AN ACCOUNT OF THE TRANSACTIONS OF HIS MAJESTY'S MISSION TO THE COURT OF PERSIA, IN THE YEARS 1807-11, BY SIR HARFORD JONES BRYDGES, BART. K.C., LL.D., LATE ENVOY EXTRAORDINARY AND MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY TO THE COURT OF TjEHERAN. TO WHICH IS APPENDED, A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE W AHAUBY. VOL. I. LONDON: PRINTED FOB JAMES BOHN, KING WILLIAM STREET, WEST STRAND. MDCCCXXXIV.DEDICATION. TO HIS MOST GRACIOUS MAJESTY. Sire, When Your Majesty graciously condescended to allow a former Volume to bear Your august name, I had the nature of its contents to offer, as an excuse in some sort, for venturing to ask so great a favor : there was little in it really my own, it principally contained part of the Persian Annals turned into English. The present Volume is materially different in its composition ; and although Your Majesty has carried Your condescension so far, as to grant me permission to lay it at Your feet; yet, when I reflect how frequently in it I am obliged to mention myself, unbounded as I believe Your kindness of heart to be, I am almost afraid to lay such a WorkVi DEDICATION. before You. But, I shall esteem myself a most happy man, if, whatever may be its deficiencies, it should serve to afford Your Majesty some amusement at Your hours of leisure, and serve also to manifest that deep and dutiful veneration for the Honor and Character of my Sovereign, which, as far as I know myself, pervaded every thing I said or did in Persia. I now, with unfeigned submission, lay the Volume at Your Majesty's feet,—and subscribe myself, in all humility, and with the deepest respect, Your Majesty's Most dutiful and most grateful Subject and Servant, HARFORD JONES BRYDGES.AVANT PROPOS. Having already acknowledged, and apologized to my Sovereign, for the egotism which pervades some of the following pages, do not expect, Reader, that I shall repeat the same to you, nor be offended, if I at once declare that His Majesty's gracious permission to lay such a trifle as this Volume, at his feet, renders me perfectly indifferent to all the censures which private or public criticism may think proper to make on it. But there are remarks I would willingly make to you, Reader, before you enter on the account of the Mission to Persia confided to my care. First,—That in the account I give of its proceedings, not one single word is set down but what I either know, or believe to be true. Secondly,—That had I been so minded, I could have multiplied, to a considerable extent, extracts of the praise I received for my conduct during the course of the Mission, from those whose praise might be considered an honor, by persons of much higher rank and ability than myself. Thirdly,—That I have spoken throughout the whole as tenderly, and complained as little of the annoyance I received from some, and the ingratitude I experienced fromviii AVANT PROPOS. others, as is consistent with the thread of my narrative,— and believe me, gentle reader, this does not proceed from any apprehension, that on pursuing a different method, I might be retorted upon, but purely from that disposition of mind, which I would seriously recommend every man, at my age, to cherish,—namely, to forgive, in order to be forgiven by Him, with whom alone substantial forgiveness rests. Lastly,—That which I am most anxious to prove to you, is, that if the Persians, as a nation, are accused of being addicted to some heavy vices, they nevertheless possess many, and great virtues. One may allow oneself to smile at some of the pages of Hajee Baba, but it would be just as wise to estimate the national character of the Persians, from the adventures of that fictitious person, as it would be to estimate the national character of the Spaniards, from those of Don Raphael, or his worthy coadjutor, Ambrose de Lamela. / It may be said, our perceptions and taste vary; true and I trust I think very humbly and soberly of mine; but knowing the Persians as well as I do, I will boldly say the greater part of their vices originate in the vices of their Government; whilst such virtues as they do possess, proceed from qualities of the mind, which, in all countries, render human nature amiable and agreeable to others, and essentially contribute to make it respectable in ourselves.THE MISSION. a" I will a round unvarnished tale deliver, " Of my whole course." Shakspeare. " He could speak an equivocal speech, and would fancy " himself a skilful negociator upon the faith of a doubtful " sentence, yet in general the feelings of his heart would "bubble up to the surface unrestrained." Mary of Burgundy.THE MISSION. " Semper ego auditur tantum ? nunquamne reponani, " Vexatus toties." Juvenal. I was first appointed to take charge of this Mission in the month of February, 1807, when Lord Howick, now Earl Grey, held the seals of the Foreign Office, and the late Right Hon. George Tierney presided at the Board of Control. Considering the relations which had subsisted between Russia and Persia, and considering also the various positions which latterly Russia and France had assumed towards each other, I suggested to Mr. Tierney the expediency of my proceeding to Persia by way of St. Petersburgh, of which he approved. Whilst I was resident at Bagdad, I had the good fortune to become acquainted with Mr. Charles Richard Vaughan, a gentleman who has since filled, with singular credit to himself, and advantage to his country, various diplomatic situations in Europe and America. This gentleman was my guest for some months at Bagdad, and when he left me, he proceeded into Persia, from whence, until he fell dangerously ill at Reshd in Ghilan, a 24 THE MISSION. he regularly furnished me with a variety of interesting and well selected intelligence. He had reached England but a short time before my own arrival, and on meeting him, I was rejoiced to find that he had an inclination to undertake another journey to Persia, and what was of more consequence to me, that he had no disinclination to accept the second place in the Mission. This gave me sincere satisfaction, well knowing that under all circumstances which could happen, I might rely on receiving from him the most useful assistance and counsel, and that in the event of any accident to myself, the public business would be left in hands so honest, so honorable, and so able, that my loss would not be felt. During my stay at Constantinople, on my way home, I had become acquainted with Mr. James Morier, at the house of his father, the then Consul General. He had lately arrived at Constantinople from Smyrna, where he had been settled in a mercantile partnership with a Mr. Wilkinson of that place. When Mr. Arbuthnot confided to me the charge of his despatches, Mr. Morier wanting to go to England, I gave him a place in my carriage, and franked his passage home : and the civilities I had received from his father, both whilst I resided at Bagdad, and at Constantinople, induced me, as he was out of employment, to accede to his wish of accompanying me to Persia as my private secretary. I made a request there-THE MISSION. 5 fore to Mr. Tierney to that effect, who most obligingly granted it. The Mission therefore intended to proceed to Persia through Russia, consisted of myself as envoy, Mr. Vaughan as public secretary, and Mr. James Morier as my private secretary. It will be recollected, however, that early in March of that year, whilst every thing for our departure was in an active state of preparation, a change of His Majesty's Counsellors took place. A new administration was then formed under arrangements made by the late Duke of Portland, in consequence of which, the late Mr. Canning was appointed to the office of Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and the present Lord Melville to that of President of the Board of India Control. Several papers connected with the proposed Mission had been delivered to me, and several articles designed for presents had been prepared, and were in my possession ; it therefore became my duty to embrace as early an opportunity as was decorous, to present myself to the new President of the Board of Control, and take his orders on the subject of them. Mr. Dundas received me very civilly, desiring me to retain the papers and presents till I heard farther from him. My constant and warm friend, the late Lord Melville, now arrived from Scotland in London. It was he, when holding the office now filled by his soil, who had entrusted to my charge in 1798,6 THE MISSION. the mission to Bagdad, in performing the duties of which, I was fortunate enough to merit his entire and uniform approbation, so much so, as to induce him to mention me favorably on all occasions, where he thought it might do me service. I therefore took the earliest opportunity of waiting on his lordship after his arrival from Scotland. I had the pleasure of seeing his lordship at his house in Cleveland Row. He received me in the kindest manner, and spoke of my services at Bagdad in such flattering terms, that I can safely say, afforded me the utmost gratification ; for at this period of my life, which is now fast drawing to a close, and when whatever wishes 1 may have felt to advance myself have been disappointed, and are now dead, I always consider it no small honor to have merited (or at least received), unqualified praise from such a statesman as Henry Viscount Melville, and no small happiness to have been admitted to a certain degree of familiar intercourse with him; particularly as he knew the friendship with which I was at the same time honored by some of his political opponents. When I took my leave of his lordship, he kindly made use of these words ; " I think so well of you, and your services at Bagdad have been such, that if there is anything in which I can promote your interest, name it, and I shall have pleasure in doing it." At this time I made no mention to his Lordship of the mission to Persia, nor in what manner ITHE MISSION. 7 had been concerned in it, for my greatly respected, and invaluable friend, the late Sir Hugh Inglis, for whose advice, assistance, and friendship, I am under the greatest, and never-to-be-forgotten obligations, as well as the late Sir Francis Baring, were of opinion that it would be more advantageous to me to pursue the regular line of the Company's service, (in which they both assured me they would use all their influence for my advancement to the very best appointments), than to throw myself out of it, by taking charge of a mission to Persia. It. was about the very latter end of April, Mr. Vaughan mentioned to me, that a friend of his had told him, that he was present in a company, where Lord Melville was asked if he had heard anything of a Mission to Persia, and if he knew under whose charge it was to proceed, and that his Lordship answered " Yes, and I wish it had " left England, for it is a very important one, and " it is under charge of Mr. Jones, a better man than " whom, could not have been chosen." Not long after this was told to me by Mr. Vaughan, I received a note from Mr. Robert Dundas, desiring me to wait on him at the India Board Office, when he informed me that Ministers had determined that I should retain the appointment of envoy to Persia, and that they had also determined, in consequence of representations made by the East India Company, that the mis-8 THE MISSION. sion, as to all the other members of it, should be new modelled. On receiving this information, I confess my first feelings were to declare I would not undertake a mission of so much delicacy and responsibility, unless I had the power of choosing my private secretary. Before, however, I said anything on this point, it seemed prudent to consult with Sir Hugh Inglis, and Sir Francis Baring. The former appeared inclined to take my own view of the subject; whilst Sir Francis strongly urged the necessity and propriety, as matters had gone so far, of my accepting the appointment, on the terms it was offered, laying much stress on the certainty of my success in Persia, and the future advantage to me, which that success would be fraught with.* * I see no impropriety now in distinctly saying, both these kind friends assured me, if the mission was successful, that they would, on my return, use their utmost influence and exertions to procure for me the government of Bombay; the present Lord Melville knows that Sir Hugh Inglis, as Chairman of the Company, mentioned this to him in strong terms : and perhaps my Lord may remember the sort of apologetic terms he made use of to me, when he informed me of Sir Evan Nepean's appointment. " We shall be able to pop you in on some future opening." Now the comical part of the story is, that the person whose embassy to Persia to turn out the French, completely failed, had afterwards the Government of Bombay; and that I, whose embassy was completely successful, was not only refused that, but when the narrowness of my circumstances made it convenient to me to ask for employment, I was refused offices, which persons far my juniors in the Company's Civil Servicc, might have asked for without being ac-THE MISSION. 9 Seeing two of my excellent friends not entirely agreed as to which was the best line of conduct for me to pursue, I repaired to a third (who had long honored me with his advice and good opinion), I mean the late General Fitzpatrick, who, after a long conversation, concluded by saying, " I sincerely wish you had left England whilst we " were in administration, but as from our repeated " and long communications together, I am convin-" ced, whatever difficulties you may meet with, " you will succeed, it is impossible in that case " that any set of men, whether your friends, or " those to whom you are not much known, can "refuse to reward you proportionably to your " deserts." This put an end to all doubt, and in company with Sir Hugh Inglis, I acquainted Mr. Dundas that I was ready to obey the commands of His Majesty's Government. Shortly after, I waited on the Chairman and Deputy Chairman of the East India Company, at the India House. I was received civilly enough; but I was informed by them, that Ministers had left in their power the nomination of the public and private secretary to the mission, and that it cused of presumption. Had Henry Viscount Melville, and Sir Francis Baring, lived till I returned, matters would not have gone thus with me : however,— -" Hoc decus illi Hoc solamen erat, bellis hoc victor alibat Omnibus."10 THE MISSION. was their intention to appoint to the first, Major Lewis Smith, who had been in the service of some of the native Princes in India, and who had just arrived in England from Bengal; and to the latter, one of their own junior civil servants, who would hereafter be made known to me. This new arrangement, as it regarded Mr. Vaughan, was to him a matter of no importance, but to me it was a matter of the greatest concern ; and I well knew, and truly lamented, the loss I sustained of so amiable and able a coadjutor. The case, as far as it respected Mr. Morier, was totally different, to whom, to retain the situation to which he had been appointed, was a matter of great importance; and for him, at his own instance, and that of his friends, I determined to fight as stiff a battle as possible. My first object was to see Lord Melville, to whom I freely stated how much I was cast down by the arrangement which had been communicated to me at the India House, and frankly told him, that unless I was permitted to choose my own private secretary, he would oblige me if he would, in the manner most proper, and least offensive, convey to Mr. Dundas my wish to resign the appointment of Envoy to Persia. His Lordship condescended to say he felt very strongly for my situation, and spake at the same time in the highest terms of Mr. Yaughan ; but added, as the East India Company " pay the piper," and GovernmentTHE MISSION. 11 appoint the Envoy, it was thought but fair the Company should have the appointment of the two secretaries. His Lordship however was good enough to say he would speak strongly on the subject to Mr. Robert Dundas ; and that perhaps if I made a good battle at the India House, I might be able also to retain Mr. Morier. This ultimately, after much solicitation, and at the expense of receiving some peevish expressions from the Chairmen, I effected. It was impossible there could be a more amiable person than Major Smith, and as he knew the Persian language well, and spoke it fluently, I should have been extremely happy to have received him as private secretary, but the service in which he had been employed in India, the rank of which, as compared either with that of His Majesty's, or of the Company's service, the Persians could not fail to be acquainted with, made him in my judgment, by no means a proper person to hold the second rank in a mission, which was for the first time to enter that country directly from the King. The political events which took place since the beginning of March, caused all idea of the mission proceeding through Russia to be abandoned as early as the end of April, and as the effects of those events were gradually developing themselves, His Majesty's Ministers fixed various periods for its departure, which were repeatedly postponed12 THE MISSION. and changed. Early in the month of August, His Majesty was graciously pleased to confer on me the dignity of Baronet of Great Britain, which Lord Melville, in a letter to Sir Hugh Inglis,* told me to consider as a reward for my services at Bagdad, and for the effort I had made, by crossing the Baltic in an open boat in the dead of winter, to bring home Mr. Adair's and the King of Prussia's despatches. This was confirmed to me by Mr. Secretary Canning, when I kissed His Majesty's hands for the honor conferred on me. As soon as the Mission was finally arranged at the India House, I was desired to purchase any further articles which I thought might be acceptable to the King of Persia as presents. In such matters I had had pretty fair experience during my long residence at Bussora and Bagdad, and my different visits to Persia; and I had uniformly found presents in money were always the most acceptable, because neither the presenter, nor the presented, could possibly estimate their value differently. And I always found that presents so made, were in the end the least expensive to my employers, or to myself, because there was no * In this letter, Henry Viscount Melville distinctly said, if I succeeded in Persia, he would exert all his influence to procure roe the appointment of Governor of Bombay; and when my success was communicated to his Lordship, and that I had tendered my resignation, and requested leave to return to England, his Lordship emphatically said to Sir Hugh Inglis, " this is the only false step he has taken in the business."THE MISSION. 13 profit paid to a mechanic for workmanship. I had no fear of wounding the Persian delicacy, for I knew, from the intimacy which had long subsisted between myself and some of the principal Persian Ministers, that I could, when on the spot, obtain the loan of any valuable articles from them, to make the ostensible present, which after being carried in form to the King, should be returned to me, and the amount of the peishcush or present afterward^ sent in money. By this means, the Company would probably save a full quarter, as well as the charge of commission, paid to the merchants by some of my predecessors. Being in London, and having nothing to do, it happened one day that I went into Phillips's the auctioneer in Bond Street, when a large brilliant diamond was offered for sale, for which the biddings were so low, that it was bought in. It was a jewel of no common magnitude, and after Phillips had left his desk, I had the curiosity to enquire to whom it belonged, and was told that the proprietor was the representative of the late William Hornby, Esq. formerly governor of Bombay; and that the very respectable house of Bruce, Fawcett, and Co. had the disposal of the stone for that gentleman. With the history of this diamond I had long been acquainted, and it may not perhaps be disagreeable to the reader to learn something of it. This stone was brought out of Persia by some Armenians to Bombay in the year 1779, from14 THE MISSION. which, I conclude it to be one of those royal jewels which fell into private hands in the confusion which took place at Schyras, on the death of Kesim Khan. From these Armenians it was purchased by an Armenian lady at Bombay, of the name of Cross, but whose more frequent and better known appellation was Madame Pompone. Mr. Hornby was at that time governor of Bombay, and the East India Company then allowed their civil servants the privilege of trading on their own account, so that Mr. Hornby was not only the first in dignity and authority, but also the first and greatest merchant at Bombay. To him Madame Pompone exhibited her splendid purchase, and offered at the same time to sell it. The purchase was soon concluded by Mr. Hornby and the late Mr. David Scott, at the price of something like <£21,000. In the year 1782, the late Mr. H., son-in-law to Mr. Hornby, proceeded from Bombay to England by way of Bassora, and to this gentleman's care Mr. Hornby entrusted the diamond, with directions on his arrival in England to deliver it to the late John Hunter, Esq. an East India Director. The extraordinary part of the business is, that Mr. Hornby never communicated to Mr. H. the nature and value of his charge, and Mr. H. not being able to see Mr. Hunter immediately on his arrival, left the packet in a house where he had slept the first night of his arrival, and from whence, contrary to what might have been expected, he was fortunate enough to recover it.THE MISSION. 15 The form of this diamond does not equal its water and color: with its water no serious fault can be found, and its tinge or color is that which is never considered by jewellers to deteriorate the value of a diamond—I mean a slight shade of pink when placed in certain lights: the form is what the oriental jewellers call an irregular circle, but capable of being much improved if the stone were submitted to new cutting and some loss of substance. Could a purchaser have been found for it, it ought, according to the late Mr. Jeffries' tables, every allowance being made, to have been sold for between .£24,000, and £25,000. No such purchaser however did present himself in England, and as the Empress of Russia, Catherine, had not long before purchased from an Armenian the great diamond known by the Koo-i-Noor or Mountain of Light, which had also been clandestinely carried out of Persia subsequently to the murder of Nadir Shah ; it was considered not improbable, she might wish to become possessed of this also. With this view, Mr. Hunter made a journey to Petersburgh, but whether he estimated the diamond too high, or the jewel did not please the Empress, he returned with it unsold to England, where it remained till the period I am speaking of. Mr. Scott, not long after Mr. Hornby purchased it, sold his share of the jewel to Mr. Hornby, whose representative was now the sole proprietor.16 THE MISSION. Those who have dealt in precious stones are well aware it seldom happens that diamonds of the magnitude of the one in question, purchased even at a very favorable price, can be so readily disposed of again as to prevent the interest of money invested from absorbing the profit when the gem is resold : but in the instance before us, the gentlemen who purchased this diamond of Madame Pompone, gave so high a price for it, as to lead one to imagine they trusted to an immediate resale, in which however they were sadly disappointed ; and I calculate that when the stone was put to auction at Phillips's, its cost to the proprietor had been as follows;—viz. prime cost <£21,000, twenty-six years interest at 5 per cent. <£27,000, total <£48,000. After a conversation with Mr. Fawcett, the jewel was directed to be held at my orders, and the following arrangement respecting it was concluded between myself and that gentleman ; that on my leaving London to embark for Persia, it should be delivered to me to put into the hands of Captain Davies on freight; that on my arrival in India, it should be lodged in the hands of Messrs. Bruce's firm at Bombay, and that on my departure from thence to Persia, it should be delivered to me to take with me at the risk of the proprietor, until parted with, and that the terms of parting with it should be entirely left to my discretion. The reader will by and by hear more of this jewel.THE MISSION. 17 On the 27th of October, 1807, His Majesty's Sloop of War, of 24 guns, the Sapphire, Captain George Davies, sailed from Portsmouth, with instructions to convey myself, and the gentlemen attached to the Mission, first to Bombay, and from thence to Bushire, in the Gulf of Persia. The passage to Madeira, if not a remarkable, was at least a very favourable one, for, on the eighth day, in the morning, I landed at Funchal, the Sapphire having, late in the preceding evening, anchored in the road. The passage from Madeira to the Cape was not proportionably good, and our arrival at Bombay, from the difficulty we experienced from not keeping enough to the southward, to make our casting between the Cape and India, was protracted to the 26th of April, 1808, when I learnt, that in consequence of the great delay that had taken place in my arrival, Brigadier-General Malcolm, had been appointed by Lord Minto, the then Governor-General of India, to proceed to Taeheran, as his Envoy, and that he had just sailed for Persia; indeed, whilst the Sapphire was working into Bombay Harbour, some of the vessels composing part of his fleet, were to be seen standing to the northward, on their course to the Gulf. I was told from good authority, that the Sapphire's evening gun, on the night preceding her arrival, was distinctly heard at Bombay.* I had long been, not only in official, but the * Mr. Duncan, the Governor, mentioned this to me. b18 THE MISSION. most friendly correspondence with Mr. Duncan, at that time Governor of Bombay, and I was received by him in a manner the most hospitable, and which gave me the greatest pleasure. It was certainly untoward enough to reflect that General Malcolm should have departed with the Sapphire almost in sight; but the information I received from Mr. Duncan, respecting the state of the French Mission, and of our affairs in Persia, made me consider it my duty not to interfere in any shape with the step General Malcolm had taken, but patiently to await the result of it at Bombay. As it was evident some months must elapse before this could be known, I was desirous, as soon as possible, to communicate to the Gover-nor-General, not only rny arrival in India, but the resolution I had taken, of suspending for the present my departure to Persia. And to render this communication as respectful as possible to his Lordship, I sent my dispatches to him, under the care of the public secretary to the Mission, Major Smith. In answer to this communication I received from Lord Minto the most flattering commendation, on the wisdom, propriety, and disinterestedness of my conduct. General Malcolm, after soipe little negociation at Bushire, between himself and the Persian ministers, determined to withdraw from Persia; and sailed from Bushire direct to Calcutta. As soon as the intelligence of this reached the Gover-THE MISSION. 19 nor-General, he wrote to me overland, urging me in the most earnest manner to proceed. lo Persia with as little delay as possible. Fortunately for me it so happened that H. M. ship La Nereide, Captain Corbett, which had been employed in the River Plata on the memorable expedition under the command of General White-lock, had grounded in that river, and was supposed to have received so much damage as to require going into dock : this accommodation could not be afforded her at the Cape, and therefore Captain Corbett had brought her to Bombay; and Sir Edward Pellew, being on the Coromandel coast, her gallant Captain became senior King's naval officer at Bombay. Understanding my wish of proceeding to Persia immediately, Captain Corbett was so good as to offer La Nereide for myself and a part of the Mission; an offer I was delighted to accept. In seven days therefore, from receiving Lord Minto's letter, I embarked on board La Nereide, and she, with the Sapphire, and a very small vessel belonging to the Company, called the Sylph, sailed out of Bombay harbour for Persia on the 12th September, 1808. The Mission then consisted of the following persons :—Myself, Envoy ; Major Smith, public Secretary, absent at Calcutta; Mr. James Morier, private Secretary ; Mr. Thomas Henry Sheridan, Political Assistant; Captain James Sutherland, Surveyor; Cornet Willock, who had been attached b 220 THE MISSION. to General Malcolm's Mission, but left by him at Bombay; and a native Persian Secretary recommended to me by Mr. Duncan. On the 14th October, 1808, La Nereide and the Sapphire anchored in Bushire roads, and by my desire, Mr. Bruce, the East India Company's resident" at that port, came to me on board La Nereide. After a long conversation with him he returned on shore that night, to settle with the Governor of the town (whom I had known from a youth) some preliminaries regarding my reception on shore next day, all which, in the present state of things, I deemed necessary to have arranged before I left La Nereide ; and very early on the following morning, I had the pleasure to receive a communication from Mr. Bruce, that whatever I had demanded in this respect, had been most readily granted. In the course of the day Shaik Abdul Resoul, and the principal merchants of the town, came on board La Nereide to compliment me on my arrival, and towards mid-day, under a salute from both of H. M. ships, the gentlemen of the Mission and myself proceeded on shore, accompanied by the governor, and the persons who had attended him on board La Nereide. As Captain Corbett never wasted that, which on the public or any other service, is most valuable, I mean time, he was desirous of returning to India immediately after I landed. Hasty dispatches therefore, for India and England, merely stating that the MissionTHE MISSION. 21 had landed, and was well received, were prepared and delivered to him; and in the course of the evening, I parted from my gallant, high-minded honorable friend, alas ! never to meet again ! I am aware that the necessity and even the propriety of the strict discipline which he maintained on board his ship, has not only been questioned, but his conduct severely censured ; and though I at once profess myself incompetent to offer an opinion on the subject, still I have sailed often enough on board H. M. ships of war, to observe, that, not only the general temper, disposition, and habits of their several crews varied, but that the state of perfection to which they had arrived, in the performance of the seaman's duty, differed ; and I can scarcely imagine that the loudest of Captain Cor-bett's censurers in this respect, will go the length of asserting, that a raw ill-disposed crew can be treated in the same manner as a crew of veterans, well trained and well disposed, can, and ought to be. Therefore, till these gentlemen chuse to affirm, which of these two descriptions of men Captain Corbett had to deal with, all their unkind observations on the memory of that brave man, must, with unprejudiced minds, go for nothing. It is enough for me to bear testimony as an eye witness, whilst on board La Nereide, to the tenderness of heart, benevolence, and earnest attention to their comfort, which were daily, without the smallest ostentation, manifested by Captain Cor-22 THE MISSION. bett towards the sick: and, I can safely say, if when well, he treated his crew as a strict commander, when any of them were ill, he treated them more like beloved children, than any thing else. This gallant man had a fixed opinion, that the superiority of our navy over that of other countries, arose principally from the superiority of the discipline we maintained in it; and when a sort of mutiny was apparent in La Nereide's crew at Bombay ; and I was cautioned even by Mr. Duncan, as to what might be the effect of it, on the passage up the Gulph; the following words made a part of his address to all hands, who were turned upon deck, almost instantly after the ceremony of receiving me on board was finished:—" Gentlemen, " I find you have indirectly, and in no very proper " manner, complained to the civil authorities on " shore, of the treatment you receive on board His " Majesty's ship under my command. For my part, " I shall be glad if any of you will bring me before " my proper tribunal, a court-martial; and I here " promise you, before a person invested with the " representation of our common Sovereign, that " when this voyage is finished, I will afford to " such as may be desirous of doing this, every " facility in my power. In the meantime, I tell " you plainly, as long as we sail together, by G—d, " I will keep you strictly to your duty, and that " it is a matter of perfect indifference to me,THE MISSION. 23 " whether I lose my life in supporting what I con-" sider to be the proper and necessary discipline " of our service, or whether I lose it in battle, it " will be as well lost for the interests of my king " and country, in the one case as in the other." The effect of this speech may be judged of by the circumstance of a gruff voice rising from amongst the seamen, as they were shuffling from the deck, uttering most audibly, " Well said, old iron-bound, by G—d!" In the exercise of his principle of discipline, Corbett never shewed any respect to persons, an instance of which I was one day witness to. As he and I, after dinner, were walking the quarterdeck, the weather being extremely hot, Mr. Sheridan had seated himself on the carriage of one of the quarter-deck carronades. Corbett, on perceiving it, went up to him, and said, " My dear " Sir, forgive me, but if His Majesty had intended " the quarter-deck of his ship to be made a draw-" ing room, he, no doubt, would have commanded it to have been furnished with chairs and velvet " cushions, for the use of his officers and their " friends." I confess it struck me as no common proof of the great good sense, good temper, and amiable disposition, which my friend Sheridan so eminently possessed, that instead of receiving this rather abrupt address with displeasure, and starting off below, he joined Corbett and myself, and told the former, with a smile, " that if, at any future24 THE MISSION. " time, His Majesty should order cushions for the " quarter-deck of La Nereide, he hoped he should " be consulted as to the fringes, because he con-" sidered himself to possess an exquisitely good " taste in those articles." The smallest thing out of its place, or not adjusted au point, made Corbett irritably uneasy ; and his eye was constantly roving above or below over every part of the 'ship, to see that all was right. It happened, one day, that I came into the cabin, whilst Corbett was in one of the quarter galleries, and though the door was open, I was not aware that he was there, nor was he aware that I was in the cabin. I began to read, and in a little time, was much amused and surprised to hear Captain Corbett utter, pretty loud, the following exclamation :—" Well, old Nereide, let them say what they " will of thee, thou art a beautiful beast, by G—d." Corbett had a great passion for an opportunity being afforded him to fight La Nereide, which carried twelve pounders, against a French frigate, carrying eighteen pounders, and he appeared to have no doubt about the result of the engagement being in his favor. Just before La Nereide sailed for the Gulf of Persia, there had been on the coast, to the northward of Bombay, a French frigate of this description, and she escaped being brought to action by Capt. Foote, in consequence of his carrying away the fore-topmast of his frigate in the chace. It was byTHE MISSION. no means certain that this vessel had left the coast, and Corbett's first question in the morning was, "any sail in sight?" and his last wish at night, that we might fall in with this French frigate. This idea had taken such possession of his mind, that frequently, in the course of each day, he exr claimed to me ; " I wish we may fall in with the " Frenchman. I will then either do what has not " yet been done in the navy, or go to the bottom." Never thinking, that though this, to him, whose trade was fighting, might be very agreeable, yet, to me, whose trade was writing, it was by no means a consummation devoutly to be wished. I lament having to add, that Capt. Corbett lost his valuable life in an action off the island of Bourbon, with two French frigates, and as I cannot find any account of this most remarkable and gallant action given in Dodsley's Annual Register, I extract the following from the Asiatic Annual Register for the years 1810-11. " Captain Rowley arrived at St. Paul's, about " the same time the enemy arrived off Bourbon, " waiting for a reinforcement, but not anticipating " any certain succour which might afford him " adequate means to check the effrontery of the " enemy, to clear the British port from molesta-" tion, and to drive him once more within his own " seas. On the 12th of September, within two " days after his return to the island, under the " mortifying circumstances explained, the com-26 THE MISSION. " modore had the good fortune to hear of the " arrival at St. Denis, of H.M. frigate, the Africaine, " from England, under the command of Captain " Corbett. The Boadicea was immediately pre-" pared for sea, and accompanied by the other " sloop of war and Staunch gun brig, proceeded " to join the Africaine, for the purpose of attack-" ing the French frigates, which stood off to sea, " with a fresh breeze to the eastward, as soon as " the British force was discovered. The enemy's " ships had the advantage of the wind ; the En-" glish division being subjected, from their relative " situation, to light baffling airs. The Africaine, " experiencing after a short interval a favorable " but partial breeze, came before the fall of the " evening close to the enemy, and lost not sight " of him in any part of the night, maintaining, " during the chace, a communication with the " Boadicea by means of night signals. " Captain Corbett, before it was dark, had mani-" fested so much superiority in sailing, that he " thought himself justified in shortening sail within " gun shot of the enemy, apparently with a view " of the Boadicea's coming up. The Boadicea, " who was a bad sailer, was several miles astern, " and the gallant and impetuous spirit of Captain " Corbett did not allow him to wait for her coming " up, for he saw if he did so, the enemy would in " the meantime escape. He resolved, therefore, " to attack both, with his single frigate, and heTHE MISSION. 27 " ran up at three o'clock in the morning, and " opened a heavy fire on each. The action con-" tinued with great fury for some time: the En-" glish fire made dreadful carnage with the enemy; " but at length the masts of the Africaine went " by the board. Captain Corbett was killed, and " every man on deck, except three, being either " killed or wounded, and the ship being at the " same time reduced to an unmanageable wreck, " struck her colors, and was taken possession of " by the enemy. " During this unequal conflict, Commodore " Rowley made every effort to join the Africaine, but the two French frigates had suffered so " severely in the action with the Africaine, that " they had no inclination to renew the battle with " the Boadicea; on her approach, they left their " prize to be taken possession of by Commodore " Rowley, and made off with all possible dispatch " to the Isle of France, to refit the damages they " had sustained in their action with the Africaine. " They were both much crippled, and owed their " escape entirely to the heaviness of the Boadicea's " sailing. The Africaine landed 120 wounded at " St. Paul's, and she had 50 killed outright in the " action." The manner of my poor friend's death was reported to me after my return to England, by the father of one of the gentlemen midshipmen who was fortunate enough to escape suffering in the28 THE MISSION. dreadful carnage. In the early part of the action, Captain Corbett was twice wounded, but would not quit the quarter-deck; he afterwards received a wound, so very serious in its nature, as to disable him from remaining longer on deck, and he was carried below to have his wounds dressed, and be laid in his cot. - When the colors were struck, this young gentleman was sent below to Captain Corbett for his sword, that it might be delivered to the French officer who came on board to take possession of the vessel. When this person came to the side of his captain's cot, he found him with his uniform sword lying by him on his cot, over which were hanging two fancy swords, one of which had been presented to him in testimony of former gallant conduct. Understanding what was required of him, and notwithstanding the agony he was in, Corbett contrived, as his cot swung near the port, to throw his uniform sword into the sea; then told the young gentleman to take which of the other swords he pleased, tore the dressings from his wounds, and bled to death. If this be not an instance of " the ruling passion " strong in death," I know not what is. Stat sua cuique dies, breve et irreparibile tempus Omnibus est vitae—sedfamam extendere factis Hoc virtutis opus est. To return to the Mission,—I was now fairly embarked in the prosecution of that which had for so many months occupied my thoughts, andTHE MISSION. 29 embarked in it under circumstances of more awful responsibility than I had originally contemplated. The information I obtained at Bombay of the proceedings of General Malcolm, was by no means so full as it might have been, and I had but a very hasty sight of a very long paper which he had delivered to the Persian ministry, under the form and title of a Declaration, on the contents and necessity of which I am obliged to say, I differed in opinion with the General; but reflecting on the position in which I was placed^ it appeared to me the wisest course I could adopt, would be to give my proceedings as much as possible the appearance of agreement with his, instead of acting as I should have done, had I commenced my negocia-tion with the Persian ministers under other circumstances, and unfettered by these considerations. It became incumbent upon me therefore to ascertain precisely what was the opinion of the Court, and Persians in general, as to the intentions with which General Malcolm had returned to India; and I soon found it to be, that he departed from Bushire with the design of prevailing on the Governor-General to place a large force under his command, with which he might return, and by means of it, force the King to renounce the connection it was said he had formed with the French ; and in addition to this, I found that the Persians generally believed, that one of the unfortunate princes of the Zend family, then living at30 THE MISSION. Bombay, was to accompany this armament, and if necessary, to employ himself in rallying the friends of his family in the southern parts of the empire. Such assuredly was the opinion of the Persians, and such assuredly placed me in no very pleasant situation. I cheered myself, however, with the reflection that I was now within reach of communication with some very old and steady friends, whom I was quite certain, would represent every measure I took, in the most favorable light;—would, in all cases of difficulty, give me valuable and disinterested advice ;—and would, on all occasions, give me information, from the best and surest sources to which they had access. There was at this time living in exile at Bushire, Abdullah Aga, a Turk, who had for some years been Governor of Bussora, and afterwards, during my residence at Bagdad of Merdin; through the whole of which time, a very intimate correspondence and friendship, as long as Suleiman Pa9ha lived, subsisted between us. The great abilities of this gentleman were highly valued both at Constantinople and Taheran, and his probity, honesty, and humanity, had rendered him exceedingly beloved and dear to all the inhabitants of the cities and countries uuder the Governments of Bussora and Merdin. In consequence, he became an object of great jealousy to Ally Pa9ha, the successor of Suleiman, who had, unsuccessfully, attempted to seize him ; whilst the esteem in whichTHE MISSION. 31 he was held by the King of Persia and his ministers, was so great, that he was consulted by them in all their transactions of importance with the Court of Constantinople. This gentleman was so kind as to visit me on board La Nereide ; and on the morning after I landed at Bushire, paid me another visit at the factory house in the country, at which he expressed a desire to converse with me in private. As soon as we were alone, I was rejoiced to find he had a letter for me, from my old and powerful friend Meerza Bozurg; but on opening it, I was as much disappointed, to perceive it contained nothing more than commonplace compliments, and assurances of the pleasure he should receive in seeing me again, provided such "should be our fortune," (nasseeb.) I suspect that my countenance on reading this letter, betrayed disappointment, for Abdullah Aga, with a very particular tone and manner, said, "but the " letter is not the whole I have for you from " Meerza Bozurg,—I have a message also—it is " short but very important:—lose no time in let-" 'ting me know, through Abdullah Aga, your " f plans and wishes—it will be your own fault if " f you are not admitted to the presence ; and as " ' you have many and strong friends, particularly " ' amongst several merchants who have great in-" f fluence, it will also be your own fault if you " ' do not succeed. I might have been appointed " * to negociate with you, but, as in that case, I32 THE MISSION. " f should have deprived myself of rendering you " ' many services when occasions offer, I declined it. " f The children whom you left children at Schyras, " ' are become men; one of them is minister to the " ' Prince Royal, and nothing concerning your " ' Mission will be concluded, without the prince's " 'knowledge and concurrence. Whatever hap-" ' pens, keep your temper till you reach Taeheran, " ' and push on as quick as you can.' " In the course of a day or two, I received a letter from Mahommed Nebee Khan, who was then at Schyras; and as this person appeared in India as an envoy from the King of Persia, to the Governor-General, the reader will not find fault with me, I hope, if I give some account of my connection with him. Immediately after my arrival at Bussora, in the year 1784, I determined to commence studying Persian; but to find any one willing to become my preceptor was difficult; and to find one, either at Bassora or Bushire, who spoke the language with purity, and who possessed a decent knowledge of Persian literature, was much more difficult. I visited Schyras, for the first time, in 1786, and both on my way there, and on my return, I made some stay at Bushire ; during that time I became well acquainted with a merchant named Hajee Kheleel, who afterwards was appointed envoy to the Bengal Government, on the part of the King of Persia ; and who most unfortunately lost his life in an affray at Bombay, on his way to Calcutta.THE MISSION. 33 Mohammed Nebee Khan's mother had formerly been protected by Mr. Douglas, chief, for some time, of the factory at Gombroon, and afterwards of that at Bussora. By this gentleman she had a daughter, who, in course of time, became heiress to Mr. Douglas's fortune, and who, after being educated in England, married an English gentleman, of rank and great respectability. On the decease of Mr. Douglas, the mother, who was originally a pyrist or worshipper of fire, was persuaded to change her religion, and to marry a very respecta ble merchant at Bushire, named AgaCutchuk,by whom she had Mohammed Nebee; a daughter, married to Hajee Kheleel; and several other children. Some unlucky speculations in trade, had, before his decease, reduced AgaCutchuk to very narrow circumstances, and a very principal part of the support of the widow and her children, was derived from remittances made to the family, from England, by her very amiable daughter above alluded to. To Hajee Kheleel, I had applied to procure me a moonshee, or preceptor, in Persia, and he recommended Mohammed Nebee to me, who was an exceedingly amiable, well-informed young man, and what is much prized among the Persians, wrote a most beautiful hand. The allowances I then received from the East India Company,* did * At this time, and for the fourteen years I served them at Bas-sora, I never received from them more than 150 rupees per month, or £169. Is. 9d. per annum, amounting, in 14 years, to the sum of c34 THE MISSION. not permit me to give Mohammed Nebee a better salary than thirty rupees per month; but his brother-in-law promised to help this out, by constituting him his commercial agent at Bussora, in which capacity he was to receive a low commission on goods consigned to him. We, therefore, when I left Bushire, returned to Bussora together. Mohammed Nebee's good temper, and good conduct, soon procured him many friends ; and, not long after his joining me, a large concern in vessels, to sail between Bengal and the Persian Gulf, was established, between Hajee Kheleel at Bushire, a Portuguese merchant (Signor Philip da Cruz), residing at Calcutta, and Mr. Manesty and myself, at Bussora. This connexion very naturally brought Mohammed Nebee in contact with me in another character besides that of Persian preceptor; and when, in 1794, I left Bussora to proceed to England, I parted from him, established as one of the first merchants of the place, and greatly respected by the Turkish government for sagacity and good conduct. As I had a real friendship for him, I observed with concern, that as his wealth increased, it was accompanied with a strong passion for interfering in Government speculations, and political intrigue ;—a passion, which, whatever brilliant and illusive prospects it may present at its outset, I have never known any Oriental merchant pursue, without its ending £2,367. Os. 6d. ! and, at a very low calculation, I am confident, within that period, that I must have paid them 7,000£. in customs.THE MISSION. 35 either in his ruin or destruction, and in many instances in both. And my reader will easily conceive this must be the case, when he is told that it is an invariable rule with all Oriental Governments, to consider the wealth of the merchants who transact any business for them, as entirely proceeding from the very lucrative contracts they are thus enabled to make ; and that, therefore, no injustice or wrong is committed, when the Government calls them to a severe account, and, under this pretence, deprives them of all, or the greater part, of their property. When I arrived at Bagdad in 1798, I found the bark of Mohammed Nebee's fortune had proceeded with a most prosperous gale, and that both his wealth and reputation were exceedingly augmented ; but I also learnt, not without much regret, that he was principally and deeply engaged in politico-mercantile speculations, both at Bus-sora and in Persia. An Oriental diplomatist always, either secretly or openly, combines the ill-agreeing characters of eelchee and taujar—that is, merchant and ambassador; and to this rule, as far as I know, the Turks form the only exception. Hajee Kheleel had now become, confessedly, the greatest merchant at Bushire ; and the commerce he carried on was principally connected with India. When a Mission in return for General Malcolm's Mission, was to be sent from Persia to India, Hajee Kheleel immediately saw the immense advantage it would be to him to be re- c 236 THE MISSION. ceived in India in the character of the King of Persia's Envoy. His communications and concerns with the Persian Government, and his reputation for wealth and ability, easily procured him an order for his appearance at court; and the King was soon glad to find a person who would undertake the Embassy to India, with no further demand on himself or his treasury, than to receive the empty title of Khan, a court dress, a permission to wear a jehci, or piece of jewellery, in his cap, and some sets of horse furniture. The deplorable termination of these his projects of ambition, and increase of power and wealth, which took place at Bombay, may serve, if rightly read, as an instance, if instances were wanting, how frequently those things which we most passionately and ardently desire, may, by God's good providence, he beneficially denied to our prayers. When Hajee Kheleel expired at Bombay, he left, by the sister of Mohammed Nebee, an only son, who was a minor, at Bushire; and he also left a widow, a Turkish lady at Bussora, whom he had married in one of his mercantile visits to that place. In Persia, Mohammed Nebee found no difficulty in getting himself acknowledged as the guardian of his nephew, and the executor of his brother-in-law ; but there was property belonging to Kheleel, to a considerable amount lying in the warehouses at Bussora, the control over whicji the Turks seemed inclined to dispute with Mohammed Nebee, in consequence of the representa-THE MISSION. 