44 1 of | J of Virgi 35 1927PEF ss ne ant iyOot SCR RPO rel TM yo Pony SIRO RON TID Pr My Pepe Sikh CO Oust ar ar NP ha PPT earn Fae 5 a te yr? PL PLM OUR Oa Fa eid Ds 2) cM ih ical Ron OFA eee ha fara (im SuR es esta sesosere 2 2285 OLY ior ey Phony a hy (LI Mk PC DD PA CON 7 ALAIN ny Ar MM nee Me TH AC Partita Mon ot BOW oem he a ero ere y wy HOH AT eR MD ae Pal itente herentaren eet * i ry ri ry 4 E A i 5p H i) f eo rein. See ee eet tdSes gnc oetwer tS Sees ei a i My ic wd t Vs 743 Se aeTs Verh aC Red nF erie Pyaoas eM earnT rrr ayUniversity of Washington Publications IN ANTHROPOLOGY VOLUME II 1927-1929 UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON PRESS SEATTLE, WASHINGTON 1929pHs ter raar ns Ratan TN eTCONTENTS Page 1. Adze, Canoe, and House Types of the Northwest Coast, potiala, OlSOM fess lees ons eis ce eerie os gates wee 1-38 2. The Ghost Dance of 1870 Among the Klamath of Ore- monssleeslien GDIELG 2. start a seers ee a eens 39-56 3. Some Tales of the Southern Puget Sound Salish, Pertiie , Ballatdie cc ee oe certs eric ers ole Was 57-81 4. The Middle Columbia Salish, James H. Teit (edited by Bipatiza BOaS) inc da cuore ws coe weiner ste nie 83-128 5. A Further Analysis of the First Salmon Ceremony, tia Grulthege ss oe kc os Sars aes ere tn 129-173 6. Northwest Sahaptin Texts, 1, Melville Jacobs......... 175-244 Liter Pc a ee a ce ee ee ren Chto rec on 245-248 ES REO SR a ee eS Se? 4 ie q a e : i" id J ' i os Ns j 7 Ser te roc iatee ce ory bE i RUEUNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON PUBLICATIONS IN ANTHROPOLOGY Vol. 2, No. 1, pp. 1-38, Plates 1-4 November;.1927 4 ADZE, CANOE, AND HOUSE. TYPES OF THE NORTHWEST COAST by RONALD L. OLSON UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON PRESS SEATTLE, WASHINGTON 1927Se eee eee eee gee ears Fi fl Fi ed | Fst Fi i Fs EST eee eh Sao reas een ease stress University of Washington Publications The University of Washington Publications are offered in exchange for similar publications issued by universities, scientific societies and other institutions. These papers contain the results of research work in various departments of the University. They are issued in separate monographs numbered in several series. There is no stated interval of publication. All inquiries and all matter sent in exchange should be addressed to the University of Washington Library, Seattle, Washington. In- quiries regarding purchase of these publications, should be addressed to the Publica- tions Editor, University of Washington, Seattle, Washington. ANTHROPOLOGY Vol.1. 1. The Whaling Equipment of the Makah Indians, by T. T. Water- man (formerly Vol. 1, No. 1 of the University of Washington Publications in Political and Social Science, discontinued). Pp. 1-67) atlas O20 weak Meei Bina e mien areas te ces cies $1.00 2. The Distribution of Kinship Systems in North America, by Leslie Spier. Pp. 69-88. Maps 1-9. August, 1925. ......-+..--.+a< j 3. An Analysis of Plains Indian Parfleche Decoration, by Leslie Spier. Pp. 89-112. August, EOE eres = sok wc cla-g pie ore en, stew ene 4, ee Folk Tales, by Erna Gunther. Pp. 118-170. August, FORE See eee ee Bei Ord fe eteHE Midis Oper atin, aed wee ste ceo mcecm ale iairsnieLaae i 5. Klallam Ethnography, by Erna Gunther. Pp. 171-314. January, ae NOD eee 5 He i on tig eget a ae o cleip onsen e alwnntacialece + juye) sf repel gare Sake ray Vol. 2. 1. Adze, Canoe, and House Types of the Northwest Coast, by Ronald L. Olson. Pp. 1-38. November, 1927..........--..++s0+: _ The Ghost Dance of 1870 among the Klamath of Oregon, by Leslie Spier. Pp. 39-56. November, 1927......,...--++++++s05- 20 bn FISHERIES Vol. 1. Preserved Pickled Herring, by Clarence Louis Anderson. Pp: PLGA. PaVArote LOD e waa keane ou ore le aideca we a Mtenin regen os Nieee $1.00 Field Characters Identifying Young Salmonoid Fishes in Fresh Waters of Washington, by Donald R. Crawford. Pp. 12. April, se OO Sess ote cee scandal we collahcome Mesanaza 7p Wreueve eto Laae ararecay ahd elteeins ys fo takes : . Synostosis in the Spinal Column of the Rainbow Trout, by Donald R. Crawford. Pp.8. April, 1925...........ssccen sete eee enes 25 A Study of the Gases in Canned Foods, by Ray W. Clough, Oscar E. Shostrom, Ernest D. Clark. Pp. 86-100. September, 1925.. .20 _ Notes on the Presence of Indol in Sea Foods and Other Food Products, by Ray W. Clough, Oscar E. Shostrom, Ernest D. Clark. Pp. 101-108. September, 1925.........,..-.s.sesceees 20 Iodine Content of the Pacific Coast Salmon, by Norman Donald Jarvis, Ray William Clough, Ernest Dunbar Clark. Pp. 109-138. ME be pay WOO Peas heiette Quinn? Bebo nom cS cocoon ogodS 25 Biochemical Study and Proximate Composition of Pacific Coast Crabs, by Carl R. Fellers and Clarence T. Parks. Pp. 139-156. Wehriary, O26 7s thers nite cle Sia pees So Rtcers ose a sine ictereierek eecee 20 . Bacteriological Investigations on Raw Salmon Spoilage, by Carl Re Fellers, Pp, 157-188. “July, 10262. ice oe. ene ere rie 25 . Canned Salmon: A Five-Year Correlation Study of Certain Quality Factors, by Carl Raymond Fellers, Ernest Dunbar Clark and Ray William Clough. Pp. 189-204. August, 1926......... 25 10. Fish Preservation by Hypochlorites, by Tung Pai Chew and Carl Roimeltlers: bp, 205-2275 September, 10202 e cane cteueteseie iene are -25 11. Non-gaseous Spoilage in Canned Marine Products, by Carl R. Pellerse Pp se PZ Oe OB is fcr nese aici ei are career nie lett ekatees eer eens eres Dd Vol.2. 1. Ecto-Parasitic Infusoria Attacking Fish of the Northwest,. by Jahn. He Guberlet.: ep: LallGixi ci < Actolee ot wares easter eke ener ae 20 = rm oo as on > a So © GEOLOGY Vol.1. 1. Tertiary faunal horizons of Western Washington, by Charles E. Weaveto Pp. 16%. Hebruary, ou Gin 2st mas ceerns cote cones eee ieee 1.00 2. Paleontology of the Oligocene of the Chehalis Valley, by Kath- erine BE. H. Van Winkle. Pp. 69-97. January, 1918............ -50 3. Fauna from the Eocene of Washington, by Charles E. Weaver and Katherine Van Winkle Palmer. Pp. 1-56. June, 1922... .50 4. Foraminifera from the Eocene of Cowlitz River, Lewis County, Washington, by G. Dallas Hanna and Mareus A. Hanna. Pp. bi-64.:) October, 1924.2. foes yc Sapeae oto gue nee Se eee 50 Vol. 2. The Geology of the San Juan Islands, by Roy Davidson Mc- ellan-3 Pp. 185: > 1) map 27x83! sNovember, LOA se, case 2.00UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON PUBLICATIONS IN ANTHROPOLOGY Vol. 2, No. 1, pp. 1-38, Plates 1-4 November, 1927 meee, CANOE, AND HOUSE TYPES ei WHE NORTHWEST COAST by RONALD L:. OLSON ii UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON PRESS | SEATTLE, WASHINGTON 1927snxers Pe iip ek ee Rites | FY eee sirern3 sgCONTENTS MPM EL MIDS Foch kes 5 a i hia’ s ban 5 ¥, 0 vou Siva wy a Ale cee ol oo eee ee UIPREMLUEL ISI re es ae SS pi ho sta he cca eae oes oe eee PRUIDGUIBEMOTINIG, Bee: nr Se eee ee ee mea SEPERATE AO MEEO o ila ives Sin) et wo fo ale ew sce Stee Sone, oe ot See PUA seo nha es tia Sin we Weleda g eee il Owl ae eee cee PRC EOL PICS) fe Sol ksi sty & pvc oe toe densi d olee corns we eG eae See Pebrstribunon Of Adze Fypes....... ° Ay —— o z S ~~ “ Wo, ses 6 Ns $9 ~m so msV ah ay A cin ona wes eH OtRs Com kb wo Gta aks Cr 5 ~ co. Sat & aides says Eo ao war MAW GO 0 ro ~~ co ce — — Ln ble + g = oS S 4 5 s _ vo v a a = = _— © td | Wi ios a a a = Sad Pale ae ek | aY¥snmn cas FoVis bee ae Ej > ee om & eet — SANE ye SR w St oes WwW ES 5 CO en owt c o's of hineso Sa Ww aed Fa tariese wdissd tet (O mae Ne We an dH00 N ico, Se) Wir Lnvene — | IN 2s ~”n 3 7 ees ~ oS ae ayes om OD a ay mo mis 8 an he a v ee as ~rTpn wn wo a. Lower b. Ozette (Wn. c. Puget Sound (Wn. d. Yurok (after Kroeber). inault. e. Quera ierass. Sesiess cok See tt iad el University o f Washington Publications in Anthropology [Vol. 2 IDENTITY OF TRIBES IN THE DISTRIBUTION MAPS PNA PONS ok =O Dog Rib. Slavey. Eskimo. Aleut. Yukon River tribes. Copper River tribes (Ahtena). Tlingit. Tsimshian. Haida. Kwakiutl. Bella Coola. Nootka. Vancouver Island Salish. ower Fraser Salish. Lillooet. Thompson. Shuswap. Chilcotin. Carrier. Kutenai. Klallam. Puget Sound tribes. Nisqualli. Makah. Ozette. Quilleute. Quinault. 28. 29. 30. Lower Chehalis. Chinook. Cowlitz. Wishram. Walla Walla. Yakima. Nez Percé. Spokan. Fort Colville. Kalispel. Okanagan. Tillamook. Coos. Tolowa. Yurok. Hupa. Karok. Klamath. Modoc. Atsugewl. Achomawi. Shasta. Wiyot. Maidu. Yokuts. Chumash. Gabrielino.1927] Olson, Adze, Canoe and House Types of the Northwest Coast 7 ce A: oS) PLATE 2—DistrisuTion oF ApzE TyYPrEs & Elbow adze @Straight adze @D adzeUniversity of Washington Publications in Anthropology [Vol. 2 } Pies, PLATE 3—Distripution of CANok Typks @Shovel-nose canoe ANorthern canoe BBNootka canoe % Form unknown1927] Olson, Adze, Canoe and House Types of the Northwest Coast 9 4 A os GRA 7, S PRA UV Sos EOE SELENE EEL IEE ACEC ge Ao LZ LICL, ZO AC Z ie GO 1A LLL 2OXNL Za s EDS CNS gp Cp Z a LL Ge G ZY A LLL - oa ye LALA AS” J Z SB 2 Po Z, oA Z, eo LZ Yz BY A) \ \\ , WER \\\ \ \ \ \ \ \ oS \IKe ~ \\ \) cA \\ \ \ \\ Tan Qo Wochenze fe Ah PLATE 4—DistrisuTIONn oF RECTANGULAR PLANK AND Loc HousksTNO ITTADZE, CANOE, AND HOUSE TYPES OF THE NORTHWEST COAST I INTRODUCTION It is the thesis of this paper that the variations that occur in any cultural feature, noted for any one people or group of peoples, represent the cultural processes at work; and that psychologically and historically the combination and re-combination of elements, the appearance of new details, and the develop- ment of new concepts relating to a trait are quite as important in the develop- ment of culture as the original invention of an entirely new trait and its spread over a given area. Without such processes at work the culture-trait loaf must ever remain unleavened bread, never rising above the form it presented at its reception by a people. To illustrate such developments and to analyze the processes at work I have chosen three traits of material culture (adze, canoe, and plank house) found in the Northwest Coast culture area. These have been analyzed in some detail and the areas of their distribution traced. Certain features of form and special usages connected with them have formed the basis for classification into general types. More specific features of form and usage for each type have been analyzed in an attempt to isolate originating points and to gain an insight into the process of diffusion. The parts played by cultural environment, external geographical environment, and motor factors as determinants of form and as stimuli to development have been noted where there seemed to be definite evi- dence of their influence. The results seem to justify the general thesis. While it can not be doubted that all the examples of any one trait in the area are historically re- lated, the wide variety of forms that are found argues for a considerable work- ing of variational and developmental processes. Without these differences a trait would assume a drab sameness everywhere in the range of its occurrence. On the other hand the complex of forms, techniques of construction, and usages connected with a trait retain much the same flavor over much of the area but tend to disappear outside. It is this peculiar quality which gives the culture of an area its individuality and which marks it off from surrounding areas quite as much as actual substitution of traits. A number of inferences are suggested by the data examined. All three traits seem to reach their highest development in the relatively restricted area between the Straits of Juan de Fuca and Southern Alaska. Within this area Nootka, Kwakiutl, and Haida seem to play a larger part than the other tribes in the elaboration of what is essentially a common culture. But outside this focal area appear features which show that the action of culture-processes is not restricted to the culture center. (11)University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [ Vol. 2 For the traits analyzed in this paper the whole area seems to divide into areas of lesser extent. ‘The northern canoe, the elbow adze, and the northern types of gabled house tend to disappear outside the cultural center formed by Tlingit, Tsimshian, Haida, and perhaps Kwakiutl. The Nootka canoe, the shed-roofed house, and the D adze seldom occur except between the Columbia in the south and Queen Charlotte Sound in the north. The straight adze, the southern types of gabled house, and the shovel-nose canoe are found only south of the Straits of Juan de Fuca. Within these areas of lesser extent a certain amount of specialization has gone on. This cautions one against giving the typical tribes of the area too great a share of the credit for innovations. Inability or unwillingness to see the importance of local developments is largely responsible for the inadequacy of the mechanistic view of the culture process. Environmental factors seem to play a relatively minor part in determining forms. ‘The presence of large trees whose wood might easily be worked was particularly favorabie to the development of highly specialized canoes and of elaborate houses, but could hardly have determined the particular forms which such traits took. Plank houses and dug-out canoes could certainly have been constructed outside of the area where they occur, but the rarity of suitable material seems to restrict their spread. Lack of emphasis on elaborateness and workmanship in wood-working is a factor of social environment which un- doubtedly inhibits the diffusion of forms of tools specially adapted to such purposes. What seems to be a motor factor influencing form is seen in the thumb rest found in both the D adze and in the straight adze of Northwestern Cali- fornia. The prevalent habit of using all cutting tools with a stroke toward the body is undoubtedly historically determined. The problem of the relation of the culture of the Northwest Coast to that of Asia has been given some consideration.t ‘The traits discussed here have analogues in Asia but definite proof of historical relationship is difficult to establish. The findings bear out certain theoretical considerations, such as the preva- lence of diffusion and the comparative rarity of independent invention and parallel development, the passive part played by environmental factors, the relative unimportance of motor elements, and the major réle played by the tribes at the culture center in development of the culture of an area. I am indebted to Mr. Francis Kermode, of the Provincial Museum, Vic- toria, B. C., and to Mr. Frank S. Hall, of the Washington State Museum, University of Washington, Seattle, for their kindness in allowing me to examine storage material. 1 See Boas, Jesup Expedition; Development of Culture of Northwest America; History of the American Race; Jochelson, Archaeological Investigations; Kroeber, American Culture and the Northwest Coast.1927] Olson, Adze, Canoe and House Types of the Northwest Coast 1 II ADZE FORMS On the Northwest Coast adzes were the most important tools used in wood-working. Knives were employed in fashioning articles whose shape or small size made it difficult to use adzes. Wedges and chisels, used in con- junction with hand hammers or long-handled mauls, were employed for rough work, such as felling trees, splitting out planks and rough-shaping canoes. Yet in the shaping, smoothing and carving of objects of wood the adze was the one indispensable tool. The other tools mentioned have been almost wholly displaced by axes, knives and wood-chisels of European manufacture. ‘The old adze forms, however, persist to the present time, though steel has of course replaced the blades used in aboriginal times. Adze blades were of bone, shell, or stone throughout the area. In the north a stone blade weighing several pounds, and grooved for lashing, was a common form, though small blades set against a shoulder of the handle were also used. Aside from this heavy, grooved blade there seems to be no material or form sufficiently distinctive or localized to serve as a basis for classification of blades. Elsewhere a small blade of a variety of materials, lashed with the butt resting against a shoulder of the handle seems to be the only form known, with the exception of some archaeological specimens and the heavy type mentioned. There are, however, several patterns of adze handles which seem to be sufficiently distinctive to justify a classification. A comparatively simple form is a straight or somewhat curved piece of wood, bone, or stone six inches to a foot or more long. On the under side a section is flattened for the recep- tion of the blade. A broad flap of leather is commonly lashed to the bottom to protect the back of the hand. Another form consists usually of the limb of a tree with a small portion of the trunk left attached. The limb forms a handle while the trunk portion is shaped so that the blade can be lashed to it. Blade and handle form an acute angle. The length of handle depends on whether the tool is designed for use with one or both hands. A third type, often called the D adze, is a rough parallellogram of wood, bone, or horn much resembling the handle of a carpenter’s saw. ‘The blade is lashed to the bottom, usually resting against a shoulder to prevent its slipping out of place. Regardless of pattern, adzes were everywhere used with a back- hand stroke.” The straight adze (see Plates 1 (1), and 2) occurs along with other forms among the Shuswap, Lillooet, and Lower Fraser Salish of British Columbia. It is found in the Puget Sound region and among the Ozette of Cape Flattery, 2Lewis and Clark, Journals, IV, 32; Mackenzie, Voyages, II, 98; Sproat, Scenes and Studies, 86; Swan, Cape Flattery, 34; Northwest Coast, 81; Boas, Kwakiutl, 344-369. 8 Provincial Museum, catalog nos. 587, 1140; Teit, Lillooet, 204; Smith, Lower Fraser, 164; Newcombe, Museum Guide, 58.Ree ee PLe tk eerie eee eene ph er eey Ree eee eet enka eat cba Cd eee eRe 14 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [Vol. 2 but again is not the exclusive type.* What is evidently an adze of this form is mentioned by Lewis and Clark as occurring in the Lower Columbia region where it seems £0 have been the only pattern known. Curtis has the indefinite statement that “horn pointed adzes’” were used by the Spokan and “Western Salish.” In Northwestern California adzes of this type are reported for Yurok, Hupa, and Karok. Here the handle is of stone, often curving upward near the tip and having a groove on the upper side evidently intended to serve as a place for the thumb to rest.° Data are lacking for eastern Washington, all of Oregon except the immediate valley of the Columbia, and for all but the xtreme northwestern section of California. From the valleys of the Columbia and Fraser are some few archaeo- logical specimens which are quite different from those used in historic times. Those from the Columbia are pestle-shaped stones with handle and cutting edge in one piece. A specimen from the Lower Fraser is a celt socketed in a bone handle.? Adze blades hafted in this manner seem not to have been found elsewhere in the area though they are common among the Eskimo. These several specimens, though not closely related to any of the historic straight adze forms, belong, because of their simplicity and general pattern, in the category of straight adzes rather than with either of the other types. Elbow adzes are rare in the southern part of the area (see Plates 1 (II), and 2). With one exception, they first appear among the Makah of Cape Flattery.6 Among the Klallam, Skokomish, Swinomish, and Nisqually of the region about Puget Sound and among the Lower Chehalis, a modified type of elbow adze was used. ‘The handle was short, designed for use with one hand. ‘The blade was parallel to the handle, or nearly so.? The long handled form again occurs among the Bella Coola, Kwakiutl, Haida, Tsimshian, and Tlingit.