&:CV'eXD-£lPs
E&p e & i Hons
attMBj; *:«?*::;•?»■ ?«;;•;
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1.
2.
3-
4-
5-
A MAP
OF THE
LOCALITY
OF
Lovewell's Fight.
Indian Village.
Where the packs were left.
Where the first Indian was seen.
The place of the Fight.
Capt. Lovewell's Route.
SI)t fepctutions
OF
Capt. John Lovewell
AND
ii>i?3 IHncmtntcrs toitij tj)C fcntrtans;
INCLUDING
A PARTICULAR ACCOUNT OK THE I'EQUAUKET BATTLE, WITH A
HISTORY OF THAT TRIBE; AND A REPRINT OF
REV. THOMAS SYMMES'S SERMON.
By FREDERIC KIDDER.
11 i
Boston:
BARTLETT AND HAL LID AY.
1865.
E D I T ION:
200 COPIES SMALL ((UARTO.
25 COPIES LARGE (QUARTO.
IO COPIES DRAWING-PAPER.
Copyright secured.
Press of John Wilson and Son.
TO
E D W ARD KIDDER, E S QJJ I R E,
©f Wilmington, Xortfj (Carolina,
WHO, DURING A FOUR-YEARS' REIGN OF TERROR. WAS EVER TRIE TO HIS
COUNTRY AND ITS FLAG.
T111S />' O OA' IS I) ED I C A T E I)
Bo tit's Affectionate Brother.
PREFAC E.
MONG the various conflicts with the Indians of New
England, linee the firft fettlement of the country, per¬
haps none has created a greater or more lafling fenlation
than "Captain Lovewell's fight" in 1725. Certainly,
110 event, from that time to the Revolution, had taken
lb llrong a hold of the feelings of the people, or had fo
conftantly been the theme of the firefide and of the foldier. It will
be hard for the prefent generation, who have l'pcnt their youth in
villages or cities, to realize the anxieties and feelings of the families
who inhabited the frontier towns of our country at that period.
But there are lingering among us a few aged perfons who well
remember, that, in the days of their childhood, while the family were
gathered for a winter evening around the ample hearths of that period,
lbine old man told the ftory of the brave Captain Lovewell and his
company, their fuccefies and misfortunes, till it awakened inch an
intenle intereft in their breads, that the lifteners were almoft carried
back to the fcene of the encounter, and ftartcd as the winter blalt
fvvept round the houlc, almoft expecting to hear the whoops of the
lavage, and to fee the forms of Paugus and his warriors. They can
alio call to mind how they have liftened to hear their grandmothers
ling one of the rude longs of that day, of which thole heroes were the
theme.
But the Battle of Bunker Hill, and the lucceeding events of the
Revolution, threw Captain Lovewell and Paugus into the lhadc, and
they are now only to be heard of on the pages of hiltory.
The earlielt public notice of this battle was the preaching of an
appropriate difcourfe, on the 16th of May, only eight days after the
event, and about four days after the liill intelligence had reached
VI
PREFACE.
Dunftable, by the Rev. Thomas Symmes at Bradford. No one from
that town was in the expedition ; but two of the company were from
the adjoining town of Haverhill, and it is poflible that thefe two may
have heard the difcourfe. At any rate, they foon gave him an account
of the engagement, which he wrote out, and it was attefled by three of
the furvivors. This was publifhed as a prefix to Mr. Symmes's
fermon.
It had a mod ready fale, the edition being foon exhaufted, and a
new one called for. It was reviled with fome additions and correc¬
tions, and a fecond edition iffued, which found a great fale, and formed
the bails of all fubfequent accounts. It has been reprinted, at various
times, with changes and various interpolations. But I have never been
able to find, that any one has made any reliable additions to the earlieft
chronicler. Some dozen years ago, the writer commenced a fearch for
additional details, and found, among the archives at our State Houfe,
the journal of Lovewell's fecond expedition, and the reports made to the
Governor and Council when the news of the difaltrous battle of Pe-
quauket came to Dunftable, and their orders thereon. A part of them
were printed for prefervation in the " Iliftorical and Genealogical Reg-
iIter " for 1S53. A defire has often been exprefibd, that further fearches
fhould be made, and, with Mr. Symmes's account and fermon, be
unbodied in a book that fhould embrace every thing that could be
found relative to the event, and thole connected with it. Thefe
fearches have been continued, at intervals, to the prefent time. The
relults have been equal to the anticipations ; and the compiler thinks
it will be difficult for any fucceeding gleaner in this field to add any
thing of value to what is now much of it for the firft time publifhed.
The prefent readers of hiftory love details, and Pigwacket fight is one
of thole events that will be read with intereft as long as the contefts of
Thermopylae and Bunker 11 ill continue 011 the pages of hiftory.
The accompanying map of the locality of the fight is copied from
that in Rev. Mr. Bouton's edition of " Lovewell's Great Fight," Con¬
cord. N.I I., 1S61.
In eonclulion, the compiler trufts that the lovers of New-England
hiftory will look with favor on this attempt to give a thorough and
truthful account of a very interefting epilbde in our border warfare.
Boston. May, 1S65.
Cafolc of (Contents.
Map of the Locality of Lovewell's Fight . . . Opposite Titlefagc.
'Causes and Commencement of Lovewell's War p. 9
Lovewell's First and Second Campaigns 14
Biographical Sketch of Rev. Thomas Symmes 21
Historical Memoir of Pigwacket Fight 26
Rev. Mr. Symmes's Sermon 41
Notes to Mr. Symmes's Historical Memoir 74
Despatches received by the Governor, and his Orders .... 75
Contemporaneous Accounts of the Battle 85
Biographical Sketch of Captain Lovewell 89
Biographical Sketch of Lieutenant Robbins 94
Biographical Sketch of Lieutenant Farwell 95
Biographical Sketch of Ensign Wyman 96
Biographical Sketches of Frye, Lingfield, Kidder, Davis, John¬
son, Farrar, Melvin, Richardson, Whiting, Asten. Austin.
Jones, Chamberlain, and IIassell 97-105
History of the Pec^uauket Tribe 107
Ballads on Lovewell's Fight 115
Elegy on Jonathan Frye . 120
Index 127
List of Subscribers 135
EXPEDITIONS OF CAPT. LOVEWELL.
CAUSES AND COMMENCEMENT OF LOVEWELL'S WAR, HIS
PETITION TO THE GOVERNMENT, AND THEIR AUTHOR¬
ITY TO RAISE A COMPANY OF VOLUNTEERS.
HE peace of 1713, which clofed what was
called " Queen Anne's war," was received
with joy throughout New England; but we
can hardly now conceive the feeling of relief
which that event gave to our frontier towns, where almoft
every man had been obliged to march againft the enemy,
or watch and ward to defend his own firefide. Nearly ten
years of quiet had done much to reftore the devaluated
places, and to invite the enterprifing to new fettlements.'
But the caufes that had produced the previous wars were
ftill at work to reproduce the fame refult; the Indians
faw the advance of the pioneer fettlers up the valley of
the Merrimac with a feeling of irritation, and often remon-
ftrated againft it; but their rights had, ever fince Philip's
War, been more and more difregarded, till their claim to
the land was hardly thought of.
IO
EXPEDITIONS OF CAPT. LOVEWELL.
About 1720, they commenced fome depredations on the
frontiers, more particularly in Maine, where many cattle
were killed and buildings burned.
It was now generally believed that the French,* at
Quebec, and the Jeluit millionaries among the tribes,
were inftigating the Indians to begin a war; and Rafle,
who for a long time had refided at Norridgewoc, on the
upper part of the Kennebec, was believed to be the prin¬
cipal inftigator. The Government of MafTachufetts deter¬
mined to arreft him; and, in the winter of 1722, Colonel
Weftbrook led a force to that place, but Rafle was not to
be found, though in his ftrong-box they dilcovered letters
from the governor of Canada, proving that the French
were exafperating the Indians to attack our frontiers, and
were fupplying them with arms and munitions for that
pur pole.
In Auguft, 1724, another expedition was lent againfl
Norridgewoc. The town was furprifed, the Jeluit and
many of the Indians killed, and the chapel and its furni¬
ture deftroyed.
Inftead of this chaftifement having the defired effect, it
exafperated them beyond all bounds. It is now known
that the governor of Canada made a reprefentation to
his king on the fubje£t, alking for arms, ammunition, and
blankets, to furnifh thefe Indians to take revenge on
* Vaudreuil, governor of Canada, writing, in 1721, to his Government at
home, names a tribe as Pegouakky (Pequauket). This letter, in New York
Colonial Ilistorv, proves that the French had done every thing in their power
to inftigate the Indians to make war on our frontiers.
COMMENCEMENT OF THE WAR.
our people. The greateft excitement and fear prevailed
throughout the frontier towns; and an attack was made
on Dunftable, and two men were captured, and carried
to Canada. A party of ten, among whom was Jofiah
Farwell, went in purfuit of the enemy; but, through fome
mifunderftanding of the leaders, they were ambufhed, and
all except Farwell were maffacred; their bodies, being
afterwards found, were brought in and interred in one
grave at Dunftable.
It was now felt that a general Indian war was inevitable,
and that more energetic meafures againft the enemy were
demanded. Heretofore the men to carry on thefe wars
had been impreffed from the various militia regiments;
but now it was thought that volunteer companies could,
by the offer of large bounties, be railed, who would carry
the war into the enemy's country, and more effe£tually
compel them to make peace. Accordingly, John Love-
well, Jofiah Farwell, and Jonathan Robbins, three men of
approved courage and fkill in hunting and border-fighting,
were induced to offer the following petition to the Legif-
lature of Maffachuletts for their approval: —
The Ilumble Memorial of John Lovel Jofiah Farwell Jonathan
Robins all of Dunftable — Showeth that your petitioners with forty or
fifty others are inclinable to range and keep out in the woods for fev-
eral months together in order to kill and deftroy their Indian Enemy,
provided they can meet with Incouragemcnt fuitable — And your peti¬
tioners are imployed and deiired by many others that each foldier may
be allowed five findings per day in cafe they kill any enemy Indians
& produce their lealps, they will imploy themfelves in Indian hunting
one whole year, and if your honors fhall thus fee fit to encourage them
12
EXPEDITIONS OF CAPT. LOVEWELL.
or take up with their propofal they will readily proceed in ye f1
fervice in cafe they have proper officers appointed to lead them & if
they bring in any fcalp they are willing and delirous to fnbmit to what
the Government fhall fee caufe to give them (over and above their
wages) as a reward for their fervice.
Nov., 1724.
a t^si 1
The above autographs were taken from the petition in
the State archives.
The following is the action of the General Court on the
memorial: —
" Novr 17 1724. On the petition of John Lovewell Jofiah Farwell
and Jonathan Robbins all of Dunftable and others who are delirous of
going out in queft of the Indians —
It was Voted That his Honor the L' Governor be defired to com-
miffion proper & fuitable officers for this fervice (the number of men
not to exceed fifty) and that they keep exa6t Journals or accounts of the
time they are out in the woods & where they go, as well as the time
they may be at home or in any towns fitting to go out again, And
that they may be allowed two (hillings and fixpenfe per diem each, for
the time they are actually out in the fervice & the time of fitting out as
aforefaid, they fubfifting themfelves, Provided that the time of their
being out in this fervice fhall be until the feffion of this Court in May
next — And for their further encouragement they fhall be entitled over
and above the two fhillings and fixpence per diem, the fum of one
ANSWER TO LOVEWELL'S PETITION.
13
hundred pounds * for each male fcalp and the other premiums eftab-
liflied by law to Volunteers without pay or fubliftance, And that the
commiffion officers have the loan of a fufficient number of arms for
the ufe of the Maquas [Mohawks], and other Indians who may be
willing to enter and engage with them in the fervice, the officers to be
accountable for the arms they receive."
* The currency at this period being about two and a half for one in fterling.
According to " Felt's Mafiachufetts Currency," from 1724 to 1727, inclufive, filver
was worth 175. per ounce; fo the pound was really worth only about $1.36 in
filver of our prefent decimal fyftem, and a ihilling about 7 cents. Indian corn
was worth 45. and wheat 85. per bufhel.
HIS FIRST MARCH INTO THE WILDERNESS AND RETURN.
THE JOURNAL OF HIS SECOND CAMPAIGN, AND HIS
RETURN TO BOSTON. RECRUITS A THIRD COMPANY,
AND MARCHES FROM DUNSTABLE.
ITII fuch encouragement, Lovewell foon railed
a company, of which he was elected captain,
J oil ah Farwell, lieutenant, and Jonathan Rob-
bins, enfign. Various expeditions had been
fet on foot before this from Dunftable and the
neighboring towns, but they met with but poor fuccels;
and fome of them returned without feeing a trace of the
enemy, after long and fatiguing marches; which caufed
so much difcouragement, that Lovewell could only raile
thirty men inftead of the "near forty or fifty others" that
his petition fpeaks of. He muft have difplayed much
energy to have collected that number, and have been out
fome days, when he had to fend into Haverhill for fup-
plies, as the annexed document informs us: —
" Haverhill Nov, 26, 1724
" Purfuant to an order from his honor ye Lieut Governor to John
White of Haverhill to fupply Capt John Lovewell with bread of the
Province ftores, & now ye f1 Lovewell being marching out with
a company of Volunteers again!! ye Indian enemy & he has appointed
AID FOR THE COMPANY.
15
mc Jofiah Farwell of dunftable who am his Lent to receive ye f1
bread <Si to meet him at King-town in order to march, I acknowledge
I this day received of fd White four hundred & eighty-feven pound
& one half of good bread for which I promife to be accountable for
to Jeremiah Allen Efqr province treafurer & to pay for ye fame as
witnefs my hand
Josiaii Farwell Lent."
The)7 met with no enemy till the 19th of December,
when, falling on a trail, they came to a wigwam, contain¬
ing an Indian and boy; the former they killed, and the
latter they took prifoner. Having now been out probably
more than a month, and their fupplies of food exhaufted,
they returned to Dunftable.
The following, extracted from the " Bofton News Let¬
ter," fhows his arrival and reception by the officers of the
Province Government: —
"Jany 7, 1725 On tuefday laft arrived Capt John Lovewell com¬
mander of a company of Volunteers in the pay of the Province &
brought with him a fealp of an Indian man and a captive, a lad of
about 15 years of age, who were taken by laid company about 44
miles above Winnepifockee Pond upon the 19th of December laft, for
which good fervice, and for their further encouragement the Honorable
the Lieut Governor and Council were pleafed to give them fifty Pounds
over & above one hundred & fifty pounds allowed them by law."
Such fuccels ftartcd up the Indian hunters in the region
about Dunftable; and when it was known that Lovewell
and his officers were about to ftart again in fearch of the
* o
" Indian enemy," there was no want of eager applicants
for this fervice, and his company, made up largely of men
from Groton, Lancafter, Billerica, and Haverhill, promptly
16 EXPEDITIONS OF CAPT. LOVEWELL.
came to Dunftable. We annex his journal, which gives
in the briefeft manner this fucceffful campaign: —
JOURNAL OF CAPT. JOHN LOVEWELL and eighty-feven
foldiers under his Command in their march in queft of ye Indian
Enemy, by Virtue of a Commiffion from the Hon. Wm. Duramer,
Efq., Lieutenant Governor and Commander in Chief, &c.
Jan. 27, 1724, Groton and Lancafter men came to Dunftable.
28th, Haverhill and Billerica men came to Dunftable.
29th, we muttered and came over the River.
30th, we travelled up to Nantecuck which was five miles. 31ft, we
travelled 10 miles encamped above CohafTet. Feb'y 1st, We Travelled
10 miles and encamped about 3 miles above Amufkeeg.
2d, We Travelled 15 miles and encamped at Penny Cook.
3d, We Travelled 12 miles and encamped at Contoocook.
4th, We lay ftill and fent out Scouts.
5th, We Travelled 8 miles towards Winnepefeocket, and encamped.
6th, we Travelled 5 miles and encamped at The Lower Pond, below
Winnepefeocket River.
7th, one of our men being cut very bad with an axe, we fent 6 men
home with him, and travelled 8 miles that day. 8th, We lay ftill by
reafon of a ftorm of fnow. 9th, We Travelled 14 miles, & Encamped
at the N.W. corner of Winnepefeoket.
10th, We Travelled 16 miles, & encamped at the North fide of
Cufumpe Pond, nth, We Travelled N. & by E. from faid Pond, &
encamped & fent out Scouts, and fome of our Scouts thought they dis¬
covered fmokes, & others thought they heard Guns. 12th, We lay
ftill & fent out Scouts, who difcovered nothing.
13th, We lay ftill & fent out fcoutts, & for want of Provifions
thirty of our men went home.
14th, We travelled 10 miles Towards the Eafterly part of the White
Mountains, & encamped upon a branch of Saco River ; fent out Scouts,
and killed a Black Moofe that day.
15, We lay ftill & fent out Scouts. 16th, We Travelled 6 miles, &
came upon the Tracks of Indians, & we left 16 men with our packs,
& the reft purfued the tracks till dark that night, and ftaid there all
night, and on the 17th we followed their tracks till about 8 o'clock,
capt. lovewell's journal.
17
& then we found where the Indians had lain twenty-four hours be¬
fore, & we having no Victuals, returned again to the 16 men we had
left our packs with, & refrefhed ourfelves, & then we all purfued the
remaining part of that day, & the night enfuing, 6 miles.
Feb. 18th, We Travelled 20 miles & Encamped at a Great Pond
upon Saco River. 19th, We Travelled 22 miles & Encamped at a
Pond.
20th, We Travelled about 5 miles, & came upon a Wigwam that
the Indians had lately gone from, & then we purfued their tracks 2
miles further, & difcovered their fmokes, and there tarried till about
2 o'clock in the" morning, & then came upon their Wigwams & killed
Ten Indian Men, which were all that were there, & not one efcaped
alive.
21 ft, We came 6 miles. 22d, We lay ftill to fee if any would purfue
& kept Scouts on our Back tracks. 23d, travelled 30 miles and came
to Cochechea. 24th, WTe travelled to Oyfter River, 6 miles. 25th,
lay ftill, as our men were lame in their feet. 26th we marched down
to Capt. Knights, at Newington, and 27th, Went on board a floop to
come to Bofton, where we arrived the 9th current. Mar. 10th, 1724-5.
The following lift of names is printed as it is found in
the archives. It has juft been feen by the "Journal," that
the Company under Lovewell confifted of eighty-feven men,
but this lift is marked as confiding of but Jixty-two. It is
fuppofed that this laft number were all who continued in
the expedition till its termination, or, all who had a right
to be coniidered as participants in bounties accruing on
account of fervices. In the Iliftory of Dunftable is this
note: — " The Report of the Committee upon the fubje6l
of the Grant" of land, now Pembroke, N.H., "fays, that
the whole number was 88, of whom 62 were in the fecond
expedition, and 26 in the laft as well as the fecond ex¬
pedition." Thus a difcrepancy is feen in the accounts, as
3
18 EXPEDITIONS OF CAPT. LOVEWELL.
to the numbers of men who went out. The following
names accompanied the " Report," which was made in
1728, when the grant of land'was made.
[Record] of Perfons wn ye 10 Indians were killed
Jno White
Jno Houghton
Mofes Chandler
Sam Tarbol
Henry Willard
Jos Wilfon
Jer Hunt
Jacob Gates
Jona Parks
Eben Wright
Jofeph Whitcomb
Jofhua Webfter
Jos Read
Sam Learnerd
Saml Johnfon
Sam Moor
Rob Phelps
Stcphn Merill
Phin Fofter
Mofes Graves
Jacob Pearly
Fra Dogett
Mofes Hazzen
John Hazzen
S Hilton
Jno Levingfton
Ebn Brown
Jno Pollard
Jere Pearly
Jona Ferren
Ben Walker
Wm Hutch ins
Sam Stickney
Jos Wright
Jacob Cory
Jofliua Hutchens
Jno Varnum
Oliver Pollard
Benony Boynton
Robt Ford
Sam Trull
Ephm Farnfvvorth
Ben Parker
Ben Parker
Ruben Farnfworth
Sam Shattoek
Wm Shalden
Thos Farmer
Jacob Ames
Saml Fletcher
Rich Hall
Jno Stephens
Jno Duncan
Neh Robinfon
Jos Wheelock
Jethro Ames
Jona Parks
Sam Sawyer
John Sawyer
Caleb Doftin 62
the lift of 62 when ye 10 Indians were kild
The pond where this exploit was performed is at the
head of a branch of the Salmon-Falls River, and is now in
the town of Wakefield, N.H. The Indians were, no doubt,
juft from Canada, and were on their way to fall upon fome
of the frontier fettlements. Penhallow fays, " Their arms
were fo new and good that moft of them fold for feven
pounds apiece; and each of them had two blankets, with
ARRIVAL AT BOSTON.
r9
a great many moccalins, which were fuppofed to be for
the fupply of captives that they expected to have taken.
The plunder was but a few fkins; but, during the march,
our men were well entertained with moofe, bear, and deer,
together with falmon-trout, fome of which were three feet
long, and weighed twelve pound apiece."
It muft have been a day of excitement when this brave
company marched through the ftreets of Bofton; and this
difplay muft have contributed much to the reputation of
Lovewell and his officers. And thofe who then faw them
muft have felt their fubfequent misfortunes with a keener
regret, from the fa£t that they had been familiar with their
perfons.
It will be feen by his journal, that Captain Lovewell
was in Bofton the ioth of March, 1724-5, where he
was probably detained fome days to fettle the affairs
of the campaign, and obtain the bounty, and pay off his
men.
Encouraged by his fuccefs, and determined to attack the
Indians in their own homes, he did not delire much time
for reft, but immediately commenced recruiting another
company; and although he had the fame lieutenant and
enfign, not another man of his late command joined him.
It is likely that they returned much fatigued, or that their
fervices were required on their farms, as the fealon for
planting was approaching.
The following, addreffed to the governor, fhows that he
had again taken the field. It may have been his laft com¬
munication to any one; at least we hear nothing more of
20
EXPEDITIONS OF CAPT. LOVEWELL.
him and his company till the fad news of the battle came
to Dunftable: —
Dunstable April ye 15 1725
Sir This is to inform you that I march from Dunftable with be¬
tween forty or fifty men on the day abovementioned & I fhould have
marched looner if the weather had not prevented me. Nomore at
prefent but I remain your humble serv'.
John Lovewell.
BIOGRAPHICAL
OF
REV. THOMAS
SKETCH
S Y M M E S.
HE Rev. Thomas Symmes was the fon of Rev.
Zechariah Symmes, the firft minifter of Brad¬
ford, and grandfon of the Rev. Zechariah, the
fecond minifter of Charleftown. He was born
Feb. i, 1678; graduated at Harvard College, 1698; was
ordained the firft minifter of Boxford, 1702. He was dil-
miffed from Boxford after the death of his father, and
fucceeded him at Bradford. He was a man of much
learning, — very a6tive with his pen. Several of his pro¬
ductions were printed; one of which, under the title of
the " Joco-Serious Dialogue," was written in a lively and
amufmg ftyle. He tells us, on the titlepage, that it is
" calculated for a particular town (where it was publicly
had on Friday, 06t. 12, 1722), but may ferve other places
in the fame climate." It is a tra6l of upwards of fixty
pages, which, he informs us, he wrote in a lingle day,
excepting a few quotations which he afterwards added.