37 tions of Fatima, the Turkish widow, who was a lady of very great beauty, but still greater turbulence of spirit and knowledge of intrigue. This lady, however, was by some means or other persuaded to give her hand in third nuptials (for she had first been married to Hajee Eusoof, the Capoutan Pa9ha) to Mohammed Nebee, and from that moment, the Bussora government ceased to interfere, and Mohammed Nebee commenced his intrigues at Taeheran, for the embassy to India. Considering to what point the embassy of Hajee Kheleel had arrived, there might be good policy, or there might be a necessity, that it should be carried to its close by his executor. Be this, however, as it may, Mohammed Nebee proceeded to Taeheran, and received the title of Khan, and his credentials to India, on the same terms as his late brother-in-law had formerly received them. If I am asked how I know this, I reply because he told me so. If I am asked what these terms were, I answer from the same authority, that the king of Persia was to be at no further charges on account of this mission, than those which have been already enumerated. The expense of the mission, and the advantage the ambassador was to derive from it, were, the one to be paid, and the other to be made from the ambassador being allowed to import and export throughout the British territories in India large quantities of merchandize duty free, and from the. splendid allowance the ambassador expected, and actually38 THE MISSION. did draw, from our government. The expensive scale on which General Malcolm's mission had passed through Persia, had effected one thing most assuredly; and if it gave the Persians an idea of our boundless wealth, it gave them, at the same time, an idea of the facility, not to use a harsher word, with which we parted with that wealth. As an instance of this, whilst Mohammed Nebee was with me at Bagdad, on his way to India, he seriously consulted me, whether on the day on which he was to pay a visit of ceremony to Mr. Duncan, the governor at Bombay, it would not be proper for him to apply to our government for a sufficient supply of gold or silver wherewith to shoe the horses used in his procession, stating it, at the same time, to be his intention, that these shoes should be so lightly fastened, that they might from time to time drop off, and be scrambled for by the spectators. Now, notwithstanding appearances were in favor of my success, I could not but be aware that I did not yet stand on firm ground, and that except my own old personal friends at Schyras and Bu-shire, and my great pillar of confidence, Meerza Bozurg, the public officers who arrived from the former to the latter place, affected in their behaviour to shew me that I was to esteem their visits and notice as a favor, and consequently, that I was to submit without complaint to any want of respect or deviation from proper ceremony, which they might choose to practice.THE MISSION. 39 This was a matter which, on many accounts, it was absolutely necessary to check in principio ; and, accordingly, I determined to seize on the very first opportunity of giving some one of them a lesson, conveyed in strong terms, that I would not permit such conduct on their part to pass with impunity. The intrigues which had been carrying on for some time at Schyras by Mohammed Nebee Khan, and his brother, Mohammed Jaafer, at Bushire, against Shaik Abd-ul-Refoul, the son of Shaik Nassir, had now prevailed so far, that an officer of some rank was sent to arrest the shaik, and carry him prisoner to Schyras. By false promises and treachery, this officer effected the purpose of his mission ; and, as the prince at Schyras, thought the English might be alarmed at the seizure of the governor of a place with which our intercourse was so intimate and frequent, he sent me a declaratory firman, addressed to that officer, and requested me to deliver it into his hands, and require him to read it publicly in my presence. In consequence of this, I notified to him a time for the performance of his commission. The officer was to return to Schyras, and therefore a better subject, or a more proper time for my purpose, could not have presented themselves ; but besides all this, he fortunately put the game entirely into my hands. Before delivering the Prince's firman to him, I10 THE MISSION. stated my dissatisfaction at the formula in which the Prince had addressed me, telling him, that as the immediate representative in Persia of my sovereign, I could not suffer it to be continued ; and laying down broadly and plainly, the only terms on which I would receive either the visits or the communications of the Persian ministers and noblemen. I then gave him the firman, when, to my utter astonishment, after receiving the instrument with the accustomed marks of respect to his Prince's mandates, he said the room was very hot, and with perfect nonchalance, most indecently and unceremoniously took off his cap, commenced wiping his bald head with no very clean handkerchief, and then proceeded to read, sot to voce, the contents of the firman. Now, in Persia, baring the head in company, would be considered as the very acme of disrespect; I therefore said :—" Pray does the firman from the " Prince, which I have just put into your hands, " and which you are reading in so slovenly a " manner, direct you to insult me by an act, which, " had you dared to commit even in the presence " of your equals, there would not have been one " of them who would have hesitated to rise and " kick you out of the room ; and I do assure you, " I am only prevented doing so, by your being an " officer of the Prince ;—or does this proceed from " your own want of education or bad manners? " Tell me, sir, I say distinctly, am I thus affrontedTHE MISSION. 41 " by order of the Prince, or does such an unheard-" of act of incivility, arise solely from your brutal " self? Answer me these questions immediately, " for if the Prince have ordered me to be thus " treated, I will not rest to-night before I dispatch " a messenger to Taeheran, to demand satisfaction; " and if it be to you sir alone, I owe it, a messenger " shall be sent off instantly to the Prince, to com-" plain, in the strongest terms I can use, of your " misbehaviour." I now copy out of Mr. Sheridan's private journal, which came into my hands after his lamented death, the conclusion of this scene. " The Khan at first pretended not to hear " Sir Harford's questions, but on their being " sternly and loudly repeated, he blushed up to the " ears, looked like a fool, very humbly begged Sir " Harford's pardon, and as humbly entreated him " not to notice to the Prince what had taken " place." After this, I had not again occasion to complain of incivility in my guests, and the dispatches received afterwards, both from the Prince and his ministers, were perfectly guarded in their address and expressions. On Sunday, the 13th November, I received from the British agent at Schyras, Jaaffer Ally Khan, the intelligence, that the Prince had appointed a Mehmandar to wait on me from Bushire to Schyras, and that on my arrival there, I should find the official invitation from the King and his ministers to continue my journey to the presence. I received, at the same time, a private separate letter42 THE MISSION. from Jaafer Ally, of which, Mr. Sheridan, in his journal, speaks as follows.—" Read Jaafer Ally " Khan's separate letter to Sir Harford, from which " it appears, that it was determined at Tseheran, through the influence of Meerza Bozurg, that as " soon as his arrival in Persia was known, he " should be acknowledged and received." On the 22d of November, I felt myself justified in assuring Lord Minto, (little knowing how he had been worked upon, and what a fine freak in the meantime he had taken into his head) that I considered the success of the Mission as quite certain ; and I find a remark entered on this day by Mr. Sheridan in his Journal, to the following effect :—" Sir Harford attributes his prospect of " success, to the fear which the Persians have now " imbibed, of the consequences to which their con-" nection with France will lead them; and these " fears being stronger than the apprehensions they " entertain of the result of the war with Russia; " this state of things has been entirely brought " about by the precipitancy, parsimony, and hauteur " of the French Ambassador." Now, reader, if you will do me the favor to turn to page 338, of the first volume, containing the translation of the Persian Manuscript, and read the text and notes which you will find there, you will I think, perceive, that even in my preliminary discussions, I did not work entirely by the ride of thumb : and I think you will alsoTHE MISSION. 43 perceive a strong proof, from the accuracy of the information which was afforded me, how correctly I made the assertion in my first volume, " that " truer and kinder friends than the Persians do " not exist; that when confidence is merited, it " is generally obtained; and that a Persian grants " it in a manner equally creditable to the giver " and receiver." Matters having attained this point, on the 25th of November, I judged it proper to give the Persians an indisputable proof, that in all my political transactions and engagements with them, I was determined to fulfil every thing which, through General Malcolm, might have been held out to them in the name of the British Government in India, and to make all my proceedings harmonize with the plans and wishes he had developed, as far as I was acquainted with them. It is on this day, that I find Mr. Sheridan notes in his Journal as follows. " Copied a letter from Sir Harford, " to Nazir Ollah Khan, (the Prince Governor of " Schyras's Minister) stating, first, that whatever " promises General Malcolm had made to the Per-" sian Government, he, Sir Harford, was ready to " stipulate that they should be performed in toto : " and second, that he, Sir Harford, would willingly " engage to grant to Persia, such assistance in " her present war with Russia, in the shape " of military stores, of all sorts as she might " require; the letter concludes with a request,44 THE MISSION. " that a Mehmandar be immediately sent down, " Sir Harford reporting himself ready and most " anxious to move towards the presence." On the 4th December, the positive appointment of the Mehmandar, by name, Mahommed Zikia Khan, a nobleman of rank, and favorite of the Prince, was announced, as well as that he was on the point of commencing his jpurney towards Bushire; and on the 12th of December, the approach of himself and his train, was reported to me. I directed the guard of cavalry, and all the gentlemen attached to the Mission, to proceed to meet and escort him to a tent pitched in the front of the Factory House, where Mr. Sheridan and myself, were ready to receive him. On the 15th, I paid my last visit to Abdullah Aga, the former Mussaleem of Bussora, for the purpose of receiving his confidential letters to his friend Meerza Bozurg. These letters were not quite ready, and I left Lieutenant Willock behind me, to bring them to me, when finished. In Mr. Sheridan's journal, I find a note of part of the conversation which passed between Abdullah Aga and Willock after my departure. "Abdullah " Aga, (says Willock) asked me if I were in the " cavalry, and if I could ride without stirrups.— " I told him I could.—He said a soldier was a good " profession, and asked me what the leather bag " was for, which hung down by the side of my " sword.—I told him the use of it, was to receive( 'v. • ,y /Ac' C"//rr//J Je/rtrt/zr/ / ,"tr,r. ■ .. m-/>i> /'utfi core of Lite (rySirJ.SutherlanJ.THE MISSION. 57 on the ground at Ally Changee, for myself and the gentlemen of the Embassy to dine with him the next day : and for some account of the proceedings of that day, I return to the journal of my lamented friend. " Sunday, December 18th, after " prayers, we all accompanied Sir Harford on his " visit of ceremony to Mohammed Nebee Khan. "Theforms observed at this visit, were pretty much " the same as those which took place at visits of " the same nature at Bushire, except that trays of " sweetmeats were placed on stools before each of " us. From the tray placed before Sir Harford, the " Khan took a species of dry sweetmeat made " into round cakes, about the size of cakes of " shaving soap, and not very much unlike them " in outward appearance ; these he endeavoured " to break, but finding it difficult to effect, he " gave them into the hands of one of his servants, " who succeeded better than his master. The " pieces were then distributed by the Khan to " Sir Harford, and the rest of the gentlemen. " After the full ceremonies of a Persian visit had " been gone through, the gentlemen rose, departed, " and left Sir Harford and the] Khan together. " When, about eight o'clock in the evening, Sir " Harford was ready, we mounted our horses, and " rode to the Khan's tent. We were received by " him, and the Mehmander, at the door of the " tent; which, after pulling off our Persian shoes, " we entered, and Sir Harford was conducted by58 THE MISSION. " the Khan, and placed in the seat of honor." &c. I do not trouble the reader with a farther account of this entertainment, as given in the Journal, because all such entertainments are very much the same, and as it is my intention, by and by, to describe one of the best and grandest I received, I hope he will permit me to say, ex uno disce omnes. We were to move forward the next morning, and as the Khan had declared an intention to escort me a little distance on my road, I rose very early for the purpose of previously paying him, in his own tent, a complimentary visit. Little did I imagine how painful to me this visit was to be. After receiving from him a repetition of the most unbounded professions of regard, devotion, and service, conveyed in terms which shocked me by their servility, he again returned to the subject of presents, and plainly told me he had India goods proper for this purpose, to the amount of about ,£14,000, which it would be most highly convenient to him to part with, and which, if I would undertake to distribute at Taeheran, and on my way there, the profits should be shared between us. Had I been differently situated, I trust the reader will do me the justice to believe, I should have replied to such a proposal in terms much harsher than those which I then judged it prudent to make use of. As it was, I couched my refusal in as gentle words as possible, and perhaps this emboldened the Khan to return to the charge,THE MISSION. 59 and to propose that at least I would allow the goods to be sent up from Bushire to Schyras, in my name, by which he would save the payment of those customs which otherwise would be levied on them. I told him this proposition was as much out of my power to consent to as the other had been, and that the very utmost I could do to serve him, in this respect, was to promise, that if, after my arrival at Schyras, I found I had occasion for any of the articles he possessed, I should prefer being supplied with them by him, to purchasing them from any other person, and would write to him accordingly ; " besides," added I, " it is a matter " of great moment to me to arrive at Taeheran as " quickly as possible, and therefore I am anxious " to diminish, if possible, rather than encrease my " baggage." We parted ; and I regret to say, on my part, with a total change of sentiments towards my old friend ; and he, I strongly suspected, and afterwards found but too true, with a determination rather to annoy than to assist me. I do not pretend to better or finer feelings than my neighbours, but I must say the Khan's behaviour vexed me more than perhaps it ought to have done; and this because I imagined, that from our long intercourse with each other, he ought to have rated my regard for honor and integrity much higher than he appeared to do. But I ought also to have recollected, that from the pursuits to which he had latterly unreservedly delivered himself up, his mind60 THE MISSION. and heart had room for little else than ambition and avarice, passions which, if suffered to predominate, extinguish friendship and good feeling, as the sun-beams do a common fire. There is a custom in Persia, which I believe few Europeans have ever seen practised, without regretting its existence. I mean that every public agent, when he travels in Persia, is considered as the king's guest, and that therefore every thing he stands in need of on the road, for himself, for his suite, for his servants, and for his cattle, is furnished by a very oppressive species of purveyance, in the different villages through which he passes, or near which he halts, on the road. Now, if no more was demanded from the villages, than what was absolutely required by the person so travelling, and the amount of it was really carried, as it is pretended to be, to the credit of the villages, in their account with Government, the thing would be, in reality, of no further consequence than it being sometimes disagreeable to an European so travelling, to know that he was travelling at the expense of another State ; about which, however, au bout du compte, he might very well satisfy his conscience, by finding that he had presents to make at court, nearly equal in value to what he had received on his way there, from the villages. But the fact is the direct contrary. The Mehmandar, who, on great occasions, always purchases his appointment, is silentlyTHE MISSION. 61 permitted to demand, both for himself and the king's guest, three times the quantity of provisions necessary for both ; this immediately leads to a negociation between the Mehmandar, the Khed-hoda, or head of the village, to mitigate a considerable part of that which he has demanded, on receiving a douceur in money ; but this is not all the hardship the village is subject to,—for when the Miri, or Government account, comes to be settled, either at the capital of the kingdom, or the capital of the province, the fair and just claim of the village, is seldom, if ever, admitted to its full extent. It is true, that in the case of Europeans, the villagers are in some measure compensated by. the presents made to them on departing; but in the case of native Persians of consequence travelling with an order for this kind of purveyance, the oppression is really dreadful. Well aware of this, I considered it my duty not only to issue the strictest orders, but to see myself that the person whose office it was to state the wants of the Mission to the Mehmandar, kept them at the lowest possible rate: but I always proportioned the present-which I made on leaving a village, to its poverty, and the time we had drawn on it for supplies. It is not my design to dwell on a description of the country through which the Mission passed, nor the places at which it halted ; what I shall pretty nearly confine myself to, is the proceedings62 THE MISSION. of the Mission, and other circumstances connected with them. Such as are desirous of becoming acquainted with the first, may find them minutely detailed by travellers who journeyed with their minds more at ease, and with less responsibility on their shoulders, than I had. Our next stage was to Borasgoon, where I determined to halt one day, in order that the remainder of the baggage, from Bushire, might come up with us; for, at this time, the Mission was but scantily supplied with many articles of necessity, as well as of comfort. It was at this place, that I received a dispatch from Jaafer Ally Khan, then in charge of our interests at Schyras, the contents of which amused me a good deal. I find, in my friend's Journal, the following observation made on it:—'"An express arrived from " Jaafer Ally Khan, intimating, I suppose, from " the answer I copied, that if it were Sir Harford's " wish, the French Ambassador should be im-" mediately seized. Sir Harford, in his reply, " expresssed the utmost detestation of such a " design or proceeding, and strictly directed Jaafer " Ally Khan to answer the Prince's Minister, that " the bare mention of such a thing filled him with " horror." It was true enough, that such was the purport of a message which Jaafer Ally Khan, in his dispatch, stated he was desired by the Prince's Minister to communicate to me. Now, I mention this, merely for the purpose of giving the readerTHE MISSION. 63 some idea of the absurdities whieh the Persians will be guilty of, and resort to, for the purpose of cajoling, or in the hope of being able " jetter la " poudre aux yeux," of those with whom they have to treat. Neither Nasr Oollah Khan, nor the Prince Governor, had more the power of seizing the French Ambassador, had they been so willed, than I had of seizing those personages themselves, and sending them down to Bombay; besides which, intelligence from Taeheran,on which I could place the most implicit reliance, assured me, the struggle between General Gardanne and myself was, at that time, by no means clearly decided in my favor; and, therefore, supposing for a moment, that his Persian Majesty could have determined on so violent and unjustifiable a proceeding, it was most improbable he should, at that time, resort to it. Nothing farther was designed by this message, than what took place between Lady Mary Wortley Montague and her Janissary, when he offered to bring her the Turk's head in a basin, who had not been able to procure her ladyship some article for her table which she wished for. It was & fagon de parler, but it was a fagon de parler, which gave me an excellent opportunity.of detailing to the Persians the conduct I proposed to myself to pursue towards the French embassy, with which, if my correspondence with the Prince's Ministers at Schyras, was communicated, as was more than probable, to the64 THE MISSION. Ministerat Taeheran,it might be of some advantage to me, that his Persian Majesty should be made acquainted. We reached Dowlaki on the 21st of December, and here I had a business on my hands which caused me some little vexation. Whilst encamped at Ally Changee, a person who had formerly been one of the district Governors or Reis, in the Dushtistan, and who, whilst in power, had been uniformly friendly and serviceable to our residents at Bushire, had been some time before deprived of his Government and reduced to great poverty by the intrigues already alluded to, of Mohammed Nebee Khan and his brother. This person came to implore my assistance to prevent the Khan harassing him by further persecutions; and I prefer giving the reader Mr. Sheridan's account of this little affair, to relating it from my own recollection. " On the morning of our departure from Ally " Changee, we were detained some little time " in consequence of Mohammed Nebee Khan's " being desirous to obtain a private conference " with Sir Harford, and of Sir Harford's wishing " to speak to the Khan in behalf of a poor old " Reis; this man had lately a tract of country " under his management; he is now old and very " poor; but in his days of prosperity he had always " manifested the greatest attention to the English " at Bushire, and frequently entertained themTHE MISSION. 65 " with the greatest hospitality, 011 their parties of " shooting or hunting in the country. He accom-" panied Sir Harford towards the Khan's tents, " and as soon as that person observed him, not " being aware of the interest Sir Harford took in " the poor man, he called out to him : ' What " ' has such a scoundrel as you to do here ?' Sir " Harford then spoke at great length, and very " warmly, to the Khan, in favor of the old man, " and the other at last deigned to say, f as the " ' Ambassador interests himself about you, you " ' are forgiven, and if you behave well, I will " ' have my eye on you.' That is, I will protect " or favor you. Sir Harford is a person, who, on " certain occasions, has difficulty to hide what " passes in his mind from appearing in his counte-" nance, and now being evidently displeased, he " said to the Khan, in a manner I have never seen " him assume before to any Persian; 'Mohammed " ' Nebee Khan! you are the son of AgaCutchook; " ' you well know who this old man is, and the " ' services he rendered your father, when, God " 4 knows, he had great need of them. I re-" ' commend him to your notice, and I entrust " ' him to your care.'" The old Heis begged hard for permission to accompany me to Schyras ; this, if granted, might have raised the Khan's suspicions of my intention to obtain something for him from the government e66 THE MISSION. there, and, in the end, have done the old man more harm than good,—so I positively refused it; and, under this view of the case, much against his will, and somewhat against my own, I took leave of him at Dowlacksi. I have again recourse to my friend's Journal:—" Before we left Dowlacksi, " the old Reis came to take leave of Sir Harford, " having been advised by him to return to Bu-" shire, and positively forbidden, by Mohammed " Nebee Khan, to accompany the Embassy any " farther. The old man was in tears, and accom-" panied us, on the commencement of our march, " a little way on foot, by the side of Sir Harford's " horse, constantly wishing him all the happiness " this world could bestow, and uttering the " warmest expressions of gratitude for his kind-" ness to him." I had afterwards, when I had a personal interview with my excellent friend, Meerza Bozurg, the great satisfaction to obtain for this injured old gentleman, reparation and security to as great an extent as either he or I wished; and he lived long enough in peace and quietness to witness the downfall and horrible fate of the man, who, instead of oppressing him and treating him with scorn, ought to have rejoiced at an opportunity of returning to him, in some measure, the great services his father had formerly received from him. The letters I received from this person during my residence in Persia, and the littleTHli MISSION. 67 common bed carpet which he contrived to send me, as a present, amply, most amply, repaid every pains or trouble I took on his account. Meerza Bozurg, whose descent from their prophet Mohammed is indisputable, and publicly acknowledged throughout Persia,* prides himself greatly on his Arabian blood, and therefore was extremely indignant at the manner in which many of the old Arab families in the Dashtistan, had been treated, and at the intrigues of Mohammed Nebee to dispossess them of their governments; and this indignation was greatly increased by the Meerza's recollection of how steadily many of them had supported the cause of his former sovereign, Lutf Ally Khan. He had prudently, lest it might awaken unfavorable suspicions in the minds of the Khajar ministers, abstained from interfering in their behalf; but, in a confidential conversation with me, at Tseheran, he said, " the " day shall come, when that mountebank, Mo-" hammed Nebee, shall be made to feel what it is " to have taken the fire from under an Arab pot and most bitterly did he keep his word. On the morning of the 22nd, we moved to Khesdt, where I had to prepare for an interview, to me most interesting and extraordinary, that is, with my old friend, Zal Khan, whom I had never seen * The family house at Mecca, Meerza Bozurg told me, still exists, and that his uncle, Meerza Mohammed Hussain, was lodged in it when he visited that city on his pilgrimage. ^ 268 THE MISSION. since I parted from him and His Majesty, Lutf Ally Khan, as mentioned in my first volume. In the interval, he had been deprived of two most precious organs, his eyes and his tongue ; he sent out to meet me the very largest procession he could possibly collect; and very shortly before I reached my tent, he came to compliment me himself. The old man expressed great delight at our meeting again, and repeatedly wished he could be of any service to me, adding emphatically: " Meerza " Bozurg is now the only man in power I have " any correspondence with; and I know, by ex-" perience, your influence with him is greater than " mine ;—these Khajars," continued he, " are now " in power, and I almost rejoice that the loss of " my eyes prevents me witnessing their ascen-" dancy. There is one thing I shall accuse myself " of to my dying day, the opposition I made to " the sage and wise advice you gave His Majesty, " Lutf Ally Khan, before you left us to proceed to " Bunder Reig ; had that advice been followed, " His Majesty would have regained his throne, " and old Zal would not have been so cruelly " maimed and mutilated, as he is. It may, how-" ever, be some satisfaction to you to know, that " as long as I was with His Majesty, your name " was constantly in his mouth ; and that he often " said to us, ' that Fringee had more sense than " f all of us put together, and if I live to see " f him again, he shall never leave me.'" Mr.THE MISSION. 69 Sheridan, I see, in his Journal, gives the following account of Zal Khan's deplorable mutilation, and I have every reason to consider it as correct. " Shortly after Aka Mohammed Khan had destroyed " the King, Zal Khan, the Governor of Khesdt, " fell into his hands ; it was said that Aka Mo-" hammed Khan had at first no intention of per-" sonally injuring him; but that, when brought " before him, Zal Khan could not command him-" self, and was so extremely intemperate and un-" guarded in what he said, that Aka Mohammed, " in a passion, ordered him to be thrown down " and deprived of sight. When he was suffered " to rise from this cruel operation, the violence " and bitterness of his language increased, and " there was no opprobious epithet or name in the " Persian language, which he did not apply to the " eunuch; who then ordered his tongue to be " destroyed, saying, ' we shall see whether this " ' will stop the fellow's abuse.' This operation " was so performed, that is, by taking away one " half the tongue, that he was deprived of utter-" ance which could be understood. As soon, how-" ever, as he was released, and, at home, he had " fortitude and resolution enough to order the " remaining part of his tongue to be extracted ; " and what is more extraordinary, but not more " extraordinary than true, is, that he now speaks, " as Sir Harford assures me, more distinctly than " he did before his misfortune, and certainly dis-70 THE MISSION. " tinct and plain enough for me to understand " every word he says." The Khan paid me a very long visit, and 1 believe we both of us felt unwilling to break it up : at parting, he complimented me in the following very extraordinary terms :—" I pray God to put it into " the heads of those ill-bred Khajars, to send you " back, for I cannot bear the idea, they should " have about them a person of your ability and " judgment. Adieu, my dear friend; we shall never " meet again in this world; you are a Christian, " and I am a Mohammedan, but you are such a " Christian, that I am sure you will either go to " your own paradise, (if you have one) or be per-" mitted to enter our's." The forlorn appearance of my old friend, and the very extraordinary feeling towards me, which alone could have produced such a speech, affected me to tears, and I was glad for a few minutes to retire to my private tent; and to find we had exchanged some little trifling things, which we each wore about our persons, as keepsakes. The Mission was attended by a troop of Madras cavalry, which had been ordered to Persia with General Malcolm, and also by a Jamaadar's guard of sepoys. I considered it to be no small part of my duty, on all occasions, to adopt ostensible means of marking to the Persians, the different degree in which Englishmen regard and respect their Sovereign, and the Governor-General, fromTHE MISSION. 71 which last all the late Missions to the Persian court had hitherto been sent. As one means of effecting this, I caused the Taktrevan, which was prepared for me to travel in, if indisposed 011 the road, to be covered with fine scarlet broad cloth, and ornamented with gold lace, and a very handsome satin mattrass to be placed inside of it; on which, when we commenced our march from Bushire, I placed, with some ceremony, the box containing the King's letter to the King of Persia. On the line of march, the taktrevan, or litter, was always preceded by one of the troopers carrying before it an Union silk Jack ; at each door of the litter a trooper, with drawn sword, was stationed, and as many of the cavalry guard as could be spared from other services, followed behind, under the command of their native officer, with their swords drawn. When, on approaching any town, we had occasion to form in procession, the European officer in command of the troop, invariably rode, with his sword drawn, in the front of the litter, a double guard was stationed at the doors, and the remainder of the troop followed, with their swords drawn; then came the Mehmandar and myself, abreast; and following us, the gentlemen of the Embassy, two and two. At every halting place, I dismounted, and followed the litter on foot, to the place destined for its reception, previously passing it through the troop drawn up in two lines, and who presented arms as72 THE MISSION. the litter passed along. A sentinel was always placed over it, and regularly relieved from time to time; and whenever we had lodgings in a town, the litter was placed in the best room in the house, where I received visitors of distinction, and into which I never suffered, either myself or the gentlemen attached to the Mission, to enter without making an obeisance. I soon found this arrangement to produce the best effects, in raising the character of the Mission in the eyes of the Persians. On the 23d December, we moved towards Ka-zeroon, but the difficulty in passing over the mountain between the plain of Khesdt and Ke-maridge, delayed us so much, that it was judged prudent to encamp for the night at the northern extremity of the last; and I esteemed myself fortunate, that, in the course of this day's march, no material accident had happened, either to the beasts of burden, or to the burdens with which they were laden. Very early the next morning we resumed our march, and at a distance from Kazeroon, the Mission was met by the Governor of that city and district. I could not travel again over a part of the ground which we did to-day, without recollecting the adventures which there befel me when escaping from Schyras ; nor without making, I hope, some useful reflections on the strange mutabilities of circumstances and situations, whichTHE MISSION. 73 every one, more or less, is subject to in the course of his life. Although it is not exactly in accordance with the plan I prescribed for myself in compiling this Memoir, yet the following extract from my friend's journal may amuse the reader :— " The Governor of Kazeroon, to show his re-" spect to Sir Harford, met him at Deerais. The " crowd increased as we advanced, and by the " time we were within two miles of Kazeroon, " most of the male inhabitants of that city, to the " number, at least, of five thousand, had assembled " about us ; and here we were met by wrestlers " and pahlewans, who exercised their heavy clubs, " called meels, and went through various feats of " agility and strength, immediately before Sir Har-" ford's horse, and so near to him, that the animal " sometimes appeared not much to relish the per-" formance. It is impossible to describe the ap-" pearance and confusion of the crowd which now " surrounded us. The dust was so great, and so " dense, that we were completely enveloped, and " it lay on the long black beards of the Persians, " like hair powder, when applied to a wig or the " head, through a machine called a puff. I com-" pute the distance from Deerais to Kazeroon, to " be about seven miles, which, owing to these " really little-wished-for performances, and the im-" mense crowd about us, it took us six hours to " achieve. Neither sun, wind, nor dust, seems to74 THE MISSION. " have any effect on Sir Harford; for the moment " after we had reached our ground, and he had " dismissed the Governor and our Mehmandar, " he ordered cossids, or messengers, to be in " readiness; and sat down, not only to write him-" self, but to dictate to the Persian secretaries* " who, I fancy, heartily wished that he had been " made of more fatiguable materials." Having mentioned this last circumstance, it is necessary I should say, that I had ordered Jaafer Ally Khan, the British agent at Schyras, to meet me here. Now, from the day of my landing at Bushire, the public business, in one shape or other, had left me but little time either for rest or pleasure. I made it a rule, from which, during the whole of my residence in Persia, I never swerved, not to allow the Persian secretaries to put a single word into any official document, but what was dictated to them by myself. The person who was then acting as my principal Persian secretary, had served General Malcolm, and he prided himself greatly on the elegance of his style, that is, on the intricacy of it, and on the length of his periods; so that his style was pretty much the same as that which Don Quixote admired so greatly in the works of Feliciano de Silva. This custom of mine caused him, I believe, very soon after he had joined the Mission, heartily to repent his having done so ; for he told a person, who repeated it to me, that " he knew not for which of his sins itTHE MISSION. 75 " was, that he had attached himself to me, whom " he found to have no proper value for a person " possessed of such eminent epistolary talents as " himself; and to serve whom, a fellow who gained " his bread by writing notes and letters for infe-" rior shopkeepers at a penny a piece, was quite " good enough." The first time I had occasion to employ this consequential scribe at Bushire, was very near being the last. It was to prepare a letter, which required some caution in the wording of it, to the Prince Governor of Schyras. " Meerza," said I, " you will, in the exordium of " the letter, give the Prince as many titles, and " pay him as many compliments, as you think " proper ; but that done, not a single word which " I dictate to you on business, must be changed." He very readily replied, " Cheshem," i. e. " on my " eyes," and very steadily and composedly took down my dictation. After some time, he brought the letter, fairly copied, that I might affix my seal to it. This was an act I never performed without having the document read over to me first. Judge, reader, of my astonishment, after the submissive " Cheshem/' to find all the business part of the letter couched in the most flowery and uncertain phraseology which the Persian language could supply. I immediately said, " My good friend, " these are not the words T dictated to you, and " desired you to write."—" No," replied he, " the " words are not the same, but the meaning of76 THE MISSION. " them is; and the reason of my changing them " is, that what you dictated is not Persian, and " therefore the Meerzas about the court would " never be able to comprehend what you designed " to communicate to the Prince."—" That/' said I, " would indeed be most unfortunate! because it " is of very great consequence to me, that both " the Prince and his Ministers should clearly and " accurately understand what 1 do mean; and, " moreover, it is of equal importance to me, not " to communicate any thing to them, but that " which I do mean, ad litter am. As to what I " dictated to you not being Persian, you must " not be offended if I say I think it is, and, there-" fore, that there will be no danger of the Prince " and his Ministers not understanding its meaning " and import; and what confirms me in this opi-" nion is, that during the several years I resided " at Bagdad, and carried on a multifarious corres-" pondence, of considerable importance, with " Meerza Bozurg, and other persons of conse-" quence, I never had the misfortune to have one " of my letters returned to me as unintelligible, " nor was I ever asked for the explanation of any " particular phrase." The last shot he fired was, that " his credit as a scholar and writer was at " stake."—" My dear Meerza," said I, " so is mine " as a Minister; and just at present you must for-" give me if I think the latter to be of much more " consequence (to me, at least) than the former.THE MISSION. 77 " I am really sorry, and perhaps I may add, " ashamed, to give a man of your eminence and " talents the trouble of writing this letter over " again ; but it must be done." And done it was, but with a very bad grace. But what surprised him still more was, that I compelled his assistant, in a note to the Prince's Minister, to say, " I be-" seech your Excellency, that, in all matters of " business which are to pass between us, you will " only use the most precise terms and plainest " words, because on all occasions I am most " anxious to understand your commands and " wishes, without being obliged, from my con-" fined knowledge of the Persian language, to " recur to others for the explanation of a more " elegant and refined phraseology." This was a death-blow to a great part of the consequence, and perhaps the designs, of my Persian secretaries : they felt it as such, and afterwards acted but sulkily. At this, however, I felt no great concern, and I redoubled my attention and politeness to them, in all other respects. I am not sure, that, there were not, at this time, others, forming my suite, who expected to be more consulted than they had been, and who wished I should leave things which I managed myself, to be directed and managed by them. I had never seen Jaafer Ally Khan. I had much reason, however, to be satisfied with his zeal and general conduct, but I had found on one or two78 THE MISSION. occasions, that in the fulness and joy of his heart, he had, in his communications with the Prince's ministers, exceeded the instructions I gave him; and as it seemed to me, that on my near approach to Schyras, he might be assailed so as to draw from him inconvenient promises and terms about my entrance and reception there, I judged it safest and best to request him to meet me at Kazeroon. A very few minutes' conversation with him, convinced me, that in doing so, I had acted with considerable prudence, and that from the account he gave me of the state of affairs at Schyras, and of the intentions towards me of that government, it became indispensably necessary that I should communicate with his Majesty's Prime Minister, Meerza Sheffe, and Meerza Bozurg, without a moment's delay. I sent, therefore, for the two Persian secretaries to my tent, and desired them to compose a complimentary letter to each of the personages above mentioned, expressing the satisfaction I derived from the very honorable reception I had that day experienced at Kazeroon, desiring them, the secretaries, also to especially attribute it to the favor and friendship of these two ministers. Whilst these gentlemen were thus employed, I retired with Jaafer Ally to effect the business part of my communication, and as he understood English tolerably well, and did not pride himself on being an accomplished Persian scribe, it was done with ease and goodwill.THE MISSION. 79 The reader, no doubt, will rejoice, to be relieved from this very dull detail, and therefore I shall turn again to my friend's Journal. " Jaafer Ally Khan joined us ; his appearance " is much in his favor, he has an excellent coun-" tenance. Sir Harford made him many acknow-" ledgments for the services he had rendered the " Mission, and Bruce and the Doctor were very " glad to see their old friend. The Governor of " Kazeroon sent us refreshments on three large " trays, consisting of pilaws, stews, sweetmeats, " &c. The Persian cookery is very good, and " their sweetmeats excellent. In the evening, we " went to look at the Governor's garden,—it is a " square, the four sides of which might measure " about three quarters of a mile ; there is a strait " walk runs up the middle of it, bounded on each " side by cypress and orange trees; in the middle " of this walk is a kiosk or summer-house, and " over one of the gateways is a room which has a " pretty appearance. It gave us much pleasure " to find here one of the most melodious of all our " own singing birds, that is, the blackbird. " I find the Governor is universally well spoken " of, as a generous, and charitable man, which is " greatly to his credit, since the manner in which " all Governors in this country are obliged to col-" lect the revenue, invariably leads them to oppress " those under them. The government of a dis-" trict is without any exception purchased; and80 THE MISSION. " independent of the purchase money, the buyer " has, at different times and on different occasions, " most expensive presents to make to the king and " his Ministers; so that, after these claims are " satisfied, the Governor is obliged to have recourse " to extortion, to support himself and his house-" hold. It seems that the policy of the present " king's government, is to keep not only the inha-" bitants, but the Governors of the provinces and " districts, as poor as possible ; and thus, though, " in a country where water is scarce, the average return of crop is from fourteen to twenty fold, " agriculture declines; and the earth is made to " produce no more than will subsist the inhabitants " and pay the taxes, and furnish the subsistence of " the Governor and his household. Any effort " made to go beyond this, would, under the present " system, not lead to the happiness of the people. " Prospective economy and prudence is seldom " from this cause practised ; for if a man has " enough for the present, he is indifferent about " the future, well knowing that any superfluity he " possesses to-day, may be taken from him to-" morrow. Persia certainly suffers the want of sea-" ports,—Bushire being the best and most fre-" quented ; notwithstanding this, many of her " merchants possess great wealth. " In the evening, Jaafer related to us that the " Prince Governor of Schyras had desired him to " read a newspaper in English to him, and then toTHE MISSION. 81 " translate the whole, even to the advertisements, " into Persian : he said the Prince was extremely " inquisitive, and gave him a great deal of trouble. " The Prince was particularly desirous to know " who the Germans were; because, when Jaafer " read to him of a German army of 120,000 men, " and of 25,000 of them being slain in one action, " he said, in plain terms, that he did not believe " either the one or the other of these things to " be possible,—' For this plain reason,' said the " Prince, ' that the King, my father, cannot bring " ' into the field more than 60,000 horse; how, " ' therefore, can any European potentate bring " ' 120,000 ; and as to 25,000 men being slain in a " ' battle, that is equally impossible ; because, in " ' our severest and longest battles, our loss never " 'exceeds from 50 to 100 men.' " The Persians are unquestionably a very polite " people. All the Governors of districts or pro-" vinces who come to meet Sir Harford, dismount, " whilst he receives their compliments on horse-" back. The salutation to him, is Musharoff " sauktie—'you do us honor,'—his reply is, " Musharoff shudam—' I am honored, or you do "'me honor.'" I regretted exceedingly that the constant occupation of my time did not permit me to spend more of it in the society of the gentlemen attached to the Mission. But I omitted no opportunity to afford them every facility in my power, both of /82 THE MISSION. amusing themselves on the road, and of pursuing any inquiries as to the country, its antiquities, or produce, which they wished to make. I had early witnessed, and was delighted to see, the earnestness and eagerness with which Sir James Sutherland applied himself to fulfil, in the most correct manner, the important duties attached to his department ; for though, frequently, I believe, much fatigued when we arrived at our ground, he never allowed himself rest till he had laid down, accurately, the bearings and distances, as well as all the other observations which he had made in the course of the march. The fruit of these his labours has been given to the public in the beautiful map lately published. Mr. Morier had early communicated to me his intention of publishing an account of the country through which we were passing, and he in consequence received from me every assistance he wanted or desired. Such being the path I had chalked out for myself, as the ruins of Shahpoor are not very distant from Kazeroon, I was not sorry that Christmas-day obliged me to halt; for by observing Sunday, and the great festivals, as days of rest, I wished to demonstrate to the Persians, that we were not, as the English in Turkey and Persia, (are often accused of being) without religion. After the service of the day, therefore, had been publicly performed in my tent, and I had received the compliments of such Europeans and PersiansTHE MISSION. 83 as were entitled to pay them, Mr. Morier and myself, with a sufficient guard, set out to visit the ruins of Shahpoor, amongst which we remained to the close of day. The following part of Mr. Sheridan's Journal, will, perhaps, convince the reader, that, on more accounts than one, it was prudent to direct Jaafer Ally Khan, to leave Schyras, and meet me at Kazeroon. " Whilst Sir Harford was absent with Morier, " Jaafer Ally Khan paid Willock and myself a " visit, and gave us an account of the various im-" positions which were practised upon him by the " people about the Prince ; he said one of the " gentlemen of the guard begged of him to pur-" chase a horse, at twice its value, and when Jaafer " had complied with this request, he preferred " another the next day, saying :—' My dear friend, " ' the cold weather is coming on, for God's sake " 1 give me cloth enough to make a cloak, to keep " ' me warm.' Jaafer said it was of no use to " protest to this person that he had no cloth ; he " returned to the charge, and the end was, that he " found himself obliged to purchase cloth for this " purpose, from the Bazaar, and present it to him; " and so get rid of his incessant importunity. " This, he told us, was one case amongst many " others." Now Jaafer's compliance with these inconvenient, and I may add, shameless, importunities, arose, / 284 THE MISSION. as he told me, from an apprehension that denial might, in some shape or other, injure the interests of the Mission; and, therefore, whether the cost of these presents was to be borne by Jaafer himself, or to be carried (as it really was) to the public account, it was my duty to put a stop to them as soon as possible. The fact was, that very early in my intercourse with Jaafer, I discovered him to be, with a certain degree of ability, a very weak, timid man ; and being an Indian born, though of Persian parents, the Persians, in their own country, considered him as a person who might be bullied or flattered as best suited their purpose. I am glad, however, to close these remarks, by saying, that if his mistakes were sometimes a little provoking, his services, au bout du compte, were often efficient, and of some importance; that his temper was delightful, and his manners those of a polished Persian gentleman. God forbid that any one should suppose, that in making the following extract from my friend's Journal, I do so with a design to attack the memory or character of a person no longer able to reply. No one can be more ready and willing to declare, than I am, that he was possessed of great information on matters connected with India, and also of very valuable talents, and if I have never estimated either the one or the other so very highly as they seem to have been esteemed by others ; it may perhaps proceed from my want of judgment andTHE MISSION. 85 discernment, and not from his want of superior abilities. Thus much is quite certain, that our ideas of diplomacy (and I hope I may say it without offence to any one) differed toto ccelo ; his were purely Indian ; mine, (I beseech you, reader, to observe, I do not speak either of their merit, or the correctness of them) had been formed by no very short intercourse and correspondence with several of His Majesty's most able Ambassadors in Europe, and with the Agents and Consuls of foreign nations established in Turkey. What has occasioned my touching on this subject is, that I know it to have been repeatedly represented by some whose names it is now not worth while to mention, in quarters where such representations worked me no small evil, that "my " success in Persia was owing to circumstances " from which I could claim no merit; and that " those circumstances, ceteris paribus, would have " been attended with the same effects, whoever " had held the office of Envoy to the Court of " Persia." In such case, I trust the reader will not blame me if 1 adopt the words of one of the most witty Knights that ever rode " a colonelling," when he says:— " Quoth he, it stands me much upon, " To enervate this Objection; 4 " And prove myself by Reason clear, " No chanceling as you would infer." and, therefore, if in giving an accouut of my pro-86 THE MISSION. ceedings in Persia, I now quote for this purpose the opinion of those who w£re on the spot, I feel it is not vanity which induces me to do so, but a just and proper regard for my own character. At the same time, I will assure the reader that this opinion was completely unknown to me till long after I returned to England, and known only through the lamented circumstance of my becoming one of the executors of Mr. Sheridan, and in that capacity, his Journal falling into my hands. That which I am now about to extract from my friend's Journal, is part of a conversation which he has noted down as having taken place between himself and Jaafer Ally Khan. " Jaafer " told me the reason why Sir Harford had suc-" ceeded, and Malcolm had failed, is this: Sir " Harford had gained his point by remaining " quietly at Bushire ; taking advantage of every " circumstance as it occurred ; continually im-" pressing on Nasr Oollan Khan, the vagueness " and insincerity of the French promises, and their " incapacity to fulfil those promises, even if they " were so inclined; and pointing out the solid " advantages which must accrue to Persia from a " regular and well-formed alliance with England. " Moreover, by constantly exhorting the Ministers " to consider seriously in what situation they " would place themselves if they advised His " Persian Majesty to refuse receiving a Mission " sent to him directly from the king of England;THE MISSION. 87 " appearing also to regard the reception of the " French Mission at Taeheran, not as a matter of " complaint, but as a casualty, which would easily " be remedied and set to rights, when he was " admitted to the royal presence. " Jaafer said that Malcolm had adopted a me-" nacing course, and that the Court of Taeheran " considered all his communications as saying, in " effect; 4 if you do not dismiss the French, I will " ' return to Calcutta, and advise the Governor-" ' General to make you do it by force;' it is not " therefore owing to any political changes in " Europe, or elsewhere, that Sir Harford has " succeeded ; but it is owing to his own unre-" mitting exertions, judgment, and prudence; " and to his dexterity in raising suspicions in the " minds of His Persian Majesty and his Ministers, " as to the real nature of the French designs, and " the great probability, that if they were permitted " to march through Persia to India, they would " require, or rather demand, a pretty large loan " of His Majesty's treasures, and a pretty large " supply of horses, camels, mules, &c.