a)(JL, iroXsiiUov dvayKalov parately, the eye of some one individual, somfe other part of another, may be more beautiful than in the picture. T\li ether in the case of eva'y people and eoery mass of men this superiority of the many in comparison with the few can exist is not clear ; indeed, it may be said that in some cases it is impossible, for the same argument would apply in the case of brutes ; and yet we may say, in what points are some men superior to brutes ? StUl, in the case of some particular mass of people, there is no reason why what we have said should not be true So, by these ai-guments, we may solve both the difficulty previously stated and that connected with it ; namelv. over what should free men and the mass of the citizens be sovereign? The mass of the citizens -are those who neither are rich nor have any renown for excellence. That these "persons should have a part in the highest offices of government is not safe (for through want of justice and thought they would in some cases be unjust, in others mistaken), while to give them no share is verv dangeroiis. Por when there are included in a state many without a right to office, and also poor, that state must ~ O 194: BOOK III. CAP. 11. 8 slvai irXijpr} ttjv iroXiv tuvttjv. XsLirsrai Brj tov /Sou- Xsvsa-Oat koI Kplvsiv fisrs'^^siv ainovs. Bioirsp xal ^ SoXcbi' Kal J&v dW(ov Ttvh vofiodsrav tottovctiv kirl ts ras apxc-ipscr^tis Kal xas svdvvas t&v ap-)(0VT(OV, apj^eiv Ss 9 Kaja ixovas ovk swcnv. iravrss fisv yap s^ova-i avvsK- BovTSS iicavr)V a'ltrdrjabv, Kal /LLiyvv/jusvoi, toIs jSsXTwai ras iroksis axpsXovaiv, Kaddirsp r) fir] Kuffapa Tpos. oii yap 6 Siku- 17 arrjs oyS' o ^ouXevrys ovB' 6 SKKKrimaaTr^s ap')(cov ia-rlv, aWa TO OiKao'Tripiov koI rj ^ovXtj Kai 6 Sij/jLos' tS)V he p7)6svTaVSpOV OvBhv OVT(CS STSpOP COS 0T4 Bsl ToijS VOjjbOVS sLvat, Kvpiovs KSijJbsvovs bpdSii, TOV dp^ovTa Bs, dv ts sis dv TS ttXsiovs cbcri, irspi tovtwv slvau Kvpoovs irspl ocrwv only act as PuHio Treasurers and Generals, and hold the highest offices, if their property he large. Now this difficulty may also he met in a similar manner ; for perhaps this arrangement, too, is right. For it is not the memher of the judicial body, or of the council, or of the public assembly, that is in power, but the Court of Justice, and the Council, and the People ; and each of the above- mentioned is but a part of these. I mean by a part the member of the council, of the public assembly, of the judicial body. And eo it- is just that the mass of the people should have authority in more important matters^ for it is of a large number of persons that the People in assembly, the Council, and the Judicial Body are composed. And the property of all these together is greater than that of those who hold great offices, either alone or in small groups. Let these points, then, be dismissed as settled in this manner. But the difficulty which we first mentioned shows nothing so clearly as the necessity that it should be the ' Laws,' wisely framed, that should haveN^preme authority, and that the ruler or rulers should have absolute pOTver in cases where the laws 198 BOOK III. CAP. 11, 12. i^aSwarovcriv oi vojxoi Xsjciv aKpi^&s Sia to firj pdBiov 20 e2vai KadoKov SrfXuxrai irspi iriivrccv. ottovovs /jlevtoi TLvas slvai Ssi tovs bp6S)s Ksifidvovs vofiovs, ovSsv irat hrjkov, aW' en /msvsi to iroKat, BiaTToprjdsv. dWa jap Kal o/^oCccs Tols TToXiTSiais dvayKT] km, toi/s lofiovs v eTrtdTrjfi&v Kal hwapbewv' twv yap Ofxoiaiv avXr]TS>v ttjv te^tjv ov Soreov irXsove^lav TOiV aiiXcov Tols evysVcaTepois ' ovSiv yap avXijcrovcri is equality of some sort, and to a certain point tliey agree with the philosophical arguments which we used in discussing Morals ; for they say that justice concerns some thing and some peraons, and that equal ought to go to equals ; but what sort of things admit of equality and what of inequality is a question which ought not to he forgotten. For this involves difficulty, and requu-es the philosophy of a politician. For perhaps someone may say that offices ought to be distributed unequally, on the ground of excel- lence in any good quality whatever, if in every other respect there were no difference and all were alike, arguing that when men differ their rights and claims differ also. But, supposing this true, com- plexion, and height, and any other good thing, will give a larger share in political rights to those who possess them conspicuously. Does not the fallacy of this lie on the surface ? It is transparent if we consider other arts and sciences. For where flute-players are alike in the art which they pui-sue, the advantage of better instruments is not to be given to those of noble birth — for that » irepl Twi' rjfliKwc. The reference is again to Eth. Bk. V. as in ch. 9. 200 BOOK III. CAP. 12. ^sXtiov, Set Bs TO) Kara ro spyop v'iTspi')(pvrb SiBovai koI tS)v op'ydvwv Trjv v7rEpo^')^v. el Be firjirw SrfKov to \670- 6 fMSVov, £Ti fj-aXKov ai'no irpoaja'yovaiv harai, (f>ai>spov. sl yap eiTj tis v'irspe)(aiv jxev Kara rrjv avXrjTiK'^v, TroXi S' iWsLTTCOV KUr' EVJSVSiaV 7} KOXXOS, ft KUi /MBC^OV SKaOTOV SKsivodv ar^adov sari rrjs avXTjTLKijs (Xiyco Bs ttjv t' siiys- vsuav Koi TO KoXXos) kol xara rijv avakoylav vTrspi)(ovai, TrXiov Trjs avXrjTiKi^s rj kicslvos KUTa T-qv aiiXrjTiKriv, b/iws 1283 Tovjci) ZoTsov Toiis BiacfispovTas tS)v avKmv ' Bsl yap sis TO epyov avfi^dWicrdai Trjv inrspc^v kol tov TrXovTov 6 Kal Trjs Evysvslas, avp,^aXKovTai S' ovSev. sti koto, ye TovTov TOV Xoyov Trav dyaOov irpos Trav av eIt) ctv/Jj- ^XrjTov. eI yi'p /xaXXov to ti fisysBos, Kau oXoos av to fjbiysdos EvdfiiXXov s'lrj Kal irpos ttXovtov Kal Trpos sKsv- dsplav. &aT el ttXsIov ohl BMipovTai' ov yap av sir) iroXis if airopcov iravraiv, (oairsp ovB' sk BovXcov. dXXa fj.rjv et 9 Bsl rovTcov, BfjXov oti xal BiKaioaiiPijs Kai t^s iroXs/juiKris apsTrjs' ovBs yap dvsv tovtwv olKucjOai iroXiv Bwarov, •7rX.7jv oivev fziv toov trpoTspcov dBvvarov suai iroXw, dvsv Bs rovTcjv o'lKslcrBaL KaXas. irpos fisv ovv to ttoKlv sivai 1 3 excels size, all things could be brought into relation and comparison. For if a certain magnitude is greater than a certain amount of some- thing else, then another magnitude is evidently equal to it. But since this is impossible, it is evident that on political questions also men have no good reason for claiming offices on the ground of any Mnd of inequality. For if some ai'e swift and othera slow, that is no reason that the one class should have more and the other less ; it is in athletic contests that difference in these respects finds its value. But it is within the sphere of the elements which composed the State that the opposing claims must necessarily be made. And on this accou nt persons of g oa d birtli, fc ee^ or r\chj havp g n e drgycmnds for asserting their claims t o honour s. For Jhere mjust Jte men both of free birth and possessing rateable prop^ty, since a.sjate could never consist entirely of poo r inen, any mors jthan. of all slaves. But if such persons are necessary, it is evident thatjustice and bravery are also necessary ; for without theni a.state-caoBet be maintained. The only dittei-encejs, that without, the-former a state cannot exist, without thejatter it cannot flourish-. As contributing to the mere existence of a state, all, or some at 202 BOOK III. CAP. 13. So^siev av rj iravra r/ svid ys tovtcov opdws afJ,(j)l(T^7]T£'iv, TTOOS fisVTOi ^(orjv ayaOrjv r] TraiSsia KUi rj apsTT) /xaXiaTa hucaicos av afKpier^TjTOirjcrav, Kaddirsp slprjTai Kai irpo- Tspov. sirsl S' ovTS irdvTwv taov sxsiv Bsi tovs icrovs hv Tt fj.6vov ovTas OVTS avicTov TOVS dvlaovs Ka6' hv, dvajicr] 2 -rrdaas slvai ray loiaiTus iroXtrsias irapsK^aans. slprj- Tai fisv ovv KoL irpoTspov on Si,afi^ia^7jT0vcn rpoirov Tivd SiKaioos Trdviss, difKws S' oil irdvTSs SiKaicos, oi irXovaioi fj,sv on ifKelov fisrsan rfjs 'ywpas avTots, r] hg Xaipa Koivov IVt -Trpos to, avfj-^oXaia •kicttoI jxaXKov toy sttI to ttKzov ol S' sXsvdspoi K(u sv'yevsis as iyyvs dWtj- Xcov • TToXtTai yap fj,5XKov ol ysvvaiOTSpoi Toiv dyevvuv, 3 97 8' svyivsia Trap sKdcrroii o'Uoi Tifjuos. sti Bloti /SeX- tIovs sIkos Toiis SK ISsXtlovcov • svyevsia yap eariv dpSTtj yevovs. Ofioccos Brj (jj^aofisv SiKaias Koi ttjv dpsrriv d/M(f)K7^7jTSLV KOi,vwviicr)v yap dpSTTjv slvai s Xap,- b ^avofxsveov rav irXsiovmv irpoi rovs eXcltiovs. dp' ovv el irdvTss shv iv ixia iroXst, \i'^u> S' olov oI't' dryadol Kal 01 irXova-tOL Kal svjsvsts, art 8s ttXtjOos dXKo ri, ttoXitiicov, TTorspov dix<^ia^rjTri(TLS scrrai twos dp^siv Set, rj ovk hv rj Os to5 Bid r&v a-novhalcov dvSpwv slvat, koI rav aXXmv EKcuTTr] rov avrov Tpoirov. dX\ ofj.a)s cyKOTrovfisv, orav TTSpi Tov avTov raW virdp'^r] y^povov, iras Bto- piarsov. SI Btj tov dpiBpMv slsv oXiyoi irdfiirav at ttjv 6 dpsrrjv S)(ovTss, riva Bel BtsXdv tov rpoirov ; r/ to oXiyoi, Trpos TO spyov Bsl aKoirelvy si Bvvaroi Bioikslv ttjv iroXiv claim, for we call justice a virtue of society which aU others must necessarily follow. But again, the majority assert their claim against the minority, for they are stronger, richer, and hetter, when the majority is taken collectively and compared with the minority. Supposing now that there are in one state all classes — I mean good men, rich men, and nohlemen, and besides these a certain mass of pereons with political rights — will there be any dispute as to which class ought to be in authority, or will there not .' Xow, in each of the above-mentioned forms of constitution, the decision as to who ought to be in authority is not open to dispute. For it • is in the classes that hold supreme power that they differ from one another. For instance, one form is marked by power belonging to rich men, another by its belonging to good men, and so witli each of the others. "\^'e, cevertheless, wiU consider how, when all these elements co-exist at the same time, we ought to settle between them. If, now, the virtuous are very few in number, how ai-e we to decide ? Ought we to look at the fact of their being few in number in relation to the work to be done, i.e. whether they are 204 BOOK III. CAP. 13. rj Toaovroi to TrXfjOos Star stvai "jroXkv e^ avToiv ; hern Ss airopia tis irpos airavras roiis SiafUpicr/Sr^TovVTai 7 TTSpl TWf TToXiTiKwv TifjLcav. So^aisv jap (av) ovBsv X!7£W' BiKaiov ot Bia tov ttKovtov u^iovvtss ap')(Siv, ofiou- o)s Bs Kca ol Kara jsvos' BriXov yap toy si ns -jraXiv sis irXouaicoTspos drrdvToyv saTi, [^orj'Xov OTiJ Kara to avro hUaiov TOVTov apj^siv tov eva diravruiv hsrjasi, ofioias Se Kal 70V svysvsla Bi,a(j}spovTa twv dfj,(f)t.a^rjTOvvTo>v ot' 8 E\sudcplav. TavTO Bs tovt iao)s av/jb^rjO'ETai Kai irspi, ray dpicTTOicpaTias sin, Trjs apsTfjs " sl jap tis sls ap^sipwv dvTjp s'ir] TOiv aWcov T&v su TW iroXiTeVixaTi cnrovSaLQiv opTcov, TOVTOV slvai Bsl KVpiOV KaTO, TaVTO BbKaiOV. ov- Kovv si Kal TO Tr\.r)Oos slval ys Bsl KVpiov BioTi KpsiTTOvs slat Tosv oKiycov, Kav sis rj TrXsinvs fisv tov svos sXaTTOVi Bi Tcav TToW&v KpeiTTOvs Slab tcov akXoJV, tovtovs av 9 BsoL KvpLovs elvai fiaXXov rj to TrKrjOos. irdvTa Bfj ravr atle to direct the state, or are they to he sufficiently numerous to form a state of themselves ? But there is a difficulty which aifeots all the different claimants of political honours. For those who claim a right to rule on the ground of wealth (and similarly those who claim on the ground of birth) would seem to have no justice in their plea, for it is obvious that if there is one individual more wealthy than all the rest put together, it will, on the same principle of justice, be right that this single man should rule over all the rest ; and similarly, one man particularly illustrious for his noble birth should rule over those who rest their claim on free birth alone. And perhaps the same embarrassment can arise in considering aristocracies on the question of virtue. For, supposing that there were one individual better than all the other good men in the state, he should have supreme power on the same principle. Further, if the many ought to have chief power because they are stronger than the few, supposing that one man, or more than one, but still a comparatively small number, should be stronger than the rest, it is these who ought to have power rather than the mass. All these BOOK III, CAP. J3. 205 SOIKE (fiaVSpOV TTOlslv OTl TOVTCOV T&V OpOJV OvBsis OpQoS ecTTi, KaO' ov a^tovacv aiiTol /xsv ap')(eiv roiis S' oKKovs V1T0 crcpoiv ap-^sadai iravras. koL ryap Br} koI m-pos roiis 10 Kar apSTvv a^iovvras Kvpiovs slvai, tov iroKirevfiaros, o/ioiMs Bs KOi Toiis KaTo. irXovTOv, S'^oisv av Xsyeiv rh •TrXrjOr] Xoiyov riva Biicaiov' ovBsv 'yap kcoKvsl ttots to ttXtjOos sivai ^sXtiov tmv oX-iyaiV xal TrXovcncorspov, oii^ ois Kad' SKacrrov aX\! a>s ddpoovs. Bco koi irpos ttjv ii airopiav, fjv ^rjTovai Koi Trpo^dWovo'i nvss, svBs-)(£Tai rovTOV TOV rpoTTOv airavTCLV. airopovai lyap tivss troTSpov T«i) vo/jLoOsTT) vojMoQsTtjTsov, j3ov\ofj,iva) TiOsadab TOVS 6p- OoTarovs vofiovs, Trpos to twv 0sXti6vo)v ko\ov£Iv tovs virspsy^ovras Kal 19 (pvyaBsvsiv. to 8' avrb Kal irspl ras ttoXsis kuI ra s6vr) "Troiovaiv ol Kvpioi ttJ! Bvvcj/jLsws, otov 'A.ur}vaioL jxsv Trspl "^.afiiovs Kal ILtovs Kal Asaf^iovs (sttsI yap BaTTOv syKpa- tS)s sa')(ov rrjv apyrfv, sTairsCxaaav avTovs irapa ras avvOrjKai), 6 hs Hspa&v /SacriXsiis MrjSovs Kal Baj3v- b Xaviovs Kal rwv dWcov rovs irsippovrifjbaTKT/j.siovs Bia to ysvsirdai rror ett apyrjs irrsKorrrB -TToXXaKis. to Bs 20 rrpo^rifia kuOoXov irspl rrdaas sari ras rroXirsias, Kal rds 6p8ds' al pbiv yap TrapSKSe^rjKvlai irphs to IBiov tiian the rest, till he had reduced the whole crop to a level. And so, when the messenger, though he knew not the reason of what hadheen done, related what had happened, Thrasybulus understood that he must remove the men who stood too high. Por this policy is not only advantageous to tyra;nts, nor is it pursued by tyrants alone ; it is just as expedient in oligarchies and democracies. For ostracism has this same property in a way, by checking and exiling those who are too conspicuous. And the same thing is done by those who hold supreme power to states and nations also. For instance, the Athenians acted thus with the Samians, Ohians, and Lesbians (for as soon as ever they had finally established their empire, they reduced those states to submission, in violation of the treaties made with them), and the King of Persia used often to reduce the Medes and Babylonians, and any other nation.? that had become proud from the fact of having once been powerful. The question concerns all forms of constitution generally — the good forms as well. For the corrupt forms act thus from regard to their BOOK III, CAP. 13. 209 airoa-Koirovaai, rovro hpmaiv, ov fj.r]v dXkn -nspl to? TO KOLVov ayadov STTiaKOTrovaas tov aiirov eysi rpo- ■JTOV. BfjXov Bs toOto Kal sirl raiv aXXwv ts-xv(ov koI 21 iTriaTrjfiMv' ovrs yap ypa^svs idasisv av rov vtrsp^dX- \ovTa TToSa T»js av/ifjusTpias sxstv to fcSoi;, ovB' si BiaK^spoi, TO KaXKoi, ovTS vavTrrjybs irpufiiav rj tmv dWwv ti jMopiwv T(ov Ttjs vscos ' oiiBs Bfj yopoBiSdaKaXos tov fi.H^ov Kai KaXKiov tov Travros ■^opov (pOsyyo/xevov idcrsi ovyyo- pSVStV. &<7TS Bid TOVTO flSV OvBsv KWkvU TOVS fXOvdp- 22 ypvs mvsLV rais iroKsGiv, si ttjs oliceias dpyfjs avspav 'iaais he koX art ovy^ aTrXw? SUacov, Kal TovTO Aavspov. aXX ettI rrjs api(7T7]s iToXirsias sysi TToXKr]!/ aiToplav, ov nara rwv aXKwv wyad&v rrjv inrspo- vriv, olov layvoi Kai ifKovTOV Kai iroXviplKi.as, aW av 2b Tis yivrjTat, Boacfispcov Kar dpsTrjv, Tt XPV "J^oislv ; oil jap Er) d>aisi> av Sslv it^aWstv Kal fis0KTrdvai tov tolovtov. aWd /Mrjv oiiS" apj(Siv ys tov toiovtov wapaifKrjaiov yap Kav si TOV Aios ap'X^uv a^tolsv, fiSpi^ovTSs Tas dp^ds. XsiiTSTai Toivvv, owsp solks irstpvKsvai., "rrsidscrOai tw TOiovTO) nrdvias dajMivos, wars ^aaiXsas sivau tovs TotoijTovs diBiovg sv Tals TTOXSUIV. 14 lv opdtov TToKoTSLcbv fxiav Sivai TavTrjv. aKsirriov Se irorspov (Tvfj,cj)epet TTJ fieWovarj koXws ol/cijcncrdai, ical ttoXsi koI X'^pa ^acriXevscrOai,, rj oil aXX' dWrj tis TroXtTcla pudWop, fj Ttcrt pikv (rvpt,cJ3spsi Toal S' ov avjx^spsb. Sil Bs irpwrov 2 BisXstrdai iTOTspov %i) to ysi-os iarlv avrrjs rj irXslovs £%£t 1285 Bia^opds. pahiov Br] tovto ys KaTa/j.adslv, on TrXsico rs jsvrj TrspLs-)(si, Kai ^rjs ap'^rji o rpoTros iarlv ovx sis iraaoiv. rj yap sv ttj AaK(oviK§ iroXoTSLa, BoksI posv slvai ^aaiXsia 3 jjLoKiaTa 701V Kara vojxov, ovk sari Bs icvpia TrdvTcoi', dW OTav i^sXdp rrjv y^wpav, ■^ys/u.oov scttl tuv Trpbs tov ir6Xsp.ov' STL Bs rd irpos Toiis Osoiis dTroBsBorai rots ^aaoXevcnv, avTij jJjSV ovv rj ^acriXsia otov arpariqyta i lis ^ai/iQicpaTcop koX dtBios scttLv KTslvai yap ov Kvpios, consider tlie subject of_MonarcIiy ; for we call that one of the right forms of government. We rtrast^nquire whether it is for the ad- vantage of the state and country that is to be well governed to be under the rule of a monarch, or whether it is not advantageous, some other form being better, or whether in some cases it is so and in others not. In the first place we must decide whether monarchy is of a uniform character, or has different forms. Now it is easy to find out this, at anj' rate, that it embraces several forms, and that the system of its government is not the same in all cases. For the form existing in the constitution of Laoonia is thought to represent monarchy in the truest sense of all the constitutional forms ; it is not uniyersally supreme, but when the king quits the territories of the, state he is comrn^ndei^in-chief in all that relates to the war. In/the'sefond'place, Svhatever belongs to the worship of4he gods is put in tte hands of the Sings. Now this form of m nuarchy is. as Jl-feeife. a_ military command with absolute p^wer^^ and. lasting for life. For the Idng has not the power ' Another reading is avToKpaTSpau, ' belonging to, or vested in, men with absolute power ; ' but the reading avTOKpa-rap, ' absolute,' referring to arpaTrryia, is adopted by Susemihl, and is supported by the Vet. Trans., which has im^erialis. 212 BOOK ni. CAP. 14. sl /jLTj [IV rivi /3a(rtXeta] KaQatrsp eiri t&v apyaiwv ip Tats iroKsfiiicais s^ohois sv ;j^ft/30S' vo/xw. BrfKol 8' "Ofirjpos' 6 yap 'A'ya/j,sp,vo)v Kaxajs /j^sv ukovcov ^vSL'X^ero sv Tols 5 sKxXrjat'ats, i^eXOovrav Ss Koi ktsIvm Kvpios r)v. "Kcyei (yow ^' ov Bs K ijwv airdvsvBc p,d')(T)s, ov Oi apxiov iacsiTat (pvyssiv Kvvas ^8' oiwvovs' Trap yap ifioi OavaTos.' ^v fisv ovv TOVT slSos /3epovc7a Ss t^j ^ap^apucrjs ov ra /mt) Kara vofxov aXka rm fj.r) -n-aTpios sivat pJtvov. rjpj^ov 8' oi fjusv Sia /St'ou 9 TTjv dpxv^ TavTrjv, ot 8s /is^pt tivSjv wpicr/isvcov xfiovtov rj Trpd^SQiv, olov s'tKovro ttots M.iTvXrjvaioi UtTTaxov Trpos Tovs (j)vydSas S)V TrposLUTrjKScrav ^A.VTijxsviB'qs Kal 'AXkoios o 7roi7)Tr)S. BtjXoI 8' ^AXkoios oti, Tvpavvov 10 elXovTO TOV UlTTUKOV EV TlVl TWV aKOXiSiV fisXSiv' eiTL- b Tt/ia yap on rov KaKOTrdrpiBa TLiTraKov iroXsms rds the y are secure because they are founded on custom and law. The guard __of the img^ 18, "JoF"1EEe~aame*~ca:ase, one that belongs to a monarch and not to a tyrant, for the citizens protect their kings with their amis; but it is aliens who guard despots. For the former rule legally over willing subjects, the latter over unwilling; so that the former are guarded by their subjects, the latter against them. These are two forms of monarchy. Another is one that existed among the ancient Greeks, which is called a Difiiatocahip. This is, speaking generally, an elective Tyranny, differing from the barbaric typs^by being opposedj not to law^ butto^hereditary ciistom_alone. Of this class, some held their authority for~"lifertit'Eers for some speeified time, ot till some specified objects were accomplished. For instance, the people of Mitylene once elected Pittacus to oppose the exiles, who were led by Antimenides and Alcseus the poet. Alcaeus proves that they elected Pittacus as a tyrant in one of his banquet songs, for he chides them ' for setting up as a tyrant 214 BOOK m. CAP. 14. dvoXo) KoX ^apvBal/iovos sardaavro jvpavvov fisj'' sirai- 11 vsovrsi doWhs. avrai jjikv ovv slab rs kuI f)' j3ospst. TO fisv oSf TTSpl T)]s Toiainrjs a-Tparnjias STTia-Koirslv vofirou s^^si p^aXXov slSos q wo- Xirsias' Ev airuaais yap svhs')(STai, yivitrQai tovto rals TToXtTSiaif oiaT a<^et'o-^a) rrjv irpcoTriv. 