22
EXPEDITIONS OF CAPT. LOVEWELL.
It was caufed by the oppofition to a change in the mode
of finging, which was about this time taking place in
many of the churches.
He preached the Artillery Election Sermon, in I72°?
which was printed. It was entitled, " Good Soldiers
Defcribed and Animated." The fame year, he publifhed a
fmall pamphlet on regular finging, and fome other works.
His manners were earneft and enthufiaftic; and he always
feemed defirous of doing good, either in private or public.
But the moft enduring of Mr. Symmes's works is that
reprinted in this volume, which contains a fermon on the
" Pigwacket" fight, with an hiftorical account of the event.
The fight took place on Sunday, the 8th of May, 1725;
and the man who ran away, and the nine who were left in
the fort, arrived at Dunftable on the night of the nth:
but Keyes, who was in the fight, got in on the 13th, while
moft of the others only arrived on the 15th; and yet Mr.
Symmes preached his fermon only one week from the
time. it occurred. This fhows that he muft have been
of a moft a£tive mind, and ready to take advantage of
any event as foon as it happened. It is probable that it
was foon printed, and the edition exhaufted, as a fecond
edition was publifhed during that fummer. His hiftori¬
cal account was extended and improved in the fecond
edition, which has been repeatedly reprinted, but not
improved. In many cafes it has been altered, and tradi¬
tionary ftories of uncertain authority interpolated. It was
reprinted at Fryeburg, near the locality where the fight
occurred, as early as 1799, and at Portland, in 1818; and
SKETCH OF REV. MR. SYMMES.
23
has fince made a chapter in feveral town-hiftories, with
many variations. How little could this old chronicler
have anticipated the fame his brief account would give to
Lovewell and his affociates, and alfo confer on himfelf!
It is curious to read his apology for making his account
fo minute, when now we wifh he had given us more
particular details. He did not long furvive his fecond
edition, as he died Oft. 6th, 1725, in the 48th year of his
age.
He was thrice married: firft to Elizabeth Blowers, of
Cambridge. By her he had " feven very hopeful and
defirable children," one of whom died young. The other
six, four fons and two daughters, were living in 1726.
Mrs. Symmes died April 6, 1714. He married, in 1715, a
fecond wife, Hannah, daughter of Rev. John Pike, of
Dover, by whom he had two " very defirable daughters."
She died Feb. 8, 1719; and he married, thirdly, June 19,
1721, Mrs. Eleanor Moody, of Dedham, who furvived
him. His fon, Timothy, who emigrated to New Jerfey,
had two fons, one of whom, John Cleves Symmes, was
well known as a prominent pioneer in the fettlement of
Ohio.
The " Bofton News Letter," of 061. 14, 1725, contains a
long obituary of Mr. Symmes, from which is extracted
fome fafts: —
" His death was fudden and unexpected ; for, though his diftemper
was chronical, he had fo much fpirit to fuftain his infirmities that he
complained not much till a little before his death. About three weeks
before, being called to preach at a faft in Newbury, on account of the
24
EXPEDITIONS OF CAPT. LOVEWELL.
ficknefs prevailing there, he found himfelf very much indifpofed, with
a great pain in his bread. The next fabbath, at evening, he was taken *
with bleeding at the nofe ; and again, on Tuefday morning, he bled
for about two hours, but held up till next fabbath, and performed
public fervice of that day, but very faint. The next Tuefday night
he fell a bleeding again, which continued without intermiffion about
tvventy-lix hours, from which time he languiflied a week longer, and
died.
" lie was defcended from a line of venerable anceftors, employed in
the fame facred office as himfelf, whofe father, grandfather, and great¬
grandfather were famous minifters of the gofpel.
" lie was a goodly perfon, of a vivid and comely countenance, of
a ftrong and fanguine conftitution, of a very fprightly genius, a cheerful
and quick temper, which, being lanctified, made him the more ready
for every good work."
Historical Memoirs
Of the Late Fight at
W I T H A
SERMON
Occafion'd by the Fall of the Brave
Capt. John Lovewell
And Several of his Valiant Company,
IN THE LATE
Heroic Action there.
Pronounc'd at Bradford\ May, 16. 1725.
By Thomas Symmes, V D. M.
2Tlje Secouir IStritfou Govvcctctr*
IIa. 3. 25. Thy Men Jliall fall by the Sword, and thy
Mighty in the War.
BOSTON in New England:
Printed by B. Green Jun. for 6". Gerrijh, near the
Brick Meeting-Houfe in Cornhill. 1725.
AN
Historical PREFACE,
O R
Memoirs of the BATTLE,
at Piggwaciet.
HEN JoJhua with his chofen Soldiers, had Dif-
comfited Amalek, and his People, with the Edge
of the Sword * ( while Mofes with the Rod of
GOD in his up-lifted hands, lupported by Aaron
and Hur, made Interceffion to the GOD of Armies, on the
Top of the Hill) the Lord faid to Afofes, Write THIS
for a Memorial in a Book, and rehearfe it in the Ears of
Jofliua, Exod. XVII. 14. For this would be an unfpeaka-
ble Encouragement to that Renowned General, in his
Wars with the Aborigines of Canaan.
NOW from this Story we learn, not only, That if Ifrael
would prevail againft their Enemies, they fhould all, but
their Magiftratcs and Minifiers efpecially, lift up and keep
28
An Hiftorical PREFACE.
up, the hand of Prayer :* But alfo, That the Remarkable
Prefervation and Succefs of Soldiers in Fighting the Lords
Battles, are very proper to be Commemorated, for the Hon¬
our of GOD, and Encouragement of his Servants, in future
Expeditions, and Military Actions.
IN Consideration hereof, I've the more eafily comply'd
with the Requeft of fome of the Publifhers of the Enfuing
Sermon, that it might be accompany'd with a Narrative of
the Memorable Occafion of it.
AND tho' I at firft propos'd only to Reprint the Rela¬
tion of this A£tion, given us in the Public News Papers;
yet having been favour'd with a more particular account
from the Valorous Capt. Wyman, and fome others of good
Credit, that were in the Engagement; I hope it will not
be unacceptable to any, and am fure it will be very grate¬
ful to fome\ to have the Story Publifh'd with fome Enlarg-
ments. And particularly to make a Public Record of the
Names of thofe Couragious Soldiers, who have fo nobly
play'd the man for their Country; feveral of whom have
been grievoufly Wounded, & others have Died in the Field
of Battle, or of the Wounds they there Receiv'd: All of
whofe Names I am perfwaded the greateft part of the
Country will allow, delerve to be Tranfmitted unenvi'd to
Pofterity, with very bright Encomiums.
* Agreeable to which upon intelligence of great numbers of Indians corning
down on the frontiers, and the March of feveral of our companies in fearch of'em
at the motion of his honor the Lieutenant Governor and the Miniftgrs of Bojlon,
the public Ledture there on x\pril 29 was turned into a Day of Prayer, which was
but Nine Days before the fight at Piggwacket: The fuccefs whereof fhould there¬
fore be Afcribed with Thankfulnefs and Praife to GOD as a Gracious Anlwer of
the humble Prayers of his People and improved as their farther Encouragement.
An Hijlorical PREFACE.
29
'TWAS then, about the 16 th of April, 1725, that the
Brave Lovewell1* began his March from DunJIable
for Piggwacket, with Forty-Six Men under his Com¬
mand.
WHEN they'd Travell'd a little way, Toby? an Indian
falling Lame, was oblig'd to return, with great Reluc-
tancy.
WHEN they came as far as Contoocook, one IVm.
Cummins of DunJIable was fo difabl'd by a Wound he'd
Receiv'd from the Enemy fome time before, that' the
Capt. difmifs'd him, with a Kinfman of his to accompany
him.
THEN they Travell'd as far as OJJipy, and there one
Benjamin Kidder of Nutjield falling Sick; the Capt. made
a Halt, and tarried while they built a fmall Fortification,
for a place of Refuge to repair too, if there fhould be Oc-
calion. Here he left his Doctor,3 a Serjent and Seven other
Men, to take care of Kidder, and of a Considerable Quan¬
tity of Provilion, here left to lighten the Men, and facilitate
their March; and for a Recruit upon their Return.
WITH his Company now reduc'd to Thirty-Four Men
with himfelf, the Capt. Travell'd to Pigwacket, which is
about Forty Miles from faid Fort.4
THEIR Names that made up this Company ( excepting
his5 that ftarted from them in the beginning of the Battle,
and ran back to the Fort, which I'd be excus'd from men¬
tioning) were as follow.
* Sec notes at end of sermon.
3°
An Hijiorical PREFACE.
Capt. John Lovcwcll,
Lieut. JoJiah Farwell',
Lieut. Jonathan Robbins,
Enfign John Harwood,
Serjent Noah John/on,
Robert UfJicr,
Samuel Whiting.
of Dunftable.
Enfign .SV//& JVyman,
Corpo. Thomas Richard/on, I
Timothy Richard/on, I of Woborn.
Ichabod John/on, )
JoJiah John Jon,
Elcazar Davis,
JoJiah Davis,
JoJiah Jones,
David Mciv in,
Elcazar Mciv in,
Jacob Far rah,
JoJcph Farrah,
>
^ of Concord.
Mr. Jonathan Fric, Chaplin, of Anclover.
Serjent Jacob Fnllam, of Wefton,
Corporal Edward Lingficld., of Nutfield,
Jonathan Kittridoc, )
c . ... * of Billeriea.
Solomon A ics, \
An Hijlorical PREFACE.
31
John Jefts,
Daniel Woods,
Thomas Woods,
John Chamberlain
Elias Barron,
Ifaac Lakin,
Jofeph Gilfon,
Ebcnezer Ayer,
Abiel Aflin
FROM the Thurfday before the Battle, the Company
were apprehenfive they were Difcover'd and Dog'd by the
Enemy: And on Friday Night, the Watch heard the In¬
dians6 about the Camp and Alarm'd the Company, but it
being very Dark, they could make no further Difcovery.
SATURDAY the Eighth of May, while they were at
Prayers, very Early in the Morning, they heard a Gun;
and fomtime after fpy'd an Indian on a Point, that ran into
Saco Pond.
TIIEY now concluded that the delign of the Gun, & of
the Indian's Difcovering himfelf, was to draw them that
way: And expecting without fail to be Attack'd; It was
now propofed, whether it were Prudent to venture an
Engagement with the Enemy, ( who they perceiv'd were
now fufficiently Alarm'd, ) or, endeavour a fpeedy Retreat.
The Men Generally and BoldlyAnfwered, "We came out
" to meet the Enemy; we have all along Pray'd GOD we
" might find 'em; and we had rather truft Providence with
^ of Groton.
J
of Haverhill.
3 2
An Hijlorical PREFACE.
" our Lives, yea Dy for our Country, than try to Return
" without feeing them, if we may, and be called Cowards
" for our Pains.
TIIE Captain readily eomply'd to lead them on, though
not without Manifefting fome Apprehenlions; — And (fup-
pofmg the Enemy were a Head of 'em, when as it prov'd,
they were in the Rear) Ordered the Men to lay down
their Packs, & March with greateft Caution, and in utmoft
readinefs.
WHEN they'd March'd about a Mile and Half, or two
Miles, Enlign Wyman fpy'd an7 Indian coming toward
them, whereupon he gave a Sign, and they all lquat, and
let him come on: prefently feveral Guns were Fir'd at
him; upon which the Indian Fir'd upon Captain Lovcwcll
with Bcver-Shot and Wounded him Mortally (as is fup-
poled ) tho' he made little Complaint, and was ftill able to
Travel, and at the fame time Wounded Mr. Samuel Whi¬
ting'. Immediately Wyman Fir'd at the Indian and Kill'd
him; and Mr. Frie and another Scalp'd him.
THEY then March'd back toward their Packs, (which
the Enemy in the mean while had feiz'd ) and about Ten
a Clock, when they came pretty near where they'd laid
'em, on the North Eaft end of Saco Pond, in a plain Place,
where there were few Trees and fcarce any Brufh; The
Indians role up in Front and Rear, in two Parties, and ran
toward the Englifh Three or Four Deep, with their Guns
Prefented: And the Englifh alfo Prefented in a Moment
and ran to meet them; and when they came within a few
Yards, they Fir'd on both lides, and the Indians fell amain,
An Hiftorical PREFACE.
33
but the Englifh. ( molt, if not all) 'fcap'cl the firft Shot, and
drove the Indians feveral Rods, both fides Firing three or
four Rounds. But the Indians being more than double in
Number to our Men, & having foon Kill'd Captain Love-
wellMr. Fnllam, ( only Son of Major Fullam of Weft on, )
Enfign Harwood, John Jeffs, Jonathan Kittridge, Daniel
Woods, Ichabod Johnfon, Thomas Woods and Jofiah Davis;
and wounded Lieutenant Farwell, Lieutenant Robbins and
Robert Ufher, in the place where the Fight began, and ftriv-
ing to Surround the reft; The Word was given, to Retreat
to the Pond, which was done with a great deal of good
Condu6t, and prov'd a vaft fervice to the Englifh ( in Cov¬
ering their Rear, ) tho' the Indians got the Ground where
our Dead lay.
THE Fight continu'd very Furious & Obftinate, till
towards Night. The Indians Roaring and Yelling and
Howling like Wolves, Barking like Dogs, and making all
Sorts of Hideous Noiles: The Englifh Frequently Shout¬
ing and Huzzaing, as they did after the firft Round. At
one time, Captain Wyman is Confident, they were got to
Powawing, by their ftriking on the Ground, and other
odd Motions, but at length Wyman crept up toward 'em
and Firing among 'em, fhot the Chief Powaw and brake
up their Meeting.
SOME of the Indians holding up Ropes, ask'd the En¬
glifh if they'd take Quarter, but were Anfwer'd Briskly,
they'd have none but at the Muzzle of their Guns.
ABOUT the middle of the Afternoon, the Ingenious Mr.
Jonathan Fric, only Son of Captain James Frie of Andover,
5
34
An Hiflorical PREFACE.
a Young Gentleman of a Liberal Education, and who was
Chaplain to the Company, and greatly Belov'd by them,
for his Excellent Performances and good Behaviour, and
who fought with Undaunted Courage till that time o' Day,
was Mortally Wounded. But when he could Fight no
longer, He Pray'd Audibly feveral times, for the Preferva-
tion and Succefs of the Relidue of the Company.
'TWAS after Sun fet when the Enemy drew off, and
left our Men the Field: And it's fuppos'd not above Twenty
of the Enemy went off well. About Midnight the Englifh
got together, and found Jacob Farrah, juft expiring by the
Pond, and Lieutenant Robbins and U/Jier unable to travel.
Lieutenant Robbins delird they'd Charge his Gun and
leave it with him, ( which they did ) for fays he, The In¬
dians will come in the Morning to Scalp me, and Til kill one
more of 'em if I can. Eleven more that were Wounded,
who were Lieut. Farwell, Mr. Trie, Serjent Johnfon, Tim¬
othy Richardfon, J of ah Johnfon, Samuel Whiting, Elias
Barron, John Chamberlain, Ifaac Larkin, Eleazar Davis,
& Jofiah Jones, March'd off the Ground, with the Nine
that received no confiderable Wound, who were Enlign
Wyman, Edward L ingfield, Thomas Richardfon, Two Mel-
vins, Ebenezar Ayer, Abicl Afilin, Jofeph Farrah and Jo-
feph Gilfon, who did not perceive they were way-laid, or
purfued by the Enemy, tho' they knew our Men had no
Proviiion, and muft needs be very faint. Four of the
Wounded Men, viz. Farwell, Fric, Davis and Jones, after
they'd Travell'd about a Mile and Half, found themfelves
unable to go any further, and with their free Confent, the
An Hijlorical PREFACE.
35
reft, hoping for a Recruit at the Fort, and to come back
with Frefh Hands to relieve them, kept on their March.
But one Morning as they were palling a thick Wood, they
Divided into Three Companies for fear of making a Track,
by which the Enemy might follow them. One of the
Companies came upon Three Indians, who purfu'd 'em
fometime; And Elias Barron one of that Party ftray'd
from the reft, and got over OJjipy River, by the fide of
which, his G n Cafe was found, & he has ne'r been h ard
of fince.
ELEVEN in another Party recover'd the Fort, and to
their great furprize, found it Deferted. For in the beginning
of the Battle, the man that I promifed not to Name, ran
dire£tly to the Fort, and gave the Men Polled there, fuch
an account of what had happen'd, that they all made the
belt of their way Home. There came in alfo to the Fort,
One Solomon Kies, who having fought till he'd receiv'd
three Wounds, & loft fo much Blood he cou'd not ftand,
He crawl'd to Enlign Wyman in the heat of the Battle, &
told him "He was a Dead Man; But (fays he) if it be
" poffible, I'll get out of the way of the Indians, that they
" mayn't get my Scalp. This Kies Providentially found a
Canoe in the Pond, & roll'd himfelf into it, & was driven
by the Wind fome Miles toward the Fort; when being
Wonderfully Strengthen'd, he got to the Fort, as foon as
the Eleven aforefaid : & they all came in to Dunjlable,
May 13th. at Night. O that Men would Praife the Lord
for His Goodnefs, and for His Wonderful Works toward
the Children of Men.
36
An Hi/torical PREFACE.
May 15th. came in at Dim/table four more of our Sol¬
diers, whereof Eniign Wyman was one; who fays, " They'd
" no fort of Food from Saturday Morning till Wedncfday
" following, and yet lcaree felt at all Hunger-bitten. They
then caught two Moufe-Squirrels, which they roafted
whole, & found them a fweet Morfel. Afterward they
Kill'd lome Partridges and other Game, & were Comforta-
bly Supply'd, till they got home.
Eleazar Davis came in at Berwick, & reports, ( as I'm
Inform d ) that He & the other Three left with him, when
they'd waited fome Days for the Return of the Men from
the Fort, & at length defpair'd of their coming, tho' their
Wounds Stank & were Corrupt, & they were ready to Dy
with Famine; yet they all Travell'd feveral Miles together,
till Mr. Frie defired Davis & Farzuell not to hinder them-
felves any longer for his fake, for that he found himfelf
Dying, & fo lay down, telling them " He fhould never
" rife more : Charging Davis, if it fhould Pleafe GOD to
" bring him home, to go to his Father, & tell him, that he
" expected in a few Hours to be in Eternity; and that He
" was not afraid to Dy. Whereupon they left him; and
this Hopeful Gentleman Mr. Frie, who had the Journal of
the March in his Pocket, has not been heard of lince.
Lieutenant Far well, who has been very much & no
doubt Defervedly Applauded, was alfo left by Davis at a
few Miles diftance from the Fort & not heard of fince.
But Davis getting to the Fort and finding Provifion there,
tarried and Refrefh d himfelf and recover'd ftrength to
Travel to the place mention'd.
An Hiftorical PREFACE.
37
jfojiah Jones another of the Four, came in at Saco.
Since the A6tion, Col. Tyng with a Company, have been
on the fpot, and found and Buried Twelve of our Men.
They alfo found where the Indians had Buried Three of
their Men, and when they were dug up, One of them was
known to be the Bold who has been fueh a
Scourge to Dun/lab le\ but if he be gone to his own place,
Ile'll ceafe from Troubling.
HIS Honour, Our Excellent Lieutenant Governour has
been Pleas'd to give Enfign Seth Wyman, a Captains Com-
miffion, fince his Return, as a Reward of His Valour.
And it's much to be Delired, that He, and all that are Re-
turn'd from Piggwacket,, to their own Houfes, will conlider
and fhow what Great Things GOD has done for them.
o
And that they and all our Brave Soldiers, will ftill take
for their Motto, when going forth to War, the Infcription
made by Mofes on his Altar of Gratitude, after the Defeat
of Amalck, JEIIOVAH-NISSI, The Lord is my Banner.
BUT thus I've related the Story of the Aftion at Pigg¬
wacket, according to the beft Information I cou'd obtain;
and hope there are no Material, I'm fure, there are no
Willing or Carelefs Miftakes in it.
AND I've only to add,
THAT whoever Conllders the Diftance our People were
at from any Englifh Settlement, in a Howling Wildernefs,
and very far in the Enemies Country, who were at Home,
& more than double the Number of our Men; Their Fight¬
ing from Morning to Night in a Long, Hot Day, without
any Refrefhment; The Number Kill'd and Wounded,
38 An Hiflorical PREFACE.
amongft whom were fome, that were Perfons of Diftinc-
tion on both fides; will doubtlefs grant that this A6tion
Merits a Room in the Hiftory of our New-EngliJJi Wars,
whenever a Continuance of it fhall be Publifh'd If any
judge, I've obferv'd fome Circumftances in this A6tion too
Minute, I've only to fay, if fome fuch Perfons or their Re¬
lations had been in the A6tion, it's poffible they would not
have been of this Opinion. - However, thofe who I am
firftly Oblig'd to Gratify, wont eafily come into their Senti¬
ments in this matter. And I muft beg of the others to
forgive me this Wrong, and that they'd only confider, the
Different Tafte of Readers, & confequently the extreme
Difficulty, if not Impoffibility of pleating every Body, in a
Performance of this Nature. And yet none would be
more willing to do it, than the Unworthy Author, who is
a Hearty Lover of His Country, and of all Good Men of
every Denomination.
T. SYMMES.
An Attestation.
WE whofe Names are hereunto Sub/erid'd, having had the
Preceeding Narrative carefully Read to us ( tho' we can?t
each of us, indeed, Attefl to every particular Article &
Circumflance in it, ) yet we can and do Aver that the
Subflance of it is True; and are well Satisfy'd in the
Truth of the whole.
SETII WYMAN.
EBENEZER AYER.
ABIEL ASTEN.
An Hijlorical PREFACE.
39
The Names of the Men Kill'd at the Fight at Piggwacket,
and of the Wounded Loft by the way Returning Home¬
wards.
I. Kill'd and left on the Spot.
1
J
Thefe
12 found
} & Buried
J by Col.
Tyng in
the Field
of Battle.
II. Wounded, and Loft by the way.
1. Lieut. JoJiah Farwell., of Dunftable-
2. Mr. Jonathan Frie, Chaplain, Andover.
3. Mr. Elias Barron, Groton.
I.
Capt.
John Lovewell., of Dunftable
2.
Enlign Jonathan Robbins,
Ditto
3-
Enfign Jonathan Harwood, Ditto
4-
Mr.
Robert Ufhcr,
Ditto
5-
Mr.
Jacob Fullam,
Wefton.
6.
Mr.
Jacob Far rah,
Concord.
7-
Mr.
JoJia h Davis,
Ditto
8.
Mr.
Thomas IVoods,
Groton.
9-
Mr.
Daniel Woods,
Ditto
10.
Mr.
John Jefts,
Ditto
11.
Mr.
Ichabod John/on,
Woborn.
12.
Mr.
Jonathan Kitteridge
,Billerica.
The Brave Lovewell,
And feveral of his Company,
LAMENTED.