* And to " this may be added the jtidicious hints which " Sir Harford has from time to time thrown out, " that their differences with Russia might be more " advantageously settled through the medium of " England than that of France." * The reader who peruses this Memoir with any interest, will do well to turn to Page 338 of the first volume.88 THE MISSION. I find my friend's memoranda of this day conclude very comically: " This being Christmas day, " Jaafer Ally had plenty of plum pudding, which " he admires above all things, and is very fond of " English cookery in general." We moved from Kazeroon to Aubudoor, where a Persian officer, by name Kereem Khan, sent express, brought me the first firman which I received from the King, and letters from the Ministers, containing circumstantial reports of a repulse which the Russians had suffered, in an attack they had made 011 the fort and city of Erivan; and they also acquainted me, that, on the receipt of this news at Taeheran, the King had said, in full court, " Sir Harford Jones's foot is lucky. Let it be " communicated to him that I think so, and that " I have said so." I assembled, in my public tent, the whole of the Mission, as well as the Mehman-dar and his suite, to hear, not only the King's Firman, but the official Persian dispatches, read; and to the bearer of them I presented a handsome dress and gratuity. On this occasion, too, I very much gratified my principal Persian secretary, by desiring him to compose a congratulatory letter to the Prince Governor of Schyras, in his very best style ; which, when done, God knows, put common sense at defiance to understand it, farther than its having reduced all the heroes of antiquity, Persian, Grecian, and Roman, to mere drivellers, in comparison with Fath Ally Shah. The readerTHE MISSION. 89 may be sure I did not forget, on all available occasions, to make use of His Majesty's expression, that " my foot was lucky;" and this was of the more importance, because the Persians are thoroughly convinced, that good fortune is attendant on particular persons, and may, by their presence, be imparted to others, in the same manner that the eyes of some persons have a direct and immediate power of good or evil influence over things and persons on which they fall. Our next resting-place was Deeshterjean. Although the attention I uniformly received from the Mehmandar, was such as to merit my entire approbation, nevertheless, I had here strong reason to see and feel that it was much increased, both in assiduity and respect. He had heard that his Sovereign had publicly declared, that " my foot was " lucky ;" and this instantly convinced him, that I should be held in high esteem at court, and that my future recommendation and patronage might be worth his notice. He had with him a very handsome gray Arabian horse, which was particu-lary easy and light in his paces, and which once or twice, by his desire, I had mounted 011 the road, and had in consequence wished to purchase; but he had declined to part with it, saying he intended, on his return to Schyras, to present the horse to the Prince Governor there. In the course of a visit which he paid me in the evening, I was greatly surprised to hear him say, that he had90 THE MISSION. dreamt the preceding night, that the King had ordered him to make me a present of this horse, and that he, wishing not to be disobedient to the vision, had sent the horse to be picketted with mine; and begged my acceptance of it; entreating me, at the same time, to grant him a favor in return ; which was, that I should mount this horse when I made my public entrance into Schyras; which, he assured me, would be not only extremely creditable to him, but might be extremely useful to him at Taeheran. We next arrived at Khonehzineaun. The cold had now become excessive, and we were travelling through snow; and my Indian companions, servants, troopers, sepoys, &c., required, in the shape of warm clothing, every comfort in my power to afford them. Here the Mehmandar invited me to hawk with him, which I accepted ; but his hawks were extremely ill trained, and good for nothing. I raised myself, however, in his opinion, by talking to him on the different sorts of hawks, their qualities, the best method of training and of treating them during the hazardous season of moulting; all which recondite knowledge I had purchased very dearly, during my residence at Bagdad, where hawking was the only amusement I had. Next day, the 24th December, we halted within three miles of the city of Schyras. I had now once more passed over the same ground that I had formerly done, as an invalid in search ofTHE MISSION. 91 health, as a merchant, seeking to mix profit with pleasure, and as a fugitive from Schyras; scarcely hoping to reach Bunder Reeg without being plundered of much, if not all, the valuable baggage I carried with me. The different places at which we stopped on the road were, therefore, familiar to me; and each brought to my recollection some circumstances of interest. There was scarcely one of these places at which I had not formerly made acquaintance with some of its inhabitants in the humbler walks of life : many of these had already gone to " that bourne from whence 110 traveller returns ;" but such of them as were still alive, invariably found some opportunity or other of visiting me in private,—some of them attended by their children,—all of them greeting me with the kindest expressions of regard and friendship,—and uniformly bringing with them some little present. Some, for instance, brought a favorite kid ; others, fresh butter, made by their wives ; others, cream cheese, or coagulated milk, of which the Persians make great use, under the name of " liban." I observe that, for want of a more intimate knowledge of the character of the Persian peasantry, my friend, in his Journal, notes all these visits, as proceeding from motives of interest, and not of friendship. Now, I am bound to declare, that there was not one of this class of visitors, on whom I could prevail to accept a pecuniary return for the present he made. The general request was for92 THE MISSION. something to keep in remembrance of me,—a knife, a pen-knife, or a pair of scissors. I hope the reader need scarcely be told, that I never accepted their favorite kid: to carry it along with me, would have been inconvenient—to have killed it, would have been sacrilege. I advert to these, and such like trifling circumstances, in the hope, that a disclosure of them may soften the injurious opinion, formed by some persons, of the Persian character, from the perusal of books written by such as had only the opportunity of viewing them superficially, or of books published with the avowed design of amusing the idle, by the recital of absurd tales, or extravagant caricature. I have said already, and I repeat it, that the greater part of the vices of which the Persians of all classes are accused, arises from the nature of their government. For instance, when force can, at any time, deprive a man of his all, does it not follow, that he will easily reconcile himself to the not being over nice in the means he takes afterwards to recruit his finances ? He who attempts to make us believe, that the inhabitants of cities in Persia, and the Persian peasantry, are, in moral character, the same, knows little or nothing of what he is talking about; and he, who imagines that the Persian peasants of Fars, Irak, Azarbaijan, or any other province, all possess the same moral qualities, is equally ignorant. Even in this country, it is easy to perceive a distinctive difference, inTHE MISSION. 93 the manners, in the habits, and, consequently, in the character, of the peasants of different counties. The greater part of man's moral qualities, is formed by circumstances, over which he, as an individual, has little or no power—such as climate, government, propensity to imitation, and (reader, you may laugh at me if you please,) the food which is in general use in the country, in which he is born, and resides. It was at this halting-place, that the Prince Governor of Schyras paid me the compliment of ordering one of his own tents to be pitched for my accommodation. It was splendidly large, and lined throughout with the finest Mazulipatnam chintz. The next day was to be a day of great bustle, and much of the intervening time was spent in arranging the ceremony of my entrance into Schyras. The principal difficulty was, to obtain an order from the Government, that the Khans appointed to meet me, should dismount, whilst I received their compliments on horseback. This proposition was, for some time, resisted; and the reason given was, that the noblemen intended to be sent to compliment me, were distantly related to the King of Persia. Mine for insisting on receiving this mark of respect, were, that, in Persia, I was the appointed, and now acknowledged, representative of my Sovereign. This business, which some persons may incline to think a ridiculous one, and carried, on my part, further than it94 THE MISSION. merited, was, in point of fact, an important one ; and, at one time, it seemed to assume so serious an aspect, that I threatened to remain where I was, to dispatch a representation to Taeheran, and await the decision upon it, of His Persian Majesty and his Ministers. About eight in the evening, one of the Prince's secretaries came to me, and acquainted me that my demand was acceded to, after a sitting of the Prince's council, which lasted some hours; where it was determined, " that a " person authorized to represent a King, was " higher in dignity than the relation of a King, " particularly if, as in the present case, the rela-" tionship was not a very near one." This decision was extremely important; and, knowing the use I could make of it at Taeheran, to stop, in limine, many idle pretensions, likely to be made in my intercourse with various noblemen there, 1 begged that it might be communicated to me in writing; and I was promised that this should be done after I had entered the city.* The procession, which issued from the city to meet the Mission, was very honorable and large ; and as we approached it, the crowd became immense. I see that Mr. Sheridan in his journal, observes : " that the Mehmandar was unusually alert, and " that owing to his great exertions, we got into " the city without being much annoyed;" but that, notwithstanding what had been communi- * This was never done.THE MISSION. 95 cated to me the night before, " there was some " hesitation on the part of the Khans who came " out to meet Sir Harford, as to dismounting from " their horses at the Ambassador's approach, most " of them being related to the royal family.* " However, Sir Harford positively declared, that " he would not move on a step farther, unless " they did so, and they were obliged to comply." On reaching the lodging appointed for the embassy, we found spread for us a superb collation of sweetmeats, &c., and Abdullah Khan, the son of the Prime Minister, came shortly afterwards to compliment me on my arrival. Well, I am now in Schyras! but with what different feelings, under what different circumstances, to those experienced in my former visits to this city! Where is the noble Sovereign, the true lion of war, to whose presence I was familiarly admitted whenever I chose to seek the honor ?—betrayed and cruelly destroyed. Where is the royal child, whose innocent tattle gave me so much pleasure ? alas ! alive,—but most inhumanely mutilated ! Where is the scoundrel, whose mad * I strongly advise those who have to negociate or transact any other business with the Persians, never to lose their temper on account of any extraordinary propositions which they may bring forward; nor, when knowing themselves to be in the right, ever to despair of carrying their point by proper perseverance. In such matters the Persians uniformly act on this principle. Shud, sheed, ne shud heich : viz. if I succeed, I succeed ; if I fail, there is no harm done.96 THE MISSION. ambition, and black heart, brought ruin 011 his confiding King, and misery the most severe on his fellow-citizens ?—gone, I hope, trust, and believe, to receive a just punishment for his most atrocious villainies. Where is that great, good, and amiable Minister, Meerza Mohammed Hossein, whose conversation was a charm, and whose most hospitable mansion was always open to me ? Where is the little, worthy, laughing Khorassaunee Seyd, whose humble doors were never shut against me, and whose willing services anticipated my wishes? Where is Mohammed Ally Behbehaunee, my old humorist Mehmander? Where is Mohammed Ally, the joyous fat merchant, who took care of me, and managed my little concerns in the year 1786, when I first visited Schyras? Where are numerous other kind and humble friends, with whom, when Persia was a new world to me, I rambled about, and loitered or feasted in the Baug-el-Vakeel, the Hafezeah, the tomb of Sadee, or the Heft-tun ?—Gone ! gone for ever. What was I then ? My own master—willing to please and be pleased—enjoying, with almost a child's delight, every thing and every body ! What am I now ? A man bound down to ceremony—a man whose situation is envied by many—who, instead of enjoying a fearless, careless, joyous intercourse with the Persians who visit him, is obliged to measure almost every word he utters to them, and to reflect on almost every sentence which theyTHE MISSION. 97 address him in return ! Could any Jin or Deeve appear, and say, " If you will cast off your present " fine trappings, I will restore all you lament." I trust the reader will give me credit for sufficient good taste, to believe that I would willingly take the preternatural agent at his word. Such reflections the next day forced themselves on me with additional power, in consequence of finding myself obliged to hint to one of the gentlemen, that his farther attendance on the Mission would be dispensed with. He had treated me, at my own table, with disrespect, by giving orders to my servants on a point of ceremony, not only without consulting me, but in direct contradiction to my general regulations on the subject. He had the choice of apology or departure ; he chose the latter. He was a person of some ability, and of more pretension, and, I incline to think, he expected to be more consulted in the proceedings of the Mission, than I considered it either useful or proper he should. As I was extremely anxious to live on the strictest terms of friendly intercourse with all the gentlemen composing my suite, this little untoward affair gave me much vexation. This day Nasr Oollah Khan, the Prime Minister, paid me a visit. He was a man stricken with years, of no prepossessing appearance; and his manners, in comparison with those of the ministers with whom I had been accustomed to have intercourse, during the reign of the Zunds, were extremely coarse, and almost disgusting.98 the mission. The 1st of January was the day fixed for my public reception by the Prince Governor,—for an account of which, I am glad to turn to my friend's Journal. " At 12 o'clock we set out, accompanied by our " Mehmander, Mohammed Zikea Khan, who pre-" ceded Sir Harford, and cleared the way for him. " Before Sir Harford, were led seven horses, with " English saddles and bridles, each led by a Persian " groom on horseback, and the whole headed by Sir " Harford's European groom, in scarlet and gold " livery. The gentlemen of the Embassy followed " Sir Harford according to their rank, and the rear " was brought up by Lieutenant Willock, at the " head of his troop. The streets of Schyras, gene-" rally speaking, are very narrow, and in some " places scarcely admit of two horsemen riding " abreast. The houses are built with brick, but " present no windows to the street. We were led " much out of the way of the straight road to the " palace, in order that the spectacle might be pro-" longed. At last we entered the Vakeel's bazaar, " built by Kercum Khan ; in the centre of which, " in a kind of balcony, the Cutwal, or Superintend-" ant of Police, was sitting performing the duties " of his office.* He rose at Sir Harford's approach, * My excellent friend, I see, has omitted to mention in his Journal, what the Persians thought was the very pink of attention. On my approach to the Cutwal, a fellow was thrown down to be bastonadoed, and on my coming opposite, the Cutwal called out, in a loud voice,—Aff kirdaham !—" I have pardoned you."On Stone iyA.ftcScm. iWett/iaf /romZcfc6y Sin/. Sutherland,.THE MISSION. 99 " and made him an obeisance, which the Ambassa-" dor returned. Having passed through the whole " length of this bazaar, we entered a spacious " court, which led to another, and that again to a " third — and all these courts were lined with " people. We then reached the gate of the build-" ing in which the audience was to take place. At " this gate we dismounted, and found the Master of " the Ceremonies, and his suite, ready to receive us. " On passing through the gateway, we entered an '' oblong square walled garden, through the middle " of which a broad straight line to a building in the " centre was drawn, and which lead to this building. " There was a canal, twelve or thirteen feet wide, " filled with pure water, and fountains at regular " distances, which were playing. On each side of " the canal was a broad pavement of coarse " marble, on which the Prince's battle-axe guard, " and other troops, were drawn up in line. " Amongst these was a person who had been an " inferior Russian officer, who had been made a " prisoner in some of the skirmishes between the " Persians and the Russians, and who had been " prevailed on (outwardly at least) to profess the " Mohammedan religion, and was now called, by " the Persians, Peer Russ Khan. The drummer " belonging to the regiment had been captured " also at the same time ; he now stood by the side " of his officer, and the Persians regarded him as an " accomplished performer. We passed along one100 THE MISSION. " side of the pavement, between the canal and the " troops, and at the stations where the Persians " made an obeisance, we lifted our hats. We had a " considerable distance, therefore, to walk, before " we entered the room, at the corner of which the " Prince was sitting, on a very fine nummud. His " dress was a white brocade, over which was " loosely thrown a superb shawl cloak, and on his " shoulders, a magnificent sable tippet. Before " him was placed a gold enamelled plate, contain-" ing, as I thought, comfits of some sort; but I " was afterwards told they were loose pearls for " the Prince to play with, when he was so dis-" posed. " On his head he wore a Persian cap, with a " very beautiful shawl twisted round it, his fingers " were loaded with rings that made a great show; " and the hilt of his poignard, as well as that of " his sabre, was covered with precious stones ; " in short, his dress and appearance were splendid " and princely. The Prince's name is Hassan Aly; " he is a fine youth, is very handsome, and his " manners very engaging. Immediately opposite " to him stood Nasr Oollah Khan, his Minister. " At the upper end of the room, in a line with the " Prince, and on his left hand, the Ambassador was " seated, and below him the gentlemen, according " to their rank. The Prince's three favorites, " Eusoof Beg, the Georgian, Abdullah Khan, the " Prime Minister's son, and our Mehmander ZikeaTHE MISSION. 101 " Khan, stood to the left of the Prince, below the " gentlemen of the Embassy; whilst Jafer Aly " Khan, as being British Agent, was, notwith-" standing his being a Persian, allowed to sit down. " Though Sir Harford spoke Persian as fluently as " he did English, still, at first, whatever he ad-" dressed to the Prince, was repeated to him by " Nasr Oollah Khan; but it was not long before " this tiresome ceremony was dropped. We were " served with coffee and caleans, and, after a stay " of something more than half an hour, we re-" turned home in the same order which had been " observed on our coming to the palace." But, previously to this interview with the Prince, which Mr. Sheridan has justly described, I had been engaged in a pretty sharp discussion with Nasr Oollah Khan respecting a claim of the Prince to invest me, on this occasion, with a dress of honour, to which, as representing my Sovereign, I thought it my duty not to submit; and wishing to close such matters once for all, I told Nasr Oollah,—" I not only°will not consent to receive " one from the Prince, but if the same proposition " should be made to me at Taeheran, depend on it " nothing in the world shall induce me to accede " to it." Seeing me so determined, Nasr Oollah withdrew his proposal, and it was never after renewed, either at Schyras or Taeheran. I return to my friend's Journal. " The King102 THE MISSION. " of Persia has just prohibited the use of Cash-" mere shawls, or rather confined it to the Princes " of the blood, and some few individuals of very high " rank. It is said that this edict has been issued " principally with a view to improve and benefit " the manufactures at Korman, where a shawl is " now made of so delicate a texture as almost to " rival that of Cashmere. The day on which we " entered Schyras, Sir Harford wore a shawl cloak, " which, of course impressed the multitude with a " very high opinion of his rank. " Now, I have been told the true reason why " the King prohibited the promiscuous use of the " Cashmere shawl, arises from a circumstance " which took place some little time ago. A mer-" chant arrived from Cashmere, bringing with " him a quantity of the most beautiful and elegant " shawls, for which he demanded the most extra-" vagant price. They were exhibited to the King, " and from amongst them he selected three or " four for his own use, for which the merchant " demanded 3,000 dollars each. At this price the " King refused to purchase; but some of his " wives hearing of the circumstance, and of the " extreme beauty of the shawls, contrived, in one " of his pliant moods, to coax the King to purchase " them. The merchant was accordingly sent for " the next day, and ordered to bring with him the " shawls which his Majesty had selected, and was,THE MISSION. 103 " at the same time, told that he should receive for " them the price he had demanded. The merchant, " of course, attended; but was dreadfully alarmed " when obliged to acknowledge that he had sold " the shawls. ' How !' said the King, f sold " f the shawls which I considered as being too " c dear for me to purchase! Pray to whom have " 'you sold them?'—' Please your Majesty, I sold " ' them to a muleteer.' The King appeared " thunder-struck, and sent for the muleteer, to " whom he said, ' How is it that you can afford to " ' purchase articles which I consider too dear, " ' even for a King ? what use could you have for " ' such shawls ? go, and bring them to me imme-" ' diately.' ' Please your Majesty,' replied the " muleteer, ' the shawls are no longer in my pos-" ' session—they are disposed of.'—' How! how!' " said the King,f to whom ?'—' Please your Majesty, " ' I gave them to my wife, and she has cut them " ' up for trousers for herself.'—f Well,' said the " King, f I hear, every now and then, that my " ' subjects complain of the weight of the taxes " f which they pay, and of the presents they are, " {at stated times, obliged to make; but surely I " f do not very severely oppress them, when a " * muleteer can purchase for his wife what, but " ' for their importunity, I should have refused to " ' purchase for mine.'" Now I have principally extracted this little story104 THE MISSION. for the purpose of telling the reader that, in Persia, persons of very humble condition* scarcely ever refuse their wives a jewel or a piece of finery which they can, in any shape, manage to purchase; and I have been informed by persons to whom credit is due, that, with the merchants of wealth, their wives are as richly dressed as those of the King. It is much the same case in Turkey, as the reader may see by turning to the lively and instructive pages of Lady Mary Wortley Montague. In Europe, because our information on the subject is necessarily very scanty, and what we have mostly very incorrect, we are apt to consider the Asiatic ladies as being miserably ill-treated ; but, from the little I know of the matter, I am convinced, that most of them have a great deal more their own way, and are made much more of, than is generally supposed. Women, in most parts of Asia, are regarded but in one light; but this is the very light which makes men, in general, profuse in their presents to them, and makes them also the most anxious about their dress. Europe may be the Paradise of old women, but Asia is, assuredly, that of the young and beautiful. The splendid paraphernalia of the bath, the ostentatious * It frequently happens in Persia, that the muleteer is richer than the merchant who employs him. I remember one of this class who was master of more than two hundred and fifty mules,, besides twenty yaboos, or pack-horses.THE MISSION. 105 manner in which it is laid out, the envy it creates, may console an Eastern lady for the want of a London equipage. The slaves she has at her command, the luxurious entertainments which she can give her neighbours and friends, and which they return to her, in the private apartments of their husbands' houses, are, in their estimation, full as gay—and certainly, with ladies of high rank, full as splendid—as any London parties. I have heard of a lady, during the course of one of these entertainments, changing her dress twenty times, each dress richer than the former.* Perhaps the ladies in Persia, previously to the introduction of Mohammedanism, enjoyed more personal freedom than they do now; for I consider it certain, that many of the most severe dicta of the Koran, on this subject, came into Mohammed's head, in consequence of the freaks of his own pretty, but termagant and intriguing wife, Ayesha, the daughter of Abu Beer. On the 2nd January, I paid my first visit, that of ceremony, to the Prince's Prime Minister; of which Mr. Sheridan gives the following account:— " At the door of the Minister's house we were re-" ceived by Abdullah Khan, his son. We were " shown into a very elegant room, the lower part * The Paulos exhibited this Eastern custom, on their return to Venice, to their friends and relations.—See Marco Paulo's Travels, Marsden's Translation.106 THE MISSION. " of the walls of which were lined with marble. _ d " The lire-place was ornamented .with cut-glass ; " and in the centre of the room were three very " handsome stands, on which chafing dishes were " placed, and charcoal burning; on the top of " which stood Isfahaun quinces, which, as they " burnt, emitted a very pleasant odour. Before " the windows, which were open to a small gar-" den, there was a tank, or basin of water, in " which three fountains were playing, the ice hav-" ing been broken for that purpose. The Isfa-" haun quinces have a most peculiarly fine flavor: " they never become completely mellow, and al-" ways retain, more or less^ a rough taste; never-" theless, they are very delicious, and grow to a " much larger size than any apple I ever saw.—The " Minister and Sir Harford conversed a long time " on different subjects, and the Ambassador gave " him a very detailed and particular account of " the battle of Friedland; • but the Khan was " dreadfully puzzled to comprehend where Am-" sterdam was situated. Nasr Oollah Khan was " splendidly dressed, and his smoking apparatus " was very fine and costly. He is about sixty-" seven years of age, and it is now four years that " he has acted as Prime Minister to the Prince " Governor. There is in his manners a degree of " plainness, and apparent sincerity, seldom found " amongst the Persians. He is said to be a goodTHE MISSION* 107 " man, as well as a sensible one. Our Mehmandar " now entered the room with some degree of agi-" tation and hurry, and said, that the Prince had " ordered him to attend on a hunting party the " next day. He came, therefore, he said, to be-" seech the Minister, that he would point out to " the young man the impropriety of his (the Meh-" mandar's) quitting the Ambassador during his " residence at Schyras. Accordingly, the head " eunuch was sent for, and returned with a mes-" sage from the Minister to the Prince, which set-" tied the matter to the satisfaction of the Meh-" mandar and Sir Harford. This person is an " Abyssinian, and is said to have considerable in-" fluence with the King; to be extremely invete-" rate where he dislikes, and to be equally warm " and friendly towards those for whom he pro-" fesses a liking. Sir Harford and the Minister " retired to a private conference, and Abdullah " Khan, who had hitherto stood outside of the " window, when his father left the room, came and " sat with us." Some account of this conference may be expected, and as nearly as my memory serves me, I will relate it. The Minister, Persian-like, began with' many praises of myself and my conduct, and with very many expressions of the happiness it afforded him to make the acquaintance of a person of whom,108 THE MISSION. from all classes of the inhabitants of Schyras, he had heard so much—that the Prince Governor had ordered him to assure me, his Royal Highness was disposed, not only to pay me particular attention whilst I remained in Schyras, but also to contribute all in his power to the success of my Mission—that the season was extremely inclement to travel in—that he hoped I might be disposed to honor the city of Schyras with my presence, and pass my time amongst my old friends, till the weather became milder, and the spring opened— and that, in such case, the Court and the city would do all in their power to amuse and please me.—To the first part of all this, I answered with the common routine of complimentary words ; to the second I replied, if a choice were in my power, of either presently prosecuting my journey, or remaining at Schyras till the season opened, I should, on many accounts, prefer the latter; but that it was duty, and not choice, which was to guide all my proceedings—that my positive orders were, to lose no time in proceeding to the presence1 of His Persian Majesty—and to the presence of His Majesty I must go, let the weather or inconvenience to myself, be what they might.—He said, that I had no idea of the severity of the winter, beyond Isfahaun—that I was not very young— and that, apparently, my constitution was not of the strongest..—" You may be right," said I, " asTHE MISSION. 109 " to the two first; but, in respect to the last, you " are deceived. I have borne, and I can bear, " great fatigue. But I am now placed in a situa-" tion, that I must not suffer what may happen " to myself, to cross my mind."—He then said, abruptly, " But, supposing I was appointed to " negociate with you, and the King should wish " the place of negociation to be Schyras, what " would you say to that ? would it not save much " time?" I said, " Hear me,* Nasr Oollah Khan. Is this " spoken of only as a thing which you yourself " think might be convenient and agreeable; or " are you authorized, either by the Prince, your " master, or from Taeheran, to make such a pro-" position ? for, according to your reply, I shall " shape mine to your question."—He said, that the proposition came from himself; though, he would confess, he was not sure, that some idea of the sort might not be entertained in their minds, at Tseheran. " I have uniformly heard you represented," said I, " as a plain, straightforward nobleman; and I " trust, that, in all the~intercourse we may have, " you will find my conduct to be guided by these " principles. I tell you, therefore, that, from what " quarter soever this proposition comes, I cannot, " and I will not, accede to it; and that, if it be * Goosh-kun—" Lend your ear."110 THE MISSION. " pressed, I will resist it by every means in my " power ; and ultimately, if necessary, I will form-" ally protest against it. Now, do not mistake " me. No part of what I have said, applies to your " being the person appointed to negociate with " me, if such should be the King of Persia's plea-" sure ; for it is my duty to negociate with whom-" soever he nominates as his Plenipotentiary, or " Plenipotentiaries. But I trust, that you will not " be offended, if I say, I fear, from the proposi-" tion you have made, that you are not very con-" versant in the forms prescribed on such occa-" sions. In the first place, I must have the honor " in person, to present to the King of Persia the " credentials granted me by my Sovereign; and " he must accept, and acknowledge that letter of " credence, before I can properly act as British " Minister at his Court. This alone, you see, my " friend, is a bar, in limine, to the acceptance by " me, of any proposition of the sort you have " made. This done, I do not know that I am en-" titled to decline proceeding to any place, at " which the King of Persia might judge it proper " that the Plenipotentiaries should meet; but I " think, that, after so long a journey, I should be " entitled, not only to complain, but delicately to " remonstrate, against the conferences being held " anywhere but at the capital. I shall not ex-" press, to the King or his Ministers, the mostTHE MISSION. Ill " distant opinion or wish, as to any particular " person being appointed to negociate with me ; " but you must perceive, from what I have already " said, that I must go to Taeheran, and be admit-" ted to the King's presence, and acknowledged " by him as British Minister, before I can treat " with anybody; and if the King should fix on yourself as his Plenipotentiary, and Schyras as " the place of conference, I must return here, " which will cause a great loss of time; or, if His " Majesty fixes on Taeheran as the place of con-" ference, and you the Plenipotentiary, it will pro-" bably be inconvenient, and may be disadvanta-" geous to you, to leave the Prince Governor for " so long a time ; but, if otherwise, even in that " case there will be a great loss of time. I know " Meerza Sheffee was appointed His Persian Ma-" jesty's Plenipotentiary, to negociate with Ge-" neral Gardanne ; and, to be plain and open with " you, I will confess, that, if the person were left " to my choice, I should prefer him. First, on " account of his rank, as Prime Minister of the " Kingdom, and the great confidence the King re-" poses in him;—from which I could rationally " expect, that many minor points would be settled, " and cut short, without the necessity of reference " to the King and the other Ministers: and, se-" condly, because, from his having previously ne-" gociated with General Gardanne, I should, in " the course of our conferences, have ample op-112 THE MISSION. " portunities of pointing out to Meerza. ShefFee, " many circumstances respecting the French Mis-" sion, which, though his penetration and experi-" ence are no doubt very great, seem, hitherto, to " have escaped his consideration." The Prince's Minister attempted to answer, by saying, I was already acknowledged as British Minister by the Prince, who had treated me, and who had ordered me to be treated as such.—" My dear Sir, I cannot " mean to offend the Prince Governor, nor your-" self, but I must directly tell you, that the Prince " Governor has not the power officially to acknow-" ledge me as British Minister to the court of his " father. This power is confined to the King alone. " If I am bound to make this assertion as matter of " business, it becomes me also to express to you, " and through you to the Prince, the grateful re-" membrance I shall ever cherish of the very " honorable and kind manner in which he has " caused me to be treated, and treated me himself." Here our conversation on this interesting subject ended; and, before I left the Minister, I said to him :—" I am already, no doubt, under many obli-" gations to you; and these, now that I am in " Schyras, are daily increasing,—but the greatest " obligation you can confer on me, will be, by every " means in your power, to hasten my departure to " the presence." It will easily be imagined, that this conference afforded me much matter for reflection, and alsoTHE MISSION. 113 gave me some uneasiness ; but the more I turned in my mind the principles I had laid down to Nasr Oollah, the more I became convinced of their rectitude and justness ; and consequently the firmer was my determination, under all possible circumstances, to act upon them. It was most apparent to me, that for whatever purpose General Malcolm had returned to Calcutta, it could not be for one which accorded with my views of the case; and although, on looking over the instructions I had received from His Majesty's Government, I did not find myself in any shape put under the orders of the Governor-General of India, yet common sense told me, that I should do right to attend, as far as it lay in my power, to such wishes as he might express; and to conduct my negociations, should it be possible, in conformity with his views, when made known to me. I then thought it however but too probable, from the representations made to him by General Malcolm, that he would adopt measures which, when once made known to the Persian Ministers, would increase the difficulty of negociat-ing with them. But, God knows, I did not, I could not foresee, that under any representation he would have recourse to the hasty and violent steps which he adopted; nor could I imagine that, after the praise he bestowed on my conduct at Bombay towards General Malcolm and his mission, and the thanks he gave me for it, he would so soon turn round, and heap upon me accusations equally false h114 THE MISSION. and groundless. Lord Minto, Governor General, is no more, and unluckily for me this happened before I had an opportunity of conferring with him on the footing of one gentleman with another ; and of asking him for an explanation of his injurious and unjust inveteracy against me ; and perhaps, too, of convincing him how little I deserved it. The proverb says," de mortuis nil nisi bonum." Yet I am compelled to declare, that as far as respects myself and the Mission with which I was charged, I can say ofLordMinto, "nil nisi malum;" and, therefore, in this memoir, I will say of him as little as I can help. The reader will, perhaps, recollect what took place at Ally Changee with Mohammed Nebee; and the information I drew from him in our evening conference ; if he does, he will not wonder that I now looked for the return of the messenger from Meerza Bozurg with considerable impatience. I am glad to find, however, from Mr. Sheridan's Journal, that in all this agitation of mind, I did not forget my old friend, the Reis. " Sir Harford, in his conference this morning " with the Minister, took occasion to mention the " situation of the old Reis, and his apprehensions " for his safety; and Bruce afterwards was sent " for. and told to tell Sir Harford that the Minister " had ordered commands to be issued, in the " Prince's name, to Mahommed Nebee Khan, di-" recting that the old Reis should be at perfect " liberty to do whatever he pleased, and to goTHE MISSION. 115 " where he wished." What follows in the Journal " will, no doubt, make the reader smile. " Jaafer " Ally Khan told us that it had been intimated to " his wife from the interior of the palace, that the " Queen (i.e. the Prince's mother, who resides " with him) has resolved to send the Ambassador " various dishes of the very best cookery, pre-" pared by her own hands." On the 3d January, I rejoiced to receive the intelligence, that that most able and amiable diplomatist, Sir Robert Adair, was arrived at, and received as British Ambassador at Constantinople; and I see from the Journal, that I immediately sent off, in cypher dispatches, acquainting him with the situation of our affairs in Persia, But the day was destined to produce me a still greater pleasure, for, in the evening, whilst sitting by myself, in my private apartments, it was announced to me, that a person, calling himself Hajee Eusoof, in company with another person, who had the appearance of having newly arrived from a journey, desired to speak with me. I gave orders for their admittance. Reader, judge of my surprise and delight, when I beheld my old and excellent friend Hajee Eusoof, the head jeweller to his late Majesty Lutf Ally Khan, accompanied by the person whom Abdullah Aga had sent with my. message to Meerza Bosurg. As Hajee Eusoof had neither come out to meet me, nor come to me since my arrival, I concluded him to be dead. Those to whom it has h 2116 THE MISSION. ever happened, after a very long and distant separation, to meet a friend, and that friend one who had thoroughly proved himself to be such, will easily conceive the feeling with which I met Hajee Eusoof. All ceremony was set aside—we ran to each other and embraced, the old man sobbing out, " AI Hamdullah tour a ba% deedam"—God be praised I see you again." After such greetings, which lasted some time, were finished, the old man said, " Your messenger " to Meerza Bosurg has just arrived at my house, " and has brought me a letter from him, in which " he desires me to wait on you, in company with " the messenger." The man then gave me a letter from Meerza Bozurg, which was very cool and very short, the purport of which, after a profusion of compliments, was, " I have received your letter, " and you must not give credit to all the idle tales " you hear." I told the messenger to go and rest himself, and that next day I would dispatch him to Bushire with a letter for his master, Abdullah Aga. The messenger had scarcely quitted the room before Hajee Eusoof pulled out a sort of little blue purse, from which he took a letter, which, the instant I saw it, I knew to be the Meerza's own hand-writing. This letter was addressed to me, and to the following purport:— " My dear friend—You did perfectly right in " applying to Abdullah Aga, and in sending me aTHE MISSION. 117 " verbal message, instead of writing to me. I have " seen the whole of your correspondence, to the " present time, with the Ministers at Tseheran, " and if I had been at your elbow it could not " have been better. What Mohammed Nebee " told you is true, and how he came to tell it you " I cannot imagine. I have no doubt you will take " the proper method to disperse the cloud when " you get to Schyras, and you may be as impor-" tunate as you please with the Prince : if, after " all, you should find any suspicious delay, write " strongly on the subject to Meerza Sheffee. The " French at Taeheran are moving heaven and earth " to prevent your coming to the presence—but " come you will, and come you shall. Meerza " Sheffee will be appointed to negociate with you, " and he will not stir a step without me. I give " you joy; your Ambassador has been received " at Constantinople, and all matters between you " and the Turks are settled. This is well for us, " and well for you. Whatever private commu-" nication you have to make from Schyras, make " it through Hajee Eusoof, my old worthy neigh-" bour, and your old and true friend. Remember, " the fire tells no tales; * you know what I mean. " —Adieu." * Autish derroug neme guoyad," " Fire tells no lies/' a Persian proverb, meaning fire proves all things, either theijr worth or worthlessness—and that nothing once committed to it, can afterwards rise in accusation against you.118 THE MISSION. The old jeweller and I sat long together, for I found he had much to say to me from Meerza Bozurg, and I had much to say to him of former times, and much to ask of him concerning the present. I was very sorry to learn from him, that when Aga Mohammed Khan captured Schyras, he had been heavily fined and personally ill-treated. The old man said, if the meeting was designed to be so strictly private, that he might not be of the party. " I should be sorry," said I, " that any thing which " Meerza Bozurg said to me, or I said to him, " which related solely to Persia, either of us " should wish to conceal from your Excellency; " but if he has asked me to come privately to " him, to speak to me on family concerns, it is he " alone that can answer for the admission of a '' third person." The Meerza then turned to his colleague, and said : " My Lord, I should certainly " have asked you to have done me the honor to " become my guest this evening, but you know278 THE MISSION. " how strictly my table is the table of a derveish, " and that, therefore, those who give me the " honor of their company, are more likely to fast, " than to make «ven a comfortable meal; and " though, from our long and intimate acquaint-" ance, I do not feel ashamed to ask Sir Harford " to partake of the same morsel that is put " before myself, and know that he will excuse " it, yet I should be very unwilling to ask a person " of your dignity, and who is so renowned for the " choiceness and magnificence of his entertain-" ments, to do the same. The business on which I " principally wished to converse with my old friend, " concerns my noble master, the Prince Royal, and " the affairs of his Government of Azarbaijan; " and God knows, I am sufficiently aware of the " advantage it would be, that these should be dis-" cussed in your presence ; for, in what he is now " about to undertake, he will have frequent need " to make requests and representations to the " Shah; which, if they are permitted to pass " through your Excellency's hands, will be pre-" ferred with double force, and have a double " chance of success. If, therefore, you will con-" descend to honor the derveish with your com-" pany, he will expect you after the Shah's evening " Court breaks up." The old Minister then turned to me, and said, " Before you go home, come and drink a cup of coffee with me." As soon as we entered his tent,THE MISSION. 279 he called for coffee and caleans, and gave orders to his servant, to admit no one whilst I was with him. We sat down, and the Minister said, " I will " not detain you long; but I want to tell you, that " I approve of every word which you have just " uttered to the Shah, and more particularly of " the discreet language in which it was delivered ; " for sometimes you Fringees, when you think " yourselves right, are not over polite. Moreover, " I completely concur in the principles you laid " down; but there are but few, who can tell the " Shah such things as you have just done, or to " whom he will listen with the patience he has " bestowed on you. I will act most cordially with " you, and particularly in all which concerns Tur-" key. I have one thing, however, to ask of you " in return. We all know your influence over " Meerza Bozurg ; and knowing, (what is easy to " perceive) now that you are going to make some " stay at Tauris, the degree of influence which you " will soon obtain with the Prince Royal, let me " intreat you that, if instances and occasions should " arise, in which his Royal Highness should think " that I do not serve him as warmly with the " Shah, as it might be in my power, you will, in " person and in private, make such explanations " to him, as I shall furnish you with."—" I will, " most willingly. I owe you every proper ser-" vice in my power; and I will zealously perform280 THE MISSION. " the promise I now make." I then retired to my tent. I hope the reader will not accuse me of unpardonable vanity, if I extract the following from the translation of the Dynasty of the Khajars:— " And every succeeding day, the admirable qua-" lities, and sincere attachment, of Sir Harford " Jones, Baronet, became more conspicuous in the " area of demonstration. As most of the import-" ant treaties and transactions with the Othoman " Government, and those of Europe, had been " entrusted, by the royal command, to the Prince " Viceroy, he did not allow himself a single mo-" ment's repose, either in these points, or in his " campaigns against the Russians, who, at this pe-" riod, were hostile to Iran and England, and in " alliance with France. The above-mentioned " Envoy, therefore, with profound prudence, and " reflecting foresight, judged it proper to remain " near the illustrious and puissant heir to the " Crown. As soon as he had completed the treaty, " with some other details, he, by the royal com-" mand, stopped at Tabreez, and was engaged in " attendance on the Prince Viceroy ; where, by his " praiseworthy services, and elevation of senti-" ment, he attained unbounded confidence, and " distinguished favor, to such a degree, as to be-" come an object of envy to the most ancient " servants of the Crown,—how much more to all " others!"THE MISSION. 281 After the evening Court had broken up, I found Meerza Sheffee and Meerza Bozurg in the latter's tent, and both them and myself, (for it was near ten o'clock) more ready for supper than for conversation. Our repast, in point of luxury, was certainly not beyond what Meerza Bozurg had promised, but every thing was excellent in its kind, and the cookery of the very best. There was a sort of costume in the dress of the Meerza's servants, which seemed to accord with that of their master, or indeed to be borrowed from it, and a quietness and humility in their motions and service, which was peculiarly striking. On the contrary, the head servants of Meerza Sheffee, and the Ameen-ed-dowlah, were generally richly dressed, pompous and bustling in their manners, and, where they dared to be so, rude, uncivil and rough. One of the servants of the latter, had, on a particular occasion, attempted to be so towards me, and I set him down, by asking, as a favor, that he would tell me whether it was himself, his master, or the Shah, who had ennobled him, in order that I might in future know in what manner to behave to him. By some means or other this got about, and it was not a little that the fellow heard of it afterwards. After supper, as soon as we were by ourselves, the old Minister opened with the most unbounded praise of the Prince Royal, and how fortunate Persia was to possess a Prince of his talents and282 THE MISSION. virtues. To all this Meerza Bozurg assented, and spoke of the inhabitants of the province being greatly attached to him ; but added, that, though under the Prince's government, the revenues of the province had been considerably augmented, and the commerce of Tauris increased, still it was impossible for the Prince to support the military establishment wished by the Shah, without receiving assistance from His Maj esty. Under the present system it might be possible, he said, to collect indeed a little more revenue, than was now done, but if it were attempted, it would be at the risk of creating disaffection in the Governors of several districts, a circumstance, which, no doubt, the Russians would be ready enough to take advantage of; and as to the Prince's household establishment and expences, he could safely say they were managed and conducted with the greatest regularity, and the very utmost regard to economy, which was consistent with his dignity and credit. A very great trust and charge, would, in consequence of the resolutions adopted by His Majesty to-day, be thrown on His Highness, who, instead of this, had expected that the Shah himself would have taken a more active part in the campaign, and that therefore he would have had only to support his own troops, as an attached body, instead of having to provide for, and subsist the whole force employed. Meerza Sheffee acknowledged he saw this in the light in which Meerza Bozurg had represented it;THE MISSION. 283 " but," said he, " you know as well as myself, that " to get money out of the King is the most diffi-" cult of all things in the world, and in this case " more particularly so, because there are persons " continually representing to His Majesty the " highly flourishing state of the province of Azar-" baijan; and that has caused him to suppose, and " it will be very difficult to undeceive him, that " the Prince is forming a treasury.* It will be " easy, indeed," continued he, " to prevail on the " Shah to give the Prince assistance, in troops, to " any extent he asks for, but I fear the payment " and subsistence of them must come from the " Prince." Meerza Bozurg said, "if that was to be " the case, such troops would be an incumbrance " instead of assistance, and as to what the Shah " imagines, about the Prince laying by money, he " would leave it to Meerza Sheffee's own judgment, " whether, with the troops the Prince had in his " pay, the different establishments he had on foot " for the improvement and safety of the country, " the charge of his household, and the expence " going on in the erection of the fort of Abbasabad, " such a thing could be the case." The Meerza frankly acknowledged it could not; and added, " I " greatly doubt, Meerza Bozurg, whether any of " us could have managed as you and the Prince " have done. All I can say is, before the English * The word was khaznali, which means treasury, but the better English word here, perhaps, would be hoard.THE MISSION. " Ambassador leaves the camp with you for Tauris, " either the Shah will ask to see him, or I will " contrive he shall see the Shah; and then instruct " your friend as to what can be reasonably asked, " and prevail on him to ask it. I will certainly " not only not oppose, but, as far as I can, will " assist the representations he makes. The Ameen-" ed-dowlah will probably do all in his power " to make the Shah think the Prince needs no " assistance from him ; but he will be cautious, I " think, how he gets into an argument with your " friend, especially if he finds me shy in backing " him. This person certainly does contrive to " draw from Isfahaun, and the districts committed " to his charge, as well as from the general super-" intendance of the finance department, large sums " to the King's coffers, and this gives him weight " and credit at Court; but I very much doubt " whether the system he is pursuing, is not that " of killing the goose to get at her eggs all at once. " It is curious to me that the Shah, who in other " things is so very sharp-sighted, should not be so " in this." Such was the general bent of our conversation as it related to public matters, and it was very late when we parted. There was not a long interval between this supper and my being required to attend the Shah. When I was introduced to him he was alone, and after the ordinary courtesies had passed between us, the Shah said :—" I hope you are satisfied withTHE MISSION. 285 " the arrangement made for Abbas,—I have done " this to please you."—I replied, " every thing " which tends to the honor of the Prince Royal, or " places him in a situation of shewing his devotion " to your Majesty and his love of his country, I " shall always rejoice at; but I am confident, that " your Majesty is too considerate and too generous " to expect, that the young lion should, without " assistance, do that which even the old one in the " plenitude of his strength would find difficulty in " performing."—" I do not understand you," said the Shah:—" have I not promised to remain here " and assist Abbas ? have I not put a very large " force under his command ? am I not ready to " give him more troops if he wishes them ? but " you yourself advise that we should act on the " defensive, and therefore, I suppose, the troops " which have been appointed to attend him are " sufficient."