° Data for the Nootka and for the Coast Salish of British Columbia are lacking. Outside the Northwest Coast culture area the elbow adze occurs among the Shuswap, Chilcotin, and Thompson of the southern interior of British Columbia. It seems to have been used throughout the area occupied by the Athabascan tribes of the north. It is reported for Carrier, Slavey, and Dog Rib in Canada, and for the Copper and Yukon River tribes in Alaska.” In the Eskimo-Aleut area of Alaska the elbow type occurs very generally and 4 Washington State Museum, catalog nos. 5382, 7155. ° Lewis and Clark, Journals, IV, 32; Curtis, American Indian, VII, 72. ® Kroeber, Handbook, 83, 94, plate 19. _ emith, Yakima Valley, 65; Lower Columbia; Lower Fraser, 164. Pe jenat, gee eee 34. Since the above was written a single specimen has been 1oted for the Yurok (University of California Museum of Anthropology, catalog no 1/1864). tie gor H fe Niblack Coast Indians, plate XXIII; Washington State Museum, catalog nos. 18, 7932; acberlin and Gunther, Indianerstimme, 28. Lower Chehalis datum from personal observation. TORR Tee ke ee E ‘ ae he SMEG ch oyages, II, 311; Boas, Kwakiutl, 320, 344-369; Provincial Museum, cata- eed 208/; Niblack, Coast Indians, plate XXIII; Dall, Alaska, 414; Krause, Tlingit, poet, Shuswap, 474, 764; Thompson, 183. 2 Morice, Western Déné, 46: Mackenzi 4 s itt V ; ‘ Dené, 46; Mackenzie, Voyages, I, 238 : 1 pe 133; Woldt, Jacobsen’s Reise, 211. : eee ae1927] Olson, Adze, Canoe and House Types of the Northwest Coast 15 seems to be the only form known. The chief difference from the Northwest Coast form is that the lashings commonly pass through holes in the handle, the head resting against the squared end of a straight handle. A small blade is generally used and is often socketed in a head of bone or ivory. Alaska some specimens are practically identical with northern part of the Northwest Coast area. In southern forms occurring in the In Eastern Siberia the elbow adze is found among Koryak, Chukchee, and Yukaghir. It probably has a wide distribution over eastern Asia. This form also occurs in Polynesia." In this connection should be mentioned the adze-like skin-dresser which occurs practically throughout the whole of the Plains area. Not only is the form of this tool very similar to that of the elbow adze, but the chopping stroke with which it is used strongly suggests a relation to the latter tool.1® These, the peculiar skin-dressers used by the Eskimo of Alaska, and the S-shaped tool of the Plateau seem to be the only implements for that purpose which diverge widely from the more generally distributed beaming tool. ‘The Eskimo type differs markedly from the adze in that it is used with a stroke away from the body.?® The third adze type of the area, the D form (see Plates 1 CLEE)= and: 2) occurs among Kwakiutl, Tsimshian, Nootka, and Salish of southern Vancouver Island in Canada.** In the State of Washington it is reported for Makah, Ozette, Quilleute, Quinault, and Shoalwater Bay Chinook on the west coast, and for Snohomish and Lummi in the Puget Sound region.1® A specimen in the Washington State Museum (cat. no. 4588, see Plate 1 (III), d), localized indefinitely as “Coast Salish,” is rather remarkable in that the handle is carved of a single piece of elk-horn. Data are lacking for much of the Puget Sound region as well as for the Salish of southern Vancouver Island and the tribes of the mainland opposite. Definite information is also wanting for Bella Coola, Haida, and Tlingit. Outside the area this form occurs among Lillooet and Lower Thompson, but not among the other branches of the latter tribe.? From the above data several inferences may be made. A survey of the areas of distribution for the various types (see Plate 2) seems to justify the earlier classification into straight, elbow, and D forms. While they do not occupy mutually exclusive areas, the types are rather definitely localized. Thus, the elbow adze is seldom found south of the Puget Sound region, the straight 13 Cook, Voyages, VII, 373; Jochelson, Archaeological Investigations, 120; Nelson, Bering Strait, plate XXXIX; Woldt, Jacobsen’s Reise, 211; Murdoch, Point Barrow, 165- 172. 14 Jochelson, Koryak, 610, 618-619; Bogoras, Chukchee, 210; Laufer, Jade, plate XIII; Giglioli, Collezione, plate II. ae ; cone 15 Wissler, Blackfoot, 67; Mason, Skin Dressing, plates XCI-XCIII. 16 Hmmons, Jade, 47, 48. Pe 2 17 Boas, Kwakiutl, 320, 321, 344-369; Tsimshian Mythology, 49; Sproat, Scenes and Studies, 86; Provincial Museum, no. 1185. ; os 18 Swan, Cape Flattery, 34; Washington State Museum, no. 7154; Olson, Quilleute Ethnography, (ms); Quinault Ethnography, (ms); Swan, Northwest Coast, 39, 81; Gunther, information, 19 Teit, Lillooet, 203, 204; Thompson, 183.oie res Ly eee serecs Peete eee ea) 16 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [ Vol. 2 type does not occur north of the Straits of Juan de Fuca, and the Columbia River on the south and the southern tip of Alaska seem to mark the respective limits of the D adze. he virtual restriction of the elbow type only to the northern part of the area and its wide range outside the Northwest Coast suggests that this form had its origin somewhere outside the area, possibly in Asia. The D adze is found outside the area only among Lillooet and Thompson. Its presence among all but Tlingit and Haida of the more typical tribes (it seems legitimate to infer occurrence for Bella Coola) makes it likely that it was developed within the area. The fact that only that division of the Thompson nearest the coast possessed this type argues that they received it from this direction. Judging by the relative number of specimens, the D adze was seldom used by the mainland Kwakiutl, and perhaps not at all by Haida and Tlingit. On the other hand, the Kwakiutl of Vancouver Island and the Nootka probably used it almost exclusively. The Quilleute and Quinault knew no other form. It seems logical to suppose that it is a much older trait among tribes possess- ing no other type, or where other types are but little used. ‘This makes prob- able its origin among the Vancouver Island Kwakiutl, Nootka, Quilleute, or Quinault. It appears that the D adze represents an attempt to develop a wood-work- ing tool which lacks the defects of the elbow type. The heavy head and blunt edge common in the latter form in this area lends itself but poorly to accurate control of blows and the giving of a fine finish. Where both this and the D adze were known the latter was used for the finishing work and the putting on of “tool marks.”?° ‘The finely tooled finish was a point of great importance. Very old specimens of woodwork frequently have no other decoration than the pattern formed by the rows of adze marks. With this in mind, it seems reasonable to eliminate the Quilleute and Quinault as pos- sible originators, for they placed but little emphasis on elaborateness and fine- ness of finish in objects of wood. Elaborateness of decoration of the tool itself among Kwakiutl and Nootka indicates a longer period of development among those groups. The Quinault and Quilleute rarely have carved figures on the handles of their adzes. The form which has spread from the Kwakiutl-Nootka center seems to be an older, simpler pattern. ‘These points suggest that the place of origin of the D type is somewhere in the Kwakiutl-Nootka area. With the present data it seems idle to attempt a further localization of the originating point. Several features present in nearly all specimens evidence the affinity of all D adzes. ‘he same conventional form is used by every tribe. Most speci- mens show a depression for the thumb. Decorations, when present, are on the front of the handle, or, when the whole handle is carved in the repre- sentation of a figure, that part of the handle forms the head. ‘Tribal pattern 20 Boas, Kwakiutl, 359-364.1927] Olson, Adze, Canoe and House Types of the Northwest Coast in decoration is seen in the motifs used by various groups. ‘The Kwakiutl had a variety of types; the Nootka and Quilleute used animal figures; while human representations occur among Makah and Quinault. In the depression for the thumb we evidently have a motor factor influ- encing form. This probably gives a firmer grip, with a lessening of the ten- dency of the tool to turn in the hand. It may also give greater control of the angle of the blade. It is rather significant that a thumb-groove appears in the more elaborate specimens of straight adze from northwestern California. The very scanty material available for the area where the straight adze is found makes a discussion of its forms rather presumptuous, but several points come to mind. About the mouth of the Columbia River the adze was grasped at the junction of the blade and handle with the right hand, the left holding the end of the handle. The blow was delivered backhand. The Ozette spec- imen (Plate 1 (1),b) was obviously used in this same manner. While no infor- mation is at hand on the manner of using them, the curved handle specimens of northwestern California may have been held in this way, the upward curve of the handle serving as a grip for the left hand. If this is true it raises a strong presumption in favor of the historic relationship of forms outwardly quite distinct. The relation of elbow, straight, and D-adze to each other is rather puzzling. The typical specimens of each form show little affinity to other patterns, but modified forms give some hints of possible relationships. The short handled elbow adzes of Klallam, Skokomish, and Swinomish in reality resemble D adzes quite as much as they do the elbowed form (Plate 1 (II),d). The blade is quite parallel to the handle. ‘The tendency of the hand to slip off the end of the handle is overcome by a widening at the end. In the D adze this disability is taken care of by the nearer side of the parallelogram. The form of the D specimen from southern Vancouver Island (Plate 1 (III), c) has certain sug- gestions of these short-handled elbow adzes. The virtual absence of the fourth side of the parallelogram and the resulting angle of top and bottom hints at a similarity to the elbow pattern. On the other hand, the D adze could quite conceivably be a development out of the straight adze, the bottom of the handle taking the place of the protective flap. How slight a change would be involved is shown by a glance at the elk-horn specimens of Puget Sound (Plate 1 (I), cand (III), d). From the data presented here it is difficult to see a relation between the elbow and straight adze. Additional information, however, might show the possibility of affinity. If I am correct in suggesting that the elbow adze is an intrusive type, it and the straight adze probably have no immediate historical connection.tT er art re es PEE Pedi ett ik ae te dh Ok Ee ee eae NES Se bar eh a University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [Vol. 2 III CANOE FORMS t canoes occur over a wide area on the Pacific slope (see Plate 3). In the north they appear near the mouth of the Copper River, the meeting place of Tlingit and Eskimo cultures. Southward they have a continuous distribution along the coast to somewhere about Cape Mendocino. Beginning again at the north, the eastern boundary follows the Cascade Range nearly to the southern tip of Alaska.2t Somewhere about this point the boundary strikes eastward to the valley of the Fraser so as to take in the terriory of Carrier, Chilcotin, Shuswap, Lillooet, Thompson, and Kutenai. Okanogan, Kalispel, Pend d’ Oreille, and Colville seem to have used only pine bark canoes, but dug-outs reappear among Spokane, Nez Percé, and Walla Walla.” From the territory of the last tribe the boundary runs westward to the valley of the Willamette and then southward so as to exclude the territory of the Northern Shoshoni.2* From the upper Willamette Valley the boundary again swings to the east to include Klamath and Modoc territory. In northern Dug-ou t California the boundary runs southward near the—eastern boundary of the state to the southern limit of Northern Maidu territory. It then runs west- ward so as to exclude Yana and Wintun country and meets the coastline near Cape Mendocino. While this is the approximate area of continuous distribution, boats of wood occur in other parts of California. Plank and possibly true dug-out canoes were known on the coast and islands of the southern part of the state. True dug-outs have been reported for the San Joaquin Valley, though the balsa raft was probably used almost exclusively. So little definite informa- tion on the form of these boats exists, however, that it is difficult to make definite statements on their relation to the dug-outs of the Northwest Coast. The rather specific feature of burial in canoes in the Santa Barbara region sug- gests a connection with the Northwest Coast, where such a practice is very common. ‘The Yokuts method of shaping first the outside and then the inside of the canoe by burning with pitch-wood and controlling the fire by means of wet clay is identical with the method followed in the north.” A variety of forms and sizes of canoes have been described for the Northwest Coast and adjacent territory where the dug-out is the prevalent type. Several attempts have been made to classify these various types and, to a certain extent, to work out their distribution and to reconsruct the prob- 21 The +L- mae cee : ° . ° ee he een Takheesh or Stick, occupying a district across the divide from gway, seem, however, to have possessed crude dug-outs instead of the bark canoes ee in the region (Schwatka, Report, 82). 22 Curtis, American Indian, VII, 71-72: Spi ] 2 i ‘ -72; Spinden, Nez Percé, 223; yis ar Journals, THI, 180.181, TV 30-33 ; D , Nez Percé, 223: Lewis and Clark, an Lowie, Northern Shoshone, 190. 24 V- r 2 > , a 2 / ae Yarrow, Researches, 38, 44, (see also pp. 21, 26, 123, 124, 233 of same volume) ; aple, Survivals; Kroeber, Handbook, 558-559, 812-813.1927] Olson, Adze, Canoe and House Types of the Northwest Coast 19 able processes of development.** None of these studies, however, deals with the data for the whole area, and the classifications adopted are based more on the feature of size than on that of fundamental type. There seems to be no complete set of measurements available for all the canoes used by any one group. My own observations lead me to believe that such data would show a practically continuous series of sizes from the smallest “one-man” canoes to the largest specimens employed. If this is true, and the canoes have a similar form, it seems hardly justifiable to separate them into a number of types. I believe that almost all the canoes of the area fall into three types suffi- ciently distinct to enable one to tell at a glance what class any particular specimen falls under. The “shovel-nose” pattern is characterized by rounded prow and stern, sloping upward to a squared end, with a straight gunwale line from prow to stern, and the absence of separate bow and stern pieces. The Nootka or “Chinook” type is pointed at both ends, the prow projects upward and forward and, except on small canoes, is a separate piece. ‘The stern is vertical and raised above the level of the gunwales, the upper portion in all larger canoes being a separate piece. The cross-section is angular, the bottom being almost flat. The Northern canoe (also called the Queen Char- lotte Island and the Tsimshian canoe) is characterized by raised and pro- jecting bow and stern formed of separate pieces, by the vertical cut-water, and by the rounded cross-section. A few specimens have been described which are rather distinct from these types. The Lkufigen possessed a canoe whose bow resembled that of the shovel-nose, while the stern was square, formed by inserting a plank in a groove of the body of the boat. On the Columbia, Lewis and Clark observed canoes with sharp bows while the sterns were “merely rounding and gradually ascending.” On Puget Sound a rough knockabout pattern was known with bow and stern resembling the stern of the Nootka type.2® Minor differences from the type, such as sloping instead of vertical stern, modified prow form, ” and the amount of decoration, also occur but are hardly of such an order as to constitute radical divergences. The three types have quite distinct ranges of occurrence. While these areas are not mutually exclusive, each type seems to have a continuous dis- tribution in a particular section (see Plate 3). The shovel-nose type occurs only in the area south of the Straits of Juan de Fuca. In western Washington it was known among Snohomish, Nisqualli, Twana, Cowlitz, and Lower Chehalis. Vancouver mentions it for the people living at Port Orchard. It was probably present throughout the Puget Sound region.27 On the lower Columbia it was known among Cathlamet, Wakiacum, ~ 28 Waterman and Coffin. Types of Canoes; Boas, Second Report, 565-566; Kwakiutl, 344 369, 444-445; Niblack, Coast Indians, 294-296: Lewis and Clark, Journals, TIVE 31-35. 26 Boas, Second Report, 565-566; Lewis and Clark, Journals, 1V, 32; Waterman and Coffin, Types of Canoes, 22, plate 1. o : s : 27 Haeberlin and Gunther, Indianerstamme, 29; Eells, Twana, 641; Swan, Northwest Coast, 80; Olson, Quinault Ethnography (ms); Vancouver, Voyages, II, 127; Waterman and Coffin, Types of Canoes, 11-12.PEL are ee ae ee oe ek ot oe Peet et ert) eee reer eee erated eens ene eet eee 20 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [ Vol. 2 Chinook and Tillamook. Above the Dalles of the Columbia only the shovel- nose form was used. It was the only type among Wishram, Yakima, Nez Percé, and Walla Walla. The Spokan and Kutenai dug-outs were probably of this form.28 Vancouver mentions canoes of this type at Cape Orford (Cape Blanco) on the Oregon Coast and at Trinidad Bay in California. Klamath and Modoc dug-outs are almost identical with the shovel-nose form to the north. Waterman has advanced strong arguments to show the affinity of the Yurok-Karok-Hupa boat and the shovel-nose. Descriptions of the forms used by the Valley Maidu, Atsugewi, Achomawi, Tolowa, Wiyot, and Shasta of northern California are very scanty, but it seems probable that they resembled the shovel-nose, since there is undoubted historical connection with the forms to the north and west.2® Data are wanting for western Oregon except for the immediate region of the Columbia, but it seems probable that the shovel-nose form was known everywhere west of the Cascade range. he Nootka canoe was known along the coast from a point somewhere between Cape Blanco and the country of the Tillamook to the northern end of Vancouver Island. North of Grays Harbor in Washington it was the only type used.*° On the Columbia canoes of this type occur as far eastward as the Dalles. Canoes of Nootka pattern seem to occur throughout the Puget Sound region. On the Strait of Juan de Fuca and the eastern coast of Van- couver Island and the mainland opposite north to Cape Mudge this was the only form employed. North of this point to the end of Vancouver Island both Nootka and Northern types were used. Up the Fraser Valley the Nootka pattern seems prevalent as far as dug-outs were known. The tribes using the Nootka type are: Tillamook and the Chinookan groups on the Columbia below the Dalles; the people of Shoalwater Bay, the Quinault, Quilleute, and Makah of the west coast of Washington; the tribes of Puget Sound and the Strait of Juan de Fuca; the Salish of Vancouver Island and the mainland opposite; the southern divisions of the Kwakiutl; the Nootkan tribes; the Lillooet, Thompson and Shuswap, and probably the Carrier and Chilcotin of the Fraser Valley.