II. Sam. I. 27. How are the Mighty fallen, and the
Weapons of War perifhed J
HE Book before us is Entitled The Second of
Samuel, not, that it was written by the Fam¬
ous Prophet of that Name; (for it contains
an Hiftory of what came to pafs, after his
Death; of which we've an account in the
beginning of the XXV. Chap, of the former Book ) but
the latter part of the former, with the whole of this Book,
is fuppofed to be written by Nathan or Gad; or by Hcze-
kiah or Ezra. And probably it's call'd, The Second of
Samuel, by the Hebrews, becaufe It's a Continuation of the
Hiftory began by him ; and fo, being a Supplement to
the Hiftory of Samuel, it goes under his Name; as is ulual
in fuch cafes now a days.
6
The Brave LOVE WELL LAMENTED.
IN the Chapter before us, we've a very Celebrated Ele¬
gy* of which our Text is the, Conclufion. And here we
may obferve. ( i ) WHO was the Author of this Elegy,
or Funeral Poem; Namely, David. Agreably it's termed
in our Pfalm-Book, David's Elegy. The Sweet Pfalmift of
Ilrael was a Poet, as well as Mufician; and has given us a
noble Specimen of his admirable Poetick Genius, in the
Mournful Poem before us. But we're to conlider Him
here, not only as a finifh'd Poet, but as an Eminent Servant
of GOD, even the Man after GOD's own heart: who
duely confidering the works of the Lord, and regarding
the operations of His hands, has fet us a very bright Ex¬
ample, how to behave upon, and what Improvement to
make of, the Death of Ufeful Men; efpecially of luch, as
not only have Jeoparded their Lives unto the Death, but
nobly laid down their Lives, in the high places of the Field,
in the Service of their King & Country: David Lamented
with this Lamentation.
( 2 ) OBSERVE the Subject & Occafion of this Elegy;
viz. The Death of Saul and Jonathan; who with many of
their Army fell down flain upon Mount Gilboa, i Sam. 31.
1, 2, 3. Tidings of this Slaughter being bro't to David,
he was greatly affected therewith, and ( as was cuftomary
amongft the Hebrews on fuch forrowful occafions ) David
took hold on his clothes and rent them, and likewife all the
men that were with him. And they mourned and wept
and fafled until Even, for Saul and for Jonathan his Son,
and for tJie people of the L ord, and for the houfe of Ifrael;
becanfe they were fallen by the Sword. Context 11, 12. ver.
The Brave LOVEWELL LAMENTED. 43
And having done Juftice on the young Amalekite, that
brot' the News, who by his own Confeffion had ltretched
forth his hand to flay the Lord's anointed; He further
g£ive vent to his Grief, in the Elegant Compofition be¬
fore us.
( 3 ) OBSERVE the Matter and Subftance of this Ele¬
gy: or, what David laid on this great Occafion. And Firjl,
lie utters this mournful affertion, The Beauty of Ifrael is
Slain upon thy high places! ver. 19. Expert Soldiers are
no inconfiderable part of the beauty of Ifrael. Then fol¬
lows a very pathetieal Exclamation, which is thrice repeat¬
ed, v. 19. 25, 27. and is the burthen of the Song, How are
the Mighty fallen\ We have then his Poetical Wifh, with
the Reafon of it, That the Tragical News might not be
publifhed, v. 20. Tell it not in Gath, publifh it not in the
Streets of Askelon: left the Daughters of the Philiflines
rcjoyce, left the Daughters of the uncircumcifed triumph.
The Imperative Mood is ufed in the begining of the verfe
for the Optative, after the manner of paffionate Mourners,
who often wifh for things impoffible. And by this form of
Speech David rather expreffes his Deteftation of what was
done, then forbids the doing of it: q. d. O that this Dole¬
ful Story had never been told in Gath / for fo it furely was,
1 Sam. 31. 8, 9, 10. And it came topafs on the morrow,
when the P hiliflines came to flrip the Slain, that they found
Saul and his three Sons fallen on Mount Gilboa. And they
cut off his head, andflripped off his A rmour, and fent into
the land of the Philiflines round about, to publifh it in the
houfe of their Idols, and among the people. And they put
44 The Brave LOVE WELL LAMENTED.
his Armour in the houfe of AJlitaroth'. and they faflened his
Body to the Wall of Bcth-fhan. We have next David's
Imprecation, on the place of the defeat, with the Realon
of it. v. 21. Ye Mountains of Gilboa, let there be no Dew,
neither let there be Rain upon yon, nor fields of offerings:
for there the fJiield of the Mighty is vilely eafl away.
Some think this only a Figurative Speech, fuppofing the
very Heavens and Earth had a kind of fenfe and feeling of
this Calamity: Others think it a Prophetical Curfe, that
took effeft accordingly, even as our Saviour's denoune'd
on the Barren Fig-Tree. a. But this is confuted by Bro-
ehard & others, that have been upon the place. We may
therefore look upon it, as only an Hyperbolical Poetical
Imprecation.
DAVID then goes 011 to commend Saul and Jonathan,
for their wonderful Succels at Arms, v. 22. From the
Blood of the Jlain, from the fat of the mighty, the bow of
Jonathan turned not back, and the fword of Saul returned
not empty. They were wont to be Victorious over their
ftouteft Enemies. And that it's otherwile now, and that
thefe Valiant Men are fallen, argues that GOD is angry;
which fhould awaken his people to Repentance. He fur¬
ther celebrates (as, their affe6tion to one another and
Union in Death, v. 23. fo,) their Agility and Courage.
They were fwifter than Eagles, they were bolder than L ions.
They were Swift and Nimble to purfue their Enemies,
and to avoid danger; and Strong and Valiant to refill; and
a. Dr. Willet in loc & Peter Martyr, quoted by him. Poli Critica.
The Brave LOVEWELL LAMENTED.
45
overcome fuch as dare oppofe them. Briefly, he com¬
mends Saul for his Royal Bounty to the Daughters ol
Ifrael, whom he calls upon to Lament him, v. 24. Te
Daughters of Ifrael, zuecp over Saul, who clothed yon in
fear let, with other delights, who put 011 ornaments of gold
upon your Apparel. Even the Daughters of Ifrael had
been wont to bear their part in Sauls Triumphs, and now
it became them to mourn his Fall. As all fhare in com¬
mon Calamities; fo all fhould be fuitably affe6ted there¬
with.
Finally, DAVID particularly Laments over Jonathan,
profeffing his deep Diftrefs for him: the dear affection
between them, and the pleafure he took in his Converfa-
tion, v 25, 26. O Jonathan, thou zuafl flain in thy high
places. I am diflreffed for thee, my brother Jonathan: very
pleafant hafl thou been unto me', thy love to me was wonder¬
ful., pafjing the love of Women, who are commonly moft
afte£tionate.
( 4 ) OBSERVE fome of the Properties of this Elegy.
And, Firfl, It is extremely fine and elegant. The Ideas are
very bright, and well adapted: the Phrafes are very Ex-
preffive and Emphatical, and hence the whole Poem is
very moving and pathetical. And particularly, where he
fpeaks of his Friend Jonathan, nothing can be more foft
and tender, and exprefs'd with a greater Pathos. And
what more paffionate, than his Repeated Exclamation/
IIow are the Mighty fallen! Thofe Valiant and Renowned
Commanders, Saul and Jonathan, with their brave and
undaunted Soldiers, that fell with them. So that the
46 The Brave LOVEWELL LAMENTED.
Weapons of War areperiJJicd i. e. thofe that wielded them
are dead. And what will Weapons do, without Men of
Skill and Courage to handle them, for their Countrie's
Prefervation and Defence, and the Supprellion and Extir¬
pation of their Enemies /
Again, THE whole Poem is fufficiently Brave and
Manly. David fhows himfelf a Man of a great Soul, now,
that SauPs day was come to die," & GOD had delivered
him out of his hands; and Saul could now no longer per-
fecute and hunt him as a Partridge on the Mountains, as
he'd a long while done ( for as in the Grave the weary
Servants of GOD, are at reft, fo, Bleffed be GOD ! when
the Wicked are lodg'd there, they ceafe from troubling) I
fay tho' David was now delivered, he fcorns to trample
with infulting feet on the Monument of the Dead, and
crow over a Breathlefs Corpfe; But buries all the faults
of Said in perpetual oblivion, in the land of forgetfulnefs,
lays aiide all Spleen, and heartily mourns his Countrie's
Reproach and Lofs, tho' the very means of his own
deliverance and advancement, (a Noble inftance of Public
Spiritednefs ) and commemorates what was commendable,
even in Saul. For, De mortuis, nil niji bonum. None
that are Men after GOD's own heart, will unnecelfarily rip
up the faults of others; and fpeak evil of thofe that can't
fpeak for themfelves. Thofe that are not thus tender
of the Reputation of others, may juftly fear that others
will be as free with them, when they are filent in the
Grave.
BUT then, it's alio a Martial Poem, 'tis written with a
The Brave LOVEWELL LAMENTED. 47
Martial Air. The Subject is intirely Military. He La¬
ments his Heroes, confidered in their Military Character.
He Celebrates their Military Accomplifhments and At-
chievments. And he Dedicates it to the Militia of Jiidah,
as in the Parenthelis in the Preface, 18. v. alfo he bade them
teach the Children of Judah the ufe of the Bow : Whence
it's evident, That David in the midft of his mourning, is
not unmindful of what was neceffary for the good of the
Common Wealth: Teaching us, not to be fo overcome
with Grief, on fuch forrowful occafions, as to forget our
Duty and negleft means for our own or our Countries
fafety.
Furthermore, THIS Elegy is very Ancient. 'Twas
written about Eight and Twenty Hundred Years ago.
And according to fome Chronologies, before the Famous
Iliads of Homer, who was the very Father of all the Hea¬
then Poets, and laid to be born in the Reign of Solomon
the Son of David. * It is then one of the firft-born of
Elegies, and venerable for it's Antiquity. It's laid to be
Recorded in the Book of Jafher, which is tho't to be a
General Chronicle of the A6ts of the Jewifh Nation : a.
and call'd Jefher, i. e. the fufl or- Upright. We read of it
Jofh. 10. 13. It's fuppof'd this Book was continued from
Age to Age, as a Colle6tion of State Poems, ( fay fome )
or of the Memorable A£ts of GOD's Worthies, and tho'
laid up at length in the Temple ( as J ofcp hits reports ) yet
being not Canonical, is now loft.
* Hurt or Ili/foricus. a. Dr. Willct in /or. Si alii.
48 The Brave LOVFAVELL LAMENTED.
Finally, TO remark no more Characters of this Poem,
It's a Scripture-Elegy, for tho' we don't fuppofe it at firft
written by infpiration; yet being agreeable to the Will of
GOD, was adopted ( if I may fo exprefs it) by the Iloly
Spirit, who infpired thofe that inferted it in the Sacred
Pages, fo that it is now a part of Canonical Scripture.
And thus it's probable the Penman of the Chronicles
Collected many things out of the Book of JciJJier, being
guided therein by the unerring Spirit of GOD. And tho'
the Name of GOD is not to be found in this Elegy, yet it
is confonant to Religion, and approved by GOD; and we
hence learn, that what is fpoken or written by the Servants
of GOD, may be very agreable to the Will of GOD and
for his Glory, tho' the Name of GOD or CIIRISTi s not
to be found therein. Thus the Book of EJlher wherein
are no lefs than Ten Chapters, has not the Name of GOD
in it.
(5 ) OBSERVE the main Scope and Defign of this
Elegy And there are two things more efpecially that
David had in view, after the Glory of GOD, his Ultimate
End. Firft, to perpetuate the Memory of Saul, and his
Dearly Beloved Jonathan, his Bolom Friend. 4 Great
£ indeed was the Love between Damon and Pythias; for
' when Dionyftus the Tyrant, had on fome occafion, fignifi'd
' his Refolution, that one of them fhould Die; and permit-
' ted Damon to go home and fettle his Affairs before his
' Death, provided he could find one to be Surety for
£ his return; Pythias forthwith offered voluntarily, and put
' himfelf in the Tyrants power. Damon coming back
The Brave LOVEWELL LAMENTED. 49
' precifely at the time appointed, Dionyjius did fo much
' admire their mutual Fidelity* that he Pardon'd both, &
' pray'd that he might be admitted the Third into their
' Friendfhip. a. But the Love of David and Jonathan was
more Divine and Excellent, than that of thefe brave
Heathen Philofophers. We've the account of it's Com¬
mencement, 1 Sam. 18. begin. And it came to pafs when
he [ David ] had made an end of /peaking to Saul, that the
Soul of Jonathan was knit with the Soul of David, and
Jonathan loved him, as his own Soul. And Saul took him
that day, and would let him go no more home to his Fathers
houfe. Then Jonathan and David made a Covenant, beeaufe
he loved him as his own Soul. And Jonathan flript himfelf
of the Robe that was upon him, and gave it to David, and
his garments even to his Sword and to his Bow, and to his
Girdle. For fuch a Friend one would even dare to die.
To be fure, David would have the Memory of this Juft
Man Bleffed. He would have him had, in Everlafting Re¬
membrance. And he here does his part, that it might be
fo, and the event was agreable to his pious defire, for wher¬
ever the Bible is enjoyed, this Elegy is ftill to be found
on Record for a Memorial of him.
BUT then David had a further reach than barely to
Embalm the Name of his Friend, and perpetuate the
Remembrance of Said, for his Relation to Jonathan and
to his Country: For, by this Elegy, or Funeral Song,
a. Collier's Dictionary.
7
50 The Brave LOVEWELL LAMENTED.
David clefign'd to fire the ambition of his Contemporaries
& Succeffors, to feek to excel in Chivalry; and to fire
them alio with Zeal to profecute the War againft the
Barbarous Philijlines, and to avenge the Death of their
Sovereign, and feveral of the Royal Family, and many
other Gallant Soldiers; and to defend themfelves, againft
their Infults and Depredations. Agreably in the Paren-
thelis before mentioned, v. 18. He bade them teach the
Children of Judah the ufe of the Bow. — The belt Interpre¬
tation of which Paffage ( fays Junius ) is, That it expreffes
the defign of David, that this Song, being put into the
hands of Judah, it might ferve to excite and provoke
them to addift themfelves to Martial Exercifes, and to
acquire Skill in the tife of the Bow, which is here put for
all Warlike Weapons then in fafhion. And may the fame
ufe be made of the Difcourfe, you are now Reading, to
provoke all among us, of a Military Character, to inure
themfelves to the ufe of the GUN, and all fuch Exercifes
as may accomplifh them for Service in the Doleful War,
we're unhappily involved in.
Having, Obferv'd thefe things in General in this Elegy,
I come now to remark from the Conclufion of it.
THAT the Fall of Brave and Suecefsful Warriours
in the Field of Battle; is very much to be Lamented by the
People of GOD, in whofe immediate fervice they Lofl their
Lives. We fhould Lament over them with this Lamenta¬
tion, How are the Mighty fallen, and. the Weapons of War
perifhed I
Firfl, IT is fometimes the Lot of the Braveft Warriours,
The Brave LOVEWELL LAMENTED. 51
and of fueh as have been very Succelsful, to fall at laft, or
be ilain in the Field of Battle. Saul had been a Brave
Warriour and did worthily in the beginning of his Reign.
The Hiftory of his deliverance of Jabefi-Giliad when Na-
haJJi the Ammonite came up & Encamped againft it, is very
noble and brave, 1 Sam. 11. begin. He difcover'd both
Great Courage and Conduct, in that whole a6tion, at the
1 \th. we read, Saul put the people in three Companies, and
they came into the midjl of the Hojl in the morning watch,
and Jlew the Ammonites, until the heat of the day. and it
came to pafs that they which remained were fcattered, fo that
tivo of them lucre not left together. Thus he effectually
raifed the Seige of poor JabeJh-Giliad', and delivered the
City. And when fome Ilot-headed people propofed to
* Samuel, that the Male-contents fhould be put to Death,
who had laid, fhall SAUL reign over us? Saul very
Generoufly fupprefs'd the Motion, and fnub'd thole that
too officioully propos'd it; faying, There fhall not a man be
put to Death this day ! And as he was once returning
from the ilaughter of the Philiflines, the Women came out
of all the Cities of Ifracl, linging and dancing, to meet
King Saul\ with Tabrets, with Joy and with Inftruments of
Mulick; and the Women anfwered one to another as they
played, and faid, Saul hath flain his thoufands. We read
alio of Jonathan, that he fmote the Garrifon of the Ph iliflines
that was in Geba, 1 Sam. 13. 3. And in the beginning of
the 14 Chapter, wer'e inform'd how Jonathan and his
Armour-Bearer, did miraculoully fmite the Philiflines.
And in the Context, ver. 22. David gives 'em this enco-
52 The Brave LOVE WELL LAMENTED.
mium, From the Blood of the Jlctin, from the fat of the
mighty, the Bow of Jonathan turned not back, and the Sword
of Saul returned not empty. And he calls them, the Mighty,
and the Flower or Beauty of Lfrael Now thefe Brave,
Succefsful Soldiers, were Slain in Battel at laft, upon
mount Gilboa.
AND ( not to mention any other inftance ) Thus ' Guf-
' tavus Ado/phus, Stiled the Great King of Sweden, who
' took for his Motto, Lf G O D be for ns, who can be
' againfi us — And who was an incomparable Warriour,
' venturous fometimes even without neceffity; and efpe-
' cially in War, would neglect his Life and perform rather
' the Duty of a Soldier than of a General; and to excufe
' himfelf would fay, That Armies flight the Danger they
L fhare in with their King) and that if Generals doiit act
' in P erf on they can never atchieve a Glittering Reputation'.
' And that luch as fhun Death, meet it oftner, than they
' that feek it: That Julius Cafar was never wounded in
' Battle, tho' he ever fought in the foremoft Ranks of his
' Troops: and that Alexander the Great, mark'd out the
' way with his own Blood, that led him to the Empire of
' the Eaft; and that to be as Famous as thefe Great Men,
' he ought to be no more timerous than they: this Great
' Man, after he'd obtain'd divers Victories over the Danes
' & Poles & Mufcovites, and received Thirteen Wounds
' before thofe of which he died, was at length Slain in a
4 Battle with the Germans, having firft almoft got the Vic-
( tory, which his Army compleated after his Death. And
' thus the Great Giflavus Died, in the 38th. Year of his
The Brave LOVEWELL LAMENTED. 53
4 Age, Anno Domi. 1632. whilft Vi6tory (as one expreffes
' it) lay a bleeding by his fide. a.
Secondly, THE Eall of Brave and Succefsful Soldiers
is very much to be Lamented by the People of G O D, efpe-
cially by thofe in whofe immediate Service they Sacrificed
their Lives. For,
Firfil, THIS is very Decent and Becoming the People
of GOD. There's a time to weep, as well as a time to
laugh. And every thing is beautiful in it's feafon. Now
when Brave and Seuccefsful Soldiers are Slain in Battle,
who have been improv'd by Providence as Inftruments of
Checking the Pride and Infolence, and Weakning the
Force, and Thinning the Number, and Difcouraging the
Hearts of the Enemies of GOD's People; and of preferr¬
ing the Lives, Liberties and Properties of the Ifrael of
GOD: and might if GOD had fpared them, been a further
Scourge to the Enemy, and Defence to the People of GOD,
by contending with the Enemy in Battle. It's very proper
and highly realonable, luch efpecially in whofe immediate
Service they've Couragioully ventur'd and undauntedly
laid down their Lives, fhould Lament their Death. And
the Contrary, is, how indecent? how Sottifh? how Stupid
and Unreafonable ? Now whatfoever things are lovely, de¬
corous, and of good report, Chriftians fhould love and prac-
tife thefe things, Phil. 4. 8. The Civiliz'd Heathen will
rife up in Judgment againft Chriftians, yea and the Barba¬
rians alio, if they don't do luch deferving Perlons the
a. Colliers Did. Clarks Lives.
54 The Brave LOVEWELL LAMENTED.
Honour of Lamenting their untimely Death. It's Humane
and Manly to do fo: but the contrary is indeed, inhumane,
and worfe than Heathenifh.
Secondly, IT is Juft and Equal, for the People of GOD
to Lament the Death of Brave and Succefsful Soldiers
Slain by the Enemies, and in their Service. Tears and
proper Lamentations are a Debt we owe them. They've
dearly merited this piece of Refpe6t from their People, a.
And lurely if they deferv'd the Applaufe and Commenda¬
tion of all while they Liv'd; they ought to be Honour'd
with the Lamentations of all when they're Slain in the
high places of the Field. And the Law of Equity calls
for it. Surely 'tis to do as we would be done by; or, as
we fhould delire any of our Dear Relatives fhould be
treated, in like circumftances. If it had been the Lot of any
very nearly Related to us ( and it has been fo *) to be
Slain in Battle, or Sea-Fight, playing the Man for their
People, and for the Cities of their GOD; furely a due no¬
tice taken of their Death, by the People of GOD, would
be what we fhould expeft and be pleafed with. Now
whatloever we would that men fhould do to us, we fhould
do the fame to them, or, we tranfgrefs a Golden Rule.
But if this Rule be out of fafhion with any; yet
Thirdly, AGREABLE Lamentations for Expert and
a. It's but jufl, to fhed Tears for them, that have fJied their Hearts Blood
for us.
* Cafit Ajer's of Haverhill; and Mr. Edward Carleton of Bradford, with fun-
dry others. Aug, 29 170S and the Authors Grandfather, and Uncle Graves in the
Dutch War.
The Brave LOVEWELL LAMENTED. • 55
Succefsful Soldiers Slain in War, are very ufeful and
advantagious. It's a Comfort to their Bereaved Relatives,
when they obferve that the People of GOD, do greatly
bewail the Death of their Friends, and heartily Sympathize
with them, tho' their Lois may poffibly be in fome refpe&s
Irreparable; yet this fhould and will contribute not a lit¬
tle, to alleviate their forrow, eafe their diftreffed minds,
and dry up their Tears.
AND then, its a Spur to Virtue. When Surviving Sol¬
diers ( and particularly fuch as have been Eye-Witneffes
of the Fall of their Brethren, and fought with uncommon
Bravery, and were either Wounded, or, Equally Expofed
in the fame Battle, with thofe that are Slain) take Notice
that the Death of their Officers or Fellow-Soldiers, is
deeply relented by the People of GOD, that they ftill
fpeak' of them with great Honour in their Lamentations,
this will Animate them, we hope, to do Worthily, and
rather Die with Honour, if call'd to Battle, than live with
Difgrace; and for their Cowardice, have the offer of a
Wooden Sword, and be Branded with the Infamous Char-
after of a Cozcard, even by the Weaker Sex.