—I replied; " I have, please your Ma-" jesty, no fault to find with the numerical force " which the Prince is to command ; but your " Majesty knows, that, the more men, the more " means are required to keep them together and " in condition to act effectually: and you can " hardly imagine, that men who are expected to " be at all times on the alert, and to defend them-" selves and their country on all occasions, will " do either the one or the other with good will, " and as they ought to do, unless they have the " common necessaries and comforts of life afforded286 THE MISSION. " them,—and indeed, sometimes, the enjoyment " of the inferior luxuries of it. From what I have " seen of the Prince Royal, I cannot believe he " wishes to amass gold and leave his soldiers to " starve; but rely on it, unless His Royal High-" ness has the means of paying them and feeding " them properly, there must, in the end, be very " bitter consequences attending his present ex-" pedition."—The King then said peevishly:—" I " suppose you are sent here to ask me for money." —" Your Majesty," replied I, "knows best whether " I am sent;—but I believe myself sent for."— " Well, well," said he, " it is all the same thing, " you want money, and I have none to give;— " some fool or other has been telling you about " my wealth—where should it come from ? I have " put a Prince in every province, and the report " I receive from them is, that the revenues of the " provinces do not do more than support the " charges of Government. It is true, that on the " Nourouze they send me presents, but what are " they 1—not money—but horses, camels, mules, " sheep, shawls, pearls, and such sort of trumpery; " —the first, as you see, enables me to move about, " and then," bursting into a laugh,—" the women " coax me out of the two last. Of money, real " money, Mr. Ambassador, I get no more, as the a Ameen-ed-dowlah will tell you, than pays the " troops I keep on foot, and my household estab-" lishment. It is true, I have got a parcel of stones,THE MISSION. 287 " more perhaps than any other monarch has,—but " what are these worth in a case of this sort ? God " bless you,—you think, I suppose, that I am like " your King, who, you told me the other day, " spends 100 millions of tomans in a year. Why, " Mr. Ambassador, this is a sum no Persian King " ever saw in his sleep.*—No, no, Abbas must do " as well as he can, and when he wants help, and " sends for it, I will march to assist him." " What your Majesty has just been pleased to " say," replied I, " really gives me great concern " and surprise, particularly after what we heard " from your Majesty a few days ago, on the mag-" nitude and extent of your resources ; however, " it is a great consolation to recollect that youT " Majesty has declared the interests of Persia " and England to be inseparable. It has been " on this basis that the treaty between the two " countries has been negotiated and signed ; it has " been on this basis that a certain assistance in a certain manner has been stipulated to be afforded " by England to Persia. Now I have not the " smallest doubt but that this treaty will receive " the ratification of my Sovereign; but who will be " placed at your Majesty's Court, for the purpose " of carrying it into execution, I know not. If it " should be myself, (which I do not think very " likely) I now frankly declare that I shall think it " my duty to take care that the whole of the as- * Der Khok m deedet est.288 THE MISSION. " sistance stipulated shall, in some manner or " other, be applied to strengthen what I shall " call (though improperly) the European frontier " of Persia. At this moment Meerza Sheffee, who, I take it for granted, had, in some part of the tent, heard every word which had passed, came in ; and the Shah said, smiling, " Baba !* here is the English " Ambassador come to ask me for money for " Abbas; you know I have none except I borrow " it of you or the Ameen-ed-dowlah."—" Please " your Majesty," said the Meerza; " you know I " have no money, but I am always ready to sell " my pots and pans for your Majesty's service ; " though as to the Ameen-ed-dowlah, I have no " doubt, between himself and the merchants, and " melon growers at Isfahaun, your application to " him will not be in vain." The Shah laughed very heartily, and turning to me, said;—" there, " you hear what Baba says. I cannot take his " pots and pans away from him, because he has " got a little Princef to feed, who will abuse the " Meerza most bitterly if he does not get his * Father. ■f There was more fun and sarcasm in this, than the reader can be aware of, without some little explanation. Some time before, in private conversation between the King and his Minister, the latter, by way of pleasing the former, complimented him on his numerous progeny; and, unfortunately for himself, lamented that he had none. " Gad so," said the Shah, " if that is the case, I " will do the kindest thing in the world by you; one of my ladies " was brought to bed last night of a Prince, and as soon as he is fitTHE MISSION. 289 " dinner; and as to the merchants and melon " growers at Isfahaun, I know there is but one " being that they fear more to see amongst them " than the Ameen-ed-dowlah; so you see, Mr. " Ambassador, the thing is impossible." " Not quite so much so as your Majesty sup-" poses, for I have a scheme to propose which " will save the Meerza's pots and pans, and pre-" vent the merchants and melon growers at Isfa-" haun from being terrified by the appearance " amongst them of the Ameen-ed-dowlah, and " which I therefore hope your Majesty and the " Meerza will think a reasonable one. Whether " I am to have the honor to remain at your Ma- " to move, I will send him to you, with nurses, and eunuchs, and " other requisites of a proper establishment; and you shall adopt " him and bring him up; and so you will have a child without any " trouble." In a little time afterwards, to the poor Meerza's great " confusion, all that was promised arrived. This urchin was now about six years old, and the trouble he gave the old man, and the expense he put him to, was vexatious, and this the Shah knew well. As an instance, I happened one morning at Taeheran to wish to see the Meerza before he went to Court. It was very early, and I was shewn into an apartment near the harem, very richly furnished ; but to my great astonishment, all the costly bro-cadc eushions and mattrasses, covered with Cashmere shawl, were slashed as if with a knife, in different places. Shortly after, the Meerza made his appearance, and as soon as we had sat down, he said with a great sigh, " See what pretty work my princely son made " here last night, because I refused to purchase some very costly " jewels for his mother. God bless your country, where no man is " obliged to maintain a child whom he does not beget."—" Do not " be too sure of that, Meerza," said I, " though you may be sure the " King of England never sends his sons or daughters to his Mi-" nisters to be maintained and brought up. /290 THE MISSION. " jesty's Court, or whether my Sovereign will " think proper to recall me, 1 cannot at present " tell; but in either case, it will certainly make no " difference in the purpose to which the stipulated " assistance will be directed to be applied; I there-" fore think myself fully justified in asking your " Majesty to consent to advance such part of this " to the Prince Royal as he may from time to time " find it necessary to call for. As long as I am " here, I will take care to see that what is called for " is fairly expended, and that no more is called for " at any time than is really wanting. At the same " time I must say that, from the conversation I " have had with Meerza Bozurg respecting the " Prince's revenues and expenses, and from the " declaration of poverty which your Majesty has " been pleased to make, I must now ask for an " advance of the first year's assistance to be given " to the Prince by two instalments; one immediate, " the other to be paid at the end of the campaign, " unless circumstances should arise to make it in-" dispensibly necessary to ask for an earlier payment " of the last." The King looked extremely surprised, and it seemed to me as if all his gaiety forsook him at once. He evidently was waiting for Meerza Sheffee to start some objection to the plan ; but whether the Meerza had not recovered the allusion to the reason why he should keep his pots and pans, or whether he was determined to keep his word with myself and Meerza Bozurg,THF, MISSION. 291 he at all events kept silence. The Shah then very gravely and formally said " Vi%ier-e-a%em," (i. e. Grand Vizier) why do not you speak ? Being thus addressed, the Meerza said:—" Please your Ma-" jesty, although the assistance alluded to by the " English Ambassador is to be given to your " Majesty, it is nevertheless designed for a parti-" cular purpose, and of that purpose the English " are to judge; and although that assistance " neither has nor could have as yet arrived, there " is no doubt that it will arrive ; and I am sure " your Majesty is too noble to wish to appropriate " the smallest part of it to any other purpose than " that which it was intended for; and therefore I " do think that this would be a good opportunity " to shew the King of England in what light you " view the assistance, and what use you mean to " make of it; besides, J must say, that from a con-" versation which passed between myself, Meerza " Bozurg, and the Ambassador, a few nights ago, " it is clear that the Prince must have assistance." The Shah then turned rather abruptly to me, and said :—" Murrakus" (i. e. you have leave); and just as I was going from under the fly of the tent, he called out, " you shall hear from me again." The reader will probably think, as I did at the time, that Meerza Sheffee had fairly redeemed the promise he had made in Meerza Bozurg's tent. From the King I went to Meerza Bozurg's tent, t 2292 THE MISSION. —his servant told me that he was with the Prince, and employed in auditing and settling accounts; but that his master had left word, that if I came, he should be informed. I was on my way towards the Prince's tent, when a person came up to me in haste, and told me, that Meerza Sheffee, who was just behind, wished to speak to me. I looked back, and saw the Meerza, mounted on a mule, and accompanied by a numerous cortege, which was by no means very usual in the camp. When he came up to me, he said :—" I am going, by the " Shah's order, to the Prince's tent; but you must " turn back and get to your tent as soon as you " can, for there is one of the Meerzas of the court " sent to you, with a message from the king."— " Have we got the money for the Prince ?" said I. " We have, and I am going to His Royal Highness " with the intelligence of the Shah's resolution." I reached my tent just in time to receive the Meerza, whose message, though on the whole, satisfactory, was a little comical in some particulars : which were,—that if the treaty was not ratified, I should engage to be answerable for the advance of assistance which the Shah was about to make. Having satisfied the Meerza 011 this point, and gone through the ceremonies of the visit, I . was left by myself. From my tent I saw Meerza Sheffee returning, and as he appeared to be pointing his course towards my tent, I went out to meet him;—when we met, he said, " I in-THE MISSION. 293 " tended to pay you a visit, but I am in a hurry " to get back to the Shah, therefore I can only " stop to ask you if you will come and sup with " me to-night, and meet Meerza Bozurg, whom I " have just left with the Prince, in high spirits. " The Prince wishes much to see you, and I think " you had better go to him, as he purposes to leave " camp to-morrow." I went immediately, with only one servant, and on foot, towards the Prince Royal's tent, where I found orders had been given to admit me to the Prince's presence as soon as I arrived. I found the Prince and Meerza Bozurg up to their waists in papers,*—the Meerza came towards me as soon as I entered the tent, and said:—" the " Prince not only wishes to thank you before he " leaves the camp, but to tell you, in general terms, " what he means to do." As soon as I had sat down, the Prince said :—" You have done me a " service I never can forget; nor can I tell you " how much I feel obliged by your consenting to " take up your residence, during the winter, at " Tauris, where every thing in my power shall be " done to make it as comfortable to you as possible, " though you must not expect much quiet, for I " shall send for you on all emergencies. Meerza " Bozurg will take leave of the Shah in two or " three days more, and you will then accompany * The reader will please to remember both these personages were seated on their heels on the ground.294 THE MISSION. " him to Tauris, when he will acquaint you and " the gentlemen with what has been done, what is " doing, and what is wished to be done." The Prince then entered into a detail of many designs and plans, which appeared to me, on the whole, to be very judicious. I said :—" Your Royal " Highness will give me leave to tell you one " thing, which, perhaps, Meerza Sheffee's modesty " did not allow him to do—which is, that he gave " me the most effectual assistance, in my inter-" view with the King, and from the manner in " which he spoke, I must think that he has your " Royal Highness's interest greatly at heart."—" I " know no reason why he should not," said the Prince ; " he is dreadfully afraid of Mohammed " Ally Meerza, and therefore, whatever Moham-" med* asks him to do, he never refuses ; he is a " very able Minister, greatly attached to the Shah, " who, he says, saved his life more than once, in my " great uncle's time:—the Shah has great confidence " in him, and the Meerza can do just as he likes " with the Shah. He is apt to be sly, but I really " believe he will now act cordially with us, for he " speaks very well of you." After some farther civilities, I left the Prince, and early the next morning he commenced his march. On our way to the Chemen Oujan, we had halted at a little village by the way-side, called * I never hoard the Prince, when speaking of Mohammed Ally Meerza, call him Brother.THE MISSION. 295 Tikmedash, and I cannot now exactly recollect what it was that detained me there the next day. The situation of the village is on the bank of a ravine, at the bottom of which runs a little stream of pure water, the current of which has probably formed the ravine itself. Our tents were pitched on one bank of the ravine, and the village stood on the other, and some of my best horses were stabled in the village, which induced me to make a visit to it the next morning. I was extremely pleased with the manner in which the villagers received me ; and at the invitation of the Khed-khodah, I went to drink coffee with him. When in England, I had been a dabbler in farming—and there was then one (alas ! now no more!) who took as much delight, and was better versed in the mysteries of it, than myself, so that the concern was always going on whilst I was out of the country. I had held an opinion that one of the greatest improvements of which Persia was susceptible, was in her agriculture, and in consequence thereof, whenever I had an opportunity of conversing with the villagers on this subject, I never failed to avail myself of it. I found the Khedkhodah of Tikmedash extremely intelligent; and, what was more, I discovered that the land belonging to the village was precisely of the very nature and description 011 which one would wish to commence a series of experimental improvements. It consisted of con-296 THE MISSION. siderable pasturages, and excellent tillage, with a very tolerable command of water. When I came to question my friend as to the number of his stock, I found, that considering the extent of his land, it turned out to be " a beggarly account of " empty boxes," and on seeking the reason for this, it appeared to be just what I guessed, that is—the difficulty of wintering the cattle. He was well aware of the benefit tillage-land receives from manure, and what something surprised me, he was well aware of the benefit grass-land received from irrigation.* He understood too the advantage which might be derived from enclosures and judicious plantations : " for," said he, " we are blown " away in winter and spring, and burnt up in " summer." I learnt from him, also, that the stock of hay he could depend on, was but small, from the difficulty of preventing trespasses of various sorts, on the grass, and that the chief, or nearly the sole dependence for winter fodder, was on straw. The land, he told me, was cultivated by thirds,f which is a very customary manner in * No people understand the benefit which irrigation confers, better than the Persians ; but then it is confined to seeds, at least as far as I had yet observed; but there was near this village a little patch of delightful turf, over which the water, after passing through the village, trickled, and this probably made my honest Khedkhodah aware of what good water would do on good grass land. f Two thirds, proprietors; one third, cultivators. The division is made after the demands of Government, and the seed requisite for the next year, are deducted.THE MISSION. 297 Persia and Arabia; and, all things considered, I did not see that there were any very serious permanent evils, though many occasional ones, which my friends, the villagers, had to complain of. The dwelling of the Khedkhodah was certainly not what an English farmer, renting .£1000, or <£600, would have been contented with, but according to Persian notions, it was comfortable, and there seemed to be (as I found afterwards to be actually the case) no want of many good things, and even luxuries, inside of the house. As brother farmers, the Khedkhodah and myself soon became very intimate, and I asked him, if I were to put him in a way to winter his stock, to what number beyond the present, he thought he could increase it. His answer was very satisfactory :—" Indeed^ I can hardly imagine; be-" cause I should have so much more straw, so " much more manure, that I cannot tell what I " could do."— " Do you think, if you raised ten " times more straw, you could keep ten times " more cattle?"—" Pretty near it."—" Do you " think, if one half of the winter keep of your " beasts was made to arise from something else " than straw, that you could then increase your " present stock of cattle ten-fold ?"—" No doubt." —" What is the return of seed your land makes " at present ?"—" On the average, manure and no " manure, about twenty."—" Why do not you ma-" nure the whole?"—"Because we can neither298 THE MISSION. " make it, nor obtain it in any other way."— " What do you think the land would yield, if well " manured ?"—" I cannot tell, but I should think " more than double."—" How much land can you "plough in a day?"—" By sticking at it well, " about (mentioning a measure) a third of an " acre."—" Do you think, if such improvements " were made in your present husbandry imple-" ments, as would enable you to do double the " quantity of work in the same quantity of time, " would it be an advantage to you ?"—The honest fellow laughed heartily, and said, " Can you ask " that question seriously V*—" Do you think any " improvement could be made in the size of your " stock ?"—" There might; if we could keep them " better in winter, they would grow bigger." I spent the greater part of the day in walking with my honest friend, over the land about the village. He seemed to understand and admire, to a certain degree, every account 1 gave him, of the systems of farming pursued in England; but nothing pleased him more than the account I gave him, (though an imperfect one) of the thrashing machine. I really parted from this man with some regret; and I could have been very well contented, had I had nothing else to do, to have remained at Tikmedash, and witnessed the agricultural proceedings of the village. On our parting, I told my friend, if I remained any time in the King's camp, I would pay him frequent visits;THE MISSION. 209 and he said, " If you are in this country next " spring, you shall be most heartily welcome to " soil your horses here." I have troubled the reader with all this, because he will find, by and by, it will be alluded to, in a conversation between Meerza Bozurg and myself, on the different branches of improvement of which the Persian Empire is susceptible. During my residence in the King's camp, I kept my promise to my friends at Tikmedash ; and each time that I visited them, they rose in my good opinion, and my regard for them increased. In the evening of the day on which the Prince marched from the royal camp, the Shah sent for me to attend him. He received me most kindly; and, after asking me if I had seen the Prince before his departure, he told me, he had now sent for me, because he thought I might imagine he was displeased with me for what I had said the other day—which, he assured me, he was not. I told him, his displeasure would, at any and all times, be a matter of great concern to me ; and I hoped, I should never incur it; but I had no suspicion that, in telling him the truth, and that truth for his benefit, I was ever likely to be so unfortunate. He then asked me a variety of questions about the face of the country, the Government, the buildings, &c. in England,—puzzled himself exceedingly with the different powers of the King and the Company, as to India,—wondered how the300 THE MISSION. King let the Company have an army,—and wondered still more, that the King could not do just as he pleased with the whole revenue of his kingdom. Finding that I had been in America, he asked me a great many droll questions about that country, of which, the public have already been told, the Persians have very absurd ideas. Notwithstanding the oddity—and, perhaps, what other people might choose to call the absurdity—of these questions, it was most evident to me, that the Shah possessed not only a very strong, but a very amiable mind ; and the remarks which he made, and the inferences he drew from time to time, manifested very considerable powers of reflection. He said : " I can easily conceive how a " country, under such regulations as you state " England to be, may do all that you say; but I " have no idea, if I was to attempt to-morrow to " introduce such things here, how we should all " live, or how there would be any government at " all. Supposing I was to call a Parliament at " Taeheran, and deliver up to it the whole power of " taxation, I should then never get a penny—for no " Persian parts with money, unless he is obliged " to do it; and more than that, the Khans* would "be for making the buckalls pay all, and the " buckalls would be for doing the same thing by " the Khans. It must take a long time to make " such a Government, and such a people, as yours. * The Khans are the lords, the Buckalls are the burgesses.THE MISSION. 301 " Our Government is simple, and the people know " all about it in a day. Our laws are much simpler " than yours,—and so far they are better ; and I " know by experience, that, under these laws, and " under this Government, Persia has improved " very much since I came to the throne." The Shah then spoke in very high terms of the Prince Royal,—how extremely desirous he was to obtain every sort of information; and said, with much good humour, " If I give you leave to remain at " Tauris during the winter, he will plague you " with questions more than I do." I passed nearly two hours with His Majesty, and came away delighted with my reception, and his affability. At parting, he said : " You will not make a very long " stay in Tauris now, but return to camp as soon " as you and Meerza Bozurg have finished your " business." In two or three days afterwards, Meerza Bozurg and I set out for Tauris, which was little more than twenty miles distant from the camp. Nothing could be more simple than the manner in which the Meerza travelled. He rode a mule, the trappings of which were perfectly d la derveishe. He had a servant, who carried a cloak-bag, and his calean. He had a groom, who led a sumpter mule, that carried some articles of refreshment, and common small carpets ; and he had his own favorite personal servant, who was at once his secretary, his amanuensis, and humble friend. The Meerza's302 THE MISSION. conversation on the road was delightful; it was a constant effusion of portions of history, anecdote, and recital of beautiful poetry, much of which was from the poems of his late uncle, Meerza Hossein. The country we passed through fully justified a recollection of those lines of Shakspeare, in the second part of Henry the Fourth:— " I am a stranger here in Gloucestershire ; " These high wild hills, and rough, uneven ways, " Draw out our miles,and make them wearisome; " And yet your fair discourse has been as sugar, " Making the hard way sweet and delectable." About £wo o'clock we reached the village of Bosmeech, at the end of which there is a little grove of Lombardy poplars, along one side of which, or rather at the foot of it, a beautiful little stream of the purest water passes. Here the Meerza said, " What say you to dismounting and " resting ourselves and our beasts under the plea-" sant shade of these trees ?" It was so agreed, and after pitching on a beautiful spot for spreading the carpets, there appeared in a very short time, from the Meerza's sumpter-mule, a nice cold collation, consisting of partridge, excellent cheese, fruit, fine bread, and water-cresses gathered fresh on the spot, and added to this, I must say the Meerza's coffee, and the tobacco of his calean, were exquisite. There was a degree of devotion in the Meerza's grace before he began to eat, and an expression of thankfulness and thanksgiving inTHE MISSION. 303 that which he uttered after, that were particularly striking, and to me, who knew him so well, I may say affecting ; and it was in perfect keeping with this, that whilst we were smoking our ca-leans, he began to say how little he wanted in this world, and how much he thanked God for having taken from his eyes all love of wealth; to which circumstance alone he ascribed his having been able safely to weather all the dreadful political storms he had met with. When we had finished our caleans, he stretched himself out at his length on the carpet, and fell fast asleep. I do not envy the man who could contemplate such a spectacle as this with indifference. Here was a great Minister of a great Empire, who could command " The perfum'd chambers of the great, " —The canopies of costly state, " —With sounds of sweetest melody, " —And all appliances and means to boot," sleeping, and sleeping soundly, with just the same " appliances" that were enjoyed by the commonest servant of our train. It was not long after my friend had fallen asleep, that the villagers of Bos-meech, having heard where the Great Man was, came out in a body to compliment him, and to beseech him to honor the village with his presence. I acquainted the principal person of the procession, that the Meerza was asleep, and they immediately postponed their visit till the evening was farther advanced, and the Meerza awoke.304 THE MISSION. When this happened, it was the time for the Prayer of Asser, and I was rather surprised to see his servant lay for him one of the most beautiful prayer carpets I ever saw in my life. The Meerza saw I looked rather astonished, and he said, " this " is the only luxury I indulge in; this carpet is " spread before God. It is perfectly halaul* " for it is purchased with money earned by my " own hands." The Meerza having prepared himself by the necessary ablutions, put himself in the front of his three servants, and performed the evening prayer; this finished, I told him that the people of the village had been to pay him a visit: " I am sorry for " it," replied he, "I had hoped to have escaped them. " I have more trouble with Bosmeech, than all the " rest of Azarbaijan. The greater part of the land " about the village is wakef, and the Peesh-namaz " at Tauris is the procurator of it; he is a true " moollah, igiiorant of the affairs of the world, sus-" picious, and greedy ; he thinks he never gets from " the villagers as much as he ought, and they think, " in return, he gets more than his due; he tells them " they will go to the devil for cheating him, and " they tell him he will go there for extortion ;" and then smiling, the Meerza said, " there may be " some truth on both sides." He had scarcely * Meats and other things, according to the Mohammedan religion, are divided into Halaul and Haram, (i. e. lawful, and forbidden.)THE MISSION. 305 finished this speech, before the villagers arrived with their Khedkhodah, who was a moollah and cadi, at their head. It turned out just as the Meerza predicted :—half a dozen persons entered on half a dozen different stories of grievance at once,—but the Meerza stopped them by saying,— " My good friends, you know how ready I am to " hear you all at proper times, but the present is " an extremely improper one, for there stands the " English Ambassador, and we must not entertain " him with squabbles about barley and water me-" Ions ; " and then turning to the moollah's son, a boy about ten years old, who imitated his father's priestly consequence, and who had a large clerical turban on his head, he said,—" Come, Ismael, let " me see what advance you have made in your " studies ?"—The Meerza then repeated an aiyet, or verset, of the Koran, which he told the boy to interpret and explain; the boy bungled exceedingly :—" this will never do," said the Meerza, " you will never be a cadi at this rate." He then told another child to bring him his writing; the Meerza looked at it, and said,—" You are a very " good boy, you shall go into the Prince's service " in the Defter-Khoneh in another year."* I observed this boy to pass in amongst his playfellows with that kind of air and countenance which plainly said,—" there, my brave boys, do you hear what * Defter Khoneh. Literally, House of Books; but is generally applied to the revenue, or accompt office. u30G THE MISSION. " the great Meerza has said to me ?" The Meerza made all the grown persons sit down, gave them coffee, spoke something kind or jocular to every one of them ; and when we mounted, they all crowded round the Meerza's mule, and accompanied him for the distance of a mile, and only left him at his request. Between the camp and Bosmeech, we passed over ground which some years before had been rent by a succession of earthquakes in the most extraordinary manner; and on the left hand of the road, I was shewn a mountain, riven at that time from top to bottom. This dreadful calamity took place in the year 1724, and cost Tauris or Tabreze the lives of 100,000 of its inhabitants. As we approached the city, towards the close of the evening, we were met by a prodigious concourse of people, who all seemed delighted to see Meerza Bozurg, and at some distance forward on the road, we perceived a little party, which had made a halt by the side of it, which, as soon as the Meerza saw, he said to me :—" Well, the women have " sent Mousa out to meet you; this is more than " I thought they would." When we came nearly opposite to the little party, we stopped; they came forward, and the little boy having been assisted to dismount from his horse, ran towards • his father, who called out to him,—" Mousa, remember there " is a stranger here who is very dear to me ;" on which, the child came up to me, and said veryTHE MISSION. 307 gravely, and as loud as his infantine voice would permit, " Salam aleikoum" I got off my horse, and caressed him, and he then said:—" I have " been with my lala," (i. e. my tutor,) " all day at " your house, getting it ready for you, and your " dinner will be ready for you as soon as you get " there. I must go now and talk to baba." Mousa was then just eight years old, and a more lovely pleasing child I never saw. At this early age, the children of Persian noblemen are dressed like men in miniature. Mousa had his little sabre, his high boots, and except pistols and carabine, all the other paraphernalia of a Persian Khan when travelling. The Meerza's eyes were suffused with tears, as he received his child on his return from me, and for the remainder of the journey, he was the person amongst us all most thought of and most attended to. The Meerza was so good as to accompany me to the house which had been prepared for me, where I found every thing little Mousa had said, most exactly fulfilled ; and shortly after reaching it, a dinner was served up, to which the greatest voluptuary in London might have sat down with pleasure. The dinner was sent in the name of Mousa's mother, and the Nazir, or steward of her household, who accompanied it, brought me, at the same time, a present of a handkerchief, beautifully embroidered, and a message importing :— " that both the Meerza and herself were derveishes, u 2308 THE MISSION. " and therefore not able to send me such dinners " as I had formerly received at Schyras, from their " uncle and aunt; but that I should do them a " pleasure to accept it such as it was." Early the next morning I had a visit from Mousa and his Lala, and the little boy said : " I am come, " Sir, to ask how you slept last night, whether you " want anything, and to tell you, that as soon as " as my father has dismissed some people who are " come on business to him, he is coming to see " you : in the meantime he has sent you breakfast, " and me to breakfast with you :—besides which (said he joyously) Lala has given me a holiday, " and I am to walk with you and my father to the " citadel." About midday the Meerza honored me with a visit, and we afterwards proceeded together to the Ark or citadel, to view different military establishments and karhhanas (i. e. workshops) the Prince had set on foot. To a person whose head was only capable of judging of these by comparing them with the same sort of things in his own country, they, most likely, would have appeared very poor, and perhaps ludicrous, and have afforded another opportunity to let off some of that species of wit against Persia and the Persians, which has been already so amply exercised with considerable profit, as I am told, to the performers. To me, however, who had pondered on the Prince Royal's means (in the broadest sense of the word) who knew the short, very short time,THE MISSION. 309 in which all I saw before me was done, the sight of these things presented the germs of political strength and science, which I rejoiced to behold, and furnished the most indisputable evidence, how assiduously the French gentlemen placed about the Prince had fulfilled the instructions they had received. I spoke to Meerza Bozurg as I felt, of what I saw, and he replied, " Ah, now we have got " you here, we will do much more than this." In the course of our examining the citadel, we entered a room, in which the young men whom the French gentlemen had undertaken to instruct in geometry, gunnery, &c., were sitting pursuing their studies. Whilst there, their chaust or dinner was brought in:—a Persian chaust generally consists of little more than bread, fruit, cheese, butter, some leaves of savoury and other herbs, water-cresses, and the tops of small onions, to which if a skewer of kabob be added, the meal is complete : the beverage commonly used is the palaudeh, a species of sherbet, in which little balls of paste about the size of buckshot, of a delicious flavor, are swimming; the whole cooled by a large lump of ice, which floats in the middle of the bowl. " Come," said the Meerza, " let us sit down and take our dinner with these " young men, for you will have no other dinner " to-day; and as for supper, it will be prepared " for you in my cell at home." We did so, and it was heart-cheering to see the delight and surprise which shone in the countenances of the tyros at310 THE MISSION. receiving so great and unexpected an honor from Meerza Bozurg. They instantly rose, and put themselves in a posture of the greatest respect,— " Bensheen bismillah ," (sit down in the name of God) said the Meerza, which last is the Persian grace, and we all fell heartily to. Having remained busied in the Ark about three hours, the Meerza said: " I must not now keep " you here longer, because the principal persons " of the city are coming to visit you, and you must " be at home to receive them."—I said, " I hope " not, for I have neither servants nor anything or Hafez. of the china administered not being sufficiently old. In consequence, the oldest and finest china in the Palace was broken up, ground to powder in quantities, and given to the afflicted Khan, with just the same success that the less valuable china had been. The Hakim Bashi now delivered it as his opinion that the disease was occasioned by impurity of blood ; the only sure way to remedy which was, to draw blood from the patient and put it back again, i. e. to cause him to drink it. This last prescription, aided, perhaps, by the very old china, certainly cured the poor man's leprosy, and, indeed, all his other complaints, if he had any; for before I left Schyras, I saw his corpse carried to the grave. Eastern physicians have, at all times, pursued a system of practice different from that of their brethren in Europe. The Caliph A1 Wauthek laboured under a dropsical complaint, brought on by intemperance. The physicians not being able to assuage the violence of the malady, at last thought of ordering the patient to be put into an oven heated as highly as he could possibly bear it. It is said that from the first experiment made of this recipe, the Caliph received considerable relief, which induced him to make a second trial, and to order the oven to be more intensely heated. In this he was obeyed, but perceiving when too late that the heat was beyond his endurance, he beckoned to be taken out, but not time enough to save his life or to prevent his being baked,438 THE MISSION. It is curious, after so many Greek works have been translated into Arabic and Persian, that the reading of them by the Orientals should have had so little effect on their national compositions ; —but whoever has tried translation must have felt how stubbornly the idiom of one language resists amalgamation with another, and that a real good critical taste, is not only the most difficult, but the last thing a man attains, especially where the model is in opposition to the taste of his country, and contrary to the genius of his language. Every thing I had to do at Tauris was now finished;—the accounts were made up,—the archives delivered to Mr. Sheridan,—the necessary preparations for the journey to England of my two young friends completed, and they themselves put officially under the care of my excellent friend, Sir James Sutherland. The Persians have a custom worthy of observance by all who travel in countries where the comforts of the journey depend so much on the supplies you carry with you as they do in Persia,—which is, of making the first stage of the journey a very short one, that is, within an easy distance of the city from which you start, so that if you have forgotten anything, or anything necessary in your preparations is found to have been omitted, the fault may be rectified, without great trouble or loss of time. The gentlemen of the Mission who were at Tauris, were so kind as to accompany me toTHE MISSION. where my tent was pitched; and the next morning we parted, on my part, with feelings of sincere friendship and gratitude, not only for the great assistance I had on many occasions received from them, but also for a general and ready acquiescence with such wishes as I had at different times found necessary to express to them, and, on their part, they did me the honor to express much regret at my departure. It is, perhaps, a melancholy reflection, but, nevertheless, as human nature is constituted, a correct one, that our perception of pleasure is seldom, if ever, so strong and vivid as our perception of pain, and that most of us can, if we will, recollect, that in many of the greatest and best instances which have happened to us of the former, we have frequently not been aware of its real worth and value, till some time after. The sense of pain, however slight, every one knows is vivid enough, whilst a long and uninterrupted enjoyment of health, the greatest, and, perhaps, the strongest, of all pleasures, seldom makes the impression it ought at the time we are enjoying it. My excellent mehmander, Hyder Ally Khan, was directed to proceed with me as far as Erze-room, and it had been settled that the Turkish minister, Hyder Ally Khan, and myself, should, on the part of Abbas Meerza, make several confidential communications to the Beglerbeg there ; and in this respect His Royal Highness did me the440 THE MISSION. honor of telling Hyder Ally Khan not. to take a single step without consulting me upon it, and receiving my approbation. On our arrival at Es-zeroom, the Beglerbeg was found to be one of those ignorant, narrow-minded, prejudiced Turks, who in that empire are sometimes by chance, and sometimes by corruption, lifted into office. The Beglerbeg of Erivan, one of the highest officers and noblemen in the Persian empire, had, during his residence at Tauris, the preceding winter, made me promise, that if I returned to England through the countries under his government, I would pass, at least, a week with him ; and the extreme attention and politeness with which he received us, made the time we staid with him pass very agreeably. He seemed to study in what manner he could amuse us most. One day he made a party for us on the banks of some beautiful natural pools, between ten and fifteen miles distant from Erivan, in which are quantities of trout, of the very highest flavor I ever tasted, and whose skin is as beautiful as their flesh is excellent. The water of these pools, for they can scarcely be called lakes, is perfectly limpid and clear, but by no means deep, and the bottom, which appears to be a fine gravel, is apparent in most places, though before the nets were laid down none of us could discover a fish. As soon as the nets had been properly laid, from half-a-dozen to ten of the Beg-lerbeg's horsemen plunged their horses into theTHE MISSION. 441 pool, and rode about in all directions. When this had continued about half an hour, the nets were withdrawn, and were found to contain about a score of trouts, from a pound and a half to two pounds and a half, the most beautiful fish I ever beheld. On the bank of one of the pools, the Beg-lerbeg had erected a sort of little rough shed to cook in, and near to it was pitched a commodious tent. The fish were speedily served up broiled, and, what surprised me, was to see that the Beg-lerbeg's cook understood the advantage of " crimp-" ing," to the full as well as Sir Humphrey Davy. I have eaten the Wye salmon in as great perfection as it is possible to eat it, but, mejudice, these trout, in point of flavor, exceed the Wye salmon as much as a turbot does a flounder. After dining luxuriously, the Khan proposed amusing ourselves by firing at a mark, with ball; and directed some of his Georgian slaves in attendance, to prepare from the wild flowers which grew on the margin of the pools, balls of them, made in the fashion of cowslip balls, which they afterwards threw up in the air for him to fire at with a single bullet. As far as I recollect, he did not once miss to strike these balls, and the point he chose to fire at them, was when they had reached their highest point of ascent. On our way, some of that species of grouse which is so common in Persia, were started, and one of them marked down. I dismounted, walked up to it,THE MISSION. sprung it, and killed the bird on the wing. If the Beglerbeg expressed much astonishment at this feat, my astonishment certainly exceeded his, that he who had successively struck with a single bullet a body in motion in the air, should consider it as a matter of any nicety to kill a bird flying, with small shot. Our first stage from Erivan, and a very short one, was to the three Churches ; or, as they are commonly called, Ouach Miat%in. The Armenian Patriarch, who resides there, received me with great politeness and hospitality. He had already visited me whilst I was the guest of the Beglerbeg, at Erivan. The little French he spoke was difficult to be understood, for it was mixed with great numbers of Italian and Latin words, forming altogether a most beautiful jargon. He had been at St. Petersburg, talked much of the honors he had received there; but, like a true Perso-Armenian, considered Persia not only as superior to every other place in the world, but, in short, as the only place in it in which any man would live by choice. This confirmed the opinion I have always entertained, that had Meerza Bozurg's scheme for the settlement of these people been carried into execution, it would have produced an instant reaction of emigration of them from Russia, to the land of their fathers, so dearly cherished by their ancestors, and so frequently sighed for by themselves. I doubt whether a good, thorough-paced Julfa Ar-THE MISSION. 443 menian, does not think the religious error of the Mohammedan lighter, and more excusable, than that of the Greek. I ought not to have left Erivan without saying, that having carefully examined the nature and conditions of its fortifications, the repulse which the Russians met with in the year 1809, when they attempted to storm them, surprised me greatly; and if the result spoke highly in favor of Persian courage, it said but little in favor of either Russian bravery or science, provided the besieging army were serious, as there is every reason to consider that they were. Sir James Sutherland and myself viewed together this fortress, so highly vaunted by the Persians ; and in every other part but that fronting the river, we could not refrain from smiling ; on that side, indeed, nature has furnished it with a glorious rampart, formed by the almost perpendicular rock on which it stands. Nor must I omit to mention, that from the Convent of Ouach Miatzin, Ararat presents its lofty peak, in great grandeur and magnificence. I am sorry to say, that the learning of the monks belonging to the convent, is by no means in proportion to the severity of their fasts and ordinances; and I am not sure that there is one amongst the whole who can read the Gospels in the language in which they were originally written. Of legends, of miracles, of visions, of martyrs, and of the appearances and defeats of the devil, their lore444 THE MISSION. was prodigious, and some of their accounts very amusing. The Patriarch's politeness and hospitality induced me to remain three days with him. When we parted early in the morning, at the door of the convent, to which the Patriarch attended me, in the very act of mounting my horse, he offered to present me with the oldest copy of the Scriptures (which he held in his hand) that the convent possessed. I would gladly have accepted it, if I had not thought that, taken from such a place, and offered by such a person, there would be something like sacrilege in receiving it. We reached Erzeroom, without much to interest us in the course of our journey from Erivan, except the great rapidity, and consequently extreme force of the Arras at the place where we forded it; (which made it necessary for each baggage-mule to have two persons, one on the one side, and one on the other, to protect and support him during the transit; for if he stumbled and fell, the current, though shallow, was so strong, that he could not, by his own efforts, have regained his legs;) and, except the difference which we perceived, (with much regret) the moment we had crossed the frontier, between the manners of the Turks and those of the Persians. If a Turk, at Constantinople, considers it as adding to his consequence to be haughty and rude to a stranger, a Turk, on this frontier, seems to consider it his duty to be brutal and savage to him: and, on ourTHE MISSION. 445 entrance into Erzeroom, I had the misfortune to witness as brutal an act of malignity as can well be imagined. The day previous to our arrival there, I desired the Tartar who accompanied me, to take proper means to acquaint the Beglerbeg that we should reach Erzeroom about twelve o'clock the next day; that I hoped he would direct proper lodgings to be prepared for me ; and that I was accompanied by a Persian nobleman, who had acted as my Mehmander throughout the Persian territories. I did not ask that we should be met at a certain distance from the city, but left that entirely to the discretion of the Beglerbeg. My excellent friend, the Effendi, with whom I had now become very intimate, dispatched a note to the Beglerbeg, by the same person who carried to him the Tartar's communication. The consequence was, that the next morning, about eleven o'clock, we were met about two miles distant from Erzeroom, by an inferior officer of the Beglerbeg's household, accompanied by about twenty horsemen, and perhaps fifty vagabond, savage, beggarly-dressed foot, who were stated to be janissaries, and whose presence I was desired to look on as a singular mark of honor and respect. Ismael the Tartar, who had been long employed by me whilst I was at Bagdad; and whom I had requested Sir Stratford Canning to direct to proceed to Tauris for the purpose of accompanying446 THE MISSION. me through the Turkish territories to Constantinople, had witnessed not only the respect I had been accustomed to receive at Bagdad, but the marked attention shown to me by all ranks of persons in Persia. Consequently, on seeing what sort of cortege was sent to meet us, he came up to me, and said in Arabic—" Sir, I never saw a " greater set of scoundrels packed together than " those which the Beglerbeg has set out to meet " us; I am almost afraid, from some conversation " I have overheard, to trust you amongst them;" and sure enough I had not been long amongst them, before they gave me reason rather to regret than rejoice in their company. In all Turkish processions or alloys, the firing of musquetry makes a part of the ceremony, and the customary compliments of meeting were scarcely finished between myself and the Turkish officer, before the redoubtable janissaries began to honor us with this mark of respect, which from the manner in which it was performed, we should have been better pleased if they had withheld ; for I soon perceived from a certain noise in the air, that most of the musquets which they discharged were loaded with ball; and also that they were discharged without the smallest attention or care, how or where they were pointed. My Persian servants, whose attachment to me was not stronger than mine to them, kept close to me, and Hyder Ally Khan, though brave and bold as aTHE MISSION. 447 lion, began to show that his situation was by no means pleasant to him. I had caused the Tartar once or twice to mention to the Beglerbeg's officer our joint wish that the firing of the musquetry should cease ; but either he could not or he would not put a stop to it. At last, just as we were entering the city, one of the Persian servants of the Khan received a ball in his thigh, which most unfortunately broke it. This caused, as well as it might, a great deal of confusion. The Turks instantly, loudly, and warmly asserted that it was an accident, and that they were extremely sorry it should have happened ; but both the Khan and myself, from what we saw, were very little inclined to consider it as such. I consulted for a minute with the Khan, and told him it was necessary on the spot to determine whether we should consider what had taken place as an accident, or as an intended piece of brutality—in the first case, there was no impropriety in our entering the city—in the other, my opinion was, that we should immediately order our tents to be pitched, remain where we were, and consult together what future measures were most advisable to be pursued—adding, however, that the adoption of the latter would, in the present situation of things at Taeheran and Constantinople, naturally bring with it such serious consequences, as made me but little desirous to recom-448 THE MISSION. mend it, particularly as it would not improve the condition of the poor sufferer. The Khan, as I expected, was at first violent, but I calmed him by saying " My dear Hyder Ally, remember we are " directed by your master, the Prince, to act to-" gether, and it is my opinion it will be better to " enter the city and communicate this resolution " in such terms to the Turkish officer, as will " not prevent our afterwards taking such mea-sures as may seem best to us : I will therefore " desire Ismael, the Tartar, to report that we are " willing, until it shall be farther investigated, to " consider what has happened as an accident." The Effendi had left us some time before the affair took place; and it was fortunate he had done so, for the Khan spoke Turkish well, and was in such a towering passion, that he probably would have said something which would have wounded the feelings of that amiable person, for which I should have been very sorry. Under this arrangement we entered the city ; and after consulting together for some time, we determined to address a joint note to the Begler-beg, which our friend, the Effendi, undertook to deliver to him. The composition of this note was left to me. The principal point urged in it was, that by prompt and signal satisfaction, the Beglerbeg would prevent the Khan and myself from going into any further investigation of this most unfortunate and extraordinary business;THK MISSION." 449 which, in such case, we were willing (though rather against our conciences) to consider as an accident, principally with a view to prevent more serious discussions on the subject both at Taeheran and Constantinople. The satisfaction demanded in the note was—that an officer of high rank should be instantly despatched to the Shah to apologise to his Majesty for what had happened ; that he should be accompanied by the Turk who had fired the musquet, and be dealt with according to his Majesty's pleasure ; and that a liberal compensation should be made to the poor sufferer. To this Note an answer was not received till the following morning, though the Effendi had been promised that an answer should be returned the same evening. When the answer reached us, it was found to be evasive and shuffling, which induced me to try my hand at a single shot at the Beglerbeg.