** 28 Lewis and Clark, Journals, IV, 31-32, III, 150-151; Spier, Wishram Ethnography (ms) ; Spinden, Nez Percé, 223 ; Curtis, American Indian, VII, 71-72, VIII, 46, (plate) ; Chamberlain, Kutenai, 566; Gibbs, Tribes of Western Washington, 215; Winthrop, Canoe and Saddle, 217. 29 Vancouver, Voyages, II, 414; Barrett, Klamath, 247-249; Spier, Klamath Ethnog- raphy (ms) ; Kroeber, Handbook, 416-417, 82-83, 812-814, 291. 80 Waterman’s statement (Types of Canoes, 32) that shovel-nose canoes occur on the coast of Washington is based on the photographs of Curtis. While it is true that the Quinault (the tribe evidently referred to) possess canoes of this type, several of my in- formants stated that these have only come in since the residence of members of other tribes on the reservation and that only pointed forms were known previously. 81 Lewis and Clark, Journals, IV, 31-32, 199: Franchére, Narrative, 327-328; Ross, eat peters, Nee Curtis, American Indian, IX, plates facing pp. 6, 8, 10, 16, 50, Des oe B 00, 102, 126 ; Olson, Quinault Ethnography (ms); Swan, Northwest Coast, 79; eave ‘lattery, 31-38; W aterman, Whaling Equipment; Types of Canoes; Haeberlin and Gunther, Indianerstimme, 28-29; Vancouver, Voyages, II, 127, 234; Meany, Vancouver's pie 156; Lewis, Columbia Valley, 163-165; Eells, Twana, 641; Gunther, Klallam manors, Gibbs, Report, 430; Kane (prints of paintings in the author’s possession) ; pr roat eerenes and Studies, 82-88; Boas, Kwakiutl, 444, 445; Second Report, 565-566; Teit, Lillooet, 228-230; Thompson, 255-256; Shuswap, 531-532; Mackenzie, Voyages, II, 169-170; Farrand, Chilcotin, 647; Morice, Western Déné, 114-115. ite1927] Olson, Adze, Canoe and House Types of the Northwest Coast 21 North of the area occupied by these tribes the Northern canoe occurs. The Northern Kwakiutl of Vancouver Island used both this and the Nootka type, but the remaining groups of that people seem to have used only the former. Definite material on Bella Coola canoes is wanting, but it seems likely that they were acquainted only with the Northern type. ‘Tsimshian, Tlingit, and Haida used only boats of this pattern. (Krause, however, has a sketch of a Tlingit “shovel-nose,” though he states that only one type was known. Niblack holds that the Haida sometimes possessed canoes of the Nootka form.) The form used by the Athabascans across the divide from the present site of Skagway is not known.*? A type somewhat akin to both Nootka and Northern forms may have been used to some extent by Haida, Tsimshian, Kwakiutl, and the Coast Salish of southern British Columbia and the Strait of Juan de Fuca. ‘This canoe had elevated and flaring, but not projecting, bow and stern. A few from the southern tribes, however, seem to have had a projecting prow nearly identical with that feature in Nootka canoes. ‘This raised section of the gunwale was carried almost level for a considerable distance toward the center of the boat before dropping sharply to the lower level. This is the traditional form of war canoe for Haida, Tsimshian and Kwakiutl. Its use by Lkufigen and other Salish of southern Vancouver Island and by Klallam seems probable, and makes more plausible the possibility of its having actually been used by the tribes of the north.*° Several evidences of developmental processes are suggested by the data at hand. ‘The shovel-nose canoe seems to be found only in the area of less complex culture. Except for some Yurok, Hupa, and Karok specimens, it is everywhere undecorated. Its simplicity of design and lack of sea-worthiness suggest that it probably represents an old undifferentiated type antedating the more specialized forms of the north. The tribes who have both this and the Nootka type seem to depend almost wholly on the Nootka, and especially on the Nitinat and Clayoquat divisions of that people, for the larger and better specimens of canoes of the Nootka type. This raises a strong presumption in favor of the Nootka as the originators of the Nootka canoe.®™ The Yurok, Hupa, and Karok exception to the simple design of shovel- nose canoes presents an interesting problem. The exceptional features are the peaks in the center of each end, and a stern seat, two foot braces, and a small knob toward the prow carved in the same piece as the body of the canoe. In addition, a rich man going on a journey might crown the prow with a carved These distinctive features may be develop- ” yoke resembling an inverted “V. ments on the spot, but without definite knowledge of the canoe forms of the 82 Boas, Kwakiutl, 344-369, 444-445; Niblack, Coast Indians, 294-296, plate XXXII; Waterman and Coffin, Types of Canoes; Waterman, Whaling Equipment; Krause, Tlingit, 170-174; Schwatka, Report, 82. ee : 83 Collinson, Wake of War Canoe, 161; Catlin, North American Indians, 113, plate 2103: Boas. Kwakiutl, 444-445; Second Report, 555-556; Songish and Klallam data based on Kane’s paintings (prints in the author’s possession). ; : 84 See Waterman, Whaling Equipment, 9; Swan, Cape Flattery, 31-38; Northwest Coast, 79; Lewis, Columbia Valley, 163-165.Le Soa PaPn is ssbs tu gees ceca Sire HS Bee he bee Bak CRE tat et ls ed are ee ees Ze, University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [| Volz Oregon coast it is rather presumptuous to state it as a certainty. The feature of the yoke, and especially since it is linked with use only by persons of wealth, ‘seems to be the direct result of northern influence. The yoke may represent the added prow piece of the northern canoes. Certain features of the typical culture of the Northwest Coast, such as secret societies, emphasis on wealth, a sense of caste, and specialization in wood working seem to have spread much farther down the open coast than they did along the eastern margin of the area. It has been shown before that canoes of Nootka manu- facture were traded down to the Columbia, probably to the Tillamook, and perhaps beyond. ‘The bow and stern pieces of a Nootka canoe were often carved into ornamental figures. Carvings of various sorts also adorned, canoes of local manufacture around the mouth of the Columbia. It is but natural that the Yurok, situated on the coast, should feel this influence more than their inland neighbors. It may be something more than merely interesting to note that the Makah, Quilleute, Queets, and Quinault call the highest parts of the prow piece “ears,” and that the Yurok call the yoke “ears’”—though the latter could hardly be said to resemble those organs.*° Certain features common to both Nootka and Northern canoes suggest that they represent developments from a common type. The bow pieces have a quite similar form. In canoes of both types this part is grooved down the center in so peculiar a fashion that it seems impossible that it could have originated independently. While the groove may incidentally serve as a rest- ing place for the point of the harpoon, it seems improbable that its origin or special form is to be explained by that use. The practice of landing large canoes stern foremost which is the prevalent method everywhere north of the Columbia may give a clue to the relationship of Nootka and Northern canoes. ‘This is evidently done to avoid being boarded by a following sea while the navigators wait for an exceptionally high wave to carry them far up the beach. The high, projecting stern of the Northern type makes the practice quite unnecessary, since it breaks the waves quite as well as the bow. The possible explanation is that this practice points back to a time when the Northern canoe lacked this feature of stern construction, and when a canoe somewhat akin to the Nootka type prevailed over the area where the Northern pattern now occurs. Curiously enough, this mode of landing seems to have been practiced far up the Fraser. Mackenzie noted it at the northern limit of the dug-out.** Its practice in that region seems cer- tain evidence that the dug-out has spread there from the coast, since the usage could hardly arise except on the sea where a dangerous surf would lead to such an expedient. It seems possible to eliminate certain tribes as significant contributors to the development of the highly specialized types. The tribes to the south of the Nootka depended almost wholly on that people for their larger and better 8° Waterman, Whaling Equipment, 16; Kroeber, Handbook, 83; Olson, Quinault Eth- nography (ms). 86 Mackenzie, Voyages, II, 169-170.1927] Olson, Adze, Canoe and House Types of the Northwest Coast 20 canoes, and it is therefore unlikely that they played a major role in develop- ment. The Tsimshian and Tlingit in the north were dependent on Haida for most of their canoes, and for that reason probably did little to foster the art. The Kwakiutl seem to have made most of their own canoes. ‘I'simshian, Bella Coola, and other Coast Salish are undoubtedly recent intruders on the coast and in all probability did little in the way of originating new features.**7 ‘The absence of suitable timber except in the southern part of Tlingit territory would hamper their activities along this line. This leaves Nootka, Haida, and Kwakiutl as the tribes probably contributing most to the development of the specialized forms. The divergence into two rather distinct types from what may have been an identical older pattern must have required a relatively long period of time. All three of these tribes are so situated that without ocean- going canoes many features of their cultures would be impossible. Perhaps historically related to the canoes of the Northwest Coast are the dug-out boats of northeast Asia. These occur among Yukaghir, Kamchadal, and Maritime Koryak in the north. In the Amur region they are found among Daurians, Manyargs, Goldi, Orochi, the Oroke of Sakhalin, and the Ainu.*® The evident shovel-nose form, the Yukaghir and Koryak practice of lashing two canoes together and placing a platform of planks across the two, and the use of the crutch paddle by Ainu remind us of comparable features on the Northwest Coast. But until much more detailed information is to be had on the Asiatic forms it will be difficult to establish a relationship. The remark- able similarity of certain of the bark canoes of the Amur region and the “sturgeon-nose” type of the southern interior of British Columbia has been pointed out by Mason. Jochelson evidently regards the dug-outs of the two areas as historically related. If the Tlingit possess a shovel-nose form and a connection be proved for the dug-outs of northeast Asia and northwest America it would go far toward establishing Waterman’s thesis that the shovel-nose was the forerunner of all the forms of the Northwest Coast, and was once the universal type in the area.*® There has been some discussion of the relation of the Eskimo umiak (the open skin boat) to the boats of Asia and the Northwest Coast. Steensby, in a summary of the data, assumes that the umiak has been borrowed from the Pacific Asiatics, though he admits the possibility of the reverse.*° The relation of the skin-boat, the dug-out, and the various types of bark canoe to each other may eventually be solved, but our present knowledge is far too scanty to permit an adequate analysis of such a relation. rer icaise Thngtt, 170-174; Abercombie, Expedition, 396; Niblack, Coast Indians, 297; Boas. Tsimshian Mythology, 872; Conclusions, 387-390; Swanton, Clan System. 38 Jochelson, Koryak, 540-541; Bogoras, Chukchee, 126; Ravenstein, Russians on the Amur. 363, 372, 373, 378, 396; Hitchcock, Ainus, 472, plates CX, CXI. 39 Mason, Pointed Canoes; Jochelson, Archaeological Investigations, 2; Waterman and Coffin, Types of Canoes, 29-39. soa e 40 Steensby, Eskimo Culture, 153-155.PL eta te arte ee tons CRrBeSSe eS poetic hoy) Es eee, University of Washington Publications in Anthropology IV DISTRIBUTION OF HOUSE FORMS Several studies have been made of the house forms of northwestern America and northeastern Asia.*! The problem is still far from solution, largely because of lack of adequate data on the types of dwellings occurring among marginal tribes. The existing materials are, however, much too exten- sive to permit an adequate summary in this paper. For this reason, it seems best to limit the discussion to citing some additional data bearing on the areas of distribution of various types and to pointing out certain errors in existing studies. I hope to be able to enlarge this data in a future paper summarizing the materials on the rectangular plank houses found in adjacent parts of the two continents and discussing their relation to the types occurring in adjoining areas. In the southern part of the area of their occurrence, rectangular plank houses fall almost wholly within the tentative boundary of the Northwest Coast culture area. Their range is not quite so extensive as that of dug-out canoes. In northern California dwellings of this type seem restricted to the Yurok, Karok, Hupa and their immediate neighbors. On the Columbia plank houses are rare above the Dalles, though they occur among Wishram and, sporadically, nearly to the eastern boundary of the State of Washington.** On the lower Fraser River the plank house occurs only below Thompson territory. Houses of Thompson, Lillooet, Shuswap, and Chilcotin are conical underground dwell- ings.** ‘The Carrier of the upper Fraser had rectangular plank and log houses so closely resembling those of the coast that the historical connection is in- dubitable.** Mackenzie observed this type about as far south as the present site of Alexandria, and throughout the region of the Blackwater River west- ward to the coast. Material is lacking on the houses of the Babine. The rectangular plank house is the type throughout the coastal region of British Columbia and Alaska to the mouth of the Copper River. An exception must be made for the Athabascan Tsetsaut of the head of Portland Canal who seem to have only the temporary brush and bark lodge.*® It seems to be a common misconception that the rectangular plank house disappears in the north with the Tlingit peoples. But houses certainly akin to that form occur very widely in Alaska. Seton-Karr has described rectangular 41 Jochelson, Subterranean Dwellings; Sarfert, Haus und Dorf; Morgan, Houses and House-Life ; Waterman a id collaborators, Native Houses. a Spier, W ishram Ethnography (ms) ; Lewis and Clark, Journals, III, 108, 109, 115, 117. 9 3oas, Interior Salish, 220; Farrand, Chilcotin, 646-647. : Mackenzie, Voyages, 11, 138-139, 140, 142, 149, 155: Morice, Western Déné, 184-191. Waterman (op. cit., 20, 47) quotes Wilkes (Narrative, IV, 451) as authority for Carrier underground houses. | Yet no member of the Wilkes expedition visited the region of the EPper Fraser. Their information was hearsay material secured from officials of the mudsen's eet Company (Narrative, IV, 450). The Carrier described the people of the ry ihaees: ae as “a very malignant race, who lived in large subterranean recesses” 45 Boas, Fifth Report, 561-562. Waterman (op. cit., 19-20) states that this is not an underground dwelling, yet he cl (op ) states ee ee assifies it as such in his tabulations (op. cit., 46-47).1927] Olson, Adze, Canoe and House Types of the Northwest Coast 25 houses on Kayak Island built of rough planks and slabs. Gabled roofs are usual, though a sketch shows a house with the central section of the roof nearly flat. The planks are notched in at the corners in log cabin style. Short planks are placed vertically around the smoke-hole, evidently to serve as a windbreak, a feature which reminds one of a similar Koryak practice. Sleep- ing places are built as small rectangular additions on the outside of the house, reached from the interior by a circular aperture.*® The Athabascans of Cooks Inlet have houses described by Petroff as “permanent dwellings of logs. These logs are so fashioned that the under side, hollowed out, fits down tight, almost air-tight, upon the rounded surface of the timber next below. Some of their houses are from fifteen to twenty feet square, and have regular rafters, giving a pitch to the roof sufficient to shed rain and melting snow. ‘The covering of the roof is the bark of spruce trees. The fireplace is in the center, with a smoke hole directly above it. The entrance to the house consists of a low, square aperture, scarcely large enough to admit an adult person. ‘The floor consists of the natural earth trodden hard, and along the sides of the enclosure are rude platforms, erected a foot or two from the ground, covered with grass mats and skins, and serving as sleeping and lounging places in the evening. In the houses of the well-to-do hunters we find wings or box-like additions to the main building, tightly framed and put together, opening into the main room. These additions are furnished with the luxury of a rough plank floor, and in many instances with a small window covered with fish-gut. They are used in winter as sleeping apartments, and as reception rooms during visits of ceremony, and also as bathrooms, being heated during the winter with hot stones carried in from the fire outside, thus enabling the natives to dispense with clothing during the night, which they consider a great luxury.” According to Steensby this type is used by the Indians of the Kenai Peninsula, and is the summer dwelling among the Eskimo in south Alaska wherever suitable timber is available. Plank houses were also noted in Prince William Sound by Portlock.** On the Copper River, houses much like those on the coast were noted by Allen. He states that the winter house “is about eighteen feet square, is built of spruce poles and slabs in a loose style, and is covered with spruce bark. In some cases moss is used to make it close. The walls under the eaves are nearly four feet high; about three feet from the ground around the inside ‘s built a shelf four or five feet wide, which serves the double purpose of a Jay and a bed at night, the space under this being boxed in seat during the ¢ leeping apartment for women, with vertical slabs and used as a storeroom and s children, and pups. ‘The roof is provided with a large hole in the middle to permit the escape of smoke from the open fire on the floor. The entrance to the house is through a small ‘storm shed’ about two by three feet, pro- 46 Seton-Karr, Shores and Alps of Alaska, 153-157; Abercombie, Report, 397. 47 Petroff, Alaska, 261. 48 Steensby, Eskimo Culture, 188; Portlock, Voyage, 153.WSs SUI Berks oi mens pS Seek eae eee tte preter Pere Stee etd 26 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [Vol. 2 tected at the outer end by an undressed sheep or goat skin. Opposite this at the other end, near the floor, is a round hole about fifteen inches in diameter, which is the entrance to the sleeping room and bath-house. . . . On one of the upright pieces of the barrabarra, opposite the entrance (the usual place for interior decoration of a Midnoosky house) were hieroglyphics, represent- ing men and their actions, which our friends interpreted and enjoyed very much.’’** From the Tanana River (the large southern tributary of the Yukon) Allen describes the houses as “large, and constructed without the use of bark. The absence of the attached sweatroom and the ‘box’ arrangement of the interior caused a marked difference in their appearance when compared with the typical Copper River house.’’ Houses of this pattern were also seen near the present site of Fairbanks and seem to be the type for the whole valley of the Tanana.