WEI I RE AS, on the other hand, it's a great Aggravation
of the Affliction of deftreffed Mourners, when they obferve
that the Generality, only give the News of their Friends
Death, the hearing, but fecm as Stoical and unconcern'd
about it, as if their Lives were of no value, and their Death
what does no way concern them. Such Ingratitude and
Inhumanity is very Exercifing to Ingenious minds and fuch
as have any fenle of Honour. Befides fuch a Sordid Infen-
56 The Brave LOVE WELL LAMENTED.
iiblenefs, is very Difcouraging to our Brave Soldiers. Who
would be willing to venture their Lives for fuch ungreat-
ful People /
Finally, It's Pious and Scriptural to bewail the Death
of fuch Brave and Succefsful Soldiers, whofe Lot it is, to
be Slain at laft in the Field of Battle. GOD expe£ts we
fhould lay to heart the Death of all our fellow Creatures,
That is the end of all men, and the living will lay it to his
heart, Eccl. 7. 2. And particularly, we'r oblidg'd to La¬
ment the Death of Eminently ufeful Men, tho' they Die
quietly in their Beds; and come to their Graves in a good
Old Age, like as a JJiock of Corn comes in, in Ws feafon.
How much more fhould we mourn their lofs, when Slain
in Battle, in the midft of their Days, or in the very Flower
of their Age, while their Breafls were full of milk, and their
Bones were moiflned with marrow. It's a fore Judgment
when GOD fuffers fuch to fall by, and into the hand of the
Enemy; and does not cover their heads in the day of Bat¬
tle. This is an aweful Frown and argues the great dilplea-
fure of GOD. Hence He threatned the men of Anathoth,
that laid to the Prophet Jeremy, Prophely not in the Name
of the Lord, that their Young men fhould die by the Sword,
Jer. 11. 21, 22. and a like threatning he denoune'd againft
Afoab, Jer. 48. 15. His e ho fen young men are gone down
to the flaughter,faith the King, whofe Name is the LORD
OF HOST. And when the Wrath of the LORD was
rilen againft Ifrael, for their meaf ire-filling Sin, in mock¬
ing the LORD's Meffengers, defpifing his words and mif-
ufing his Prophets, it's faid, 2 Chron. 36. 17. Therefore he
The Brave LOVEWELL LAMENTED. 57
brought upon them, the King of the Chaldccs, who flew
their young men with the Sword. Now what greater caufe
of Mourning and Lamentation than the Manifeftations of
GOD's difpleafure ? If the Lion roar who will not trem¬
ble ? but alas, who can ftand when GOD is angry / And
he highly refents it, when his people are infenlible under
the Tokens of his holy anger: if they cry not, when he
corre6ts them. He fays to fuch, whyJhould ye beflrickcn
any more ? ye will revolt more and more, Ifa. 1. 5. and again,
they are not humbled unto this day, Jer. 44. 10.
BESIDES, We've many Scripture Precepts and Exam¬
ples, that teach us to Lament, on the occalion under con-
fideration. When GOD threatn'd Ifraelby the weeping
Prophet, that a People fhould come from the North Coun¬
try, that fhould lay hold on Bow and Spear, being Cruel
and having no Mercy. Jer. 6. 22, 23. It's added, ver. 26.
O dandier of my People gird thee with Sackcloth, and wallow
thy felf in afhes\ make thee Mourning as for an ONLY
SON mofl bitter Lamentation; — Surely then, there fhould
be a proportionable Lamentation, when feveral chofen
Young Men, and fome very promiling and hopeful, are
actually Slain by men of the Chaldean Chara6ter. Another
inftance we have, Jer. 9. 17. — Confider ye, and call for the
mourning women. — Let them make hafl'—that our eyes may
run down with tears, and our eye-lids gufh out with waters
— A nd teach your Daii'tcrs wailing and every one her neigh¬
bours lamentation. For Death is come up, — to cut off the
Young Men from the flrcets. And even the Car cafes of men
fhallfall as dung upon the open field--and none fiati gather,
s
58 The Brave LOVEIVELL LAMENTED.
or, BURY them. This Evinces, that GOD calls to mourn¬
ing when Young Men fall by the Sword, & the Mighty in
the Battle. And then to mention no other Scriptures, our
Text and Context is a full & direct proof of our Doc¬
trine For, as was obferv'd before, this Mournful Song
was Davids Lamentation over thofe that were flain by the
Philijiincs on Mount Gilboa.
BUT I proceed to the Application. And,
Firft, IF it's fometimes the Lot of the moft Valiant and
Succefsful Soldiers, to be Slain at laft in Battle; Then they
that Gird on the Harnefs fhonld not boaji as they that put it
off. This was well obferv'd by A/iab to Beuhadad King of
Syria, i. Kings 20. 11. All fuch Prepofterous Boafting is
evil; very foolifh and ominous, and commonly followed
with fatal confequents. Boafting Beuhadad had caufe and
leifure in his inner Chamber to think of this wife caution,
when he had feen his Army miferably broken a JirJi time,
& flain with a great (laughter, by a Company of Strip¬
lings, under the Command of A/iab their King: and a
fecond time totally routed; an Hundred Thoufand Footmen
being flain in one Day by the Ifraelites\ and Twenty Seven
Thoufand more by the falling of a Wall upon them; and
he reduced to fuch abje6t circumftances, as to beg Quarter
by his Ambaffadors with Sackcloth on their Loyns and
Ropes on their Heads. How was the Scene now changed,
& his Tune turn'd, 1 Kin. 20. And thus we find the Swag¬
gering Goliah, who defi'd the Armes of the Living GOD,
one Minute Curling David by his Gods, and difdainfully
faying, Come to me and I will give thy flefh to the fowls of
The Brave LOVE WELL LAMENTED. 59
the air, and to the beajls of the field; and the next Minute
tumbling headlong with his Face upon the Earth: and the
Beauty of Ifrael cutting oft' his Head with his own Sword,
1. Sam: 17. 1, — 51.
GOD allows us indeed, in our Spiritual Warfare, (and
in extraordinary cafes, as, in David's, anfwering the Chal¬
lenge of the Giant, in a Carnal Warfare alio) to Triumph
before the Battle and to fay, Thanks be unto GOD, that
giveth us the Victory, thro'' our Lord Jefus Chrifi. For, in
all thefe things we are more than Conquerors thro' the
Captain of our Salvation, whole is the Vi6tory, and who
hath loved us, and will give it to us /
BUT without particular Revelation, not now to be ex-
pe6ted, none can tell, whither the many, or the few; the
ftrong or the weak; the Righteous or the Wicked; the
Friend or Enemy will get the Day in the Field of Battle.
Boafting then, upon the going forth of Armies, is to be
Condemned; both in fuch as go forth to War, and in fuch
as tarry at home, on their Account.
Secondly, THE moft Skilful, Dextrous, Couragious and
Succefsful Soldiers, had need to be truly Religious and well
prepared for Death; feeing they'r not Invulnerable, but
as liable to Die as others. An Indian Bullet will kill a
Hero, a Champion, as eafily as a Faint-Hearted Coward', a
Captain, or Chaplain, as foon as a Bringer up of the Front
half-Files; or the moft inferiour Private Soldier. There
muft indeed be the Swiftnefs of the Eagle, the Subtilty of
the Fox, the Strength and Boldnefs of the Lion, as well as
the Grace of the Chriflian, to conftitute a Brave Soldier;
6o The Brave LOVEWELL LAMENTED.
and every devout Chriftian, that's fit for Heaven, is not
moil fit to go forth to War. But, tho' fuch as are deftitute
of Grace may poffibiy be Stout Soldiers and Noble Com¬
manders, and deferve well of their Prince and Country;
and in anfwer to the Prayers of GOD's People, in whofe
caufe they'r Employ'd, they may fight valiantly, and play
the man for their People, and tread down the Enemy; yet
if they'r Slain, they cannot groundedly expert Salvation.
Seeing then our Soldiers carry their Lives in their Hands,
when they go forth to War, and are ftill liable to be Am-
bufh'd, wher'er they Travel in the vaft Howling Wilder-
nefs, and, kill'd unexpectedly, as well as Slain in a pitch'd
Battle; they'd need be always ready not only to Fight, but
to Die, and make their Appearance before GOD. And in
order thereto, they fhould now Believe in CHRIST and
Repent of all their Sins, and fo get into, and keep in good
terms with GOD, who can eafily preferve them, tho' a
thou/and fall at their fide, and ten thoufand at their right
hand: and can caufe one of them to chafe a thoufand, and
two, to put ten thoufand to flight.
THE Wretched Jefuites or Friers, are won't ( 'tis
faid) to abfolve their deluded Profelytes, the Barbarous
when they come forth to War againft Us: &
flatter 'em with the Promife of an immediate paffage to
Paradife, without any ftop at Purgatory, if they fall in
Battle: And thefe delufive Hopes may poffibiy animate
them, to fight with great Fury in their Engagements with
us. And many private Soldiers & Inferiour Officers in the
Campaigns in Chrifl ndom, meerly from the profpe6t of
The Brave LOVEVVELL LAMENTED. 61
Applaufe, Promotion, or filthy Lucre; or, from Thrift after
Revenge, and a vain opinion that Fighting in a good caufe,
and on the right fide, they fhall furely be happy in the next
World, if they'r kill'd in Battle, have poffibly been led on
to fight with undaunted Refolution, and the utmoft Intrepid¬
ity. Surely then the Motives of pure Religion, fuch as
ferving GOD and their Country; having GOD to go be¬
fore them, and fight for them, and either to cover their
Heads, or, receive their departing Souls to the Blefled
Manfions above, where there is no Adverfary nor Evil
occurrent, where they fhall reft from their labours and their
works fhall follow them, muft needs be fufficient, by the
Influence of the Holy Spirit that dwelleth in all real
Chriftians, to caufe them to wax Valiant in Fight, and to
raile them above the fear of what Earth or Hell can do
unto them.
SO then, A well grounded Perfwcfion of a Part in
Chrift, and an Inter eft in the favour of G O D, is what all
that go forth to War, would do wifely to give all Diligence
to obtain.
Thirdly, SINCE the Beft of Soldiers are liable to be
overcome and Slain in War, it ill becomes the People of
G O D to put their trufl in Man. Tho' it's their Duty
and Wifdom to Employ and Encourage Expert Soldiers:
yet it's their Sin and Folly to truft in them. As it's Idola¬
try for Soldiers to truft in their Arms, or in their Dexterity
and Courage to handle them; or in one another: fo it's
Idolatry for the People of GOD, in whofe Service they go
forth to truft in them. For alas/ What is man whofe
62 The Brave LOVEWELL LAMENTED.
Breath is in his Noftrils, and wherein is he to be accounted
oft'? Ilis Breath goeth forth, he returneth to his Duft; in
that very Day, all his Projections and Refolutions and Ac-
complilhments for War, perifh /
SURELY then, It's the greateft folly, for a People to
truft in their Forces, how well loever Qualified, Spirited
and Equipp'd : and how Succefsful foever they have been.
For, Every Creature is that to us that GOD makes it to
be; and unlefs GOD give Help, vain is the Help of Man,
Jer. 3 23. Truly in vain is Salvation hoped for from the
hills, and from the multitude of mountains; truly in the
L ord our God is the Salvation of Ifrael. And we know
who has faid, Cuifed be the man that trufleth in man, and
maketh flefh his arm — But Bleffed is the man, that trufleth
in the Lord, and whofe hope the Lord is, Jer. 17. 5? — 7-
Agreably we find the People of GOD, refolving, in the
Name of our GOD we will fet up our Banners. And
whilft fome tmifl in Chariots and fome in Horfes, we will
remember the Name of the Lord our God, Plal. 20. 5, — 7.
And again, Thro' thee we will puJJi down our Enemies:
Thro' thy Name we will tread them tinder that rife up
againfl us, Pfal. 40. 5. and Plal. 60. 12. Thro' God we
fhall do valiantly, for He it is, that fhall tread down our
Enemies.
MEN may fail us, be overcome, and utterly fruflrate our
expectations: But, if we truft in GOD, we may pray with
A fa, when Zerah the Ethiopian came againft him, with an
Hoft of a Thoufand Thouland, and three Hundred Chari¬
ots ; LORD, (laid he ) Lt is nothing with thee to help,
The Brave LOVEWELL LAMENTED. 63
whither with many, or with them that have no power', help
us O LORD our GOD, for we REST on thee, and in
thy Name we go againji this Multitude. O LORD thou
art our GOD, let not Man prevail againji thee. The
Lord of Ilofts is Immortal, and Invincible; lie has all
Creatures at His Command, and can caufe the Stars in
their Courfes to fight againft the Enemies of his People;
and fell Si/era into the hand of a Woman. In a word,
whatfoever the Lord pleafeth that he doth; It is therefore
better to truft in him, than to put Confidence in man, Pfal.
118. 8.
Fourthly, ARE the Braveft and moft Succefsful Soldiers,
liable to fall in Battle, Such then as are Preferv'd in Mili¬
tary Expeditions and Engagements, and Safely Return'd to
their Families and Friends, are oblig'd to Study what they
fhall render to the Lord, and take heed, they dont forget
his Benefits, but that all their days they perform their
Vows. It is the LORD that has covered their heads in
the Battle; It is the Lord that Redeemed their Lives from
Deftru6tion, when thofe, no more expos'd than they, are
fallen, and gone down to the Grave and fhall come up no
more, and return to their Iloufes 110 more. O that all fuch
as have Experienc'd the Deftinguifhing Favour of Ileaven,
would Praife Ilim for his Goodnefs, and not content them-
felves to defire thanks to be return'd for them in the Public
Aflemblies of GODs People, tho1 that is commenable, but
that they would endeavour to Live the Praifes of GOD.
It's very Dilpleafing to GOD, when his People don't ren¬
der to him according to his Benifits, 2 Chron. 32. 25. Da-
64 The Brave LOVEWELL LAMENTED.
vid Celebrates the Praifes of GOD, for Prefervation and
Sueeefs in War, Pfal. 18. & Pfal. 144. begin.
Fifthly, HENCE the People of GOD ought to afcribe
to Him the Glory of all their Sueeefs in War. His is the
Victory & he gives it to whomfoever he will. He fur-
nifhes Men with Military Skill & Courage: Teaches their
hands to War and their fingers to fight. He finds out the
Enemy for his People, & gives a Prefcnce of mind to their
Forces; and if they are not fwallow'd up quick, when men,
valtly fuperiour in Number, and other advantages rife up
againft them, it's becaufe the Lord is on their fide, Pfal.
124. Again, we find Deborah and Barak giving Glory to
GOD, for avenging his People in. the defeat of Sifera &
his Iloft, Judg. 5. and how often is David the Famous
Warriour of Ifrael, Harping on this firing, as we noted
before.
GOD highly refents it, when his People Sacifi.ee to their
own Net, & burn incenfe to their own Drag: when they
afcribe that to Inftruments that is due to GOD alone. This
no doubt often provokes GOD, to deprive a People of their
Cholen Soldiers. For he is a very Jealous GOD, and will
not give his Glory to another. And, as the former Paftor
of this Church would fay of Minifters, we may fay of Sol¬
diers, People kill them two ways: either, by alcribing too
much, or too little to them: Idolizing of them, or Detra6t-
ing from them, and Defpiling of them.
Finally, LET us all Religionfly Lament the Fall of the
Brave Lovewell, and feveral of his Gallant Company,
that offered themfelves willingly among the People. Let
The Brave LOVEIVELL LAMENTED. 65
us take up this Lamentation over them, How are the Mighty
fallen ! And if we would herein approve our lelves to
GOD, let us confider that thefe Brave Men ( tho' I hope,
we've many left as capable of ferving their Country, yet
thc^v ) were 110 inc07ijiderable part of the Beauty andJlrength
of New-England. Indeed, being wholly a Stranger to moft
of them, I can't pretend to give their Character; yet its
evident to the Country, they were Men form'd and rais'd
up by Providence to lerve us in purfuing an Enemy, of
whom we may fay as of the wild Als, The Wildernefs
yieldeth food for them and for their Children, Job 24. 5.
TIIESE our Worthy Friends could endure Hardnefs as
good Soldiers: And were well able to Encounter the
Fatigues of Long Marches, both in Winter and Summer.
Some of them were well acquainted with the Woods, &
with the Cuftoms and Lurking Places of the Enemy, &
were mightily Spirited to purfue them, & GOD did gra-
cioufly preferve & profper them this Laft Winter in Two
Expeditions, Firfl, Delivering Two into their
Hands, & then Ten Stout Fellows as you all Remember,
whom they kill'd, without receiving any harm from
them. This was the Lords doings and marvellous in our
eyes! And in this Laft Engagement, they were infpir'd
with a great deal of Bravery and good Condu6t, & their
Company Crown'd with Wonderful Succefs. Now to lofe
luch Experienc'd Soldiers, and Men lo refpe6ted in the
Country, is a great Lofs.
Again, LET us confider, that this is the Finger of GOD.
Let not any Say Prophanely and Atheiftically, Lfs the
9
66 The Brave LOVEWELL LAMENTED.
Fortune of War', or, as a good Man faid on a bad occa-
lion, The Sword devourcth one as well as another, 2 Sam.
11. 25. For tho it's true the Battle is not to the Jlrong, and
time and chance happens to all men, yet the hand of the
Lord, is herein gone out againft us, & there are Tokens of
his Difplealure to be feen in this Affair. That this Brave
Company, fhould be fo weakened by leaving fo great a
Number with one that fell 111, & that at fo great a diftance
from them. That one of the Company fhould fo unhappily
leave them in the Beginning of the Fight, & bring fuch
News to thole left behind, that occafion'd their immediate
Return; when their Continuance there, might have been
fuch an unfpeakable Advantage to thofe that Surviv'd the
Battle. And indeed, it appears a Frown, that they fhould
venture fo far with fo fmall a Number at that Seafon of the
Year, when the Enemy are capable of better Subfifting in
Bodies, than in the Winter Seafon. I fay,'the hand of the
LORD appears in all this, that fo many Brave Men fhould
Defcend into Battle and Perifh.
BUT then, We'r alfo to conflder. Why the Lords An¬
ger againft us is not turned away; but his hand is flretched
outftill. Have not our Sins as really Slain our Magnan¬
imous Soldiers, as ever, David flew Uriah the Hittite by
the Sword of the Children of Amnion? And fhould we
not bear the Rod, and him that hath appointed it : And con¬
flder in this Day of Adverfity, what We have done; and
humble our lelves & Pray & feek GOD's Face? Thus did
David and his Men as in the Context. And the Men of
fabfh Gilcad, 1 Sam. ult.
The Brave LOVEWELL LAMENTED. 67
SHOULD we not Endeavour to find out & put away
the Accurfed thing from the midft of us ? and turn to him
thatfmites us? Should we not be awakn'd by fuch Provi¬
dences to get our Peace made with GOD, & engage and
fecure his Gracious Pretence with us, under our prelent
dark views ?
HOW many calls have New-England had, from the
Pulpit, and by the Prefs alio, from Year to Year; To
Remember whence we are fallen and Repent & do our
Firft Works! I low many Election-Sermons have been
Publifh'd amongft us, fill'd with Solemn Warnings, molt
Earneft Exhortations & Ample Testimonies for GOD, &
againft the Provoking Evils of the Land! But alas, IIow
many are ftill acting the part of the Deaf Adder, or as the
Prophet expreffes it, They refnfe to hearken, they pull away
thefhoulder &Jlop the ear that theyJhould not hear, Zech.
7. 11. IIow many hate to be Reformed? Yea hate to be
told by thofe that have good right, full power, & lawful
Authority to do it, wherein We Jhould be, and what's to be
done that We may be, a Reformed People. How fad is it,
if all the Notice taken by the Generality of People, of the
Solemn Meffages lent to them from the LORD GOD of
their Fathers, is only to give them the hearing, and either
Efumm or Hifs the Preacher & his Performance, pretty
much as they ftand affected to him; and it may be, with
fome confiderable Formality, give him thanks for his Ser¬
mon (and then he comes off mighty well/) However if
they carry the Matter fo far as to Print the Sermon, yet
perhaps they don't put it in Pra6tice! But now, dont they
68
The Brave LOVEWELL LAMENTED.
deceive themfelves that hear, & read GODs Word, but do
it not? Or, what mcancth that faying, Jam. i. 22.
FURTHERMORE, By the fore Judgment of War, and
Particularly by the Fall of our Brethren, we are now
Weeping over, GOD is loudly calling upon us, to amend
our ways & doings. And GOD expe£ts we fhould all
in our places endeavour a Reformation, that we fhould do
Our part in this Work: and if we do lo, whatever be the
Event, GOD will let a Mark upon us, and our labour/hall
not be in vain in the Lord. Let not any then be Difcour-
aged, becaule fome proper Eifays and Noble Efforts have
Mifcarried and prov'd Abortive. Neceffity is laid upon
us: NEW-ENGLAND mult Reform, or without a Spirit
of Prophecy, any one that obferves the Signs of the times,
may I think, Evidently forefee, that in one Twenty Years
more, the Glory of New-England as New-England, will be
much more than hitherto, if not TOTALLY Eclipfed.
GOD in his Infinite, Sovereign Mercy prevent it !
BUT then, our Soldiers that are fit to go forth to War,
& may probably be calfd forth, You my Brethren in an
efpecial manner are obliged to take the Alarm given you
by the late Intelligence. Be prevailed with if you han't
yet done fo, to call away the Weapons of your Rebellion
againft Heaven, ( for there's no making peace Sword in
hand ) and come as with Ropes about your Necks, and lie in
the dufl, if there may be hope; and there is hope in Ifrael
concerning you. Now's your time to make ready for
Death. You'l have other work to do, when Engaged in
Battle. And befides, Every Battle of the Warriour is with
The Brave LOVEWELL LAMENTED. 69
confufed Noife, and Garments roVd in Blood: hearing
the hideous Yellings and Ejulations of the Enemy, and the
Groanings of Deadly wounded Men, & feeing them lie all
bath'd in their Gore, ma)7 awaken you to cry to GOD and
make your Vows: But alas, that's no time for Conlidera-
tion, & Confeffion, & Deliberate Refolution to forlake Sin
& return to GOD. This fhould be done Now / And then
as you fhould be excited by this Awakning Providence to
yeild your felves to the Lord; To make half and not delay
to Believe in Chriji, & fecure an Intereft in Him: So, you
fhould be prevail'd with to fee that you've good Arms and
kept in good order, with good (lore of Ammunition, & in¬
ure your felves to Military Exercifes, efpecilly to the Art
of Shooting, & be always ready, that you may Ilfue out at
an Hours Warning, if Occalion be: and not live carelels
& fecure, after the manner of'the Zidonians.
AND if you'r truly Religious, & thus Equipp'd for, &
train'd to War, & GOD call you forth, He can eafily, and
we hope will, preferve and profper you. He can make
you fwifter than Eagles, ftronger and more couragious than
Lions, as David elegantly defcribes his Heroes, and you
need not fear all the in America. For if
you Fall in Battel, your Death is Brave, you Die in the
Bed of Honour, and your Reft will be Glorious. It well
becomes a Soldier to Die fighting, a Minifier Preaching,
& an Empcrour (landing. But commonly fuch Soldiers
may take Cccfar Motto, Vcni, Vidi, Viei, I came, I law, I
overcame,
Again, I F we'd Religioufly Lament on this occalion.