—In this I told him; " that if some " thing satisfactory was not done in the course of " two hours, the Khan and myself should consider " ourselves compelled to go into a minute exami-" nation of the whole affair; and that having col-" lected all the evidence and information we could " on the subject, and having drawn up, as eye " witnesses, a fair and impartial report, we should " dispatch one copy of those papers to His Persian " Majesty, and another to the British Ambassador, " and Persian Charge d'Affaires,at Constantinople; " that with the former a Persian chapper would 2/450 THE MISSION. " be dispatched in the evening to Taeheran, whilst " Ismail Tartar would at the same time start off " with the latter for Constantinople,"—concluding with—" your Excellency must be aware, that the " British Ambassador and the Persian Charge " d'Affaires will probably think it right to demand " your removal from your Government, and though " I am sorry for it, there is a greater probability " that the King of Persia will demand your Ex-" cellency's head." This last note had not been long delivered before the Effendi came to us ; he told us, that the Beg-lerbeg had sent for him, shewn him my note, and asked his advice as to the manner in which he should act, complaining bitterly, however, at the same time, of the expressions I had made use of to him; the Effendi then proceeded to say, that he had told the Beglerbeg, that he believed I had said nothing in the note, but what was very likely to happen, if he persisted in refusing proper satisfaction for the serious insult which had been offered to the Khan and myself, and that he had advised him to write me a very civil answer to my note, and to inform me that he had deputed the Effendi to make such arrangements with us as might be satisfactory to both. The Effendi then delivered to me a note from the Beglerbeg, and we began to consult together what should be done. The first thing that we insisted on was that theTHfi MISSION. 451 man who had fired the musquet should be sent to Taeheran. Now, reader, prepare to hear something strange, but which will give you a tolerable idea of what sort of power the Beglerbeg possessed in the city and province, and perhaps give you some idea of the cause which afterwards rendered their capture so easy to the Russians. After a good deal of beating about the bush, and finding the Khan and myself steadily persisting in our demand, the Effendi said in a hesitating voice :—" My kind " friends, I am compelled to confess to you that " which I would willingly conceal; the offender " is a janissary, and such is the state of insubordi-" nation and power of that corps in this city, that " if the Beglerbeg attempts to send him to Tsehe-" ran in the manner you desire, it will be fol-" lowed by an immediate insurrection, the ultimate " consequences of which, if it takes place, it is im-" possible to foresee. The power of all the offi-" cers appointed by the Porte along the whole " Turkish frontiers bordering on Russia and Per-" sia, is extremely feeble ; the real power is in the " hands of the Ions* and janissaries, and I am " sorry to say, you have had an unfortunate spe-" cimen how brutal the latter are. After this " confession, I must leave it to your prudence and " good judgment, to withdraw or persist in such " a demand." It was now concluded that the man should be * Principal men.452 THE MISSION. sent to us to express his sorrow (which he did very coarsely) for what had happened; that a person of rank should be sent to make a proper apology to the Shah, and that a liberal compensation should be made to the sufferer. This accident, (if accident it was) evidently rendered any confidential communication with the Beglerbeg, from the Prince Royal, useless, and convinced me that how intimately soever the Courts of Taeheran and Constantinople might be brought to approximate to each other, still Persia could not rationally expect from these brutal Turks on the frontier, a hearty co-operation, even where their mutual interests might be most virtually concerned. I moved out of Erzeroom to pursue my journey a day before the Effendi, and pitched my little tents, according to the old Persian rule, at a short distance from the city, where) the next day, I was joined by the Effendi, and from whence I took leave of Hyder Ally Khan, and my other Persian friends, and proceeded on my way towards Constantinople. The country between Erzeroom and Tocat is beautifully romantic, and where we fell in with the Euphrates, it is a stream about the size of the Severn at Shrewsbury; its banks, in several places, are as picturesque as can be possibly imagined. The weather we experienced was much like that in England in the same month, with every now and then a violent thunderstorm.THE MISSION. 4 53 We had not journied above six or seven days from Erzeroom before we found that there were few of the villages at which we arrived, where the plague was not raging ; and in a little coflay or caravan, which joined us from one of them, there was more than one accident happened. In the districts through which we passed, it did not seem to me that the cultivation of corn much exceeded what the consumption required,—the flocks were numerous ; the pasturages extremely rich; and the mountains, in many places, contained qualities of fine timber of the Turkey and common oak and beech. The country between Tocat and Constantinople has been so often described by others, that I shall confine myself to saying, that we safely reached the Turkish capital, and were there received by Sir Stratford Canning with that hospitality and politeness for which he was so much distinguished during his residence at Constantinople. Whilst I remained at Constantinople, I was invited to a public audience of the Grand Vizir, which Sir Stratford very politely gave me his sanction to attend ; and at which I publicly received the thanks of the Porte for my conduct towards the Turkish Minister in Persia, and for the services I had formerly rendered to the Porte at Bagdad. Almost immediately on my return from this interview, a very valuable snuff box, richly set with diamonds, was sent from the Porte to Sir Stratford, with a desire that he would pre-454 THE MISSION. sent it to me, which he did, accompanied by a letter to him from Mr. Berto Pisani, the then first Dragoman to His Majesty's Embassy at the Porte. This letter stated, that he, Mr. Barto Pisani, had been charged by the Porte with the delivery of the box for me, to Sir Stratford, and also charged with a very flattering message, implying that the Porte never could forget the services I had rendered her in Egypt, at Bagdad, and in Persia. I must also not forget, that during my stay, my worthy friend, the Effendi, was constantly sending me presents of fruits and flowers, both exquisite in their kinds, and in short, taking every other means in his power to manifest how much he felt my conduct towards him in Persia. That great man, (in the highest and best sense of the words in which they can be applied) the late Lord Collingwood, had ordered to Constantinople, H. M. ship, La Pomone, for the purpose of conveying the Persian Ambassador, (if he accompanied me) and myself, from thence to England. She was commanded by Captain Robert Barrie, a gentleman whose high professional character, amiable and polite manners, are too well known to require that I should dwell on them. The frigate, as usual, lay off the Dardanelles, so that when we proceeded to her, we embarked at Constantinople, on board a Greek vessel, bound for the then happy, but since most unfortunate island of Scio. Immediately before La Pomone had beenTHE MISSION. 455 dispatched on her present voyage, she had, under the command of Captain Barrie, fought a most desperate and successful action against some French ships and batteries in Cicogne Bay, in the island of Sardinia; it is true, she had, in her way to Constantinople, been ordered to touch at Malta, that she might there receive such repairs as could be speedily effected ; but her commander, after all, considered her, as to the sea, to be in a state of weakness, rather than strength. Our passage from the Dardanelles to Malta was neither a very good, nor a very bad one, but as we were put under quarantine on our arrival, and only allowed to row about one of the harbours in the barge, I had but a very imperfect sight of the works, and consequently of their real strength and magnitude ; still, however, I saw enough to excite my wonder and astonishment. General Oakes did me the honor of coming under the stern of La Pomone, for the purpose of paying his compliments to me, and I conversed with him from the cabin windows. A circumstance happened, simple in itself, but which afterwards made a strange impression on the mind of many a brave fellow on board La Pomone. A bomb-boat put off from the shore towards the ship, she was rowed by Jews, who were also owners of the merchandise she contained:—on nearingthe vessel, one of the petty officers desired the Jews to keep off; whilst the officer was otherwise em-456 THE MISSION. ployed, the Jews and their boat contrived to get under the bows of the ship, and finding their trade positively interdicted, they, in revenge, nailed a piece of copper against her bow :—when this was discovered, there seemed to be a general opinion amongst the men, and some of the inferior officers, that poor old La Pomone would never reach England in safety. From Malta we touched at Cagliari, where Mr. Hill, our Minister, received me very politely. He gave me a hint that some kind of change might probably soon take place in the politics of Russia, and delivered into my charge a packet, which he told me, that it was of the utmost consequence that Marquis Wellesley, who was then Secretary of State for foreign affairs, should, if possible, receive before Lord William Bentinck sailed from England. Having a leading brisk wind through the Straits, the view of Gibraltar was more brief than I could have wished; still, however, I had the pleasure of seeing that which I had all my life longed to behold, that fortress which every Britain reads of with delight, and views (if such be his luck) with pride and astonishment. I was now fast approaching, what most persons in my situation, frequently term the " happy shores" of Old England. But, alas! to me, except in the blessing of my own family, the great kindness with which I was received by several old and attached friends, and the notice renewedthe mission. 457 to me, which, for some time, I had invariably received from two persons of the highest birth, and purest and most ancient nobility, (one of whom has but a little time since ceased to exist) the "happy shores" of Old England were shores of disappointment, and of literal and metaphorical shipwreck! About 1 p. m. (as near as I recollect) on the 11th of October, 1811, La Pomone made the Bill of Portland, which a fog, that had rested on the water from daylight to that hour cleared away, and allowed us to see very distinctly. In a conversation with Captain Barrie, I understood from him, that going through the Needles would probably accelerate our arrival at Portsmouth by some hours ; in consequence of which, I told him all that Mr. Hill had told me of the importance it was, that the dispatches he had given into my charge should reach the Foreign Office before Lord William Bentinck sailed : and, indeed, as far as was prudent, I communicated to him a part of what had passed between Mr. Hill and myself. Barrie, with that zeal for the promotion of the public service which he uniformly displayed, immediately determined to pass through the Needles. As the ship approached these formidable rocks, the twilight commenced ; and when we had to pass the point of risk, night was setting fast in. The breeze was light, every sail La Pomone could carry458 THE MISSION. was spread ; and if the sight was grand, it was at the same time most awful, for the surge from under the vessel appeared to rebound against the rock, and it seemed as if, from the quarter-deck, one might touch the great Needle with a walking-cane. The Master, according to the rules of H.M. Navy, had the charge of steering the vessel; but Barrie's anxiety had induced him to take a position forwards : at once I heard him call out, " Hurst Light is open !"—and instantly repeat, " the Light is open, by God!"—running at the same time toward the quarter-deck. The Master still hesitated to give the necessary steering order, and whilst they were speaking, (for it was all matter of an instant) poor La Pomone struck, never to swim again. In less than ten minutes, her masts were all by the board—her gallant trim all destroyed ;—and, in ten more, the powder was in such a state, that we could no longer make signals with cannon. Our first attempt naturally was to endeavour to get the vessel off the rock on which she had struck, in which, if we had succeeded, more of us would have been lost than saved; for, from the injury she had received, it was afterwards manifest, that she must have gone down the instant she floated into deep water. The tide was ebbing, and therefore against the pilot-boats, from Yarmouth, reaching us, in consequence of our having, in the early part of our misfortune, signalised them. It was about twelveTHE MISSION. 459 at night when the first of them reached us; and, long before that, it was evident there was not the smallest chance of the ship being saved ; but it was not quite so clear, that the rising of the tide might not lift her off the rock into deep water, where she would certainly slip from under us,—this was, therefore, a matter of some anxiety, and made many anxious to quit her as soon as possible.* The order and subordination which now reigned on board La Pomone, spoke volumes in praise of Captain Barrie : as the pilot-boats arrived, the men were drafted into them by roll-call, the sick and infirm first, and then the marines: no breaking open liquor—no pilfering—but one deep expression of sorrow for Barrie, and one loud lament on the fate of " old Mother Pomone!" 1 had with me most admirable servants, thoroughly attached to me, particularly a young Frenchman of the name of Rivoire,—to these I left the care of such articles of value belonging to me as they could save—and admirably they performed their duty : for myself, my only care was Mr. Hill's packet; and early in the business, Barrie was so good as to place the jolly-boat, with two * Had the accident happened the night before, when we learnt a gale was blowing, few of us could have been saved to tell our tale; and even now the sky looked wild, and the upper clouds were moving at a rate sufficiently rapid to justify an apprehension that the nearly calm we were then experiencing, would not be of long duration.460 THE MISSION. hands in her, astern, to be ready for me whenever I should think fit to leave the vessel. The effect our misfortune had at first on the minds of some of our passengers, was comical enough. Barrie, at Malta, had received a general officer, as passenger, on board. This gentleman weighed some twenty stone, or more, and was, beside, grievously afflicted with the gout; and though he might have manifested great bravery and courage, in standing fire, this did not appear to be the case, " in standing water." For in his impatience to be saved, he stripped himself to his drawers, got out on the boltsprit to jump into the sea, acknowledging at the same time that he could not swim. Had he been permitted to effect his wish, God knows he would soon have found he possessed one of Falstaff's least valuable qualities, " a prodigious alacrity in sinking." There was another gentleman, a London tradesman (I believe,) whom the lieutenants, with that hospitality which eminently distinguishes the least paid force in His Majesty's service, had, at Malta, admitted to a passage and their mess. Five minutes after La Pomone had struck, this gentleman came upon deck with a degree of wildness and fear marked in his face that was quite pitiable. He came up to me. Now the Needle Rock, from the quarterdeck, where we were, absolutely appeared to hang over the ill-fated vessel. " O ! Sir !" said he, " theTHE MISSION. 461 " rock ! the rock!" Sir James Sutherland, who was by me, and loves to his heart a piece of waggery, immediately said to him, " Dear Sir, there " is no rock there, what you see is the mizen sail, " and we shall soon be afloat, but she will start " with a tremendous lurch, and I advise you to go " below and take care of your things, that when " this happens they do not roll over one another." The poor man became calm in an instant, and said to Sir James, " Thank you, Sir," and went quietly down to protect his things tumbling about when La Pomone should start from the rock. The curses against the Maltese Jews now became not only deep but loud; and when it was clear poor La Pomone was lost beyond hope of recovery, a deputation from the seamen came aft to Barrie, desiring permission to cover her figure head with what they were pleased to call crape, but was, in fact, a black tarpaulin. It verged now towards two in the morning. I had remained with Barrie as long as I could be of any use or comfort to him—he now pressed me to leave the wreck, and the jolly-boat was hauled alongside accordingly—but stop, before I get into her, let me pay a just and well-merited tribute to the care and tenderness which Sir James Sutherland, under this trying scene, paid to the Persian boys, who on their part, regarded him in the light of a parent. The little boat, after shipping many a sea, arrived safe at the Escort gun brig, where462 THE MISSION. I was received with great kindness by the Lieutenant in command, and my arrival reported to the Admiral off Yarmouth. Being, however, something of the wettest, and extremely cold, I sat up the remaining part of the night drinking hot grog, with my noble commander. God knows my poor head suffered for it the next day, so much so, that when I came to write a letter to my wife, to tell her I was safe, and which I designed to put into the post-office at Portsmouth, I found the alphabet, or at least my alphabet, contained more letters, and of more curious forms, than the most skilful grammarian had ever placed there. It was after three in the evening before I landed at Portsmouth. I went strait to the office of the Port Admiral, Sir Roger Curtis, to report the unfortunate loss of the Pomone, and to request of him that my arrival with dispatches of great importance from our Minister as Cagliari, for Marquis Wel-lesley, might be immediately telegraphed, as well as that if Lord William Bentinck had not sailed, his departure might be delayed till these dispatches had reached Lord Wellesley's hands. This and some other little things relating to personal comfort prevented my leaving Portsmouth till near half-past five. I had intended to proceed to London without stopping on the road, but, on reaching Liphook, I found myself so much exhausted, that I wasTHE MISSION. 463 obliged to lie down for a little time, and accordingly I desired that a chaise and four might be ready at one, and that at that time I should be called. Shortly after that hour I started from Liphook, and I had not proceeded above two miles before I was awoke from sleep, and found the chaise overturned in a ditch, but prevented from falling quite to the ground by the bank which supported the hedge : excepting this accident, which caused some delay, I reached London safely on the 12th October, 1811, about five o'clock in the morning. I drove immediately to Down-ing-street, and lodged there, in proper hands, the dispatches for Marquis Wellesley. I arrived in London with no more clothes than those on my back, and, as far as I then knew, of what part of my chattels had been saved from the wreck, I might say omne meum mecum porto. These clothes were extremely soiled from what happened on board La Pomone, and in the boats, and to make myself tolerably decent to appear before Lord Wellesley, I was obliged to borrow a clean shirt from the master of the hotel at which I took up my lodgings. About 12 o'clock, Marquis Wellesley granted me an audience. The reception I met with was such as a high-minded, kind-hearted, nobleman, fully acquainted with our interests in Persia, was likely to give. In the first place, his lordship was pleased to say I had acted very judiciously in464 THE MISSION. putting the telegraph to work at Portsmouth, as the dispatches from Mr. Hill were of great consequence, and he then paid me many compliments, on the whole of my conduct in Persia, and at the end of a very long conversation on this subject, I took the liberty of saying, " 1 doubt, my lord, if " the value of what I have done in Persia is fully " understood in this country by anybody but your-" self." His lordship replied, " Indeed, it is, and " by no one better than the Prince Regent." It is my wish now to write as if I were talking to my pillow, and tell all I did whether favorable or unfavorable to myself; to disclose all I received whether adequate or inadequate to my expectations; to express my sincere gratitude to those who endeavoured to assist me; and to tell such of those who rose up against me, as are now alive, that though, I was blockhead enough to feel greatly disappointed and vexed at the time, yet my heart did rebound from such petty sorrows, though to be assailed by one which I shall carry with me to the grave. He whose elegant mind composed the following most beautiful lines knows well that for wounds of this sort there is 110 cure, nor any soothing balm but—religion. " Oh thou ! with whom my heart was wont to share " From reason's dawn each pleasure and each care; " If thy blest nature now unites above " An angel's* pity with a Seraph's love, * " In heaven they neither many nor are given in marriage, " but are like the angels."THE MISSION. 465 3ir Harford, that he had sent for Baron Wrede, and told him, that he himself in the spring should be on the frontier, when he would ask for General Tormasoff to meet him. Hyder Ally was desired to tell Sir Harford, in confidence, that the Baron had yesterday received a messenger from General Tormasoff with letters, expressing his surprise that he had not heard from him since his arrival at Tauris, and desiring immediately to know what turn the affair under his management was likely to take. 27. Tartars arrived from Constantinople with letters to the Prince. By this opportunity Sir H. also heard from Mr. Adair, who is making up a packet, which he will dispatch in three days. 28. Private conference between Meerza Bozurg and Sir Harford, at which, as Sir H. afterwards told me, the Meerza disclosed to him every thing they had just received from their agent at Constantinople. The bulk of which was a prodigious exaggeration of the French force, and the most dismal and distressing account of the Turkish Empire.* The Meerza added, " in con-" sequence of this, he had this morning sent for Baron Wrede, " with a view to get some farther light thrown on the confused " dispatches they had received from their agent—that in the course " of conversation, the Baron told him, that the Russians only " waited the breaking up of the season to commence an attack on " Constantinople; and that, in fact, he considered the attack as " already commenced." After some time, the Baron put the fol- * Sir Harford suspects that either from ignorance, or some other cause, this man is not doing his duty—but he waits farther proof before he expresses a wish for his removal.NOTES TO THE MISSION. t- XXV lowing question to him :—" In the event of our evacuating " Georgia, will you consent to confine your alliance with foreign " states to Russia alone P" The Meerza said he replied, " As far " as he had ever read or heard of Persian history, Persia could " never be accused of infringing any treaty she had made with " a foreign state." The Baron replied, " you lately made treaty " with France, and you broke it."—" It was not Persia that broke " it, but France—the essence of that treaty, was the restitution of " Georgia. France either would not, or could not, perform her " promise. We determined not to be trifled with longer, and " formed an alliance with England; and we daily expect the " ratification of this treaty—and you may be sure when it comes, " Persia will most steadily abide by it." The Meerza said Baron Wrede had told Fath Ally Khan, the Governor of Tauris, that the French in India had taken a large part of the English possessions there; which, on being asked whether he had said so or no, he positively denied. " This," the Meerza added, " has given me a very bad impression not only of " the Baron's sense, but of his veracity." He likewise told Fath Ally Khan that the causes of Russia and France were two separate things, and he expressed the greatest abhorrence of French principles. The Meerza then said, " you know I keep nothing from you, " and I will now in the strictest confidence tell you a most extra-" ordinary thing. " When M. Jouanin, on his last departure from Tauris, arrived " on the Turkish frontier, he heard of Baron Wrede's re-appoint-" ment to this place, and he gave in charge to the person directed " to see him out of the Persian territories, the following message " for me :— " ' Tell Meerza Bozurg I shall never forget his kindness to me, " and as a proof of it, I advise him to beware of Russia—nor " trust one word that Baron Wrede, who is now re-appointed to " Tauris, shall tell him; Russia's object is to deceive and cajole " the court of Taeheran. Let him therefore be on his guard against " the Baron ; this tell him as a proof of my friendship and grati-" Hide for his numerous civilities to me; but tell him I can never 2 iXXVI NOTES TO THE MISSION. " forget nor forgive the harsh disagreeable manner in which his " son Meerza Hassan caused me to be turned out of Tauris, on " my last arrival there. As soon as the Chevalier Jones put his " foot in Persia, I knew our influence with Meerza Bozurg was " at an end; I foresaw the English influence would be omnipotent, " and I found it so; but Meerza Hassan might have managed " my removal in a different manner; however, my regard for " Meerza Bozurg induces me to bid him beware of listening to " any overtures from Russia, whose only object is to deceive him " and the court of Persia.' " In continuation, the Meerza said, that by the Baron's messenger he had a letter from a person secretly employed at Teflis, stating that General Tormasoff had written to the Baron, immediately after the arrival of a courier from St. Petersburgh, that several detachments of Russian troops were ordered to reinforce the Russian army in Georgia Sir Harford declined to enter into any farther exposition of his sentiments until the amval of the Tartar from Constantinople, whom he daily expects, and confined himself to recommending to Meerza Bozurg the utmost caution in his conferences with Baron Wrede. 11th of March. Private and secret audience of the Prince. What I know of it, the Prince said the Russians had received great reinforcement in Georgia, afraid that their immediate object was an attack on Kars; the inhabitants of which had complained of the tyranny and bad conduct of Kara Bey their governor; that such was the stale of the whole Turkish frontier, that he feared if Kars was attacked, it must fall an easy prey to the Russians ; and if so, it would become a post of infinite consequence to them; that he was quite puzzled how to act, for although the Porte had in some measure put the affairs of Kars under his direction, yet, if he now sent a body of troops for its support, the Turks might view such a measure with suspicion ; on the other hand, Kars, without this, if attacked would certainly fall. Sir Harford recommended the Prince to make an expose of the whole affair at Constantinople; the Prince agreed; but said, if in the meantime, Kars is attacked, he would assist the Turks to theNOTES TO THE MISSION. XXV11 utmost of his power. He told Sir Harford to dine with Meerza Bozurg, to whom he had given orders to tell him what more he wished him to know. At the dinner I hear that the Meerza told Sir Harford that since he had seen him, he had had two more conferences with Baron Wrede, who continued his expressions of Russia being ready to grant all that the King of Persia desired, which the Meerza said only tended to increase his suspicions of the Baron. That the whole of Tormasoff's proceedings were in direct opposition to the Baron's assertions; that magazines in Georgia had been established by the Russians ; that they had received great reinforcements; that their troops were stationed in three different detachments on the frontier. 1st. At Shorragil and Pumbek, from whence they could act against Erivan or Kars; 2nd, at Carabaug; 3rd, on the confines of the valuable district of Taulish; that the detachment at Carabaug was so near Fath Ally Khan, that he expected to hear every moment that the two parties had come to blows, and that the Khan had, this evening, by an express messenger, solicited assistance. Sir Hai-ford told me the Meerza said :—" the moment the confer-" ences here, with Baron Wrede, are broken off, they can attack " us with the greatest advantage ; I know the danger of trusting to " the Baron, but what is to be done ?" He said the present Persian army at Tauris was confined to six regiments only; the Prince during the winter, not having the means to keep up a greater force; the little opposition such a handful of troops could make against the force likely to be opposed to them; and the little probability there appeared of receiving any assistance in stores, &c. from us, during the campaign. He entered then, Sir Harford said, on a most bitter tirade against the Indian Government, who, instead of acting, as they ought to have done, had sent letters and persons, stating themselves to be possessed of characters, and authorities, which confounded and embarrassed the whole court, as well as myself, and made England and Persia look ridiculous in the eyes of their neighbours. He said a muster-roll had been sent to the Shah, for 50,000 men, which he had determined to place in different parts of the province, and besides this, to raise a levy en masse (Eel-jaury.)xxvm NOTES TO THE MISSION. Sir Harford told me the Meerza farther said :—that in his last conference with Baron Wrede, the latter made to him the extraordinary proposition of permitting the Governors on the frontiers to determine to which power they would attach themselves, Russia or Persia, and that each state should promise not to interfere after the choice was made ;—this the Meerza explicitly rejected. Sir Harford told him he declined any farther expression of his sentiments or advice, till the arrival of the expected Tartar; but that if the Meerza thought the Shah would receive the assistance he expected from Bengal, one moment sooner for his absence, he would willingly take on himself the heavy responsibility of moving without his sovereign's permission, and depart:—that the Meerza exclaimed : " God Almighty forbid ! this will indeed make bad " worse !" Sir Harford told me in great confidence, that as money was much wanted, he had advised that the Prince should request of the Shah, that the Ameen-ed-dowlah should be sent to him directly; this he agreed too, and these letters are to be dispatched to-morrow. " 18. A dispatch from India and Bushire. General Malcolm, accompanied by a numerous suite, arrived at Bushire, on the 13th of February. He has brought with him 35,000 stand of arms' and a number of other things, for the use of the Persian army. Sir Harford received a letter from Lord Minto, ordering him immediately to withdraw, and telling him that he had written a letter to the Shah, soliciting His Majesty to grant Sir Harford permission to do so. The next day the Prince sent for Sir Harford to conference; I attended him. The Prince shewed him the Shah's letters, in which his Majesty lays down the conduct he means to pursue in respect to General Malcolm's Mission, which is to keep him two months more at Bushire, by which time His Majesty expects to hear from Meerza Abdul Hassan, from England. When these arrive, he will summon Sir Harford to the presence, and follow such advice as he shall give. 19^JHyder Ally Khan from the Prince, with a firman from the Shah to the Prince, ordering Meerza Bozurg immediately to repair to the frontier, and open conferences with Tormasoff, for peace orNOTES TO THE MISSION. xxix an armistice. Sir Harford told Hyder Ally, to recommend, from him to the Meerza, if possible, to delay commencing his journey till after the arrival of the Tartar from Constantinople. 20. Meerza Bozurg sent to say, as soon as the festival of the Nourouze had been celebrated, he wished to have a long conference with Sir Harford. 21. Eyde-e-Nourouze, on which occasion the Prince sent each gentleman of the Mission twenty tomans, in new small gold coin, a Chashmire shawl, and a rich piece of brocade. He sent sweetmeats to Sir Harford, round which were placed two hundred tomans, in new small gold coins, 22. Tartar at length arrives from Constantinople. News from England good. The whole Mission went to the palace, to compliment the Prince on the Eyde, and to return him thanks. 23. Sir Harford in conference with Meerza Bozurg the whole day. Pieces of lohat I know. Meerza Bozurg went over the same ground, respecting an armistice with Russia, as has been already detailed; and concluded by saying, a decision now pressed so earnestly, that it was necessary that it should be communicated to the Baron without delay. Sir Harford said the Meerza knew how anxiously he, Sir Harford, had, for some days, expected the arrival of the Tartar; the Tartar had arrived, but the intelligence he had brought, was by no means as full as he could have wished, if, he said, he could persuade himself, after all he had seen and heard, that Russia was sincere, he should consider himself bound to refrain from saying a word which would prevent its completion,—because the King of Persia had declared he thought such a measure absolutely necessary for the security of the empire,—" but, remember, I tell " you as a friend, and privately, you will go, and not only do " nothing, but you will do worse than nothing. " It is my duty, however, to submit to you, that from the infor-" mation Mr. Adair has given me, there cannot be a doubt as to the " line of conduct the Porte has determined to pursue ; she is deter-" mined to attempt the recovery of Wallachia and Moldavia, so that " if an armistice is concluded at this moment, her Eastern frontier " will be cruelly laid open to invasion from the Russians."—From what Sir Harford said, the Meerza again became puzzled, and atXXX NOTES TO THE MISSION. length to Sir Harford's astonishment, he determined to commit the solution of the difficulty to a Fahl from the Khoran, to be taken between midnight and the morning prayer, promising to give Sir Harford the earliest intelligence of its result. Late in the^vening, Hyder Ally brought Sir Harford word that a Firman had arrived from the King, which rendered the consultation of the fahl unnecessary, His Majesty having determined to adopt the sentiments expressed in Sir Harford's letter to Meerza Sheffee, and the Ameen-ed-dowlah, of the 13th of February. Sir Harford went to Meerza Bozurg, and I accompanied him ; there is some difference in the explanation the Meerza gave of the King's Firman, to that given by Hyder Ally Khan, but it is now agreed that the whole affair is, to-morrow, to be discussed in the presence of the Prince, the Sirdar of Erivan, Meerza Bozurg, and Sir Harford. 25. Sir Harford employed in secret discussion at the palace the whole day. I learn it is determined Meerza Bozurg should accept the conference with Tormasoff, and that an account of the whole proceedings and reasonings, pro and con, should be transmitted to the Porte. This was proposed by Sir Harford. What turned the Council, I hear, wasMeerza Bozurg, engaging for three things:— 1st. That the affair of Taulish, which is of infinite importance, might, by this means, be settled to our satisfaction. 2nd. That as long as the conference lasted, no attack should be made by Russia on the Turkish frontier. 3rd. That the Meerza would break off the conference the moment it should be certified that the Porte would heartily join Persia, unless he could turn it into a recognition for peace, between Russia, Turkey, and Persia. 28. A packet containing the whole of the proceedings above detailed, was this day dispatched to Constantinople. 29. The Prince reviewed the troop — all present—he gave Willock a sword, and the Indian officers medals. The Prince, after the review, amused himself with feats of horsemanship. He rides better than any man I have seen in the country, and is most wonderfully active. When he presented the Indian officers with medals, he said :—NOTES TO THE MISSION. XXXI " My friends ! you have taken a great deal of trouble for me; Persia grants these medals as a reward of merit. When you " shall return to your own country, I hope you will not forget me " and mine" * May 15, 1810. Sir Harford, this day, by the express desire of the Prince, drew up, and delivered to him, the project of an armistice, and for a treaty of peace, which, as far as I recollect was as follows.* (These are not necessary to lay before the public.) NOTE XIX. " Now nothing."—Page 314. The following extract will satisfy the reader how easy of execution this grand and most important project of Meerza Bozurg would have been. " II n'exige pas de Tribut des Armeniens et des autres Chre-" tiens etrangers qui viennent negocier dans ses Etats, quoiquele " Grand Seigneur le fasse payer rigoureusement aux Chretiens " Persans quand ils passent par la Turquie pour venir trafiquer " dans 1'Europe. De sorte qu'onpeut dire avec justice, qu'au lieu " que ceux qui font profession du Christianisme gemissent dans " l'empire Ottoman sous une dure servitude, ils gouteroient dans " la Perse, si la volonte du Prince y estoit exacteraent suivie, une " douce liberte."—Sanson, Relation de Perse, p. 14. NOTE XX. " The crown is very heavy."—Page 382. As a proof of this I relate a fact, to which I was witness. At our audience of ceremony, I happened to be the last of the Mission who went out of the door of the chamber in which it was given^ Something, I know not what, caused me to turn my head round, (which certainly was not quite correct) but I saw one of the favorite Georgian taking the crown off the King's head, and another place an embroidered handkerchief over the bare head. I was told, from good authority, that it is with considerable pain only, that the Shah bears this envied ornament on his head for longer than twenty minutes. * The conference between the Meerza and Baron YVrede took place ; but ended in nothing, as had been predicted.xxxii NOTES TO TIIE MISSION. NOTE XXI. " Moomiahah."—Page 400.—Chardin, Voyage, torn. iv. p. 38. " Cinquiemement, il y a la Mumie, et il y en a de deux sortes " en Perse. L'une est la Mumie communement dite, qui vient " des corps embaumez, et enteiTez dans le sable aride et ardent, ou " dans la suite des siecles ils se petrifient, comme cela est connu " de tous les curieux. Cette Mumie, qui n'est proprement que la " petrefaction des corps embaumez depuis quelque deux mille ans, " a ce qu'on assure en Perse, se trouve en Corasson qui est l'anci-" enne Bacti'ianne. Un Vizir de la Province, nomine Mirza-" chefy, bomme fort savant, m'a dit plusieurs fois qu'on trouvoit " dons le sable, lors qu'on travailloit aux canaux souterrains, " pour le transport de l'eau, de ces Mumies, longues de sept a huit " pieds, soit que les corps fussent plus grands alors, soit qu'on " prlt plaisir de les ensevelir, ou eramailloter, plus grands qu'ils " n'etoient, pour l'admiration de la posterite. II ajoutoit,'qu'on " trouvoit ces corps encore couverts de poil a la tete et au men ton, " avec les ongles aux mains et aux pieds, ayant le visage si peu " altere, que les traits etoient reconnoissables. II me disoit la-" dessus, que notre corps ressemble a une eponge, et que si l'on " en ote le sang et les parties nobles qui sont trop humides, et " qu'on les seiche, on les conserverra plusieurs siecles. Le terroir de " la Bactrianne est un sable chaud et aride, fort propre a conser-" ver, et a petrifier ainsi les corps. L'autre Mumie est une Gomme " precieuse, qui distille de la roche. II y en a deux mines, ou " deux sources, en Pei*se. L'une dans la Caramanie deserte, au " pais de Sar, et c'est la meilleure; car on assure que quelque " moulu, brise, ou fracasse, qu'un corps humain puisse etre, une " demie dragme de cette Mumie le retablit en vingt quatre beures; " de quoi personne ne doute en Perse, sur l'experience des cures " merveilleuses qu'ils font tous les jours avec cette precieuse " drogue. L'autre mine est au pais de Corasson, qui est l'anci-" enne Bactrianne, ou je veins de dire qu'il y a aussi des Mumies " de corps humains, comme en Egypte. Les roches, dont la " vraye Mumie distille appartiennent au roi, et tous ce qui " en distille est pour lui. Elles sont fcrmecs de «inq ccauxNOTES TO THE MISSION. xxxiii " des principaux Officiers de la Province. On. n'ouvre la " mine qu'une fois Tan, en presence de ces Officiers, et de plu-" sieurs autres encore, et tout ce qui se trouve de ce precieux mastic, " ou la plus grande partie, s'envoye au tresor du Roi, d'ou, avec un " peu de credit, on en tire dans le besoin. Le mot de Mumie est " Persan, venant de Moum, qui signifie Cire, Gomme, Onguent. " Les Hebreux et les Arabes se servent de ce nom dans la raeme " ignification. Les Persans disent que le Prophete Daniel leur a " enseigne la preparation et l'usage de la Mumie. NOTE XXII. " Paying the Effendi very acceptable attentions"—Page 401. I had already done this on his arrival in Persia, by sending Sir James Sutherland to meet him on the Persian frontier, beyond Erivan; and I must say, that Sir James's amiable manners not only made him a great favorite with the Effendi, but also that Sir James's prudence and judgment kept the Persians of the lower classes from behaving rudely to him on the road. NOTE XXIII. " Patrons and Clients."—Page 426. The parly part of the morning appears in ancient Rome to have been appropriated to such attendance. " Agricolam laudat juris legumque peritus, " Sub galli cantum consultor ubi ostia pvlsat."—Horace. NOTE XXIV. " And when to be still."—Page 433. This appears to have been an early error in the East;—" neither " shallyou use enchantments, nor observe times."—Levit. xix. v. 26. The Sortes Virgiliance every school-boy knows. NOTE XXV. " On which it stands."—Page 445. The Russians attacked it on the opposite side. 2 kXXXIV NOTES TO THE MISSION. NOTE XXVI. " Gaitis a loss."—Page 433. The following extract will shew how careful the Persians have uniformly been on the subject of the purity of their coin. " II y a trois ans que le roi (Shah Suleiman) faisant travailler a la " reformation de la Monnoye, eut avis qu'on ne trouvoit pas d'argent " pour faire de nouvelles especes, parce queles Armeniens ne voyant " pas qu'il y eut pour eux un gain assez considerable a apporter les " Reux de Seville dans ses Etats, les faisoient passer aux Indes par " la voye de Balsora; le Roy fit appeller les principaux de cette " nation, et les condamna a cent mille ecus d'amende, si on pou-" vait prouver contr'eux qu'ils eussent continue a faire transporter " les ecus d'Espagne aux Indes. Cependant comme ils avoient " deja a Balsora huit cent mille ecus Seviliens, Van Leenen, " Ambassadeur d'Hollande, dont je parlerai dans la suite, leur " offrit de la faire charger s'ils vouloient cette somme sur un Vaisseau, " et il s'engagea de faire pssser directement aux Indes sans mouiller " en Perse, mais il ne leur tint pas parole. Son vaisseau vint " jetter l'ancre au Bandar Abassi, et le grand Douanier se saisit de " l'argent des Armeniens. Cet Ambassadeur qui estoit a la Cour " ne fit pas une demarche pour en solliciter la main-levee, ce qui " le fit soup9onner d'avoir voulu faire sa Cour aux depens de ces " pauvres Chretiens; mais le Roy dans cette occasion porta sa bonte " jusqu'a l'exces; carpouvant confisquer cet argent, et faire payer " de plus aux Armeniens l'amende de cent mille ecus, il leur en " donna la mainleve qu'ils n'osoient luy demander, pour ne pas " ajouter a cette perte, le payement de l'amende a laquelle ils " avaient este condamnez."—Voyage ou Relation de VEtat present dc Perse, par Sanson, p. 12.TO MY WATCH. Tio-tac—Tic-tac. 'Tis thus thou measurest out the time I have on earth to stay, And shew'st me with thy tiny chime T' eternal life the way. O may thy warning voice bring forth Each thought that God approves ! Tell me of vice the little worth, Compar'd with what he loves. Tis as the river to the ocean, Or as the clod to sense and motion, Or as confusion to serenity— It is as Time is to Eternity.LONDON: C. RICHARDS, PRINTER, ST. MARTIN'S LANE, CHARING CROSS.A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE WAHAUBY.LONDON: C. RICHARDS, PRINTER, ST. MARTIN'S LANE, CHARING CROS9.beheaded at Consta.atiii.ople ml819.AN ACCOUNT OF THE TRANSACTIONS OF HIS MAJESTY'S MISSION TO THE COURT OF PERSIA, IN THE YEARS 1807-11, BY SIR HARFORD JONES BRYDGES, BART. K.C., LL.D., LATE ENVOY EXTRAORDINARY AND MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY TO THE COURT OF TjEHERAN. TO WHICH IS APPENDED, A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE WAHAUBY. VOL. II. LONDON: PRINTED FOR JAMES BOHN, KING WILLIAM STREET, WEST STRAND. MDCCCXXXIV." Who is more unjust than he who uttereth a lie concerning " God, and denieth the truth, when it cometh unto him ? Is there " not a dwelling provided in hell for the unbelievers ?"—Koran, cap. 39, entitled " Troops" The favourite expostulation of the Wahaubys against the Turks and Persians.TO THE READER. The supercargo of my little bark (i. e. my publisher) having made a favourable report of his voyage, I now, as I promised, launch my second adventure, hoping that by your favour and protection, its passage may prove as smooth, and its result as fortunate, as that of its predecessor. It is natural for me to wish, and indeed it is my duty to endeavour, to entertain you to the best of my humble abilities ; and whether you are one of those who read as I do, to pass a certain portion of time, as innocently and perhaps as usefully to myself as I can,—or whether you are a tyro in the study of Oriental history and languages, desirous of adding to such portion of acquaintance with them, as you have already made ; I confess, (though by so doing I lay myself open to be accused of vanity) I do not despair of pleasing and informing you. If you are of the last class, I deceive myself if I have not thrown together, in this and the next volume, matter which you would b 2iv TO THE READER. have had to seek through various publications, at no inconsiderable expense of time and pocket: —and if you belong to the first class of readers, I hope that there are interspersed in the following pages, anecdotes, and personal adventures, the perusal of which may not be disagreeable. It is to the very learned reader only, that I acknowledge and confess my utter inability to produce entertainment or information ; but if, after a continuance of deep study, he will condescend to take up these volumes, and read a certain number of pages at whatsoever place the book opens, he will probably, at such a moment, find them to possess (for him at least) a no very trifling merit— that of being diametrically opposite to those in the book he has just laid down. Now, gentle Reader,—whoever and whatever you are,—if you are as much tormented by in-somnity as I am, and take up this volume at a time when you are turning from side to side on your couch,* seeking in vain " the foster nurse of * 'AW ovk------ 'Tttvog £Xe yA-Wfpoe, ttuXXci \ppeaiy opp.aivovTa. --Him, from thought to thought Roving solicitous, no sleep relieved. Iliad, L. x.TO THE READER. V nature,"—if, I say, at such time, the volume should introduce the coy dame to your presence, and you know, (as I do) her value,—then I need not repent compiling pages of such power; nor will you, I presume, complain that your purchase of them has been made in vain. With thanks for your former kindness, Farewell! I make my bow to you, using at the same time the words which our English Cervantes, the great Fielding, uses, in closing one of his inimitable chapters in Tom Jones : " If you all smile on my labours, I hope I shall bring them to a happy conclusion." N. B. The matter contained in this volume has been published separately, in consequence of the advice of a very judicious and learned friend.THE WAHAUBY. It is now nearly a century since an Arab of the name of Abdul Wahaub, of the tribe of Tomym, left the Nejd to study Theology and Divinity in the various schools, and colleges of the East; and at length, from Damascus where he had assiduously pursued his studies, and where at that time resided some of the most celebrated Mahommedan Doctors, he retired to Dereyah, a town situate in that portion of Arabia which is distinguished by the name of Nejd ; nearly in lat. 24 and long. 45. Probably the retreat of Abdul Wahaub to Dereyah was not uninfluenced by prudential motives; as the doctrines he had broached at Damascus, and other places where he resided, had drawn on him the notice, rather than the reverence, of the Theologians there. He had however not long resided at Dereyah, when Mahommed Ibn Saoud, the principal person of that town, became at once, his first convert and his father-in-law. The tribe to which Abdul Wahaub's father-in-law belonged was that of the Anissa, which at that time, and long after-8 THE WAHAUBY. wards, was in its different branches one of the most, if not the most powerful of the tribes inhabiting the desert, in the most extensive signification of the word. The great body of this noble tribe was generally stationed in that tract of land which extends from the banks of the Euphrates at Hillah to the confines of Aleppo, and from Grain at the head of the Persian Gulf to the confines of Arabia Felix; and which is known at Bagdad and Bassora by the appellation of the great Desert, in contradistinction to that which spreads itself from Mon-sul towards Nisibin and Orfa. Not long after the adoption of the doctrines of Abdul Wahaub by Mahommed Ibn Saoud, the latter attempted to propagate the tenets of his teacher amongst his neighbours ; and at this time Saoud's force is reported to have been so trifling that in the first skirmish with his opponents he could only muster seven camel-riders in his company.(1) But it will be seen by and by, that the tenets professed by Saoud, contained much that was captivating to the minds of those who panted for civil as well as religious freedom; who had long considered the voluptuousness, and corruption of their Turkish masters as ill according with the simplicity recommended and enjoined by the Arabian prophet and legislator ; and who were indignant at the daily instances of Turkish tyranny and injustice. If there was one point of the Wahauby faithTHE WAHAUBY. 9 which was more pre-eminently odious to the Ottoman government than another, it4 was that which divested the grand signor of his sacred character of visible Imaum, or spiritual head of the followers of Islam; for Saoud soon assumed the character of temporal and spiritual leader,(2) and found no difficulty in its acknowledgment by those Arabs who voluntarily embraced his doctrines, nor by those whom he had converted by force. The assumption of these powers accorded perfectly well with the declarations and actions of their prophet, and with what had been practised by the first caliphs, their countrymen, his successors. It was not long therefore before Saoud, partly by persuasion and partly by force, became sufficiently powerful to draw on himself the notice, and consequently, to excite the fears of the court of Constantinople ; and when I arrived at Bassora in the year 1784, his proceedings and marauding marches caused great anxiety and alarm to the pa9ha of Bagdad, to his governor at Bassora, as well as to the best informed Turks. For these last were aware that his doctrines, when examined by the simple text of the Koran, were perfectly orthodox, and consonant to the purest and best interpretations of that volume. The Bagdad government early made a fatal mistake in permitting Saoud to subjugate, and incorporate with his proselytes, the tribe of Benicaled ; an ancient, and at that time a powerful tribe, oc-10 THE WAHAUBY. cupying the north-western shores of the Persian Gulph, as well as a considerable space of country, both at the head of that gulph and to the northwestward of Bassora; so that they then possessed the part of the desert on the western side of the Euphrates, which was considered by the Monti-feeks as belonging to them. This strange oversight of Suleiman Pa9ha, who had but recently obtained from the Porte the Pa^alik of Bagdad, was never imputed to his ignorance of the political interests of his government, but was imagined to arise, first, from the then poverty of his treasury,which rendered him unwilling to incur the expense of affording assistance to theBenicaled Shaik; secondly,from the jealousy which subsisted between the tribes of Montifeek and Benicaled, which caused the shaik of the first mentioned tribe to purchase the papa's inactivity by a large bribe; and more than all perhaps from the pa9ha injudiciously supposing that himself and the Montifeek Shaik at a future favourable period, would always have it in their power easily to set things to rights. To the year 1794, however, the period at which I left Bassora, Saoud had greatly increased the former uneasiness and alarm of the Bagdad government by unexpected attacks made on different points of its territories; attacks which the Turks could neither foresee nor guard against; for the ease with which the Wahaubees assembled a force, and the rapidity with which that force marched,THE WAHAUBY. 11 when assembled, astonished and confounded the slowly moving Ottoman.(2) At this time, therefore, all the minor towns along the line of the western banks of the Euphrates, were in a constant state of alarm and apprehension; many of them were plundered, and the pasturages in the neighbourhood of the others were not safe for the flocks of the inhabitants, so that some of the weakest of these towns were said to have purchased their security by secret submission and tribute to Saoud, which the government of Bagdad found it more convenient to wink at than to resist. In consequence of the papa's ill behaviour to the British factory at Bassora, the establishment was, early in the year 1792, removed from Bassora to the town of Grain, in the hope that the effects produced by this measure on the trade of that city might bring the pa9ha to an eligible arrangement of a tedious dispute; a dispute which intrigue on the part of the Jews on the one hand, and the bad faith of the Turks on the other, had carried to a point far beyond its real consequence.