°° Along the Yukon below the mouth of the Tanana and in the valley of the Koyukuk (the westernmost large tributary of the Yukon flowing in from the north) rectangular plank houses are also common. But as Eskimo terri- tory is approached an earth-covered structure with a pit is used as a winter dwelling, and near the margin of the Athabascan area and among the Eskimo the above-ground plank house is used only as a summer dwelling. Dall de- scribes these as “built of split spruce logs driven into the ground and roofed with spruce bark. The door is in the end facing the river and is an oval opening some three feet high. The houses are about twelve feet square and entirely above ground, as in summer the underground houses are full of water.” At one of the inmost Eskimo settlements on the Yukon were “eight large summer houses in each of which a hundred people might have been comfort- ably accommodated. These houses were built of immense planks, hewn out of single logs with stone adzes. Many of these planks were four inches thick by twelve feet long. The rafters were carved into rude imitations of animals, and still retained traces of the red earth with which they had been painted.” In this last instance the influence of the culture of the North- west Coast is obvious, and, as Nelson has shown, is present in a great many features of the culture of the Eskimo of this whole region.®} Data are lacking for the house forms of the upper Kuskokwim basin. The tribes of the Yukon valley east of the mouth of the Tanana seem to have used only temporary skin or brush lodges.®? Waterman has an interesting discussion of the possible relations of the conical pit-dwelling of the Plateau-Basin area to tl Briefly stated, his thesis is that all ¢1 are historically related; ne rectangular plank house.®* 1e pit structures of western North America that all the plank houses of the coast possess a pit; 49 Allen, Expedition, 130-131, 47, 48 52. 5° Allen, Expedition, 75-76, 85. 137.” ene Dall, Yukon Territory, 26-27, 225 see also 223 285-309, 347-421 ; see also, Petroff, Alaska, 259: Schwatka Report, 102 oe Dall, Yukon Territory, 54; Schmitter Upper Vukon: 3 i °8 Native Houses, 30-34, 28, ; a , 228, 211, 236; Nelson, Bering Strait,1927] Olson, Adze, Canoe and House Types of the Northwest Coast 20. that this feature and the fact that the area of plank houses is quite enclosed by the area where the conical pit-dwelling is the type, makes it plausible that the plank house has its origin in the conical pit-dwelling, becoming rectangular rather than circular by reason of the employment of planks. I propose to deal here only with the last two aspects of the problem. While it is true that a pit is a common feature of the houses of the coast, it is equally true that houses without pits were common in many parts of the area. ‘They have been noted among Heiltsuk (Kwakiutl), Bella Coola, Haida, Tsimshian, Makah, Quinault, on the Columbia River, and at Trinidad Bay in California.** Haida, Heiltsuk, and Bella Coola often built plank houses elevated a considerable distance above the ground. The rectangular plank and log structures of the northern interior of British Columbia seem to have been wholly above ground, and, as we have seen, this is true of the comparable types found over a large part of the southern half of Alaska. Complete data would probably reveal many more non-pit houses among the tribes of the Northwest Coast. A sufficient number of instances have been cited, however, to indicate that the plank house of the coast is not essentially a pit-dwelling. It is also open to question whether what are often described as pits are such in reality. ‘The accumulation of refuse about the outside of the house raises the level of the surrounding surface and in time creates a considerable depres- sion of the space occupied by the house.°* Another element affecting house construction on the coast is the nature of the soil. As everyone familiar with the region is aware, the decayed vegetation often reaches a depth of several feet. This would be cleard away in order to secure a floor of solid earth. The shallow pits, a foot or two in depth, which are common enough in the area, may in some instances be merely the result of such clearing away of rubbish. In Waterman’s study, the point dealing with the relation of the areas of distribution of the conical earth-lodge and the rectangular plank house needs but little discussion. It has already been shown that the earth-lodge extends no farther north than the southern boundary of Carrier territory. The rec- tangular plank house instead of occurring only in southeastern Alaska is found practically everywhere throughout the southern half of Alaska except in the Aleutian peninsula and the Aleutian Islands. The area of the conical pit- dwelling therefore adjoins that of the rectangular plank house only on the southern half of the latter. ‘The section of the Northwest Coast where the plank house is mostly highly developed could hardly be influenced to any great extent by tribes so far removed as those having the conical earth-lodge. Just what bearing, if any, the extension of the area, as worked out in this paper, has on the problem of the relation of that structure to similar forms in Asia will be difficult to determine until a more adequate study is made. The proof of occurrence of houses of this type on both shores of Bering Sea, 54 Boas, First Report, 818; Mackenzie, Voyages, Il, 256-257: Poole, Narrative, 113-114; Emmons, Kitselas, 470: Swan, Cape Flattery, 4-7; Olson, Ouinault Ethnography, (ms) ; 208, IV, 215, 259, 269; Vancouver, Voyages, III, 405-406. Lewis and Clark, Journals, I1I, 2 \ : : 55 Jochelson, Archaeological Investigations, 108.Serer eerie — cae bei ett nek ee See ee ee ke eae cA re: RevbeDesnaeer-ra te Cae eee SL Ae 28 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [ Vol. 2 eliminating much of the area of interrupted ditribution between northeast Asia and Tlingit territory, makes the supposition of historical identity much more plausible (see Plate 4). In northeast Asia gable-roofed, rectangular plank or pole houses built either on the ground or elevated on posts, are widely distributed. They have been noted among Mangun, Goldi, Daurians, and Orochi in the Amur region. But certain features of these structures, such as the fireplace under the divan and the smoke pipe to carry the heat and smoke around the interior and finally outside, may be due to Chinese or Manchu influence. Orochi houses not only lack these features but the winter dwelling is the earth-coverd lodge. The Gilyak and the Ainu of Sakhalin also have houses of the rectangular plank type.°® In the region farther to the north are found structures less like the plank house of the Northwest Coast but possibly related to it. Jochelson states that some of the Koryak of northern Kamchatka “live in houses of the Yakut type, which have been introduced into Kamchatka by the Russians. This structure consists of a flat roof with four slanting walls, and reminds one of a trun- cated pyramid. The walls are coated with clay to keep in the heat. Instead of the Yakut fireplace in the right-hand corner of the house, with a chimney for the escape of smoke, we find a hearth in the middle of the house and a smoke-hole in the roof.’*’ Bogoras states that “a few Chukchee families of the middle Anadyr live in wooden huts somewhat similar to the Yakut ‘yurta.’ ‘These were copied from the yurtas of the Anadyr Russians. In ancient times wooden huts of this type may have been in more common use in this territory. Re- mains of huts on the Bear Islands are more or less of this type. In the deserted villages of the Yukaghir situated in the middle Omolon . .. . I have seen huts of the same type.” ‘These lack the wooden chimney of the Yakut dwelling, an open fire and square smoke-hole taking its place.*® Structures closely resembling these are used as storehouses and as summer dwellings by the Kamchadal. They are described as four-sided pyramids raised six or more feet from the ground on posts and thatched with bramble and orass.°? > GA Io« b A summary of the data with some added implications is given by Steensby: “The Northwest Indian plank-house, which at times occurs in the form of a log-house, is still found with the Chukchees as a winter dwelling, and it is also said to occur with the Kenai Indians. With the Eskimo in south Alaska we immediately, however, find an earth-covered house as a winter dwelling, while the plank-house occurs as a summer dwelling in the summer settlements, which are inhabited during the fishing season. Where the forest ceases the plank-house disappears, and the skin tent predominates as a summer dwelling. BS Rayenstein, Russians on the Amur, 347-348, 375-379, 390, 394-395. 399: Shirokogoroft Social Organization of the Manchus, 93-99: Lopatin Orochee x 57 Jochelson, Koryak, 468. ; 58 Bogoras, Chukchee, 180. 59 Grieve, Kamchatka, 182.1927] Olson, Adze, Canoe and House Types of the Northwest Coast 29 While the Eskimo have got this plank house from the North-West Indians they have got the pile dwelling from North-East Asia. It is a well known fact that the Palaeasiatic people in North-East Asia, such as the Gilyaks and Kamchadales, use the pile dwelling as their summer residence. ‘The origin of this pile-work form, however, points still further south across Japan and right to South-East Asia. In Alaska, the pile dwelling as a summer residence has already been mentioned from the islands in Bering Strait, and in this connec- tion is especially known from Kings Island. But it also occurs on the coast of Alaska itself; not, however, as a dwelling, but as a storehouse. ‘Thus Petroff (p. 128; cf. Nelson p. 244) says about the Kuskoquim district ‘the storehouses of all the Eskimo tribes are set on posts at a height of eight to ten feet above the ground to protect them against foxes, wolves and dogs.’ According to Murdoch the pile-work structure is found at Point Barrow in the form of stands for preserving and drying meat and such like, and similar stands are found again right toward the east, for instance in Baffin Land, and also in Greenland, where they are commonly employed.”®® As we have seen, the true pile dwelling is also found on the Northwest Coast among Kwakiutl, Haida, and Bella Coola. There are, however, serious objections to identifying the pile dwelling with the elevated storehouse. While it is true that the Kamchadal use the store- house as a summer dwelling, such usage is exceptional. "The Athabascans of eastern Alaska had the elevated cache but lacked permanent dwellings. About Point Barrow, where the only permanent house is of the underground type, the elevated store-house also occurs. It is also known among Copper River Athabascans, whose only permanent dwelling is the super-terranean rectangular house. Among the Athabascans of the lower Yukon and the Eskimo of western Alaska, who know both the earth-hut and plank house, the elevated cache is used. This very wide range of occurrence (by no means fully indicated by the instances cited), and its appearance as a feature associated with a variety of types of dwelling, suggests that it has spread as a distinct trait not neces- sarily connected with the spread of a type of dwelling. The occurrence of the pile-dwelling on the Northwest Coast rather argues against Steensby’s contention that, while the Eskimo plank house is derived from the Northwest Coast, the Eskimo pile-dwelling is from northeast Asia. If on this basis we derive the pile-dwellings of the Northwest Coast from those of northeast Asia, we must also include all the plank houses of the west coast as derivatives of that structure, for few would deny the historical rela- tionship of all the rectangular plank houses of western North America. If we link pile-dwelling and plank house we must ignore not only those features indicating a possible kinship with various pit structures, but the possibility of an independent origin of the plank house on the Northwest Coast. Various views are held on the possibility of historic relationship of houses of northwest America and northeast Asia. Steensby thinks it probable that the plank house of America is of Asiatic origin. Jochelson argues for a connec- 60 Steensby, Eskimo Culture, 188.ras et Wee eeee eee Petes Ot eee tee eee ee eet ed ee ed 30 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [Vol. 2 tion in the case of underground dwellings of the two continents. Waterman, classifying the rectangular plank house as essentially a pit structure, implies that ultimately it comes from the Asiatic underground dwelling through a re- birth in the conical pit structure of the Plateau.” The problem would be somewhat simplified if the intrusion of the Eskimo in the region of Bering Strait, held by some authors, could be adequately demon- strated. Evidences of such a migration are not lacking. Such features as shamanism, folk-lore, bear ceremonialism, and dug-out boats among the Palae- asiatics and non-Eskimoid groups of northwestern America bear a closer re- semblance to each other than they do to comparable Eskimo traits.°* Studies of such features as the use of mortuary columns, and the practices connected with the capture of whales might show further similarities and in some measure add evidence to the possibility of transmission of the rectangular super-ter- ranean house without calling in the earth-hut and the pile-dwelling as inter- mediaries. SUMMARY While data for the study of the three traits discussed in this paper are lacking for many tribes and detailed observations wanting for many others, it seems legitimate to draw certain inferences from the materials presented. More complete information may necessitate modifications in certain respects, but the probability is that it will serve rather to strengthen at least those find- ings which are concerned with the processes at work within the Northwest Coast culture area. Certain historical considerations are suggested by the distribution of the traits examined. All three are universal throughout the Northwest Coast area. Outside that area the dugout canoe is found over much of northern Cali- fornia, on the southern coast, and possibly in the San Juaquin Valley. It occurs on the Columbia in eastern Washington, and on all but the upper reaches of the Fraser in British Columbia. In the north it is found only along the coast, except for the single instance of the Athabascans of extreme north- western British Columbia. [he dugout is unknown outside of Tlingit terri- tory in Alaska. In northeast Asia it has a wide but sporadic distribution. Both the birch bark and the dugout canoe of Asia may be elements which have spread from America: their Yes wide distribution points to a great anti- quity in the New World. Adzes in themselves constitute a distinctive trait as opposed to the axe, which is used over the greater part of the Americas. ‘The adze of the North- west Coast and Mackenzie areas, and the western part of Eskimo territory may be an Asiatic element. Its occurrence in Polynesia in a form almost 61 ¢ ECE > ; 2 7 5 ae Steensby, Eskimo Culture, 196, 188; Jochelson, Koryak, 452-466; Subterranean Dwell- mgs WV aterman and collaborators, Native Houses, 14-16. _ °* See, for example, Jochelson, Archacological Investigations, 2-10; Hallowell, Bear Ceremonialism,1927] Olson, Adze, Canoe and House Types of the Northwest Coast 31 identical with the elbow adze of America suggests a hoary age and extra- American origin. The rectangular plank house is confined to the Northwest Coast area in the south. Along the eastern margin of the area it occurs on the upper Fraser and sporadically in eastern Washington. ‘To the north, as we have seen, it is found along the coast of Alaska to the mouth of the Yukon (excepting the Aleution Peninsula), and in the valleys of the Copper, Tanana, and lower Yukon. Over an undetermined part of western Alaska it is used as a summer dwelling, the winter house being the earth-covered lodge. More or less com- parable types occur sporadically among the Koryak, Chukchi, Yukaghir, and Kamchadal of northeast Asia. In the Amur region are found dwellings bear- ing an even closer resemblance to the forms of the Northwest Coast. These latter, however, may eventually prove to be derivatives of Chinese or Manchu houses. Dr. A. L. Kroeber, in a personal communication, suggests that the log houses of the upper Fraser, Cook’s Inlet, and the Copper River may be historically unrelated to the plank house, possibly post-European structures. But it seems to me that their location relative to the area of plank houses and the absence of suitable timber for the manufacture of planks argues for his- torical identity with modifications in keeping with the difference in available materials. The basic features of the three traits are probably not developments with- in the Northwest Coast area. Thus, the use of adzes seems to be very common north of Mexico; the art of navigation is known very generally in the two Americas; and permanent dwellings of various types occur in a number of areas. The history of these traits probably goes back of the development of those features which belong peculiarly to the Northwest Coast and which give the area its individuality. But the restriction of certain qualities to the area in question induces a strong presumption in favor of their being the contributions of tribes occupying the area. Just what tribe or group of tribes is responsible for the modifications in the several cases is not easy to decide. But we have noted that highly developed examples of any single trait seem to appear some- where near the center of the area of occurrence. The probability favors a longer history within this center. On the other hand, distinct features of a very special kind which crop up among single tribes (eg., the combination of “shovel-nose” and pointed ends in a Columbia River canoe, and the LkungEn instance of a square ended boat) must be taken as instances of very localized developments, probably originated by the tribes in question.oe ear eee eee eee magi Por eietd PURE ATSC ET En Fer ae 5 eee PSSST 22S sh 2 teers reheat y as ies SoBe Tene rseR +e: ase University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [Vol. 2 BIBLIOGRAPHY ABERCOMBIE, W. R. Report of a Supplementary Expedition into the Copper River Valley, Alaska, 1884 (Jn Compilation of Narratives, 383-410). Aten, Henry T. Report of an Expedition to the Copper, Tanana, and Koyukuk Rivers, in the Territory of Alaska, in the year 1885, etc. (Washington, 1887). Barrett, S. A. 