7o The Brave LOVEWELL LAMENTED.
we muft not be Difheartned & call down, becaufe a Crew
of Salvages have kill'd a few Brave Men. No verily / it's
beneath a Man, much more a Chriftian, whole heart is fixed
triifiing in the Lord, to be thus affe6ted with fuch Evil Ti¬
dings. Such'News fhould not daunt and terrify a Soldier,
but whet his Courage, and make his Blood boil in his
Veins, and Efpecially, it fhould roule 'em on fuch occa-
fions, to Rally forthwith and come to March with utmoft
Expedition, to Recover if poffible, our Dear Brethren that
lie Wounded, and without Relief in a Howling Wildernels.
That they may'nt Perifh with Famine, or fall into the
hands of a Barbarous Enemy, to be kill'd over again, &
Tortur"d with Indian Cruelty. And alio to give Chriftian
Burial to the Remains of our Departed Heroes. How
brave was it in the Men of JabcJh-Gilead, what an Inftance
of Gratitude and true Valour that we find recorded to their
Immortal Honour and our Inftru£tion, i Sam. 31. 11,
And when the Inhabitants of Jabefh-Gilead heard of that
which the Philiflines had done to Saul: All the valiant men
arofe, and went all night, and took the body of Saul, and the
bodies of his fons from the wall of Bethfhan, and came to
Jabcfh, and burnt them there. A nd they took their bones and
buried them under a tree at Jabefh, — Methinks the read¬
ing thofe words without a Comment, would fill a Soldier
with Zeal fufficient to carry him with a lufficient Number,
as far as Pigwacket, only to cover the Duft, the Valuable
Duft, of our Gallant Soldiers, that there kept the Field;
left the Daii ters of the uncircumcifcd rejoyce.
Again, WE fhould amidft our Lamentations, be much
The Brave LOVEWELL LAMENTED. 71
in Prayer to GOD. If we would have Ifrael prevail, we
muft keep up, as well as lift up the hand of Prayer. If
our Soldiers would conftitute, a Thundring, they muft be a
Praying Legion. And we that tarry at home muft get into
the Mount and Pray for 'em. A Good Woman in her Clofet,
(tho' fhe's afraid to take a Gun in her hand ) may ferve
her Country to very good purpofe, even in refpe6t of the
War* as really, as the Magiftrate at the Council Board; or
the moft daring and well advis'd Commander in the open
Field in a thro' Engagement. For Prayer and Faith al¬
ways zucre, are, and will be the Chnrches Bcjl Weapons.
Once more, WHILE we Lament our own and Countries
Lofs, we fhould not forget to Sympathize with the Dif-
trcjfed Relatives'. The Widow and the Orphan, & fuch as
mourn for an Only Son, or other near Relations. They
are greatly to be pittied, and their cafe remembred in our
Devotions. We fhould Pray for them, that GOD would
give them Songs in the Night, & fay unto them weep not/
That he would comfort thole that are caft down, would
afford 'em thole Divine Confolations that are not fmall, &
refrefh their Spirits, in the multitude of their perplexed
tho'ts within them. That he would give them Patience to
fubmit to his Holy Will, to bear his Indignation, to hold
their peace .& be ftill, knowing that he is GOD, who gives
none account of his matters. — And that he would be a
GOD to the Widow, a Father to the poor Fatherlels
Children: And better than Ten Sons to.Difconfolate Pa¬
rents.
Briefly, WHILE we Lament our Cafe is fo Sad, let us
72 The Brave LOVEWELL LAMENTED.
be very thankful it is no worfe, that it is fo well. That
we've fuch abundant caufe to Sing of Mercy as well as
Judgment. For tho' we've loft fome Brave Men, (and
have caufe to mourn on that fcore) yet it's probable
the Enemy have loft more than Treble the Number, &
amongft them fome of their Chiefs, & particularly their
Bold and a Remarkable Check is given to
their Infolence, and many Lives may be fav'd by this
means. While therefore we cry out, How are the mighty
fallen ! Let us admire the Divine Goodnefs, that under
all their Hazards, Hardships & D if advantages, fo many are
Returned. That our Friends can't fay as Job's Meffengers,
I only am cfeaped alone to tell thee\ But that fo many are
well, & give us the Joyful Account that our Little Army
behav'd Bravely, Fought Manfully, & very Succclsfully;
fo that tho' our Lofs is Great, yet our Enemies have no
caufe to Triumph. O let us magnify the Lord, & exalt his
Name together, that the Enemy did not lwallow them up
quick, that in Wrath GOD has Remembred Mercy, & has
not dealt with us after our Sins.
To have done, LET us yet Encourage our felves in the
LORD our GOD. Let us return to the Almighty & he
will build us up. He will loon fubdue our Enemies, & give
us Peace in our Borders His hand can find out our Ene¬
mies, & he that made 'em can make his Sword to approach
unto them. Is the Brave Lovewell and other Brave Men
Dead / who made them what they were ? who Spirited and
Enabled 'em to do what they did? It was the Lord of
Holts, who lives ftill, who has the Refidue of the Spirit, &
The Brave LOVEWELL LAMENTED. 73
ean ealily raile up others & will do fo, if there be occafion,
& we anfwer his Expectation, and turn to him with all our
Hearts.
WE may then Sing the CXXI, and CXXV, and XLVI
Pfalms, and fay, GOD is our refuge andflrengih, a very
prefent help in trouble. Therefore will we not fear, tho' the
Earth be removedand tho'' the Mountains are carried into
the midfl of the Sea: tho' the waters thereof roar and be
troubled, and the Mountains fhake with the fuelling thereof.
The Lord of Hofls is with us, the God of Jacob is our Re¬
fuge. Selah.
Tri- Uni Deo Gloi ia !
10
NOTES TO SYMMES'S HISTORICAL ACCOUNT.
1 Penhallow fays he had with him forty-four men; but he did not include the
two who returned. In the grant of land, it will be feen the number is given at
forty-feven. That committee had the roll before them. It is not likely that
Tobv, the Mohawk's name, was included in either number.
2 Toby was no doubt one of the Mohawks; for a particular account of, see
p. S2.
8 Potter, in his " Hiftory of Manchefter," to which work I am indebted for
many facets, gives the following as the names of the men left in the fort:
Nathaniel Woods of Dunftable, fergeant; Dr. William Ayer of Haverhill, Benja¬
min Kidder and John Goffe of Nutfield, John Gilfon of Groton, Ifaac and
Zachariah Whitney of Concord, Zebediah Aften of Haverhill, Edward Spooney
and Ebenezer Ilulbert of Dunftable.
4 Fort in Ossipee. — On the farm of Daniel Smith, Efq., of Offipee, now
eighty-eight vears of age, may be feen the remains of the fort built by Lovewell
and his company in 1725. It is fituated near the weft fliore of Offipee Lake, in an
extenfive meadow containing about two hundred acres. The outline can be very
clearly traced. Probably, when built, it was paliladed, or a ftockade fort. Its
eaftern face fronted the lake, and was fituated on a ridge or bank, which extended
from the river fouthward. At the north and fouth ends of the fort, confiderable
excavations of earth were made, refembling cellars in fize and appearance. The
ditch in which the palifades were fet can be traced round the whole tra£t which
the fort contained. The excavation at the north end of the fort is much the
largeft. This almoft reaches the river, whence probably they obtained their
fupply of water. The ground, which, fome forty years ago, was overgrown with
trees and bufhes is now cleared and cultivated. But the locality of the fort can¬
not be miftaken. — Rev. Mr. Bout oil's account.
5 Benjamin HafTell. See biographical account, &c.
0 Thefe could not have been Indians, but were fome wild animals, — jierhaps
wolves.
? Governor Hutchinfon, in his hiftory of Maffachufetts, has ranked this In¬
dian with the Roman Curtius, who devoted himfelf to death to fave his country.
Dr. Belknap, who vifited the fjpot in 1784, thinks there is no foundation for the
idea that he was placed there as a decoy; and that he had no claim to the char-
ader of a hero.
THE DESPATCHES RECEIVED BY THE GOVERNOR AND
COUNCIL, AND THEIR ACTION AT THAT TIME.
Dunftable May n, 1725 To His Honor ye Governor [Dummer]
An Information from Capt Lovewell's Company, At Offapye Pond
a man being lick we left nine men with him. We made a fort there
and fent out fcouts difeovered tracks, and then we marched towards
Pigwacket. We heard a gun, then marched to SawecoRiver, difeovered
more tracks ; then coming to Pigwacket, found where fome Indians
went into Canowes, then Marched and See one Ingen ; kild him, and
returning two miles; thare we ware {hot upon, Capt. Lovewell
wounded, and none returned but I, & ye ten men, and we and no
more are yet come to Dunftable.
Benjr Haffell, corp.
With Haffell's account, Colonel Tyng tranlmitted the
following explanation: —
May it pleafe yr Honour.
Upon hearing of the ncwes early this morning, this Twelth Inftant,
and Benj. Haffell gave me this account: — That on the ninth of this
Inftant, about nine or ten of the o'clock in the Morning, Capt. Love-
well faw an Indian on the oppofite fide of Sawco pond, & then they
immediately left their packs and went about two miles before they came
to him ; they coming within about five or fix rods before they faw
the Indian, and the Indian made the firft fliot at them, and wounded
Capt Lovewell, & Sam1 Whiting, and they Immediately killed the
Indian, & returning back to their packs came within forty or fifty rods
76
EXPEDITIONS OF CAPT. LOVEWELL.
of them ; the Indians Waylaid them under the banks of a little Brook
capt Lovewell's men being between the brook and the Pond, it being a
Pine Plain, the Indians fired upon them both in the front and the rear,
fhouting & running towards them.
Capt. Lovewell fell at the firft Volue the Indians fhott, and Groand ;
this man being cloft by him, and then he law feveral of Capt. Love-
well's men get behind trees, Upon this, feeing fuch a great number of
Indians, thought it belt to return to fome men they had left with a lick
man at a Fort they had made, about thirty miles back, by Ofipee
Pond, and he got to the Fort the next morning about nine of oclock.
Your Hon". Moll Humble Servant,
And if your Honor thinks fitt, Eleazer Tyng.
I will march up to the place.
Sargent Nathl. Woods Defired me to aquaint your Honor, that he
was left with the nine men at the fort, and upon Haflels coming to the
Fort, the men would ftay no longer; Woods both defired & com-*
manded them to ftay, but could not prevail with them, & then he
-made the beft of his way home.
Leut Blanchard came home laft night.
[Gov. Dummer's Letter] to Col. Wentworth.
Bofton, May 13, 1735-
Sir I have juft time to inform you, that one of Capt. Lovewell's
men is run from him & left him engaged with the Indians at Pig-
wacket laft Lordfday, & fays they were overpowered by numbers, &
that he faw Capt Lovewell fall & heard him groan, & that he himfelf
was cut off from the company by the Indians pafling between them. I
have ordered out Capt. Tyng with forty men to make the beft of his
way to Ofapye & Pigwacket in queft of the Enemy, & Capt White to
follow him with his company of Volunteers, & I muft pray that you
will act in concert with us in this affair, & fend from New Hampfhire
a party of men upon the fame ground. For if the enemy are fuch
ftrength as to defeat Lovewell, they will thereupon be upon our fron¬
tiers in great Numbers.
It is of the greateft Importance that fomething be done vigioufly, &
expeditioully on this occafion.
LETTER TO COL. TYNG.
77
[The fame to Col. Tyng.]
To Col. Tyng. M;iy r3th 1725.
Sir, This morng I recd ye account of Indians Engaging Capt. Love-
well at Pigwacket, I have not time to make any obfervations on the
management of Haflel, & the men at the Fort who have fo cowardly
deferted their commander & fellow foldiers in their Danger.—Your
readinefs to go out forthwith after the enemy is well accepted &
approved of by me, and the Council; accordingly I direct you to make
up a body of forty Effective Men well armed and provided, (If you
think fo many neceflary), & proceed without delay to Ofapye & Pig¬
wacket & the country thereabout, & make careful fearch for the Enemy
in order to kill & deftroy fuch as may be found there, and at the place
of the Engagement with Capt. Lovewell. Endeavor what you can to
find the bodies of the Indians or Englifh that may have been ilain, and
you are hereby impowered to draw out of Capt Willards Company
* twelve men to join you, & he is accordingly ordered to detail them
& fend them to your rendevouz forthwith.
If you find it neceflary, you are hereby Authorized and impowed to
Imprefs out of the various Towns in your Regiment, twelve or fifteen
men for this fervice if you cannot enlift ye neflary number.
Capt White is ordered to follow you as foon as he can poffibly get
the men ready & I have written to Lieut. Govr. Wentworth that a
party may be fent from that Government to Pigwacket as foon as may
be.
I depend upon your a<5ting in this matter with the utmoft diligence
& vigour, you muft take your Lt. Blanchard with you in this march —
Take two or three fufficient Pilots (& if it be neceflary) take Haflel
who left the company — I would have you go without your full com¬
pliment than to make any delay.
[To Col. Tyng.]
Sir, This comes by an Indian of note belonging to a Tribe of
French Mowhawks, who, with all his Nation are well difpofed to us.
This man came down with the Commiflioners from Canada, & being
defirous of being retained, I have now fent to you to give directions if he
78
EXPEDITIONS OF CAPT. LOVEWELL.
gets to you before you are marched, that he bee very well ufed, & that
good care be taken of him. — Let him be fent to me again when he
fhall defire it. — I have This moment reca yours of this day with
Blanchards account of the adtion between Lovewells men & the
Indians, taken from Melven, & though the lofs of fo many brave men
be great, I am very much comforted to find they behaved with fo much
bravery & Gallantry. I hope it may pleafe God to favour [you] with
an Opportunity to take a Juft revenge for the blood of your country¬
men. I am yours
Wm Dummer
Bofton, 14 May, 1725.
Send down to me forthwith by the bearer hereof, Mr Calef, the
moft intelligent perfon among Lovells men returned, that I may have
a perfect account of that action.
The Indian feems difpofed to go this march with you in company
with Chriftian, and you muft by all means Encourage it.
Pray make the beft fearch you can when you come into the Ground
where the action happened, for the dead and wounded, that none may
perifh for want of our care.
May it pleafe your Honour.
Sir, I received your orders about Eleven of the clock, & I forthwith
fent to Capt Willard for twelve of his beft men, & to Robert Richard-
fon [of Chelmsford?] for fifteen of his Snow Shoe men, & to Capt.
White which I expc6t tomorrow night, fo that I hope to be ready to
march by Sabath Morning. — I have alfo fent one of Capt. Lovewell's
men, the bearer hereof, who was in the whole Engagement, and a
man who, by the account the reft gave of him, behaved himfelf cour-
ageoufly to the laft. I fhould be very glad of this man, or fome other
that efcaped to go with me for a guide, There are five wounded men
come in, & Do6tr Prefcott is with them, & I hope none are dangeroufly
wounded. Haflel fays he is Sick, and cannot go with me. I remain
your Honours Humble fervant,
Eleazer Tyng.
Dunftable, May 14, 1725.
gov. wentworth's letter. 79
To Col. Flagg.
Sir, Thefe are to empower & direcSl you forthwith to detach or
imprefs out of the Reg4 whereof you are Lieut Coll, A Sergeant and
Twelve effective able bodied men, well armed for his Magifteys fervice,
for the Security & Reinforcement of Dunftable, until the return of Col.
Tyng & his company. They muft be polled at the Garrifons of Jofeph
Bloghead, Nath1. Hill, John Taylour, & John Lovewell, and. three( ?)
Centinels in each Garrifon, & the Sergeant in that of the four that is
neareft the Centre —
The Sergeant muft be very careful to keep the men well upon their
duty, fo as to be a good Guard & protection to the People, & you muft
give him directions in writeing accordingly. Let this matter be
effected with all poffible difpatch.
Bofton, May 19th, 1725.
Portfmouth May 23 1725
Sir
Juft now came Exprefs to me from Capt Chefley who commanded
the men I fent to " Ofaby," &c. They came into Cocheco this morning.
On Thurfday they eame to Ofaby Pond, it raining all Tuefday,
marchd but little, but fent out feveral fcouts all that day, in hopes of
finding fome of Capt Lovewells wounded men. On Thurfday, before
they came up with Ofaby Pond, they difcovered a Track of Indians,
much larger than theirs, and then Quickly found Lovewell's Fort Faft
fhut up, they foon got into the Fort where they found a confiderable
quantity of Provifions, and fundry other Things with a writeing on a
bark, that the men that went out were all loft. The day our people
heard feveral Indians and heard the Dogs bark; fo found they were
difcovered, and miffing your men, they thought It advifable to return
lcaft they meet with the fame fate.
I find there is great uncertainty in our meeting in the woods, and
would p'ropofe that your commanding officer were to us as Maj Ham¬
mond or Coll Weftbrook have forthwith orders to raife one Hundred
men or more out of your Eaftern Townes, or from the militia of your
Townes. You have ftout men in Berwick, Kittery, York, &c., and
fend them up immediately. I will not difband the 53 men that now
came down until I hear from you. You may depend Sir, that they
will be down on fome of your frontier Towns very foon, and it may
8o
EXPEDITIONS OF CAPT. LOVEWELL.
be both ; I will make our number up fixty on that march I veryly be¬
lieve they will flay in hopes of our coming up to bury the dead, and
have a confiderable number together.
There is fifli enough and good other hunting, fo that if we can make
up an army of 200 men we may range all that country, as Pigwacket, &c.
But this muft be done with all poffible difpatch, we can have no
dependence on the men you lent from the Weftward, whether we fhall
find them or not. I am Dr Sir
Your moft obt humble fervt
I am of the opinion J. Wentworth
that Capt Lovewell
wounded many of the
Indians, and that they cant
get them off. J. W.
To Lt Govr. Dummer.
A company was foon raifed, under the command of
Colonel Tyng, who marched from Dunftable on the 17th
of May, and encamped at Amofkeag the firft night; and,
the next day proving rainy, they continued at .their en¬
campment. Colonel Tyng, having taken all the effective
men from Dunftable, leaving the place expofed to an
attack of the enemy, fent back the following letter to
Governor Dummer: —
May it pleale your Honor
This day I marched from Amofkeag having 55 of my own men
and 32 of Capt Whites the men are well & proceeded with a great
deal of life and courage yefterday I was forced to lay ltill by reafon
of the rain. I would humbly offer fomething to your honor in the
behalf of our people who are left very deftitute and naked, that you
would be pleafed to confider their circumftances and order what
you think proper for their defence till we return
I am your Honors
Moft ob't Cervant
Amofkeag May 19, 1725 Eleazer Tyng
VISIT TO PEQUAUKET.
81
It will be fcen that the governor had anticipated Colonel
Tyng's requeft, and had that very day ordered Colonel Flagg
to fend a fergeant and twelve men to do garrifon duty
there. Colonel Tyng proceeded dire6tly to the battle¬
ground, where they found and buried the bodies of the
following perfons: Captain John Lovewell, Enfign Jona¬
than Woods, Enfign John Harwood, and Robert Ufher, of
Dunftable; Sergeant Jacob Fullam, of Wefton; Jacob
Farrar and Jofiah Davis, of Concord; Thomas Woods,
Daniel Woods, and John Jefts, of Groton; Ichabod John-
fon, of Woburn; Jonathan Kitteredge, of Billerica. Col¬
onel Tyng found where the Indians had buried three of
their men, which were dug up; and one of them was
known to be the bold Paugus, who had been a great
lcourge to Dunftable.,,
The frontier towns were, during the fummer and fall,
greatly excited by fear of the Indians, and feveral com¬
panies were kept out in the woods. One of thefe was
commanded by our Enfign Seth Wyman, now advanced
to be a captain: others by Captain John White, Jofeph
Blanchard, and Captain Williard. They generally kept
along or near the Merrimac, as far as, and fometimes be¬
yond, Pennacook; but occafionally, with "Neffa Gawney"
for an interpreter, and Jofeph, a Mohawk, for guide, they
ranged as far as " Winipifocket" and " Chocheca Path;"
but, with the exception of killing a bear or a moofe, they
faw nothing. The Indians had received too fevere a chaf-
tifement to with to again encounter the men who had
ii
82
EXPEDITIONS OF CAPT. LOVEWELL.
been with Lovewell. The following letter gives an ac-
o o
count of the fudden death of an old Mohawk guide: —
O
Dunliable July 10, 1725
To his IIonr the Governor
Sir may it pleafe your honor old Chrillian being this morning
taken with a Violent Bleeding caufed our company to Hop & within a
few hours he Died, & the other Mohawks arc not willing to leave him
before he is buried, & our deli re is to march over Merrimack River &
there to take a true lilt of our mens names, cSi lhall march as Quick as
pollihle, We remain your honors at command.
John White
Seth Wyman
From the your mils of the General Court.
Nov 6 172^ Col Tyng prefented an account for Expences in Keeping
old Chriltians Squaw & young Chriflians Squaw from June 9th to
Novr tj, £10. 10 he was allowed ,£v 5 — and the next year he was
allowed for keeping old Chriflians Squaw from Nov 6 to Jan 28,
1726
As early as 1723, when an Indian war was inevitable,
it was propofed to the Legiflature to obtain aid from the
Mohawks, who had long been the terror of the Indians of
this part of the country; and two gentlemen were fent to
Albany to offer them large bounties for every fcalp they
would bring in from our "Indian enemy." Nothing defi¬
nite was accomplifhed. In Auguft, no lefs than lixty-
three Mohawks came to Bofton, where the Legiflature
was then in feffion, and a formal conference was held with
them; but they declined to involve their tribe in war,
faying if any of their young men inclined to go with the
DOINGS OF THE MOHAWKS.
83
Englifh, they could do fo. Only two volunteered, who
went to the eaftward, but foon returned to Bofton without
having done much fervice. They were afterwards with
Captain Moulton at the capture of Norridgewoc, where
Mog, a famous old chief, firing from a houfe, fhot one
of the Mohawks dead; when his brother was fo enraged,
that he broke down the door, and fhot Mog. The two
which returned were old Chriftian and his fon of the fame
name.
The General Court took efficient a6tion; and, foon after
they alfembled, palled the following refolution: —
In the General Court June 12 1725
Voted That the Committee for Petetetions take under their confidera-
tion the forrowful circumftances of the widow of Capt John Lovewell
as well as the other widows who loft their hufbands in the late a<5tion
at Pigwackett againft the Indian enemy, and that they alio conlidcr of
the men who were in the action and returned from it & report what
reward may be proper for the Court to give to the relations of the
deceafed and thofe that furvived the a6tion to encourage fuch like
brave and gallant action in the future.
It will be feen by reference to " Individuals," in the
" Biographical Sketches," that they were always ready to
reward the furvivors and families of the deceafed mem¬
bers of Lovewell's Company, and three years later made
the following grant: —
"Aug 7 1728 David Melvin & William Ayer for themfelves and
a number of others who lerved as Volunteers againft the Indians
under Command of Capt John Lovewell alk that a tract of Province
Land may be granted to them in confidcration of their fervices.
84
EXPEDITIONS OF CAPT. LOVEWELL.