6 Bs Xotnos S rpoTTOs iris ffatriXsias ttoXitsuis slSos icrrlv, &i- 4 psiv ^aaiXEuso'daL to KudoXov fiovov olvopioi, Xsysiv, dX\' ov TTpos TO irpocnTLtnoiTa siriTdTTsiv, clicrr' iv OTroiaovv Te')(yri to Kara. ypdp,fiaT ap')(eiv rjXidiov' xal ev AlyuTrrat fJ-ETO, TTjlf TErprjfJiSpOV KiVilv E^ECTTi Toli laTpOlS, idv Be irpOTEpov, ETTi r<^ avTov KbvBvvcp. (f)avsp6v roivvv cos oiiK EGTiv rj Kara, ypd/j,fiaTa xal vofiovs dplarr] TToXiTsta Bid TTjv aiiTrjv auTiav. dWd fj,fjv kukeIvov Bsl virdpysiv 5 power p.ter all. Now, to examine details in reference to a military command such as I have mentioned has the appearance of heing a legislative rather than a constitutional question, for this question may arise in all the forms of constitution ; and so let it be dis- missed just now. But the remaining t}-pe of monai'chy is really a form of constitutional government, so that we must examine it carefully, and touch upon the difficulties which it involves. The first point in the enquiry is this : is it more advantageous to he under the rule of the best man or the beat laws ? Now it is the opinion of those who hold it advantageous to be governed by a monarch that the laws only speak in general language, and do not give instructions for particular cases, so that in any art whatever it is ridiculous to keep to written rules. In Egypt, also, the physicians are allowed, when four days have elapsed, to change the usual treatment, though if they do so before it is at their own peril. It is evident, therefore, for the same reason, that the best constitution is not that which is hound to wi-itten rules and laws. But then (we answer) those who rule must possess in themselves 218 BOOK III. CAP. 15. TOl' XoyOV TOV KaOoKOV Tots apj(pVs airi tov- 6 rov ^ovXevasTai irspl tcov Kaff' sxaara koXKmv. on fisv rolvvv dvcL'^KT) vopodsT'qv avTOV slvat, BfjXcv, koX KSicrBai vofiovs, aXKa fifj Kvpiovs rj TrapSK^aivovaiv, hrsl irspl Tbiv y aWwv slvai Su Kvpiovs. oaa he ytfjj Svvarov rov vofiov Kplvnv rj oKais t) ev, TroTipov sva tov apiajov Bel 7 a,p')(SW rj TrdvTas ; kuI yap vvv avvtovTSS BiKa^ovci Kal fiovKzVOVTai KoX Kpivovaiv, avrai B' al Kpiasis sla-l Traa-ai TTSpl tSjv Ka6^ SKaarov. Ka6' sva /j,ev ovv Gvp-^aXKofisvos of ')(SipwV aXK scTTiv r) 'iroXis sK TToXXSyv, SxTTTSp e(7Tia<7lS (TVfl(f>0p7]T0! KUWltOV fl'US Kul aTrXr]!, Bia TOVTO Kai Kpivsi ctfj-sivov 6)(\os TTcWa rj sli omiaovv. 8 STL fiSXXov aBidipdopov to ttoXv' KaOaTrsp {yap) vScop to that universal principle, and that which ia entirely free from pas- sion is better than that in which passion is innate. -iEhfiJaw does not possess this element of passion, hut human nature must neces- sarily have it universally. Perhaps it may be urged that, as a counterbalancing advantage to this, one man will deliberate better about particular cases. Then it is evident that he must have the legislative faculty in himself, and that he must have fixed laws, which are not inviolable where they fail to apply, whereas in other respects thej^ ought to be so. But whenever the law is incompetent to decide fully or fairly, ought the one best man to have authority or all the citizens ? For the present method is for men to meet together to act as judges and councillors, and make decisions, all these decisions being upon particular eases. Perhaps, then, one man, whoever he may be, is inferior when compared as an indi- vidual to many collectively (whereas a state consists of many persons), just as a banquet to which many contribute is better than one single table. For this reason also the multitude is a better judge of many matters than any one man whatever. In the next place, a large quantity is less liable to corruption ; just as water is BOOK ni. CAP. 15. 219 7r\gtov, ouTQ) Koi TO ttX^Oos tS>v oXvymv aSia^pdopioTspov - Tov 8' si>os vtt' opyrs KpaTri6svTOs ij twos STspov irddovs TOiovTOv dvayKGiov SisipOdpdai, rrjv Kpia-iv sksI h' spyov dfia iravras opyiadrjvat Ktil afiaprdv. sa-rm Ze to -rrXfjdos 9 01 sKsvOspoi, /j.tiSEU irapa tov v6/u,ov TrpaTTOvres, dW rj TTSpt Q)v skXsittsiv d'ajKaiov avTov. si Ba S^ toCto p.r) pdhiov sv TToXKoi?, dW si ttXsi'ous sirv dyaOoi Koi avSpss Kai TToXtrat, iroTspov 6 sis dSias oi ttXscovs ; dX)C oi p,sv a-raa-id^ovcnv 6 8' SIS aaTa(7ia(TT0s, aXka irpos tovt diTiOsTSOv laws oti 10 (TTrovSaioi ttjv yfrv^^'^v, Sxrirsp KdKslvos 6 sh. si Brj Tr)v fjbsv Tav irXstovrnv dpj(riv dyadav 8' dvhpSiv iravTCOV dpicrro- Kpariav dsTsov, ttjv Bs tov evos jSacriXslav, alpsTcoTSpov dv SIT] Tois -jroXscriv dpterroKpaTla ^aaiXsias, Kal jjnTa less liable to corruption the more there is of it, so is a large niimher of persons than a small number. The judgment of a single indi- vidual must necessarily be corrupted when he is overcome by anger or any other such passion. But in a crowd it is diiEcult for all at once to lose their temper and to be misled. But let us suppose that the mass of our people are the free citizens, never acting con- trary to the law except in cases where the law necessarily falls short. Or if this is not easy to find in a large number of persons, suppose there is a majority of good men and good citizens, will it be the one man who is less liable to corruption when placed in authority, or will it rather be the majority, numerous but good ? Is it not clear that it is the greater number ? But it may be said that there are dissensions among a number of persons, while one man is not capable of dissension. To this, perhaps, it must be answered that the larger number are personally as good as he, the one individual, is. If, now, we are to apply the term aristocracy to the government of several persons, all of whom are good men, and that of monarchy to the government of one man, an aristocracy will be a better form for states to adopt than a monarchy (whether 220 BOOK III. CAP. 15. Swdixscos Kal "Xpipis Bvvafiems ovtrrji tTjs apyrjS, av tj 11 "Ka^eiv ifKsiovs ofioiovs. lai Sia tovt lctcos i^acriXivovro irporspov, oro airdviov ^v svpsiv avSpas ttoXv hta^spovras Kar dpsTijv, dWcos ts Kal tots fiiicpas oIkovvtos iroXeis. sTi 8' a7r' siispysaias KaOio'Taa'av tovs ^aaiXsls, oirsp ia-rlv spiyov t&v dyadeov dvSpoov. stteI Be avvs^aivB •yivsa-doi -TToWovs 6p,otovs irpos dpsTijv, ovksti {nrsfisvov 12 aW si^rjTOvv Kowov ti, kuI TroKiTslav KaOiaiacrav. ittsI Bs ')(cipovs 'yuousvoi i'^prjp^aTi^ovTO diro twv koiv&v, ivTSvOsv TTodsv svXoyov y£VE(r6ai rds oXiyap'^ias' kvTifiov •yap sTToirjaav tov ttKovtov. sic Bs tovtoiv TrpwTOv els Tvpavvl^as psJs^uXov, sic Bl tcov rvpavvlB'nv sis Brip,o- KfiaTiav dsl yap sis sXdrTOvs dyovTSS St' alcrypoKsp- Bsiav icryypoTspov to TiKrjOos KaTSCTTrjcrav, LtCTT sttlOs- 13 adat, Kal yeviaOai, Br)fioKpaTcas. sinl Bs xal p,s(^ovs sh at, avfi^s^rjKS Tas ttoXsis, lacos ovBs pdBiov STi yivscdai. the government te or te not accompanied by physical power), sup- posing that it is possible to find several persons equally good. And perhaps this is thereai-on why government by kings Was- adopted in former times ; namely, because it was a rare thing to find men very remarkable for virtue, more especially as the states they then inhabited were but small. Again, kings were appointed for the benefits which they had conferred, which is the work of good men. But when it came to pass that many persons equal in point of ex- cellence existed at the same time, they no longer brooked superiority, but'sought for something which 'all" could share, and established a free Republic. But when they degenerated, and enriched them- selves out of the public property, it was some such cause probably that gave rise to oligarchios, for men made wealth an object of honour. ^FfonToligaJchies the first transition was "fo^Tyrannies, the next from Tyrannies to a Democracy ; for as the tyrants tended to diminish their number from selfish avarice, they Increased the power of the people, so that the latter attacked them, and"demo- cracies arose. But now that it has happened that states have grown in size, perhaps it is not easy for any form of govermnent to BOOK III. CAP. 15. 221 TtoXtTslav sTspav irapa BrnxoKpariav. si Bs h^ tcs dpi- a-TOv ffsirj to ^atnXBvsa&aL rah iroXscriv, ■jtws s^si ra irepl T&v TSKvmv ; irorepov Kai to ysvos hsl /BacriXsvuv ; aWa yivofi^veov 6-iroiol tivss e'vxov, p\a^Bpiv. aW ov wapa- U Bda-si Kvpios wv roii tskvois ; aW ovketi tovto pahiov TTia-rsva-ai.' "x^aKsTrov yap, Kai fjbu^ovos apsrrjs rj kut' dvdpwTrCvrjv ^iktiv. sx^ S' airopiav Kai mspl tPjs Bwd- fistos, irorepov exj^iv Set rov fisXXovra fiaa-LXsveiv Icrxvv TLva TTSpl avTov, fi Bvvrjo-STat ^id^sadai tovs /xf) /3ov\o- fj-svovs irsiOapxsiv, rj wSis svBixSTai Tr)v dpxvv Bioikhv ; SI yap Kai Kara vofiov stri Kiipios, firjhsv TrpdiTcov Kara 15 TTjv avTOV ^ovXtjctiv irapd rov vo/xov, oficos dvayKalov VTrapxsiv avT

v\aKas hUhocrav, ots Kadia-TaUv nva Trjs iroXsais ov EKoXovv al(7viMvriTr)v rj rvpavvov, Kai Aiovvaio) tis, ot yrsv Toiis (pvXaKa^, avvs^ovXive toIs ^vpaKovaiois BiSoiai, ToaouTovs Tovs (pvKuKas. 16 inpi hs Tov ^aaiXsas tov Kara ttjv avTov ^ovK,r](7iv mi ■ndv-ra irpdrTOVTOs 6 ts Xoyos s^sa-rrjKi vvv Kal ttoitjisov Trjv aid'y^iv. o fj,iv yap Kara, to/j.ov Xeyofievos ^aa-iKevs ovK sariv slSos^ KaOdirsp siTrofjLSv, -rroXiTSias " iv Tracrais •yap inrdp')(£bv svSs'^STat crrpaTijyiav di'Biov, olov sv irj^io- Kparta ical dpiaTOKparCq, Kal ttoWov iroLOvai/v hva Kvpiov rfjs hioi Krjaidis' ToiavTTj yiip 0Lp')(ri tis kcni, Kai wspi, 'Eiiri^a/Mvov, kuI Tiepl ^O-jrovvTa Bs Kara ti /jidpos sXarrov. 2 •Trspl 8s TTJs Tra/jL^aaiKslas KaXovfisvrjT, avrrj S' ian Kad' rjV d,p')(Si TrdvTcov Kara rrjv savTov ^ovKrjcnv o ^aaiKsvs, BoKsl Ba TLcnv ovBs Kara (pvaiv slvai ro Kvpiov hva Trav- T(av aliai rSnv ttoXitwv, ovov avveffTrjKSV if op-olwv ij TToXis' jols yap ofwlois (pvasi to avTo BiKaiov dvaytcalov to give tody guards whenever they appointed anyone with the title of Dictator or Tyrant over their state ; and someone advised the Syracusans, when Dionysius was asking for a body-guard, to give him just this sufficient number. The discussion now naturally brings us, and our attention must be directed, to the Hng who always acts according to his own will. For he that is called a constitutional king is not a real type, as we said, of constitution ; for in all constitutions, democratical and oligarchical, it is possible that there should be a military command for life ; and many states entrust the entire executive to one man. Of this sort is the government at Epidamnus, and also that at Opus, but in a slightly inferior degree. With respect to Absolute Monarchy, that is when the king rules entirely accoMl«»o«4is-.ii;is"OWK"wlll, it is thought by some persons to be a violation of natural law that one man should be sovereign over all the citizens where the state consists of similar individuals. For those who are similar by nature have, according to the law of nature, the same rights and the same claims ; and so, since it is BOOK m. CAP. 16. 223 Kal T^v aiT7,v a^lav Ka-rk ^vcriv shut,, &aT s'lirsp koX to X(rrjv %ii. Toiis aviaow Tpo(f>})v -^ iaBrfTa ^Xa^spbv roh ad}/j,aa-i,i>, ovrays sxsi, koX to irspl Tar Ttp.ds, ofioicos tolvvv 3 Kal lb aviaov tovs laovs- SLonsp ovSsv fidWov apxsiv V o.pj(STSpov fjidXkov ?) t&ji/ ttoXitcov ha Tivd. Kara tov aiiTov hg Xoyov Tovrov, kuv s'i Tivas apysiv ^sXtiov, tovtovs KaTacTTariov V0fj,0(j)ijXaKas Kal virrjp^Tas i TOW vo/iois' avajKalov jap slval Tivas dp-^as, dXX,' ovx, eia Toviov sivai (paat Bcxaiov 6p.olwv ys ovtuv irdvraiv. aXhxi /MTjv oaa ye p,)) Boksi SvvaaOai Stopl^nv 6 vopos, ovB dvOpairos av SvfaLTo yi/wpi^Eiv. dW' eTrcTrjSss 5 TraiSsvaas 6 vofios icftiarrjai tu XofTrd tt} SMaiOTdrr) yvcop-rj Kpivsiv Kal SioiKSiv Toiis dp'^ovTas. sTi S' siravop- Qovadai SiBcoatv, o ti dv Bo^rj "TreipafiEVOif apbsivov elvai injurious to the body for tlioae who are of different constitution to use the same diet or clothing, the same holds true with respect to the distribution of honours. Just in the same way is it injurious for those who are similar to have unequal shares. And so a citizen has no more right to rule than to be subject to rule. And where honours are held in turn the same principle holds good. But this now is law, for order is law. We should therefore choose that law should rule rather than one single citizen. According to this same train of reasoning, even if it is best that there should be some persons in authority, these persons ought to be constituted merely guardians and servants of the laws. For it is absolutely necessary, they say, that there should be supreme power somewhere, but it is not just that this one man should represent it, at any rate where all are equal. Again, it is m-ged, those details which the law is in- competent to fix definitely cannot either be grasped by a man. Still, the law specially trains its rulers, and then sets them to judge and act for the future to the best of their judgment. It further allows the power of making an amendment wherever it appears from experience superior to existing legislation. He, therefore, 29A BOOK III. CAP. 16. ra)v K£ifj.£V(ov. o /jukv ovv rov vojxov ksXivcoi/ dp')(Siv ooksI KeXsuiii' apysiv rov Bsbv koI tov lovv fioiovs, 6 B avOpoo- TTOV KsXevwv TTpooTidrjai kcu 67)plov' fj Tf ryap iiriOvfiia roiovjov, Kol o dvfJios dp'^ovras hiamps^si Kai tovs api- 6 (TTOvs dvBpas. SwTTsp dvev opi^sas vovs o vofxos sutiv. to Bs rS)v Tsj^yoiv etvau SoKsl 7rapdSsi,y/j.a ijrSLBos, on to KaTa ypdfi/jLaTa laTpsviadai (^aiiXov, aXKa Kai- aips- 7 TcoTspov yprjaOai, toIs S)(0vah Tas Ts\vai. o't p,Ev v Kark to Wos. dXka ixtjv ovSs paSiov E(f>opdv iToXkd top sva- Ssijasi dpa ■jfKsiovas stvai Tovs vtt' avTov Ka9ia-Tap,£v6vs dp'xpvrai, &(tts tL SiaAspei TOVTO s^ dp'xfjs sieiis v-jrdpxsiv fj tov sva KaTatrr^aai TOVTOV TOV rpoirov ; sti, o koI irpoTspov slprj/jtsvov lo-rtV, 10 siirsp 6 dvrjp 6 (nrovSaiOs, Siori ^sKrLoiv, dpxsiv Sixaios, TOV Bs evos ol Bvo dyadol ^sXtiovs' tovto ydp saTt to s ovk dv dpicrra 6 vofios dp^sie liable to tlie influence of their feelings. And so it is clear that in seeking what is just they seek that which is in the mean ; for law is the mean state. A^inj^ustonarjjawshave more authority and tha t on more important masters, than written laws ; so that a man is, a safer j;uler than written laws, hut less safe tiian the laws of custom. ^Further, it is not easy for one man to attend to many thJBgs, and so ie-will require that there should he several rulers suhordibate to himself. So what diflference is there between this arrangement being made at fii-St and it being made by one indi- vidual ? Again, as was also said before, if the one good man has a right to rule because he is better than others, then two good men are better than one. This is what is meant by ' when two to- gether go,' and the wish of Agamemnon, ' had I ten such coun- sellors.' Also at the present day there are offices, such as the judicial body, that have supreme power in giving opinions on matters which the law cannot definitely fix, for where the law can ' trip re Si'. H. x. 224. ' toioDtoi Sckb. II. ii. 372. 226 BOOK III. CAP. 16, 11 KoX KoivSlSV. aXX' ETTEfS^ TO, fl£V JvSf^ETat TTEpiKrjtpBrjvat Toos vofiooi TO, S' dSwara, ravr iaTiv a ttoisX hLanropsiv KaX ^rjTSLV iroTspov Tov apcarov vofiov ap'^^etv alpsrdiTSpov rj TOV dvBpa tov apiaTov, irspi wv 'yap ^ovXevovTai VofiodsTrjcrai tcov a^vvaTav saTiV. ov toivvv tovto y" avTiXsjovaiv, coy ovk avar/Koiov avOpcoirov stvai tov KpiVOVVTa TTSpV TWV TOIOVTWV, aXX' OTt OlIT^ sva flOVOV 12 aK\h TToXKovs. Kpivsi yap EKaaTos dp')(a}v TrsiraiBevfievos VTTo TOV vofiov Ka\a)s, ctTOirov S' icrais av sivai Bo^sisv si ^sKtiov iSoi Tis Svoiv ofifiaai Kao Svcrlv d/coals Kpivaiv, Kal TrpaTTCov Bval irocrl koX '^spalv, rj vroWot TroWoty, Eirel KoX vvv ^6(f)da\fiovs iroXXovs oi fiovap'^oi irotovaiv avTcbv Kal S)Ta Kol ■yelpas Kal TroSas. tovs yap ttj dpyji koX 13 avToZs (j)iKovs TTOiovvrai, awdpyovs. firj (piXot /j,sv ovvovtes ov TTOorjaovcn KaTo, ttjv tov fiovdp^ov •Trpoaipscriv ' el Ks do so, no one doubts that it will te the best ruler and.judge. But since there are some matters which can he embraced by the law; and others which cannot, it is these latter which raise the difficult question whether it is better that the best law or the best man should govern. For matters which require deliberation are of the class on which it is impossible to legislate definitely. Certainly no one denies that it must be a man that is to decide such questions, but some say it should npt be one man, but many. For though each person when in authority judges rightly if he has been trained by the law, it would perhaps seem ridiculous that one man should see better with two eyes, hear better with two ears, and do things better with two hands and two feet, than many wUl with many eyes and ears ; for, as it is, monarchs supply themselves with many eyes and ears and hands and feet, for they associate with themselves in the govern- ment those who are friendly to their authority and to themselves. Now, if these are not friendly, they will not act according to the will of the monarch, and if they are friendly both to him and to oBaXjiois. Of. Moses's request to his father-in-law, 'leave us not, forasmuch as thou mayest be to us instead of eyes.' Numb. x. 31. BOOK III. CAP. 16, 17. 