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The Development of the Clan System and of Secret Societies among the Northwestern Tribes (American Anthropologist, n.s., 6; 1904, 477-485). TreIt, JAMES The Thompson Indians of British Columbia (Memoirs, American Museum of Natural History, 2, 1900, part 4). The Lillooet Indians (Memoirs, American Museum of Natural History, 4, 1909, part 5). The Shuswap (Memoirs, American Museum of Natural History, 4, 1909, part 7). TRIMMER, F. Mortimer (editor) The Yukon Territory. (The narratives of W. H. Dall, George M. Dawson, and Wm. Ogilvie) (London, 1898). VANCOUVER, CAPTAIN GEORGE A Voyage of Discovery to the North Pacific Ocean . . . . in the years 1790, 1791, 1792, 1793, 1794, and 1795, etc. (London, 1801, 6 vols.). WatTeERMAN, T. T. The Whaling Equipment of the Makah Indians (Univer- sity of Washington Publications in Anthropology, 1, 1920, no. 1). WATERMAN, TI. T.. and Coz,asorators Native Houses of Western North America (Indian Notes and Monographs, 1921). WATERMAN, 7T.T. and Corrin, GERALDINE ‘Types of Canoes on Puget Sound (Indian Notes and Monographs, 1920). Wiikes, Cuaries Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition dur- ing the years 1838, 1839, 1840, 1841, and 1842. (Philadelphia, 1845, 4 vols., atlas). WintuHrop, THEopoRE ‘The Canoe and the Saddle, or Klallam and Klickitat. To which are now first added his Western letters and journals. (John H. Williams, ed., Tacoma, 1913). WissER, CLARK Material Culture of the Blackfoot Indians (Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, 5, 1910, part 1). Worpt, A. Capitain Jacobsen’s Reise an der Nordwestkuste Amerikas, 1881- 1883 (Leipzig, 1884).ore er ee sr Pee SE eee eee Se ee eS ee kt Nl ts ntact Ah cet ter te Tes goe>a3 38 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [Vol. 2 YApLE, JoHN Survivals of the Stone Age. Use of the Stone Axe (The Anti- quarian, 1, 1897, 323-324). Yarrow, H. C. Report on the Operations of a Special Party for Making Eth- nological Researches in the Vicinity of Santa Barbara, Cal., with a short historical account of the region explored. (United States Geo- graphical Surveys West of the One Hundredth Meridian, 7, 1879, 32-47).Vol. 1. Vol. 2. 1. a Vol. 3. Vol. 4. 1. 2. LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE The Poems of Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey, by Frederick Morgan Padelford. October, 1920. Unbound, $2.00. Bound eeeee Spenser’s Use of Ariosto for Allegory, by Susannah Jane MeMtorphy. bp. 1-54, “Noveniher< so280 40. 2t eee ie Thomas Dekker: A Study in Economie and Social Background. eee eee eee ee ee eee by Kate L. Gregg. Pp. 55-112. July, 1924 A Critical Edition of Ford’s Perkin Warbeck. By Mildred Clara Simple: 2p. 2165- 4-Manp.. ‘January. a0c0r ass oe oe cee A Bibliography of Chaucer, 1908-1924, compiled by Dudley David Crna: 1-140. 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September, 1925.. .25 - Notes on the Presence of Indol in Sea Foods and Other Food Products, by Ray W. Clough, Oscar E. Shostrom, Hrnest D. Glark.~ Pps 108-108 September. 21925) 20ers re nemo om 20 Iodine Content of the Pacific Coast Salmon, by Norman Donald Jarvis, Ray William Clough, Ernest Dunbar Clark. Pp. 109-138. Pebruary? > T926 eee clientes ek ee ee eC es -20 . Biochemical Study and Proximate Composition of Pacific Coast Crabs, by Carl R. Fellers and Clarence T. Parks. Pp. 1389-156. MObTUALY ye LO AG ear Re casa ae bow Re ree See NC ee «20 Bacteriological Investigations on Raw Salmon Spoilage, by Carl bn nan -, ww > ~] So oa Canned Salmon: A Five-Year Correlation Study of Certain Quality Factors, by Carl Raymond Fellers, Ernest Dunbar Clark and Ray William Clough. Pp. 189-204. August, 1926......... -20 10. Fish Preservation by Hypochlorites, by Tung Pai Chew and Carl R. Mellers... Pp, 205-227 Septeniber: 1996... a. eee .25 11, Non-gaseous Spoilage in Canned Marine Products, by Carl R. Fellers.< Pye 229-238 cca Speen, Spi Pear 1 he ek 25 1. Ecto-Parasitic Infusoria Attacking Fish of the Northwest, by JohnH? “Gliberlet. sep, e116, 79 letin 78, Bureau of American Ethnology, 1925, 868-873). (4.ee Pe ae Pe end Pe ee oes te by ee ee eet ce 44 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [ Vol. 2 head of the Klamath River in southern Oregon. Their culture is in general that of such Great Basin tribes as the Paviotso, appreciably modified to river life in the manner of that of the lower Klamath River peoples (Yurok, Karok, and Hupa), with elements of lower Columbia River culture strongly represented in social and religious life. Prior to the introduction of the Ghost Dance, their religious rites were almost wholly confined to shamanism with its indi- vidualistic dancing, and they lacked entirely any group dances of religious im- port. Immediately south lay the Modoc, speaking a language only slightly differing from Klamath, but with whom there was no great friendship. Beyond these in the same direction were the tribes of Pit River, the Achomawi and Atsugewi, on whom the Klamath levied in their slave raids. Southwestward on the middle Klamath River were the Shasta. East of the Klamath-Modoc were representatives of the Northern Paiute, part of whom were settled on the eastern part of the Klamath Reservation in 1864, but toward whom the Klamath have always avowed considerable disaffection. ‘They despise them not only as hereditary enemies, but for the poverty of their culture.° The earlier Ghost Dance put in its appearance among the Klamath in 1871, or perhaps the year before. As in the majority of cases in the adjacent California sector similarly influenced, the cult persisted for only a short time. It was a new form of ceremonial experience, yet congenial with preéxisting Klamath ritual habits and beliefs. It was something to be given a trial, and appears to have had the adhesion of the Klamath to a man. There can be little doubt that the new cult was encouraged by the chiefs as a check to the rival power of the shamans. When the reservation was established, certain men were elected as chiefs, or rather selected under the control of the government agents. Prior to this the shamans had been the dominant social leaders; chiefs were of such little influence and power that my informants, like Gatschet’s, found it difficult even to remember who they had been. Chiefly power was rising; shamans were forbidden to practice their art under penalty. The new cult brought priestly leaders, the dreamers, whose influence promised to rival that of the shamans. The parallel case of the Pomo shows that our supposition is not wholly fictitious; here too the dreamers (maru) displaced the old priests and prestige accrued to the leader of secular dances.t At the same time, the Klamath chiefs no doubt lent encouragement to the new faith on the supposition that if the new order was established as it promised, their new-found prestige would still be theirs. There seems to be an exception in the Klamath case to the general view expressed by Kroeber, which I hold to be essentially just, that this messianic movement took hold among the Californians at this time because of the im- oe Albert S. Gatschet, The Klamath Indians of Southwestern Oregon (Contributions o North American Ethnology, II, 1890, 2 parts) ; Stephen Powers, The Tribes of Cali- po mumaseome, Secs All, one S. A. Barrett, The Material Culture of the C and Modoc Indians of Northeastern Caliform . oy ; Teens ; Pint Amer Avch Fin, 6. 1010; Fi alifornia and Southern Oregon (Univ. Calif. 304). Edwin M. Loeb, Pomo Folkways (Univ. Calif. Publ. Amer. Arch. Ethn., 19, 1926,1927] Spier, Ghost Dance of 1870 among the Klamath of Oregon pending final destruction of their native life. For the Klamath had not as yet suffered seriously from the incursions of the whites. There were few American settlers in the vicinity; the drastic destruction of the western and central Oregon tribes had passed them by. Despite their irritation at the presence of the soldiery, reservation life had as yet little effect. While the Modoc War (1872-3) followed on the heels of the new cult, the Klamath were not concerned in the conflict. ‘Their situation was still aboriginal and any disturbance of their life so slight as to be no more than a predisposing influence in favor of the messianic movement. The Klamath dance must be looked on as merely another normal instance of the acquisition of a foreign ceremonial with the antecedents of which the recipients are not concerned. The situation was quite different for the Modoc. ‘They were already in conflict with the whites who were rapidly settling in their territory and only a year before this time had been bodily moved to the Klamath reservation. The severe dislocation of their life undoubtedly would have made of the Modoc a most fertile field for the messianic idea. Yet there is no evidence that the cult was more than a predisposing influence of the war.* Whatever its form among them, there is no hint in my information that Modoc influence pene- trated to the Klamath. At the time the Modoc were not in intimate contact with the Klamath; half of their number had settled in an isolated group at Yainax in the eastern part of the reservation, the remainder had fled to their original home where the attempt to eject them led to open conflict. The dance came to the Klamath from the Northern Paiute settled on the eastern border of their reservation. ‘The news told that Kemi’ktimps, the Klamath culture hero, was coming from the south and the dead were on their way to the land of the living. Word had been brought by a Paiute from far to the east or southeast; the local Paiute in turn carried the news to the Klamath resident on Klamath Marsh. ‘This was in the fall of 1871, or more probably a year earlier, as the Karok had the dance by early; 18/1-7 tts easy to understand the enthusism which led the Paiute to overcome their still deep dislike and carry this hope of a common deliverance to the Klamath. It was danced intermittently through the period of the Modoc war until the late fall of 1873. In August or September of that year, new accretions were brought by a Pit River (Achomawi or Atsugewi) slave. Freed on the estab- 5 The anecdotal tesimony of A. B. Meacham, who took an active part in the Modoc war, eves doubt that they had taken up the Ghost dance, or suggests at most that its in- fluence was slight. He does not mention its existence, although he may be alluding to it under the name “Great Medicine Dance.” Again in the following passage, the Modoc are not explicitly credited with the cult: “It cannot be denied that in every Indian camp along the frontier line these were eee hinders with the Modocs; but nowhere were they in sufficient force to precipitate a general war, although the new religion proclaimed by ‘Smoheller’ had found followers everywhere, and was gaining strength by every victory won by Captain Jack [the Modoc leader].” (Wigwam and War-Path, 2nd ed., Boston, 1875, pp. 510, 551). On the other hand Meacham knew the Modoc well enough to give a fairly accurate description of their shamanistic practises (Wt ne-ma, Hartford, 1876, espc. 129-136) 6 Transcription of native words is made according to ; Indian Languages (Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, 66, 1916, no. 7 Powers, 41. the Phonetic Transcription of 6).ers 46 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [Vol 2 lishment of the reservation, he had returned to his own people, become in- fected with the new cult and, settling once more among the Klamath, implanted several novel features, noteably the dance house of central Californian type, new styles of dancing and face paint, and new songs. But despite this stimulus and the avowal of their leaders to continue to seek deliverance in the new faith, so drastic was the suppression by the reservation authorities that by the end of 1873 the public aspects of the dance at least had been given up, and save for sub rosa singing of Ghost Dance songs for some years longer, the movement was at an end. This reveals a situation in agreement with what is known of the move- ment among the tribes of California. We know by Dixon’s information that the Shasta had it of Modoc visitors to Yreka, but the source for the latter we do not know. We can hardly doubt, however, that the Modoc received it from the Klamath, or as is more likely, directly from the Northern Paiute. From the Shasta the stream of influence spread to the tribes. of the lower Klamath River. Our information for the Achomawi is faulty; we know only that the Atsugewi transmitted it eastward to the Fall River Achomawi. Whether the Achomawi at large had already had it of its originators, the Northern Paiute, we do not know. ‘The Atsugewi had had it of the northern Yana, who in turn derived it from the south, either from Northern Wintun or the Northwestern Maidu. ‘There is some doubt whence the Southern Win- tun and Northwestern Maidu derived the dance. I believe that Kroeber’s con- jecture is correct, that the cult spread southward to these people from the Klamath River and then flowed back to the north’ to the northern Yana and eastward to the Atsugewi and Achomawi. ‘These central Californian influences may have found the Achomawi and Modoc already in possession of the cult by direct contact with the Paiute as the Klamath were. It now appears un- likely that it came to these Wintun and Maidu directly from the Norhern Paiute, since it is not found in original form among the Southern Maidu and Northern Miwok. ‘The Washo lying east of these people were affected to some degree by the doctrines (perhaps in 1890?) but probably did not acquire the dance, according to recent information obtained by Dr. R. H. Lowie. Data recently obtained by Miss A. H. Gayton indicate a southward movement of the cult in California to a mixed group of Foothill Yokuts and Western Mono living between the Kings River and Tule River, and thence as far south as Fort Tejon. It may have been adopted by Valley Yokuts. The former had it of the Wopunutch and Holkuma (Western Mono), who acquired their knowl- edge by way of the old Kings River trade route from the Eastern Mono of Owens River. For the Yokuts-Mono it was largely a dance form with little esoteric meaning. This was not the limit of its wonderings for another set of influences, dances of the Kuksu or God-impersonating cult of central California revitalized by the Ghost Dance cult, spread northward from the Wintun and Pomo 8 Handbook, 872.1927] Spier, Ghost Dance of 1870 among the Klamath of Oregon 47 among the tribes of the Coast Range® and to the Shasta a second time. Repercussions of this phase were also felt among the Central and Northern Miwok and the Southern Maidu; these were new Kuksu forms which spread from a mixed group of Costanoan, Northern Valley Yokuts, and Plains Miwok near Livermore about 1872. Something of this reached the Southern Miwok from the north.*° The Klamath thesis was the familiar one that the dead would return if the living danced in a prescribed fashion. Not only the people of the land of the dead, the Nolisk'a’nkni, but animals, fish, and food of every description would appear on earth again. The ghosts appeared to the visionaries who danced themselves into a trance state, instructed them in the procedure of the dance, and gave them songs for it. The dance was accordingly called dode’uks, dreaming or clairvoyance.** The dance was held in the open, contrary to usual Klamath practise, until after the introduction of a large dance lodge suggesting central Californian forms. Four of these were built; the first at Du”’ilktit on the south side of Klamath Marsh, others at Kowa’cdi at the mouth of Wood River, at Peno’ns below the highway bridge across Williamson River, and at Beztkse’was on the same river below Chiloquin. This dance house was a large circular struc- ture built over a shallow pit, with upright poles set into the ground all around the periphery, and four huge posts supporting two nearly parallel ridge-poles. Rafters from the upright poles to the ridges gave the roof the shape of a conical wedge. The whole was covered with brush and dirt. The double ridge ran northwest by southeast across the lodge; the two supporting posts on the northwest were spaced much farther apart than the other pair. The entrance 9 Dr. Kroeber informs me that the Southern Wiyot received the dance from the Mattole; I have modified his map accordingly. 10 Kroeber, loc. cit., 868-873, compare pp. 317 and (Bulletin, American Museum of Natural History, V7 Lake Pomo Society (Univ. Calif. Publ. Amer. Arch. Ethn., 18, (same series, 18, 1926, 399 ff.) ; Southern Maidu Religious Ceremonies (American Anthro- pologist, 29, 1927, 214-257 [412-455]). Loeb, Pomo Folkways (394-397). Powers (352, 381) probably refers to this in his Miwok and Yokuts notes. “Writing in 1874-76, Powers (loc. cit., 259 f.) quotes A. B. Meacham on the Modoc. “Of their religion, he states that a new one had been introduced within a few years past. The substance of the new religion is, that wherever a man is born there he ought to die. If he changes his habitation, his body will not go back to where it originated, and both body and soul will wander around.” Here we have clearly a Modoc rationalization of the matter uppermost in their minds, the desire to return to their home lands from which they were forcibly excluded. The normal rationale seems to have been as “it was asserted by some writers, and by the Hon. A. B. Meacham in his lecture, that the Modoc were led into their terrible outbreak by a belief that their dead were about to be restored to life and come to their assistance, and at the same time the Americans would be swallowed up in the earth. ‘This curious expectation prevailed not only among them, but among the Yurok, Karok, Shastika, and in fact all over Northern California, as far down as Lower Russian River and American River, and perhaps farther. The Shastika said a crow had imparted to them the information that all their dead were hovering about the top of Mount Shasta, waiting a favorable moment to descend. ‘The Karok prophets announced that the re- embodied dead of their tribe were already on the march from the east, myriads of pigmies, coming to overthrow the Americans. I do not believe this prophecy had any active influence in driving the Modoc into rebellion.” It is probably significant that my Klamath informants did not mention the destruction of the whites as an aim of their cult, but it is at least implied in the exclusion of Americans from the dance. 