" It was refolved to Grant them 'a Townfhip of fix Miles Square
lying on both fides of Merrimack River to begin where Pennicook
Grant Determines [terminates] & it is granted vnto the forty feven
foldiers and to their legal representatives of fuch as may be deceafed
who marched out with the laid Capt Lovewell (himfelf included)
when he engaged the enemy frt Pigwocket & alfo to the firft thirteen of
the Sixty two men who were in the firft March with the fd Lovewell &
not in the Pigwocket March who fhall firft offer & fettle on the f1 land
fhall alfo be admitted to Equal Shares with the forty feven.'"
On the journals of the Houfe of Reprefentatives, 20th
June, 1733, is this entry: —
" A Committee made report on the lifts and petitions of the volun¬
teers under the late Capt. Lovewell, viz., on the petitions of Jeremiah
Pearley, John Bennet, and Thomas Farmer, and eight others of faid
volunteers, read and accepted. One of them to be admitted inftead of
Edward Hartwell, who had been admitted, but was not in the fervice ;
and that four more be admitted inftead of Jofefth Wright, Jofefth
Wheelock, Robert Phelps, and John Houghton, Jr., who have been
admitted to fhares in Suncook; and as there were four more not pro¬
vided for, ordered, that 1200 acres of land be laid out and added to the
northwefterly part of Suncook, and that the remaining four be added
to the original number, making in the whole 72, all to be equal in
their right or proportion of lands. Volunteers now to be admitted,
are Thomas Farmer and Henry Colbzir?i."
After the State line was run, in 1741, and Suncook
was found to be in New Ilampfhire, the proprietors had
another townfhip granted to them in Maine, which now
bears the name of Lovell.
CONTEMPORANEOUS ACCOUNTS OF THE BATTLE,
AND LATER REPORTS.
Bojlon, May 17th, 1725*— Upon Saturday Morning the Sth Inftant,
Capt. Lovewell & his Company, confifting of Thirty three Men, at
Pigwocket difcovered an Indian on the tide of a Pond, whom they
kill'd & fcalp'd, & having march'd about 2 miles, about 10 a Clock in
the Forenoon, the Indians fired upon them (from an Ambufhment)
both in front & Rear: Whereupon the Englifh ran in and fired upon
them, & the Indians (who they reckoned at leaft double their Number)
endeavor'd to encompafs them ; The Englifh made a regular Retreat to
a Pond about 20 Rods diftance, in order to have their Rear covered,
and continued the Fight till Night, maintaining their Ground, & driv¬
ing off the Enemy, feveral of whom they faw fall, & their Bodies
drawn off by their Companions ; The Englifh fired 14 or 16 rounds,
and 'tis fuppofed that 20 or 30 of the Enemy were killed. Capt.
Lovewell & Enfign Robins were mortally wounded by the Indians
firft fhot from their Ambufhmcnts, who (notwithflanding fupporting
tliemfelves by fuch Trees as they could lay hold on) kept firing on the
Enemy, & encouraging their Companions, they both had their Guns
in hands, LovewelV s being cock'd & prefented when he was part
fpeaking. Twenty one of our Men were together at Night after the
Indians drew off, Ten of which were wounded & 4 dangeroufly. 12
of the faid 21 are returned to Dim [table & London-dcrry, & we hope
5 more to fome of the Towns on Pijcataqaa River. The Lofs of fo
Brave and Difcreet an Officer as Capt. Lovewell is much Lamented.
— Bojiori Gazette, 17 A fay, 1725.
86
EXPEDITIONS OF CAPT. LOVEWELL.
Dr. Belknap, in his " Iliftory of New Hampfhire," ob-
ferves of " Lovewell's fight":—
" This was one of the molt obftinate battles which had been fought
with the Indians. They not only had the advantage of numbers, but
of placing themfelves in ambufh, and waiting with deliberation for the
moment of attack. Thefe circumftances gave them a degree of ardor
and impetuofity. Lovewell and his men, though difappointed of meet¬
ing his enemy in front, expected and determined to fight. The fall of
their commanders, and more than one-quarter of their number, in the
firft onfet, was greatly discouraging; but they knew that the lituation
to which they were reduced, and the diitance they were from the fron¬
tiers, cut off all hope of fafety from flight. In thefe circumftances,
prudence as well as valor dictated a continuance of the engagement,
and a refufal to furrender, until the enemy, awed by their brave refift-
ance, and weakened by their own lofs, yielded them the honors of the
field. After this encounter, the Indians refided no longer at Pequaw-
ket till the peace."
" The remains of the ftockades were found by the firft fettlcrs of
Fryeburg forty years afterwards. Walter Bryant, of Bow, who was
employed as furveyor in a company engaged in the intended expedi¬
tion againft Canada in 1747? pafled over the ground where the fan-
guinary conflict took place. He there ' difcovered Indian camps large
enough to hold thirty men, — law the fpot where Lovewell was killed,
and the trees full of bullet-holes, having alfo imitations of men's faces
cut out upon them.' When Dr. Belknap was there, the names of the
dead on the trees, and the holes where balls had entered and been cut
out, were plainly vifible. The trees had the appearance of being very
old, and one of them was fallen." — N.H. Hijt. Coll. vol. i. pp. 29,
3°-
The Rev. Paul Coffin, of Buxton, Me., vifited Fryeburg
and the lite of the battle, in 1768. His journal is pub-
lifhed in the "Maine Hiftorical Collections," vol. iv. lie
DESCRIPTION OF PEQUAUKET.
87
gives feveral initials which he faw cut on the trees; but I
cannot identify thofe of a fingle one of the men Colonel
Tyng buried there. It is probable they had been much
altered.
Barftow, in his " Hiftory of New Hampfhire," thus de-
fcribcs the locality of the fight, and the prefent afpe6t of
the beautiful valley in which Fryeburg is fituated: —
" The waters of the pond are encircled by a wide, fandy beach,
which rifes with a gentle Hope, and is bordered with a growth of
pines, which furround it like a belt. Loon Ifland rifes, like a green
fpeck, near the centre ; and at a little diftance from this is Pine Ifland,
crowned with trees. The Saco fweeps within twenty rods of the pond,
as if coming to receive the waters which flow into it through a nar¬
row channel. The village of Fryeburg flands on a level plain, elevated
a few feet above the broad intervals of the Saco. In the midft of this
plain rifes a ftupendous rock, two hundred feet high ; its top capped
with fmall pines, its fide clad in dark brown mofs. When Handing
under its cliffs, man appears to be an infignificant object. It rifes like
an obfervatory in the midft of the unrivalled charms of a landlcape
over which the eye ranges for miles. From the fouth comes the Saco,
flowing in graceful meanderings, its banks fringed with the various
trees that adorn the meadows, and lofes itfelf at laft towards the north,
amidft the hills which range themfelves on either fide. Northward
are the Pequawket Mountains; and weftward is Chocoro Peak, the
monarch of the Sandwich range : altogether forming a femicircular
group of mountains of furpafling grandeur. Anciently, within this
townfhip, fcarce fix miles in extent, the winding courfe of the Saco
meafured thirty-four miles in length. The frightful frefhets of the
river often compelled the inhabitants to retreat with their flocks and
herds to the highlands.
" They have now, by a canal running acrofs the narroweft neck of
land, led the river from its bed, and dried it up for a diftance of thirty
miles. In early times, the Pequawket Indians could float with their
canoes, by making the circuit of Lovewell's Pond, near the fhores, and
88
EXPEDITIONS OF CAPT. LOVEWELL.
passing through its outlet into the Saco, for more than a hundred
miles, — all within the townfhip of Fryeburg. The features of this
valley are hardly equalled in New England. From an obfervatory
raifed by the hand of Nature, the eye of the beholder ranges from
Lovewell's Pond, on the southeaft, eaftward over an almoft unbroken
foreft, until the view is bounded by Pleafant Mountain. He fees, al¬
moft at a glance, the filver thread of the Saco winding in the diftance ;
the bright waters of the pond and the plains and meadows; the clouds
refting on the fummits of the mountains, or hanging wreathed around
their rugged lides, fometimes illumined by the fun's rays like fluid
gold, fometimes kindling with the firft fires of the morning. Never
did nobler mountains fling their bi'oad fliadows at funfet over more
beautiful plains than thofe which furround the village of Fryeburg.
Nor is it the leaft interefting of the traveller's reflections, while gazing
here, that he treads upon the favorite hunting-grounds of the once
formidable Pequawkets."
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF CAPTAIN JOHN LOVE-
WELL, HIS OFFICERS, AND SOME OF HIS MEN.
APTAIN JOHN LOVEWELL, the hero of
this ftory, was the oldeft fon of John Love-
well, who fettled in Dunftable, Mafs., and
lived in that part of the townfhip — near
Salmon Brook — which afterwards fell within
the town of Nafhua, N.H. The father died about 1754,
at the great age of a hundred and twenty years} It
is faid that he was an enfign in the army of Oliver
Cromwell, about 1653. He probably fettled firft at Wey¬
mouth, Mafs., and was with the famous Captain Church,
during King Philip's War, and in the great Narraganfett
1 Many have been difpofed to doubt that he ever reached the extreme age of
a hundred and twenty years; and confiderable refearch has been made to arrive
at conclufive evidence, but without any definite refult. Dj'ing in 1754, he mult
have been born as early as 1634, and was therefore fifty-feven when his firft
child (our hero) was born. I have endeavored to find his name in the pay-roll
of Philip's War, 1676, which is among the rare manufcripts in the library of the
New-England Iliftorical and Genealogical Society; but. if it is in the roll, it is
fpelled Lovell. He witnefTed a will in Boiton, in 1660; and, if he was then
twenty years old, — which is probable, — he was a hundred and fixteen when he
died.
12
90 EXPEDITIONS OF CAPT. LOVEWELL.
Swamp Fight, Dec. 19, 1675. He was a man of re¬
markable courage and phyfical vigor. In 1745, when
he muft have been about a hundred and ten years of age,
he was very conftant in attendance at church; and, after
1752, " ufed to chafe the boys out of his orchard with his
cane." His other fons were Zaccheus, born July 22,
1701, a colonel in the old French War; and Jonathan,
born May 14, 1713, who was at one time a preacher,
afterwards a judge, and died 1792? a^° a daughter Han¬
nah, who married Lieutenant Jofiah Farwell, who was
killed at Pequauket.
Captain John Lovewell was, like his father, a man of
great courage, and fond of engaging in adventurous and
daring enterprifes. He was particularly fuccefsful in hunt¬
ing wild animals; and, in time of war, was engaged in
exploring the wildernefs to find the lurking-places of the
Indians. There is a traditional account of his attacking
and killing feven Indians on Lovewell's Mountain, in
Wafhington,1 which muft be an error. The killing of
feven Indians was an event that could not have been over¬
looked by the hiftorians of that day; and a careful fearch
over printed and written documents of that period fails to
fhow any authority for the ftory. The locality was not
where Indians refided, or would be likely to retreat to.
Nearly fifty years ago, the writer, then a boy, vilited the
fpot, faw the mountain and pond, and heard the tradition.
The whole townfhip was once the property of his family.
1 Situated in Sullivan County, N.H.
MEMOIR OF LOVEWELL.
91
Still, the mountain and pond bear the name of Lovewell,
which they could hardly have obtained unlefs they had
been vifited by him — which was probably the cafe — on
a hunting or fcouting expedition; and fome flight conflift
with Indians may have occurred, of not fufficient import¬
ance to be noticed by any chronicler of the times.
He was born at Dunftable, 06t. 14, 1691. Married
Hannah . Their children were, 1. John, born June
30, 1718 ; died July 2, 1763, leaving four children.
2. Hannah, born July 24, 1721. 3. Nehemiah, born
Jan. 9, 1726 (a pofthumous child). He married Rachel
Farwell, Nov. 24, 1748; removed to Corinth, Vt., where
he died, leaving a numerous family. The wife of Captain
Lovewell married, for her fecond hufband, a man by the
name of Smith. She died Jan. 5, 1754. As every fa6t
relative to this diftinguilhed man will now be read with
intereft, a recent fearch in the probate records of Middle-
fex County has enabled the compiler to add the inventory
of his eftate. It ferves to Ihow, not only his property, but
what compofed the effects of the men in middling circum-
ftances in our frontier towns at that period, as well as the
value of a farmer's property in the currency of that day.
In the lettlement of the eftate, his widow, who was the
adminiftrator, ftates that " fhe gave birth to a pofthumous
child; that there were three children, the youngeft very
weakly; that fhe had petitioned the Legiflature for aid,
and received, at that time, £30, and afterward £60 ad¬
ditional; that, owing to the war, fhe has been obliged to
leave town for a time;" and probably went to Chelmsford
92
EXPEDITIONS OF CAPT. LOVEWELL.
for fafety, where the appraifement of fome of the property
feems to have taken place.
Copy of a Petition to the General Court.
June 8, 1726. " The petition of Hannah Lovewell widow of Capt
John Lovewell reprefents that by his Expenfe in railing Volunteers to
go againft the Indians &c, his Eftate is fo much involved that it cannot
pay the debts without felling his real eftate "
It was refolved that fifty pounds be paid to Capt Henry Farwell
& Col E Tyng with Which to difcharge the claims againft the eftate of
the Late Capt Lovewell
Captain Lovewell was undoubtedly a brave, felf-reliant
man. At a time when moft of the leaders who undertook
campaigns againft the Indians kept along the Merrimac,
or other well-known tracts, he boldly marched out into the
untrod wildernefs, and carried war to their homes. His
only miftake feems to have been, to march into the very
region of the Pequaukets with fo fmall a force; but, by the
order of the Governor and Council, he was limited to fifty
men, and had, when he ftarted, in all forty-fix; but the
misfortune that caufed the return of two, and the leaving
nine more, was not his fault, nor could he have been pro¬
vided againft it. But this was the main caufe of the dif-
after; for, had thole been with him, it is probable that the
Indians would have fuffered an immediate defeat, without
any great lofs to our men. As this war has long borne
the name of Lovewell, and as the largeft tribe in Maine,—
the Penobfcotts, — loon after this battle, afked for, and,
with the others, obtained, peace, while the fa6t that the
Pequaukets always afterwards remained neutral, we muft
lovewell's inventory.
93
rank the fight of Pequauket as a decifive victory, and Cap¬
tain Lovewell as a hero, and benefa6tor to his country.1
A True Inventory the Real and Perfonal EJiate of Caftt John
Lovewell of Dunjlable, Tocman, deceajed'; Prized at Dunjlable
afore sd Novenf the 22 Anno Domine 1725, as followeth:
Item. His lands and meadows being by eftimation
Two hundred acres more or lefs, and the
buildings thereon, and the half part of a
Saw-mill 420. 00. 00
Item. The remainder of his wearing apparell not val-
lued in the firft Inventory 1. xi. 00
Item. A feather bed and under bed and bed furniture . 4. 10. 00
Item. A Cheft 06. 00
Item. A Iron Pott 14. 00
Item. A frying-pan 06. 00
Item. A pair of Tonges, fire fhovell and two Tramells . 16. 00
Item. Sundry Barrells and Tubs 14. 00
Item. Cart Irons 1. 05. 00
Item. Carpenters Tools 09. 06
Item. A Draught Chain 10. 00
Item. A Iron-pott 12. 00
Item. A pair of Stilliards 06. 00
Item. A how 02. 00
Item. A Gun 16. 00
Item: Inftruments for drawing teeth oS. 00
Item. A Grind-ftone 10. 00
Item. Two Steal Traps and Chains to them .... 1. 10. 00
Item. One Stear 4. 00. 00
Item. One Heifer 3. 10. 00
Item. One Bull 1. 10. 00
£444. 05. 06
1 " The powder-horn worn by Lovewell in the fight is ftill preferved by his
defcendants, and the cellar of the houle in which he lived is itill viiible a iliort
diftance from Salmon Brook, in Naihua."—Ilijlory of Dunjlable.
94
expeditions of capt. lovewell.
A true Inventory of the Perfonal Eftate of Caftt John Lovewell
Dcceafed Prized at Chelmsford the 2C)th day of June AD 1725
His Apparel .£12
One feather bed & furniture 15.
Table lineng & Printed books 2.
Pewter & brafs 4. 2
One Cheft 15
Two Cows & Calves 9.
One Mare 7
Ilorfe furniture 1 2
£50. 19
Lieutenant Jonathan Robbins was a native of Chelmf-
ford, and was born in that part of the town which was
afterwards annexed to Carlifle. He removed to Dunfta-
ble, and fettled on Long Hill, in what is now the fouthern
part of Nafhua. His wife was Margaret Gould. He
figned Lovewell's petition, and was an officer in all the
campaigns. Being a brave man, his lofs was much re¬
gretted. It will be feen that his family received a hand-
fome gratuity from Government. After the battle, and
when his affociates were about to leave him, wounded
and unable to move, he defired them to leave his gun by
his fide, charged, that, if the Indians returned before his
death, he might be able to kill one more. Could a foldier
die more heroicly? The following is extra<5ted from the
files of Middlefex County: —
Lt Jonathan Robbins Eftate was adminiftered on by his widow
Margaret Robbins in 1725
memoir of farwell.
95
1 Amount of his perfonal eftate was 69. 14. 6
Real Eftate eftimated at 150. o. o
£308. 4. 6
His widow ftates that in confequence of the war fhe was obliged to
tranfport houfehold Goods ftock & five children to Littleton & keep
them there 11 months.
Lieutenant Josiah Farwell was born Aug. 27, 1698,
and was the fon of Henry Farwell, of Dunftable, Mafs.; and
grandfon of Henry Farwell, of Concord, who was the
emigrant anceftor of all, probably, who bear the name in
this country.
Lieutenant Farwell married Hannah Lovewell, fifter of
our hero, and left a daughter Hannah, who was born
Jan. 27, 1723.
Henry Farwell, of Dunftable, left to his grand-daughter
Hannah, daughter of his fon Jofiah, three hundred pounds
(£300), and provided in his will that it fhould be paid in
good bills of credit of the Province of Maffachufetts Bay,
after the rate of tWenty-lix fhillings per ounce in filver.
Mr. Farwell had, from his youth, been familiar with
fcouting and expeditions againft the Indians. The follow-
for his Wages & Scalp Money
for Sale of Oxen and Steers
Sale of Horfe
24. 10.
2. o.
2. o.
Go. o.
Allowed by Government
15S. 4. 6
1 Among his Eftate was a forge, which would indicate that he was a black-
fmith.
9 6
expeditions of capt. lovewell.
ing petition, copied from the Province records, gives a
brief account of one of thefe campaigns: —
"Nov nth 1734 Jofiah Farwcll fays he was among the ten who
were ambufhed by the Indians that manny of the Englifh were Killed,
the reft were overpowered & forced to fly that he loft his gun coat &
three pounds in money & prays an allowance he thinks they Killed
fome of the Enemy, he was allowed £5."
The " Hiftory of Dunftable" gives the particulars of this
ftory, and fays that all but Farwell were killed. Penhal-
low fays there were fourteen in the company, and that
half of them were killed. A Bofton paper of that period
gives the names of feven who were brought to Dunftable
and buried.
He was one of the firft to join Captain Lovewell, and
was one of the ligners to his petition. He commanded
during moft of the fight, as Lovewell was mortally wounded
by a fingle Indian before it began. He was wounded, and
attemped to reach the fettlement. Owing to his condition,
he made but flow progrefs; but held out till the eleventh
day, when he died of exhauftion, as he had nothing to eat
except a few roots which he chewed.
Setii Wyman was born at Woburn, Sept. 13, 1686.
He was fon of Lieutenant Seth Wyman, and his wife Ilef-
ter; and grandfon of John Wyman, an early fettler of that
town. He married Sarah, daughter of Thomas Rofs, of
Billerica, Jan. 26, 1715, and had feven children, — five
fons, and two daughters, — two of which died previous to
1725. Soon after his return from the Pequawket cam-
memoir of wyman.
97
paign, — in which he fervcd as enlign, — he received a
captain's commiffion, and railed a company with which
he went out againft the " Indian enemy."
The fummer was a very hot one; and many of the
officers and men who were out on thefe expeditions be¬
came fick with a bloody flux, of which feveral died.
Among thefe was Captain Wyman; but the precife date
of his death has not been preferved.
His autograph here given is figned to a paper in the
Maffachufetts Archives.
The following is copied from the journals of the General
Court: —
" Dec 24 1726 A petition of Sarah Wyman widow of Seth Wyman,
— fays ' her hufband was in the public fervice under Capt Lovewell
& was with him at his death, & afterwards raifed a company of
Volunteers of which he had the command, that he took up for this
command provifions & clothing to the value of £20. which he engaged
to pay & his eftate is now liable, that he dyed of ficknefs, which he
contracted by his hard marches after the Indians, leaving five fmall
children — that his land mult be fold to pay his debts & prays for
relief from this Court.'—She was allowed Twenty pounds"—
♦
Benjamin Kidder was the fon of James, and grandfon
of James Kidder, a native of England, who came to New
England before 1650. He was born at Billerica, Aug. 11,
1697. He was of the lineage of the compiler of this
98
expeditions of capt. lovewell.
work, being p.n uncle of his grandfather. He married a
daughter of Colonel John Goffe, one of the earlieft fettlers
in Nutfield, now the city of Manchefter, and refided near
him. It is likely he was taken with a fever, or fome
violent difeafe, or Captain Lovewell would not have built
a fort, and left his furgeon and nearly one-fourth of his
command with him; for there can be no doubt, if the
whole company had been in the fight, that the Indians
would have been eafily defeated with fmall lofs. Some
years after Kidder's return, he removed to Souhegan Eaft
(now Merrimac, N.H.) ; was a foldier in the expedition
which captured Louifburg, where he died in 1745. In
1747, his father-in-law adminiftered on his eftate, applied
for his pay, and ftated that he left feveral children. His
fon John was named as a legatee in the will of his grand¬
father.
Edward Lingfield was a corporal. He was a brother-
in-law of Kidder, having alfo married a daughter of
Colonel Goffe. He was one of the nine who were in the
battle, and "received no confiderable wounds." After his
return, he received an enfign's commjlTion. The time of
his death is unknown.
Jonathan Frye was the chaplain of the company; was
the fon of James Frye, of Andover. Mr. Symmes gives
fome particulars of him and his death, and he is promi¬
nently mentioned in the ballads.
In December, 1725, there was a petition prefented to
memoir of ciiaplaest frye. 99
the General Court from Captain James Frye, of Andover,
faying " that his fon was killed in the fight at Pigwackett
and that on making up the roll he had only centinels pay
allowed him — that he loft his gun," &c.
Several early fettlers of Fryeburg were of the Frye
family from Andover; and their defcendants have, for a
century, refided near the fcene of the conflict, while their
name will be perpetuated in that of the beautiful town
which includes the now claffic locality.
Eleazer Davis was of Concord; but, in 1738, was
living in the town of Harvard. I find the following ftate-
ments regarding him in the manufcript volumes at the
State Houfe. Lieutenant-Governor John Wentworth,
writing under date of May 28, after regretting the return
of the company he fent out to Pigwacket, which returned
without reaching there, fays: —
"Yefterday, came in at Berwick Eleazer Davis of Concord one of
Capt Lovewells men who was eleven days wandering before he found
the Fort, I have him at Portsmouth where he is well taken care of,
he is wounded in the belly & part of his thumb fliot off, is likely to do
well I have fent you what was taken down from his mouth yefterday."