227 (pitkoL KUKSivov KoX rfjs dp^ns, o ys (jilXos 'iaos Kal ofioios. &a-T Et TovTovs oisrai Bsiv dpxsiv, roi/s ca-ovi Kal o/ioiovs apxetP o'lsTM Bslv o/xoims. h fj.sv oiv ol Bia/j.vEpov iarlv ovts BiKaiov Eva Kvpiov etvai irdvTmv, ovts firj vo/jxov ovtcov, aW avTOv oys oma vo/mv, ovte vofxcov ovtoiv, ovt aryaObv dyaOwv ovts fir) dyad&v fJ-f] dyadov, ovS" av KaT dpsTr)v ajJLSivcov y, si, /xrj Tpoirov Tivd. tis B' 6 Tpoiros, Xekteov 3 his authority, then the friend, it must he allowed, is an equal, and similar to his friend. So that if he thinks such persons ought to he in authority, he thinks that those who are equal and similar to himself ought to he in similar authority. These are more or less the objections which are brought against a Idngly form of govern- ment. But perhaps all this is true in some cases, but not in others. For nature has made one class of men who should he governed as slaves by a master, another of men who should he governed by a Idug, another of men who require a free constitution ; and this is just and advantageous to each. But there are none whom nature has formed to be subjects of a tyrant or members of any of the other corrupt forms of constitution. For these are contrary to nature. Still, from what we have said, it ia-esadent-that. where men are similar and equaJ^. it ia neither advantageous nor just_ that one man shoidd be sovereign overaiU- either where no laws exist, he hims elf taking the place of law, or where jthey d.Q,. exist, nor that a good man shouLiJDeJQrd-OvergGod men, or- a bad inan over had men, nor that^he^shouM be sovereign even if he be of verj- superior virtue, except in one particular case. What that case is must be told ; it - ' Q 2 •228 BOOK III. CAP. 17. s'ipTjTai, Be TTCBS tjSt) Kal ^irpoiepov. nrpSnov S« Biopiarsov Tt TO /3acTt\£VT0V Kttl Tt TO dptOTOKpaTlKOV Kol Tl TO TToXl- 4 TiKOV. ^acrCKsvTov fisv odv to toiovtov sari, 'rr'Krjdos o TT^^VKE (^ipsiv lyevos virspsxov Kar dpsrrjv "Trpbs '^ys/io- viav irdXmKrjv, dpiaroKpariKov Be [irXfjOos o tts^vks ^spstv] TrXfjOos apy^sadai Bvvdfisvov ttjv tmv iXevdepav dpXTjv VTTo rwv Kar' dpsrrjv '^jsfiovtKUiv Trpos iroKniKrfv dpyrjv, irokiTiKov Bs [ttX'^^os ev S 7rsEpsiv smdacriv oi t^s iroKiTsLas^ Kadia-rdprei, ol ts t^s S^purroKpanKcis kuI ol ras oXiyapxiK^s Kal ■jraXiv oi ras Bv/JLOKpanicds- ■n-avTss^ ydp Kaff^ iirspoxvv d^iovcnv, dW {nrspoj^v ov TTjv avrrjv aXKa Kara to irpdrspov \exdsv. ovre yap 7 KTSwstv T) vyaSeveiv ovS" oarpaKi^Hv Bij irov rov rotov- Tov irpsTTOv soTTiv, ovt" d^iovv dpxea-dat Kara p,^pos' oi yap ire^VKe to (lipos virspixsiv tou iravros, rm Ss t7]Xl- KaVTTjV VTTSp^oXrjV ^OI/Tt TOVTO epsi, rais iroXsa-iv fj av/jt,s. dhrjkov ryap ovtos tovtov kuI Tqv dpia-TTjv dvajKaiov dBTjXov slvat nrokiTsCav dpiara yap vparrsiv TrpotnjKSi roiis dpia-Ta ■tidknsvofievovs sk toiv VTrapxovTcov aiirols, iav jjirj n ylv7]rai. -n-apaKoyov. Bib 2 osi irpSiTOv ofioKoysladau tLs 6 itdaLV d>s slirslv alparo)- raTos fiios, fisra Se tovto irorspov koiv^ koI ytopls 6 avTos T] ETepos. vo/iieravTas ovv iKavms iroXXd Xsysadai Kol T&v iv Tots i^coTspiKois Xoyots TTspl Trjs dpi(j>poa-vv7js firjhs BtKMoavvrjs fjLTjSs ^povif- asms, aXXa SsBiora fisv ras •jrapairsTO/u.Svas fivias, cms- "vpiiEVov Zs fiTjdsvos, av STriffvfi^a'r) rod (fiaysXp rj irtsiv, T&v ier)(a70jv, svsKa Bb rsTaprrj/Mopiov BiacpdsipovTa rovs (piXTaTOvs [(fylXovs], ofwiws Bs koX to. trspl ttjv Sidvoiav ovTCos a(ppova Kal Bosyfrsvcrfisvov aairsp ti iraiBiov rj /laivo- 5 (levov. aXkcb Tavra fisv Xsjofisva [wo-TTE/a] irdvrss av av iroam Kal rats virepo'xa'is' rrjs fikv y^p dpsrrjs sxsiv iKavbv slvai vofiu- ^ovatv OTToaovovv, ifKovTov Bs Kal ')(pr]/j,dTa)v Kal Bvvd- jMews Kal Bo^Tjs Kal iravrcov tS)V towvtcov sis airsipov 6 ^rjTovai, Trjv inrsp^oXrjv. rifiels Be avTols spovfisv on pdBwv fikv iTspl rovTcov Kal Bia t&v spjcov XafjL^dvsiv ttjv irlaiiv, opwvras mi Kr&vrai, Kal vXdTrovcnv oil Tas dpsras rols SKTos d\X' sKSiva ravrais, Kal to ^rjv svBatfiovms, sir sv b Tft) ^(aLpsiv scttIv sXt sv dpSTrj Toh dvOprntrois sIt" sv dp,(J30iv, tlie mind, all sliould "he found in tte liappy man. For no one would call that man happy who possessed no share at all of bravery, or self-restraint, or justice or practical wisdom, hut was, on the contrary, afraid of the fly that passes him, or covild not curb his appetites, however excessive, for meat or drink, or would for a quarter-obol ruin his dearest friend, or was in intellect as silly and in-judging as a chUd or madman. To the truth of these general statements all men would agree, but they diifer quite as much on the question of degree and on the relative excellence of these goods. For of virtue they think that any small amount that they have is sufficient, but of wealth and money, and power and glory, and the like they seek an excess that knows no limit. But we will tell them that it is easy to secure conviction on these points from facts them- selves, if they observe that men do not acquire and preserve their virtues by means of external goods, but external goods by means of their virtues, and that the happy life (whether it consist for men BOOK IV. (VII.) CAP. 1. 233 OTi fiaXXov vndpxei rocs to ^0os fisv Kal rrjv Bidvoiav KSKOafiri/j.svois sis VTrsp^oXriv, irspl Ss t^i; £^ irsp av VTTsp^aXXTj, Toa-ovTO) fiaXXov ^7;o-t/toi' [siKai] , el Set Kal TOVTOIS hriXSystv (it) fiovov to kuXov dXXa Kal to xF'1~ aifiov. oXcos TS hrfkov ffvvco/jLoXojrjfisvov rj/uv, fidprvpi, tm 6?m y^pcofjusvois, os siiSaifiaiv fisv sari koi /xaKapios, Si ovOsv hs t&v s^wrspt- K&v op/aOwv dXKa St' ainov avTOS Kai Ta> iroios lis eivai TTjV (pvcrtv, sTTsl Kol TTjv svTv^uiv Trjs svBaifiovias Bia, TavT dvar/Kaiov sTspav sTvai ' twv p-ev yap ektos dyadmv rrjs i|ri;^?)* ainov ravTOfiaTOV koX rj TV^rj, Bbxaios 8' 11 ovBsls ouSg a-QXppcov diro ti/j^tjs oiiBs Bi^ rf]v tv^^V^ sarlv. s'XpfiEVOV B' san Koi Ta>v avTOiV Xdyav Ssofisvov Kol ttoKlv siiSaifjiova rijv dplcrTqv sivai Kai TrpaTTOvcrav KaXtos. dSv- varov Bs Kokcos trpdrTSiv ttjv fir] to, kuXcI irpdjrowav' ovOsv Bs KaXov spyov ovt dvSpos ovts ttoXsws %&)pts dps- the body, botli mtrinsically and in its relation to ourselYes, it necessarily follows tliat tlie same relation should liold between, eacli of tbese in their highest states. Again, it is for the sake of the soul that these other goods are naturally to he desired, and all who think aright ought so to desire them, but not the soul for their sakes. So let us consider it granted that every individual's share of happiness depends on its share of virtue and intelligence, and on its acting in obedience to these, taking as evidence the Deity Himself, who is certainly happy and blessed, not in dependence on any ex- ternal good, but on Himself and the essence of His nature. Moreover, for the same reason good-luck is necessarily different from happiness, for the spontaneous results of chance can produce the goods external to the soul, but no man is just or temperate by the gift of fortune or on the ground of good fortune. Olosely connected with this and depending on the same arguments is the conclusion that the happy and prosperous state is that which is the best. But it is impossible for those to be prosperous who do not act honourably, and there can be no honourable action on the part of either individual or state BOOK IV. (VII.) CAP. 1, 2. 235 T^s Kal ^pov^asms. avSpia Ss voXsws Kal ZiKaioavvr, kuI 12 ippovrjcris {km ao)(f>po<7wrj) tt/v avT7)V sxsi. Bwafiiv Kal l^opjyriv, mv /J.S7aa-x(ov sKaajos t&v avepoairav \^srat {dvBpEios Kal) Blkuios ical p6vifios koI erQ>cj)pwv. aXXh 13 r/ap Taiha fisv iirl too-ovtov eara irs^poifitaafisva tqj \07^ {ovTS yap /t^ Otyyeivsiv avTwv Bwarov, oiks -jrainas Toiis oUsiovs ETTE^sXeetv EvBsxsraL Xojovs- irspas yap EOTLV Epyov (Txpkrist ravTa)- vvv S' VTrOKsia-eo) toctovtov, OTi ^ios fj,£v dpiaroi, Kal %(B/3ts EKaaja Kal Koivfj rais 124 iroKsaLv, o /j-et' apSTrjs KsxoprjyrjfiEvrjs sirl Toaomov mare fJ-STs-xsiv ruv Kai' apsrrjv irpd^ecov. Trpos Be toiis u dfiipicr^rjTovvTas, ida-avras im rris vvv p,E66Bov, Bia- (TKSTnsov varspov, st ris rois siprjfiivovs rvy^avst, p.}] irsiOofisvos. iroTspov Bs TTjv siBai/jLOviav ttjv avTTjv slvai ovv dvwYKaiov shai -rokLTsiav apia-Tr,v 5 ravT'nv Kaff^ ^v rd^w kuv 6,ttiaivovrai, Trpoaipovfisvoi, Kal tSw •n-poripav koX r&v vvV Xsya Bs Bvo tov te irokiTiKov KM TOP v irKsi- arcov vofiificov -^vBrju ms shrslv Ksip-evtov irapa toIs irKsi- CTTOIS, OflCOS Sb TTOV TL 'TTpO! %V 01 VOflOb /SXsTTOVCn', TOV Kpareop crro')(d^ovTai, vavTss, lOGirep sv AaKsSal/iovi Kai JLprjry ttjOOS toiis itoXs/iovs crvvTSTUKTai, (Tj(shov rj t£ 10 TraiSsia kol to twv vofimv "ttXtjOq:. 'in B iv roh hOvsai tliougla involving no injustice, a hindrance to personal enjoyment. Others happen to regard the question quite from an opposite point of view, for they hold that the life of action and polities is the only one hecoming to a man ; arguing that, in the case of any excellence, an active use of it does not belong a vrhit more to those who keep apart than to those who join in public life and politics. So then, while some hold the one opinion, others say that an imperial and despotic form of government is the only happy one. In fact, in some tribes this is the beginning and the end of their constitution and their laws — namely, how to gain empire over their neighbom-s. And for this reason, although most peoples have most of their institutions directed, I may say, to no deiinite object, still, if there is one point which their laws keep in view, it is an aim at conquest. For instance, at Lacedemon and in Crete it is almost entirely with an eye to war that their education and the greatest proportion of rheir laws are arranged. Again, in all tribes which ' tZv vSfiav. Before the 'word legum the Vet. Trans, has et, and Congrevo inserts ko!, approved by Susemihl. BOOK IV, (VII.) CAP. 2. 239 nracTt toIs Bvvafisvois -irXsovsKTslv t] roiavTrj Tsrl/xriTat . Bwafiis; olov iv liKijdais Kal mpaais ical ®pa^l koX KsXrols. sv Eviocs yap teal vojjloi tivIs slal trapo^vvovrss vrpos TTjv apsTTjv ravTTiv, Kaddirsp sv Kap'XTjSovi (jtatrl Tov sK raiv KpUmv koct/mov Xafi^dvsiv ocras civ a-rpa- TSiKTwvrai cTTpaTsias. ^v Bs ttots koX irspl MaKsSovtav 11 vo/ios Tw firjOha dirsKTayKOTa iroKsfjiiov dvBpa iripis- ^axrffai, -rrjv (f>opl3sidv- sv Be "StKvdats ovk s^v -ttivsiv sv ^oprfi Tivi a-KV(f)ov irspK^epofisvov tc5 [irjOsva dTrsKTajKori, •jToksfiiov. iv Bs TO?s "I^Tjpa-iv, Wvet, iroKsfUKU), roaov- Tovs TOV apiOfjLov o^sXlidKovs Kara'irrjiyvvovat, 'jrspl tov rdv BiKaieov. utottov Bs si fir} ^vasc to /jlsv BSCTTTO^OV SCTtI TO Bs OV BsaTTO^OV, &(TT£ SlTTSp £^(£1, TOV TpoTTOv TovTov, OV Bsl TTavTiov TTSipaordai BsaTTO^SlV, dXXii TMV BecriroffT&v, waTrsp ovBs Qrfpsvsiv sttI 6oivr)v rj BvaLav avOpamovs, dXKa to irpos tovto drjpsvTOV sctti be they willing or not. For how can that he the aim of the states- man and the legislation which is not even in itself legitimate ? For there is nothing legitimate in power which uses not only just hut also unjust means, and it is possible to be the stronger without justice or one's side. Further, we do not find any support for this view in the other sciences. It is not the function of either the physician or the pilot to use persuasion or force to his patients in the one case, to the sailors in the other. Still, the many appear to think that despotic rule is an object for states, and that which they individually deny to be either juBt or advantageous for themselves they do not blush to practise in their conduct to others. For them- selves at home they seek for just government, in their actions towards others they care no iota for it. (Despotism) is monstrous unless there be a natural distinction between that which is master and that which is not. And so, if this be a true view, men ought not to try to be masters over all things alike, but only over those made to be ruled, just as we should not hunt men for the purpose of sacrifice or the table, but that which is made to be hunted — that is to say, a wild animal good for food. BOOK IV. (VII.) CAP. 2. 241 Ss drjpsvTov o av arypiov fj eSeo-tov ^wov. aXKci firjv etij j lo s av KoX KaO' savrijv fiia ttoXis svSaifimv, ij iroXnsvsTai Bi]\ov ort KaXS)!, dirsp svU-xciai troXiv olKelaSal irov Kaff" savTTjv vof^OLS -xpcoixivrfv a-7rovSaioif, •^j tjjj -TroXiTsias ■fj a-vvra^i? ov irpos itoXs/jlov ovBs -n-pos to Kparslv sarai, T&v TroXsfiieov firjO'ev yap virap'x^STO) roiovTov. 8fj\ovdpal7 on irdaas rds irpbs tov ttoXs/j.ov ivifisXelas kuXcls p,h dsTsov, ovx &)S TsXos Ss TTavTcov cLKpoTaTOv, oKX! exsivov Xaptv TavTas. tov hi vofj.o9sTov tov crirouhaiov so-tI to Uiacaadai iroXiv ical ysvos dvOpconoiv Koi irda-av dkX'rjv Koivoyviav, ^wfjs djadfj! ttws fisOs^ovai ical TJjy si hsyo- fjLEinjs aiiTois svSatfiovias. Stoi'asi /xeuToi tSiv TarrofMS- 18 vcov kvia vo/jLifxtov Kai -rovTo t^s vo/jLodsTiKfjs ecttIv IBslv, iav Tivss V7rap)^afai ysiTviatvTSs, irola irpos iroiovs dcTKT}- Tsov rj TTCos Tols KadijKovai Trpos SKaaTovs ■xpricTTiov. aXXd TOVTO /jisv Kav vcTTspov tv)(01 Tr)s irpocnqKOtxTris (TKSyjrsms, Trpos Tt tsKos Bsl ttjv dpiaTrjv ttoXitsmv avv- But again, a single city may be happy by itself, granting that it be well governed, since it is quite possible that a state may be situated somewhere standing alone and enjoying good laws, and that the system of its constitution be not directed towards war or the conquest of an enemy ; for we do not suppose such a thing known there. Thus it is evident that all attention paid to war must be con- sidered honourable, not as the highest end possible, but as means towards that end. It is for the good lawgiver to see how a state, tribe, or other community shall have its share of a good life and the happiness open to it ; and indeed some of the institutions which they establish will vary in diiferent cases. It is also the duty of the leo-ialatiu-e to see, in case the state has neighbours, what conduct must be observed to each respectively, or what are the fitting duties to perform towards each. This question will also later on receive the attention which it requires • namely, what is the end at which the best constitution ought to aim. E 242 BOOK IV. (VII.) CAP. 3. ^ Tslveiv' TTpos Be tow ofjioXoyovvras fiev rov fJ.sr dpsTr]s slvai ^lov aipsTmraTov, Sta(j)spo/Msvovs Bs Trspl Trjs ')^prja-scos avTov, XsKTsov rijuv irpoi dfj,(f)OTspovs avrovs (ot /j,sv yap aTToSoKifid^ovcTi Tas iroXoTi/cas dp^a?, vo/j,t,^ovTSs top ts Tov iXsvdspov /Slav srepov riva sivat, rov iroKuriKov kcu •ndvToyv atpsTdrarov, ot Bs tovtov cipiaTov dBvvarov yap TOV firjdsv "TTpaTTOVTa "TTpUTTSlV eS, TTjV 5' silTTpayiaV Kal TTjV svBabfioviav sivai Tainov) oti to, fiev dfit^oTSpoi Xsyovaiv Opdcbs TO 8' OVK OpdSjS, ot fiSV OTt 6 TOV iXsvOgpOV filoS '■i rov BsaTTOTLKov dfiSLvtov. TovTO yap dXrjdis' ovdsv yap TO ys BovXo), rj BovXos, y^prjaOai csfji.vov' r) yap s'lrtra^is r] TTSpl T&v dvar/Kaltov ovBsvbi /ttsre^et twv koXcov. to fievToi vopbii^siv iracrav dpjdr^v slvai Bscnrorsiav ovk opdov oil yap sXaTTOv BieaTrjKSv rj tS)v sXsv9spQ)v dpyr) tyjs twv BovXcov rj avTO to (pvcsi, iXsvOepov tou va£i, BovXov. BicopiiTTai Be "Trspl avTcov iKav&s ^sv toIs TrpwTois Xoyois, In addressing those wlio agree in admitting that the life of Yirtue is tlie most desirable, but diifer as to tke method of spending that life, we must say, and say alike to the holders of each view (for there are two opposite opinions — some condemning all political offices and thinking that the life of the free man is one distinct from that of the politician, and the most desirable; others holding that this political life is the best, arguing that it is impossible for the man who does nothing to do well, and that virtuous action and happiness are synonymous) — we must, I say, tell both sides that they are each partly right, and each partly wrong. One side says that the life of the free man is better than that of one who rules over slaves ; and this is true, for there is nothing grand in employing a slave qua slave. The act of giving orders about the necessaries of life has nothing honourable about it ; — but, on the other hand, it is wrong for them to think that all rule is one of slave-mastery, for there is as much difference between the rule over free men and the rule over slaves as there is between that which nature makes for freedom and ^ iy Tots irpiiTOis Xiyois. Bk. I. o. i-7. BOOK IV. (VII.) CAP. 3. 243 TO hs fiaXXov iiraivslv to aTrpaKTstv tov irpaTTUv ovk 3 aXriess' ri 'yh.p EvSaifiovia irpa^is s(ttLv. eVt hs iToXXSiv Kol KoKwv TsXos sxovaiv al twv BikuIcov koI a-m^povcov irpd^eis. KUiTot rax' av inroXd^ob tis tovtcov ovrm Bia- pi ■n-XrfcrLov, dXXa p,aXXov acjiaipsiadai, koI fii]TS iraTspa Traihoiv p.'>]TS iral- Bas TraTpos p.'^O' oXws (fiiXov spovTi ToaovTov that which she makes for servitude. This distinction was suiE- ciently drawn in oiu- earlier hooks. On the other hand, to praise the life of inaction ahove the life of action is not a true view to take, for happiness is a state of activity ; and further, the actions of honest and temperate men involve the accomplishment of many noble results. And yet some one may urge, if these principles are laid down definitely, that ' absolute power is the best thing possible, for by possession of it a man has the power of performing the greatest number of the noblest actions ; for this reason no one who has the chance of enjoying power should give it up to his neighbour, but should rather seek to rob him of it ; and there should be no account taken or thought bestowed in com- parison with this object by father on children, or children on father, or Mend on friend. That which is best is most to be desii-ed, and the best thing is nothing but the performance of good action.' This may be all very true if the highest good can come to men who use spoliation and violence ; but we may say that it never can do so. And here lies the fallacy of the argument, for it is no longer possible (according to them) for a man's actions to be noble imless » 2 244 BOOK IV. (VII,) CAP. 3. bcrov dvr)p yvvaiKos rj irarrip tskviov rj Zs(nr6rr)S hovkwv. Mo-TE 6 irapa^awfov ovBsv av ttjXikovtov KaTopOdxrsisv varspov oaov i]Br] -TrapeK^s^rjKS rfjs apsTYjS. rots jap O/MOiOtS TO KOkoV Kol TO BilCaOOV kv TO) flSpSl ■ TOVTO jap 6 icrov Kal ofioiov. to Se firj 'iaov Tols tcrots Kai to fir) ofioiov TOis ofioiois Trapa OpmTTWV • CT%oX^ fyap av 6 dshs £;)^ot xaXws Kal nrds o Koa-ftos, ols ovK slcrli) i^mTspiKal Trpd^sis Trapd Tas oiKslas TOLS aiiTav. OTi fisv ovv Tov avTov ^iov dvajKaiov shai tov apt- (TTOV SKaaTO) Ts T&v dvdpcoTToov Kal Koivfj Tais TToXsat [Kal TOis dvOpcoTTois], avsp6v ecFTiv ' insl Sh Trs^poijjbiacTTat 4 fa vvv slpijfisva "Kspl ai/T&v [ical irspl Tas dWas tto- more shoiild those contemplations and thoughts he held so which have their end in themselves and exist for their own sake. For a state of well-heing is their end, and this state of weU-heing (as we see by the etymology) is an active state. We go so far as to say that those men are the most powerful agents even in external matters whose thoughts mould and master the world. Nor, again, is it necessary to ascribe inactivity to states which are placed apai-t from others and choose a life of isolation : for activity can be found in the relation of its parts. For the diiferent parts of the state have many points of communication with each other. In a similar manner, this same sort of activity may be found in any individual man. Else hardly could God and the Universe have a fair existence, for they have no actions to perform outside and beyond those of their own sphere. So then it is plain that the same sort of life is the best both for each individual alone and also generally for states and men universally. Now that we have finished our introduction in what we have said on these subjects, and have examined the other forms of 246 BOOK IV. (VII.) CAP. i. 