(a) To this town, as a member of that factory, I accompanied the persons composing it; and there arose no small addition to the other inconveniences which we suffered at that place, in the almost daily alarm which the town experienced from the appearance or reported appearance of detachments of Saoud's troops. It is true that our personal danger was but small, for we had the sea open to us, and craft12 THE WAHAUBY. at hand on which we might embark ; but it was provoking, after the exhaustion of a night sleepless from the intense heat, to be disturbed from the doze which naturally came on, as the breeze towards the morning became cool, by the absence of the sun, and by the slight dews which fell in the night. But this was not the worst; the supply of water which we obtained was infamously bad in quality, being at once salt, sweet, and bitter ; besides even this, it was often stinted and often precarious, from the water-carriers either seeing or imagining that they saw a Wahauby detachment approach the wells from which it was drawn. These wells lie about a mile distant from Grain, and at that time no well within the city afforded water which could be applied to culinary purposes without inconvenience, nor to ablution without sufferance, and the thermometer of Farenheit ranged between 98 and 110. To compensate for these grievances, we had to amuse us, the strange, and to us, comical scenes that passed when these alarms took place. The shaik of Grain was a most venerable old man, of commanding figure, and almost adored by the inhabitants of the town, for he was more to them as a father than a governor. He was respected by the Turks, and much esteemed even by those Arabs who had submitted to Saoud: but, as Grain at that time was nearly the only port on the western side of the Gulph of Persia, which had notTHE WAHAUBY. 13 submitted to Saoud, he became anxious either to bring its shaik to terms, or to conquer him. The walls of Grain, which were only of mud, and which, in the rainy season, to the great terror of the inhabitants, frequently crumbled down in large breaches, were, nevertheless, beheld and accounted by the Wahaubys as impregnable ramparts ; and Saoud's most rational hope of success was interrupting the supply of one of the most necessary articles to sustain humanlife—i.e. water. The most common periods of alarm were either a little before the break of day, or a little before the setting of the sun ; then those who were placed in advance towards the wells fell back, and came running into town with the direful account of the appearance of the enemy. The women immediately appeared in their veils on the house tops, and sent forth the well known Arab and eastern cry of " Leily—Leily !" used both on occasions of rejoicing and alarm ; on which the whole town assembled under their venerable shaik to meet their foe. Sometimes no foe appeared, and sometimes, with our glasses, we could perceive from ten to twenty persons about the wells ; when this was the case, each party advancing within a certain distance of the other, two or three valiant men on each side sat down, very, very far apart from each other, and exchanged shots with their long matchlocks; and when, as it always seemed to me, they had rather amused than annoyed one14 THE WAHAUBY. another with this exercise, either the morning broke or the evening closed, and to us the fun ceased; and if this happened in the morning, a supply of water was afterwards obtained. But upon one glorious day, things wore a different and a new aspect. About five hundred of the enemy really appeared on the horizon of the desert, and bearing towards the town. The old shaik and the inhabitants were soon at their post; and what was better, they bore with them a piece of ordnance, taken from one of the shaik's vessels. In this formidable machine every one most confidently put his trust and hopes of safety ; nor did it desert us at our utmost need. The appearance of the foe, armed with terrible long spears, and mounted on spirited horses, put the courage of many to a severe test, for if their ally, the gun, failed to do his part, the Grainers might be charged and cut to pieces before they could again bring it to act; nor, considering the condition of the instrument, did it seem very improbable that when discharged, it might, by bursting, shower more mischief on its friends than its enemies. Our excellent shaik, however, like a skilful commander, determined to make use of his ally as soon as possible; so when the combatants approached within about half a mile of each other, off went the cannon, and away went the shot, knocking up the dust on the desert to within a few yards of the foe; who, instead of charging, seemed to remain some minutes eitherTHE WAHAUBY. 15 in astonishment or in council, and then moved off. The troops on their return to the town were greeted by the fair inhabitants with acclamations and songs of victory, and I have no doubt that the brilliant success of that day lives still in the memory and the songs of the women and children of Grain. The factory was accompanied to Grain, by a small guard of sepoys, which was sometimes exercised by their native officer, just without the walls of the town, and the shaik having formed an idea that such a body of men must be invincible, earnestly pressed that they might be led into the field whenever danger occurred, but we had no wish to cover ourselves with glory on such an occasion. Indeed, it was absolutely necessary, for the safety of our public dispatches, which were then, transmitted across the desert, to and from Aleppo, that the factory should be on good terms with Saoud.(4) Mr. Latouche, when resident at Bassora, had, from time to time, sent Saoud small presents, which he expressed satisfaction in receiving ; and Mr. Manesty and myself continued this custom ; so that our packets were seldom interfered with: and if the bearers were now and then detained, the packets always ultimately reached us with unbroken seals ; and thus a good understanding had hitherto been preserved between the sectary and the factory. I had afterwards good reason to know, that Saoud was anxious that this16 THE WAHAUBY. should continue; particularly as he had formed a false estimate of the strength we had brought with us to Grain, which consisted of one of the smaller class of the Company's cruizers stationed in the harbour, and a jemedar's guard of sepoys ; and we, from prudence, had as little inclination to enter into active alliance against him with our Grain friends, as he had to force us into it. At this time the doctrines of the Wahauby had made many proselytes amongst the maritime Arabs on the shores of the Persian Gulph, and their neighbours to the southward of that Gulph, who committed frequent depredations on the smaller and unprotected craft navigating those seas ; but their piracies had not yet arrived to such a degree of importance as to force the British Government in India to chastise insults offered to the national flag, or to redress injuries inflicted on their subjects. In 1798, I arrived at Bagdad, having been appointed by his Majesty, and the Secret Committee of the East India Company, to reside with Suleiman Pa9ha, in quality of political Agent, but more particularly for the purpose of prevailing on that almost independent chief to assist the Porte with money, in disappointing and frustrating the views on the East, whatever they might be, with which Buonaparte, and the Expedition fitted out from Toulon, had sailed.(5) During my absence in England from 1795 to 98,THE WAHAUBY. 17 the Porte had sent repeatedly the most pressing orders to Suleiman Pa9ha, to undertake an expedition, on a sufficient scale to justify reasonable hopes of entirely subverting the Wahauby power; an evident proof how much the uneasiness of the Ottoman Government, respecting these sectaries had increased, and how greatly their power and reputation were augmented. It was early in the month of September, 1798, when I reached Bagdad; and in consequence of the pressing orders he had received, I found Suleiman had collected a numerous and respectable force, which, under the command of his Kiah, Ally Pa9ha, was then encamped without the walls of the city, on the western bank of the Tigris, and was destined to proceed against the Wahauby. The countries entrusted at that time to the Government of Suleiman Pa9ha, were greater in extent, and richer in produce, than some kingdoms in Europe; and I am astonished to find Burck-hardt, or his editor, so much mistaken, as to say, in speaking of the Pa9halik of Bagdad, under Suleiman Pa9ha, " The pa9ha of this place, " (viz. Bagdad) however, has so few pecuniary " resources, and his authority is so imperfectly " acknowledged within the limits of his own pro-" vince, that, until the year 1797, hostilities could " not be undertaken." Now having resided at Bassora from 1784 to 1794, and at Bagdad, from 1797 to 1806, having had much to do with all the c18 THE WAHAUBY. principal officers of Government concerned in the collection of the papa's revenue, I can take on myself safely to state, that for some years previously to the year 1797, that revenue annually amounted, from fiscal collections, to a million of our money, exclusive of presents, and the advantages the pa9ha drew from a large stock of camels, and flocks of sheep, the keep and care of which cost him nothing. The principal annual remittance made by the pa9ha to the Porte, consisted of presents in India goods and pearls, to the Sultan, the ladies of the Seraglio, and the great ministers of State ; which the Jew who had the management of all that business, assured me, never amounted, in any one year, to <£100,000 ; and that the rest of the revenue collected by the pa9ha, was balanced at the Porte, by an account of charges of Government; and by the same person I was assured, that the pa9ha contrived to place a surplus in his treasury, every year, from ,£100,000 to «£ 150,000, and that when I arrived at Bagdad, nearly <£300,000 had been taken out of the treasury for the assembling and providing the forces destined to march against Saoud. And with another fact I am well acquainted, (for the whole sum was sent, after being officially stated to me, and the greatest part of it through my hands) which is, that from the time when Eusoof Pa9ha, the Grand-Vizir, left Constantinople in 1799, for Egypt, Suleiman, at different periods, assisted him with nearly half a million of money, all taken outTHE WAHAUBY. 19 of the treasury vault in the palace. In short, so far from Suleiman Papa's pecuniary resources being considered as "few," the Porte regarded him as holding one of the wealthiest governments of the Empire, and spoke of his accumulated wealth as a windfall, some day or other, on which its eye was fixed. A day or two before Ally Pa9ha,(6) the Kiah, marched for Dereyah, 1 paid him a visit in his camp, which, from the liberal and handsome manner in which every thing was appointed, and from the various troops, collected from distant parts of the Government, made a gallant show. The army possessed a formidable train of artillery, if its real value depended on the number of pieces displayed : but, notwithstanding all these mighty preparations, the pa9ha was thoroughly acquainted with the character of his minister and son-in-law, Ally, and probably even then entertained some doubts of his success. The failure of the expedition was, however, confidently predicted by persons of judgment, before it lost sight of the cupolas of Bagdad, and this prediction was grounded on the ignorance which the Kiah displayed of military affairs, and on the absurd and haughty manner in which he accustomed himself to treat the friendly Arabs who had joined him, and on whom he had principally to depend when he entered on the most difficult part of his enterprize. Burckhardt has given the following account of c 220 THE WAHAUBY. this expedition, which, as far as I know, is not materially incorrect, nor, if it be divested of much of the false colouring, which the Turks, to save their credit, gave it on their return to Bagdad, does it differ in essential points from the account Ally delivered to his master, and related himself to me. " The army consisted of 4000 or 5000 Turkish " troops, and twice that number of allied Arabs of the " tribes Thofyr, Beni, Shummere, and Montefeek. " Their march (after reaching the neighbourhood " of Bassora) lay parallel with the Persian Gulf, " through a desert country where wells were found " at every station. It was directed, in the first " instance, towards El Hassa or Lassa, the richest " and most productive part of the Wahauby do-" minions. " Instead of advancing from that place at once " towards Dereyah, (only five or six days' journey " distant) they laid siege to the fortified citadel of " El Hassa, which they expected to take without " difficulty. The resistance was prolonged above " a month; and the arrival of a considerable " Wahauby force, under Saoud, the son of Abdul " Aziz, (who remained at Dereyah) excited strong " doubts of the Kiah's success; so strong indeed as " to induce the Turks to retreat. Saoud had an-" ticipated this measure, and starting before them, " encamped with his troops at one of the wells " called Thadj, at the distance of three days from " El Hassa. The other well of that watering place,THE WAHAUBY. 21 " about two miles further off, he rendered useless, " by throwing into it several camel loads of salt, " which he had brought with him for that purpose. " The Bagdad troops halted at the last of these wells, " and it may be conceived how much the men and " horses suffered from the adulterated quality of " the water. Here the Ottomans did not judge " it prudent to continue their march, lest Saoud " might fall upon them by surprise. On the " other side, the Wahauby chief ventured not to " attack the Turks, for their artillery was very and followers, as well as their baggage; and, under this capitulation, occupied a house in the suburbs, where he deposited his family and goods. But after the garrison of the castle were so basely massacred, the Turks plundered this house, killed his sons and attendants, and put himself in irons, and sent him to Yembo. El Medheyan in his passage through Bedr, contrived to escape from his guards in the night, and sought refuge with some of the Beni Harbs, who, to the eternal disgrace of their tribe, were prevailed on by Turkish gold to deliver him up; and he and Hassan el Kaladjy, who had usurped the government of Medina before the Wahaubys took the town, were sent to Constantinople and beheaded. Subsequently to the taking of Medina, an expedition under the command of Mustafa Bey, the60 THE WAHAUBY. brother-in-law of Mahommed Ally, consisting of 1500 infantry, advanced from Yembo towards Jedda and Mecca. Shereef Ghaleb, intimidated by the fall of Medina, sent messengers to Mustafa, inviting him to his towns; in consequence of which a few hundred men were detached to Jedda, whilst the principal corps advanced towards Mecca; from which El Medhayfe, the Wahauby commander, retired towards Tayef, a few hours before Mustafa's arrival, who made his entry into Mecca in January, 1813. The property of the Meccans was respected, and Shereef Ghaleb joined the Turks with 1000 Arabs and negro slaves. In a fortnight after the capture of Mecca, an attack was made on Tayef, from which El Medhayfe fled, and Ghaleb and Mustafa Bey entered the town. This town had been in the hands of the Wahauby for the space of ten years, and as Burckhardt observes, had suffered more than any other town in the Hedjaz. Flushed with his success, Mustafa Bey pushed on and attacked the town of Taraba. Taraba is situated in a sort of forest of palms, and its inhabitants had prudence enough to surround it with a wall and a ditch. Mustafa Bey, however, met a severe check on his march in the mountains between Tayef and Taraba, and suffered the loss of 400 or 500 men, before he could effect his return to Tayaf. Othman Medhayfe, the brother-in-law of ShereefTHE WAHAUBY. 61 Ghaleb, employed himself in scouring the country with his light troops, frequently interrupting the Turkish communication with Mecca, and thereby seriously embarrassing the garrison of Tayef. Gha-leb still recollected that his brother-in-law had been the principal cause of the surrender of Mecca to the Wahaubys, and a desire of revenge induced him to offer a reward of five thousand dollars for his capture. This was accomplished shortly after, in the following manner. At the distance of four or five hours from Tayef, there is a sort of castle or fortified palace, called Byssel, where, as Ghaleb was informed, Medhayfe had been residing for some days. A strong detachment, from the garrison of Tayef, was ordered to surround the castle, and set it on fire, which they did. Medhayfe, with about thirty of his followers and his friends, rushed through the flames, and cut their way through the enemy; but his mare being wounded, became faint, and he was obliged to dismount, and endeavour to escape on foot. Tired and wori\ down, he trusted for refuge to a tent of an Ateybe Bedouin, who ignominiously, for the sake of Ghaleb's proferred reward, seized him, and carried him to his brother-in-law. Ghaleb loaded the captive with chains, and delivered him to the Turks. At the time when Mahommed Ally sent his youngest son to deliver to the Grand Signior the keys of the holy cities, this noble captive accompanied him, and immediately after his62 THE WAHAUBY. arrival at Constantinople, was beheaded. Thus the Wahauby lost their best partizan, and Ghaleb, by his blind desire of vengeance, made himself more dependent on the Turks. Thus was the province of Hedjaz nearly reduced under the obedience of its former masters, and the Sultan might again, with truth, assume the title of Khadem el harramun-es-Sherei-feen, servant or guardian of the holy cities. The Cairo caravan of pilgrims performed the pilgrimage with its usual pomp, but still the Syrian was unable to do so. In November, 1812, Toussun Bey, in reward for his services, was created by the Porte a pa9ha of three tails, appointed governor of Jedda, and Mahommed Ally's Dewan Effendisi, or chief secretary, was made governor of Medina. Notwithstanding all this, the power of Saoud was only so far broken, as it was affected by the five chief cities of Hedjaz being in possession of the Turks. The whole of the tribes eastward of that range of mountains, running parallel with the sea from north to east, remained obedient and faithful to him. But the advantages obtained by the Turks, were sufficient to determine Mahommed Ally to repair to the scene of action; probably under the hope of securing to himself the honor and reputation of the final destruction of the Wahauby,—and Egypt, at this time, was in such a state of peaceable subjection, that he was able, with propriety and safety, to execute his design.THE WAHAUBY. 63 The forces which he mustered for this expedition, consisted of 2000 infantry, which embarked at Suez, and a corps of cavalry, nearly equal in number, which proceeded by land, taking with them about 8000 camels. Toussun Pa9ha had orders also to assemble troops at Mecca. Mahom-med Ally arrived at Jedda in September, 1813 ; Shereef Ghaleb happening to be there at the time, waited on the pa9ha, and it was at this interview that they entered into a compact, sworn to by both parties on the Koran, and afterwards, at the desire of Ghaleb, more solemnly ratified in the temple of Mecca, " each never to attempt any " thing contrary to the interest, safety, or life, of " the other After the experience Ghaleb had had of the real value of Ottoman promises and oaths, his self delusion in requiring such securities from Mahommed Ally, and his trusting to them, is not easily accounted for; nor will the reader, if he reflects on the character of the pa9ha, be much astonished at the result of Ghaleb's credulity. When the conquest of the Hedjaz took place, under Sultan Selim, in the sixteenth century, it had been agreed that the customs of the port of Jedda should be equally divided between the pa9ha of that place, and the shereef of Mecca: misunderstandings, however, on this subject, had latterly arisen between these respective personages. Shereef Ghaleb had appropriated these customs exclusively to his own use,64 THE WAHAUBY. and the pa9ha had at one time politically enough promised not to interfere with his possession of them; the former misunderstandings on this subject, were now said to be adjusted, and Mahom-med Ally shortly afterwards arrived at Mecca, where he distributed considerable alms to the poor, and presents to the ulemas or priests, and men of the law. The papa's attention was principally directed to the means of providing the regular transport of supplies, military stores, and provisions, from Jedda to Mecca. The whole shipping of that port, and of Yembo, which taken together is considerable, he contracted for, and in addition had engaged, for one year, twenty vessels belonging to the Imaum of Muscat. His anxiety on this point is said to have led Mahommed Ally to entertain several visionary schemes for the augmentation of his fleet in the Red Sea ; amongst the rest, that of sending a Turkish frigate from Alexandria round the Cape of Good Hope, to enter the Arabian Gulf through the Straits of Babelmandul: and it is also said that an Englishman who had resided some time in Egypt, recollecting probably, the transport, by Mahommed II, of his vessels over land from the Bosphorus into the harbour at Constantinople, proposed to carry this frigate, or a similar vessel, at high water up to Cairo, and afterwards to pass it on rollers across the desert and launch it at Suez. Neither of these projects were adopted, nor can I bring myself toTHE WAHAUBY. 65 believe, that they were ever seriously thought of. His vanity might be flattered by the reports of schemes so novel, and requiring so much power. At first it seems strange that Mahommed Ally should find it more difficult to transport provisions by land, over the short distance between Jedda and Mecca, than to transport them from Egypt to Suez, and from thence to Jedda. Of the eight thousand camels which had accompanied the cavalry, seven thousand five hundred had died within three months after their arrival in Hedjaz. Those Bedouins, who had become allies to the Turks, were poor in camels, and the too well-known system of Turkish remuneration for services performed, made them less forward in offering such supplies, than they otherwise perhaps would have been. The number of camels therefore which the pa9ha was now able to collect, was scarcely equal to transport the daily consumption of provisions required at Mecca and Teyef, so that the operations of the Turks were much crippled. This induced the pa9ha to be earnest in his entreaties to Shereef Ghaleb, to exert his influence with the Arabs, for the purpose of providing a supply of these useful and patient beasts ; and with a view to render this influence more effective, a large sum of money was at last issued. Both Ghaleb, and the different shaiks to whom he applied, promised fairly, but no camels arrived ; a second advance of money was made, and still no camels appeared. F66 THE WAHAUBY. The pa^a, who had at first maintained a friendly intercourse with Ghaleb, now became cool towards him; and the shereef, on his side, complained of an infraction of their agreement, respecting the customs of Jedda, which notwithstanding the promises of Mahommed Ally, he declared were withheld from the officers whom he had appointed to receive them. It was not long before accusations were increased and aggravated on both sides, and in this state it was natural that the pa9ha should view with jealousy and suspicion, Ghaleb's intimacy with the chiefs of the neighbouring tribes; nor was it to be wondered at that incidents should be continually arising to render the shereef suspicious of the pa9ha, so that the pa9ha was led at last to consider Ghaleb, as rather a doubtful friend, than a useful ally. It has been said that the Grand Signior left to the discretion of the pa9ha the treatment which Ghaleb was to receive from the Porte; that is, either to leave him at the head of the government of Mecca, or to depose him, and make him a prisoner; but as this power was never promulgated till after the pa9ha had arrested the shereef, the possession of such a power from the Porte, admits of doubt.* Be that as it may, the pa9ha had now formed his resolution to arrest and imprison the shereef; but the resolution to do so was much easier formed * However, it may be said, and with truth, it would have been very unwise to have made it public.the wahauby. 07 than executed; for Ghaleb had with him at Mecca about 1500 fighting men, and the neighbouring Arabs were much better inclined toward the shereef, than towards the pa9ha. The residence of Ghaleb at Mecca, was a strongly fortified house or castle, which had been originally built by Serous, his elder brother, but which had been much strengthened by Ghaleb himself, when he heard of Mahommed Ally's intention of invading Arabia. It commanded the whole town, and was certainly impregnable against any means of attack possessed by the pa9ha. Its garrison consisted of about 800 men, and twelve heavy guns were mounted on different parts of its walls. Ghaleb had become aware of the designs which the pa9ha entertained against him; and as Mahommed Ally had then only 1200 men in Mecca, the shereef with his own troops, and with the assistance of the inhabitants, who were most of them attached to him, might easily have expelled the pa9ha, particularly as the Bedouins would have joined for this purpose. Ghaleb had religiously observed his oath; nor could he believe that a compact ratified within the precincts of the temple of Mecca, could be infringed byanyMahommetan; but he miscalculated the nature of Mahommed Ally's conscience, which appears to have been so little delicate, that Mr. Burckhardt says he would have arrested Ghaleb in the sacred Mosque, had he not been dissuaded by the representation f 208 THE WAHAUBY. of a scrupulous cadi newly arrived from Constantinople. The Turks, 011 their side, assert that Ghaleb intended to arrest the pa9ha; but this was a story set on foot to cover their own injustice and perfidy towards that prince ; and the proof of it is that Mahommed Ally had frequently visited the shereef, and returned in safety, when nothing was more easy than for Ghaleb to have detained him. It is possible that the pa9ha was tempted to do this in the hope that Ghaleb would return the visits so paid, which would then put him in the papa's power. Be this as it may, it is certain that Mahommed Ally sought a proper opportunity of making the shereef a prisoner, and for this purpose he practised a stratagem which proved Ghaleb'sruin. He directed Toussun to arrive at Mecca from Jedda at a late hour of the night. The shereef could not with propriety dispence paying the pa£ha a visit the next morning, which he did, attended with but few followers. This last circumstance had been hoped for, and preparations made to arrest the shereef, by concealing in different chambers several of the papa's guards the evening before. On the shereef's arrival at the papa's house, he was conducted up stairs, under the pretence of Toussun Pa9ha being fatigued with his journey, and not able to come down, and his attendants were not allowed to follow him. After conversing with the pacha for some time, and rising to depart, he wasTHE WAHAUBY. 69 arrested and surrounded by the hidden soldiers; and their chief and Toussun afterwards obliged him to shew himself at the window, to order his people to return home, and to assure those assembled that no harm was intended towards him. The shereef's two sons, on their father's arrest being known, took refuge in the castle, and made preparations for defence; but a firman from the sultan (whether true or forged was never known) being shown to Ghaleb, by which his appearance at Constantinople was required, and on being threatened with death by the pa^ia if resistance was made to it, he was prevailed on to write an order to his sons to deliver up the castle, which was accordingly done. An inventory of Ghaleb's property was made, and it is reported to have amounted to upwards of two hundred thousand pounds sterling. The remaining part of this person's history is told in a few words: one of his sons died at Alexandria"; the Porte assigned Salo-nia for the residence of the shereef himself, and of another son; and there the shereef, and all his family except a younger son, who remained at Mecca, died of the plague, in 1816. The Turks were greatly disappointed in the amount of the treasure they found belonging to Ghaleb: suspicions were entertained that he had remitted considerable sums to Bombay, with which port he had a frequent commercial intercourse. It was even insinuated that in case of need he had70 THE WAHAUBY. intended to take refuge there. A person named Yahia, of the shereef lineage, was appointed to the government of Mecca; a weak man without reputation, and his situation was such, that he was nothing more than a stipendiary of the pa9ha. The papa's treachery to Ghaleb, neither advanced his cause nor his reputation amongst the Arabs, none of whom in the neighbourhood of Mecca, evinced more determined hostility towards the Turks, than the Begoum Arabs, who inhabited Taraba. Shereef Radjah had fixed his head-quarters there, and was joined by Ally el Medhayfe, a man of great influence in the country. Thus at that time Taraba became the point of union for the southern, as Dereyah was for the northern, Wahaubys. The Begoum Arabs exhibited at this time rather a singular spectacle, being headed by a female of the name of Ghalye; the widow of one of the chief men of that tribe; and I well remember a similar event many years ago taking place with one of the Arab tribes which then inhabited the Dushtistan, in the neighbourhood of Bushire. I frequently saw this last person come armed to the teeth into Bushire, and heard many an amusing tale of her Amazonian exploits. One source of the widow Ghalye's influence was, that her table was open to all faithful Wahaubys, and a very natural consequence of such hospitality was, that the chiefs held frequent councils at her house; and asTHE WAHAUBY. 71 the old lady was famed for good judgment, and knowledge of the interest of the surrounding tribes, as well as for good cheer, her voice was not only heard, but generally guided the decision of those councils; so that she in fact governed the Begoum Arabs, though the nominal chief of the tribe was Ibu Khorshan. To Ghalye's other accomplishments, an ignorant and superstitious soldiery added that of sorcery, and the tales they related of this were by no means proportionate in absurdity to that of her power. These tales, however, were not without their effect on the superstitious Turks: and therefore were not likely to increase their confidence in themselves, so that without offence to probability they may be considered as an assistant cause of Toussun's defeat. Mahommed Ally was determined however on a second attack of Taraba: and in consequence Toussun was dispatched on that service from Tayef in 1813, with about 2000 troops. It was now that Mahommed Ally was destined to feel the pernicious effects of his treacherous conduct to the shereef: the country between these two places was possessed by hostile tribes; more particularly by that of Atebye, the fiercest of the sectaries. Whilst Ghaleb governed Mecca, some of these tribes were on the point of negotiating with the pa9ha, and the rest not actively hostile against him; but on the seizure of that prince, they began to harass Tayef and the Turkish troops, whom72 THE WAHAUBY. they openly upbraided with their commander's treachery. The stock of provisions which Toussun carried with him from Tayef, amounted to thirty days' consumption for his troops, and of this time he wasted the greater part in an useless and fatiguing warfare with the Atebyes; so that when he arrived before Taraba, there were not more than three jlays' provisions in store. Thus situated, he ordered an immediate attack on the place: it failed: and Ghalye having made herself conspicuous in the defence, the Turkish troops openly and positively refused to make further effort for its reduction ; under the idea, that they had to deal with a sorceress. The pa9ha had no alternative, but to retreat towards Tayef; this retreat soon became flight; and this flight produced loss of baggage, tents, guns, and the little provision which remained. The Turks lost upwards of 700 men in this retreat, and many others perished from the mere want of water and food ; whilst the remainder of the army were saved from annihilation solely by the efforts of about a hundred heavy-armed Egyptian cavalry, who accompanied Toussun ; the Wa-hauby Bedouin infantry being unable to stand their charge. With difficulty Toussun reached Tayef, and the Wahaubys pursuing him to within a day's journey of the place, returned to Tarraba. Notwithstanding this defeat, Mahommed Ally saw that Tayef was the point from which suchTHE WAHAUBY. 73 operations against the enemy, as he might hereafter resolve to undertake, could be best commenced ; he therefore recommenced the system of sending caravans backward and forward between Jedda, Mecca, and Teyef. These were miserably deficient in camels, and could never effect their passage through the country, without a guard so numerous, as to consume one third of the provisions with which the caravan was charged. In 1813, Suleiman, the pa^a of Damascus, had safely conducted the caravan of the Syrian Hadj to Mecca, but as this was effected solely by the payment to Saoud of the arrears of ten years' tribute, it was rather a proof of Saoud's avidity, than of the power of the Turks. Pilgrims had also reached Mecca from Constantinople by way of Suez, Jedda, and Mecca, and the pa9ha by this last caravan received a most valuable supply of camels, and reinforcement of troops from Egypt. The Turks however remained inactive in the beginningof 1814. A new plan was then adopted, and a naval expedition against the port of Gonfonde was fitted out, and sailed from Jedda, on board of which were 1500 infantry, accompanied by numerous transports laden with provisions. Gonfonde had formerly made a part of the possessions of Shereef Ghaleb, and is situated about seven days' journey to the southward of Jedda. For the last five years, it ahd been in possession of Tamy, Sheik of the Asyr74 THE WAHAUBY. Arabs; the strongest of the mountain tribes south of Mecca, and the most devoted to Saoud's adherents. By a reference to the map, it will be perceived, that the positions of Mecca, Tayef, and Gonfonde, present nearly a triangle, and that the latter place might easily by sea be supplied with provisions, therefore it was judiciously determined to obtain possession of it, as a point d'appui from whence the future conquest of Yemen might be prosecuted. Whether from not being aware of the papa's designs, or not considering the place of much consequence, Shaik Tamy had placed a very slender garrison in Gonfonde; which, together with the inhabitants, fled from the town on the approach of the Turks, who took possession of it without bloodshed in March, 1814. Gonfonde appears subject to the same inconvenience in respect to water that I have already related of Grain; that is, the wells from which a supply is obtained, are at three hours' distance from the town: and a prudent commander would have secured an uninterrupted communication with them by fortifying the wells themselves, and by establishing a chain of posts between them and the town. The Turks had with them artillery sufficient to have done this, but it was a precaution beyond their reach of thought, for the wells which supply Jedda are similarly situated, and they had left them unprotected. I believe that there areTHE WAHAUBY. 75 many towns in Arabia and Palestine, where the supply of water for the inhabitants is from without the town, and this was probably the case at Sy-char, where our Saviour found the Samaritan woman who had gone forth from the town to draw water. The convenience or safety of a port may induce the establishment of a town, and be considered in some measure counterbalancing the deficiency of a supply of fresh water within its walls; but one surely is entitled to admire for what reason an inland town was ever built on a spot where so essential an article to human existence, and human comfort, could only be obtained from wells at a distance. The wells from which Gonfonde was supplied, were feeble in their springs, and Mahom-med Ally stationed a few Arnaut soldiers at them as a sentry might be placed over a water butt on board a ship; but these soldiers were incompetent to secure them against an enemy. When I relate what Burckhardt records in respect to the attack made on these wells and their Turkish guard, by Shaik Tamy, it seem to me as if I had witnessed what had happened at Gonfonde, or he had witnessed what had happened many years before at Grain; for when the attack was made, he says, " some fought bravely, others fled towards the " town, and spread a general consternation." Without attempting resistance within the walls, the panic-struck commander and most of his troops76 THE WAHAUBY. ran towards the ships that lay in the harbour; and this gallant commander had no sooner secured his own safety, than he hoisted sail, and left his comrades to their fate, for the Wahaubys shewed them no mercy. The plunder the Wahaubys found in Gonfonde, was the Turkish magazines, the baggage of the army, and its artillery, besides 400 horses, and many camels. Whilst the expedition to Gonfonde was on foot, Mahommed Ally Pa^ia had gone to Tayef, partly to enjoy the better climate of that place, and partly that he might from thence attempt establishing an amicable intercourse with the Bedouins. Hassan Pa^ia, a celebrated Arnaut chief, firmly attached to Mahommed Ally's interest, arrived from Cairo in June, 1814, with 1500 of the best infantry of Egypt. Hassan, and his brother Abed ed din Bey, had been employed in the reduction of Upper Egypt, and had distinguished themselves in the massacre at Cairo of the Mamelukes, which tragedy was performed entirely by Arnaut soldiers. In addition to these services to Mahommed Ally, he had lately performed another, that of ridding him of Catif Pa9ha, to whom the Porte had granted the dignity of pa9ha of two tails, under circumstances which awakened the jealousy and suspicion of Ally. Very shortly after Hassan's arrival, he was despatched to establish himself at a place called Ko-tach, a small village to the eastward of Tayef, onTHE WAHAUBY. 77 the road to Taraba, and in the plain beyond the great chain of mountains. The wells of Kotach rendered it an important position, and it was in some degree fortified. Toussun remained at Mecca and in disgrace with his father. The following picture of the state of the Turkish army at this time was drawn by Mr. Burckhardt on the spot. " Discontent and a kind of panic were " universal amongst the soldiers. The repeated " victories gained by the enemy, and the certain " death that awaited all Turkish prisoners, ren-" dered the very name of Wahauby a terror among " the papa's troops. The pay which in Egypt " sufficed for a soldier's comfort, scarcely enabled " him in Hedjaz to keep himself from starvation. " At Tayef and Medina the prices of all necessary " articles rose to such a height, that the soldier " could barely afford to purchase enough of bread " and onions, as his only food, and three or four " months' pay was always in arrear. Even at Jedda " and Mecca every thing was two hundred and " fifty per cent, dearer than in Egypt, so that every " one who had saved a little money before his ar-" rival in Hedjaz, was obliged to expend it in pro-" curing the necessaries of life. They were paid " besides in Egyptian piastres, bad coin, and so " much less valuable in Hedjaz than in Cairo, that " they lost by this one third of their pay. Many " sold their fire-arms and clothes, and all in general " suffered much distress; to relieve which Mahom-78 THE WAHAUBY. " med Ally never troubled himself. Many sol-" diers, camel drivers, servants, and artists, forfeited " their pay, and embarked at Jedda and Yembo " for Cairo, but the pa9ha soon forbade such a " proceeding under severe penalties." To this untoward situation of the Turkish army might be added a constant sufferance from bad water, from an unhealthy climate, and from despondency increased by no prospect of relief. It is to the apparent credit of Mahommed Ally, that under such circumstances, he should have persevered, but this credit will suffer some drawback, when we recollect that he must have known, that unless he obtained some signal advantage in Arabia, his downfall and expulsion from Egypt was certain. By patience and the distribution of large sums of money, he had, in August, 1814, induced several Arab tribes to enter into an alliance with him; and particularly a part of that tribe the Ateybe which has been already represented as being the most attached to the doctrines of the Wahauby. Of these the number which joined the Turks were double in proportion to the Turkish troops, whilst their chiefs were presented with dresses, shawls, and clothes. Some of these proved to be spies, and very few in their hearts joined the pa9ha; a proof of which is that the pa9ha remained in utter ignorance of the interests, and private history of the surrounding tribes, as well as of any use-THE WAHAUBY. 79 ful knowledge. But the profusion with which he distributed his gifts had an effect, and the Arabs preferred to reap rather by cunning than force the rich harvest spread before them: Shereef Radjah was not backward in his claims on this occasion, and at last in September arrived at Tayef, was well received by the pa9ha, and placed by him at the head of such of the Bedouins as had joined the Turks. In addition to the distribution of presents, Mahommed Ally, with a view to conciliate the inhabitants of Hadjaz, abolished many small duties formerly collected by Ghaleb; and the customs collected at Jedda, on coffee, that greatest of all luxuries to an Arab, were diminished. To these judicious measures was also joined the strictest observance of discipline amongst the troops; theft and extortion were severely punished, and the Arabs became gradually reconciled to their Turkish allies, so that Mahommed Ally obtained credit for many amiable qualities, which, in Egypt, he was never supposed to possess. But to counterbalance, and more than counterbalance, whatever might be unpromising in the appearance of the papa's affairs, the Wahaubys in the month of May of this year, 1814, suffered an irreparable loss in their able, active, and indefatigable Prince Saoud, who was carried off by a fever, at that time very prevalent in the Nejd. The military policy which Saoud had pursued,80 THE WAHAUBY. and which he recommended with his latest breath to his son, was never to engage the Turks in open plains ; and had this been persisted in, Abdullah might probably have foiled the Turks in every attempt at conquest, and preserved his family from the fate which befell them. Several of the Wahauby, during Saoud's lifetime, had acknowledged Abdullah, his eldest son, in case of accidents, to be his successor; notwithstanding which, as Saoud left several sons, who all claimed a part of the treasures of the deceased, hostilities between them and their elder brother broke out; but these were appeased by the influence and interference of the most powerful Ulemas at Dereyah ; and Abdullah was at last acknowledged as the Wahauby chief. The example set in the family of Saoud was followed by some of the great Shaiks, who began to assume airs of independence; and to perceive that the government had passed into feebler hands than had hitherto wielded, it; for though Abdullah's courage and skill in war were superior to his father's, still it was evident that he was very inferior to Saoud in the ability to manage the political interests of the different tribes under his command. Thus the Southern Wahaubys, who were most exposed to the attacks of the Turks, often received no assistance from the Northern Tribes, and Abdullah either wanted the power or the policy to adjust the differences which were taking place between the Southern Shaiks.THE WAHAUBY. 81 But perhaps nothing was so fatal to Abdullah, as the contempt in which he held the Turks. In September, 1814, the position of Mahommed Ally's forces, was, With the Pa§ha's Mohurderat Mecca about 200 Turks, and with Shereef Yahia in the same place 150 Arabian soldiers .... 350 With the Divan Effendi at Medinah........ 400 Garrison at Yembo .................................... 100 Stationed at Jedda .................................... 200 With Tousun Pa§ha between Yembo and Medina .................................................... 350 With Mahommed Ally himself, 200 infantry and 100 cavalry ................................ 300 With Hassan Pa§ha at Kolach, Arnauts 1000 With Abedin Bey 1200 Arnauts and 400 cavalry .................................................... 1600 Total 4300 Hassan Pa9ha, and his brother Abedin Bey, held the advanced posts of the Turkish army, and these had been pushed in advance of Tayef, and to the southward, into the territory of the tribe of Beni Nazzera, and towards the district of Zoh-ran, the Shaik whereof was the principal opponent of the Turks in that quarter; these posts had the advantage, from the fertility of the country in which they were stationed, to find themselves independent of the magazines at Tayef; but though there was corn, there was no other means of reducing it to flour, except that of pounding it between stones. G82 THE WAHAUBY. The force above enumerated might be equal to the defence of Mecca and Medina, but was certainly inadequate to the conquest of the Wahaubys : and, notwithstanding all the Papa's efforts, he had failed to procure a competent supply of camels. From the beginning of the war to this period, it is imagined thirty thousand camels had perished, and the animal had become so scarce in Egypt, that it became necessary to seek supplies as far as Sennar, and the pa9ha had even sent an officer to Damascus to procure a supply from thence. I have always thought that the effluvia produced by the corruption of a dead camel, was more powerful and more offensive than that proceeding from the decomposition of any other animal substance; and in Moabedi, the quarter of Mecca appropriated to the standing of the camels, the stench became so bad and pestilential, that the Turks even at last thought of consuming the carcasses with fire, by means of dry grass, brought from the mountains, and laid upon them. Various skirmishes took place between the Turks and Wahaubys, in which the advantage was sometimes on the one side, and sometimes on the other, but the most serious affair took place at Bahra, a small town, at a watering place between Mecca and Jedda, which the Wahaubys took possession of, and massacred all the inhabitants that they could find. This caused great consternation at Mecca, and the intercourse betweenTHE WAHAUBY. 83 Jedda and Mecca was for some time interrupted. That part of the Beni Harb tribe which had been induced to give assistance to the Turks, were now become hostile to them, in consequence of a disagreement between their shaik and the Divan Effendi, which ended in the effendi's causing the shaik to be seized, and soon after put to death. In the hope of bringing back these Beni Harbs to the cause of the Turks, Toussun Pa9ha was ordered to advance towards Medina, which he did in August. He reached Bedr in September, and found that these Arabs had fortified the pass of Tededah, and were resolved to oppose his passage. They demanded the life of the Divan Effendi, who very opportunely for the adjustment of the dispute, died, but not without a suspicion of his having been poisoned. This timely death, and valuable presents made to the young shaik,who was a minor, were at length considered as the atonement and price of the shaik's blood; and a reconciliation taking place, Toussun passed the defile of Tededah, and arrived at Medina in October. Shortly afterwards, the cavalry took up their position three days' journey in advance of Medina, and made several excursions towards the territories of the northern Wahauby tribes. It has been stated that Medin Bey, with the Arnauts under his command, occupied a position in Zohran, where, with a view to prevent an attack from the enemy, he destroyed, for forty g 284 THE WAHAUBY. miles around him, whatever might be serviceable to the passage of troops. To this species of defence he so confidently trusted, that all precautions against surprise were neglected; when, one morning, Bokroudj, joined by Tamy and other tribes, surprised the Arnauts, who scarcely fired one shot ere they abandoned their camp and all it contained. Here again the Turks lost all their tents, artillery, baggage and provisions, and it was not until those who escaped, arrived within four hours of Tayef, that they ventured to rest, leaving behind them 800 Turkish infantry and 80 horsemen, killed. The place where Abedin took position was called Lye, and here he received reinforcements from Tayef and Kolach, and orders, when it was known that the Wahaubys had returned to the northward, to retreat to Zohran. But the Turks had received too severe a lesson to render the execution of these orders either palatable or practicable, and all that Abedin Bey could do was to fix his head-quarters a little in advance of Lye. Notwithstanding all this, the Turks represented the affairs of Zohran as ending greatly in their favor; they exposed some sixty heads, which they stated to be those of Wahaubys slain in action ; they fired a salute at Jedda; they illuminated Cairo; and they trembled in their camp. A seasonable reinforcement of cavalry now arrived from Cairo, and of such cavalry as might well be considered the most useful and effectiveTHE WAHAUBY. 85 in the warfare in which the Turks were engaged. They had been drawn from the Lybian tribes of Bedouins, who in summer encamp in the neighbourhood of the valley of the Nile. Eight hundred of these, well accustomed to the Wahauby species of warfare, the horse and man equally inured to fatigue, and each cavalier having with him a camel carrying provisions for distant expeditions, were an invaluable acquisition to the Turkish army. Half of this force joined Toussun at Medina, and the other advanced to Tayef, where, they had 110 sooner arrived, than they distinguished themselves by distant expeditions against the Wahauby. They were well armed; and in one of their excursions they brought off a plunder, that must have been particularly valuable to the Turks,—eight thousand sheep. By purchase in Syria, and by pressing into his service from the pilgrim caravans, which arrived in November, Mahommed Ally Pa9ha, was enabled to collect together from seven to eight thousand camels, besides which the Egyptian caravan had also brought him a reinforcement of 1000 Turkish cavalry. That the whole of these camels might be employed 011 military service, the Hadj was detained at Mecca, and the Mahmil or sacred camel which had conveyed the new covering of the Caaba, was sent by sea to Suez after the pilgrimage was over. It was at this pilgrimage, that the favorite wife86 THE WAHAUBY. of Mahommed Ally, and who was the mother of Toussun, appeared in such splendour; having four hundred camels to transport from Jedda to Mecca her baggage and tents, which she pitched at the foot of mount Arafat. But the most splendid as well as the most useful pilgrimage ever performed by a lady, was that of Zobeideh, who makes such a figure in the Arabian Nights as the wife of the Caliph Haroun al Rashid; for she not only caused wells, at an immense expense, to be opened at every stage between Bagdad and Mecca, but also built near them towers of defence, in which afterwards garrisons were placed, and maintained at her expense. The pilgrims were this year supposed, altogether, to amount to upwards of 80,000 persons. Mahommed Ally Pa9ha now announced his intention of putting himself at the head of his troops; and being confident in the sufficiency of the preparations he had made, proposed another attack on Taraba. The pa9ha had with him twelve pieces of well-appointed artillery, against the fire of which it was not thought possible that the walls of Taraba could stand: he had prepared five hundred axes, to be employed in felling the date tree groves by which the town was surrounded: he had a number of masons and carpenters, who were to mine in such manner that the place should be blown into the air. He ostentatiously paraded through the town of Mecca a load of water melonTHE WAHAUBY. 87 seeds, which, after the fort had been blown into the air, it was proclaimed were to be sown on the place where the works had stood. These vauntings, however, did not tranquillize the fears of the troops, nor render the memories of such as had fought already with the Wahaubys less alive to the disasters they had undergone. The campaign began in the true Turkish style; thirteen Bedouins, of the tribe of Ateybe, who were proceeding to Jedda for the purpose of purchasing provisions, were seized, and by way of inspiring the troops with a consciousness of their own valour, were executed on the plain near Mecca, in presence of an immense multitude of spectators. The execution, indeed, whatever encouragement it might give the Ottomans, drew from the Meccan spectators curses and hisses on the perpetrators. Ahmed Aga, who has been before noticed, left Mecca on the 15th of December, with the major part of the infantry, and proceeded at once to Kolach, whilst the pa^ha intended to follow him on the 24th. But news arrived that a strong Wa-hauby force had been seen in the neighbourhood of Gonfonde, apparently advancing towards Jedda. This at first created considerable alarm, which however subsided when it was known to be only Shaik Tamy's men, who had their tents near Gonfonde. Various and varying were the reports which88 THE WAHAUBY. reached the pa£ha, between the 24th of December and the 7th of January, 1815, on which day the pa9ha actually marched from Mecca with all the troops that he could muster, proceeding towards Kolach, where the different chiefs of the army were already assembled, and where provisions calculated to be sufficient for fifty or sixty days w^re collected. When the pa9ha reached his second station at Zeyme, messengers, sent in haste from Kolach, brought him intelligence that a large body of Wahaubys had seized on the town of Byssel, which lies between Kolach and Tayef, and thus had interrupted the communication between those places: and that another body was making an incursion on the Arabs friendly to the Turks to the eastward of Kolach. Notwithstanding this, the pa9ha hastened his march to Kolach; aud on the next day proceeded towards Byssel with the whole of his cavalry. He found the Wahaubys encamped on the side of the mountains, which open towards the plains of Kolach, in a force computed at about 25,000, but with very little cavalry, and no artillery of any kind. But most of the potent Wahauby chiefs were to be found in this encampment; and it now evidently appeared that the attack on Gonfonde had been made with an intention of drawing off the pa9ha's attention from the main object of attack, which was Byssel, where they now occupied a strong position, in the very centre of the Turkish lines. As the TurkishTHE WAHAUBY. 