" The petition of Eleazer Davis of Concord that he received at the
battle of Pigwacket a wound in his body & he is unable to labor &c —
He had four pounds granted him ' for his public fufferings & fervices
efpecially on account of the wounds and fmart received at Lovewells
fight.' This fum was ordered to be paid him annually for five years."
A grandfon of Davis informed Mr. Butler, author of the
" Hiftory of Groton," that Davis and Frye were together
on their return; and, coming to a brook, they faw a fifh.
ioo
expeditions of capt. lovewell.
They cut ftrips from their moccafons for a line, and caught
it. Having kindled a fire, they broiled and ate it. Davis
was refrefhed; but it proved fatal to Mr. Frye. This
hook and line were preferved till 1825, when it was fent
to the Centennial Celebration at Fryeburg, where it was
exhibited.
Noah Johnson had been an old Indian fighter before
he went out in Lovewell's laft expedition. He belonged
to Dunftable. He was a lieutenant in the French War,
1745. In 1730, he petitioned the General Court for £3, as
a compenfation " for a gun of his that was loft in the fight
that Captain French had with the Indians." The court
allowed his whole claim. He was one of thofe who had
lands granted him at Suncook, at which place he was
living in 1737. In that year, he afked for "a further pen-
fion of fifteen pounds, on account of wounds he received
in the fight with the Indians, at Pigwacket;" and it does
not appear, from the journals of the General Court, that
there were any that diffented to the full amount afked
for. He died at Pembroke, Aug. 13, 1798, in the one
hundredth year of his age. For the date of his death,
we are indebted to Mr. Fox's " Hiftory of Dunftable."
The following is extracted from the journals of the
General Court in 1725 and the following year: —
" The petition of Noah and Jofiah Johnfon {hewing they were lb
difabled by their wounds received by the Indian Enemy at Pigwacket
that they fear they may not be able to get their living by their labor,
Praying fome relief from this Court & that the amount of charges
memoir of the johnsons.
ioi
occafioned by their wounds as hereunto annexed may be allowed &
paid to them out of the public treafury
" ' Refolved that the fu,m of Twenty one pounds and Seventeen
(hillings be allowed and paid out of the public treafury to Noah John-
fon And that the fum of thirty two pounds two fhillings be paid out of
the public treafury to Joiiah Johnfon in full difcharge for their loffes
& fufferings as fet forth in their petitions'—In June 1726, Noah John¬
fon again petitioned faying he has loft the ufe of his hands — allowed
£13. 15 — for his Expenfes and Doctors bill — In Dec 1726 he peti¬
tioned again & received ten pounds."
Josiah Johnson refided in Woburn. After his return,
he married. The time of his death is unknown. His
wife furvived him many years, and gave Mr. Butler fome
particulars of the campaign, which he inferted in his
"Hiftory of Groton."
One of the Johnfons, who furvived the battle, vifited
Fryeburg after its fettlement. To try his recollection of
the localities, he was taken, by Rev. Mr. Feffenden and
others, firft, to the mouth of Lovewell's Brook. After a
little examination, he faid it was not the fpot. On reach¬
ing the " battle-ground," he recognized it at once, and
began to fhed tears as he pointed out the places where his
comrades fell.
Jacob Farrar, eldeft fon of Jacob Farrar, was the fourth
in defcent from John, the patriarch of the family, who
came to this country in 1635. He was born at Concord,
06t. 23, 1693. Married Sarah Wood in 1714. He was
killed in " the fight." His wife was appointed adminiftra-
tor on his eftate, June 9, 1725; and her father and her
102 expeditions of capt. lovewell.
hufband's uncle were her fureties. Her adminiftrator's
account was fettled April 8, 1726; and, the next day, fhe
married David Parlin. Mr. Farrar's children were three
daughters and two ions,—Jacob and Ephraim, — who
have left numerous defcendants.
Joseph Farrar — coufin of the above — was fon of
George Farrar; and was born at Concord, Feb. 28, 1694.
Married Mary , 1715. He died about 1732, leaving
three fons and two daughters.
David Melvin, of Concord, as alfo his brother, were of
thofe who received " no confiderable wounds." He com¬
manded a company at the taking of Louifburg, in 1745?
and received a wound of which he died the fame year.
Eleazer Melvin was from the fame town. He was a
lieutenant at Louifburg, and commanded a company in
feveral fubfequent campaigns.
Timothy Richardson was a member of the numerous
family of that name, long refidents of Woburn. In De¬
cember, 1725, he petitioned the General Court for aid;
faying that he was in the battle at Pigwacket, and received
grievous wounds, from which he was then fuffering. He
was allowed £18.
In December, 1726, he petitioned again; faying "that
he was wounded at the fight at Pigwacket by a bullet that
went through the trunk of his body, and was then taken
memoir of josiah jones.
out of his bone; that he is difabled by faid wound, and
can do but little for the fupport of his family," &c. He
was allowed <£5.
Samuel Whiting, fon of Samuel of Dunftable, was a
defcendant of the Rev. Samuel Whiting, who had been
a minifter at Bofton, in England, and who was afterwards
celebrated preacher at Lynn, Mafs. He was badly
wounded in the fight; but fucceeded in reaching home,
where he is fuppofed to have died the fame year. He
left a family, from whom have defcended many perfons of
confiderable celebrity.
Abiel Asten belonged in that part of Haverhill now
Salem, N.H., where he was living in 1790, aged over
eighty years.
Zebediah Austin belonged in that part of Haverhill
now Methuen. He married Sarah Gutterfon, April 18,
1729.
Josiah Jones was of Concord. He was wounded by a
ball, which lodged in his body. After being out fourteen
days in the woods, in hourly expectation of perifhing, he
arrived at Saco, emaciated, and almoft dead from the
lofs of blood and the putrefaction of his wounds, and want
of food. He had fubfifhed on the fpontaneous vegetables of
the foreft; and cranberries which he had eaten came out
of the wounds he had received in his body.
ic>4 expeditions of capt. lovewell.
" Alfo, on the fame day, another of Captain Lovewell's men came
into Saco, named Jofiah Jones, belonging alfo to Concord, wounded
with a (hot above his hip, now under the care of Dr. Allen, who we
hope will do well." — Letter from Lieut- Gov. Wentworth, May 28,
I735-
A petition, in 1725, of Jofiah Jones of Concord, that he
was in the engagement with the Indian enemy, under the
command of Captain John Love well, in May laft, and that
he received a ball which yet remains in his body; and
that, by reafon of faid wound, he is unable to labor for his
fupport, and he prays for relief; fays he was nineteen
days getting to Cafco Bay, and fuffered greatly. He was
allowed £8. 7. 6.
Another petition of Jofiah Jones fets forth his great
fufferings by the wounds he received from the Indian
enemy; being nineteen days alone upon his travel after
his wounds were received; having ftill a mufket-fhot in
his body, although he has been four or five months in the
hands of the do6tor, and is like to be a cripple all his
days. Voted that the fum of twenty-five pounds be al¬
lowed and paid him, in confideration of his paffed fuffer¬
ings, pain, loff of time, and expenfe, fince his removal
from Cafco Bay. In 1739, ^ was ordered that his penfion
be continued five years longer.
John Chamberlain was of Groton. He was one of
the fortunate few who returned with only a flight wound;
and he feems to have been equally fortunate in having re¬
ceived a large fhare of the glory of the campaign.
The ftory of his killing Paugus has had a large circula-
memoir of chamberlain.
tion, and is found as a fa6t in feveral hiftorical works. It
is ftated, that he and Paugus retired to the brook to wafh
their guns, which had become foul by conftant firing; that,
on wiping them, they quickly loaded, each ftriving to be
firft, and bantered as to who fhould kill or be killed.
Chamberlain's gun primed itfelf; and, he firing firft, Pau¬
gus fell, while his bullet whittled over Chamberlain's
head, leaving him unharmed. Now, a moment's reflection
would fhow that this ftory is improbable, if not impoffible,
were it not refuted on the very beft authority ; viz., a
contemporaneous writer. By reference to the ancient
ballad, in the laft verfe, it is plainly ftated that Enfign
Wyman " fhot the old chief Paugus, which did the foe
defeat." As this was written the year of the fight by one
who knew all the particulars, its veracity cannot be quef-
tioned; and we truft the ftory will not again be repub-
lifhed as hiftorical truth. The ftory of a defcendant of
Paugus, long after his departure to the fpirit-land, fearch-
ing out Chamberlain with an attempt to revenge the blood
of his relative, and meeting the fate of the chief by the
hand of Chamberlain, is undoubtedly, like the other, a
pure fiction. It has often been faid that a man was
elected Vice-Prefident for killing an Indian he never faw
(Tecumfeh); and Chamberlain has certainly received
much fame for fhooting an Indian who was furely killed
by another.
Benjamin IIassele was the fon of Joleph, of Dunfta-
ble; grandfon of Joleph who was in Cambridge in 1648,
h
IO 6 EXPEDITIONS OF CAPT. LOVE WELL.
who was, with his wife, killed by the Indians in 1691.
Mr. Symmes having declined to give the name of the man
who fo cowardly fled in the beginning of the engage--
ment, as being unworthy of tranfmiffion to pofterity, it
remained till recently unknown. He was certainly the
caufe of the lofs of feveral of thofe who were badly
wounded, and who might have been relieved from the fort,
had not he, with probably much exaggeration of the fafts,
communicated his own fright to the garrifon there; fo that
they gave up all as loft, and made their way, with much
fpeed, to Dunftable. When applied to by Colonel Tyng
to return to Pigwacket as his guide, Haffell declined, fay¬
ing he was fick. It is faid, that, at firft, there was much
feeling againft him, as being the caufe of fo much fuffering
and difafter; but it was forgotten, and he regained the
favor of his neighbors. He is fuppofed to have long
relided, and died, in Dunftable.
MEMOIR OF THE SOKOKIS OR PEQUAUKET TRIBE
OF INDIANS.
HE tribe of Indians which inhabited the coun¬
try bordering the Saco River were noticed by
the earlieft navigators. Captain John Smith,
who vifited these fhores in 1614, mentions,
among other names, that of Sawogotuck (Saco); and
La Ronton fays, " The Sokokis were one of the tribes of
the country." Gorges calls them Sockhigones. Two
of their chiefs, about 1640, conveyed lands. Their names
were Fluellen and Captain Sunday; and who fucceeded
them is well known in hiftory.
Charleroix mentions them, and fays they were one of the
tribes that founded the fettlement at St. Francis, Canada,
where fome of their defcendants ftill refide. Williamfon,
in his " Hiftory of Maine," fays they were a numerous
people, and that their original place of relidence was on
the Iflands, near the falls of the Saco, a few miles from
the fea; and that, at an early period, they employed
Englifh carpenters to build them a ftrong fort of timber,
Io8 EXPEDITIONS OF CAPT. LOVEWELL.
fourteen feet high, with flankers. This was to proteft
themfelves from the Mohawks, who fometimes extended
their incurfions to the Bay of Fundy. He alfo ftates that
there were two branches* one of which had their refi-
dence on the banks of the Offipee, and the other on the
alluvial land in the bends of the Saco, at the prefent
town of Fryeburg. At the treaty of peace, held at Saga¬
dahoc, in 1702, there were delegates from thofe inhabiting
at Winnefockee, Offipee, and Pigwacket. At the attack
on Falmouth, now Portland, in Auguft, 1676, it is ftated
the Sagamore of Pegwackuk was taken and killed; and
alfo, by an Indian that was taken, the army was informed,
"yt at Pegwacket there are twenty Englifh Captives."
Belknap mentions that Natambomet, Sagamore of Saco,
ligned a treaty of peace in 1685; and in 1702, in the treaty
before referred to at Sagadahoc, Governor Dudley met,
among delegates from other tribes, Watorota - nunton,
Ilegon, and Adiawonda, chiefs of the Pequaukets. The
latter name figures in the annals of the tribe for the next
half-century. In the treaty made at Portfmouth, in 1713,
with all the eaftern Indians, the Pigwockets are men¬
tioned; but the names of their delegates cannot be identi¬
fied. In that of 1717, held at Arrowfic, on the Kennebec,
two of their chiefs, Adeawando and Scawefco, appear,
and lign the treaty with a crofs. They were probably, at
that period, about as numerous as any of the tribes then
exifting in Maine; although a conliderable part of them
had gone, fome years before, to join the fettlement at St.
Francis.
HISTORY OF THE PEQUAUKETS. IO9
The precife period when they permanently left the
lower part of the Saco is unknown: but it is likely it
preceded the early fettlements there ; and, with their
change of refidence, they foon changed their original
name of Sokokis, and were known by that of Offipees and
Pigwockets, or Pequaukets. The latter has been written
in a great variety of ways. It is found with at leaft
twenty variations, of which it is hardly worth while to
give examples here. At the time of Lovewell's fight, it
feems mainly to have been written Pigwocket. Belknap
wrote it Pequawket, and he has generally been followed by
fucceeding hiftorians; but Mr. Potter, in his " Hiftory of
Manchefter," lpells it Pequauquauke; though it is doubtful
if he finds any to follow his prolonged orthography. The
recent attention given to Indian philology has thrown
much light on their names and their fignification; and,
while all the original founds fhould be retained, it is well
to Amplify them, and render them as euphonious as poffi-
ble. The true meaning of the word is " crooked place."
It is, like most Indian names, a compound word, made up
from Peque or Pequate, crooked; auk, place or locality;
et, a verbal termination, meaning " it is," or " here it is,"
— Pequauket; and, believing that the true found is well
expreffed by thefe letters, it has been, after confiderable
refearch, adopted, and it is hoped it may be generally
followed. It is Angularly expreffive of the locality; for
here the Saco makes perhaps the moft remarkable crooks
or bends of any ftream in New England; running a dis¬
tance faid 'to be about thirty miles to gain lels than fix.
no
EXPEDITIONS OF CAPT. LOVEWELL.
This will be feen more diftinftly by a reference to the
map which makes the frontifpiece to this volume. It may
be ftated, that Eliot, in his Indian Bible, and Roger Wil¬
liams, ufe nearly the fame word to exprefs crooked or
winding. Offipee is made up from cozmfs, pines; and
fepee, a river. By omitting the initial letter c, and two
others, we have the euphonius and lignificant word, Offi¬
pee, or the river of pines, as this tree abounded in that
region. Of their numbers at the time of the battle with
Lovewell, it can only be conjectured; but we now know
that all the tribes have been much overrated. In this
a£tion, they muft have had fome fifteen or twenty of their
warriors killed or badly wounded; and Paugus (the oak),
and Wahowa (the broad-fhouldered), were brave and
daring leaders, but neither was the principal chief: though
Paugus had been long known as a chief leader in their
forays againft the frontiers. We have fhown that Adea-
wonda had reprefented the tribe at treaties for more
than twenty years previous. In 1726, Captain John Giles,
who commanded the fort at Saco, and had a long ex¬
perience with all the Indians in Maine, made a lift of the
numbers of men over fixteen years, in the various tribes,
which is preferved in the " Maine Hiftorical Collections."
He puts down " the Paqukig (Pequaukets) as only twenty
four fighting men." This was, no doubt, correct. He
fays "their chief is Edewancho " (Adeawando). At the
clofe of Lovewell's War, a treaty was made, to which
the Pequaukets were a party; and, from that period, we
hear nothing of them for feveral years. They had fuffered
HISTORY OF THE PEQUAUKETS. Ill
too feverely by the hands of Lovewell and his company
to wifh for another trial. They found they were not fe-
cure in their remote village; and a part of them — the moft
warlike — emigrated to Canada; but thofe who remained
always advocated and pra6tifed peace with the whites,
while the emigrants to Canada became our bittereft ene¬
mies.
In Rev. Mr. Smith's journal, kept at Falmouth, now
Portland, we find the following, under date of July 9,
1745: "Several gentlemen are with the Mohawks, down
at St. Georges, treating with the Penobfcott Indians about
peace. About twenty Saco Indians are at Bofton, pre¬
tending to live with us."
In confirmation of this, we find, that, at the treaty of
Falmouth in 1749, the Pigwacket Indians are named as
being prefent; but it was decided by the commiffioners,
that, as they had not been engaged in the war, it was not
neceffary that they fhould join in the treaty.
There is no doubt, that, foon after the clofe of Love-
well's War, a part of the tribe, with their neighbors, the
Affigunticooks and Noridgewocs, emigrated to Canada,
and among them their chief Adeawando, where he was
a favorite of the Governor-General, and, as he had been
at Pequauket, became their ftatefman, but not their military
chief. In 1752, Captain Phineas Stevens proceeded to
Canada, as a delegate from the Governor of Maffachufetts,
to confer with the St. Francis tribe,'and redeem fome
prifoners they had taken from New England. In a con¬
ference held at Quebec, Atewanto was the chief fpeaker,
112 EXPEDITIONS OF CAPT. LOVEWELL.
and made an eloquent reply, in which he charged the
Englifh with trefpaffing on their lands. "He faid, fWe
acknowledge 110 other land of yours but your fettlements,
wherever you have built; and we will not confent, under
any pretext, that you pafs beyond them.' —c The lands we
poffefs have been given us by the great Mafter of life.
We acknowledge to hold only from him.'"1
In a letter from Jacob Wendell, a refident of Bofton,
but dated New York, 1749 (fee N.Y. Col. Hift vol. vi.),
he fays, "that, in the beginning of the war with France
(1745), fome men, women, and children, of a tribe called
by us Pigwackett, came to a fort near where they lived,
and delired that they might live among the Englifh; for
that they delired they might not be concerned in the war:
and they lived fome time at the fort; but, when war was
proclaimed againft the eaftern Indians, they were brought
up to Bofton, where good care was taken of them by the
Government, a fuitable place, about fifty miles from Bof¬
ton, provided for them to live at, where there was good
fifhing and fowling, and their clothing, and what elfe they
wanted, provided for them by the Government. On the
application, this fummer, of the eaftern Indians to Governor
Shirley for peace, and the meffengers promifing to call in
all the heads of the tribes concerned with them in the
war, it was concluded by the Governor, if thefe Pigwackitt
Indians delire it, they fhould go down there; and I am
informed by Mr. Boylfton, who left Bofton fome time after
1 See Kidder's Abanaki Indians, "Maine Hiftorical Collections," vol. vi.
HISTORY OF TI1E PEQUAUKETS.
me, that he faw thofe Indians there, and the Commiffary-
General told him he had orders to provide for and fend
them all down to Cafco Bay, where the treaty was ap¬
pointed; that, I believe, the account thereof may be fent
to Canada before now, and the St. Francois fatisfied.
Thus I have given your Excellency a true account of these
Indians ; and hope, when the Governor-General has it
fent him, he will fend home the poor prifoners belonging
to this as well as to the neighboring Provinces."1
It may be inferred from this letter, that, when the war
of 1745 begun, inftead of joining the other eaftern tribes
againft the whites, they remembered Lovewell's fight
twenty years before, and were fo determined to preferve
their neutrality, that they left that part of the country, and
only returned when peace was to be made.2
Of that part of the tribe which remained, but little more
can be afcertained. Douglafs the hiftorian, who wrote
about 1750, fays, The Pequauket Indians live in two
towns (probably at Pequauket and at Offipee), and have
1 In a letter of La Jonquiere to Lieutenant-Governor Phipps, dated at Quebec,
in 1750, he afks for the difcharge of twenty-fix Abenakas (Pequaukets), detained
on an Ifland near Bolton as an exchange of prifoners. lie ftates their Indians
were infuriated that a part of their tribe lhould be kept as prifoners. This letter
was probably written at the inftigation of Adeawando. In vol. x., p. 252, of
"New-York Colonial Iliftory" may be found the propofition to Captain Stevens
of this arrogant chief.
2 It is probable, that, when the whites demanded that the captives made by
the Indians lhould be returned, that l'ome of the Pequaukets who had emigrated
to the St. Francis — probably Adeawando — had heard that their tribe were
under the charge of the Englifh, and fuppofed or claimed that they were held as
prifoners, and had told the Governor of New York fo; and this letter was to the
Governor, to enable him to contradict the ftory.
15
I 14 EXPEDITIONS OE CAPT. LOVEWELL.
only about a dozen fighting-men. They often travel to
Canada by way of Connecticut River.
After the conqueft of Canada, and the occupation of
Fryeburg by the whites, the remnant of the tribe remained
about the upper part of Connecticut River till the begin¬
ning of the Revolution. The laft trace of them, as a tribe,
is in a petition to the Government of Maffachufetts, dated
at Fryeburg, in which they afk for guns, blankets, and
ammunition for thirteen men who are willing to enrol
themfelves on the patriot fide. This document was in-
dorfed by the proper authorities, and the requeft was
granted. In Drake's " Book of the Indians " is the follow¬
ing: "With the Androfcoggins, the Pigwackets retired to
the fources of the Connecticut River, who, in the time
of the Revolution, were under a chief named Philip."
Long after this, folitary members, and fometimes a
family, lingered round the vicinity of their ancient home;
and the old people, not long fince, remembered the names
of Old Philip, Tom Hegon, and Swarlon, and alio the fa£t
that a number of them were engaged in the Revolutionary
War, for which they received fuitable rewards.
Thefe were the laft reprefentatives of the once-formida¬
ble tribe of Pequauket.
BALLADS.
T has been a feature in all the wars in which
we have been involved, where the feelings of
the people have been aroufed, that the mufes
of the day have, not been lilent. This was
particularly the cafe in our border conflidts, and during the
Revolution.
The exploits of Captain Lovewell no doubt brought
forth many of thefe homely ballads, of which only two
have been preferved. If they do not poffefs what would
at the prefent day be called poetic merit, they anfwered
well the purpofe for which they were mainly defigned, —
which was to aroufe and keep alive a daring, martial
fpirit, and incite the young men to go out, and meet the
enemy.
" Let me make the ballads of a people," it has been
faid, " and I care not who makes the lawg." There is
deep wilclom, and a knowledge of the feelings of the
common people, in the remark. Such ballads, rude as
II6 EXPEDITIONS OF CAPT. LOVEWELL.
thefe were, lung with feeling around the firefide, or by
the foldiers on a weary march or in their camps, nurtured
the bold fpirit which encountered the Indians in the wil-
dernefs, conquered at Louifburg, wrefted the Canadas
from the French, and continued their influences through
the Revolution. One of the oldeft of thefe, compofed, it
is faid, the year "of the fight, "The moft beloved fong in all
New England," is firft inferted. The author is unknown.
It is printed in "Farmer & Moore's Hiftorical Collections,"
Concord, N.H., 1824, from which work it is now copied.
The hiftorical fa6ts there ftated are no doubt reliable. It
has been frequently reprinted.
SONG OF LOVEWELL'S FIGHT.
I.
Of worthy Captain Lovewell I purpofe now to ling,
How valiantly he ferved his country and his king :
He and his valiant foldiers did range the woods full wide,
And hardfhips they endured to quell the Indians' pride.
II.
Twas nigh unto Pigwacket, on the eighth day of May,
They fpied a rebel Indian foon after break of day:
He on a bank was walking, upon a neck of land
Which leads into a pond, as we're made to underftand.
hi.