'X.tTsias rjfjiiv rsOsdoprjrai, ^Trporspov], ap-^rj tuv "KonrSiv sliTslv nTp'mov irolas rivaf Ssl ras VTroOsasis slvat 'n'spl 2 Trjs fXEXKovarj^ kut sv'xpjv avvst)a-ei£i> av ris rod Bi,a(f>spovT09 Kara, to jJusysdos tov aco- fiaros. ov /jltjv dXXa k&v si Set KpLvsiv irpos to TrXrjdos 6 amo^KsTTOvTas, ov Kara to tv^ov irXrjOos tovto ttoi'^tsov (avayxaiov yap iv rals iroXsaiv cams i^Tray^aii' koI SovXaiv dpiOfiov TToXX&p Kal fjLSToUuv Kal ^sv(ov), dXX' oaoo TToXscos sl<7L fispos Kal s^ S}v avviaTaTai, iroXis oIksicov of men in the state, involving tlie quantity and natural quality of which they ought to he ; and also the territory, involving its size and quality. Most persons think that the happy state should properly be a great one ; hut gi'anting the truth of this, they ignore what conditions make a state great and what make it small ; for they judge a state to he gTeat by the number of men that live within it. Rather should we look not at actual number but at capacity. For a state too has a function of its own to perform, so that it is the state which has the capacity of fulfilling this function to the fullest extent that ought to be considered the greatest. Similarly, we should say of Hippocrates, not as a man but as a physician, that he was greater than some one else who was larger in bodily size. Not but that if we must look at the question of numbei; we ought not to do so only in reference to its accidental extent (for it is perhaps necessary that there should be in all states a number foi-med of a large quantity of slaves, resident aliens, and foreigners), but by the consideration of those who form an actual part of the state and of the particular members that make up a state. It is the large 248 BOOK IV. (VII.) CAP. 4. fiopiwv • T) yap TOVTCov VTTspoj^r) tov ttKijGovs fisydXTis •7ro\£(os (rrjfieiov, if fjs Bs ^dvavaoi fxsv s^ip')(pv7ai iroWol 70V dpidfiov oirXirai Bs oXiyoi, ravrrjv dBvvaTov elvai fiByakTjv • ov yap tuvtov fisydXr) rs TroXts Kal trdXvdv- 7 Opwiros. dXKa firjv Kal tovto ys iic twv spycov (pavspov OTi yaXsKOV, taws 8 dBvvarov, svvofxsladai ttjv Xiav •iroKvdvdpwTrov. Tcav yovv hoKOvawv iroKiTSveadai KoXSis ovBsjjbiav op&fisv oicrav dvsifisvTjv irpos to ttXTjOos. tovto 8 Se hfjXov Kal Bia tP/s rlav Xoyoiv Tntrrscos. o re yhp vofios rd^is Tis sa-Ti, xal ttjv svvofiiav dvayKoiov svTa^iav elvai, 6 Be Xlav vwsp^dXXwv dpi,6fi6s ov Bvvarai fisrs'^eiv rd^sws' Osias ykp Bfj tovto Bvvdfj,E(os spyov, tjtis kul toBs avvi')(Si '^ TO Trdv, ivsl to ye koXov iv irXriOei Kal fisysOsi stwOs 9 yivscrdai. Bio Kal ttoXiv ?)s fieTa p.sye6ovs 6 Xs')(dsis opos VTrdpj^si, TaVTrjv elvai KaXXiaTTjv dvayKalov. dXX' ioTi Ti Kal iroXscTi fj,eye6ovs fisTpov, wairsp Kal twv dXXwv number of these latter that show the greatness of a state. But the state' which produces artisans in profusion, and warriors in small numbers, can never possibly be a great one. For a great state and a populous state are not the same thing. Indeed, this fact at least is proved by experience, that it is diiRcult if not impossible for an over-populous state to be weU organised. Of those states commonly believed to be well governed we do not find one without any regula- tion as to population. This fact is also made clear by the convic- tion that reason gives. Law is an arrangement, and good laws must necessarily be good arrangements ; but an excessive number of units cannot admit of arrangement. In this case it can only be produced by Divine power which holds this universe in harmony, since beauty always imphes certain quantity and certain size. It follows then that that state where the limit mentioned is found together with a certain size must necessarily be the most beautiful. But states have a proper limit to their size as well as every other ^ Congreve alters the punctuation and reads rh iiav ■ iiril 5e rb /fa- Khv . . . ylteffSai, Kal -niMn, BOOK IV. (Til.) CAP. 4. 249 iravTwv, ^cpcov (fivrwv oprydvav. koX ryap tovtcdv sxaajov lo oiiTS Xiav fiiKpov ovTS Kara fisysOos inrsp^dXkov s^Si ttjv avTov ivvafibv, dXK' ots fiiv oKws iarspTjfxsvov sarat rr/s (pvcrsws ots 8e ^avXais s'^ov, olov ttXoiov airida/xiawv fxsv ovK hoTai ttXoiov oXcos, ov&s hvolv crraBLOiv^ sis Ss tl b fisysdos sXdov OTS fjLsv Sid afMLKpoTrjTa s ovtos scjti TToKicos opos dpiaTos, rj /isjiaTT) TOV ttXtjOovs vjrspjSoXrj Trpos amdpKSLav ^wrjs svavvoinos. exceeding tMs limit in point of number may be a greater state, but there is not, as we said before, no limit at all. And wbat the limit is, wbere excess begins, it is easy to see from experience. For tbe action of the state is divided into tbat of the governors and that of the governed, and the function of the governors is executive and judicial. To exercise these judicial functions on questions of right and for the proper distribution of office, it is necessary for all the citizens to have some knowledge of each other's qualities ; since where from any circimistances this is not the case, there must necessarily be mistakes made on questions of election to office and judicial decisions. On either point it is not right to act blindly--a fault which evidently must exist where the population is too great. Again, in such a case it is easy for foreigners and resident aliens to usm'p a share of state rights ; for it is not difficult to escape detection on account of the great crowd. It is clear then that here we have the best limit to a state ; namely, the largest number of persons that can be self-supporting and easily kept under the eye. BOOK IV. (VII.) CAP. 5. 251 ■n-spl fisv ovv fj-sryidovs iroXsms SimpiaOcD top rpoirov rovTOv, irapa-rrXTja-lcos Ss kuI Ta-Trspi rrjs x'>>P°'S ^X^i'- "Tspl 6 fisv pav' to B svavvoiTTOv to sv^orjdrjTOV elvat Trjv '^copav scniv. Trjs Be iroXsoas ttjv 6iai,v si vpr] •jroielv Kar sv')(fjv, irpos re rrjv ddXaTrav 4 Trpoa-ijKsi, Ksladai KoK&s nrpos rs ttjv j^wpav. eh fiev o Xs^xPels opos' Bsl lyap irpos ras iic^orjOeias KOivrjv sivai Twv TOTToov diravTCOv 6 Be Xoiirbs irpos ras t&v jivo- fisvav KapTTcbv irapawop/nds. en Be Trjs Trspl ^v\a vKrjs, Kov si Tiva aXXrjv epyaaiav t] %ci>jOa 'iv^')(avoi KeKrrjfisvr) ToiavTrjv, eiiTrapa/cofucTTov. 6 Trepl Be Trjs irpos ttjv daXairav Koivcovias, iroTspov dxpeXifios rats evvofiov/LLevais iroXeaiv r) ^Ka^spa, "noXKol Tvy^dvovcnv dp.^La^'qTOVVTSS' to ts jap sTTi^svovcrOali Tivas iv aXKots TsBpafifisvovs vofiois davficpopov shai experienced soldiers, (who tell us) that it must be difficult for an enemy to enter, and easy for tlie native troops to leave. And further, just as we said of the number of the citizens that it should be such as can be easily kept imder the eye, so must we say the same of the territory ; and that a country can be kept under the eye means that it can be easily defended. If we are to fix the situation of the state according to our wishes, it should lie equally favourably toward the sea and toward the land. One necessary point has been already settled, that it must be equally convenient for all parts to render mutual assistance. The other is, that it must be convenient for the transport of the produce of the country, of timber or any other material which it may happen to On the question of communication with the sea, whether it is advantageous for the good administration of states or the reverse, many persons hold diiierent opinions. For some say that it is pre- judicial to good order to have resident in the state men who have BOOK IV. (VII.) CAP. 6. 253 (f}aa-i irpbs rr^v svvofiiav, xal Tr)v TroXvavOpa-TrCav 70/5- a-6ai fisv yap ek tov X/aJJo-^at tj} daXdcrar) Bm-TrsfiirovTas KoL Ss'xpfiEVovs ifj,ir6pcov wXridof, virsvavTiav K slvai •Trpos TO iroknevsaOai KaXws. on /j-sv ovv, si ravra fir) 2 a-v/i^aivei, ^sKtlov koI Trpos aa-^dXsiav kui Trpos sinro- piav T&v dvajKauov fiersxeiv rrjv ttoXiv xal Trjv %(B/3av T^ff 6aXd7T7)s, oiiK aBT]Xov. koX yap Trpos to paov (pepsiv 3 Tovs ttoXe/movs sv^oTiOriTovs shai Set /car' dfitjiOTSpa tovs a-a)9r)(TOfisvovs, koX Kara yrjv Kal Kara OdXarrav Kal TTpbs TO fiXdyfrai tovs ettltlOeijuevovs, el firj kut dfji,(pa> ovvaTOV, dXXd, kutcl ddTspov VTrdp^si /u,dXXov dij,^0Tepav fj.STE'^ovaiv. oaa t av fir) Tvy^dvy Trap" airrols ovTa, 4 OE^aaOai TavTa koI to, TrXsovd^ovTa twv yivofiivaiv SKTTEfiyjracrBat tcov dvayKaloiv ecttlV avTy yap EfjuiropiK^v, aW ov Tois dXXois Bel alvai ttjv ttoXiv. 01 Bs Traps- ')(0VT£s (7^di avTovs Trdaiv dyopdv TrpoaoSov ^(dpiv Tavra been brougM up under other laws, and too large a population, and that this latter results from the use of the sea, as such states send out and admit a whole crowd of traders, and that this is by no means conducive to good government. StiU, it is not hai-d to see that, if these disadvantages do not arise, it is better both for security and a plentiful supply of necessaries that both the state- city and its territory should have some communication with the sea. For, to resist better a hostile attack, it is necessary that those who wish to be saved should be easily succoured on both sides, that is, both by land and sea ; and to inflict injury on the attacking party, supposing it impossible on both elements, there is more chance of success on one or the other for men who have some command of both. Any necessaries of life which such men happen to want they can import, and their surplus produce they can export ; for a state should be of commercial value to itself and not to other people. Men who ofier themselves a sort of market to the world, do so for the sake of revenue ; but the state which ought to know •25i BOOK IV. (VII.) CAP. 6. irpcuTTovcnv rjv hs fifj Ssl "ttoXlv roiavr7]s fiSTi')(Siv 5 TrXsove^ia?, ovS s/jiTropiov Bsl KSKTrjadai toiovtov. strst, hs KoX vvv opuifisv "TToWais virdpj(SLV Kat, ■^oopais Kai iToKscnv iirlvsia kuI Xt.p.svas svO<.0is spvfiacn, (pavspov d>s si fisv w^aBov Tt crvfi^aivsi, •yivsadai, hi,a Trjs Kouvaivlas aitTMV, iiTrdp^si rfj ttoXsc tovto to ayadov, si Se Ti pka^spov, ^vXd^aadai pahiov rols vop^ois (ppd^ovTas Kol Btopb^ovTas Tivas ov Bsl Koi rivas i-Trifiia-yscrOai Ssl 6 Trpos dXX-ijXovs. irspl hs Trjs vavTiKr/s hvvdjxsooi, on fj,sv ^sXnaTov v'Trdpj(eiv p-^XP'' Ttvoy ttXt^^ouj, ovk d8t]Xov' ov s TavTTjs Trpos tov fSlov dTroaiceTTTsov Trjs TToXsws' si pbkv 'yap rjjsp.oviKov xal ttoXs/mikov ^ijasrai nothing of sucli a desire for gain ought not to possess'a commercial centre of this bind. But, as it is, we see many countries and states with dockyards and harhours situated advantageously as regards tie state-city ; so that, while the men in them do not actually inhabit the same city, they are still not very far oif, and are secured by walls and other defences ; and hence it is clear, that if there is any good to he gained by communication with them, such a state will possess this good, while if there is any harm resulting, it will be easier for the citizens to avoid it by stating and definitely defining who are to have intercourse with each other, and who are not. On the question of naval forces, it is clear that these must exist to a certain point ; for it is not only with regard to themselves alone but to certain of their neighbours also, that men should be able to strike awe or give assistance, as easily by sea as by land. But when we come to the number and size of this arm of the service we must consider what style of life is aimed at by the state. For ' ri avrS. Better with Susemihl — ainh t6. The city proper itself. BOOK IV. (VII.) CAP. 6, 7. 255 ^iov, avayKoiov Kal TavT7]v rr)v Bvvafiiv v-7rdp)^st,v Trpos ras irpd^sii av/MfiSTpov. Tr>v Ss iroKvavdpwrriav r^jv ryivoiMSVTjv -jTspi Tov vuvTiKOv 0')(kov ovK avajKatov inrdp- ')(siv rats -TTciksa-tv ovOhv yap avroiis /Mspos shai Bsi rrjs TTOkSCOS. TO flSV ydp STTU^aTlKOV sKsvdspOV KOL TCOV TTS^SV- 8 ovT(ov scrtiv, o Kvpidv la-ri koL xparet riys vavriXias' irKr]- 6ovs oe virapj^ovTOs irepioiKwv koX r&v Trjv ywpav jscop- yovvTtov, a^Ooviav arajKalov slvai Kal vavTOiv. op&fisv Ss Kal TOVTo Kal vvv virdpyov TiaLv, olov rfj ttoXei tojp 'HpaKXscoToiv iroWas yap sKTrXTjpovcn Tpiijpsis KSKTrj- fisvoi TW jMSysOsb TToXtP STspcov sfJifJLsKsaTspav. irspl fiev ovv %<»/3as koI Xi/jlsvcov [kuI ttoXscov] kuI 9 OaXaTTrjs Kal irspl Trjs vavTiKrjs Svvdfisms ecrra Btaipi- a/JLevov Tov rpoirov tovtov irepl hs tov ttoXltikov ttXtj^ovj, Tiva fiEV opov vTrdp'^siv XPV^ ^"Trporepov ilirofjuev, iroiovs 8s Tivas Trfv v 'E.XX'^vtov jEvos Siairsp fisasiisi Kara rovs tottovs, ovt(os dfi(f>otv fiSTST^Ef Kal yap svBvfiov Kal BtavorjTOKOV scttiv' Bioirsp eXsvOspov TS BtaTsXsi Kal ^skTtcrra 'TroXiTevofievov Kal •t Bwdjisvov dp')(SiV irdvTQjv, p,tas rvyxavov TToXiTsias. Tr)v avT7]v B' sx^'> Bca^opav Kal ra rcov '^XX'^vav sdvr) Kal Tvpos aXKrjXa' ra p,sv yap £;^st 7r)v ^vaiv /movokioXov, to, Bs £v KsKparai irpos ap,<^OTEpai rds Bvvd/MSis ravTas. ^avspov Toivvv oVt BeI BiavorjrcKovs t£ s2vai Kal 6v/mo£1- by casting our eyes on tlie most famous Greek states and tlie world generally -witli its divisions into diiferent tribes. For the tribes tbat live in cold countries and scattered about Europe are full of courage, but inferior in intellect and craft ; and so, wbile tbey pre- serve tbeir freedom, tbey are incapable of social organisation, and unable to gain empire over tbeir neighbours. On the other hand, the tribes scattered over Asia, though intellectual and crafty, want spirit, and so live in a state of perpetual subjection and slavery. But the Greek race, just as it holds a middle position topographically, has its share of both qualities, for it possesses both spirit and intellect ; hence it both preserves its freedom and the best forms of constitution, and the capacity to rule the world if it came under one single government. But the tribes of Greece have the same differences among themselves ; for some have a one-sided nature, while others are a happy compound in respect to both these capa- bilities. Now it is obvious that those men must be capable of BOOK IV. (VII.) CAP. 7. 257 Ssh TTjv <^vaiv Toiis fjiiXXovTaf sva/yaiyovs scrsffdai tc3 voixodiry irpos rqv apsrijv. ovsp yap iX7)tikovs pisv slvai rwv yva)ptp,(ov irpos Bs tov? ayv&ras aypiovs, 6 dvfios scrnv 1328 TTOcwv TO (plKrjTtKOV avTT] r/dp k(7Tiv Tj TTJs ■Jrvyfjs BvvafiLS y (fnXovfisv. a-rjuslov S^- irpos yap Toiis avvrjOsis KoX &p ' Kal ' OL Toi "Ttipa aTsp^avres, ot Bs Kal Trepa /Mcrovatv.' 9 irspl jjisv ovv T&v irokirgvojiivrnv, iroaovs ts VTrdp'^siv Set Kal irolovs riyas ttjv ^va-tv, sri Se tt/v ;^vias ov^Sfiias s^ rJ! sv rv to ysvos. %v „ lyojO Ti Kai, KOivov swai hsl Kal ravro tols KOiveovols, dv T£ i(70V dv TE dvKTov fiiTaXafj^^dvacnv, olov sits Tpo^rj TOVTO SCTTiV SOTS '^(UpaS TrX!j9oS sit' dWo Tl TMV TOIOVTCOV E(7TiV. brav S r) TO/Msv tovtov svskbv to 8' ov svsKeu, ovO'sv „ eV ys TOVTOis KOIVOV aSX rj to) fisv •jroirjaaL tS Se Xa^slv Aiya) S' olov opydva ts iravTl Trpos to opas Kal TToXtTs/ap ttXsIovs^ dWov yap rpoirov Kal Si dWcov i) SKaffTOi TOVTO OfjpSVOVTSS TOVS TE yS/oi/f STSpOVS irOlOWTCLl 6 Kal TCLs iroXi/reias, iiria-KiVTiov Be kqX iroo'a ravr harlv S)v avsv "TToXis ovK av sir)' koX yap a Xiyofisv slvai fiipfj iToXiais, sv Tovrois av s'ir} avajKaiov VTra.p')(SiV. Xtj^t^v Toi'vvv r&v hpymv tov apidfiov' ek tovtwv yap harai 7 BfiXoV. TTpSiTOV flSV 0?)V VTrdpj^SlV Bsi TpOv Tivd sv-TTopiav, ovays 'i'^mcri Kal irpos rds Kad' avToiis ^(psias Kal irpos (r^s) TroXs/xiKas, TrifiTTTov Bs Kal irpSnov TTjv irepl TO dstov eTrifiiXscav, ^v KoXovatv isparsiav, sKTOv Be TOV dpidjiov Kal wavTCOv dvayKaioraTov Kpicriv all — it is clear that in this lies the reason for the rise of different forms of states and varieties of constitutions. For as different men pursue this end in different methods and with different means, they produceforthemselves variety both in their modes of life and in their constitutions. We must also observe how many of these conditions there are which are indispensable to a state ; for in them must neces- sarily be found what we call the true parts of a state. We must, then, make an enumeration of these (conditions), for they will show us what we want. In the first place, we must suppose the existence of means of sustenance ; secondly, of arts (for there are many instru- ments which life requires) ; thirdly, of arms (for it is necessary for men in association to have arms vnthin their reach, both for internal administration to check the disobedient, and to repel external foes if they attempted aggression) ; in the next place, of a good revenue to meet the calls which arise at home and during war ; in the fifth place, but really primarily, of attention to things divine, which is called religion ; sixthly in order, but most necessary of all, of means BOOK IV. (VII.) CAP. 8, 9. 261 •jTSpi Twv avfi(f}sp6vT(ov koI twv BiKaiwv t&v Trpos aXKtj- \ov!. ra /lev ovv spya Taur' sdrlv &v BsiTat irdcra iroXis s (Bj ei/JTSiv. T] yap ttoXis ttXtj^os sotw ov to tvvov dWa Trpos ^o}r]v avrapKss, a>s ^a/Msv' sdv M Tt rvyydvr) rov- Twv skKsIttov, dBvvaTov d-jrk&s aindpKrj ttjv Koivteviav slvac TavTTjv. dvdyKrj rolvvv Kurd jds spyaerlas ravras g avvsaTdvai ttoXlv. Set dpa ysapyav t' slvai ttXtjOos, oi irapaaicsvacrovcTi tt/v rpoip^v, xal rs^vLras, Kal to /tia^^i- fiov, Kal TO svTTopov, KOI Upsis, Kal Kpirds r&v BiKaiav Kal avfi^spovrwv. huopicrfiivmv he rovrfov Xoiirov avspbv ek rovroyv (BS iv Ty KaWtara TrokiTSvofiivrj ttoXei kuI Tp icsicrij/jLevj) SiKaiovs avSpas aTrX&iy, aWa fii] irpos ttjv viroffscriv, ovrs ^dvavaov ^lov ovt djopalov Set ^rjv rovs TToXiras " I I I I I dysvv7)s yap 6 ToiovTos ^ios koi irpos dpsT7)v virsvavrios. 4 ovhs hi) yscopjovs slvanovs fisXXovras sasadai' Ssl yap 1329 : : : : trj^pXris Kal nrpos Tr]v ysvsaiv rfjs dpsrrjs xal irpos Tcts irpd^sii Tas iroXiTiicds. Jttei Bs Kal rb ttoXs/mikov Kal ro MM!! every form of constitution ; for, as we liave said, it is quite possible that all should have a part in all these functions and also that they should not, hut particular classes in particular functions : for this it is that also produces varieties of constitutions. For in democra- cies all men have some part in all of them, but in oligarchies the opposite is true. But since we are now investigating about the ideally best form of constitution — and that is the one which will make the state most happy ; and since it has been already stated that happiness cannot be present without virtue, it is clear frojp these premises that in the state which possesses the best form of constitution, and whose citizens are just absolutely and not with reference to the particular idea of the state, the citizens must not live the life of either artisans or men of the market-place ; for a life of that sort is low and adverse to virtue. Nor must those who are to be citizens be agricultural labourers ; for leisure is required both for the growth of virtue and for political action. But, since both the element that is concei-ned with war and that ' KaOdwep efTTO/uev. Cl. Bk. II. c. i. BOOK IV. (VII.) CAP. 9. 263 ^ovXsvofisvov wspl Twv avfi^epovTaav kuI Kplvov irspl rS>v SiKaicov ivvirdp'x^si Kal /jjpr] (jtaivsTai, ttjs -jroXscos (loKia- ra ovra, irorspov srepa {srspoii) koI ravra dsrsov rj Toh avTois a/Trohoriov afx^m ; (pavspov Ss koi tovto, 5 hoTi rpoTTOv fJ.iv nva rots aurois rpoirov hi Tcva koI sripois. rj /iev yctp sTspas dK/jLrjs mdrspov raiv spyojv, Kal TO piv Setrai ^povi]asei}s to Se Svvd/jLsws, irspois' y Ss TOiv dBwdrcov ia-Tl roiis Svvap,dvovs ^Ld^scrOat Kat, KcaKveiv, tovtovs virop-evsiv dpyop,svovs dsi, ravrrj hs TOW aviols' 01 yap tSiv oirXcov Kvpioi xal pjvsiv rj p.Tj p,eveiv Kvpioi rfjv iroXiTsiav. Xsl-Trsrai, toUvv 6 Toh axnols p,sv dp,otv vsvepurjaOai. avpjfpipsi koX Bikuiov whicli is concerned with deliberation on the interests of the state and deciding on questions of justice are found among the conditions of a state, and are obviously parts of the state in the fullest sense, must we separate these functions also or assign them both to the same individuals ? The answer to this also is clear, that we must ia a ceitain sense assign them to the same, in another sense to different men. For, from the point of view that each function belongs to the time of life when different qualities are in their piime, the one requiring practical wisdom and the other bodily vigour, we must assign them to different persons ; but, from the other point of view, that it is an impossibility for those who have the power to exercise coercion and restraint to live all their lives under authority, in this sense I say we must assign them to the same. Fpr those who have the arms in their hands have also in their hands the continu- ance or discontinuance of the constitution. It remains then to give to the same men (i.e. both classes) these functions of government, but not at the same time, but as bodily vigour naturally resides in the younger, and practical wisdom in the elder, it is surely on this pnnciple that it is both convenient and right to assign these func- 264 BOOK IV. (VII.) CAP. 9. 