89 cavalry approached, the Wahaubys kept their position on the mountains; but repulsed an attempt made by the pa9ha, to plant one of his field-pieces in a situation to annoy them. The day was passed in skirmishes, in which the Turks lost about twenty of their cavalry, slain by the spears of the Wa-hauby horsemen. The effect of these transactions was, that several of the Bedouins in the papa's service, and cowardly Turkish soldiers, deserted, and fled back to Mecca, where, by the reports they spread, they created intense alarm. Mahommed Ally soon perceived that as long as the Wahaubys maintained their position on the mountains, he had no chance of success against them, and he also knew that situated as he was, delay would be as dangerous in its effects to him, as it would be advantageous to his enemies. In the night he sent for a reinforcement from Kolach, and posted 2000 infantry with artillery on the flank of the Wahauby. When the morning broke he renewed the attack with his cavalry, and was again repulsed. He then had recourse to a stratagem which succeeded to the utmost of his wishes: he directed the column in flank to move nearer to the Wahauby camp, to fire off the artillery, and then retreat in seeming confusion. The Wahaubys pursued what they imagined to be fugitives; thought the hour was now come which was to bestow victory on their arms; and fatally forgot the90 THE WAHAUBY. last words of their great prince Saoud when dying. The Wahaubys had now reached the plain, and were sufficiently distant from the mountains to encourage the papa's meditated attack. He rallied his cavalry, faced his pursuers: the battle was soon decided in his favor, and the slaughter of the Wahaubys commenced: and as six dollars was the price proclaimed for each Wahauby head, we may easily imagine that the Turks carried on such traffic with vigor and spirit. It is said that in a few hours 5000 heads, at this price, were laid at the pa^ia's feet, and the hostile camp, baggage, and camels, became the prey of the Turks; whilst many of their principal chiefs escaped from the field of battle with difficulty ; and it is considered extraordinary, that near three hundred Wahaubys were reported to have accepted the quarter which was offered them at the express command of the pa^a. Something in this action was due to the personal courage of the pa9ha, but more to the firmness of mind which enabled him to stem the torrent of alarm which was spreading amongst his troops, and still more, for the military tact which produced the fortunate stratagem, and soldier-like manner in which it was conducted. There can be no doubt that the misfortunes of the Wahaubys on this day, proceeded solely from suffering themselves to be drawn into the plain; and if one could for a moment imagine that aTHE WAHAUBY. 91 Turkish pa9ha could condescend to acquaint himself with the language or history of the Giaours, he might gratify his pride by comparing the victory at Byssel, with Cromwell's famous battle of Dunbar; where, as Hume says, when Cromwell saw the Covenanters' camp in motion to descend to the plain, he " foretold without the help of revelations that the Lord had delivered them into his hands." The Wahaubys had flattered themselves on seeing the retreat of the artillery, and the apparent confusion of the Turkish army, that they should finish the war at one decisive blow by the capture of the pa9ha. Hope, often to nations as well as to individuals proves a deceiver, and is never more likely to do so, than when the prospects she holds out are apparently the fairest and most alluring. Before the account of this battle is closed, I would willingly mention the extraordinary circumstance of several bodies of the Asyr Arabs, who previously to their setting out on the expedition, had sworn by the divorce not to turn their backs on the Turks; they were found on the mountains by the victors tied together by the legs, with the intent of preventing each other from running away; and these fanatics fought as long as their ammunition lasted, and when that failed were all cut to pieces. It is certain that the event of this battle did not diminish the pride and vaunting insolence of the Turks, though their former series of disgrace and92 THE WAHAUBY. defeats had for some time past prevented the usual glaring exhibition of their failings : and though the inhabitants of the province of Hedjaz were not sorry to be relieved from the dominion of the Sectaries, yet their love of their country was still powerful enough to make them view the defeat of Arabs by Turks as a national misfortune ; and this feeling was by no means soothed by the papa's conduct towards the three hundred Wahaubys to whom quarter had been offered by "his express command." Will any being endowed with the form, faculty, and feelings of a man, read the fate of these wretches, thus deluded, without pouring curses on the head of him that directed it ? Fifty of these miserable men were impaled alive before the gates of Mecca; twelve suffered a like horrible death at every one of the coffee houses or halting places between Mecca and Jedda; and the rest finished their lives under torture before the Meccan gate at Jedda !! The action at Byssel led to the fall of Taraba, from which Faysal, Abdullah's brother, fled on the approach of the pa9ha ; the inhabitants thus abandoned by their allies, capitulated; and here the pa^ia fixed his head-quarters for some time. Amidst the numerous instances of treachery, cruelty, and baseness, which have been exhibited of Mahommed Ally, justice demands that one trait of his generosity and good feeling should be recorded. At Taraba, the Turks had entered someTHE WAHAUBY. 93 of the houses of the inhabitants, and had carried off some very handsome Arab women; these were by Ally's order and care restored to their families. After the capture of Taraba, the Turkish army employed itself in the reduction of various small castles in different parts of the country. In one of these, Sablaun, a chief of the Beni Salem Arabs, defended himself for four days against the Turkish infantry, commanded by Hassan Pa9ha. The pa9ha of Egypt, with the cavalry, was near at hand, and unfortunately for him Sahbaun was prevailed on to listen to terms of capitulation and safe conduct. Under these he marched out; but, thinking it proper to pay his respects to Hassan Pa9ha, he proceeded to his tent. In this interview the Turk accused the Arab of heresy ; the Arab defended his opinions; and on quitting the tent, the Turk ordered his soldiers to fall on the Arab, and they cut him in pieces. The pa9ha's quarters were now at Beishe, where he was joined by many Bedouins; for such as were discontented with the Wahaubys now came to seek redress from the pa9ha ; and in consequence of this, Mahommed Ally Pa9ha had an opportunity of creating a considerable influence, by displacing the heads of many tribes, and supplying their places by persons favorable to his interests. In this state of things intelligence was brought to the pa9ha that Shaik Tamy had assembled a considerable force in the mountains, resolved to try94 THE WAHAUBY. the issue of a second battle : it was therefore towards the territory of Tamy that the pa9ha now directed his course. In this march, the Turks suffered the extremes of hunger and fatigue, for the last biscuits were distributed before they left Beishe ; and when that supply was consumed, every man was left to furnish himself as well as he could : and though the pa9ha increased the pay of the troops, it was of little advantage to them in the purchase of such provisions as were offered for sale ; because the price of those provisions had from their scarcity increased in a proportion tenfold to the increase of pay. In two days' march from Beishe, the Turkish troops entered the mountains, and here they enjoyed some days' repose, having been fortunate to fall in with the Shomran Arabs, who were friendly to them. Notwithstanding this, the pa9ha in one day lost an hundred horses by death, and the troops became so much discontented, that orders were given to every commander to dismount and march at the head of their respective forces. At every halt a sort of market was established before the pa9ha's tent, over which he himself presided. As the troops approached the territory of Asyr, the rugged roads of the mountains rendered the transport of artillery difficult. The march and halts from Beishe had now consumed a space of fourteen days, when they reached the castle calledTHE WAHAUBY. 95 Tor, situated on an elevated spot, and surrounded by mountains. Here Tamy had collected near 10,000 men; and, on the first attack, the Turks were repulsed with the loss of 300; on the second day, however, the Turks bringing their field-pieces to bear, the Wahaubys gave way and fled, Tamy himself being the last to quit the field; and not before himself and a select troop had gallantly disputed it. In the fort was found a considerable store of provision, of ammunition, and the guns formerly taken at Gonfonde. Mahommed Ally now formally deposed Tamy as shaik of the Asyr Arabs, and sent Radjah in pursuit of him : the pa9ha himself gaining the seashore through passes of considerable difficulty. The prince of Yemen, Shereef Hamoud, had formerly made submission to the Wahauby; but, since the Turks entered Hedjaz, his conduct had been regulated as the success or defeat of each party took place; and, there was little doubt if the papa's expedition failed, but that he would have joined the former. As Yemen is generally considered as the most wealthy province of that part of Arabia, the pa9ha entertained a wish to compensate himself for the great expense he had hitherto incurred, by the plunder of it; which in the moments of their discontent he had frequently held out to his troops, with a view of appeasing them. But this discontent now broke out so violently, that Mahommed Ally thought it more pru-96 THE WAHAUBY. dent to direct his march to Gonfonde, than to pursue it to the southward. Tamy, who, after the battle of Tor, had taken refuge at Arysh, in the house of a relation of She-reef Hamoud; was basely delivered up to that prince; who thinking by that means to ward off the invasion which seemed to be threatening him, sent to the pa9ha to know how he would wish him to dispose of his noble prisoner: Hamoud was directed to deliver Tamy to Shereef Radjah, who took him to Gonfonde. A successful attack was then made on the tribe Bahroudj, in which the shaik of it was also made captive. Bahroudj made an attempt to escape ; was retaken and put to death in a very cruel manner. Tamy was beheaded at Cairo, and his head together with that of Bahroudj were sent to Constantinople. Of the ten thousand camels the pa9ha marched with, half were lost at Byssel; and about three hundred only returned to Mecca; quantities of baggage and ammunition were obliged to be destroyed, there being no means of carrying them away. Of the horses only three hundred returned; and of the 4,000 troops only 1,500, and these from the highest to the lowest in a most miserable condition. It will have been seen that a serious impression had now been made on the territories, strength, and resources of the Wahaubys: when the battle of Byssel took place, Abdullah headed a body ofTHE WAHAUBY. 97 troops in the province of Kaysm, held in readiness to oppose Toussun Pa9ha, should he advance from the side of Medina; but, on hearing the disastrous result of that action, he returned to Dereyah, under an apprehension that Mahommed Ally Pa9ha would direct his march towards Nejd, which he might easily have done from Taraba. After a short stay at Mecca, Mahommed Ally hastened to Medina, leaving Hassan Pa9ha governor of the town; and a garrison at Taraba under the command of Hossein Bey and Shereef Radjah. Many of the chiefs of the northern tribes now made offers to join Toussun Pa9ha; and he was joined, in his march, by the greater part of the Kaysm shaiks ; which induced the pa9hato project the conquest of Nejd. But as his father, however, never trusted him with much money, the means he possessed were very inadequate to the object he had in view, but being a man of first-rate personal courage and bravery, he was not discouraged by the smallness of his resources ; accordingly, in the end of March he left Medina with only three hundred cavalry, four hundred infantry, and about four hundred camels carrying provisions, and a small quantity of baggage. His first station was at the village of Hanakye, which, though ruined and deserted, the walls of it were still standing ; and he remained there till his father arrived at Medina, from whence Mahommed Ally sent a message to his son desiring him to H98 THE WAHAUBY. return to Medina, in order that he might concert with him a plan of future operations. Toussun, however, did not comply with this invitation ; but, on the contrary, proceeded on his march towards Kaysm. The rank Toussun held in the Ottoman empire was equal to that of his father, both being pa^as of three tails ; but notwithstanding this, the father kept the son in very strict deperjdance on him: so much so, that when he placed the north of Hedjaz under his command, he associated with him Kadery Effendi, through whom all business was to be transacted, and with whom Toussun was directed to advise. Toussun considered this not only as irksome, but even disgraceful to him, and the connection ended as is not unusual amongst the Turks. Toussun beheaded his tutor. Thus things were thrown into confusion, the political interests of the Turks with the neighbouring Arabs were not managed well, and Mahommed Ally had enough to do to correct the errors which his son committed. After Toussun had disobeyed his father's wishes in respect to returning to Medina, he received from him a reinforcement of 250 cavalry, and a detachment of infantry, and with these, and his former forces, early in May, Toussun reached the province of Kaysm. He was fortunate enough to capture 500 camels from the Heylem Arabs, and by means of these, he procured a supply of provisions from Yembo. At Rass, the principal town of Kaysm, several of the petty shaiks camethe wahauby. 99 in to him; but Hedgelan, the great shaik of the Kaysm Arabs, still supported the cause and interest of Abdullah, who, in the mean time, had collected an army of Nejd Bedouins and settlers, and had fixed his head-quarters at Shenana, five hours distant from Khabara, where Toussun Pa9ha had arrived, and was encamped. Toussun's situation now became perilous. Ibrahim Aga, a Scotch renegade, who commanded a body of cavalry, after a gallant resistance, had been cut to pieces, as well as his whole detachment. The enemy had intercepted the communication between Khabara and Medina, and although the province in itself was fertile enough to have furnished abundant supplies of provisions, still, as the cavalry of the Wahaubys was constantly hovering round the camp, the Turks depended solely on two or three villages for their daily supply ; and in these every thing began already to become very scarce. Besides which, Toussun knew enough of his Arab allies, to be certain that on the first untoward circumstance that might take place, they would join the Wahaubys. The impetuosity of Toussun, led him to the wish of extricating himself by a battle, but his officers and men refused to second him in this attempt, they were alarmed by the superior numbers of the enemy, and they were well aware, that in case of a defeat, not a man of them would be spared. The consequence of all this was, that some h 2100 THE WAHAUBY. Bedouins were employed to sound Abdullah, who sent an Arab named Habaub to discover what might be the real designs of Toussun, and what was the exact nature of his situation. The report made was favourable enough to Abdullah's cause; but he foresaw, or thought that he foresaw, that the entire destruction of Toussun's forces would not be a solid advantage to him, as it wrould probably cause Mahommed Ally to direct his whole strength against the Nejd; which he thought might prove more detrimental to his affairs, than a partial victory could be advantageous. Habaub was well received by Toussun, who in return sent Yahya Effendi, a Syrian by birth, well acquainted with the Arabic language, and who was the pacha's physician. Where both parties sincerely desire peace, negociation is seldom protracted, and this was the case in the present instance; for one of Abdullah's confidential servants was speedily dispatched with a treaty for the papa's ratification. The terms of it were, renunciation by Abdullah of all claim to the possession of the Holy Cities ; submission to the Sultan ;* and free passage for himself and followers through the Turkish dominions. Toussun Pa9ha abandoned to Abdullah Ibn Saoud those towns of Kaysm of which he had possession, and dismissed from his service the shaiks who had joined him. He likewise dis- * This could only be as a temporal prince.THE WAHAUBY. 101 claimed the protection of those tribes whose pasture grounds lay beyond Hanakye, and only claimed as his tributaries and allies, those between Hanakye and Medina, and in the territories of the Holy Cities. No care however was taken in this treaty of the interests of the southern Wahau-bys ; in consequence of which, such of those tribes who had joined the pagha, were subsequently severely punished by that officer. Now, though both sides were desirous of peace, they were both alike distrustful of each other's good faith in keeping it when concluded. Fear on the side of the pa9ha produced this suspicion, and experience of Turkish treachery might well generate it on the other; and the reader, perhaps, from the result, which, in this memoir, has been uniformly represented to accompany every compact on the part of the Turks, will wonder how Abdullah could be induced again to put faith in such documents. These suspicions produced a difficulty which of the parties should first break ground. Several letters passed on this subject between the two chiefs, but the matter was at length settled to the satisfaction of Abdullah. Toussun Pa^ia arrived at Medina about the end of June, accompanied by two of the Wahau-by officers, envoys to Mahommed Ally, with the articles of the peace, and bearing letters from their chief, one to the pa^ia, and another to his master, the sultan.102 THE WAHAUBY. Notwithstanding the services Mahommed Ally had already rendered to the Porte, in his persevering warfare against the Wahaubys, the advices which he received from his Kiah at Cairo, of a strong fleet from Constantinople, cruising in the Archipelago, gave him considerable uneasiness ; as an idea was entertained that it might be destined against Alexandria, into which the Kiah had thrown strong reinforcements. In consequence of these apprehensions, Selim Aga, the governor of Yembo, received orders on the 19th May, on pain of death, to have a ship ready to sail on that very evening; and on the next morning Mahommed Ally arrived, and without waiting to refresh himself, embarked immediately, and the vessel sailed direct for Corseir. On his landing, such was the papa's anxiety to proceed, that he mounted an ass, as no horse nor camel could be procured. So mounted, he proceeded to Genne, where he heard that the alarm which had gone abroad in respect to an attack on Alexandria, had subsided at Cairo. At this place he arrived on the 25th June, after an absence of two years. In the month of August following, the envoys sent by Abdullah to Toussun Pa9ha, arrived at Cairo; one of these was a relation of that prince, and a very learned man. They presented to the pa9ha the treaty concluded between their master and Toussun, and the letters for the sultan and theTHE WAHAUBY. 103 pa9ha with which they were charged. The pa9ha refused to ratify the treaty, unless it contained also the cession to the Turks of the province of Hassa, one of the richest and most fertile provinces possessed by Abdullah; and this the envoys refusing to undertake, they were dismissed with presents. The Wahauby had no leisure to reflect on the imprudence which he had committed in listening to terms from Toussun Pa9ha, and the political rectitude or infamy of the Turks on this occasion, turns on the point whether the treaty was concluded subject to Mahommed Ally's ratification, or whether Toussun, as equal in rank with his father, concluded it, with a condition that it should only be communicated to the latter as a thing done, and the which, he had not the power to alter. Whichsoever of these positions was the correct one, the effect to Abdullah was the same : he had permitted, to his cost, Toussun and his force to escape from certain destruction ; and Mahommed Ally refused to abide by that treaty by which that escape was purchased. Indeed, Mahommed Ally went so far as to represent this treaty at Constantinople as no more than a temporary armistice. Toussun Pallia arrived at Cairo on the 7th November, 1815, and was very coldly received by his father, in consequence, perhaps, of his too warm reception by the inhabitants of that city; and in the September following, being at Rosetta, and the plague prevailing there, he was carried off by it.104 THE WAHAUBY. The reader will recollect, that Mahommed Ally, appointed Ibn Medry, of the Asyr Arabs, in the place of Tamy; and no sooner had the pa9ha returned to Cairo, than Tamy's party, as Hassan Pa9ha and his Arnauts were unable to support him, obliged the new shaik to fly; on which several shaiks, relations of Ibn Medry, were despatched to Mahommed Ally with complaints and reclamations for assistance. These were received civilly, but nothing more was undertaken; until intelligence arrived in March 1816, that serious disturbances had broken out in Hedjaz. The Turkish cavalry, which had been stationed at Beishe, Rannye, and Taraba, had been imprudently withdrawn; and the latter place was entrusted solely to a small garrison of friendly Bedouins. Such being the case, and the southern Wahaubys having never been included in the treaty, the general position of these sectaries appeared to be gaining strength. In August 1816, an expedition, designed to march direct to Dereyah, by the way of Medina and Kaysm, was entrusted to the command of Ibraham Pa9ha, another son of Mahommed Ally's. This force consisted of about 2,000 infantry, and about 1500 Libyan Bedouin cavalry, all choice men. For Ibrahim Pa9ha was reserved the complete overthrow, conquest, and dispersion, of the Wahaubys : to recount the different marches and skirmishes of the two parties until the year 1818, would be only to repeat pretty much the sameTHE WAHAUBY. 105 story that has already been laid before the reader; and therefore, I shall confine myself to saying, that after the fall of his capital, and a subsequently desperate battle, Ibrahim succeeded in getting possession of the person of Abdullah Ibu Saoud, his women and treasures, which all arrived at Cairo in the latter end of that year; and on the 16th December, 1818, these noble captives were paraded through the streets of Constantinople in heavy chains ; and subsequently tortured: they were, on the next morning, brought in that miserable condition before the sultan: were then beheaded ; and their bodies, after three days exposure, were delivered to further indignities, at the pleasure of a fanatic and enraged populace. Thus ended, for the present, the power and government of this singular people, who, from very slight and feeble origin, had at one time, arrived at such a degree of power, as to cause the most serious alarm both to the Turkish pa^ias throughout all Asia, as well as to their master the sultan at Constantinople, and to the orthodox followers of Mahomet in general; and who had actually suffered themselves to be so far deluded as to their real strength, as to imagine that they might brave with impetuosity the British government in India. The succession of their rulers or princes were, 1st. Mahommed Ibn Saoud. 2d. Abdul Azeez Ibn Saoud, 3d. Saoud Ibn Abdul Azeez. 4th. Abdullah Ibn Saoud. Before I close this imperfect memoir of this106 THE WAHAUBY. once powerful and extraordinary sect, 1 beg to offer the reader some account of Their spiritual and political government, and religious opinions: Their administration of justice : Their revenues, and the sources from whence those revenues are drawn: And, their military system and mode of warfare. A long residence at Bagdad, a longer one at Bassora, afforded me not only an opportunity of much enquiry on these points, and of learning something, but also of often lamenting the deficiency and inconsistency of the information I received. I have read over very carefully the intelligent Mr. Burckhardt's very valuable Materials for a History of the Wahaubys, edited by-Sir William Ouseley, and when the information which that contains agrees with that of which I am in possession, or with what 1 have credibly heard stated as fact, I will either use it in my own words, or repeat it in his, and I will at once say, when I am deficient in information, or' ignorant of a fact stated by Mr. Burckhardt, I can safely leave his book in the hands of my readers with an unqualified assurance, that my ignorance is not the slightest proof that the matter was not as it is represented by that lamented gentleman. Before I proceed further, I must remark, however, that either Mr. Burckhardt or his editor appear to me to have fallen in limine into a grie-THE WAHAUBY. 107 vous and gross mistake, at least if I can believe all those with whom I ever conversed on the subject. The mistake is this: if I read the text right, it states that Mahommed Ibn Saoud married the daughter of Abdulwahaub,* whereas I believe the fact to be as I have stated it in the second paragraph of the memoire, that Abdulwahaub, on his retreat to Dereyah, married Mahommed Ibn Saoud's daughter; and that in consequence of this connexion, though Abdulwahaub remained the book, Mahommed Ibn Saoud become the sword of the sect. I shall now proceed to trouble the reader with my observations on the points alluded to above, in the same order as I have placed them. There can be no doubt but Mr. Burckhardt is perfectly correct when he states, that the religion and government attempted to be established by the Wahaubys, was nothing more than a puri-tanism of the religious and civil code of Islam; and the efforts of Abdulwahaub and of Mahommed Ibn Saoud, were solely pointed to reform the abuses tolerated and practised amongst the other professors of that cod€; and in the place of them, to establish an adherence to the true faith. It is seldom that the doctrines of a reformer are clearly * Abdulazeen, the son of Mahommed Ibn Saoud, married Abdul" wahaub's daughter, and had by her, Saoud Ibn Adulazeen, the third prince of the Wahaubys, and two other sons, one named Ab-derrahman, and the other Abdullah."108 THE WAHAUBY. and completely understood, even by his friends,* and they are almost always misunderstood, and consequently misrepresented, by his enemies. The Turks., without much examination of those promulgated by Abdulwahaub, pronounced them heretical; nor did they stop here, for finding these doctrines to speak less respectfully of, and express less veneration for, the Prophet, than they had been accustomed to entertain, they boldly pronounced the followers of them to be Kafirs, or infidels. In these prejudices and false opinions they were much strengthened by the representations made by the shereefs of Meccaand as the Wahaubys gained strength and proselytes, the Turkish pa^as, whose governments lay nearest to the Bedouins, became alarmed, and joined in the cry; and when the Wahaubys began to interfere with and vex the Hajge pilgrims, those individuals, on their return to their homes, gave pretty much the same account of the new sectaries, as the Christian pilgrims to Jerusalem before the Crusades, gave, on their return to Europe, of the Saracens.f The testimony which well informed * As the fanatic mob of a new sect can seldom be impressed with the true spirit of its founder, it happened that the greater part of the followers of Abdulwahaub considered as chief points of doctrine such as were rather accessories, and thus caused their enemies to form very erroneous notions of the supposed new religion.— Burckhardt, Met. p. 114. f " Every pilgrim who returned from Palestine related the dangers he had encountered in visiting the Holy City, and describedTHE WAHAUBY. 109 persons, and those who had taken pains to examine the doctrines of Abdulwahaub, could have given to the contrary, was shyly published, and when published, weak in its effect against popular clamour. But one cannot help smiling at the absurdity and ignorance of a Frenchman taking on himself in 1808- to state to the world that the Wa-haubys preach a new religion, and that although they acknowledge the Koran, yet they have entirely abolished the pilgrimage to Mecca: but the smile is converted into contempt, when by way of imposing on the public, he goes on to say he derived his information from a " chapelain de Saoud;" implying, as Mr. Burckliardt very properly says, an office in Saoud's establishment, of which he cannot form any exact notion, and an office of which, I will answer for it, Saoud himself never heard, nor ever dreamt. Perhaps the fairest and best means of judging how far the creed of the Wahaubys differs from, or accords with, the Koran, and consequently to what degree it is orthodox or heterodox, would be to compare the contents of that volume with the catechism published by Saoud after the capture of with exaggeration the cruelty and vexations of the Turks, who, to use the language of those zealots, not only profaned the sepulchre of the Lord by their presence, but derided the sacred mysteries in the very place of their completion, and where the Son of God was speedily expected to hold his great tribunal."—Russell's History of Modern Europe, p. 264.110 THE WAHAUBY. Mecca, which I believe is now admitted to contain nothing but what the soundest expositors of the Koran and the most learned Mahommedan theologians admit. The Wahaubys even acknowledge the traditions of Mahommed (the Sunnet) as fundamental; and Mr. Burckhardt very justly observes :—" In the attempt however to exhibit the " primitive practices and pure dogmas of the ori-" ginal founder of Islam, and of his first followers, " as established upon these laws, they were very " naturally led to condemn a number of false opi-" nions and corruptions which had crept into Islam " as at this day taught;" and amongst these, one of the most striking, was the manner in which the Sunnees and other Mahommedans honour their Prophet, which almost approaches to adoration, and this, though in somewhat an inferior degree, is extended to others considered by them as Mahommedan saints. Nothing can be more certain than that there are very numerous passages contained in the Koran, expressly declaring that the Prophet is mortal; whilst early and learned commentators, carried away by their veneration for the founder of their religion, attempted sophisti-cally to prove, that though dead and buried, he had not shared the common lot of mortals,* but was still alive; and " that his access to the Al-" mighty, and his being dearly beloved by him, * Is it not possible they may have borrowed this after thought from Christianity ?THE WAHAUBY. Ill " rendered it easy for him to protect and recom-" mend any of his faithful adherents to God's fa-" vour." This opinion was held in the utmost abomination by the Wahaubys, so that when the Turks and other Mahommedans stood before the tomb of Mahommed at Medinah, making prayer to the Prophet, the Wahaubys considered these prayers as impious invocations, and applied to those who made them an appellation which Mahommedans frequently bestow on Christians, i. e. " Associators," i. e. persons who associate other beings with God. The common sepulchral honour bestowed on Mahommedan saints, is that of erecting a Ttumbeb or dome over the spot where they lie buried; these, wherever the Wahaubys came, they invariably destroyed, to prevent (as they said) idolatry. There were no points of the Koranic law on 'which the Wahaubys laid greater stress or more rigidly observed, than alms-giving, obedience to the sumptuary regulations of Mahommed, severe and impartial justice, war against the infidels, abstinence from all liquors and everything else which might inebriate, adultery, and practices contrary to nature. believe I may assert without fear of well founded contradiction, that not a single new precept was to be found in the Wahauby code; and when the Treatises on Religion written by Abdulwahaub himself were exposed and examined at Cairo, before and by the most learned oulemas112 THE WAHAUBY. of that city, they declared unanimously " that if " such were the opinions of the Wahauby, they " themselves belonged altogether to that creed^ The Wahaubys considered the smoking tobacco to be unlawful (thinking I suppose that it slightly tends to disturb the brain); but it is well known that many Sunnee oulemas, in their writings, have declared it to be a forbidden practice; and indeed one of the four orthodox sects of the Musselmans (the followers of Imam Malek) pronounces it to be hateful. The Wahaubys also forbade praying over the rosary or string of beads, a practice, indeed, neither against nor in conformity with any positive law; but the report that they prohibited the use of coffee was propagated by the Turks for a particular purpose. The fact is, they make use of this most agreeable, wholesome, and refreshing beverage, as all their countrymen do, which is in frequent small potations, but amounting in the day to a great quantity. And now before I close this hasty and imperfect sketch of " the spiritual government and opinions " of the Wahaubys, let me turn to my friend the bold Frenchman (for bold indeed he may well be called who talks of a " chapelain de Saoud ") and tell him that Abdulwaliaub, and Mahommed Ibn paoud, the founders of the sect, positively commanded the pilgrimage to Mecca; but they commanded it to be performed according to the ritual of the Koran ; and that all that they omitted or for-THE WAHAUBY. 113 bade about it, was the use of such rites and ceremonies, in the performance of the pilgrimage, as were connected with invocations or honors to saints. The first thing Saoud did after he got possession of Mecca, was to make a pilgrimage to Beit-allah, or house of God, to swallow copious draughts drawn from the well Zem-zem, and to bathe and purify himself with its reputed holy water. The political government of the Wahaubys was in a proper sense free ; to enslave Arabia is impossible :■—Saoud knew it. He therefore was contented to put himself at the head of the shaiks, whose tribes had received his doctrines ; and in this character, he mainly directed all their political movements; but those movements were generally in appearance, if not in fact, previously debated in council. Each shaik, however, in his own tribe, remained independent ; except being obliged to conform to the strict sense of the law, and liable to punishment, if he infringed it. Formerly the will of an Arab was his law ; but the Wahauby chief now compelled him to obey, in all their purity, the civil and criminal, as well as the religious, laws of the Koran and Sunnet. I extract with great pleasure the following excellent passage from Mr. Burckhardt:—"Whether " the commonly received doctrine be considered " as orthodox, or that of the Wahaubys should be " pronounced the true Mahommedan religion, is, i114 THE WAHAUBY. " after all, a matter of little consequence ; but it " became important to suppress that infidel indif-" ference which had pervaded all Arabia, and a " great part of Turkey, and which had a more " baneful effect on the morals of a nation, than " the decided acknowledgment of a false religion. " The merit, therefore, of the Wahaubys, is not " that they purified the existing religion, but that they made the Arabs strictly observe the positive precepts of one certain religion; for although " the Bedouins at all times devoutly worshipped " the Divinity, yet the deistical principles alone " could not be deemed sufficient to instruct a na-4< tion so wild and ungovernable in the practice of " morality and justice." And therefore, as I more than doubt that the impression which Mahommed Ally Pa9ha has made on Arabia, " by his gold, ra-" ther than the valour of his troops," will make the Arabs better men, happier men, or better neighbours,—I shall not regret to see the government which this pa^a has, for the present, dissolved, rise from its ashes ; for faulty as no doubt it was, time would have softened or corrected the worst of its faults; and I have no hesitation in saying, I prefer enthusiasm, or, if you will, fanaticism to atheism; the operations of the most imperfect laws, to the operations of anarchy; and that my imagination cannot figure to itself a more despicable, a more dangerous, a more cruel being to society, than an atheist Turk.THE WAHAUBY. 115 THE ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE. Abdulazeez was the first Wahauby chief who sent Kadis, or judges, from Dereyah to all the districts under obedience to him. These were chosen from able and learned persons; an annual salary was allowed them; they were strictly forbidden to accept fees or bribes from the contending parties; and their judgment in all cases was to be ruled by the laws of the Koran and the Sunnet; from their judgment, however, there was an appeal to the supreme spiritual chief. As a means of preventing robberies, Abdulazeez made every tribe responsible for such robberies as were committed within its territory ;* and such tribes as were strong enough to repel or resist a hostile invasion of a camp or town, and wanted inclination or courage to do so, were punished by a fine equal in value to the amount of the robbery committed. There was nothing which the Wahauby chiefs seem to have had more at heart, than the abolishment of the system of "Blood revenge ," at once the cruellest, most Unjust, and most vindictive principle ever adopted for retributive justice. In this amiable intention, they were never able completely to succeed; they frequently went so far as to compel * Do not we find something of this sort in the elder part of our own laws, making counties answerable for robberies between light and its departure ? I 2116 THE WAHAUBY. the relations of the deceased to accept the fine* offered by the homicidal party ; but if the other party had taken its revenge before orders could be given to the contrary, they who took this revenge, were never called to an account for it.f To do this, was beyond the power of the Wahauby, even when that power was at its greatest height; for an act of this sort would have burst asunder every bond of society throughout Arabia. It will not, I presume, be" denied, that enactments, which have for their object the prevention of crime, are wiser than those which declare punishment for a crime committed on supposition : and it is in this light, that we must view the Wahauby law, that if in a quarrel or affray one drew a dagger and wounded another, the whole of the bystanders were fined for allowing the matter to proceed so far. When quarrels took place between tribes, Saoud first sent messengers bearing to both parties his commands to keep peace ; if, after this, war between them took place, he levied a fine on both, and obliged each to pay the other the price of blood, for the lives of all those who perished in the first onset. As a proof how greatly Saoud was respected, and how firmly his power was esta- * Abou Beker, the successor of Mahommed, fixed the price of blood at 100 she-camels. Saoud, each camel at 8 Spanish dollars; therefore the price of blood amongst the Wahaubys became 800 Spanish dollars. f See Mr. Hope's excellent Anastasius, vol. 3, p. 182, orig. edit.THE WAHAUBY. 117 blished, it may be mentioned, that a single negro slave, sent by him, has frequently be known to arrest a great shaik in his own camp, and carry him to prison at Dereyah.* The Bedouins possess tout little money, and therefore the fines imposed by the Wahauby chiefs, were levied in horses, camels, and sheep. Throughout the whole of the Wahauby territories, the old law of Dahhiel or protection was abolished, at least as far as screening the culprit from the hands of justice; he indeed who had committed murder or killed another, might fall Dahkiel on a friend, to save him from the immediate vengeance of the deceased relations; but this protection could only extend till the culprit was claimed by the hiw. For petty crimes, the great shaiks uniformly claimed the privilege of granting Dahhiel, but Saoud never in the end permitted this to go further than intercession for mitigating the fine attached to the crime. In the early part of the Wahauby governments, the offence which most frequently called for punishment, was that of holding intercourse with heretics, especially as the inhabitants of the Nejd were in the habit of visiting and trading with Medina, Damascus, Bagdad and Bassora; and the commission of this crime was so frequent, and consequently the punishment so often called for, that Saoud found it necessary, in this instance, to * Saoud had a slate prison in his house at Dereyah.118 THE WAHAUBY. relax his usual severity. The law declared, that if a Wahauby, whether Bedouin or merchant, should be found on the road going towards any heretic country, (of which the direction of the road, and the nature of the merchandize loaded, were considered as sufficient testimonies) his whole property in goods and cattle, should be confiscated to the public treasury; whilst, if he was found returning, that is, on a road leading from a heretic country, his property was not examined, and his person was respected. Arbitrary* impositions, common in Turkey, were never practised by the Wahaubys. That which the converts considered to be the most oppressive part of Saoud's government, was the frequent orders they received to join him on his expeditions against heretics. In these cases, the Arab was obliged to find his own food, and camels or horses, and the only remuneration he received was his share of plunder, if the expedition was successful: such expeditions, therefore, were often to individuals extremely expensive. Saoud's maxim was,—there is no just and necessary war but against heretics,—such war is the service of God,—shall a man be paid for serving God? Whoever, on account of some minor offence, had incurred the displeasure of Saoud, could find no readier or easier way to obtain his forgiveness, than to join him on these expeditions. Short of capital punishment, the severest that * Called by the Franks Avanias.THE WAHAUBY. 119 was inflicted by the Wahauby chief was that of shaving the beard, but this punishment was confined to persons of distinction, or rebel shaiks, and and by most of these, death was considered as more tolerable, than the disgrace which attended the loss, in this manner, of what all oriental people hold to be the chief ornament of the face.* The Koranic Law, in respect to robbery and many other things, is like the laws of some other countries, replete with nice and subtle distinctions; and the Sunnet, " full of wise saws and modern in-stances."f A thief, if taken, is obliged to return the stolen goods, or the value of them, and if he have * I once in Persia, in the time of Lutf Ally Khan, saw the punishment of the loss of beard inflicted in rather a comical manner. There were about a dozen fellows who had deserted their colours in an action; they were afterwards seized, they were made to kneel down, their hands tied behind them, and a plank was raised before them to the exact height of their chins ; on this plank a train of gunpowder was placed, and on the powder was laid the beards of these run-aways; behind each, a person held a drawn sword, close at his back ; the powder was set fire to on a signal, and in an instant the culprits became beardless, but there was scarcely one who was not more or less wounded in the back by the sword, in consequence of an involuntary motion when the powder flashed ; and of many the eyes were injured. f " Modern instances"—these in some countries are carried very far; and there is one country in which one judge is permitted to interpret the law one way, and another judge another, and both are afterwards regarded as precedents!— a complete Dutch concert, where eveiy man not only sings his own song, but sings it to his own tune. If this were put an end to, many an1 honest man's money would remain in his pocket, which is now shamefully taken out of it.120 THE WAHAUBY. not used violence in the commission of the theft, no further notice is taken, or punishment inflicted ; but if, in the commission of the robbery, he has broken open a door, his right hand becomes forfeited to the law. He who, in a dispute, kills another with a dagger or a pistol, is condemned to death; but if death takes place either by a blow from a stone or from a stick, it is considered as manslaughter, and is compellable to be settled by the payment of the price of blood: and this is in consequence of its being supposed that the person by whom it is inflicted is not armed, or at all events, that he has not used any deadly weapon. If a person on foot is injured by ahorse on which another is riding, and the injury be done with the forelegs of the horse, the rider becomes liable to severe penalties, according to the extent of the injury received ; but if it be done with the hinder legs of the horse, the rider is not held accountable for it.* Heavy penalties are ordained to be levied on those who curse a Wahauby, and still heavier on those who call him infidel,—those who know, and have been accustomed to hear, the odious terms in wrhich reproach is conveyed throughout the East, will be pleased to find that the terms commonly made use of amongst the Wahaubys are at least decent, and seldom exceed Of doer, (thatis, * Because the sufferer is regarded as going too near the horse, and not the horse going too near him.THE WAHAUBY. 121 O doer of evil or mischief,) 0! Leaver off! (that is, Of Leaver off of religious and social duties,) and an Englishman may, perhaps, be surprised to learn, that the punishment of putting the feet into stocks, (called Dibabi) is in use amongst the Wahaubys, very much in the same manner as it is with us,— that it is confined to the lower classes of society. Divorce amongst the Arabs was often resorted to, for very slight, frivolous, and unjustifiable causes; this Saoud, endeavoured, as much as possible to check, and whenever he heard that any one had sworn by the divorce, (that is, of his wife) he commanded that person to be severely beaten. The neglect of religious duties was always severely punished:—to break the fast of Ramazan, without legitimate cause, subjected the offender to capital punishment, and Abdulazeez once ordered the sentence to be carried into execution. Usury and lending money, on interest, (which had not been uncommon amongst the Bedouins) Saoud strictly prohibited, it being contrary to the express tenor of the law. But money might be lent, without offence, on the principle that the lender shared the loss, if there were any, or that he took one half of such profit, as might arise from the speculation for which the money was lent. These, as far as I know, I believe to have been the general outlines of Saoud's administration of justice.122 THE WAHAUBY. REVENUES. 1st. Saoud received, as Mahommed ordained, one-fifth of the spoil taken in war. 2nd. The tribute established by the Koran, and known under the name of Zacat, or alms, which was levied on land, merchandise, and various other species of property. Land watered naturally, or by rains, paid a tithe or tenth of its produce ; whilst from that artificially watered, a twentieth was only collected. The merchant paid two and a half per cent, yearly on his capital, and though this was collected from him on oath, the revenue was found to suffer grievous frauds in this branch of it. The Mahommedan law has fixed the Zacat with great minuteness, and those who wish for information respecting it, in detail, may consult Sale's translation of the Koran, and D'Ohsson's laborious and correct work, Tab. Gen. de VEmp. Otto. Saoud divided the Zacat which he collected, into two parts; that which he received from the Bedouins, was carried to his private treasury; that collected from cultivators or townsmen, was carried to the Bait al Mai, or public treasury, and of this, there was one in every city, and indeed in every village of any kind of note. 3rd. The revenue, (which, like our ancient kings) Saoud drew from his own domains, was very considerable, and was constantly, until the destruction of his power, encreasing ; for he hadTHE WAHAUBY. 123 established a rule, that when any ^district or city rebelled, for the first offence it was plundered; and if the offence was committed a second time, it was not only plundered, but the lands, and every thing else, were confiscated to the public treasury. Parts of the land so confiscated, Saoud sometimes bestowed on strangers, become converts, but left the major part of it in the hands of the proprietors, on terms something like tenantry; that is, on their paying, according to circumstances, one third, or one half, of the produce. Considerable districts were thus confiscated, and Mr. Burck-hardt assures us, that at present, most of the landed property in Nedj, belongs to the Beit al Mai, or treasury ; that of Kasym, whose inhabitants have been constantly in rebellion, is entirely held in farm, and many villages of Hedjaz, and in the mountains towards Yemen, are attached also to the treasury. 4th. Another source of revenue was from fines levied for trespasses against the law. The crime of disobedience was frequently expiated by fine, and it was a maxim in the Wahauby courts, that an Arab who falsely accused another, was mulcted to the public treasury. To every Beit al Mai, or public treasury, there was appointed by Saoud a clerk or writer, whose principal business was to watch the shaik of the place, and prevent his pilfering from the public revenue ; and for further security in this respect,124 THE WA1IAUBY. the Shaiks were strictly forbidden to interfere in the collection. The funds thus collected were appropriated to public services, and Mr. Burck-hardt says, which perfectly agrees with every thing I ever heard on the subject, " that they were " divided into four parts." One fourth was sent to the great treasury at Dereyah; one fourth was applied to the. relief of paupers; the pay of the Ou-lemas or doctors, who were to instruct the cadis and young men, and for keeping in repair the mosques and public wells in the district of the Beit al Mai, and one half was expended in furnishing provisions to indigent soldiers, or in case of necessity, furnishing him with camels on an expedition, and a part was appropriated also for the entertainment of guests. This last part was paid into the hands of the shaik of the tribe, a part of whose house or tent is a sort of inn, where all strangers may alight and be fed gratis; and therefore it was thought but justice that the public should contribute towards an expence so incurred ; and to some shaiks this payment was every year as much as two hundred camel load of corn, the same number of loads of dates, and a thousand Spanish dollars in money. From the great treasury at Dereyah, the Wahauby chief was enabled to relieve such of his followers, as had been plundered of their property by the enemy, and where the indigent Sectary, on an expedition, had lost either his camel or hisTHE WAHAUBY. 125 mare, it was from this fund that it was replaced to him. Besides this, the Wahauby chief, after the example of Mahommed, was in the habit of rendering annual presents of money to the Bedouin shaiks, as tokens of his good will. The collectors of this part of the revenue, the Zacat, started every year from Dereyah, for the districts to which they were nominated, and they received a certain sum for their trouble, and the expences of their journey. The mode of payment was well calculated to prevent fraud; an Arab was fixed on to prepare a statement of the sums payable by the district; another collected them, and paid them over to the collector, who gave a receipt to the district or tribe, for the sum so paid. The time appointed for the payment, was the first spring month, because the camel and the sheep had then produced their young ; the place of payment was settled between the collector and the shaik of the tribe, and with Nomadic Arabs it was generally some well known watering-place, to which all interested were ordered to repair. It was from his private treasury that Saoud paid the expences of his house establishment, and of his own guard. I fear I must confirm what Mr. Burckhardt states of the avidity which the Wahauby chiefs manifested in their dealings with their subjects, and that the possession of a fine mare often126 THE WAHAUBY. tempted them to acts of injustice towards her owner ; and that the trite line of Crescit amor nummi quantum ipsa pecunia crescit was never more forcibly exemplified than in Saoud. His income was always much beyond his expenditure : after the great plunder which was obtained by the capture of Kerbela, and the sacking of different towns in Yemen, he became more avaricious, and this corruption of his heart, (as the Arabs called it) had rendered many shaiks too cool towards his interests, long before Mahommed Ally entered the Hyaz, and probably had the Wahauby chief been as free of his money as the Turk, Mahommed Ally; would never have gained a footing in the Hedjaz. I cannot from my own knowledge state any amount of the revenues collected by the Wahauby, nor even offer an opinion which would be satisfactory to myself on their probable amount I believe that the revenues of Oriental states are seldom known with great precision, even to the rulers of those states themselves, for there are many causes from which a variation in their amount must frequently arise:—a considerable part of them is collected in kind, and the value of such collection must depend on the value of the articles collected, which is constantly fluctuating. On this head therefore, the best thing I can do, both for the reader and myself, is to present him withTHE WAHAUBY. 