341. R. B. Dixon, The Shasta 1907, 491). E. W. Gifford, Clear 1926, 347); Miwok Cults : j i | j | ; ) | ' ' : } ,Fee i ek aN ee ee ee ee Pee tke Fb eas ed eae pee University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [Vol. 2 was in line with the ridge on the southeast side, protected by a covered entry- way. The whole was some fifty feet in diameter, much larger than even the largest native Klamath earth-lodges. It differed in a number of other par- ticulars from the familiar lodge; the latter was erected over a much deeper pit so that it could not be entered on the ground level but only by means of ladders through the hatchway between the ridge poles, the ridge poles were quite parallel, and the rafters rose directly from the edges of the pit, not from supporting poles. ‘This was not the Achomawi nor Atsugewi form of house, for while the latter was at least oval the former was rectangular, and while they had double ridge poles the arrangement was quite different.” The form was rather that of the central Californian dance lodge and may have been carried to these Pit River tribes as part of the Kusku cult. Unlike the usual Klamath dance which, while it may begin by day, lasts through He night, this one began in the afternoon and ended in the late evening. Early in the morning and again at night, men, women, and children bathed together no matter how cold the water. "This mixed bathing conforms to the general Ghost Dance practise, but my informants did not suggest that this signified the abeyance of sex. ‘There was present the universal rationali- zation that those who failed to bathe would turn to stone. During the whole period of the dance they camped in the bushes or when the weather grew too cold erected little huts. At the time of the dance at GoyrEmsk'e’gis the huts formed a great circle about the clearing on the flat, with an opening to the south, the only means of ingress permitted. Dress was stripped away; the buckskin shirts and breechclouts of the men, the long skin dresses of the women discarded. Both sexes wore only the fringed skirts of sagebrush, the garb of those long dead. It is clearly implied that the acquisition of buckskin garments, which are obviously of Plains Indian origin, was so recent as to be a matter of definite tradition. Nothing was carried in the hand until Pit River Charley’s inno- vation, no feathers were used in adornment, and even the basket hat was discarded, I was told, though the last seems improbable. Only the face was painted; commonly in short lines marked diagonally inward down the cheeks and on the chin in many colors together. Such painting was dreamed; they saw the ghost painted in this fashion. One man’s vision led him to paint a stripe down each cheek and along the back of each hand. As he danced, SINSiNg, ya, yal (Vale eae , he held his right hand up before him, gradually lowering it onto his left breast so that the stripes on cheeks and this hand were exposed. vision was détglémb6én inwas ditglombén inmdkldks, I half Indian. The song he got in his am half Coyote, I am A circle was formed of men, women, and children holding hands, moving in a counter clockwise direction with a short step to the left.1* Everyone was 12 See Kroeber: LOGicits Olle Sili72 13 For comparative purposes we may note that fingers were not entwined nor was the step a sidewise shuffle. i m een ve1927] Spier, Ghost Dance of 1870 among the Klamath of Oregon 49 in one great circle, the old and infirm, children who could toddle, and even babies carried in their arms; each family forming a group together. If one could possibly dance he must, else he would turn to stone. The largest dance was that as Goyemsk'’e’gis on Williamson River in the fall of 1871, when the circle of dancers was fifty yards or more in diameter. As in the Ghost Dance of 1890 fires were built outside the circle, although one man said there was a fire within it. At the center of the circle was set a striped pole; as each song was begun the pole was swayed to jangle cowbells tied to the top. As they danced singing, some would topple unconscious in their tracks; then they dreamed songs given by the ghosts. They were carried to the center and laid in a row while the dance went on without interruption. There were several men called dode’tiks, dreamers or prophets, who tended them in their trance. Orthodox Klamath practise would have called for shamans at this juncture, but these were not. They sprinkled the recumbent forms with branches of white sage dipped in water and when they revived led them back to the circle so that they could immediately sing the songs they had dreamed. One informant had it that the visionaries lay where they fell, which quite probably happened also. ‘Those who failed to acquire a song in their trance would grow worse. Other things were drearned of, instructions ike a coyote. One of my in- for instance, and one little girl rose howling formants said, “I tried this. I stood between the old people to dance. I saw them; I wondered how they fell in a trance. But nothing happened to me; I got no spirits.” The dance was repeated on subsequent nights to a total of five. This is the Klamath pattern number; all of their dances are held five times, except possibly those connected with war. One man referred to a dance of ten days duration, but another, a better informant, speaking of the same occasion said it was five. Some indication of the seriousness of the affair was the prohibition of laughter and trifling during the dance, and doubtless philandering too, else the guilty would die. One must understand that the great throng camped about in the bushes under normal circumstances would have had every opportunity for indulgence. Everyone who could must dance, even one who had recently lost a child, although this was absolutely contrary to normal Klamath senti- ment. No one was allowed to sleep, not even a child, else he would turn to stone. In fact, one man whose wife was dancing insisted on lying by the fire. He “died” and they had a very difficult time restoring him. The chiefs ex- horted them to dance. Someone who failed to heed would suddenly be over- come by the urge and panting “ha, ha...’ would spring up to dance. Whites were excluded from the dance site. At Goyemsk’e’gis they were forced to stay on the opposite river bank. This is rather sure evidence that the whites were to be left behind in the coming transformation, although I was not told so. On the contrary, one informant said the dances had nothing to do with oppo- sition to the Americans. Once an earthquake occurred at the height of a dance, but they went rightEuler eco rcke Patios etesre a Pea Ey Peetsee teas) A SO NY 50 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [ Vol. 2 on dancing. It was so violent that the water in the river rolled in waves and my informant, then a little girl, was thrown against the side of the house. But they paid no attention to it, with the exception of one old man who cried out, “What is going to become of our people!’ They said it was not a bad sign, that Kemti’kimps, the culture hero, had made the earth move.** The participants crossed themselves before they danced. Some put water on their heads when they rose in the morning, but while this was peculiar, my informant said it was no baptism. ‘There was no other Christian symbol- ism; the cross used in the dance of twenty years later had no place here. The sick were cured at these dances in the manner now characteristic of the pseudo- Christian Indian sect of Puget Sound, the Shakers; the hands were rubbed down the body of the patient and clapped together to shake off the sickness. The center pole was not climbed. The only case where this feature, known to the Ghost Dance of 1890, was tried was when a pole was set up in the dance lodge at Kowa’cdi. They said if anyone would climb it he would go to “heaven.” One old fellow climbed halfway when he suddenly slid down. They asked why. “Well,” he said, “if I am to go to heaven, I want my pipe and tobacco.” He put them into his pocket but failed to get up the pole a second time. The songs differed from any others of the Klamath, I was told, but they did not sound like those of foreigners. It is probably difficult to collect any of these today. When the Ghost Dance movement ended they forgot the songs; the ghosts took them back to the land of the dead. A half Molala man dreamed the following song: halo’ halo’’o halo’ halo’’o hani’ hani’’i hani’ hani’’1. Another song is: mo’as ddotne’wudo mo’/wa I am swimming around in the southwind. AL: : his was dreamed by a woman when they were dancing near the lake. It was cold but the south wind was blowing hard. After her dream she swam in the lake. Another woman fell unconscious (“died”) while they danced. In her vision she went to a place where she heard a song: wakiho’n uk k!oitcandg"élotdéttciya Why are e/ ou living in that worthless country ? § ge Omida’lagi 5 Here is your money (dollars). When singing this the Klamath jingled coins held in their cupped hands. As usual in Klamath performances, no musical instruments were used except, according to one informant, a split-stick rattle clapped against the palm to mark time. 14 This is 2 Oo aT ale oc i ; This is the only earthquake my intormant could recall, so I do not know what their reaction would be under other circumstances.Spier, Ghost Dance of 1870 among the Klamath of Oregon 51 Several innovations were introduced by the slave, Pit River Charley, be- side the dance lodge. Among these was the song used by the participants as they entered the lodge to dance. He also painted stripes down the women’s chins. He instructed the dancing women to hold a handkerchief by ‘the middle between their hands so that the ends hung out; by twisting the wrists these were swung in opposite directions. All these things he brought from his own country; so far as my informant knew they were not products of his own visions. It is to the point to know what there was in Charley's status that made the Klamath receptive to his innovations. For many years the Klamath had been accustomed to raid the Pit River tribes (Achomawi and Atsugewi) for slaves which were either kept or transported to the trading centers on the Columbia River to the north. Charley had been taken in early childhood and brought up among the Klamath. Such slaves were well treated, no particular stigma attached to their origin, and they became to all intents and purposes normal members of Klamath society. What the treatment must have been is attested by the practise of similarly taking slaves during feuds among their own bands. Charley was freed like other slaves on the establishment of the agency regime and returned to his own people. His preference, however, was for residence among the Klamath, to whom he returned on the occasion of the Ghost Dance, bringing the several novelties noted. He remained with them until his death, surviving a Pit River wife, a fellow slave, and their only child. The whole situation thus distinctly favored whatever might be brought by this particular man. At the same time, when he fell foul of the agent’s ukase by building the first dance lodge at Klamath Marsh and he was clapped into jail, the Klamath chiefs appointed as judges by the agent were quite willing to convert to their own use the lumber he sawed in paying off his jail sentence. The dance ran its course through the two years, 1871-1873. Danced first at Klamath Marsh, it was subsequently held at Kowa’cdi at the mouth of Wood River, Ya’ak, GoyEmsk'e’gis, and Beztikse’was on middle Williamson River, and Tcok!a’lwac on the lower course of that river. The greatest dance was held at Goyemsk'e’gis just before the outbreak of hostilities with the Modoc in 1872. After the dance at Tcok!a’lwac they all went complacently to Fort Klamath to see the Modoc hanged (October 3, 1873). The last dance was at Suwa/agtéks at Modoc Point in the fall of 1873. The end of the cult was the forcible act of the Indian agent. loc War in the summer of Its prac- tise lapsed with the disastrous ending of the Moc 1873, yet it is not clear how far that was a contributing cause. Yet it had sufficient vitality to flicker for a number of years as a secret ritual. The agent threatened to jail all those who persisted in dancing. He put them in jail for a month. On their release they called the people to dance elsewhere. The agency police burned the dance lodgs.1> The agent then threatened years 15 Perhaps that at Brztikse’was, near Chiloquin, is the “communal dancehouse” known to Gatschet in 1877 (The Klamath Indians, 1, 140).ee eee ets ee —r SS EO PCE, ee Sal bo University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [Vok 2 in the penitentiary. He told them that they were merely fooling themselves, but the chiefs were obdurate in their faith. ‘They wanted to fight, told all the neighboring tribes, Modoc, Pit River peoples, and Paiute. The dead had said that the singing must not lapse, else they could not return. If it were continued for ten or twenty years or more, the earth would open and the dead return. They did not fight; the dancing was ended. Beyond doubt they appreciated the fate of the Modoc. They asked the agent for a belief. He promised Christian preachers; the Methodist church was built. The dream dance songs continued to be sung occasionally for some years, hidden away in their dwelling houses. One man K !awi’s sang them at Du’kwa at the mouth of the Williamson River. He had a stuffed crow hanging on the wall of his house. His song was “Do not laugh else the Crow will turn you to stone by his laughter.” k !ai’iwé’tonwopkt gé’miswéto/ntonwopk Do not laugh. This one will laugh against you. This was a recurrent theme of the folktales; all the rocks which were thought to have once been beings were transformed by Crow’s laughter. Sometimes they helped the sick with their songs. ‘They shared the clandestine nature of the old shamanistic practises which the agent was also attempting to stamp out at this time. But the dancing was at an end. Perhaps one informant was right; that the cult has not disappeared. He identified it, at least in part, with the Smohallah cult, the ‘pom-pom religion,” which flourishes even today on the Warm Springs and Yakima reservations, anl elsewhere in eastern Oregon and Washington. It may well be asked if the two Ghost Dance movements, the Smohallah cult, the Shaker religion, and similar beginnings suggested by a Wishram informant do not really repre- sent just so many phrasings of an old and recurring cult pattern in this general area.Ww 1927] Spier, Ghost Dance of 1870 among the Klamath of Oregon 5 Il. It is possible to discover something of the process of acculturation of this dance complex among the Klamath. We know at least the direction from which the elements of the dance were acquired, something of their sequence, and the nature of Klamath ceremonialism prior to that time. We are handi- capped in that our knowledge of the Achomawi-Atsugewi ceremonies is nil and that of the Northern Paiute is of the slightest. We can inquire, how- ever, what elements were foreign to pree xisting Klamath culture and how far the complex was in accord with Klamath patterns. In this way we may discover in some degree how far the Klamath made over the dance to con- form to their existent habits and to what extent it was a novelty. Fundamentally the doctrine of the dream cult is foreign to Klamath thought. The destruction of the invader and the reéstablishment of ancient ways obviously had no place in their old life. Even the resurrection of the dead, though a possible theological doctrine, was no more than a private wish at most hinted at in the familiar tale of the culture hero’s attempt to revive the dead. On the other hand, the insistance that dancing must continue over a long period in order to succeed in bringing back the dead is an old folk- tale theme. More important, because it more closely resembles their prior belief, is that the essential religious experience turned on acquiring a revela- tion and a song as an outward manifestation of it. But the difference was that the older form of experience was never with the dead but with spirits whose locii were in the mountains and under certain waters. The form differed just as much; in contrast to the trance induced by the dance the older method was a solitary vigil in the mountains or diving into the pools in quest of the power. In the older form too a regular manifestation was said to be loss of consciousness and a hemorrhage from nose and mouth. Certain other features were interpreted in terms of antecedent Klamath notions. Disbelievers, non-participants, would be turned to stone. Obviously prior to this time; the ability of a par- 1 or the potency of a particular spirit, regard to the whole body there was no reason for such a belief ticular shaman might have been scoutec but it is doubtful that aryore-was nevedulyus? with of Klamath beliefs. But-the particular ageatwhich »would turn them to stone, Crow’s laughter, may have» been borrowed. from> their folktales. In these a number of beings are turned inte stone, laughter, and this has become so much < said to have once been an animal or human, etc., folktale to substantiate it. The same fate of the dis- at least and in the Ghost as) Gan fait ’mé ZeSpecial reason, by Crow’s 1 pattern of thought that any rock is explained in this fashion, though there be no believer appeared among the Shasta and Yurok Dance of 1890,1° but not through the activity of the crow, so far learn. It may be only an accident that the bird referred to in the dream singing mentioned above was the crow. It was a common enough feature 16 Mooney, 784 and elsewhereon 4 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [Vol. 2 of the old shamanistic performances that stuffed birds and animals which hung about the shaman’s lodge were revivified by singing their appropriate spirit songs. Again, the messiah was identified with the culture hero, Kemwt’kumps. Curiously he was described as coming from the south, the direction from which the dance did indeed come, but there is no warrant for this in Klamath folklore. The curing of the sick by the prophets or dreamers during the progress of the dance was at variance with the ordinary practise. This was the pro- vince of the shaman who diagnosed the case with spirit aid and cured by sucking. He was assisted by several individuals but there was no dancing. Curing during the dream dance may have come to the Klamath as part of the dream dance complex, as indeed its appearance among the central Cali- fornian tribes and in the Ghost Dance of twenty years later would confirm. At the same time, the restoration of the infirm and the rejuvenation of the aged was so much part and parcel of the cult doctrine that it must inevitably have taken this definite form everywhere. The dance itself was utterly unlike anything the Klamath previously had. The circle, the central pole, the indiscriminate group with women and children, the sidewise step, the clap-rattle, the fires around the dancing group were all foreign. So was the asperging with water-dipped sage. The Klamath shamans’ dance was hardly more than a solo affair, and the girl’s puberty dance was a trotting to and fro of the girl and her helpers to the accom- paniment of deer hoof rattles. The nearest approach was the scalp dance in which the file of circling dancers sometimes marched about a post on which the trophies were hung. On the other hand, the step was not precisely the shuffle, nor the clasped hands, the intertwined fingers so common in the round dances of the Basin tribes..7 The split clap stick is a central and northern Californian device. The dance house was congenial and acceptable to the Klamath since it resembled the earthlodge in which the shamanistic performances, which en- grossed their major interest, were always held. River type, but central Califarnian.28 The house was not a Pit . wimilarly the. five day duration of the dance conformed to the Klamath’ pattern: “yet ‘this: cannot be thought their contribution with certainty as five was the ritual. number of the Paviotso as well. Bathing, too, followed the: shamianisti¢ performances. What data exists from other tribes‘confirms some of these features as constant elements of the dance. Apart from the doctrine which was appar- ie the same in every case, many features such as the proselytizing, the a aeatrAti f ~~) « f } . i eader’s derivation of ceremonial procedure from dreams of the dead, curing as part of the dance activities, and the inclusion of both sexes, appear even 17 See my v yo) i i fr N reese Hlavasupai Ethnology (Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural istory, in press). Compare the somewhat similar Maid Bulletin, American Museum of Natural Hi u house (R. B. Dixon, The Northern Maidu, story, 17, 1905, pl. 43).1927] Spier, Ghost Dance of 1870 among the Klamath of Oregon 55 in such divergent settings as the revivified Kuksu dances acquired at this time by the Pomo, Miwok and Southern Maidu. The Yokuts-Mono only partially adopted the doctrine; the dead were to return, but dreaming and curing were not part of the affair. The Karok are known to have circled around central poles; the Yurok and Yokuts-Mono to have formed concentric rings (as in the Plains Dance of 1890). ‘The last had no musical instruments, and the Gres were outside the dance circle like the Klamath. The western Patwin rites centered about a pole erected in front of the dance house and the Pomo included a “pole ceremony.” The Patwin and Karok poles were spirally painted or wound and bore a kind of banner. The central Californian dance house also spread at this time to the Pomo and northward to the Whilkut as well as to the Pit River people and Klamath.” In my study of the Sun Dance among the Plains Indians, I reached the conclusion that while extensive cultural borrowing had brought about a marked uniformity of regalia and ritual among all the tribes who had the dance, there was considerable tribal individuality in the manner in which the participants were organized and even more in the mythical-religious sanctions for its per- formance2® ‘This means only that the motivation for rituals tends to become standardized in a group however variable their form may be. The present case of the Ghost Dance of 1870 appears to be an exception, for here the doctrine is quite uniform. It must be recognized, however, that the two cases are very different. The revivalistic doctrine of the Ghost Dance is utterly different from the esoteric religious motives behind the Sun Dance in any one of the Plains tribes. Its very revivalistic nature was the attraction, and as Kroeber has shown conditions were ripe for the acquisition of the new doc- trine. ‘The new ritual was relatively immaterial. This was not the case with the Sun Dance; there elements of ritual were desired to add to the body of preéxisting rite as so much ceremonial embroidery. Further we must reckon with the fact that in the very short span of life of the Ghost Dance no com- plex rituals had time to develop. This precluded any duplication of the cultural leveling effected by borrowing as seen in the Sun Dance. ‘There is even a partial development of this to be seen in the case of the Klamath, Shasta, and Yurok; twice reached by forms of the Ghost Dance there was an amalgamation of the separate ritual features at the hands of at least the first. ‘There are, in fact, further indications that the cases were more similar than these remarks suggest. The doctrine was partially modified by the Pomo, who stressed rather their antagonism to the whites than resurrection of the dead. Both they and the Wintun formed such a blend of the new ritual with their older _Kuksu cult as to lead to its revivifying and dissemination anew. Similarly the Patwin amalgamated the dance with their hesi ritual and the Yurok made of it a characteristic occasion for the display of treasure. These then are familiar instances of the acceptance of ritual rather than doctrine among peoples with a richly developed ceremonial background. 