7 Bivai' s')(Si yap avrrj f) hiaipsais ro xar a^iav. aWA jM'qv KoX -Tas KTi^ffsis Bsl slvai irspi tovtovs' avaryKaiov yap sijvopiav v'Trdp'^HV rots TroXirais, iroXlrai hs ovroi. TO yap ^dvavcrop ov fisr^x^i' Trjs iroXscos, oijB' dWo ovOev yivos o fiT] TTJs dpsTrji Srjfuovpyov sariv, tovto Sg hffKov EK Trjs virodiffims' to fisv yap svSaifioveiv avayKaiov vTrdp'X^scv fiSTci, Trjs apsrrjs, siiBai/iova Ss irokiv ovk els fiepos Tb ^Xs'^avTas Ssi Xiysiv aiiTfjs, dW sis irdvras 8 Toiis iroXiTas. (fiavspbv Ss km. on Bsi ras KTrjersis slvai TOVTcov, stirsp dvayKoiov slvai, Toiis yscopyoiis SovXovs fj ^ap^dpovs fj irepLoUovs. 'Konrov S' J* Totv KarapidfiTj- 6evt(ov to t&v Ispswv ysvos. ^avspa Sa Koi tj tovtiov 9 rd^ts. ovTS yap ysatpyov ovts ^dvavcrov ispia Kara- (TTaTiov VTTO yap rav iroKnSiv irpiTrai ri/xdaOai rom dsovs' STTsl 8e BiypTjTai to ttoXitikov bIs Bvo /iipi), tovt' s(tt\ to Tg oifKnvKov Kal to ^ovXsvtikov, irpsirei Bs T'qv TS dspairsiav diroBiBovai, rots deois Koi Tr)v dvdiravaiv tions to both. For tHs division considers the claims of each. Again, the element of property ought to be connected with these classes. For it is necessary that our citizens should have suffi- cient wealth, and these classes are citizens. For the artisan element has no real part in the state, nor has any other class which is not a producer of virtue. And this is clear from our assumption. For happiness must necessarily exist only when accompanied with virtue,* and when we call a state happy, we must not look at some parts of it, but at all the citizens together ; and it is evident that property must belong to the classes above mentioned, since the tillers of the soil must be either slaves or foreigners or serfs. Of the classes specified we have now left that of the priests. Their position too is easily seen. For neither agricultural labourer nor artisan must be made a priest ; for it is by true citizens that it is-feeComing that the gods should be honoured. And since the state-body has been divided into two sections — that is to say, those who bear arms and those who deliberate — and since it is fitting that those who BOOK IV. (VII.) CAP. 9, 10. 265 f^stv TTSpl avToiis Toiis Bt^ rov ■xpovov dweiprjKoras, tov- Tovs av sir) Tais isptoavvais anoSorsov. Mv fisv Tolvvv dvsv iroXis oii avvia-Tarai Koi oaa lo fispr] TroXsas, dpTjTai. yscopyol /isv yap xal rg^virat xal ■nav TO driTiKOv avayicaiou vTrap')(si,v rals iroXsaw, fi^prj Ss T^y TToXeCOS TO Tg OnXlTlKOV KOX ^OVXSVTIKOV. Kal KS^iopia-Tai Srj tovtcov sxaarov, to fisv asl to Ss Kara fiepos. hoiKe S' ov vvv ovhs vswo-tI tovt' slvai ryvcopi/Mov 10 b TOis rrspi TToXi/reuis ^iXoao^ovaiv, ort, Ssl Birjprjddai, Xpia-/j,bs 6 Kara ysvos TOW troXiTiKov TrX'^dovs e^ AiyvvTov ' iroXii yap VTTSpTsivst, Toh xpovois rrjv MtVw ^acriXeiav r} "Zscrco- arpios. a-'xshov fisv ovv xal ret dXKa Bel vofiLi^siv svprj- 7 aOai iroXKaKis sv tw ttoXXqI ^(povcp, ixaXKov 8' aTrsipaKis' Ta fisv yap avayKoia Tqv '^siav SiSd(7KSi,v sIkos avrijv, Ta 8 sis svap,ev shai 1330 Ssiv TTjv KTrjeriv, waTrsp *Ttvss elpiJKaffiv, dWa rfj 'xpijasi, (piXiK&s fjs. irspl avcrcmitov ts avvSoKSi Train xpr;- ai/MOV slvai rals sv KarscrKSvaa/Msvais TroXsenv mrdp)(£iv' Bi ^v S' aLTiav crwBoKsl kuI tj/mip, varspov spovfJ-sv. Set Ss Tomtov Koivcovslv iravTas toils TroXtray, ov pdSiov he T0V9 airopovs diro t&v Ihlwv rs Eitrtpepeiv to avvreray- fisvov Kal Bloikciv TTjv dXkrjv oIkmv. IVt Se ra irpos Toiis Osoiis SaTravi^fiara Koivd -irdarfs Tfjs iroksws sv\.mv trdvTcov firjTS 6vfiosiBS>v (ouTtB yap av irpos re rr/v should be suMivided, one portion of tlie common land being ap- propriated to the services of the goda, and the other to the expenses of the public messes ; and of the private land, one portion lying on the ^borders and the other near the city ; so that, by giving two allotments to each individual, all would have an interest in both parts of the country. For thus we get both equality and a just share, and a greater tendency to unanimity in the presence of wars with neighbours. For wherever this method is not adopted, the citi- zens at a distance care little for hostilities with neighbouring states, while those near care too much and more than honour admits. For this reason in some states there is a law that those living near the border enemy should take no part in deliberation on wars with those enemies, on the assumption that personal motives would prevent them fromgiving good advice. As far then as the land is concerned, it must necessarily be aUoted in this manner for the reasons that have been stated, but for those who are to till it, they must if possible, and if we are to have what we wish, be slaves, consisting of men who are not all of the same nationality nor of spirited disposition (for it is 270 BOOK IV. (VII.) CAP. 10, ii. ipyaa-iav shv '^prjaifioi /cal Trphs to firjBsv vetorepl^eiv dpov- i Tl^SlV TOtV SVOIKOVVTCOV, TOVTO 8' ioTlV SV TOO Kslo-dai TOV TOTTOV SV TS TOlOVT(p Kul TTpOS TOIOVTOV KoX&S, SsVTSpOV Bs HBaa-iv vyisivoh -xpfjadai, koX tovtov tt/v sirt/isXsiav sxstv fii) Trapspyeos. oh yap TrXsio-Tois ;;^a)/tg0a irpos TO (T&iMi Kai irXsiOTavif, Tavra irXslarov crv/i^aXXsTai, vpos TTjv vyisLav' rj Bs tmv vBdrtov Kal tov •jrvsv/j.aTos Bvvafits ToiavTTjv s^et ttjv <})V(n,v. Sioirsp iv Tah sv 5 iXoElv Kai 70VS v\,aTTOfjidvovs' dpy(7jv yap ovB iirt- 'X^sipovat.v iiriTidsa-dai tois sv •jrapeerKsvaa'fisvois. 12 STTsl Ss fiei TO p,sv TrXrjOos tcov "jroKiTav sv crvcravriois KaTavsvEfirjaOai, ra fie Tsly(7j SisiXrj^dai (hv\aKTt)piois Kal vvpyois KUTct TOTTOvs STTiKalpovs, hfj\ov WS avTh irpOKa- houses on the ground that those who live in them -will he cowardly. There is one point at any rate which must not escape us ; those who have walls round their cities may treat those cities in hoth ways, either as walled or not walled ; those, on the other hand, who have them not, cannot do so. If now this be the case, we must not merely build walls round the city, but must pay great attention to them that they may be of advantage to it both in embellishing it and also in resisting the dangers of war, especially those of recent invention. For just as the attacking force concern themselves with the means of aggression, so also must the defenders, besides using discoveries already made, seek, and that in a scientific spirit, others also ; for, as a general rule, men do not even attack those who are well prepared to receive them. Since the whole munber of citizens should be portioned out into messes, and at the same time the walls of the city be intersected by guard-towers and forts at suitable spots, it is clear that these facts ' fijTcTi' Kol ^iM(ro(^eiv. Cf. the defence of Syracuse by Archimedes and of Jotapata by Josephue. BOOK IV. (VII.) CAP. 12. 275 \elTai irapaa-Ksvd^siv hia ra>v o-vacrtTimv h tovtois to?s ^vXaKTTjpioi'T. Kal ravra fj.EV Sf) tovtov dv ris Bt.aKOiT/j.i]- 2 a-sis Tov Tpo-n-ov, ray Se Totf dsoh airoBsBo/Msi^as oIki^cths KM Ta KVpiooTara tSsv ap-)(sUov ava-a-Cria dpfioTTSi to'ttoj/ siriT'^Ssiov TS e')(£iv Kal tw avrov, 6(7a fj,rj r&v isp&v 6 vo- pos d^opi^sc Xf^pis ^ ri navrslov aX\o irvBo'x^prja-Toi^ slrj 3 av roiovTos 6 tottos oaris sTrKpavsidv ts sysi irpos ttjv 77)9 aperrjs Qiabv iKavws xal irpos rd rysirvteovTa fiepr] Tfjs TToXeO)! kpVp/VOTSpCOS. TrpSTTSt, B' VTTO p,EV roxhoV TOV TOTTOV ToiavTTjs ajopas sii ai KataaKSvrjv o'iav k(U Trepi ®eTTa\iav vop.i^ov(Tiv, rjv sXevOspav KoXoicyiv. avrij 8' iarlv fjv Bsl -t KdOapdv slvai tS)v mvicov irdvTojv, ical fjLijTi /3dvav(Tov pL-ijrs ysaipyov fitjT dXXov firjBsva toiovtov irapa^dXKsiv p-rj KaXovp,svov VTrb t&v dpj^ovTtov, sir} S' dv ev)(apis 6 ronos, SI Kai ra 'yvp.vacria twv TTpstr^vTSpav sx.'^t Tr)V rd^iv ep- Tavda. irpETTZi rydp Btrjpfjcrdai Kara rds rjXixlas Kal tov- 5 of themselves invite us to fix some of our messes in these guard- towers. And while so far we might make our arrangements on this plan, it is fitting that the buildings set apart for the gods and the more important messes of the magistracy should occupy a suitable position and be together, except in respect to those sacred rites which the law or some distinct oracle from Delphi enjoins should be kept apart. Such a position will be one that stands conspicuously in a manner worthy of the excellence that wiU have its seat there, and is of considerable strength as regards the neigh- bouring parts of the city. It is well that immediately below this spot should be placed an ' Agora,' or public place of that sort which is generally used in Thessaly, and is called the 'Free Agora.' It is this Agora which must be unpolluted by any sort of buying and selling, and which no artisan or agricultm'al labourer, or any of such position, must enter unless summoned by the magistrates. The place will have a cheerful appearance if the gymnastic exercises of the elder men be also held there. For it is better that in that branch of cultivation also distinction should be made according to T 2 276 BOOK IV. (VII.) CAP. 12. TOP Tov Koajjiov, Kal irapa fisv tols vstCTspoiS apy(pvTdi Tivas BoaTpi^stv, roiis Bs irpsa^vTEpovs irapk rots ap- y^ovcnv. rj yap iv o^OaXfiols rS)v ap'^ovTCOV irapovala fjLoKKTTa sfiTToisl TTjv oKrjdLVTjv alBS) teal rov t&v sKsv- i> 6 Bspojv (po/Sov. rrjv Bs t&v wvLqiv ayopav krspav ts Bsl ravjTjs sLvai Kal ycopis, s^ovv\aK-rrjpia Kal (Tva-ahta irpos <^i/AaK^p avayxalov imdp'xsiv, 'in Be lipa Kara Tfiv X'^PO'V shai vsySfiT^fisva, ra fiev dsols to, Bs rjptoffiv. aXKa TO Btarpl^stv vvv aKpi^oXojovfjLEvovs Kal Xsyov- 9 ras trspl tmv toiovjoiv apyov scttiv. ov yap 'xaXs'Trov sctti, Ta Toiavra vorjcrai, aXXA irotrjaai /juaXkov' to p-sv yap Xsystv sv-xfis sf,yov icrTi, to Bs crvp,^fjvai, tv^V^- Bio irspl piev Tojy TOiovTWV to ys iirl irXstov a(f)ei(r0co to, vvv, irspl 13 OS TTJs TToXiTsias avTTjs, SK Tivojv Kal [i/c] TTOicov Bel avvs- tTTOvai TTjv fisWovcrav sascrOai iroKiv puaicapiav Kal iroXiTSvo'eadai KaXcos, \sktSov. sttsI Bs Su' scjtIv sv ols 2 ylvsrai to eS irao'i, tovtoiv S' ifnlv %v p,Ev sv too tov ctkoitov Agora we keep for a place of leisure, and the other for the necessary dealings of life. We ought also to imitate the ahove-mentioned system in arranging country institutions. For in the country also the magistrates, who are called by some ' Foresters,' by others ' Con- servators of the Fields,' must have their guard-houses and messes when on garrison duty ; also religious institutions must be distributed throughout the country — some in honourof gods, and othersof heroes. But to spend our time now on accuracy of detail and the discussion of such questions is unprofitable ; for the difficulty does not lie in forming plans on such matters, but rather in carrying them out. To say what we want is a matter of wishing, to succeed of good fortune. And so for the present let tis dismiss further considei-ation of such questions. But on the subject of the constitution itself we must now say what must be the number and what the nature of the elements which combine to form the state which is to be blessed and to be well governed. Now, for all men the sources of success are two : one of them is that the object and end of their actions be correctly 278 BOOK IV. (VII.) CAP. 13. Ksiaffai, Kol TO t£Kos t&v irpa^swv 6p0a)s, ^v Se ras Trpos TO T^Xos (pspoviras irpd^sis svplaKEiV svhi')(f.rai ryap ravra koI Bia^covslv aX\.i]\oi,s Kai crvp^^tavsiv' sviors ■yap 6 fisv CTKOTTOS sKKEiTai koKSjs, ev Se Tf3 irpdnsiv rov tv)(eZv avTov Siap,apTdvov(Tiv' evlote Be rwv ptiv Trpos to riXos iruvTfov EVi/rvy^^avovaiv, aXka to teXos sOevto (fiavXov ' OTS Be sKarspov Biafiapravovaiv, olov iTEpi luTpiKijV oiiTS yap TTolov Tt Set TO vyialvov Eii/ai ao)fxa Kpivovcnv suioTS KoXtbs, oiiTE irpos Tov imoKSipiivov avTols opov Tvy^avovcn ru>v ttoltjtikwv' Bit S' ev Tal? rsyyaos KOI svKTJrjpjais raina dfKJjoTEpa KpaTslaOai, to tsXos koI 3 TaS sis TO TsXoS Wpd^ElS. OTl flEV OVV TOV T EV ^fjv Kul Trjs svBaLfiovias ECpiEVTat ttclvtes, avEpov. aXKa Toirayv. Toll pkv E^ovaia TvyyavEiv, toIs Bh ov, Btd T(,va TvyrjV fj ^vcriv' Beitui, yap «at j^oprjyias tlvos to i^rjv KaXws, tov- i TOU Be sXdTTOVOS flEV Tots dflSlVOV BubKSiflEVOlS, irXSLOVOS i Be Tols ')(Eipov. ol S' eudiis ovk op6S>s ^ijTovai ttjv evBul- fixed ; the other is the discoveiy of the course of action that leads to that end. For it is possible that these two should be at variance and also possible that they should harmonise. Sometimes while the object has been rightly chosen, it is in their action in pm'suit of it that the failure of men to attain it lies ; sometimes they succeed in all the means that lead to their end, but the end they chose was a bad one. Sometimes again, they err in both ; for instance, tahe medical science. Occasionally people neither form a right opinion on the character of a healthy body, nor yet hit upon the means likely to produce the end they have chosen. In the arts and sciences both points must be mastered, the end and the course of action that will lead to that end. Now that living well and happi- ness generally is the object of all is perfectly plain. But while some men have the opportunity for attaining their objects, others have not, owing to some accident or natural cause. For a perfect life requires, in addition to other things, some external help to a less degree for men of a better disposition, to a greater for those of BOOK IV. (VU.) CAP. 13. 279 iwvlav, s^ovalas VTrap'xpia-7)s. sirsl he to irpoKsLiisvov sffTi -rrjv api(Tir)v iroKnsiav ihslv, avrri 8' iarl Kad" fjv apuTT av ■jToXiTEuono ttoXis, dpio-ra S' av ttoXltsvolto Ka6' rjv siiBaifiovelv /laXiara svBix,STai, Trjv ttoXiv, BfjXov on rr)v svSai/jLOvUiv Sst, tC sari, fxr) Xavddvsiv. aij,sv Ss Kal ^ev Tols rjdiKols, sX tl rmv Xoyav sKsivtov 6j>s\os, svip- 5 rfsiav stvai Kal ■)(pfja-iv apSTrjs rsKslav, Kal rairnju ovk J| inroBetreoas aW cnrXan. Xsyco 8' e^ viroOea-seos Tavay- 6 Koia, TO o aTrXms to KaXms' olov to, "Trspl ras Sixalas vpa^Els at BiKaiai Ti/icopiat Kal KoXdasis air aperrjs fiiv siaiVf avarfKoiai os, Kal to xaXais avayxauus syovaiv [aipsTcoTspov fikv yap (irjBsvos hslaQai, t&v toiovtcov p/rjTS Tov dvSpa fiTjTS Trjv iroXiv), al B' iirl Tas TtjMas Kal Tcts siiTTOpias a-TrXwy ei,ai, KaXXurrai irpd^eis. to fisv yap 7 STkpov Kaicov Ti/vos aipeais iaTiv, ai roiavrai Bs irpd^SLs a worse. Some there are wlio from the very beginning do not seek happiness in the right way, although they have the opportunity. But since our object is to find out the best constitution, and that is the one in accordance with which the state will receive its best development as a state, and since it will receive this in accordance with the constitution which gives it the greatest possibility of happiness, — it is clear that the real nature of happiness must not escape us. We say in our Ethics, if any help is to be obtained from them, that it is an active development of powers and a final and complete use of virtue, and that not relatively but absolutely. By relative I mean what is forced on us by necessity, by absolute what is intrinsically excellent. For instance, in the case of just actions, just punishments and chastisements, though having their origin in virtue, are forced on us by necessity and have their excellence only in a forced sense (for it is better that neither individual nor state should require anything of the sort), but actions which lead to honour and well-being are absolutely the most ex- cellent. The first case is a choice of one evil in preference to a ' iv Toh i)9iK0iS, Eth. L 6. 280 BOOK IV. (VII.) CAP. 13. ToiivavTiov' KaraaKSval lyhp a/yaOSiV slal koX yswi^asn, -XprjcraLTO S" av 6 a-jrovhalos dvrjp Kal Trivia Kal voaa Kol rals aWais Tv^at? rais (f)avXais /caXcos" aXXa to fiaKapMv ev rots kvavTiois sctiv. ical yap Tovro SicopKTTaL ^Kara tovs r)6iK0vs Xoyovs, on toiovtos scrriv o OTTovBalos, 8 ft) Sia rrjv dpsTr}v dyadd sari ra aTrXcos dyaOd. SfjXov 8' on Kal Tcts '^(prjcrsis dvayiealov cnrovSaias K.a\ KaXds slvai ravras dirXoos. Bib Kal vofxl^ova-iv dvdpanroi rrjs evSaifiovias aona ra sktos slvai rSyv dyadmv, mairsp si rov Klffapl^stv Xa/nrpov KalKaXais ahnano ns rrjv Xvpav fiaXXov rfjs Tsj^vrfs. dvayKalov roivvv sk rcbv slprj/nheov rd fj,sv virdp'x^siv, rd Bs TrapaaKSvdcrai top vofj.oOsrtjv. 9 Bio Kar svj^rjv sii^ofisOa Tqv rris voXetos avaraaiv, &v rj Tvynf) Kvpla' Kvpiav ydp avTrjv v'!rdp')(Siv ridsfisv' to Bs (TTTOvBaiav slvai firjv ttoXiv ovksti TV'xr)s spyov dXX! worse, the second class of actions are quite the reverse, for they are the fahric and origin of good things. The good man may indeed meet even penury and disease and other evil fortime in a noble and excellent manner, hut still blessedness lies in the opposites to these. For this conclusion also has been reached in the Ethics, that the good man is he to whom by reason of his virtue those things are good which are good absolutely. And it is clear that his use (of external goods) must be good and noble in an absolute sense. And it is for this reason that men imagine that external goods are the sources of their happiness, as blindly as if one were to hold the instrument and not the skill used responsible for a brilliant and excellent performance on the lyre. So from what we have said it must necessarily follow that some elements of the constitution must be assumed, and others provided by the legislator. And so in the building up of our state we must hope for the best on those points where Fortune is supreme, for that she is supreme we assume. But when we come to the goodness of the state, it is no longer a " KOTct Toi/j iiSiKois. Eth. iii. 6. BOOK IV. (VII.) CAP. 13. 