127 the following paragraph on this subject, taken from Mr. Burckhardt. "Many exaggerated statements have been made " respecting the Wahauby revenue. Some well " informed Mekkans, who enjoyed frequent access " to the person of Saoud and to his family, and had " the best opportunities of knowing the truth, and " no reason for concealing it, told me, that the " greatest amount ever received by Saoud into his " own or the public treasury of Dereyah in one " year, was two millions of dollars,* but that in " general it did not exceed one million of dollars " annually. This does not include the sums re-" ceived by the treasuries in the districts and " towns, which however are generally expended, " leaving no surplus at the end of the year." One thing, however, I think I may venture to assert as certain, that the revenue on an average exceeded the expence of the Wahauby chief, and, that Abdullah, at the time of his capture and the downfall of his state, must have possessed treasure to a considerable amount. WARFARE, AND MILITARY AFFAIRS OF THE WAHAUBYS. The ancient principle of the Bedouins, in this respect, the Wahauby never attempted to change; a force, on certain established regulations, was collected together for an excursion against an enemy; the attack was made, and whether successful or * About £450,000 sterling.128 THE WAHAUBY. otherwise, when that was done, the force was dissolved. It is true, that as the Wahauby power at Dereyah increased and became more stable, the retainers of the chief were augmented, and might not improperly be termed a body-guard; particularly, as they were paid and supported from the private treasury of the chief. But, after all, comparatively speaking, this force was numerically small; still, from the intimate intercourse it held with the head and leader of the nation, it was respected by the people, and never failed to distinguish itself in the field. I have before mentioned, that war, by the Wa-haubys, was considered as a principle of religion, and not, as amongst other nations, a matter of state; it was an excursion, and not a series of consecutive operations regularly pursued. When occasion required, therefore, the shaiks of the Bedouin districts were summoned to send their quota to perform " the service of God," i. e. to war against heretics ; to shrink from this service was apostatism, to perform it required neither pay nor reward. The summons, as to number required, was made out according to the population of the district, and the detail of its execution was left to the shaik to whom it was addressed. In this sort of holy conscription, one rule, except on extraordinary exigencies, was invariably observed, namely, that only one half of the force of the state was called out, and that the half which had served thisTHE WAHAUBY. 129 year, was excused from serving the year following. From the age of eighteen to that of sixty, married or unmarried, all were liable to be called on. The cavalry, however, were not expected to join, unless it was particularly expressed in the requisition; but this was so seldom omitted, and the charge of service to those who possessed a horse was so heavy, that many sold their horses, to escape the liability of being called on; and thus Saoud impoli-tically diminished the number and strength of his best force. A general and peremptory requisition was always couched in these terms :—" we shall not count " those who join, but those who do not;" on this summons, all were obliged to march, and to such as were really unable to furnish themselves with horse, or camel, and provisions, the means were supplied to them by the Beit el Mai. There was, however, another sort of requisition, called th esylle, which only called for the most select of the horsemen and camel riders, and this, it seems, did not call above one in twenty to the field; but the expeditions on which these were employed, were so expensive to the conscripts, that many preferred being severely fined, to personal service. It was allowable, however, unless the summons was for a general assembly or for the sylle, to hire a substitute; the cost of which, for an expedition of forty days, was from eight to ten Spanish dollars, exclusive of provisions. On short expeditions, it was K130 THE WAHAUBY. a favourite plan of Saoud's, to place two musque-teers on one camel, and the second man was called meradif. The quantity and nature of the provisions generally considered necessary for an expedition for the use of one person was :— One hundred lbs. of flour, 60 ditto dates, 20 ditto butter, a sack of wheat or barley for the camel, and a water skin. The dates, mixed with the flour and butter, and the mixture or paste baked in the ashes, served for their morning and evening meal. In the early times of the Wahauby, it was not uncommon for Saoud to address a mandate to all his shaiks, acquainting them " that such and such " Arabs had become his enemies, and that until " further orders were issued, every one was at " liberty to attack and annoy them." Three or four flying expeditions were then sent against them, and the Arabs so attacked, from a constant fear of losing their crops or their cattle, were soon brought to obedience. It was but seldom that Saoud communicated to his magnates the plan of an expedition, before they all met at the place appointed for assembling; and this was some watering place which, from its situation, was likely to mislead the enemy; thus, if the march of the expedition lay to the northward, the troops and their chiefs were ordered to meet to the southward of Dereyah. Saoud's prudence and foresight in this branch of his warfare, wereTHE WAHAUBY. 131 notorious and proverbial, and Mr. Burckhardt states; " that when he invaded the Hauran plains, "in 1810, although it required thirty-five days to " arrive at the point of attack, yet the news of his " approach only preceded his arrival two days," and even then it was not known what part of Syria he designed to fall upon; and thirty-five villages of the Hauran were sacked by his soldiers, before the pa9ha of Damascus could adopt any means for their defence. Saoud had formed a sort of body-guard, which remained constantly with him at Dereyah, and this troop, which was called Mendjyeh, was the only standing force he possessed; their known and established bravery, and their determination neither to give nor take quarter, caused them to be particularly dreaded by those to whom they were opposed ; their number was about three hundred, and man and horse fought in armour ; the horse, in such parts of him as were most open, and consequently most liable to receive wounds, was covered with a strong quilted woollen stuff, capable, from its texture, of defending the animal from serious injury, either by the thrust of a lance, or the stroke of a sabre; the service of these men was voluntary, both as to its entrance and continuance ; but in their attack or defence, whenever called for, Saoud placed the utmost confidence, and he always kept them as a corps de reserve, for some special occasion. K 2132 THE WAHAUBY. The Wahaubys, in their warfare, paid no respect to the holy month of Ramazan; for the destruction of heretics and infidels, according to them, was fully as acceptable to God, as prayer and fasting. On their march, the shaiks of tribes were distinguished by their standards. Saoud had many, and of various colours; and his complement of baggage-beasts amounted to 200 or 250 camels at most; for during the time he continued in the field, he was expected to support and exercise the same hospitality he did at Dereyah. Mr. Burck-hardt says: " If the army marches at night, the " chiefs, and all the great shaiks, have torches " carried before them." I never heard of this,, and such a custom is so completely at variance with the common character of Arabian warfare, and so inconsistent with a system of surprise, which was that which Saoud almost always acted on, that I must be permitted to think, that in this instance, Mr. Burckhardt was misinformed. The main body of the army was always preceded by a troop consisting of thirty or forty horsemen, which body was called Sabr. The thorough-paced Wahauby, like the early disciple of Mahommed, was profoundly convinced that he who fell fighting with infidels and heretics, passed from this life instantly into paradise: thus it was, when a shaik was killed in battle, and his mare came galloping back to her own ranks, without a rider, that the event was announced to Saoud inTHE WAHAUBY. 133 terms of satisfaction : " Joy to you, O Saoud! the " mare of such a man is come back." In the capture and plunder of an Arab encampment, the Wahaubys, though they turned aside, and threw them a few rags, for the sake of decency, always obliged the women to strip themselves naked, but no further insult was offered to them, and when the plundering had ceased, some clothes were distributed amongst them. To such as surrendered without fighting, Saoud seldom refused to grant security, or the Aman Ullah, viz. God's security. This was sometimes unconditional, and sometimes conditional; when unconditional, it extended to person and property; when otherwise, it was fettered with the Halka, by which was excluded the safe conduct of all horses, camels, shields, matchlocks, lances, swords, and all copper vessels. It was only at Medina that Saoud thought it necessary to keep a constant garrison, for in all the other conquered districts, he relied on the prudence and valour of the shaiks he placed over them, and the terror of his own name, to retain the inhabitants in their subjection to him. To the south of Mecca, indeed, he is said to have recommended the shaiks to fortify, by towers, (borje) the places of their residence. The garrison of Medina was composed of matchlockmen from the Nedj and Yemen, and they received a liberal pay. These matchlockmen were considered to have formed the134 THE WAHAUBY. elite of the Wahauby infantry, and it was these troops who stormfed, carried, and plundered, Kerbela. In the hasty and imperfect sketch which has now been laid before him, the reader will not fail to remark how little I have said concerning Abdul Wahaub, and how soon I lost sight of him, though in^fact the founder of the sect. He took to himself more particularly the doctrinal part, and thus became the Moollah, (under which title was designated the spiritual leader and priest, the civil and criminal judge to the community) and he seldom or ever, I believe, took an active part in its external proceeding, or in its warfare. His son Mahommed, who succeeded his father in the characters above mentioned, had the misfortune, in his infancy, to be struck with an incurable blindness, and therefore, if his father, from choice, declined being martially active, he felt himself, from the loss of those organs, which are essential in all military operations, to lead a life of study, contemplation, and retirement, esteemed, honoured, and pitied by his countrymen. Here, I had, originally designed to close my tale, but on reflection, I conceive many of my readers will entertain a wish to hear something in detail of the siege and capture of Dereyah. As it is now sometime since my correspondence with the East has ceased, I shall take this account from a work published by a M. Mengin, and when I say thatTHE WAHAUBY. 135 to this work MM. Langles and Jomard have condescended to add several notes, I think I bespeak for it a certain degree of credit. "Le 13 Janvier, 1818, Ibrahym Pa9ha, a la " tete de huit cents chevaux, vint reconnoitre les " alentours de Chakra, et choisit le lieu le plus " convenable pour y etablir son camp. II y eut " dans cette occasion, deux hommes tues et plu-" sieurs blesses. Le soir il revint a son quartier " general et donna l'ordre aux chefs de se tenir " prets. Le jour suivant on se met en route. La " marche etait souvent retardee par l'artillerie qui " etait obligee de se frayer un chemin a travers " des sables mouvans. A midi l'armee forte de " quatre mille cinq cent combattans arriva sous " Chakra, suivie de six mille chameaux charges " de vivres et de munitions. Ibrahym la fit placer " au midi, et a l'orient de la ville, en ordonnant " aux soldats de faire des discharges de leur mous-" quets: l'artillerie prit position sur une eminence, " d'ou elle canonna vivement la ville; elle etait " secondee par le feu de la mousqueterie. La " nuit du 16eme la breche etait pratiquable " aux murs des jardins, couverts par les dattiers. " Les troupes furent envoyeesal'assautdes maisons " situees hors de la ville ; on se battit de part et " d'autre avec acharnement. Les Wahaubys re-" pousserent les Turcs ; mais effrayes par l'effet " des obus et des bombes, ils cederent. le terrain, " et se retirerent dans la ville. Plusieurs forts136 THE WAHAUBY. " furent pris et repris en peu d'heures. Les Turcs " enleverent de vive force les maisons et les ou-" vrages situes hors des murs. Dans ces attaques, " l'armee perdit quarante-deux hommes et deux " prisonniers, il y eut une centaine de blesses. " L'ennemi laissa sur le champ de bataille cent " soixante-huit morts, auxquelles on coupa les " oreilles ; on vint les deposer devant le Pa9ha, " avec les bannieres qui avaient ete prises sur " divers points. Tous les prisonniers furent de-" capites sans distinction. " A la suite de ce premier succes, Ibrahym fit " investir la place. Les choses semblaient devoir " prendre la meme tournure qu'a El Raas : mais " sans ecouter les conseils de ses officiers, qui lui " avaient fait commettre des fautes dans d'autres* " circonstances, le prince se rendit a l'avis de M. " Vaissiere, et forma de suite un siege en regie. " On etablit des redoutes ou les Wahaubys avaient " eleve des retranchemens, car il y avait dans la " ville cinq pieces de canon. Le chef de cette artillerie etait un Turc, deserteur de l'armee de " Toussun Pa9ha. " Lorsque les ouvrages furent termines, l'artil-" lerie bombarda la ville. Tout presageait que le " siege serait long. Pendant qu'on etait aux prises, " des cavaliers mcighrebins rentrerent au camp: " ils avaient fait une sortie sur des tribus ennemies, " et ramenaient du betail, des chameaux, et des " efFets de campement.THE WAHAUBY. 137 " Le feu continuel de l'artillerie causait de " grandes ravages. Le 19eme Janvier au soir, les " habitans, et la garnison de Chakra envoyerent " un parlementaire a Ibrahym Pa9ha, en lui de-" mandant a capituler. II y eut pendant deux " heures une suspension d'armes. Rien n'ayant " ete conclu, les hostilites recommencerent avec " vigueur, jusqu'au 21 au matin. " La garnison deputa de nouveau un de ses au " quartier general. On arreta les articles d'une ca-" pitulation, apres que Ibrahym eut donne un mou-" choir blanc au gouverneur, Ahmed-Iben-Yahya, " qui etait beau frere d'Abdullah. A midi laville " ouvrit ses portes. La capitulation portait que " les soldats au nombre de quatorze cents, depose-" raient leurs armes le 22; que le lendemain matin " ils parti raient pour se rendre dans leurs pro-" vinces respectives, en promettant de ne plus " servir durant la guerre ; que les cinq bouches a " feu seraient remises a l'armee turque, avec " toutes les munitions, les armes, et les effets de " campement. Le pa9ha donna la poudre, les " lances, les sabres, et les fusils, aux habitans des " Nedjd, ses allies. On trouva dans la ville du " ble, de l'orge, et du riz. Ces provisions furent " achetees et payees : elles servirent a la subsist-" ance de l'armee pendant un mois. " Des qu'il eut pris possession de Chakra, Ibra-" hym deputa un de ses officiers a son pere, pour " lui annoncer qU'il allait se disposer a marcher138 THE WAHAUBY. " sur Dereyah. L'envoye etait charge d'une " grande quantite d'oreilles en signe de triomphe. " Chakra, situe dans un plaine, est domine sur " tous les points par deux montagnes. Elle sou-" tint six jours de siege, et se serait encore rendu " plus-tot si l'on eu attaquee sur la cote le plus " faible. Dans l'interieur des murs, la garnison " et les habitans eurent cent soixante-dix hommes " tues,et deux cent quarante blesses; parmi lesquels " trente cinq femmes, et plusieurs enfans. La " perte des Turcs ne fut que de cent trente " hommes: beaucoupdesoldatsetaient dangereuse-" ment blesses. " Plus tard apres la prise de Dereyah, Ibrahym " Pa9ha fit demolir les forts et combler les fosses " de Chakra. Elle etait regardee comme la plus " forte place du pays. " Ibrahym Pa9ha ayant fait rassembler les vivres " necessaires a son armee, prit des dispositions " pour partir, laissant trois cents malades et bles-" ses a Chakra, ou il etablit un hopital sous la " direction du medecin Gentili. Apres le depart, " il survint une forte pluie, qui inonda la plaine, " et obligea le general de placer son camp sur la " montagne voisine. Une partie des vivres fut " trempee par l'eau. La pluie avait forme des " torrens, dont les habitans detournerent le cours, " pour l'arrosement de leurs terres et de leurs " jardins. " Des que la terre fut assez dessechee pourTHE WAHAUBY. 139 " permettre l'artillerie de marcher, l'armee se mit " en route. Quelques villages aux environs de " Chakra se soumirent, les autres etaient aban-" donnes ; Abdullah avait oblige les habitans a se " retirer sur Dereyah. II fit conduire une grande " quantite de betail vers la province d'El Hassah, " ou il paraissait decide a conduire les restes de " son armee. " Avant d'aller droit a Dereyah, Ibrahym Pa9ha " jugea convenable de s'emparer de Dorama. On " l'avait assure qu'il y trouverait beaucoup de " vivres, et que cette ville se rendrait sans com-" battre. Les habitans, craignant qu'on ne de-" truisit leurs plantations, comme on l'avait fait " ailleurs, se mirent sur la defensive : ils vivaient " de leurs cultures, dont l'excedant servait a ali-" menter la population de Dereyah, et fournissait " aux besoins des caravannes, et des pelerins qui " vont chaque annee de la Perse a la Mecque. ff Arrive devant Dorama, Ibrahym y trouva de la resistance. Les habitans en s'opposant a l'at-" taque, tuerent un grand nombre de Turcs. Le " gouverneur, Souhoud ebn Abdullah, se vit force " de se retirer dans une grande maison avec ses " gens, pour mettre a l'abri ses proprietes et ob-" tenir une capitulation. Entoure de tous cotes " par les troupes turques, il prit le parti d'aban-" donner les habitans a leur discretion. Le vain-" queur, qu'une resistance inattendue avait irrite, " ordonna a ses soldats de tout passer au fil deHO THE WAHAUBY. " 1'epee, et de n'epargner personne. Cet ordre " re9ut de suite son execution. " Apres avoir disperse quelques partis ennemis, " les Turcs, avides de pillage, entrerent dans la " ville, ou ils executerent les volontes de leur " chef avec plus de promptitude que s'il leur eut " enjoint de monter a l'assaut. Ils firent main " basse sur les habitans. La fusillade fut si vive, " qu'en moins de deux heures la plupart perirent " dans leurs maisons. " Le gouverneur, retire dans son habitation avec " des soldats fiddles, n'avait point encore ete at-" teint. On pla9a deux bouches a feu pour y faire " breche,mais Ibrahym, ayant su quecette demeure " renfermait des objets precieux, des armes, et des " chevaux de grand prix, pensa qu'au lieu de faire " perir les derniers defenseurs de Dorama, il etait " plus profitable de leur accorder le pardon qu'ils " demandaient. II consentit a ce que le comman-" dant et ses gens sortissent de la ville sans armes " ni bagages, pour se rendre a Dereyah, en pro-" mettant de ne prendre desormais aucune part a " la guerre. " Le 22 Mars, 1818, Ibrahym, qui avait ete ar-" rete par les pluies, quitta Dorama. II marclia " vers Dereyah, dans l'intention d'assieger cette " place. L'armee Ottomane ete forte de cinq mille " cinq cents hommes, cavaliers et fantassins ; l'ar-" tillerie se composait de douze pieces, y compris " deux mortiers et deux obusiers: on alia camperTHE WAHAUBY. 141 " a El Ayench, et de la on se porta sur El Melka, " plantation a deux lieues de Dereyah. Une partie " de cette route passe a travers des montagnes " dont les defiles sont fort difficiles a franchir. Le " lendemain, Ibrahym poussa une reconnaissance avec huit cents chevaux, et une piece de canon, " jusque sous les retranchemens de la ville ; des " troupes sortirent a sa rencontre, il y eut une es-" carmouche: on perdit du monde de part et " d'autre ; le general rentra dans son camp. Le 6 " Avril, il vint poster son armee devant la place, " hors de portee de canon des ouvrages avances. " De leur cote, les Wahaubys prirent les positions " les plus avantageuses a la defense. " Dereyah est compose de cinq petites villes, " entourees chacune d'une muraille garnie de bas-" tions de distance en distance ; il y avait en outre " un bon fort qui defendait le quartier appele " Ghacybeh, ainsi que Tourfych ; situes tous deux " pres d'une montagne. Abdullah ebn Souhoud " habitait Tourfych; Sahl n'en etait separe que " par le lit du torrent El Baten.* Kosscyreyn se tf prolongeait au-milieu des jardins : ses habitans " n'ayant aucun point de defense, se retirerent, des " le commencement du siege, dans les autres par-" ties de la ville. " Les Turcs s'occuperent de suite de construire " des redoutes et de faire les preparatifs, pour de-" loger l'ennemi de divers forts, et des montagnes * Which was dry except in the rainy season.142 THE WAHAUBY. " qu'il occupait. Sur ces entrefaits, Fay9al, frere " d'Abdullah, sortit de la ville avec deux mille " hommes, pour elever a portee de fusil des re-" tranchemens paralleles a ceux des Turcs; il " s'empara aussi des positions, pour les empecher " de s'y etablir. " La nuit du 12 au 13, Ibrahim Pa9ha fit dresser) " a la faveur de l'obscurite, deux fortes batteries; " on y pla9a deux bouches a feu. Le 14, au matin, " on commen9a une vive canonnade contre un " bastion place sur le revers d'une montagne. Plu-" sieurs Bynbachis* re9urent l'ordre de proteger " avec leurs troupes l'attaque de l'artillerie, tandis " que les dehlysf et ychagassisj garderent le de-" file du torrent El Baten, et que la cavalerie de " Rochuan-Aga, unie a des Arabes egyptiens, " marcha pour occuper la ligne du desert, et em-" pecher que le detachement qui defendait le bas-" tion ne prit la fuite, ou que des troupes ne sor-" tissent et ne vinssent, par quelque mouvement " imprevu, mettre les Turcs entre deux feux. " Ibrahym Pa9ha ayant sagement calcule ses dis-" positions, commanda a son artillerie de battre " en breche : une tour du bastion s'ecroula: a cette " vue, les Wahaubys se mirent a fuir, abandonnant " leurs blesses, deux pieces de canon, des muni-" tions de guerre, des vivres, et des effets de * Colonels. ■[ Turkish troops ; the word means literally mad-men. J Household troops, literally Gentlemen of the Chamber.THE WAHAUBY. 143 " campement; l'infanterie turque poursuivit les " fuyards jusque dans les jardins de la ville : on " leur fit des prisonniers, qui furent de suite mis " a mort. Les soldats porterent des tetes et des " oreilles a leur general, pour recevoir le prix de " leur trophee.* " Les jours suivans il n'y avait que des affaires " d'avant-postes. Ibrahym, ayant ete oblige de " se tenir sur la defensive, jusqu'a l'arrivee d'une " caravane qui devait lui apporter les moyens de " continuer le siege, donna tout le temps a son " ennemi de fortifier les positions qu'il occupait. " De son cote, Abdullah n'epargnait rien pour " electriser ses troupes; il leur prodiguait de l'ar-" gent et des vetemens.f Les postes les plus im-" portans furent confies a des hommes de son " choix. " Ibrahym Pa9ha voulut pourtant s'emparer d'une petite elevation, ou il y avait deux pieces " d'artillerie qui l'inquietaient. L'infanterie wa-" haubite defendit la position avec beaucoup d'opi-" niatrete. Les Turcs etaient sur le point de " lacher prise, quand leur general donna l'ordre a " Ouzoun-Aly et a Rochouan Aga de charger " l'ennemi en flanc. Ce mouvement, execute avec * It seems that a pair of ears and a head were equal in price—50 piastres. This horrible and barbarous custom has often been the occasion of innocent persons losing their lives, to satisfy the cupidity of a Turkish soldier. f When it was too late.144 THE WAHAUBY. " precision, decida du succes. L'ennemi aban-" donna son artillerie en se retirant sous le canon " de la place. Ibrahym eut a regretter, dans cette " attaque, Selim-Agha, son Kasnadar, qui fut tue " dans une charge de cavalerie. " Apres ce coup de main, Fay9al se trouva trop " expose dans ses retranchemens, qui n'etaient plus " proteges par aucun fort, quitta sa position, et se " replia avec ses gens au milieu des jardins, ou il se " mit a l'abri d'autres outrages. " La joie que causait a Ibrahym ce premier " succes, fut encore augmentee par l'arrive d'une " caravane de quinze cents chameaux charges de " riz, d'orge, et de farine, que le gouverneur de " Bussorah envoyait sous la conduite d'un de ses " officiers, au general de l'armee turque. On vit " aussi arriver, du Kairo des Moghrebins, et des " cannoniers, avec des chameaux charges de roues, " d'afFuts, et d'autres objets d'artillerie. Les ma-" lades et les blesses de l'hopital de Chakra, gueri " par les soins de M. Gentili, qui les accompagnait, " rejoignirent leurs drapeaux. Des convois, ex-" pedie de Medine et Aneyzeh, apportaient de la " poudre, et des boulets avec du biscuit, cinq mille " moutons, du ble, de l'orge, et du beurre ; ces " provisions ramenerent l'abondance; le soldat re-" prit sa gaiete. " A peine l'armee fut-elle ravitaillee, que l'en-" nemi fit une sortie sur le camp de Rochouan " Agha, qui tenait a l'aile gauche : il fut vivementTHE WAHAUBY. 145 " repousse, et dut se plier dans la place. La tran-" quillite ne fut point troublee pendant plusieurs " jours. Abdullah fit elever des murs, et creuser " des fosses, pour empecher un assaut, sans que " les Turcs songeassent a inquieter les travailleurs. " Voyant qu'il perdait chaque jour du monde " par les maladies et le feu d'ennemi, sans obtenir " aucun resultat satisfaisant, Ibrahym prit la reso-" lution d'etablir des redoutes pour battre en " breche un bastion qui donnait sur les jardins et " les ouvrages de Ghacybeh. M. Vaissiere fut " charge de ce travail ; des qu'il fut termine et " les pieces placees sur leurs plates-formes on com-" men9a le feu. L'ennemi de son cote riposta par " une forte fusillade qui mit un grand nombre de " soldats horsdecombat; mais le feu des assiegeans " fut si bien dirige, qu'il parvint a deloger les " Wahaubys du bastion, et a faire breche. Les " chefs refuserent de monter a l'assaut ; ils dirent " a leur general que les soldats ne voulaient pas " marcher. Les soldats criaient hautement que " leurs chefs ne voulaient pas les conduire ; Ibra-" hym ne put se faire obeir, et commanda qu'on " cessat de tirer. Ayant consume une partie de " ses munitions, violemment irrite de 1'inexecution " de ses ordres, et fort inquiet sur le resultat du " siege, il abandonna la droite du camp, ou il se te-" nait depuis quelques jours, et revint dans sa " tente. II ecrivit de suite a son pere pour l'in-" former de ce que s'etait passe, et lui demander L146 THE WAHAUBY. " des renforts. Ahmed Agha, son oncle, flit por-" teur de ses depeches. Des que le vice-roi eut " re9u cette nouvelle, il fit partir Khalyl Pacha, " qui etait gouverneur d'Alexandrie, avec trois " mille hommes, infanterie et cavalerie. " Les assieges ayant attribue la conduite d'lbra-" hym a la timidite des Turcs, reprirent courage, et '' se fortifierent de plus en plus; chaque jourils ve-" naient attaquer le camp; il en resultait des com-" bats, dont plusieurs furent meurtriers. Des chefs " de village, abandonnant le parti d'Abdullah; " vinrent se rendre au quartier general de l'armee " ottomane; ils conduisaient du betail et des pro-" visions qu'ils devaient porter a Derayeh. " On etait deja au 26 mai, et le siege n'avan-" 9ait point: deux mois s'ecoulerent dans cette " position bien penible pour Ibrahym Pa^ia. Une " partie de la ville etait libre; souvent on y rece-" vait des vivres du dehors ; des secours arrivaient " de la province d'Hassa sans que les Turcs pussent " s'y opposer. Les Wahaubysne souffrant point des " longueurs du siege, faisaient souvent des sor-" ties, et obligeaient leurs ennemis a rester sous " les armes cinq a six heures par jour ; on perdait " inutilement du monde. II y avait dans le camp " beaucoup de blesses et de malades. Un jour, c'e-" tait le 21 Juin, apres une action meurtriere ou " l'on avait eu cent soixante hommes mis hors de " combat, parmi lesquels des officiers de distinc-" tion, la troupe, fatiguee, etait a peine rentreethe wahauby. 147 " sous les tentes, qu'un accident imprevu porta la " consternation dans l'armee. Un tourbillon de vent " du sud, frequent en Arabie, s'eleva dans le milieu " du camp, emporta le feu qu'un soldat avait allume " pour faire sa cuisine, et passa directement sur " une grande tente placee au loin entre deux " petites eminences, ou etait le depot des muni-" tionsde guerre. II y avait plus de deux cents barils " de poudre, deux cents quatre vingt caisses de " cartouches, des obus, et des bombes charges. " Tous les objets d'artillerie furent perdus. L'ef-" fet de la detonation renversa les tentes ; il y en " eut plusieurs de brulees. Pendant dix minutes, " on entendit le bruit de l'explosion des projec-" tiles ; les obus eclataient en l'air ; poussee avec " violence; ils mirent le feu a des monceaux d'orge " et de ble destines a la nourriture de l'armee. " On s'empressa d'eteindre l'incendie. Malgre les " prompts secours, la moitie des provisions fut con-" sumee. On voyait des cadavres noircis par la " poudre, des membres epars 9a et la, des blesses " couverts de plaies. La terre trembla aux en-" virons; Derayeh en ressentit la secousse. " Cette catastrophe frappa les Turcs de frayeur " et d'etonnement. Elle laissa Ibrahym Pacha au " milieu des deserts, a plus de cinq cents lieues de " l'Egypte, et en presence d'un ennemi plus nom-" breux que lui, sans autres munitions que les car-" touches conservees par les soldats dans leurs " gibernes, et environ neuf cents gargouses, et trois l 2148 THE WAHAUBY. " cents bombes ou obus qui se trouvaient dans les " batteries. Ibrahym fut afllige sans doute, mais " il montra dans cette circonstance critique beau-" coup de courage et une grande presence d'esprit. " II avait alors vingt-six ans ; a cet age il sut se " raidir contre l'adversite. Ouzoun Aly lui en-" voya son adjudant, pour s'informer de sa situa-" tion, et demander si l'on avait pu sauver quelque " chose de l'incendie. " Tout est perdu/' repondit " Ibrahym a cet envoye, " il ne nous reste plus " que du courage et des sabres pour attaquer l'en-" nemi a l'arme blanche. Dites a votre maitre de " se tenir sur ses gardes comme je vais m'y tenir " moi-meme." Les chefs de l'armee suivirent son " exemple, et montrerent la meme resolution. " Pendant que chacun faisait de tristes reflexions " sur la situation de l'armee, huit a dix eclaireurs " sortis de Derayeh, vinrent a la vue du camp re-" connaitre ce qui s'etait passe. L'alarme fut " generale; on courut pour les repousser. Des " renforts survinrent, et la mele fut vive. Les " Wahaubys, voyant que les Turcs combattaient " comme les jours precedens, prirent le parti de " se retirer. Aussitot qu'Abdullah fut informe " que les assiegeans avaient perdu leurs munitions, " il assembla son conseil, et l'on resolu unanime-" ment d'attaquer le lendemain. " Prevoyant que sa position rendrait l'ennemi " plus audacieux, et qu'il ne manquerait pas de " faire des sorties, Ibrahym Pa9ha avait harangueTHE WAHAUBY. 149 " energiquement ses troupes. II leur avait ordonne " de menager les munitions, et de ne tirer que " lorsqu'il le faudrait absolument; il leur avait de-" fendu, sou£ peine de la vie, de ceder un pied de " terrain a l'ennemi. " Le jour suivant, au matin, les Wahaubys sor-" tirent de la place, au nombre d'environ quinze " cents. Ibrahym eprouva d'abord une legere " crainte, mais son courage prit le dessus. Les " avant postes commencerent a tirer sur l'ennemi. " Le feu ne pouvait etre de longue duree, les car-" touches devaient bientot s'epuiser; les chefs de " l'artillerie depecherent au pa9ha pour savoir de " quelle maniere il fallait agir. Ibrahym se trans-" porta sur une eminence ou il y avait trois bouches " a feu, et envoy a en toute hate des officiers sur " tous les points du camp, pour ordonner qu'on " laissat approcher l'ennemi, en tiraillant par inter-" valle, et qu'on fit ensuite un feu bien nourri. " Au lieu de tenir les Turcs en echec, pour leur " faire consumer leurs munitions, les Wahaubys " voulurent tout-a-coup les aborder: l'artillerie " obtint alors tout son avantage: les pieces tirerent " a mitraille. Accable par le feu, les assieges se " replierent, en laissant beaucoup de morts et de " blesses. Les Turcs ne coururent point a leur " poursuite. Degoute par le mauvais succes de " cette attaque infructueuse et mal combine, Ab-" dullah tint ses troupes sur la defensive. " Ibrahym s'occupa de faire panser les blesses,150 THE WAHAUBY. " et soigner les malades, qui augmentaient chaque " jour. Les nuits etaient froides, et la chaleur " etait accablante pendant le jour. La dyssenterie " et l'ophthalmie faisaient des ravages dans le " camp ; les officiers de sante, malgre leur zele, " ne pouvaient suffire a tout. Le pa9ha devore " d'inquietude ne prenait aucun repos. II fut at-" taque de cette meme maladie, qui le fit souffrir " pendant plusieurs jours. Ses yeux larmoyans " ne lui permettaient pas de voir la lumiere. On " lui administra les secours convenables, et bientot " il fut a meme de veiller aux soins de son armee. " Apres l'explosion du depot des munitions, il avait " expedie des courriers a Chakra, Boureydeh, " Aneyzeh, la Mekke, Medine, et Ianbo, pour " demander qu'on rempla9at promptement ce qu'il " avait perdu. " Apres vingt-cinq jours, un detachement de " deux cents Dehlys, qui tenait garnison a Aney-" zeh^ arriva au camp, suivi de deux cents cha-" meaux charges de poudre, de bombes, et de " boulets. D'autres caravanes parties de Medine, " apporterent des vivres et deux pieces de canon; " seize cents hommes, sous la conduite de differens " chefs, leur servaient d'escorte. A l'aide de ce " secours, l'armee reprit une attitude offensive. " Fay9al-el-Daoucli,* qui se tenait avec ses " Arabes a quelques lieues du camp, pour contenir * This person must not be confounded with Fay?al Ibn Saoud, the brother of Abdullah.THE WAHAUBY. 151 " les tribus ennemies, se porta au quartier general " afin de prevenir Ibrahym que plusieurs villages " communiquaient journellement avec Dereyah, " et qu'il ne pouvait empecher les habitans d'y " conduire des provisions. D'apres ce rapport, le " pacha prit la resolution d'aller reduire ces villages. " La nuit du 15 aout, il sortit du camp, avec deux " mille hommes d'infanterie et cavalerie, et deux " bouches a feu. A la faveur de l'obscurite, il " passa a peu de distance de la place. Les Wa-" haubys, prevenus de ce mouvement, ou avertis de " la marche par le bruit des pieces et le hennisse-" ment des chevaux, firent des decharges de leur " artillerie sur les troupes turques, et y causerent " quelques ravages. " Informe le lendemain de l'absence d'Ibrahym, " Abdullah ordonna une sortie sur toute la ligne " des assiegeans. Le combat fut opiniatre; le " feu de la mousqueterie et de 1'artillerie dura plu-" sieurs heures. La chaleur etait extreme; on " voyait des femmes Wahaubites, portant des " cruches remplies d'eau, braver les balles, pour " donner a boire a leurs defenseurs. Apres de " grands efforts, les Turcs parvinrent a repousser " leurs ennemis. Cette journee leur couta beau-" coup de monde: le medecin Gentili, appele " in the valley of Bedr, which is situate near the sea, between " Mecca and Medina. Mohammed's army consisted of no more " than 319, but the enemy's of near 1000; notwithstanding which " odds, he put them to flight, having killed 70 of the Koreish, and " taken as many prisoners, with the loss of only 14 of his own " men. This was the first victory obtained by the Prophet, and " though it may seem no very considerable action, yet it was of " great advantage, and the foundation of all his future power and " success. For which reason it is famous in Arabian History, " and more than once vaunted in the Koran as an effect of divine " assistance. The miracle, it is said, consisted of three things. " First, Mohammed, by the direction of the angel Gabriel, took " a handful of gravel, threw it towards the enemy in the attack, " saying, ' May their faces be confounded;' whereupon they im-" mediately turned their backs and fled. But though the Prophet " seemingly threw the gravel himself, yet he is told in the Koran " that it was not he, but God, who threw it; that is to say, by " the ministry of his Angel. Secondly, the Mohammedan troops " seemed to the infidels to be twice as many in number as them-" selves, which greatly discouraged them. And thirdly, God sent " down to their assistance 1000, and afterwards 3000 angels, " led by Gabriel, mounted on hi^ horse, Haizum ; and, according to the Koran, these celestial auxiliaries did all the execution, " though Mohammed's men imagined they themselves did it, and " fought stoutly at the same time."—See Sale's excellent and learned Notes to the Koran. This battle is the more remarkable, because, after it was over, high disputes took place about the division of the spoils; to endNOTES TO THE WAHAUBY. 231 which, Mohammed pretended to have received orders from Heaven, and those orders continue to this day a canon of the Mohammedan law, as to the division of spoil taken from an enemy in battle. NOTE XIX. " Fut decapite sur la place de Sainte Sophie avec ses com-pagnons d'infortune—Page 161. The reader may, perhaps, be curious to learn what happened at Derayeh after its surrender, and I therefore add the following account, extracted from M. Mengin. " Cependant on etait a Derayeh dans une grande consternation, " causee par la nouvelle de la mort d'Abdallah. Chacun crai- " gnait un sort pareil, et se recommandait a la divine providence. " La famille de ce Prince, trop confiant, etait dans les larmes, car " le gouvemeur l'avait pre venue quelle devait se tenir prete a partir / " pour l'Egypte. " La guerre, les suites du siege, et la disette dont souffraient les " habitans, produisirent une epidemie parmi eux: Les soldats, " fatigues par des privations de tout genre, furent eux-memes " attaques. Le Pacha ordonna de faire diriger sur Medine une " partie de 1'artillerie, ainsi que les enfans d'Abdallah, Saad, Nasr, '' et Mohammed, et leurs oncles Omar et Abderrahman, freres de " Souhoud. On conduisit au Caire ces victimes infortunees. La generosite que le Vice-roi deploya a leur egard, en leur accordant " a tous des pensions alimentaires, adoucit les regrets que leur " causerentle souvenir de leur grandeurpassee,etleloignementdes " objets de leurs affections. " Alors Ibrahym reunit les chefs des villes qui d'apres ses ordres " etaient venus a Derayeh; illeur enjoignit, dans un delai marque, " de demolir les murs et les fortifications de leurs places, et les " rendit responsables del'execution de ses commandemens. Comme V ce Prince sentait chaque jour davantage la necessite d evacuer le " pays de Nedjd, il pressait l'arrivee des chameaux pour le depart " des troupes. II fit briser les canons de fer qui etaient inutiles. " On en transporta les debris clans les villes de l'Hedjaz. Les " maisons d'Abdallah et les mosquees furent detruites. Les habi-232 NOTES TO THE WAHAUBY. " tans durent renverser les murs et les forts que le siege avait " epargnes. On trouva dans des lieux souterains quati'e cents cottes " de mailles et des arraures antiques.* Ibraliym en fit don aux " Arabes ses allies. La, apres avoir donne ses instructions a " Mahmoud Effendy, il quitta pour la derniere fois la capitale du " pays de Nedjd, qui fut bientot incendiee. " A peine fut-il parti, que le gouverneur ordonna aux soldats de " couper les dattiers, pendant que les habitans s'occupaient de " demolir les murs. En moins de vingt jours Derayeh fut privee " de ses habitans. Des qu'une famille sortait de sa maison, les " soldats y entraient pour la bruler, sans prendre garde si celles du " voisinage etaient evacuees, car les troupes campaient sur la place. " On etait dans la saison la plus chaude de l'annee, toute la vege-" tation etait aneantie ; ce qui formait un spectacle affligeant. Apres " ce desastre, Mabmoud Effendy rassembla son monde et alia " rejoindre Ibrabym Pacha au camp de Chakra." At the end of this, the reader who refers to the text of M. Men-gin, will find an account of a British force sent from India to Katyf, about which I know nothing,—except, that if the story be as he tells it, it is another instance of those precious schemes of folly and expense, which persons who know little or nothing about the matter, have but too frequently prevailed on the Government in India to adopt. NOTE XX. " Who sent Kadis, or Judges, from Dereyah."—Page 115. And here I cannot help putting before the reader part of the 21st, and the whole of the 22nd verse, of the 18th chapter of Exodus. " Moreover, thou shalt provide out of all the people able men, '' such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness:— " And let them judge the people at all seasons: and it shall be, " that every great matter they shall bring unto thee, but every " small matter they shall judge: so shall it be easier for thyself, " and they shall bear the burden with thee." * Amongst these there were "no doubt many pieces the possession of which would have given great pleasure to an antiquarian.NOTES TO THE WAHAUBY. 233 Again: I wish to refer the reader to verses 18 and 19 of the 21st chapter. " And if,men strive together, and one smite another with a " stone, or with his fist, and he die not, but keepeth his bed : if he " rise again, and walk abroad upon his staff, then shall he that smole " him be quit : only he shall pay for the loss of his time, and " cause him to be thoroughly healed." NOTE XXI. I am almost of opinion, that both Tasso and Ariosto borrowed the idea of their female warriors from some such person as Ghayle, who seems to have been to the full as great a virago, and as capable of sending a similar message to the Egyptian Pa9ha, as Brada-mant does to the Lord of the Castle. " Rispose quel ch'era occupato il loco, " Da donne e da guerrier £he venner dianzi, " E stavano aspettando intorno al fuoco. " Che posta fosse lor la cena innanzi. " Por lor non cr£do l'avra fatta il cuoco " S'ella v'e ancor, 1' han mangiata innanzi " Disse la donna: or va che gli attendo " Che so l'usanza e di servarla intendo.'' " The porter told her that the lodgings all " Were filld by knights, that late before them tooke, " Who now stood by the fire, amid the hall, " And did ere long to have their supper looke: fi Well (answers she) then have they cause but small, " If they be supperlesse, to thank the cooke ; " I know, quoth she, the custom, and will keepe it, " And mean to win their lodging ere I sleepe it.'' NOTE XXII. HEGIRA. The Arabs, previously to the Hegira, made use of two other epochs, in dating their different transactions,—one, the Elefant— the other, the impious war. I have not at present by me a copy of the work of the learned Dr. Prideaux, and shall therefore make use of the French translation :— " C'est de cette Fuite de Mahomet, que commence l'Hegire, qui " est l'Epoque des Mahometans. Elle fut etablie par Omar (IIIe. " Empereur des Sarazins,) a l'occasion d'un differend survenu234 NOTES TO THE WAHAUBY. " entre deux Personnes touchant une Dette, et cela de la ma-" niere qui suit. Le Creancier avoit le Billet du Debiteur, on il " avoiioit la Dette, and ou il marquoit le jour de mois auquel il " s'obligeoit de la payer. Le terme du jour and du mois etant " ecbu, le Creancier pour avoir son Argent, fut oblige de pour-" suivre en Justice son Debiteur devant Omar. Le Debiteur " avoiioit la Dette, mais il nioit que le jour du payement fut " encore venu, alleguant que le mois mentionne dans le Billet, " etoit de l'Annee suivante : Le Creancier au contraire soutenoit " que ce mois-la etoit de l'Annee precedente. Et comme il etoit " impossible de decider ce differend, a cause de la date qui man-" quoit au Billet, Omar fit assembler son Conseil pour chercher " quelque expedient qui put ensuite prevenir cette difficulte. II y " fut resolu qu'on marqueroit a l'avenir dans tous les Billets, et " autres ecrits la date du jour, du mois, et de 1'an de la signature. " Et quant a l'Annee, il consulta un savant Persan nomme Har-" muzan, qui etait pour lors aupres de lui, et ordonna de son avis " qu'a l'avenir on eut a compter depuis que Mahomet avoit pris la " Fuite de la Meque, pour se retirer a Medine. C'est pour cette " raison qu'on apella cette epoque, Hegire, qui en Arabe, signifie " Fuite. Elle commen?a le 16. jour de Juillet, l'an de Notre " Seigneur 622. Et depuis cet ordre d'Omar, qui fut dans la 18. " annee de cette Fuite, l'Hegire a ete constamment observee " parmi les Mahometans, de la meme maniere que lepoque de " l'lncarnation de Notre Seigneur Jesus-Christ, l'est parmi nous " autres Chretiens. Le jour que Mahomet quitta la Mecque, " etait le premier du Rabia premier, et il arriva a Medine le 12. " du meme mois. Mais l'Hegire commence deux mois devant, " savoir, du premier de Moharram. Car comme c'etait le premier " mois de l'annee des Arabes, Omar ne voulut rien changer quant " a cela, il anticipa seulement le Calcul de 59. jours pour pouvoir " commencer son epoque, des le commencement de la meme " annee que la Fuite de l'lmposteur arriva. Jusques a 1 etablis-" sement de cette epoque, les Arabes avoient accoutume de compter " depuis la derniere guerre considerable ou ils s etoient trouvez " engagez. Et comme lepoque de l'Elefant, et lepoque de laNOTES TO THE WAHAUBY. 235 " Guerre Impie, etoient celles dont on se servoit a la Mecque " durant tout le tems de Mahomet, j'en parlerai ici. " Lepoque de l'Elefant avoit commence depuis une guerre que " les habitans de la Mecque eurent, a l'occasion suivante, avec les " Ethiopiens, dans la meme annee que Mahomet naquit. Environ " 70. ans avant Mahomet, il regnoit parmi les Homerites, qui " etoient une Nation Ancienne des Arabes vers le Midi de la " Mecque, un certain Roy nomme Du Nawas, qui ayant embrasse " la Religion des Juifs, persecutoit celle des Chretiens, etablie " dans ces quartiers-la depuis plus de 300. ans, et fit tout ce qu'il " put pour la detruire entierement dans tout son Royaume. II fit " faire pour cet effet une Fournaise ardente d'une profondeur pro-" digieuse dans la terre, ou il faisoit jetter tous les Chretiens, qui " ne vouloient point renoncer a leur Foy pour embrasser le Ju-" daisme. Les auteurs Arabes racontent un fait tres memorable " du tems de cette persecution. lis disent qu'une femme etant " emmenee a la Fournaise avec un de ses fils fort jeune, quelle " portoit entre ses bras, fut si epouvantee a la vue du feu, quelle " recula comme si elle avoit aime mieux s'accommoder avec ses " persecuteurs, et renoncer a sa Foy, que de perir ainsi pour sa " religion. Mais que la-dessus, l'Enfant se mit a crier:—Ma " Mere, ne craigncz point la mort pour votre religion ; car apres " ce feu, vous n'en sentirez jamais aucun autre. Sur quoi cette " femme ayant repris courage, accomplit son martire. Cette perse-" cution obligea beaucoup de Chretiens Homerites a fuir en Ethiopie " pour se mettre en surete. lis s'y plaignirent au roy de cetle " cruelle persecution, et ce Prince etant Chretien voulut bien " envoyer pour les secourir une armee de 7000 hommes, com-" mandee par son Oncle Aryat, qui ayant defait Du Nawas dans " une Bataille, le poursuivit avec tant de vigueur, qu'il le for?a de " se jetter dans la Mer, ou il perit. La-dessus le Royaume des " Homerites tomba entre les mains des Ethiopiens, et Aryat le " gouverna 20 ans. II eut pour successeur Abraham A1 Ashram, " qui ayant bati une fameuse Eglise a Saana, Capitale des Home-" rites, beaucoup d'Arabes s'y rendoient pour assigter au Culte " Chretien ; de maniere que le Temple de la Meque commenfjoit " d'etre neglige, et Ton voyoit tomber en decadence le Culte Payen,236 NOTES tO THE WAHAUBY. " qu'un si grand concours de peuple de toute l'Arabie y avoit " jusques-la observe. Ce changement affligeoit beaucoup ceux de " la Meque : car ils tenoient leur principal sofitien du grand abord " qu'il y avoit tous les ans des Pelerins, qui suivant leur costume " y alloient pour adorer leurs Divinitez Payennes, et pour s'aquitter " des ceremonies, dont la solemnite y faisoit venir beaucoup de " monde de tous les endroits d'Arabie. Ainsi pour temoigner " l'indignation qu'ils avoient con9ue contre cette Eglise, qui mena-" 9oit leur bien public d'une entiere ruine, il y en eut quelques-" uns qui etant allez a Sanaa entrerent secretement dans l'Eglise, " et eurent l'impudence de la souiller avec outrage de leurs excre-" mens. Abraham en fut si irrite que pour se venger de cet affront " il jura la ruine du Temple de la Meque: et pour effectuer ce " qu'il avoit jure, il s'achemina vers la place, qu'il assiegea avec une " armee nombreuse. Mais n'etant pas en etat de venir a bout de " son dessein, aparemment faute de provisions qui etoient neces-" saires pour le grand nombre des troupes qu'il avoit dans un Pais " si desert et si sterile, il fut oblige de retoumer sur ses pas avec " perte. Et parce qu'il avoit plusieurs Elefans dans son armce, " cette guerre fut appellee la Guerre de HElefant; et l'on appela " YEpoque dont ils se servoient pour compter depuis ce tems-la " epoque de l'Elefant. C'est a cette guerre que l'Alcoran fait " allusion dans le Chapitre 105, qu'on appelle le Chapiti'e de " Elefant, ou Mahomet dit, comment le Seigneur traita ceux qui " vinrent montez sur des Elefans pour ruiner le Temple de la " Meque, qu'il rompit leurs desscins perfides, et envoya contr'eux " de puissantes Armees d'Oiseaux, qui en leur jettant d'enbaut des " Pierres sur la Tete, les rendoient semblables au grain des " Champs, que les Betes detruisent et foulsnt aux piez. C'est-la, " ou les Commentateurs de l'Alcoran, disent que pour preserver le " Temple de la Meque, de la destruction dont il etoit menace, " Dieu envoya contre les Etbiopiens de gi'andes Armees d'Oiseaux, " qui portoient chacun trois Pierres, une au Bee et une a chaque " Pie ; qu'ils les jettoient en bas sur les Tetes des Ennemis ; que " ces Pierres, quoi qu'elles ne fussent pas beaucoup plus grosses " que des Pois, etoient pourtant d'une telle pesanteur que tombant " sur le Casque, elles lc per?oient et 1'Homme aussi de part enNOTES TO THE WAHAUBY. 237 " part; que sur chacune de ces Pierres etoit ecrit le nom de celui " qui en devoit etre tue; et que l'Armee des Ethiopiens etant " ainsi detruite, lesTemple de laMeque fut sauve. Car Mahomet " ayant resolu de conserver l'ancienne reputation de ce Temple " pour en faire le lieu principal de son Nouveau Culte, comrae il " avoit ete auparavant celui du Culte Payen, et ayant dessein d'en " augmenter la veneration dans l'esprit de ses Sectateurs abusez, " inventa ce Miracle entre plusieurs autres, quoi qu'il auroit pu y " avoir alors des Gens en vie capables de lui donner un dementi " la-dessus; puis que cette guerre arriva la meme annee que Ma-" hornet naquit, c'est a dire 54 ans avant le commencement de " l'Hegire. Mais peut-etre ce Chapitre ne fut-il mis au jour que " beaucoup d'annees apres dans lpAlcoran de 1'Edition d'Othman, " dans un tems que tous ceux qui auroient pu se souvenir de cette " guerre, etoient morts, et qu'ainsi cette Fable etoit liors de dan-" ger d'etre contredite par aucun de ceux qui en savoient la " faussete. " L'epoque de la Guerre Impie commenga depuis la 20 annee " de l'epoque de l'Elefant, et tira son nom d'une guerre terrible " qu'il y eut dans ce tems-la, entre les Korashites et les Kaisaila-" nites; ce fut alors que Mahomet age de 20 ans fit ses premieres " Armes sous son Oncle Ahu-Taleb. Cette guerre fut apellee " Impie, parce qu'on la fit avec tant d'emportement et de fureur " qu'elle fut continuee meme durant les Mois ou ils comptoient " parmi eux qu'on ne pouvoit faire la guerre sans impiete. Car " c'etoit une ancienne coutume dans toute l'Arabie que de garder4 " mois de l'annee comme sacrez, savoir les Mois de Moharram, " Rajeb, Dulkaada, et Dulhagha, qui sont le premier, le 7, le 11, et " le 12, de l'annee pendant lesquels toute sorte de guerre devoit " cesser. Et ces Mois etoient observez si religieusement parmi " toutes leurs Tribus, que pour si grande que fut l'animosite d'une " Tribu contre l'autre, chose nssez ordinaire parmi eux, le Mois " sacre n'avoit pas plutot commence, quotant les pointes de leurs " Lances, et mettant bas toutes sortes d'armes, ils ne commettoient " aucun acte d'hostilite, et meme avoient commerce ensemble, se " nielant les uns avec les autres, comme s'il y avoit eu entr'cux238 NOTES TO THE WAHAUBY. " une Paix solide et une amitie parfaite; de maniere qui si pen-" dant ces Mois-la un homme rencontroit l'Assassin de son Pere " ou de son Frere, il n'osoit l'attaquer, malgre la violence de son " ressentim^jt, et quelque grand que fut le desirqu'il avoitd'assouvir " sa vengeance; mais cette coutume fut violee dans cette guerre, " qu'on apella pour cette raison Impie; et comme dans cette con-" joncture Mahomet commenga a prendre les armes, ce fut un " presage des desseins sacrileges auxquels il devoit employer le " reste de sa vie." THE END. LONDON: C. RICHARDS, PRINTER, ST. MARTIN'S LANE, CHARING CROSS.Jericho , J'ClJfK of the JV EDS J ED COUNTRYor~) CE NTRAL ARAB IA_ E GYPT, ocayued/ Q^^O^M O^^ wtficYear 1820. /^f^H /" \ 0 JETdetW ! % / \ 6 ° EI/ A1 66 % i \ SoimryyeA J dKoiau'tyeTv' a elMaJidex, T?, T jy, Arabs / El Lax- 3> v ' ft. , s - i "O a. Taraheli if v / f . / .........r-jfW 1 e j e r S&CCA / V-t.. o Jill , \ | ^JSou&ty ojRanp&t u iOTTADY / ® \ .. Bucheh fflSelevd fe. 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