Our men refolved to have him, and travelled two miles round,
Until they met the Indian, who boldly flood his.ground.
Then fpeaks up Captain Lovewell: " Take you good heed," fays he :
" This rogue is to decoy us, I very plainly fee.
ANCIENT BALLAD.
117
IV.
The Indians lie in ambufh, in fome place nigh at hand,
In order to furround us upon this neck of land ;
Therefore we'll march in order, and each man leave his pack,
That we may brifkly fight them when they fhall us attack."
v.
They come unto the Indian who did them thus defy :
As foon as they come nigh him, two guns he did let fly,
Which wounded Captain Lovewell, and likewife one man more ;
But, when this rogue was running, they laid him in his gore.
VI.
Then, having fcalped the Indian, they went back to the fpot
Where they had laid their packs down, but there they found them not;
For the Indians, having fpied them when they them down did lay,
Did feize them for their plunder, and carry them away.
VII.
Thefe rebels lay in ambufh, this very place near by ;
So that an Englifh foldier did one of them efpy,
And cried out, " Here's an Indian ! " with that they ftarted out
As fiercely as old lions, and hideoufly did fiiout.
VIII.
With that our valiant Englifh all gave a loud huzza,
To fhow the rebel Indians they feared them not a ftraw:
So now the fight began as fiercely as could be ;
The Indians ran up to them, but foon were forced to flee.
IX.
Then fpake up Captain Lovewell when firft the fight began :
" Fight on, my valiant heroes ! you fee they fall like rain ; "
For, as we are informed, the Indians were, fo thick,
A man could fcarcely fire a gun, and not fome of them hit.
118
EXPEDITIONS OF CAPT. LOVEWELL.
x.
Then did the rebels try their beft our foldiers to furround;
But they could not accomplifh it, becaufe there was a pond
To which our men retreated, and covered all the rear:
The rogues were forced to flee them, although they fkulked for fear.
XI.
Two logs that were behind them fo clofe together lay,
Without being difcovered they could not get away ;
Therefore our valiant Englifh they travelled in a row,
And at a handfome diftance, as they were wont to go.
XII.
'Twas ten o'clock in the morning when firft the fight begun,
And fiercely did continue till the fetting of the fun,
Excepting that the Indians, fome hours before 'twas night,
Drew oft* into the bufhes, and ceafed a while to fight.
XIII.
But foon again returned in fiei'ce and furious mood,
Shouting as in the morning, but yet not half fo loud ;
For, as we are informed, fo thick and fail they fell,
Scarce twenty of their number at night did get home well.
XIV.
And that our valiant Englifh till midnight there did ftay,
To fee whether the rebels would have another fray ;
But, they no more returning, they made oft* toward their home,
And brought away their wounded as far as they could come.
xv.
Of all our valiant Englifh there were but thirty-four,
And of the rebel Indians there were about fourfcore :
And fixteen of our Englifh did fafely home return ;
The reft were killed and wounded, for which we all muft mourn.
ANCIENT BALLADS.
XVI.
Our worthy Captain Lovewcll among them there did die ;
They killed Lieutenant Robbins, and wounded good young Frye,
Who was our Englifh chaplain : he many Indians flew,
And fome of them he fcalped when bullets round him flew.
XVII.
Young Fullam, too, I'll mention, becaufe he fought fo well;
Endeavoring to fave a man, a faerifice he fell:
And yet our valiant Englifhmen in fight were ne'er difmayed,
But ftill they kept their motion, and Wyman captain made, —
XVIII.
Who fhot the old chief Paugus, which did the foe defeat;
Then fet his men in order, and brought oft" the retreat;
And, braving many dangers and hardfhips by the way,
They fafe arrived at Dunftable the thirteenth day of May.
There was printed in "Farmer & Moore's Hiftorical
Collections," in 1824, a ballad on Lovewell's fight, written
by a gentleman that has obtained fome celebrity as a
poet, who is ftill living, but has never allowed his name
to accompany it. We give the initial ftanza: —
" What time the noble Lovewell came,
With fifty men from Dunftable,
The cruel Pequ'at tribe to tame
With arms and bloodfhed terrible."
It is quite lengthy, and moft of the ftatements are mainly
ideal, and fome are known to be erroneous; and, for thele
reafons, it is omitted. It may be found in Drake's " Book
of the Indians," and fome other publications.
I 20
EXPEDITIONS. OF CAPT. LOVEWELL.
THE MOURNFUL ELEGY ON MR. JONATHAN FRYE,
I725-
[Communicated to the "New-England Hiftorical and Genealogical Regifter"
by T. C. Frje, of Andover, Mais., and was publiihed in the volume for 1861,
p. 91.]
Thefe lines, tradition fays, were written, when the news
of Mr. Frye's death reached Andover, by a young girl to
whom he had engaged himfelf againft the wifhes of his
parents. Their objections were, want of property and
education. Her name is loft.
Assist, ye mufes ; help my quill,
Whilft floods of tears does down diftil;
Not from mine eyes alone, but all
That hears the fad and doleful fall
Of that young ftudent, Mr. Frye,
Who in his blooming youth did die.
Fighting for his dear country's good,
He loft his life and precious blood.
His father's only fon was he ;
His mother loved him tenderly :
And all that knew him loved him well;
For in bright parts he did excel
Moft of his age ; for he was young, —
Juft entering on twenty-one.
A comely youth, and pious too :
This I affirm ; for him I knew.
He ferved the Lord when he was young,
And ripe for Heaven was Jonathan.
But God did take him from us all,
And we lament his doleful fall.
ELEGY ON JONATHAN FRYE. 12 1
Where'er I go, I hear this cry,
Alas, alas ! good Mr. Frye !
Wounded and bleeding he was left,
And of all fuftenance bereft,
Within the hunting defert great,
None to lament his difmal fate.
A fad reward, you'll fay, for those
For whom he did his life expofe.
He lifted out with courage bold,
And fought the Indians uncontrolled,
And many of his rebels flew
While bullets thick around him flew.
At laft a fatal bullet came,
And wounded this young man of fame,
And pierced him through, and made him fall ;
But he upon the Lord did call.
He prayed aloud ; the ftanders by
Heard him for grace and mercy cry.
The Lord did hear, and raifed him fo,
That he enabled was to go.
For many days he homewards went,
Till he for food was almoft fpent;
Then to the ftanders by declared,
" Death did not find him unprepared."
And there they left him in the wood,
Some fcorcs of miles from any food,
Wounded and famifhing all alone,
None to relieve or hear his moan,
And there without all doubt did die.
And now I'll fpeak to Mr. Frye :
Pray, fir, be patient; kifs the rod ;
Remember this the hand of God
Which has bereft you of your fon, —
Your dear and lovely Jonathan.
Although the Lord has taken now
Unto himfelf your fon moft dear,
Relign your will to God, and fay,
16
122 EXPEDITIONS OF CAPT. LOVEWELL.
" 'Tis God that gives and takes away : "
And blefled be His name ; for he, —
For he has caufed this to be.
And now to you, his mother dear,
Be pleafed my childifh lines to hear :
Mother,- refrain from flowing tears ;
Your fon is gone beyond your cares,
And fafely lodged, in Heaven above,
With Chrift, who was his joy and love ;
And, in due time, I hope you'll be
With him to all eternity.
Pray, madam, pardon this advice :
Your grief is great, mine not much lefs ;
And, if thefe lines will comfort you,
I have my will. Farewell! adieu !
The following ftanzas are from the pen of Thomas C.
Upham, a New-Hampfhire poet. They were written on
vifiting the fcene of Lovewell's fate, and are worthy the
fine tafte and genius of the author.
An ! where are the lbldiers that fought here of yore?
The fod is upon them ; they'll ftruggle no more.
The hatchet is fallen, the red man is low ;
But near him repoles the arm of his foe.
The bugle is lilent, the war-whoop is dead ;
There's a murmur of waters and woods in their ftead ;
And the raven and owl chant a lymphony drear,
From the dark-waving pines, o'er the combatants' bier.
The light of the fun has juft funk in the wave,
And a long time ago let the fun of the brave.
The waters complain as they roll o'er the ftoncs,
And the rank grals encircles a few fcattered bones.
MODERN BALLAD.
12 3
The names of the fallen the traveller leaves
Cut out with his knife in the bark of the trees.
But little avail his affectionate arts ;
For the names of the fallen are graved in our hearts.
The voice of the hunter is loud on the breeze ;
There's a dafhing of waters, a ruftling of trees :
But the jangling of armor hath all paffed away ;
No gufhing of life-blood is here feen to-day!
The eye that was fparkling, no longer is bright;
The arm of the mighty, death conquered its might;
The bofoms that once for their country beat high, —
To thofe bofoms the fods of the valley are nigh.
Sleep, foldiers of merit! deep, gallant of yore !
The hatchet is fallen, the ftruggle is o'er.
While the fir-tree is green, and the wind rolls a wave,
The tear-drop fliall brighten the turf of the brave.
INDEX.
f
INDEX.
The figures refer to pages in the volume. The names in italics are those of
Indians.
The names of men in Lovewell's feeond expedition, of whom there is a lift
on page iS, are not in this Index.
A
Adeaivando, 10S, no, in, 112.
Allen, Abiel, in the Pequauket fight, 21 ;
efcapes unhurt, 34; attefts the nar¬
rative of Rev. Mr. Symmes, 38 ; lives
to old age, 103.
Aften, Zebadiah, left by Lovewell in
the fort at Offipee, 74; brief notice
of him, 103.
Autographs of Lovewell, Farwell, and
Robbins, 12; of Wyman, 97.
Ayer, Ebenezer, in the Pequauket fight,
31; elcapes unhurt, 34; attefts the
narrative of Mr. Symmes, 3S.
Aver, Samuel, Capt., killed at Haver¬
hill, in 170S, 54.
Aver, William, Surgeon of Lovewell's
Expedition, 74; left at the Olfipee
fort, ibid.; Petition for a grant of
land, S3.
B.
Ballads, commemorative of the fight at
Pequauket, 1x5-119.
Barron, Elias, in the fight at Pequau¬
ket, 31; wounded, but leaves the
ground, 34; gets over Offipee River,
but no farther, on .his return, 35,
39-
Barftow, his defcription of the locality
of the fight, 87.
Battle of Pequauket, Mr. Symmes's
account of it, 32-37.
Belknap, Dr., his remarks on Love¬
well's fight, 86.
Bennet, John, his petition for land
granted, 84.
Blanchard, Jofeph, Lieut., 76, 77, 78,
Si.
Bloghead, Jofeph. 79.
Blowers, Elizabeth, 23.
Bofton Gazette, extract from, 85.
Bofton News Letter, extract from, 15.
Bryant, Walter, 86.
C.
. Carlcton, Edward, 54.
' Caufes of "Lovewell's War," 9-11.
128
INDEX.
Chamberlain, John, in the Peqnauket
fight, 31 ; leaves the ground at mid¬
night in a party of twenty, 34; bio¬
graphical notice of him, 104; the
ftory of his killing Paugus wholly
without foundation, 105.
Chefley, Capt., 79.
Chrijlicin, a Mohawk and a guide, 78,
82, S3.
Coffin, Paul, Rev., vilits Fryeburg in
176S. S6.
Colburn, Henry, 84.
Cummings, William, 29,
D.
Davis, Eleazar, in Lovewell's fight, 30;
is wounded, but leaves the ground,
34; reaches Berwick, 36; biographi¬
cal notice of, 99; his petition for
relief, ibid.
Davis, Jofiah, in Lovewell's fight, 30;
killed on the fpot, 33, 39.
Dummer, William, Lieut.-Gov. ofMaf-
fachufetts, his letter to John Went-
worth, Lieut.-Gov. of New Hamp-
ffiire, 76 ; his letter to Col. Tyng, 77 ;
orders Tyng to purfue the enemy,
77-
E.
Elegy on the death of Chaplain Jona¬
than Frye, 120.
F.
Farmer, Thomas, iS; his petition for
land granted, 84.
Farrar, Jacob, in the Pequauket fray,
30; mortally wounded, 34, 39, 101.
Farrar, Jofeph, in the Pequauket fray,
30; unhurt, 34; biographical notice
of, 102.
Farwell, Hannah, 95; Ilenrj', 95, bis.
Farwell, Jofiah, Lieut., joins Lovewell
in a petition to be employed against
"the Indian enemy," 11; his auto¬
graph, 12; his firft expedition with
Lovewell, 14; fecond expedition, 16;
in the Pequauket fight, 30; mortally
wounded, 33, 34; leaves the field in
an attempt to regain the fort at Offi-
pee, 34; but dies on the eleventh
day, of exhauftion, 96, on the way
thither, 36, 39; biographical fketch
of him, 95 ; a previous encounter with
the Indians noticed, 96 ; commanded
during moft of the fight at Pequau¬
ket, ibid.
Flagg, Col., ordered to fend men to
Dunftable, 79, 81.
Fort at Offipee, conftrudted by Love¬
well's company, 29; the remains still
vifible, 74.
Frye, Jonathan, chaplain of Lovewell's
company, 30; was in the fight at
Pequauket, 32; only twenty years
old, 120; fights courageoufly, 34;
kills feveral of the Indians, 119, 121;
is mortally wounded, 34, 119, 121;
leaves the ground, and attempts to
return, but dies on the way, 36, 39;
left in the woods to die, 121; proxi¬
mate caufe of his death, 99; bio¬
graphical notice of him, 99; elegy
on occafion of his death, 120.
Fullam, Jacob, was in the Pequauket
battle, 30; killed 33, 39.
G.
General Court, their aftion in regard
to the widows of the flain, 83 ; and in
regard to the furvivors and legal
reprefentatives, 84.
Giles, or Gyles, John, Capt., his efti-
mate of the Pequaukets, no.
INDEX.
I 29
Gilfon, Jofeph, in the Pequauket fight,
31 ; unhurt, 34.
Gilfon, John, in Lovewell's company,
left in the fort, 74.
Goffc, John, in Lovewell's company,
left in the fort, 74.
Goffe, John, Col., 98.
Gould, Margaret, 94.
II.
Hammond, Maj., 79.
Ilartwell, Edward, 84.
Ilarwood, John, Enfign, in Pequauket
fight, 30; killed, 33, 39; buried
there, Si.
Hafiell, Benjamin, of Lovewell's com¬
pany, leaves Pequauket at the begin¬
ning of the fight, 29, 74, 75; fright¬
ens the fmall garrifon left at the fort,
35, 76, 106; the caufe of great fuller¬
ing to the furvivors of the fight, 106 ;
brings tidings of the fray to Dunfta-
ble, 75; feigns fickness, 78, 106; his
name fupprefied in Symmes's narra¬
tive, 29, 35; lately afcertained, 106;
biographical notice, 105.
Hafiell, Jofeph, 105, bis.
Hegon, 108.
Hill, Nathaniel, 79.
Hulbert, Ebenezer, of Lovewell's com¬
pany, left in the fort, 74.
J-
Jefts, John, in the Pequauket fray, 31;
killed therein, 33, 39.
Johnfon, Ichabod, in the fight at Pe¬
quauket, 30; killed 33, 39.
Johnfon, Jofiah, in the Pequauket fray,
30; is wounded, but leaves the
ground, 34; returns home, and lives
fome years, 101.
Johnfon, Noah, in the fight at Pequau¬
ket, 30; is wounded, 34; but re¬
turns home, and lives to a great age,
100; biographical notice, ibid.; his
petition to the General Court
granted, ibid.
Jones, Jofiah, in the Pequauket fight,
.30; is wounded, but leaves the
ground, 34; arrives at Saco, 37,
after being out in the woods four¬
teen days, 103; his petition to the
General Court, 104.
Jofeph, a Mohawk and a guide, Si.
K.
Kidder, Benjamin, of Lovewell's com¬
pany, taken lick, 29; left in the fort
at Ofiipee, 74; biographical notice,
97-
Kidder, James, 97, bis; John, 98.
Kies [Keyes], Solomon, in the Pequau¬
ket fight, 30; receives three wounds,
but efcapes in a canoe, 35.
Kittredge, Jonathan, in the Pequauket
battle, 30; killed, 33, 39.
L.
Lajonquiere, his letter quoted, 113.
Larkin, Ifaac, in the Pequauket fray,
31; wounded, but efcapes, 34.
Lingfield, Edward, in the fight at Pe¬
quauket, 30; unhurt, 34; biographi¬
cal notice of him, 98.
Lift of Lovewell's men in his fecond
expedition, 18.
Lift of Lovewell's men in his third
expedition, 30, 31, 74.
Lovewell, John, Captain, his petition
to be employed againft the Indian
enemy," 11; his autograph, 12; his
firft expedition, 14; his fecond expe¬
dition, journal of, 16; furprifes and
7 i
I3°
INDEX.
kills ten Indian men, 17 : returns to
Bofton, ibid.; departs on his third
and laft expedition, 20. 29; is mor¬
tally wounded in the fight at Pequau¬
ket* 32> 33, 39, 75' 76> S5; falls at
the frrft difcharge, 32, 76; buried by
the party under Col. Tyng, 39, Sx;
biographical fketch of, S9; a hunter,
90; tradition of his killing feven In¬
dians, ibid.; his children, 91; his
character, 92 ; inventory of his el-
tate, 93, 94.
Lovewell, John, the father, his extreme
old age, 89.
Lovewell, John, the third, 91 ; Jona¬
than, 90; Hannah, 90, 91; Nebc¬
in i all, 91 ; Zaccheus, 90.
M.
Melvin, David, in the Pequauket fray,
30; efcapes unhurt, 34; a captain at
Louifburg, 102 ; petitions for a grant
of land, S3.
Melvin, Eleazar, in the Pequauket fight,
30; efcapes unhurt, 34; a lieutenant
at Louifburg, 102.
Mogg, killed by a Mohawk, S3.
Mohawks, their aid fought in the war,
82.
Moody, Eleanor, 23.
N.
Natambojnet, Sagamore of Saco, 10S.
O.
Ofiipee, a fort built there by.Lovewell's
company, 29; the remains ftill vifi-
ble, 74.
Olfipee Indians, a part of the Pequau¬
ket tribe, 10S : meaning of the word,
110.
P.
Paugus, flain and buried at Pequauket,
37, 72; killed not by John Chamber¬
lain, 105; but by Seth Wyman, 119.
Pequauket, or Pigwacket, battle of. 31-
37; the march begun, 29: a fortifi¬
cation conftructed near Ofiipee Lake,
and ten men left therein, 29, 75;
names of the men left in the fort,
74; names of the men who marched
from Ofiipee to Pequauket, 30, 31 ;
the Indians lie in ambulh, 76, 85;
the fray commences, 32 ; with Indi¬
ans both in front and rear, 32, 76,
85; and, at leaft, twice the number
of our men, 33, 37, S5 : Capt. Love¬
well falls, mortally wounded, at the
firft difcharge, 32, 76; the Englith
retreat to a pond, to avoid being
furrounded, 33, 85; Chaplain Frye
is mortally wounded, 34, 119, 121;
the combat continues till night,
when the enemy retreat with great
lofs, 34, 11S; the Englifh maintain
their ground, 85 ; names of the Eng¬
lifh killed, 33, 39, 81 ; of the wounded
who died on the way home, 39; of
the whole number wounded, 34; of
thofe " who received no confiderable
wound," 34; twenty of the Englifh
ftay till midnight, and then ftart for
the Olfipee fort, 34, 118; which they
find deferted, 35 ; three of thefe die by
the way, 35, 36, 96, 121 ; leventeen
reach home (the ballad fays fix-
teen), 118; principal incidents of the
fight recounted in a ballad, 116-119;
account of the battle in the " Bofton
Gazette," 85; date of the adtion, 22,
31, 75, 76, 85, 116; caufe of the difaf-
ter, 92, 98 ; may yet be deemed a de-
cifive victory, 93; appearance of the
field many years after the fight, 86.
INDEX.
Pequauket, or Sokokis, tribe of Indians,
107 ; lived near the Saco and Offipee
Rivers, 107, 10S; attack Falmouth
in 1676, 10S; thoroughly disheart¬
ened by the encounter with Love-
well's men, Si, 111; remove to St.
Francis in Canada, 107, 108, 111;
orthography and lignification of the
name, 109; eftimate of their num¬
bers, 110; in 1745, defired to live in
peace with the Englifh, 112; last
veftiges of the tribe, 114.
R.
Richardfon, Robert, 7S.
Richardfon, Thomas, in the Pequau¬
ket fight, 30; efcapes unhurt, 34.
Richardfon, Timothy, in the Pequauket
fight, 30; is feverely wounded, but
makes his way home, 34, 102; his
petition to the General Court, 102.
Robbins, Jonathan, Lieut., joins with
Lovewell in a petition to be em¬
ployed againft " the Indian enemy,"
11; was in the fight at Pequauket,
30; mortally wounded, 33, 39; bio¬
graphical fketch of, 94; inventory of
his eftate, 95.
Rofs, Thomas, 96; Sarah, 96.
S.
Scamcfco, 108.
Smith, Rev. Thomas, his journal
quoted, 111.
Sokokis tribe of Indians; fee Pequau-
kets.
Spoonej', Edward, of Lovewell's com¬
pany, left in the fort, 74.
Stevens, Phineas, Capt., 111.
Symmes, John Cleves, 23; Timothy,
23; Zechariah, 21.
Symmes, Rev. Thomas, biographical
{ketch of, 21-24; his narrative, 27-
38.
T.
Taylor, John, 79.
Toby, an Indian, 29, 74.
Tyng, Col. Eleazar, with a company,
is ordered to purfue the enemy, 77 ;
vifits the field of battle, and buries
the llain, 37, So, Si; his letters to
Lieut.-Gov. Dummer, 75, So.
U.
Upham, Thomas C., his lines on vifit-
ing the fcene of the battle, 122.
Ulher, Robert, in the fight at Pequau¬
ket, 30; mortally wounded, 33, 39.
W.
Wendell, Jacob, his ftatements touching
the Pequauket Indians, 112.
Wentworth, John, Lieut.-Gov. of New
Hamplhire, his letter to Lieut.-Gov.
Dummer, 79.
White, John, Capt., 76, 7S, So, Si, 82;
fupplies Lovewell's company with
bread from the Province ftores, 14.
Whiting, Samuel, in the Pequauket
fight, 30; badly wounded, 32, 75;
leaves the ground, 34; and reaches
home, 103.
Whitney, Ifaac, of Lovewell's company,
left in the fort, 74.
Whitney, Zachariah, of Lovewell's com¬
pany, left in the fort, 74.
Willard, Capt., 77, 78, 81.
Woods, Daniel, in the Pequauket fight,
31; killed, 33, 39.
:32
INDEX.
Woods, Nathaniel, of Lovewell's com¬
pany, left in the 'fort, 74, 76.
Woods, Thomas, in the Pequauket fight,
31 ; killed 33, 39.
Wyman, Seth, in the Pequanket fight,
30,32; efcapes unhurt, 34; reaches
Dunftable, 36; made captain, 37,
81 ; attefts Mr. Symmes's narrative,
38; biographical notice of, 96; his
autograph, 97 ; petition of his widow,
97; killed Paugus, 105, 119.
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