281 iTTicTTrjfirjs Kal irpoaipiasw^. aXKb. fjbrjv airovSaia ttoXis soTi, Tw rovs iroXiras rovs fji.sre'XpVTas Trjs iroKneias sivai OTTOvSaiovs' rjiuv Se travTss oi iroXtrai fisrs^oviri, TJjs TToXfTetay. tout' apa crKSwreov, -irSa dvrjp yivsTai 10 airovSatos. Kal 7^/3 si irdvTas svSsxsrai airovBaiovs sivai, fir) Ka6' sKaarov hs twv Trokna)v, ovrms alpard)- •npov CLKoKovOsl yap rm xaS' skuo-tov xal to Trdvras. dXKa fjLTjv ayadoi js Kal a'rrovBaioi, yivoirai, Sia rpiwv. ^T^ Tpia Bs Tavrd sari (fiva-ts e6os Xoyos. Kal yap (jivvai H Set TrpwTov, olov di Opmirov aXka fir) t&v aXXeov Tt ^dxov, lira Kat, iroiov tiva to aStfia Kal Trjv ifrvv>iv. avid re ov- ^ 6sv ov 12 fiaXiaTa /JjEV ttj (pvasi ^g, fiiKpa 8' svia koI toIs sOso'lv, question of fortune but of scientific and deliberate choice of measures. Now a state is good in virtue of the citizens who share its consti- tution being good, and in om- view all the citizens have a share in the constitution. Tbis point then must be examined, ' How does a man become good ?' For even supposing it possible that all should be good as one whole, and not by each citizen individually being so, this would still be the best method ; for upon the goodness of the individual follows that of the mass. Now there are three means by which men become excellent and good. These three are Natm-e, Habit, and Reason. For nature must give to man, in the first place, his form as a man and not as any other animal ; and, secondly, a certain character of mind and body ; but there is no advantage in some things that nature gives, for habit makes them change. For some feelings are by nature undetermined, but turned by habit to evU or to good. Now, while other animals live chiefly by natural instinct, and some few by habit also, man alone lives TCI tpia. Eth. X. 10. 282 BOOK IV. (VII.) CAP. 13, 14. avOpoiiros Se Kal Xo'^ai' *fi6vov yap ej^et Xoyov. wars Set TavTU av/j,! aKoXovdelv SfTjcret Kal ttjv TratSetW 2 KaTO, Tr]v StaipecTiv ravTijv. si fisv roivvv st-qaav ToaovTOV BtaipspovTsx dispoi Tcov dXXaiv oaov tovs Osoiis Kal tovs ripwas rjyovfxsOa tSyv dvdpdnrwv Biaipspsiv, svOiis Trp&Tov Kara to awfia -jroXXrjv s^ovtus vTTsp^oXrfV, elTa KaTa ttjv by reason aa well, for lie is tlie only animal that possesses reason. Therefore these three should he in harmony with each other. For men do many things contrary to their habits and their nature on account of reason, if they are cotvinced that another course is heat. The natural character of those who are to he easily managed hy the legislator we have already defined ; the question now left us is that of education ; for men learn some things hy practice — others by precept. Since every political community is compounded of those who rule and those who are ruled, the point now to be considered is, ' should the rulers and the ruled be diflferent persons, or the same for life ; for it is clear that their education also must depend upon the distinction made. Supposing now that there were some men as superior to their fellows as we imagine the gods and heroes to be superior to men ; of great pre-eminence, to begin with, in bodily stature, and secondly in mental strength, so that the superiority of * fidvoi/ ydp. Of. Bk. I. u. ii. . \6yoy Bh ^6vop ^vOpanros exe* tuv wv, ' Trp6reptiv, in ch. vii. BOOK IV. (VII.) CAP. 14. 283 ■^vxnv, &CI-TS dvafi^Kr^TjTTjTOv slvai Kal ^avspeiv rrfv VTTipoxhv -roh ap^oiihois ttjv -rjav apxovicov, SfjXov ort ^sXtiov dsl Toiis avroiis rom fih afj-^^siviovs S' apxecrdai, Kaddira^. irrsl Ss rovr ov paSiov Xa^sivoiiB' sariv wa-Trep 3 sv 'IvBois p,aTU TO TfKrjdos &a/j,sv, rr]v Se tS)v sksvdipwv. Bia£psi h svia twv sirirarroiihtov ov Tols hpyois aXXa rm tIvus svsKa. Bio •jro'XXa rav sliai BoKOvvTtav BiaKoviK&v spycov koX tS)v vscov tow iXsvBspots We have already spoken on this suhject. Nature has sup- plied the distinction by making that which is the same in kind at one time younger, at another older, and it is well that the former should he subject and the latter rule. No one grumbles at being in subjection on the ground of age, or thinks that he is superior, more especially when he is going to have this privilege in his turn when he has reached the proper age. The truth is, we must say, that in one sense the same, in another different, persons are rulers and subjects ; so that their education also must necessarily be in one sense the same — in the other different. For men say that the man who is to be a good ruler must first have been a subject. Authority exists, as we said in earlier books, in one form for the benefit of the ruler — in another for that of the subject. The first we call despotic, the second that of a free people. Some com- mands are distinguished not so much by the act to be done as by the motive for doing it. And so there are many duties which are con- sidered menial that it is honourable for young men even of free birth ' 4v ToTs Trpd>Tois. Bk. III. eh. vi. BOOK IV. (VII.) CAP. U. 285 KaT^xtv BioKoi/eip' irpos jhp to kuXov koI to /it] koXov oiix ovTco BiaEpovaiv at Trpd^eis Kaff avrcls a>s kv Tto TsKei Kal TO) TIVOS EVSKSV. STTEl Sg TToXlTOV Koi apVOUTOS TtjV 8 avTr)v apsTTjv slvai (fiafiev ical rov apicnov avhpos, rov S' avrov ap^ofisvov rs ^slv 'ylvsaOai irpoTspov koX apyovTa VTTcpOV, TOVT kv SlTj TftJ VOfloOsTTj irpCVyjJLaTSVTSOV, O'TTCOS avSpss dya6ol yLVoyuTat, xal Blo, rivtov kimrj^svp.dTav, Kal Tt, TO TeKos rrjs dpicTTTjt ^(ot]s. hiyprjTai Se hvo fJ-sprj ttjs 9 ■\}rv)(r]s, mv to fisv 'i^si Xoyov Ka9' avTO, to 8' ovk svu fisv Kau avTO, Aoiyo) S' viraKovsiv hvvdfjksvov. &v s d-TTsxXivav Trpos rds ■^^prjaifwvs swai SoKOvaas km irXBoveKTiKwrspas. irapa- 16 irXTjaicos oe tovtOis Kal twi' vaTspov twss jpaylrdvroiv direcfiTjvajn o Trjv airrrjv So^av • iiraivovvTSs jap rijv AaKehaifiovuov -ttoXitsuiv dyavrai toO vofioOsTov rov VKOTTOV, OTi iravra irpos to KpaTstv Kal nrpos TrdXsfiov differences between the things they do. For they should be able to toil and to fight ; but for preference should enjoy peace and quiet, and while they do things which are necessary and useful, they should prefer those which are honourable. Therefore it is to these aims that we must train men even during childhood, and also dviring those other periods of their life which require training. But those Greek states which at present seem the best governed, and those legislators who framed those constitutions, appear to me not to have kept in view either the highest end in the com- position of their constitutions, or all the virtues in the ar- rangement of their laws and education ; but they in a lower spirit inclined to those virtues which are considered useful and the most paying. Like them some recent writers also have betrayed the same views ; for by their praise of the Lacedemo- nian constitution they show their admiration for the aim of its lawgiver, in making all his legislation point to conquest and war. ' eXip,os ovre dXiiOijs sariv. rauTO, yap apiara Kal ISia Kal Koivfj rov vo/jLoBsrtjv 21 ifiTTOulv Ssc [ravra'] raw -f^vxah tuv dvOpamcov. rrjv ts Tibv iroXs/iiKMv da-KTja-iv oil tovtov x^pt" Ssi ^sKsrav, 'iva KaraSovXcoacovTai tovs dva^iovs, aXX 'iva irpSiTov fisv avroi fit) SovXsva-(oa-tv srspois, sirsiTa ottoos fiyrwcrt ttjv 13U ijysfioviai' Tt]s aicfisXsias svsKa rav dpxop-svav, aXX^ fj,r) iravrcov BsairoTsias' TpiTov Be to SsaTro^siv rwv d^itav hovXsveiv. oTi Ss Set tov vo/j,o6st7)v /j,dX\ov cnrovSd^stv 2a oircos Kai, rrjv irspt ra iroXs/iiKa Kal tiju dXX't)v vop.odso'iav TOV (TXoXd^siv svsKSv rd^rj kuI ttjs slpr/vrjs, fiapTvpsi to, yivo/xsva tow Xoyon • ai yap irXsio'Tai t&v toiovtoiv view to obtaining empire over its neighbours ; for this involves much harm. For it clearly follows that each citizen also who can must make it his object to find means to rule his ovni state ; and this is the very charge that the Lacedemonians make against their king Pausanias in spite of the high position which he held. No argument or law of such a character is consistent with the idea of a state, or useful or correct ; for the sentiments which are iequally the best for individxxals and for the community are those which the legislator should instil into men's minds. The proper motive for attending to the practice of military duties is not to enslave those who ought not to be slaves, but, in the first place, to escape falling into slavery to others ; in the second, to seek supremacy for the interests of the governed, and not absolute and universal mastery ; in the third, to reduce to subjection those who are naturally intended for slaves. In proving that the legislator should be par- ticularly anxious to direct his legislation on military matters to the attainment of quiet and peace, we have the evidence of experience in favour of our argument ; for most military states U 290 BOOK IV. (VII.) CAP. 14, 15. iroXewv iroXsfiovcrai fjbkv crm^ovrai, KaTaicTrjias 8s irpos ttjv (tvoKtiv, cra)(f)poa-v- vijs OS Kai oiKaioavnTjs ev dfi(j)OTspots rots ■ypovois, Kai fiaX\ov Etprjvrjv ayovai kuI (Tj(p\a.}jav^poaw7)s rovs dpiaTa SoKovvra^ irpaTTSiv Kai 7rdvr(ov Twv fiaKapi^ofisKov diroKavovra?, olov el rtves ei<7iv, Sta-irEp ^ ol TTOijjTai a- vspov. aicrj(pov yap ovros fir) hvvaaOai •^fjadai rots dya- Ools, STb fidXKov /j,r) BvvatrSai iv t&j (r^oXd^stv yofjaBai, aW' dcrj^oXovvTas fisv Kai TroXs/jLovvTas (paivscrOai dya- work of life — ^intellectual cultivation for its leisure hours — temper- ance and justice for both ; but to the greatest degree when we are enjoying peace and leisure. For war forces justice and tem- perance upon men, and it is the enjoyment of good fortune and imdisturbed peace which have a tendency to make them overbearing. Much justice then and much temperance are re- quired by men who are thought to be best off and in the enjoyment of all that is considered enviable, Hke the dwellers of whom the poets speak in the Islands of the Blest ; for it is these men who wUl have the greatest need of philosophy, temperance, and justice in proportion to the leisure which they enjoy in the midst of an unbounded supply of similar blessings. So it is clear that the State which is to be happy and good must, to some extent, possess these virtues ; for if it is a disgrace to he unable to make good use of the blessings of life at any time, far more is it to be vmable to use them in time of leisure, and, while appearing good in time of toil and war, to sink to the level of a slave in the hour of peace ' oj voiTfToi, e.g. Hesiod, Op. 169, and Pindar, 01. ii. 128. TJ 2 292 BOOK IV. (VII.) CAP. 15. dovs, slprjVTjv S' a/yovras Kal ay^oXd^ovTas avSpaTToBcoBsiSt 6 Sto Ssl fjJr] Kaddirsp rj Aa/csSainoviwv ttoXis ttjv apsrrjv daKBLv. sKslvoi fisv yhp ov ravry Biacfyepovci tSjv aK\a>v, i Tw (17) vofii^Hv Tavrd toIs aXKois fisyKTra twv dr/aO&v, dXXd TM yivscrdat ravra fiaXkov hid twos dosTfjs. sirel Se /jLsl^Q) Tg op/aOd ravra, km. ttjv dvoXavcriv ttjv tovtcov rj TTJV TOiv dperSiv, Kal on Bi' avrrjv, (pavspov sk rovToav, 7 TTcbs Ts Kal Sid Tivwv scTTai, TOVTO Br] de(op7)TE0v. Tuyxfi- vofisv Br] Birjprjfiivoi 'trpoTspov on vc7SCi)s Kal Wovs Kal "Xoyov Bsi. TOVTCOv Bs iroiovs p,iv nvas sivai ■)(^pri rrjv ^vtTiv, BimpicTTai vpoTspov, Xoiirov Bs Oscoprjaai iroTspov TraiBsvTEOi to. Xoym nrpoTepov rj rots sdsaiv. ravra yap Bei irpos oKkrjKa trvfjufnovsiv crvfi^mviav rrjv dpi(nr]V evBs')(s- rai rydp Bir}jj,apT7]KEvai xal rov \6yov rfjs ^sXricrrr]! viro- * Osasws, Kal Bid rS>v sOSyv ofioicos rjj(6ai. avspov Br) rovro and leisure. Therefore we must not cultivate virtue in the way that the Laoedemoniana do. It is not in a diiferent conception of the highest blessings that they differ from other people, but in their idea that those blessings are obtained by means of one special virtue. But since it is clear from this that those blessings are superior (to special virtues), and that the enjoyment of them is superior to the enjoyment of those virtues considered purely on its own account, we must now consider the manner and the means of obtaining them. On a previous occasion we divided the necessaty means into Natm'e, Habit, and Reason. With regard to these we also decided what character Nature should give to men, and so it now remains to consider whether their education should proceed first by the help of reason or by that of habits (i.e. discipline). These two ought to be in the most perfect harmony, for it is possi- ble that even reason should have mistaken the best end, and also that men shoidd be led quite as far astray by the influence of habits. This much, at any rate, is clear. Mrst, the actual birth of man, as ' ■irp6Tepov, eh. vii. BOOK IV. (yu.) CAP. 16, 16. 293 fS -irpmrov fisv, KaOdirsp h rots aXKois, d>s r) ysveats ott' dpxvs iarl Kal to rsXos diro tlvos apxfjs aXXov rsXovs. 6 Be X.070S -^fiiv Kal 6 vovs tjjs (pvascos riXos, Shtts irpos TOvrovi rifv ysvsaiv koX ttjv tcov sBmv hsl irapaa icsvd^suv HsXsTtjv^ ETTsiTa waiTEp y}rv')(r} Kal aS>p.a hv iariv, ovtw 9 aal rrjs •yjrvxv^ 6pSip.ev hvo fiepr], to te aXoyov Kal to \o- yov syov, Kal ras s^ets Tcis tovtq)v 8vo tov dptOpMV, Siv TO p£V saTiv ops^is TO 8e vovs. mawsp Bs to cra)/j,a irpoTS- pov TT] yivia-ec Trjs y}rv)(rjs, ovtco Kal to oKoyov tov \6yov E^ovTos. tpavspbv Sh Kal tovto' Bv/mos yap Kal fiovXrjo-is, 10 In Se siriBvpjia koX ysvofisvois si/dvs vTrap^^et tois ttui- Siots, 6 Bh \oyi(rpos Kal 6 povs Trpoiovaiv kyylveaOai irs^vKSv. Sio irpu)Tov fiev tov acopaTOs ttjv STTLpiXsiav dvayKaiov eivai irporipav rj ttjv Trjs '^v^rjs, sirsiTa ttjv Trjs ops^sois, svsKa p-sirTOi tov vov ttjv ttjs ops^sas, ttjv Ba TOV (TCOp^aTOS Trjs "^V^TJS. eiirsp ovv d/ir' dp^^rjs tov vopodirrfv opav Bsi oirojs 16 in everything else, depends upon something previous, and the object and end of that hirth depend upon something which is the original source of a diflFerent end. Now reason and intellect are that end of our nature, and so we must regard as subservient to them both our birth and our moral disciplines. Secondly, as soul and body are two and distinct, so also do we find in the soul two parts — one devoid of reason, the other possessed of it; and that their corresponding states are two in number — namely, desire and intelligence. Just as the body comes into existence before the soul, so does the irrational part of the soul before the rational. And this is obvious, for temper and wish, and de- sire also, are found in children immediately after birth, but calculation and intelligence are implanted by Nature as they advance in years. And so we must, in the first place, attend to the body before the soul, and in the second, to the desire before the intellect, though the training of the desire is for the good of the intellect, and that of the body for the good of the soul. Seeing then that it is from the earliest period that the legis- 294 BOOK IV. (VII.) CAP. 16. ^eXriara tcl ad/Jiara jEvrjTai rwv rps^ofiEvav, irpancv fikv s'irifi.sXrjTEov irspi rrjv a-u^au^tv, ttots koX iroiovs rivas ovras Yprj TTOiucrOao Trpos aXX'qXovs ttjv ya/MKrjv OfiiXLav. 2 Set S' aTTO^XJvovTa vo/ioOstslv TavTrjv ttjv Kouvavlav irpos avjovs Ts Kal tov tov ^fjv ypovov, Xva avyKaTaffaivoici rats rjXiicuus sirl tov avrov Kaipov Kal firj BLa^oovcbaiv ai Svvdp,sis TOV fisv £Ti Svvafisvov ysvvav Trjs Be firj Bvva/iSfTjt, fj Tavirjs p,sv tov B' avSpos firi ' Tama yap iroisl Kal (TTaasis Trpos aXX'^Xov! Kal Bia(f>opds. STrsiTa Kal Trpos ttjv 3 Tciij' TSKvwv BiaBo'xiji'. Bslyap ovTc^iavvTroXsLTrscTOaiTais rjXiKLais TO, TEKva tSjv TraTs^wv {dvovrjTOs yap tols fisv Trpsa^vTEpois r/ ')(apis irapa t&v tekvcov, ■rj Be Trapa toiv TraTepwv ^orjOsva tois t^kvols) ovts Xiav Trdpsyyvs slvai. i TToXXrjv yap £')(si, Bva")(Epsiav' rj ts yap alBcbs ?jttov virap- 'XEi TOIS TOiOVTOlS WCTTTSp rjXlKlCOTaiS, Kal irSpl TTJV OlKOVb- lator must consider how the bodies of those to he reared as citizens may he of the hest quality, he must, in the first place, attend to the union of the parents, and decide at what time and under what personal conditions they must enter into the state of marriage. In legislating upon this union he must particularly regard hoth the individuals themselves and their age, so that the powers of hoth may decline with their years till they reach the same period toge- ther, and not he out of harmony, as would he the case if the man could stUl beget but the woman could not conceive, or if she hail the power while he had not. It is differences like these that pro- duce mutual, quarrels and disagreements. In the next place the legislator must consider the succession of the children. Children should be neither too far removed from their fathers in point of years (for the pleasure given by children is thrown away upon men too old, and the help given by fathers is lost to the children) ; neither should they be too near to them, for that produces much disagreeable feeling. Respect is felt by children in a less degree to parents of this character who are, as it were, their equals in age, and in the management of a household generally nearness of age is BOOK IV. (VII.) CAP. 16. ' 295 p.iav syKXvfiariKov to irdpsyyvs. sri 8', oOsv apxofievoi 4 BeVpO fMETE^TjUSV, OTTOOS TO, OCO/lUTa TWV ysvvco/jisvtov lirdpxv "n-pbs ttjv tov vo/xodsTov ^ovXrjcnv. ax^^ov Zrf iravra ravra avfi^aivu Kara, /ilav sirtfiskeiav. iirsl jap 5 topiarai TsKos tPjs jswrjcreais ft)s eitI to irKslaTov slirslv avhpdai fjkv 6 tSiv k^hofirjKOVTa irav dpi6/Mos scrxaros, TTSPTqKoma 8e •yvvai^iv, Set t'^j/ apx^jv rr/s av^sv^etos Kara ttjv rfKiKtav sis Toiis xpovovs icaTa^aweiv tovtovs. sa-Ti S o rav veqjv crwSvaa-/j.bs ^avXos irpos rs/cvoTrouav' 6 EV yap iracTt, ^a>ois aTsXri to, to3V vewv 'iicyova Koi 6rfKv- TOKa fj-aXXov Kao fjLLKpa ttjv fiop TOW TOKOts al vsai iroi.ovcri'TE jmSlXXov koi Sia^- 7 6sipovTai ttXslovs' Bw Kal ^rov xpV^f^bv ysvEadai tlves likely to give rise to wrangling. Again, to return to the point from whicli we made this digression, care must be taken that the per- sons of the parents be in a state suited to the wishes of the legis- lator. Now we might almost say that aU these points can be secured by one form of supervision ; for since the limit for having children has been fixed, generally speaking, at seventy years as the outside age for men, and fifty for women, it is right that the be- ginning of the connection should be in correspondence with these dates. Connection between two young people is not good for the production of children ; for in all animals the produce of young parents are below the average quality, and generally female and small in size, so that the same must be the case also with human beings. And there is evidence for this : in those states where the marriage of young people is the prevailing custom, the children are below the average, and small in size. Again, young vrives sufier more in childbirth, and more frequently die in it. And so some 1 Tic xpifV^v- The oracle was it-h Tf/uce viav &\OKa. 296 BOOK IV. (VII.) CAP. 16. (pacTi Bm roiavTijv alriav Tols TpoL^tjviots, cos 7roX\&v Eiav Bia to ^afxiaKScrOai ras vsatrspas, aW' 8 OXJ TTpOS TTjV TOOV KapVWV KOfllhl^V. STl Bs KoX TTpOS (TW- t^poavvTjv exvp,(j}spsi Tas eKhoasis iroLslaOai irpsa ^vrspais ' aKoXacTTOTspai ryap sivai BoKOVai vsat ■)^prjcTd/j,svaL rais (Tvvovaiais. Kal t^ tS)v appsvwv Bs crdfiara ^Xd-msadai BoKSi Trpos rrjv av^rjaiv, iav sti rod aoafiaros au^avofisvov iroowvrai rrjv avvovcriav Kal yap tovtov tis wpia/Msvos 9 'x^povos, ov oii'x^ VTTSp^aivsi irXrfOvov sti. Bio Tas fisv dp/ioTTSi, trepl Tr)v twv o/crmicaiBsKa sr&v riKiKiav ffvfeu- TiKvoirodav to, ts -rrapa Tav uiTpa>v fy-syofisva xai to, irapa jmv (^vo-ikoiv o'C ts jap t> larpoi Tovs Kaipovs rcov e\os sir) tois yswafjusvois, sin- aT7}aa(ri fisv fiaWov \sktsov sv tois irspl Trjs TraiBovofnias, Tvirm hs ixavov slirelv Kal vvv. ovts yap -f] tS)v atXrjTciov ypritriiioi s^is irpbs iroXiTM-qv svs^iav ovBs Trpos vyUiav Kat TSKVOTTOilav, OVTS rj depairsvTiKr) koX /caKOTrovrjTiKrj Xiav, aXK f) fisar) jovTwv. TreTrovrjfisvrjv fisv ovv syeiv is Bsl TTju s^iv, •TTSTTOV'rjfjLsvrjv Bs TTOvois [Jbrj ^laiots, p/rjbs irpos %v fiovov, axTTTSp r) Tmv ddXrjToyv s^is, aXXA wpos Tas tS)v sKsvdeplav irpd^sis. ofiouos Ss Bsi TavTa iirdp- to form the union: the period of the year most people choose rightly even now, in fixing on the winter season as the right time to commence cohabitation. The parents also must pay attention in relation to child-bearing to what physicians and natural philo- sophers say ; for the physicians give plenty of instructions on the best state of the body, and scientific men on the winds, saying that the northerly winds are better than the southerly. On the state of body of the parents, which will most benefit the children, we must speak with more minuteness when we discuss the superintendence of education : for the present it is sufficient to speak in outline. The condition of an athlete is not conducive either to the state of body which an ordinary citizen requires, or to good health and the begetting of children ; nor again is that of an invalid and one always aUing, but the mean condition between the two extremes. Thus parents should be in a condition obtained by exercise, but that exercise should not be violent or taken only in one line, as the condition of an athlete, but in all the usual pursuits of a freeman. And this must apply equally to the husband and wife. Also a 298 BOOK IV. (VII.) CAP. 16. 14 j(siv avhpdai Koi fj ypwfisi as. TOVTo hs paSiov tfjs tiov yivofisvav, scrro) vop-o? p/r)- Bsv -TTSirripcofi^vov Tpscjisiv, Bid Bs irXffdos tskvccv, sdv 17 rafts t5)v sQ&v kcoXvti, firiB-v diroridsadai tcov yivofisvwv mpiarai yap Btj ttjs rsicvoTrodas to irXridos. sdv Be tlcti yivrjTai, irapa Tama avyBvaaOivraiv, irplv aiadrjaiv iyys- vsaOai Koi ^coijv, sp/rroislcrBai, Bsl rrjv.apfBXaxriv' to yap ocTiov Kol ro pi^r) BtcopiafJisvov ry alaOrjasi kuI tw ^rjv scTai. 16 eirai 8' r] p,\v dpy(r) Trjs rfKiKias avBpX koX yvvaiici Biwpi- arai, ttots dp'^saOai '^prj Trjs av^sv^scos, Kal iroaov %/3o- woman -when pregnant must pay attention to lier body, and not be idle or take unnourisHng food. This is easy for the legislator to secure by ordering them, every day to take some walk to perform a service to the gods, whose ofiBce it is to preside over birth. On the other hand, it is best to give the mind more rest than the body, for the offspring appears to be affected by the mother before birth, quite as much as plants by the earth. On the question of exposing or rearing the children we would have a law against the rearing ctf any deformed child, but forbidding to expose any child only on account of the number of the children, supposing that social arrange- ments fix a limit ; for we have fixed a limit to the production of children. But if any have children in consequence of union in viola^ tion of regulations, abortion must be procured before sensation of life come, for that which is inviolable will be distinguished by sense and life from that which is not. But since the earliest time of perfec- tion for man and wife has been determined, let us also determine at what period they should commence their union, and for how long they should properly do their duty in the procreation of children ; BOOK IV. (YII.) CAP. 16, 17. 299 vov XsLTOvpysiv dpfioTTSi wpos TSKvoTTouav d)pia-6m' 7a yap rmv Trpsa^vTspav sKyova, Ka0d'!rep to, t&v vimrspmu, UTsXr) ytvsrac Ktxl roh (tko/uicti, kuI rals hmvoiais, rd 8e rwv yeyrjpaKormv da-Qevrj. Sio Kara ttjv Tfjs havoias uk- 17 p,r}V avrr] S' iarlv sv rols irXsia-rois rjvirsp -rmv irott^Tav rwh slprjKaa-iv oi p,£TpovvTSs rah i08op,da-i ttjv Tpy.iKiav, irspi Tov j^povov Tov rS)v TrevrijKovTa stwv. wctts TSTtap- aiv 7) TiiuTs sTsaiv v-rrep^dWovTa rijv rjXiKiav Tavrr/v d^siadai Bel r^s slf to <^avspov yswrjcrsms • rb Ss Xoiirbv vyisias "xapiv fj tivos dXkrjs roi,avTr)s ahias ^aivairdai, hel iroioviMsvovs Trjv ofiiXlav. irspl he ttjs irpbs dWrjv rj 18 irpos aXkov, haTco fisv dirK&s fir] koKov duTOjxsvov aLve- aOai fiTiSaiMrj fir}8afj,a)s, orav y Kal 'rrpoaayopevOri iroais, I irspl Se rov ^(^povov tov rrjs rsKvo-rroiias idv Tts (paivrjrai TOioviov Ti Spa>v, drifiia ^r)fiiovcr6m TrpsTrovay irpos rrjv d/jLapriav. yevo fjLsvoov Be twv tskvcov o'ieadai fieydkrjv slvai Sto- 17 for the children of parents too old, just as those of parents too young, are below the average both in miad and body, and those of really old persons are actually weak. And so let us decide upon the period of their intellectual prime. This is in most cases the age which the poets take in their measurement of years by sevens — namely, that nearest the age of fifty years. And so when a man has passed this age by foitr or five years, he ought to give up avowed begetting of children. After that time it ought to be clearly for the sake of health, or some such cause, that men have intercourse with women. On the question of adultery for men or women, let it be definitely laid down to be disgraceful to be detected with a woman under any circumstances at all while her husband is living, and acknowledged as such ; and if during the fixed time for child- bearing anyone be foimd guilty of this crime, let him be punished with loss of civil rights in proportion to his ofience. When the children have been bom, we must consider that the 300 BOOK IV. (VII.) CAP. 17. ^opav Trpos T7}v r&v aa>fidiaiv Bvvafiiv rrjv rpocfjijv, oiroLa rts av fj. (fiaiverai Se Btd rs tS>v aXKoav ^oLcov siricrico- TTOvai, Kai Sia rSiv iOva>v ols iirtfisXss kariv elcrdysiv ttjv ■jroXs/MiKrjv s^iv, rj rov ydXaKTOs 'ifKr)6vov(Ta Tpo^rj fxaKicTT OLKSM Tols (TWfiaaiV doivOTspa Bs Sid rd vocrrj- 2 fjMTa. STL Ss KM KivrjasLS oaai svhi')(£Tai •jrotsicrOai rnXi,- KOVTwv avfJLi^EpSi. irpos 8s to fMrj Siaarpi^saOai, rd /MsXr) ot' aTraKoTrjTa 'XpoJvTai koI vvv svia tSsv sdvmv opjdvots Ticri p.Tj'xaviKois, h ro (T&fia iroisi r&v TOtovrtov darpa^ES. crvfi^epsi S' svdiis icai "jrpos rd "^v^V o^vvedl^siv sic fit/cpmv iralZav' tovto yap Koi irpos vyisiav Kol irpos iroksfitKds 3 irpd^sis si'^p7]tnoTaTov. Bib irapd ttoXKoIs sr]v slvai TOiovTwv irpa^smv iiiiX7](7iv, si fir) -rrapd tlo-l dsols toiovtols ols koI TOP TfodaafLOv airoBiScoaiv 6 vofios' "rrpos Bs Tovrovs a^irjaiv o vofios tovs k)(OVTas ■^Xixiav irXsov Trpo'^vovcrav Kal virep avTuiv Kau tekvcov koI ryvvaiKoiv TifiaX(f>£lv tovs dsOVS. TOVS T£ VECOTSpOUS OVT lajM^tOV OVTS KOOfltpSiaS 11 Osaras vofiodiTrjTsov, irpXv fj ttjv fiXiKiav Xd^cocriv iv rj xal KaraKXursais VTrdp^st Koivtoisiv ^Sr; koi. p-aQT^s koX rrjs dfro TOiv TOioiniov lynofihris ^Xd/37js diraOsli rj irai^sia iroirjo-ei irdvTas. vvv fJ-sv ovv tovtwv sv irapaBpofirj •jrsTroirip.sda 12 Tov Xo^oV vcrrspovB iTrtaTqaavras SsiBiopiaai p,a,XXov, SITS p.r] Ssi irp&Tov sits Bsl BiairoprjcravTas, kol ttms Ssi' Kara Be toi/ Trapovra Kaipov Eiivr)a6r)p,Ev cbr dvayicaloi'. shewn the character of a slave. And as we forbid the utterance of words of this had character, it is clear that we must also forbid the sight of pictvires or writings that are indecent. Let our rulers then take great care that there be nothing, either statue or painting, that suggests indecent actions, except in the temples of some gods to whom the law actually gives the attribute of j esting. Besides (the youno- need not see these as) the law allows those who have reached a more advanced age to do honour to the gods in behalf of themselves, their children, and their wives. The yoimger genera- tion, too, must be forbidden by law to see the performance of either satirical or comic pieces until they reach the age at which they will be allowed to join the public mess and take strong drink, and, when their education shall have made them one and all safe from the bad effects which such spectacles can have. In this hook we have given only a cursory accoimt of these matters. Later on we must, with greater attention, decide more fuUv after raising the question in the iirst place whether we shoidd make these regulations or should not, and how they should be 304 BOOK IV. (VII.) CAP. 17. 13 iatos japov kuk&s £X,£7£ to toiovtov ©soScopos o ttjs rpu- yaBias inroKpiT'^s' ovOsvX jap Trayirors iraprjKsv savrov Trposiadysiv, ov8s twv £vts\S)v vTro/cpirwv, a>s olxeiovfis- vcov 7WV Osardov rals ii-pcDrai! aKoals. avfi^aivsi Bs raiiTo TOVTo koX irpos ras tcov avOpwircov ofiiXias ical irpos ras Twv irpayfidrcov' iravra yap iTTspyofj,ev to, irpwra 14 fiaXKov. Sio Bsi rois vsois irdvja iroi.s'iv ^sva to (j>avXa, fidXiaTa h' avTWv oia E^st rj noj^jdrjpiav rj Bvdfiiveiav. Sie\6ovTa)v Bs twv trivTS stwv ra Svo /tf^pt t(Sv STrra Bsl dsmpoiis ojSt] yLvsadai rwv fiaOijasoyv as BsrjaiL fiavOdvsLV 15 avTovs. Svo S' slalv rjXiKiai wpos as dvofyKaiov Birjprjadai T-qv traiBsiav, fisra ttjv dwb rtov sirra f^^XP'' V^V^ i^^i- traXiv p,STa ttjv d(f> rj^rjs At£%/3t tSjv svos /cal si/coinv btwv. oi yap rals s^BojULori Biaipovvrss ras ■^XiKias (os sttI to TToXii Xsyovenv ov KaKws, Bel Bh ttj Biaipiasi tt]! (pvasms 1337 straKoXovdslv irdaa yap ts'xv'T] Kal iraiBeia to Tvpoa- made. But to suit the present point of our treatise we have men- tioned them, as it was absolutely necessary we should do. For perhaps there was some wisdom in something similar that Theodoras the tragic actor used to say. He never allowed any actor, however poor, to come on the stage before himself, saying that the audience always adapted themselves to what they heard first. This same rule applies also to associations with men and things, for we aU like first impressions best. For this reason w» should make young people strangers to things bad, especially if they produce vice or ill-feeling. "When the first five years are passed, for the two next — that is, till they are seven — our children must be spectators of what they will afterwards have to learn to do themselves. There are two periods in accordance with which we must divide education — first, from the age of seven tiU puberty; secondly, from puberty tiU the age of twenty-one. Those who divide ages by sevens are not wrong in the abstract, but we must follow the division which Nature draws ; for it ia the object of art generally, and therefore of education, to BOOK IV. (VII.) CAP. 17. 305 XsLTTOv ^ovXsTai TTJs -44S B.c. ios. dd. HELLENICA. A Collection of Essays on Greek Poetry, Philosophy, History, and Religion. Edited by Evelyn Abbott. 8vo. i6j. ACLAIO) (A. H. Dyke) and RAHSOME (Cyril).— A HANDBOOK IN OUTLINE OF THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO 1890. Chronologically Arranged. Crown Svo. 6j. ACTON (Eliaa).— MODERN COOKERY. With 150 Woodcuts. Fcp. 8vo. 4^. td. 2 A CATALOGUE OF BOOKS IN GENERAL LITERATURE A. K. H. B— THE ESSAYS AND CONTRIBUTIONS OF. Crown 8vo. 3J. (id. each. Leisure Hours in Town. Lessons of Middle A^e. Out Little Life. Two' Series. . Our Homely Comedy and Tragedy. Present Day Thouglits. Kecreations of a Country Parson. Three Series. Also ist Series, bd. Seaside Musings, Sunday Afternoons in the Parish Church of a Scottish University City. Autumn Holiday s of a Country Parson. Changed Aspects of Unchanged Truths. Commonplace Philosopher. Counsel and Comfort from a City Pulpit. Critical Essays of a Country Parson. East Coast Days an^ Memories. Graver Thoughts of a Country Parson. Three Series. Landscapes, Churches, and Moralities. 'To Meet the Day ' through the Christian Year ; being a Text of Scrip- ture, with an Original Meditation and a Short Selection in Verse for Every Day. Crown 8vo. 41I dd. ■ TWENTY-FIVE YEARS OF ST. ANDREWS. . 1865-1890. 2 vols. 8vo. Vol. I. I2J. Vol. II. iSJ. AMOS (Sheldon);— A PRIMER OF THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION AND GOVERNMENT. Crown 8vo. 6j. • , , ANNUAL REGISTER (irhe). A Review of Public Events at Home and Abroad, for the year 1891. Bvo, i8i. .1 *,* Volumes of the 'Annual Register' for the y^ears 1863-1B90 cSn still be had ANSTEY (F.).— THE BLA9K POODLE, and other Stories. Crown 8yc( 2j. boards. ; 2j. 6rf. cloth. ' ^ : ' VOCES POPULI. Reprinted from Punch. With Illustrations by J. Bernard Partridge. First Series, Fcp. 410. sj. Second Series. Fcp. 4to. ts. THE TRAVELLlt^G COMPANIONS. Reprinted from Punch. "With Illustrations by J. Barnard Partridge. Post 4to. 5J. ARISTOTLE— THe Works of. THE POLITICS, G. Beklcer's Greek Text of Books I. III. IV. (VII.), with an English Translation by W. E. Bolland, and short Introductory Essays by Andrev? L.4N(3. Crown'Svo. ts. 6d. THE POLITICS, Introductory Essays. By ANDREW LANG. (From Bolland and Lang's ' Polities'.) Crown Svo. 2J. 6if. ' THE ETHICS, Greek Text, illustrated with Essays and Notes. By Sir Alexander Grant, Bart. 2 vols. 8vo. 321. ' , THE NICOMACHEAN ETHICS, newly translated into English. By Robert Williams. Crown 8vo. ys. 6d. I , AKMSTEOWG (Ed:).- ELISABETH FARNESE : the Termagant of Spain. 8vo. 16s. ARMSTKOWa (O-. P. Savage-).— POEMS : " Lyrical and Dramatic. . Fcp. 8vo, 6s. By the Same Author. Fcp. 8vo. King Sanl. ^s. King David. 6;. King Solomon. 6.;. Ugone ; a Tragedy. 6s, A Garlandfrom Greece. Poems. 7s. 6d. Stories of Wicklow. Poems. 7s. 6d. ARMSTRONG (E. J.).-POETICAL WORKS. Fcp, 8vo. cj, ESSAYS AND. SKETCHES. Fcp. 8vo. 5^. Mephistopheles In Broadcloth ; a Sa- tire. 4J. I One in the Infinite ; a Poem. Crown 8vo. yj. 6d. The Life and Letters of Edmond J. Armstrong. 7s. 6d. PUBLISHED BY MESSRS. LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO. AIMTOLD (Sir Edwm).-:THE LIGHT OF THE WORLD, or the Great Consummation. A Poeip. Crown 8vo. js. 6d. net. Presentation Edition. With Illustrations by W. Holman Hunt. 4to.' POTIPHAR'S WIFE, and other Poems. Crown 8vo. ss. net. — SEAS AND LANDS. With 71 Illustrations. Crown 8vo. 75. 6d. ARNOLD (Dr. T.).— INTRODUCTORY LECTURES ON MODERN . . HISTORY. 8vo. js. 6d. , MISCELLANEOUS WORKS. 8vo. ys. 6d. ASHLEY (J. W.).— ENGLISH ECONOMIC HISTORY AND THEORY Part I.— The Middle Ages. Crown 8vo. Ss. ' ATELIER (The) du Lys ; or. An Art Student in the Reign of Terrbr. By the Author of ' Mademoiselle Mori '. Crown 8vo. zs. 6d. By the Same Authoi^. Crown zs. 6d. each. MADEMOISELLE MORL THAT CHILD. UNDER A CLOUD. THE FIDDLER OF LUGAU. A CHILD OF THE REVOLU- TION. HESTER'S VENTURE. IN THE OLDEN TIME. THE YOUNGER SISTER : a Tale. Crown Bvo. 6s. BACOIf.— COMPLETE WORKS. Edited by R. U. Ellis, J. SpeddinG, and D. D. Heath. 7 vols. Bvo. ^^3 13J. 6d. LETTERS AND LIFE, INCLUDING ALL HIS OCCASIONAL WORKS. Edited by J. Spedding. 7 vols. 8vo. ^^4 4J. THE ESSAYS ; with Annotatioris. By Archbishop Whately. 8vo. 10s. 6d. THE ESSAYS ; with Introduction, Notes, and Index. By E. A. Abbot r. .2 vols. Fcp. 8vo. 6s. Te.xt and Index only. Fop. 8v6. as. 6d. BADMIHTOIf LIBRARY (The), edited by the Duke of Beaufort, assisted by Alfred E. T. Watson. HUNTING. By the Duke of, Beaufort, aind MowbrAy Morris, With 53 Illustrations. Crown 8vo. loj. 6d. FISHING. By H. Cholmondeley-Pennkll. . Vol. I. Salmon, Trout, and Grayling. 158 Illustrations. Crown Svo. 10s. 6d. Vol. II. Pike and other Coarse Fish. 132 Illustrations. Crown 8yo. los. 6d. RACING AND STEEPLECHASING. By the Earl of Suffolk and Berkshire, W. G. Craven, &c. 56 Illustrations. Crown Svo. ioj. 6d. - SHOOTING. By Lord Walsingham, and Sir Ralph Payne-Gallwey, Bart. Vol. I. Field and Covert. With 105 Illustrations. Crown. 8vo. los. 6d. Vol. II. Moor and Marsh. With 65 Illustrations. Crown 8vo. loj. 6d. CYCLING. By Viscount Bury (Earl of Albemarle) and G. Lacy Hillier. With 89 Illustrations. Crown 8vo. loj. 6d. ATHLETICS AND FOOTBALL. By MONTAGUE SHEARMAN. With 41 IIlus- ' ' trations. Crown 8vo. lar. 6d. BOATING. By W. B. WOODGATE. With 49 Illustrations. Crown 8vo. ' loi. 6d. CRICKET. By A. G. Steel and the Hon. R. H. Lyttelton. With 63 Illus- trations. Crown 8vo. lof. 6d. DRIVING. By the DUKE OF BEAUFORT. With 65 Illustrations. C^■own Svo. icw. 6d. [Continued. 4 A CATALOGUE OP BOOKS IN GENERAL LITERATURE BADMISTTOW LIBKAKY (The)— (««««as. FAUST. The Second Part. A New Translation in Verse. By James Adey Birds. Crown Svo. bs. G-REEH" (T H )— THE WORKS OF THOMAS HILL GREEN. (3 Vols.)- Vols. I. and II. 8vo. i&.each. Vol. IIL Svo. 21J. THE WITNESS OF GOD AND FAITH : Two Lay Sermons. Fcp. Svo. ar. r'-R-pvn.LE (C C. F.).— A JOURNAL OF THE REIGNS OF KING GEORGE IV. KING WILLIAM IV. , AND QUEEN VICTORIA. Edited by H. Reeve.' 8 vols. Crown Svo. 6j. each. GWILT (JOSepll).-AN ENCYCLOPEDIA OF ARCHITECTURE. Wkh more ti^n 1700 Engravings on Wood. Svo. 52^. 6rf. HAGGARD (H. Rider).— SHE. With 32 Illustrations. Crown Svo. 3^. td. ^LLAN QUATERMAIN. With 31 Illustrations. Crown Svo. jr. (d. MAIWA'S REVENGE. Crown Svo. is. boards, v. 6d. cloth. COLONEL QUARITCH, V.C. Crown^vo. 3^. 6d. CLEOPATRA : With 29 Illustrations. Crown Svo. 31. 6d. ■RT? aTR TC"E Crown 8vo. y- 6(f. ' ■ . .-■ , IZ ERIC BRIGHTEYES. With,5i lUusti-ations. Crovvn Svo. 6^. '_ sjADA THE LILY. With 23 Illustrations by C. H. M. KteRR. Cr. Svo. 6s. lo A CATALOGUE OF BOOKS IN GENERAL LITERATURE HAGGARD (H. Eider) and LANG (Andrew).— THE WORLD'S desire; Crown 8vo. bs. HALLIWELIi-PHILLISPS (J. O.)— ACALENDAROFTHEHALLI- WELL-PHILLIPPS'COLLECTION OE SHAKESPEAREAN RARITIES. Second Edition. Enlarged by Ernest E. Baiter. 8vo. xos. 6d. OUTLINES OF THE LIFE OF SHAKESPEARE. With numerous Illustrations and Facsimiles. 2 vols. Royal 8vo. 2xs. HARRISOK" (Jane E.).— MYTHS OF THE ODYSSEY IN ART AND LITERATURE. Illustrated with Outline Drawings. 8vo. 18s. HARRISOW (Mary).— COOKERY FOR BUSY LIVES AND SMALL INCOMES. Fcp. 8^0. is. 'HARTE (Bret).— IN THE CARQUINEZ WOODS. Fcp. 8vo. is. b(Js., IS. 6d. cloth. BY SHORE AND SEDGE. i6mo. is. — ON THE FRONTIER. i6mo. is. HARTWIG (Dr.).— THE SEA AND ITS LIVING WONDERS. With 12 Plates and 303 Woodcuts. 8vo, yj. nei. 1 1 THE TROPICAL WORLD. With 8 Plates and 172 Woodcuts. Bvo. 7s. net. THE POLAR WORLD. With 3 Maps, 8 Plates and 85 Woodcuts. 8vo. 7J. net. THE SUBTERRANEAN WORLD. With 3 Maps and 80 Woodcuts. Sm.'js.nef. THE AERIAL WORLD. With Map, 8 Plates and 60 Woodcuts. 8vo. js. net. HAVELOCK.— MEMOIRS OF SIR HENRY HAVELOCK, K.C.B. ' ^y John Cl.\rk Masshm.\n. Crown 8vo. 3^. bi. HEARTf (W. Edward).— THE GOVERNMENT OF ENGLAND; its Structure and its Development. 8vo. i6j. ' THE ARYAN HOUSEHOLD : its Structure and ts Development. An Introduction to Comparative Jurisprudence. 8vo. i6j. , ' HISTORIC TOWTS'S. Edited by E. A. Freeman and Rev. William Hukr. iWith Maps and Plans. Crown 8vo 3J. dd. each. Bristol. By Rev. W. Hunt. Carlisle. By Dr. Mandell Creighton. Cinque Ports. By Montagu Burrows. Colchester. By Rev. E. L. Cutts. Exeter. By E. A. Freeman. London. By Rev. W. J. Loftie. Oxford. By Rev. C. W. Boase. Winchester. By Rev. G. \y. Kitchin. New York. By Theodore Roosevelt. Boston (U.S.). By Henry Cabot Lodge. York. By Rfev. James Raine. HODGSOH" (Shadworth H.).— TIME AND SPACE: a Metaphysical Essay. 8vo. ids. THE THEORY OF PRACTICE : an Ethical Enquiry. 2 vols. 8vo. 24J. THE PHILOSOPHY OF REFLECTION. 2 vols. 8vo. ■zis. OUTCAST ESSAYS AND VERSE TRANSLATIONS. Crown 8vo. 8i. td. HOOPER (George).— ABRAHAM FABERT : Governor of Sedan, Marshall of France. His Life and Times, 1599-1662. With a Portrait. 8vo. las. 6d. HOWITT (William).— VISITS TO REMARKABLE PLACES. 80 lUus- trations. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d. PUBLISHED BY MESSRS. LONGMANS, GREEN, &= CO. ii HULLAH OTohn).— COURSE OF LECTURES ON THE HISTORY OF MODERN MUSIC. 8vo. 8s. 6d. COURSE OF LECTURES ON THE TRANSITION PERIOD OF MUSICAL HISTORY. 8vo. loj. 6d. HUME— THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS OF DAVID HUME. Edited by T. H. Greek and T. H. Grose. 4 vols. 8vo. c,6s. HUTCHINSON" (Horace).— FAMOUS GOLF LINKS. By Horace G. Hutchinson, Andrew Lang, H. S. C, Evi-_rard, T. Rutherford Clark, &c. With numerous Illustrations by F. P. Hopkins, T. Hodges, H. S. King, &c. Crown 8vo. 6j. HUTH (Alfred H.)-— THE MARRIAGE OF NEAR KIN, considered with respect to the Law of Nations, the Result of Experience, and the Teachings of Biology. Royal Bvo. 21J. HYNE (C. J.)— THE NEW EDEN ; a Story. With Frontispiece and Vignette. Crown 8vo. 2J. 6^, INQELOW (Jean).— POETICAL WORKS. Vol's! I. and II. Fcp. 8vo. izj. Vol. III. Fcp. 8vo. Sf. 1 LYRICAL AND OTHER POEMS. Selected from the Writings of Jean Ingelow. Fcp. 8vo. zs. bd. cloth plain, js. cloth gilt. VERY YOUNG and QUITE ANOTHER STORY: Two Stories. Crown 8vo. di. HTGRAM (T. Dunbar).— ENGLAND AND ROME : a History of the Relations between the Papacy and the English State and Church from the Norman Conquest to the Revolution of 1688. 8vo. 141. JAMESON (Mrs.).— SACRED AND LEGENDARY ART. With 19 Etch- ings and 187 Woodcuts. 2 vols. 8vo. aar. net. LEGENDS OF THE MADONNA, the Virgin Mary as represented in Sacred and Legendary Art. With 27 Etchings and 165 Woodcuts. 8vo. ior.«e<. LEGENDS OF THE MONASTIC ORDERS. With 11 Etchings aijd 88 Woodcuts. 8vo. lou. net. HISTORY OF OUR LORD. His Types and Precmsors. Completed by Lady Eastlake. With 31 Etchings and 281 Woodcuts. 2 vols. 8vo. 2ar. net. JEPFEB.IES (Eiehard).- FIELD AND HEDGEROW. Last Essays. Crown 8vo. 31. 6rf. THE STORY OF MY HEART : My Autobiography. Crown 8vo. ■y. 6d. RED DEER. With 17 Illustrations by J. Charlton and H. Tijnaly. Crown 8vo. y. 6d. 1 THE TOILERS OF THE FIELD. With autotype reproduction Oi bust of Richard Jefferies. Crown 8vo. JENNINaS (Kev. A. C.).-ECCLESIA ANGLICANA. A History of the Church of Christ in England. Crown Bvo. 7s. 6d. TVWM-BUKY -A SELECTION FROM THE LETTERS OF GERALDINE TEWSBURY TO JANE WELSH CARLYLE. Edited by Mrs. Alexander Ireland, and Prefaced by a Monograph on Miss Jewsbury by the Editor. 8vo. Tn-FTMSON (J. & J. H.).— THE PATENTEES MANUAL ; a Treatise on Ihe Law and Practice of Letters Patent. 8vo. loj. id. _ 12 A CATALOGUE OF BOOKS IN GENERAL LITEKATURR JORDANCWilliamLeighton).--THE STANDARD OF VALUE. 8vo,6j. JUSTINIAH.— THE INSTITUTES OF JUSTINIAN ; Latin Text,' with English Introduction, &c. By Thomas C. Sandaes. ,8vo. i8j. KALISOH (M. M.).— BIBl^E STUDIES. Part l. The Prophecies of ^ Balaam. 8vo.ioj.6rf. Part II. The Booli of Jonah. 8vo.ioj.6rf. KALISCH (M. M.).— COMMENTARY ON THE OLD TESTAMENT ; w;th , a New Translation. Vol. I. Genesis, 8vo. iBj. , or adapted for the Genera) Reader, laj. Vol. II. Exodus, 15J. , or adapted for the General Reader, I2j. Vol. III. Leviticus, Part I. 15J., or adapted for the General Readej, 8j, Vol. IV. LevHicus, Part II. 15J., or adapted for the General Reader, 8j. KAITT (Immanuel).— CRITIQUE. OF PRACTICAL REASON, AND OTHER WORKS ON THE THEORY OF ETHICS. 8vo. I2j. 6a!. INTRODUCTION TO LOGIC. Translated by T. K. Abbott. Notes by S. T. Coleridge. 8vo. 6j. KILLICK (Rev. A. H.).— HANDBOOK TO MILL'S SYSTEM OF LOGIC. Crown Svo. 3J. 6rf. KWIGHT (E. F.).— THE CRUISE OF THE ' ALERTE ' ; the Narrative of a Search for Treasure on the Desert Island of Trinidad. With 2 Maps and 23 Illustrations. Crowti Svo. 3J. 6rf. ' SAVE ME FROM MY FRIENDS : a Novel. Crown 8vo. 6j. IiADD (George T.).— ELEMENTS OF PHYSIOLOGICAL PSYCHO- LOGY. Svo. 21J. OUTLINES OF PHYSIOLOGICAL PSYCHOLOGY. A Text-Book of Mental Science for Academies and Colleges. Svo. I2j. LANG (Andrew).— CUSTOM AND MYTH :, Studies of Early Usage and Belief. With 15 Illustrations. Crown Svo. 7J. 6rf. BOOKS AND BOOKMEN. With 2 Coloured Plates and 17 Illustra- tions. Fcp. Svo. 2j. 6rf. net. ^ > , . I^ETTERS TO DEAD AUTHORS. Fcp. Svo. 2J. 6rf. net. : — ' OLD FRIENDS. Fcp. Svo. 2j. 6rf. net. '- LETTERS ON LITERATURE. Fop. Svo. zs. 6d. net. GRASS OF PARNASSUS. Fcp. Svo. 2J. 6rf. net. BALLADS OF BOOKS. Edited by Andeewt Lang. Fcp. Svo. 6j. • THE BLUE FAIRY BOOK. Edited by Andrew Lang. Vt^ith S Plates and 130 Illustrations in the Text. Crown Svo. 6j. ^ THE RED FAIRY BOOK. Edited by Anpkew Lang. With 4 Plates . and 96 Illustrations -in the Text, Crown Svo..6j. , - THE BLUE POETRY BOOK. With 12 Plates and SS Illustrations in the Text. Crown Svo. 6j. THE BLUE POETRY BOOK. School Edition, without Illustrations. ' Fcp. Svo. 2j. 6^. THE GREEN FAIRY BOOK. Edited by Andeew Lang. With 13 Plates and 88 Illustrations in the Text by H. J. Ford. Crown Svo. 6j. -ANGLING, SKETCHES. With Illustrations by W. G. BuEN- MUEDOCH. Crown .Svo. 7J. 6rf. liAVISSE (Ernest).— GENERAL VIEW OF THE POLITICAL HIS- - TORY OF EUROPE, Crown Svo. SJ. LA YARD (Hina F.).— POEMS, Crown Svo, (,s. PUBLISHED BY MESSRS. LONGMANS, GREEN, &= CO: 13 LECKYCW. E. H.).— HISTORY OF ENGLAND IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. Library Edition, 8vo. Vols. I. and II. ' 1700- 1760. 36.r. Vols. III. and IV. 1760-1784. 36^. Vdls. V. and VI. 1784-1793. 36^. Vols. VII. and VIII. 1793-1800. 36J. Cabinet Edition, 12 vols. Crown 8vo. 6s. each. [/a cmrse of Publication in Monthly Volumes. -. THE HISTORY OF EUROPEAN MORALS FROM AUGUSTUS TO CHARLEMAGNE. 2 vols. Crown 8vo. z6s. HISTORY OF THE RISE AND INFLUENCE OF THE SPIRIT OF RATIONALISM IN EUROPE. 2 vols. Crown 8vo. i6s. POEMS. Fcap. 8vo. sj. LEES (J. A.) and CLUTTESBUCK (W. J.).— B.C. 1887, A RAMBLE IN BRITISH COLUMBIA. With Map and 75 lUusts. Cr. 8vo. yi. 6d. LE'WES (George Henry).— THE HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY, from Thales to Comte. 2 vo s. Svo. 32J. LIDDELL (Colonel K. T.).— MEMOIRS OF THE TENTH ROYAL HUSSARS. With Numerous Illustrations. 2 vols. Imperial 8vo. 63^. IiIiOYD (F. J.) THE SCIENCE OF AGRICULTURE. 8vo. I2J. LOWGMAW (Frederick "W".).— CHESS OPENINGS. Fcp. 8vo. zs. 6d. FREDERICK THE GREAT AND THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. Fcp. Svo. 23. 6d. LOirGMbllE (Sir T.)-— RICHARD WISEMAN, Surgeon and Sergeant- Surgeon to Charles II. A Biographical Study. With Portrait. Svo. los. 6d. LOUDOIf (J. C.).— ENCYCLOP. SIVEBS (T. and T. S".).— THE MINIATURE FRUIT GARDEN; or, , The Culture of Pyramidal and Bush Frijit Trees. With 32 Illustrations. Crown 8vQ. 4.f. , I EIVBRS (T.) THE ROSE AMATEUR'S GUIDE. Fcp. 8vo. +r. 6d. KOBERTSOK" (A.).— THE KIDNAPPED SQUATTER, and other Aus- tralian Tales. Crown 8vo. 6s, ROGBT (John Lewis).— A HISTORY OF THE 'OLD WATER COLOUR ' SOCIETY. 2 vols. Royal 8vo. 421. BOGET (Peter M.).— THESAURUS OF ENGLISH WORDS AND PHRASES. Crown 8vo. loi. 6d. EOMAWES (Oeor,ge John, M.A., LL.D., E.E.S.).— DARWIN, AND AFTER DARWIN : an Exposition of the Darwinian Theory and a Di.scus- sion of Post-Darwinian Questions. Part I. — The Darwinian Theory. With a Portrait of Darwin and 125 Illustrations. Crown 8vo. 10s. bd. ROlfALDS (Alfred).— THE FLY-FISHERS ETYMOLOGY. With 20 Coloured Plates. 8vo. 14^., ROSSETTI (Maria Praneesca).— A SHADOW OF DANTE : being an Essay towards studying Himself, his World, and his Pilgrimage. Cr.Svo. loj. bd. ROUBTD (J. H., M.A.).— GEOFFREY DE MANDEVILLE : a Study of the Anarchy. 8vo. i6j. RUSSEL'L.— A LIFE OF LdRD JOHN RUSSELL. By Spencer Walpole. 2 vols. 8vo. 36.?. Cabinet Edition, 2 vols. Crown 8vo. I2J. SEEBOHM (Frederick). — THE OXFORD REFORMERS — JOHN COLET, ERASMUS, AND THOMAS MORE. 8vo. 14J. THE ENGLISH VILLAGE COMMUNITY Examined in its Re- lations to the Manorial and Tribal Systems, &c. 13 Maps and Plates. 8vo. i6j. THE ERA OF THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION. With Map. Fcp. Svo. 2j. bd. SEWEIiL (Elizabeth M.).— STORIES AND TALES. Crown Svo. u. (d. each, cloth plain ; ■zs. 6d. each, cloth extra, gilt edges : — Amy Herbert. Katharine Ashton. Gertrude. The Earl's Daughter. Margaret Perciyal. l¥ors. The Experience cf Life. Laneton Parsonage. Home Life. A Glimpse of the World. Ursula. After Life. Cleve Hall. SHAKESPEARE.— BOWDLER'S FAMILY SHAKESPEARE, i vol. 8vo.» With 36 Woodcuts, 14J. , or in 6 vols. Fcp. Svo. 21s. OUTLINES OF THE LIFE OF SHAKESPEARE. By J. O. Halliwell-Phillipps. With Illustrations. 2 vols. Royal Svo /i is. SHAKESPEARE'S TRUE LIFE. By James Walter. With 500 Illustrations. Imp. Svo. 2ij. THE SHAKESPEARE BIRTHDAY BOOK. By MARY F. Dunbar. 32mo. IS. 6d. cloth. With Photographs, 32mo. 5^. Drawing -Room Edition, with Photographs, Fcp. Svo. loi. 6d. SIDGWICE (Alfred).— DISTINCTION : and the Criticism of Beliefs. Cr. Svo. 6s. SILVER LIBRARY, The.— Crown Svo, price 3s. 6d. 6ach volume. ' BAKER'S (Sir S. W.) Eight Years in Ceylon. With 6 Illustrations. Kifle and Hound in Ceylon. With 6 Illustrations. BARIHG-GOULD'S(S.) Curious Myths of the Middle Ages. ^ Origin and DoYOlopment of Religious Belief. 2 vols. {^Continued. PUBLISHED BY MESSRS. LONGMANS, GREEN, &• CO. SILVER LIBEAKY, The.— (Continued). BSASSKY'S (Lady) X Voyage In the ' Sunbeam '. With 66 Illustrations. CLODD'S (E.) Story M Creation : a. Plain Acconnt of Evolution. With 77 Illustrations. CONTBEARK (Reir. W. J.) and HOW- SON'S (Very Rev. J. S.) Life and Epistles of St. Paul. 46 Illustra- tions. DOUGALL'S (L.) Beggars All ; a Novel. DOTLE'S (A. Conan) Klcah Clarke : a Tale of Monmouth's Rebellion. DOYLE'S (A. Conan) Tlie Captain of the Folestar, and other Tales. FROUDE'S (J. A.) Short Studies on Great Subjects. 4 vols. Casar : a Sketch. Thomas Carlyle : a History of his Life. 1795-1835. 2 vols. 1834-1881. 2 vols. — The Two Chiefs of Dnnboy : an Irish Romance of the Last Century. GLEIG'S (Rev. G. R.) Life of the Duke of Wellington. With Portrait. HAGGARD'S (H. R.) She : A History of Adventure. 32 Illustrations, Allan Quatermaln. With 20 Illustrations. - Colonel Quarltch, V.C. -. a. Tale of Country Life. - Cleopatra. With 29 Full- page Illustrations. - Beatrice. HOWITT'S (W.) Visits to Remarkable Places. 80 Illustrations. JEFFERIES' (R.) The Story of My Heart. With Portrait. Field and Hedgerow. Last Essays of. With Portrait. — — ■ Red Deer. With 17 Illust. KNIGHT'S (B. F.) Cruise of the 'Alerte,' a Search for Treasure. With 2 Maps and 23 Illustrations. LEES (J. A.) and CLUTTERBUCK'S (W. J.) B.C. 1887. British Columbia. 75 Illustrations. MACAULAY'S (Lord) Essays— Lays of Ancient Rome. In i vol. With Por- trait and Illustrations to the ' Lays '. MACLEOD'S (H. D.) The Elements of Banking. MARSHMAN'S (J. 0.) Memoirs of Sir Henry Havelock. MAX MiJLLER'S (F.) India, What can it teach us 7 MERIVALE'S (D«an) History of the Romans under the Empire. 8 vols. HILL'S (J. S.) Principles of Political Economy. System of Logic. NEWMAN'S (Cardinal) Historical Sketches. 3 vols. , Apologia Pro Vita Sua. Calllsta : a Tale of the Third Century. Loss and Gain : a Tale. Essays, Critical and His- torical. 2 vols. Sermons on Various Occa- Lectures on the Doctrine of Justification. Fifteen Sermons Preached before the University of Oxford. ' An Essay on the Develop- ment of Christian Doctrine. The Arians of the Fourth Century. Verges on sions. Various Occa- ' Difficulties felt by Anglicans in Catholic Teaching Considered. 2 vols. The Idea of a University defined and Illustrated. Biblical and Ecclesiastical Miracles. - Discussions and Arguments on Various Subjects. Grammar of Assent. The Via Media of the An- glican Church. 2 vols. Parochial and Plain Ser- mons. 8 vols. Selection from ' Parochial and Plain Sermons'. Discourses Addressed to Mixed Congregations. Present Position of Ca- tholics in England. Sermons bearing upon Sub- jects of the Day. PHILLIPPS-WOLLEY'S (C.) Snap : a Legend of the Lone Mountains. 13 Illustrations. STANLEY'S (Bishop) Familiar History of Birds. With 160 Illustrations. STEVENSON (Robert Louis) and OS- BOURNE'S (Lloyd) The Wrong Box. [Continued, 22 A CA TALOGUE OF BOOKS IN GENERAL LITERA TURE SIIiVEE IiIBEARY, The — {Continued.) WETMftN'S (Stanley J.) The House of the Wolf ! a Romance. WOOD'S (Eev. J. G.) l^etland Re- visited. With 33 Illustrations. WOOD'S (R^y. J. G.) Strange Dwell- With 66 JUustrations. - Out of Doors.' Witl^ ii Illus- trations. SMITH (E. Bosworth).— CARTHAGE AND THE CARTHAGINIANS. Maps, Plans, &c. Crown SVo. is. ' , STAirLEY (B.).^A FAMILIAR HISTORY OF BIRDS. With 16^ Wood- , cuts. Crown 'Svo. 3J. bd. STEPHEN (Sir James). — ESSAYS IN ECCLESIASTICAL BIO- 'GRAPHY. Crown 8vo. ^s. 6d. STEPHENS (H- Morse).— A HISTORY OF THE FRENCH REVOLU- ' TION. 3 vols. 8v6. Vdl. I. i8j. Vol. II. iBj. [Vol. III. in the press. STEVEITSPN' (Eobt. Louis).— A CHILD'S GARDEN OF VERSES. Small Fcp. Bvo. 5s. . ■ , > - A CHILD'S GARLAND OF SONGS, Gathered from 'A Child's Garden of Verses '. Set to Music by C. VlLLIERS STANFORD, Mus. Dpc. ■ 4to. 2s. sewed, y. 6d. cloth gilt. ^ THE DYNAMITER. Fcp. 8vo. u. sewed,, li. 6A cloth. STRANGE CASE OF DR. JEKYLL AND MR. HYDE. Fcp. 8vo. js. sewed, is. 6d. cloth. STEVEBTSOH" (E6bert Louis) and OSBOUENE (Lloyd).— THE WRONG BOX. Crown 8vo. 3^. 6d. STOCK (St. George).— DEDUCTIVE LOGIC. Fcp. 8vo. 3s. 6d. STEOWO- (Herbert A.),LOGEMAHr ( Willem S.) and WHEELEE (B. I.).— INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF THE HISTORY OF LANpUAGE. 8vo. 10s. 6d. STUTFIELD (H.).— THE BRETHREN OF MOUNT ATLAS being the First Part of an> African Theosophical Story. Crown 8vo. 6s. SULLY (James).— THE HUMAN MIND. 2 vols. 8vo. zis. ' OUTLINES OF PSYCHOLOGY. 8vo. loj. , : 'THE TEACHER'S HANDBOOK OF PSYCHOLOGY. Cr. 8vo. 51. SUPERNATURAL RELIGION; an Inquiry ipto the Reality of Divine Revela- tion. 3 vols. 8vo. 36:?. ' I ■ SYMES (J. E.).— PRELUDE TO MODERN . "HISTORY : a Brief Slietch 0I' the World's History from the Third to the Ninth Century; Cr. 8vo. 'zs. 6d. TAYLOE (Colonel Meadows).— A STUDENT'S MANUAL OF THE 'HISTORY OF INDIA. Crow?n 8vo, 7^. 6rf. THOMPSOlf (D. Greenleaf ).— THE PROBLEM OF EVIL : an Intro- duction to the Practical Sciences. 8vo. ioj. -6^. . A SY.STEM' OF PSYCHOLOGY. 2 vols. 8vo. 36J. THE RELIGIOUS SENTIMENTS OF THE HUMAN MIND. 8vo. 7J. 6d. '-, ' SOCIAL PR06bESS ; an Essay. Svo. 7s. bd. — THE PHILOSOPHY OF FICTION IN LITERATURE : an Essay Crown 8vo. 6s. THREE IN NORWAY. By Two of THEM. With a Map and 59 Illustrations. , Crown Svo. 2j. boards ; zs. 6d. cloth. PUBUSHBD BY MESSRS. LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO. 23 TOYUBEE (Arnbld).— LECTURES ON THE INDUSTRIAL REVO- LUTION or THE i8th CENTU;RY IN ENGLAND. 8vo. los. 6d. TREVELYAJS" (Sir G. O., Bart.).— THE' LIFE AND LETTERS OF LORD MACAULAY. Popular Edition. Crown 8vo. ar. 6d. I Cabinftt Edition, 2 vols. Cr. Bvo. 12s. Student's Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s. \ Library Edition, 2 vols. 8vo. 36s. THE EARLY HISTORY OF CHARLES JAMES FOX. Library Edition, 8vo. i8s. Cabinet Edition, Crown 8vo. 6s. TKOLLOPE (Anthony).— THE WARDEN. Cr. 8vo. u. bds.. is. ed. cl. ^ BARCHESTER TOWERS. Crown 8vo. ij. boards, u. 6d. cloth. ' , ■VHEHEY (Frances Parthenope).— MEMOIRS OF THE YERNEY FAMILY DURING THE CIVIL WAR. Compiled from the Letters and Illustrated by the Portraits at Claydon House, Bucks. With 38 Portraits, WoodcutSj and Facsimile. 2 vols. Royal 8vo. 42J. VTLIiE (G.).— THE PERPLEXED FARMER : How is h» to meet Alien Competition ? Crown Bvo. Si. ' VIRQ-lii. — PUBLI VERGILI MARONIS BUCOLICA, GEORGICA, ./ENEIS; the Works of Virgil, Latin Text, with English Commentary and Index. By B. H. Kennedy. Crown 8vo. ioj. 6d. .THE ^NEID OF VIRGIL. Translated into English Verse. By John'Conington. Crown 8vo. 6s. THE POEMS OF VIRGIL. Translated into English Prose. By John Conington. Crown Bvo. 6s. THE ECLOGUES AND GEORGICS OF VIRGIL. Translated fron» the Latin by J. W. Mackail. Printed on Dutch Hand-made Paper. i6mo. s.> WAKEMAH" (H. O.) and HASSALL (A.).— ESSAYS INTRODUC TORY TO THE STUDY OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORV Edited by H. O. Wakeman and A. Hassall. Crown Bvo. 6s. WALPORD (Mrs. L. B.).— THE MISCHIEF OF MONICA. Cr. Bvo. 6s. THE ONE GOOD GUEST. Crown Bvo. 6s. WALKER (1.. Campbell-).— THE CORRECT CARD ; or, How to Play at Whisl ; a Whist Catechism. Fop. Bvo. zj. 6d. ■WAIiPOLE (Spencer).- HISTORY OF ENGLAND FROM THE COJST- CLUSION OF THE GREAT WAR IN 1815 to 1858. Library Edition. 5 vols. Bvo. £i loj. Cabinet Edition. 6 vols. Crown 8vo. 6s. each. WELLIIfa-TOlT.- LIFE OF THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON. By the Rev. G. R. GleiG. Crown Bvo. 3J. 6d. WBUDT (Ernest Emil)— PAPERS ON MARITIME LEGISLATION, with a Translation of the German Mercantile Lawsjrelating to Maritime Com- merce. Royal 8vo. £i lu. 6d. WEST (B. B.).— HALF-HOURS WITH THE MILLIONAIRES: Sho\ying how much harder it is to spend a milUon than to make it. Edited by B. B. West. Crown Bvo. 6s. . ' ■ WEYMAM" (Stanley J.).— THE HOUSE OF THE WOLF: a Romance. Crown Bvo. y. 6d. WHATELY (E. Jane).— LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF ARCH- BISHOP WHATELY. With Portrait. Crown 8vo. xos. 6d. WHATELY (Archbisliop).- ELEMENTS OF LOGIC. Cr, Bvo. 4^. 6d. ELEMENTS OF RHETORIC. Crown Bvo. 41. 6d. LESSONS ON REASONING. Fcp. Bvo. ij. 6d. BACON'S ESSAYS, with Annotations. Bvo. loj. 6d. 24 BOOKS PUBLISHED BY MESSRS. LONGMANS, GREEN, &» CO. WIIiCOCKS (J. C.).— THE SEA FISHERMAN. Comprising the Chief Methods of Hook and Line Fishing in the British and other Seas, and Remarks on Nets, Boat3, and Boating. Profusely Illustrated. Crown 8vo. 6s. WILIiICH (Charles M.).— POPULAR TABLES for giving Information for ascertaining the value of Lifehold, Leasehold, and Church Property, the Public Funds, &c. Edited by H. Bence Jones. Crown 8vo. lov. 6d. WILLOTJGHBY (Captain Sir John C.).-EAST AFRICA AND ITS BIG GAME. Illustrated by G. D. Gifes and Mrs. Gordon Hake. Royal 8vo. zu. WITT (Prof.) — Works by. Translated by Frances Younghusband. THE TROJAN WAR. Crown Bvo. 2J. MYTHS OF HELLAS ; or, Greek Tales. Crown 8vo. 3J. 6d. THE WANDERINGS- OF ULYSSES. Crown 8vo. 3^. 6rf. THE RETREAT OF THE TEN THOUSAND ; being the Story of Xenophon's^ ' Anabasis '. With Illustrations. Crown Bvo. 3^. 6d. WOLFF (Henry W.).— RAMBLES IN THE BLACK FOREST. Crown ,8vo. ys, 6d. THE WATERING PLACES OF THE VOSGES. With Map. Crown Svo. 4J. 6d. THE COUNTRY OF THE VOSGES. With a Map. Bvo." I2J. WOOD (Rev. J. G.)— HOMES WITHOUT HANDS ; a Description of the ^Habitations of Animals. With 140 Illustrations. Bvo. js. net. INSECTS AT HOME; a Popular Account of British Insects, their Structure, Habits, and Transformations. With 700 Illustrations. Bvo. -js. net. INSECTS ABROAD ; a Popular Jiccount of Foreign Insects, their Structure, Habits, and Transforniations. With 600 Illustrations. Svo. ■js. net. BIBLE ANIMALS ; a Description of every Living Creature mentioned in the Scriptures. With 112 Illustrations. Bvo. yi. net. STRANGE DWELLINGS ; abridged from ' Homes without Hands '. With 60 Illustrations. Crown Bvo. 3^. 6d. * OUT OF DOORS ; a Selection of Original Articles on Practical Natural History. With 11 Illustrations. Crown Bvo. 3J. (>d. PETLAND REVISITED. With 33 Illustrations. Crown Bvo. 3^. bd. WORDSWOBTH (Bishop Charles).— ANNALS OF MY EARLY LIFE, 1806-1846. Bvo. 151. WYLIE (J. H.).— HISTORY OF ENGLAND UNDER HENRY THE, FOURTH. Crown Bvo. Vol. I. 10s. 6d. ; Vol. II. ZELIiER (Dr. B.).— HISTORY OF ECLECTICISM IN GREEK PHILO- SOPHY. Translated by Sarah F. AUeyne. Crown Bvo. lor. 6i. THE STOICS, EPICUREANS, AND SCEPTICS. Tr^inslated by the Rev. O. J. Reichel. Crown Bvo. 15^. — SOCRATES AND THE SOCRATIC SCHOOLS. Translated by the Rev. O. J. Reichel. Crown Svo. loj. 6d. ' PLATO AND THE OLDER ACADEMY. Translated by Sarah F. Alleyn4 and Alfred Goodwin. Crown Bvo. iBj. THE PRE-SOCRATIC SCHOOLS. Trainslated by Sarah F. Alloyne. 2 vols. Crown Bvo. 30J. OUTLINES OF THE HISTORY OF GREEK PHILOSOPHY. Translated by Sarah F. AUeyne and Evelyn Abbott. Crown Bvo. loj. (>d. 50,000 — 10/92. ABERDEEN UNIVERSITY PRESS.