19 AL. Kroeber, A Ghost Dance in California (Journal of American Folklore, 17, 1904, 32-35); Handbook, 388. Loeb, loc. cit., 394. 20 The Sun Dance of the Plains Indians; Its Development and Diffusion (Anthropolog- ical Papers, American Museum of Natural History, 16, 1921, pt. 7, 500 ff).r 4 + we a PeeksWT a A ie Pra) NAP RC HOR OM aa LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE Vol. 1. The Poems of Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey, by Frederick Morgan Padelford. October, 1920. Unbound, $2.00. Bound..... 3.0 Vol. 2. 1. Spenser's Use of Ariosto for Allegory, by Susannah Jane McMurphy, Pp. 1-54. November, 1928.......++s-+++e+-seee> 2. Thomas Dekker: A Study in Economic and Social Background. by Kate L. Gregg. Pp. 55-112. July, 1924,.......+++++++-+-- 5 Vol. 3. A Critical Edition of Ford’s Perkin Warbeck. By Mildred Clara Struble. Pp. 216. 1 Map. January, 1926.........++-+++-++++: 2.00 Vol. 4. 1.A Bibliography of Chaucer, 1908-1924, compiled by Dudley David Griffith. Pp. 1-148. March, 1926........+ssseeecersercessenss 1.00 ae translated by Edward Noble Stone. Pp. 159-193. March, UG es. ye ein CSR Satis ovate Mie: e 0-0 pe ean mt thig Ne ian = The Publications in Language and Literature are designed to include studies in the various languages and literatures, ancient and modern, represented at the University. The series replaces and absorbs The Publications in English, of which the following volumes have appeared: Vol. 1. Uno Linderlof’s Elements of the History of the English Pena r 1.0 translated by Robert Max Garrett. Cloth........-+.s-+s+5+> 00 Vol. 2. The Political and Ecclesiastical Allegory of the First Book of the Faerie Queen, by Frederick Morgan Padelford. Clothe kee ost 7e « Vol. 8. Johannes Steenstrup’s The Medieval Popular Ballad, translated by Edward Godfrey Cox. 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29° 2 another fragment. 2 Narrated by Joe Young. Sri : This and the following tale were told the narrator, Joe Young, by John Kiawit, a Green River man. ;Ballard, Some Tales of the Southern Puget Sound Salish THE MAGIC SALMON In the neighborhood of Spirit Lake there is another lake connected with a pond by a small stream of water. In that stream the Tyee Salmon used to spawn. Once some young men went out hunting and came to that stream. They were hungry. The eldest said, ‘““We shall catch and eat some of these salmon.” The youngest said, “No, we had better not.’ However, the elder brothers caught some salmon, which they skinned, cooked and ate. The youngest brother refused to partake of the salmon. They came to the lake. The elder brothers were very thirsty. They They thought they must drink. The youngest warned them against doing so. drank copiously. The eldest brother dove and swam. When he appeared again he had become a merman. The next oldest brother did the same. THE MAN AND THE STALLION (Magic Flight) ?4 A zagwd lived by the bay. A long way off, on the other side of the bay, a young man was fishing. This zagwE went under the water a long way, stized the young man and took him home for a slave. They arrived at the house of the zagwe. The zAgweE said to the young man, “You are to care for the horses. Give the white horse plenty of fodder. Do not feed that black horse; he is a stallion.” The zagwE went out to hunt. The young man fed on the first day as instructed. On the second day he went out to feed, the zagwE being gone. The black horse talked to him. “What place are you from?” he asked. The man told him, “I am from the other side of the bay.” ‘The stallion Sais od am from that place too. The zagwrE feeds me nothing; you had better feed me plenty.” The young man started to feed the black horse plentifully. He fed the white horse but little. On the fourth day the black horse began to grow fatter. ‘The zagwh came back. The young man said, “I do not know what is the matter with the black horse; he has been getting fat.” The zAgweE said, “Oh, I guess he is getting used to that, eating nothing.” When alone the black horse said to the man, “We shall be going in two days from now. You look for that good saddle and good bridle. We shall take them along with us.” Well, the zagweE said to the man, “I am going out for a ride. I want another man for a slave so I shall have two.” He said to the man, “You had better get my saddle. It is up there.” So the boy went after the saddle. He took it from the place where the zagwe had it and took it to the barn. Well! the saddle was in the barn; the zagwe forgot all about it. “Well, we shall be going in the morning,” said the stallion to the man. “You had better get five kinds of plants, first, crab-apple (kaox), second, 24 Narrated by Jack Stillman, Snuqualmi. This tale is European in some of the externals but the style is characteristically Indian.ed Perret e tr see fag SE a a ED > SDE AES Lt STE EE REET T 74 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [Vol. 2 mock crab-apple (tciba’dets), third, long trailing rose-bush (?) (posotu’gwu- lats), fourth, wild cucumber (q’esq’si), and fifth, dwarf rose-bush (tska’paats). We shall be ready to go tomorrow, early in the morning when he goes to hunt. ‘The only dangerous place is the dry land. When we arrive at the big ocean I can walk on the water.” On the next day the zAgwE went out to hunt. The man and the stallion got ready to leave. The man put on the good saddle and bridle. They had gone about as far as from Green River to the Snoqualmie. (Every time they pass one tribe, they go that far). ‘The zagwe had taken a bow and arrow on the hunt. His arrow broke; thus he knew that the young man and the black horse had gone. He turned right back from the hunt. He looked for the good saddle; it was gone. ‘There was left only one old little saddle and one old little bridle. When the zagweE started on the white horse he got just so far and his stirrup broke. He had to stop and fix it up. So the black horse told the young man, “The zAgwE is coming now; you had better get a whip; each time you must whip me to make me go faster.” Well, they went. They have five places to go yet, five rivers to cross. On a prairie the zAgwE was catching up to them. ‘The black horse said to the young man, “You must watch him. When they come close to you you must throw down the crab-apple bush.” ‘The zagwE was coming close to catch them; the young man dropped the crab-apple down. ‘The crab-apples grew up all about and the zagweE was tangled up and hindered. They passed one place. There were four more to go through. The zagwk was coming fast and close upon them again. ‘Then the young man dropped the mock crab-apple. It grew upon the prairie and the zAgwe got stuck again. Now they were passing a third country. The zagwEe had come through second and was catching up with them again. Now they threw down the thorny vine; it grew up and they passed another place. The zagwE came up and followed close upon them again. The horse said, “Whip me hard; do not mind if I bleed, I only grow the stronger.” th @ Well, the zAagwE was coming right behind them; he was nearly catching them. They threw the little rose-bush. It grew up and the zagweE was blocked. Then they passed another country. ‘The zagwe freed himself. He was pretty near when they dropped the last plant, the wild cucumber. ‘The horse of the ZAgWE was all tangled up in it and could go no more. i The black horse said, “You had better start to whip me pretty hard now. This is the last country to pass through. If you do not he will catch us. So, bay, start to whip!” Well, they were more than half way through the place. The zagwek got free again. “You had better whip me hard. The more I bleed, the stronger I get.” Then the boy started whipping him, whipping him. ‘The HONS was running, all covered with sweat and blood. ‘Then the ZASWE came. Chey had not very far to go now to the big ocean. So he whipped and they sped. The zagwk was near. “There ] 1€ comes now!” ‘The blood was stream- ing from the black horse as he ran. c i The zagwe caught up and was trying toun 1927 | Ballard, Some Tales of the Southern Puget Sound Salish 7 take hold of them. Each time he attempted to seize them the young man whipped the horse and made him jump and the zagwe fell back. So they went, the zAgwE trying to catch them. They arrived at the ocean. The black horse made a big leap and jumped out on the water. The zagwe arrived close behind. The black horse carried the young man to his home but the white horse could not walk on the water; so the zAgwE turned back and went home without the young man. HOW SPECKLED TROUT GOT HIS WIFE? A young woman had the antlers of a deer. She was the daughter of a chief. ‘The one who could split the antlers apart should be her husband. All the strong young men gathered. The people from everyw here tried to split the antlers. No one was able to do so. Old Speckled Trout (p’asaltc) was there. The young woman thought, “He looks good to me; I should like to have him. *» Speckled Trout took the antlers and split them. The young woman and Speckled Trout were married. Timber Wolf was angry. He killed all the people except Pussy Willow. He went after Pussy Willow and tried to throw him down but he was not able. He gave up. The people all turned to birds. Speckled Trout got the woman. HOW COYOTE STOLE TOWHEE’S EYES (First Version) 7° Somebody stole the eyes of Coyote. He replaced them with the tips of a red fungus (gwuskwio’kk’alob). He picked two of these for eyes. He went on. He met Towhee (sxaweuq). He asked Towhee to look up. “Can you see that?” “No, I cannot; there is nothing.” “Yes, you can see it plainly.” “No.” “Oh, your eyes are weak; you had better wear mine.” “Very well.” Coyote erchaned eyes, putting the eyes of Towhee on himself and his own on Towhee. Now Towhee cannot see plainly. HOW COYOTE STOLE TOWHEE’S EYES (Second Version)? He rubbed his eyes and licked them. They got sore so Coyote plucked them out. He took ground roses and used them for eyes. ‘They were good for a little while, then he had to use new ones. He met Towhee. “Look up at the stars.” He plucked out Towhee’s eyes and used them for himself. Towhee had to use ground roses for eyes. He has them yet. Coyote came to where people were playing ball with his “J am near sighted,” he said. They let hey were batted by the ball players. Coyote was living in a house of ice. eyes. He was disguised as a Yakima. him come near. The eyes rolled about as t 25 Narrated by Dan Silelus, a Lake Washington Indian (hatcoabc). 26 Narrated by Jack Stillman, a Snuqualmi. 27 Recorded only as an abstract from Joe Young.ee ‘iaeeee PeeeseR easter eee ere re | i + PERT eo 76 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [Vol. 2 They circled around to where Coyote was standing and he got them back. He threw away the eyes of Towhee. Towhee did not get his own eyes back" GOLDEN EAGLE AND HIS WIVES28 Golden Eagle had a wife, Blackbear. Giant Woman also came to be one Ce ah ee lad to take her. He spent most of his time with his first wife and Giant Woman grew angry. mts ot his wives. VIVE om Golden Eagle said, ‘““‘We shall hide our water under our pillow.” He fed her dry meat but no water. He said, when Giant Woman asked for water, “Go to that pond.” It was a half day’s journey. When she thought of Golden Eagle and his first wife she turned back. She said, “There was no water there; I found it bottom side up.” Then her husband told her, “Go to the next one.” That one was farther away. \s soon as Giant Woman had started for the fifth spring of water Golden I > Eagle said, “We are going.” Blackbear, his wife, was making a rope of sinews as long as a cedar tree. When Giant Woman came they climbed a tree, so high! As she dug to undermine the tree they let the rope down on the other side and the earth closed up. When Giant Woman gave up digging under the tree, she chased the man and he ran. He circled about and each time he kicked into the ground for a foothold he made a sidehill so that she had to go round. He ran to the slopes of the Rocky Mountains and circled about by the ocean coast northward to Lake Quinault. Giant Woman was gaining on him. There was a woman living alone in a house at that place; she was God- woman. The door of that house was high enough that a person could enter Golden Eagle crept into the house. “I wish to hide,” he said. “Sit on this side,” she told him. Soon Giant Woman came. door. It was too small. only by crawling. She tried to go into the house through the They argued a long time. Finally God-woman said, Door, cannot you straighten out a little longer?” ‘The door grew just large enough that Giant Woman put her head inside. cut off her head. house. God-woman commanded a stick from the upper part of the house to fall. The stick fell and crushed the head of Giant Woman. down to j Then the door closed and The head of Giant Woman was running about inside the The body ran Lake Quinault, where it now remains, harmless to whoever sees it. God-woman caused fire to destroy the head and all the blood stains of the fight. God-woman and Golden Eagle cooked and ate. Golden Eagle grew lone- some and wondered whether God-woman would kill him if he should ask to leave. “What makes you think I would kill you? I saved you once. I am going to leave at a certain time. to,’ said the man. Will you stay as I tell you?” “I shall have stay till I return,’ said the woman. “When you get lonesome it seems as though tl *7a Cf. Story of Skunk, 28 Narrated by Joe Young, Puyallup. SC Y 1€ house would swallow you, you may open1927 | Ballard, Some Tales of the Southern Puget Sound Salish 77 that side. Whatever you do, do not go on that other side or touch anything there.” God-woman went away. After a time the man grew lonesome. He went on the one side of the house and: raised a curtain. He looked and saw a great number of people lying there. As soon as he looked they began to shout and laugh. He let the curtain fall (and went back into the house). The man stayed in the house. After a time he grew lonesome again and thought the house was about to swallow him. He thought, “She will not know if I lift the other curtain.’ He touched the other curtain, ever so lightly. Soon he raised the curtain and looked. ‘There he saw a great number of people; he saw only the head and heart beating. (Their bodies were not complete.) As soon as the air struck the people their hearts stopped beating. The man thought, “They have died. She will kill me.” The woman turned about and came back. She reproved the man. She said, “I told you (not to do so.) You have slaughtered them all.” Those were people she was just making. The first ones the man had seen were the people she had finished. The least air killed the unfinished ones. The man went to the place above Snoqualmie Falls were the swinging ladder fell from heaven. THE TWO BROTHERS’ JOURNEY TO THE NORTH? Two brothers were keoke’wa,®® hunters of seal and porpoise. ‘The sister of these was married to a canoe builder (yeye), who was stronger than any shaman. ‘The brothers gave their sister portions of seal meat for food. She used to hide the meat and eat it when her husband was gone. When he ques- ioned her she denied receiving the meat. She thought her husband too proud to eat that kind of food. Because that woman neglected to offer that food to her husband she was what the Indians call lacking in manners (xwalsla’ha). Her husband feigned that he was indifferent, but his heart burned with the slight. This man went out into the woods. and began cedar. Each day he worked and at evening he covered his work with moss and leaves. When the wooden seal was completely fashioned he put power 1 his hands and commanded, “Now to fashion a seal out of in it and placed it in the water. He clappec roar!” It roared. He clapped his hands again and commanded, “Now dive!” The seal did not dive. He took it out and worked over it some more. Then he placed it in the water. Now it dove when he commanded, giving the signal. He said, “Dive only when they cast a spear at you, then dive f1 point of land to another.” The man commanded the wooden ‘om one seal, “Stay in the water when the tide As the tide came in the seals fought is out; only come in with the tide.” “he wooden seal roared each for a place on a log and roared as they fought. This opening incident is also the first incident 29 Narrated by Joe Young, Puyallup. 1 and the birds. of the familiar tale of the war between the dwarts 80’The plural of keo.ia SE Sa ET 78 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [Vol 2 when the others came to his place. The two seal hunters heard it. The younger brother said, “I have heard nothing like that before. Do not spear it.’ Each time he uttered the warning the elder brother shook the boat as a for him to remain quiet. Finally the elder brother made a hit, but not in the right spot because the wooden seal had been trained to dodge. It was 1 Tl a little behind the vital spot. As soon as it was hit the magic seal beg Wi The elder brother AS soon as it was hit the magic seal Degan to swim. 1e elder bprotner commanded, “Steer.” “I am steering,’ was the answer of the younger brother. “Let go your line. I told you not to spear.” But the elder brother could not let go. ‘The seal ha 1 been told to make the brothers lose their senses. The elder brother was charmed; so was the younger. The elder held the cord and the younger the steering paddle. Thus they traveled night and day; five days and nights they went. They were charmed by the seal so that they were never thirsty or hungry. After five days and nights the seal turned ashore. ‘The elder brother looked at the seal and said to the charmer, “You are never great.” They were arrived at a fine country. There were no tracks or other signs of people. The elder brother upset the canoe beside the wooden seal. ‘To his younger brother he said, “Stay under here while I look for people.’ He was tired from kneeling in the boat. The elder brother ran northward. He came to a house. He opened the door and looked. ‘There was an old man inside, a giant as big as a tree. The old man said, ka’ya’ ka’ya ka’ya xwo katso’xwa Grandson, have you a (or where is your) younger brother? “Yes, but I left him covered in a canoe,’ was the answer. The old man said, “Quick as lightening, turn in your tracks and bring your brother or the mosquitos will eat him up.” In five days he arrived at the landing place. The canoe was in slivers; his brother’s bones were picked dry and clean by the mosquitoes. ‘The mosquitos of that place were condors. He turned and ran back to the house of the old man.! TA . ‘ ry : [he old man said, “Well, I have nothing to eat but there are plenty of minnows in the river.” ‘The old man took his basket and went to the river. He filled it with king salmon. He called them minnows. ‘That old man was as big as a tree. The old man seized a tree by the top and tore it up by the roots. He put it on the fire. “I will show you how to cook minnows.” The man from down here ate his portion. ‘The old man said, “You are not hungry when you eat only a hollow tooth full.” The old man put the basketful over the fire and when cooked he ate them all. He ate one fish at a time. After the dinner the old man asked his grandson, bow? Make five arrows and a bow.” “Can you make a The young man did so. ‘‘So-and-so is $1 E72" TM hte i ; He’ditbe. This bird was said to be so ; so l@rge and heavy as to break down the trees on which he perched. ees sare Coa1927] Ballard, Some Tales of the Southern Puget Sound Salish 79 coming to battle with me. I shall hide you on my neck. I want you to shoot him in the eyes. Shoot him in the eye every time. He is coming soon. I want you to be ready and be brave. Shoot him in the eye.” Early in the afternoon the old man said, “Here he comes across the river on the fish weir.” The enemy of the old man was One-Leg, an ogre of great size. The young man looked and saw the ogre come walking across the fish weir on one leg without crutch or cane. His name in our language is LéLkced or Le’Lekced), giant one leg. A one legged man of normal size is Lakcrd). As One-Leg reached the bank the giant took the young man astride his neck. “Every chance you have, shoot him in the eye, Grandson,” he said. The young man did so. One-Leg said, “There is something in my eye.” He thought it was dust or something. As he removed the arrow he was prevented from fighting. Five times the young man shot One-Leg in the eye and the fight was ended for that day. If it were not for the young man’s help, One- Leg would have taken the giant by the hair and slapped him on the ground. As One-Leg was leaving he turned to the old giant and shouted, “Dirty Face, I wonder where you got the new grandson?’ (He could not see the young man for he was hidden by magic). Then he walked across the fish weir and up stream on the other bank. This fight was waged for a big fish that used to come up the stream. There used to be a fight every five days. The old man took a big basket and dipped five basketfuls of fish and told the seal hunter to prepare dried salmon. “Make good use of all the fish you get.” In mid-afternoon the old man said, “Grandson, lie perfectly still in the house. If you hear any noise, do not look. If I disappear do not look.” The old man was gone. It was getting late, towards night. The young man heard a sound “T'ed-ted-ted ;” five times he heard it. “I wonder if he is drowned ?” he thought. Then he heard nothing more. “I must know what has hap- pened,” he said. He looked out and saw the old man lying on a crosspiece of the fish weir and reaching down into the water. He had a big fish by the gills and the fish was pulling him away. As soon as the young man looked the fish got away. “Oh, he lost the fish, he will kill me; it looks as though he had not had fish for a year!” The old man came in the door. “Grandson, I lost the fish; I do not see how we can make our living.” On the next day, the old man seized a tree by the top and threw it on the fire. He dipped a basket of “minnows” and cooked them. He said to the young man, “Why not practise to eat ten anyhow?” He dipped five basketfuls for the young man to dry. After the meal the giants fought; every day they fought, for five days. The man gathered tons and tons of dried fish. Each day the grandson would be concealed and would shoot One-Leg in the eye. Each day after the fight was over One-Leg would shout, ‘Dirty Face, I wonder where you got the new grandson?” ‘The old man would say, “Ah, Grandson, were it not for you he would leave me lying prostrate.” Every day in mid-afternoon the old man would go out and tell the young man not to look. Every day the young man looked and the big fish got away. ; ' ' : ; | ' j ; | | ' ' ’rete + ER ES, ee WE f i 7 4 80 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [Vol. 2 On the fourth day the old man said, “Grandson, it seems you do not want to go home, the way you act. I am fishing, in order that you may go home.” On the fifth and last day the young man resolved not to look. The old man covered him and went to the river. The young man said to himself, “I shall let him go; if the big fish drowns him, I will die myself.” He heard the same sound, ‘“T'ed-ted-ted.” He thought, “This time the old man will not 99 last long.” The old man was lying on the platform, trying to get his fore- finger in the fish’s gills. ‘The grandson thought the fish was pulling him in. After the noise had ceased, the young man thought, “I wonder if it is gone? No, I guess he has caught it pretty quick.” As soon as the old man had his forefinger in the fish’s gills, he had it and he could land it on the bank. ‘That fish was a whale, one hundred feet long. The old man drew it in to land and when on the bank it stayed there. It was not dead but under the spell of the old man. Early on the next morning, the old man said, “Grandson, carry all your dried salmon to the bank and I shall show you this big fish.” The young man carried out his dried salmon, bundles and bundles of it. “Do not waste any,” the old man said. When all the dried salmon had been carried out the old man showed him where to open the big fish. He made a slit in the back and stored the dried fish therein. “While doing so, provide a place to sit,’ he commanded. The young man did so. ‘“How far can you go without air?” he asked. ‘From one point of land to another,’ was the answer of the young man. “I could not pass two countries without air.” Said the old man, “Your grandfather will take you home, and each time you come up for air a supply of fish will be left for that place. Be very quiet and so give your people a good life.” ‘The old man stroked his grand- son’s hair and bade him farewell. The old man understood the languages of all countries. The old man healed up the place on the whale’s back. He said, “When you know your grandfather is perfectly still you will know you are home. Do not make your way out before that time or you will be dead.” At the several places the whale was to come up the young man would be able to breathe through the power of the whale. He was in a twilight and did not know how many days he was on the journey. The whale became perfectly still. It was evening. In the morning the young man looked out. He was home. ‘he people discovered the whale on the beach. “Oh, what a monster of a fish!’ ‘The young man could not get down. He called for a ladder. ‘They unloaded the supplies. ‘They were sur- prised at what he brought. The old man had said, “When all your supplies are out, do not hurt your grandfather.” ‘They must cut their supply of whale meat from the side nearest the water. He must not leave until he had given away a supply of whale meat. The young man told the people, “Never cut from the landward side.” ‘They cut and cut and cut. Raven slipped under and cut on the landward side anyhow. Whale rolled his wounded side into the water to heal it. He killed Raven flat! Raven’s entrails were squeezed out. The people were sorry. ‘They worked on him. Finally he breathed.1927] Ballard, Some Tales of the Southern Puget Sound Salish 81 Raven said, ‘All I can remember is I was cutting whale meat; I do not remember going to sleep.” There is a little cove on the southeasterly side of Anderson Island which the wind never strikes. The name of that place is teaq’ (speechless). That is a great place for seals. That, I think, is the place to which the seal hunter returned. HOW GRANDMOTHER BULLHEAD BROUGHT THE SALMON? Once the river went dry and no fish could come. There were a great many people gathered singing for a spirit helper; anyone sang who might bring them a spirit helper. What they sang was pek pe’kwed. One man said Grandmother Bullhead (sxwadi or sxwkEdi) could help them. They said, “We will give her half of the salmon eggs if she will help us.” The man went to Bullhead and told her the people were having a hard time. She put on her best attire and went to the people. Most of the people did not believe in her power and thought she was no good, but a few persons believed. After she arrived at the village she began to sing: sta’biaf. akwi siwate’xtud the land kwisa’s xwala’l xweEl akwie takobi’xw having-a-hard-time all nations takibe’Z bax bax bax There shall be much rain and salmon. She brought much rain and many salmon. The people were all glad and praised her. ‘Those who had not believed in her powers were surprised. The people paid her in salmon eggs. 82 Related by Big John, Green River.i | I Vol. 2. Vol. 3. . Tiberius Caesar and the Roman Constitution, by Olive Kuntz. Pp. 1-78. August, 1924 ee eee OO eee eee eee eee Oe eee Ee E EEE . The Logical Influence of Hegel on Marx, by Rebecca Cooper. Pp. 79-182. October, 1925 eee OOO ee ee ee Oe eee eee ee eee eres . A Scale of Individual Tests, by Stevenson Smith. Pp. 183-204. May, 1927 . A Study of Mobility of Population in Seattle, by Andrew W. Lind. Pp. 1-64. 2 Maps. October, 1925 sue eecuvetasce nave denen 2. History and Development of Common School Legislation in Washington, by Dennis C. Troth. Pp. 65-260. 2 Maps. Feb- WUAry Ly UGA. ova cet celctediivs ue ose hedeh she rr eee eee 1.50 The University also publishes The Publications of the Engineering Experiment Station and The Publications of the Puget Sound Biological Station.Ferns Se ACCP3 Sie erst eeresae eee teen eestor 4 ei Cares eu ritatiisieeee Pn)Pel wo i oc UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON PUBLICATIONS fi IN { > ANTHROPOLOGY \e Vol. 2. No. 4, Pp. 83 - 128 June, 1928 THE MIDDLE COLUMBIA SALISH by JAMES H. TEIT Edited by Franz Boas UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON PRESS SEATTLE, W ASHINGTON 1928Aireee teeta st eurestsa ee Teese rae — See are University of Washington Publications The University of Washington Publications are offered in exchange for similar pub- lications issued by universities, scientific societies and other institutions. These papers contain the results of research work in various departments of the University. They are issued in separate monographs numbered in several series. There is no stated interval of publication. All inquiries and all matter sent in exchange should be ad- dressed to the University of Washington Library, Seattle, Washington. Inquiries regarding purchase of these publications, should be addressed to the Publications Editor, University of Washington, Seattle, Washington. (O.P.—Indicates that publication is out of print.) ANTHROPOLOGY Vol.1. 1. The Whaling Equipment of the Makah Indians, by T. T. Waterman (formerly Vol. 1, No. 1 of the University of aS BREE ae in Political and Social Science, discontinued). Pp. 1-67. June, 1920. Dk 2. The Distribution of Kinship Systems in North America, by Leslie Spier. Pp. 69-88. Maps 1-9. August, 1925. .......c cee n steer ncee se sesectecr ane 50 3. An Analysis of Plains Indian Parfleche Decoration, by Leslie Spier. Pp. 89-112. Aspust, VOR os ey wh 3 Wyk wk Wale cr 9 we ayaa em Se ie Bie in ee -25 4. Klallam Folk Tales, by Erna Gunther. Pp. 1138-170. August, 1925..... 7.2 m00 5. Klallam Ethnography, by Erna Gunther. Pp. 171-314. January, 1927. 1.25 Vol. 2. 1. Adze, Canoe, and House Types of the Northwest Coast, by Ronald Ee Olson. Pp. 1-388. November,. 1927S. sig nts ie bate se teen es cewek ess Sas .50 2. The Ghost Dance of 1870 among the Klamath of Oregon, by Leslie Spier. Pp. S9sb6. Noventher, 192 Tose aia. 0 7 when sie wa oie oe Ssnie 8p ae Miwa ans MGS Py 43) 8. Some Tales of the Southern Puget Sound Salish, by aoe Cc. Paar: Pp, 67-81... December, 1927. sie vee lee Hae en te eee Verse NN oe 25 4, The Middle Columbia Salish, by James H. Teit. See by Frang Boas: D, 88-128. June, 1928.,..05 6. en eee ewig we ecw nig Seat CaO tee : Rites Casas ae ee 50 FISHERIES Vol.1. 1. Preserved Pickled Herring, by Clarence Louis Anderson. Pp. ue RUPEE eas ek ie aticn ce oe situs of minke gintares Ee ee Onarga cae oe es eee O. 2. Field Characters Identifying Young palmionond Fishes in Epran Waters oy Washington, by Donald R. Crawford, Pp. 12. Apri VOD Ge cise yee diy woin Penida wines «0 eG, bee pecngerne cimee aa Te .25 - 9. Canned Salmon: A Five-Year Correlation Study of Certain Quality Seno by Carl Raymond Fellers, Ernest Dunbar Clark and Ray William Ue Pp. 189-204. August, AyD Beek nd ee. epider mame eee yar Fa tees Fi beakatbtaves sais a wtenenn AiR ain .25 10. Fish PR eR OY hon by Hypochlorites, by Tung Pai Chew and Carl R. Fellers, Pp. 205-227. September, 1926.......e-+-esescseesrevrens Ar eres Ni} 11. Non- pastous Spoilage in Canned Marine ep by Sez ye Tmellens: Pp, 229-288. October, 1927... 5... cee e ewer cases tec een serene BER hea wine ~25 Vol. 2. 1. Bcto-Parasitie Infusoria coun Fish of the Northwest, ee John E. Guberlet (Pp. Let, October, W926... ela sete cee ces rere ee erans enn 25 2. Studies on the Control of Gyrodactylus, by Toh EB. Guberlet, Harry ae Hanson and Jean A. Kavanagh, Pp. 17-29, December, 1927. Ee eee era GEOLOGY Vol.1. 1, Tertiary Faunal Horizons of SrSEyeCD Wa SEL by BARGE EB. Waa ers Ppeedab ta MODIUAU Sy MUON Gs ay wy.siibinigiei sc + vinte = nie ncreh tin hetimn etna SAU As Bn 1.00 2. Paleontology of EOE Die okcre of tie. Chehalis relies nse ‘Katherine E. H. Van Winkle. Pp De JANUATY: LOT Bias 5 win ale, sale rtd Wt Oe pet eNiriere rs ie eye ton .50 8. Fauna from the Ligne of Pee Dee Or by Charles E. Weaver and Kath- erine Van Winkle Palmer. Pp. 1-56. June, 1922....... Be Pavan Vissate -50 4, Foraminifera from the Eocene a Cowlitz River, Lewis amt, Washine- ton, by G. Dallas Hanna and Marcus A. Hanna. Pp. 57-64. October, 1924. .50 Vol, 2. The Geology of the San Juan Islands, Ry Roy Davidson McLellan. Pp. 185. 1 map 27’x33”. November, 1927......+.+-=: en he ORE ee POD TE y Lmao 2.00 (Continued on inside back cover)UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON PUBLICATIONS IN ANTHROPOLOGY Vol. 2. No. 4 Pp. 83 - 128 June, 1928 fae MOODLE COLUMBIA SALISH by JAMES H. TEIT Edited by Franz Boas UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON PRESS SEATTLE, W ASHINGTON 1928SSeS eee eee reatnteasts — rere a hd eS i i { k : k ‘ APR SES eR mcrmenasin A ST Re | | nN f | | § } t . t | Po 1 | ' ! idFOREWORD During the years 1900-1910 Mr. James A. Teit carried through, under my direction, an investigation of the distribution of the Salishan tribes. This inquiry which entailed a great deal of travel was made possible by the gen- erosity of Mr. Homer E. Sargent of Pasadena, California. A map showing the results of these inquiries will be found in the 41st Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, and also in Vol. 4 of the International Journal of American Linguistics. Incidentally Mr. Teit collected ethnological informa- tion on the tribes he visited. In the present paper I have combined the notes which he sent me on the tribe here called the Middle Columbia Salish. The following symbols were used by Mr. Teit: q_ velar stop, voiceless. x velar fricative. x medial palatal fricative. i voiceless 1. tl affricative, t plus voiceless 1. E obscure vowel with timber determined by adjoining consonant. é€ open e. 1 Open i: u umlaut u, closed. a umlaut a, probably equals long é. The macron indicates length. " abialization of k sounds. Mr. Teit’s perception of sounds is not very definite. He does not distin- guish clearly between velars and middle palatals and does not always hear labialization. He uses frequently a point before and after consonants. This symbol represents in some cases weak voicing preceding a consonant, in others a pause, in still others a glottal stop. o : I am indebted to Mr. Melville Jacobs for a revision of the Shahaptian terms. Franz Boas ys ErPere eter eee eee ere tT carat ee ee ee Pa es sbagras sie |CONTENTS Page ROLE WOLO op ee ee ee EF Skee ee ee Aone 85 histonicaleanas Geoeraphicale yc cian oaecice « heilesc ess eie ye ere reise oiclers ree Bo sIDESH OM They GLOUDS «+ ciccise ks sive Met ccc Seda. Mepiosuaene sine eeiiers 89 Olin ot Abs pei INEM aapoqourananescedeooubadcucacedaapoccnc 89 Names: (Given by, Neighboring; “Tribes... ....4.<- sin. << le so ele e erel 90 INamesnGiven: Other | Cribes; . 20 saclonlecs cece ete cetera 92 MBYTES aio heres ose wo sun 6 end nlcue cia eketle o! sl cfvtiefeha eceici@hel nila cor ielerereas 93 Bbabitate ands BD OUnGALleSy arcce ccc aos ee el clcreale rere otros feeterers sie sia ere 93 IBkkakitons: chul Jar anna aneranaseuoooUshen boCoadUacdooMoOrdCoce 94 Ropulationy en ee es sk oa ee dee enact eel 97 Misrations and Movements of Tribes.....................-«-«- 98 Intercourse, aud) Matniages. 102. 5 cs a rior cece yaae 109 IATL ACHING S 1 ah oe rd vets sc Frais c Sa dic sla Sidccelc ocleteta(e sialare sicloiehs carted axe 111 NWOTma 10k StOD Ge es ok oe Ss aie ce sis cosa evciede ie sustei cro seclae erase pane etter eee 111 VWorlein: (RONG os ose ee ere deel eG aioe lp aieieneenre 112 WVCAUITI ON yee < tuclere | ortiata eine ited ote isecont'es din Gaebsiers ovale steel ate 112 IESE eer ues cc eae Sia oe Se ein oe etarealdes lowers eieie ieee 112 BS cet ita cynic eiees cles sip atlets oe k1d soto o ool vie iedoveiale: cles fnrein'sleretabnye ofete ars 113 Wrovere Clotiino 2528 6. oi oc hclits « ceccne che nae bectaucheye wining dee ines eeenere 113 FAT OUSEAN —ELOUSENOIG) <8 «nec ois ele Suis ei cbrie Cleeie icles oon: sl.crai coms ene¥s ogete eels 114 TSO ESE eases we or ent Sloss eens erent lel ceeds etesere Greer evs 114 Household Witensils: soe es here es Sere cee esc tece eere etn 115 @lothine: and @rnamentS. 1.5 ec ne ses ee ee inna oeiata pela cin 116 Dress and Clothes | @rnaments and Personal Adornment.. .2 002. cc0- cece ee ce neuen ne 117 GTIDSISTCD CE. sere a ee A ie re ee en tore a Upertteis meeaee si sueteiners 118 EROS ss epee re se eee tae ole eee ere ade el ata elenet ster esezexe ppp 118 Hunting and Weapons of the Chase.............----s-sssececees 118 Fishing and Fishing-Utensils.............-cseeee cece ree ereereree 118 Travel. ‘Iratisportation, and Drade..:......--<-cec ene c cc enecceen sence 120 PATIOS a ae wc eee leiels caeuayey state ave ate suet Csyeistareneleryes 120 STOWSHOCS fics oe ae he ecreke hai bce erdnes Vota sue dias cisvelsarahe ec starerenetonn 120 ELOUESOS) ee ee oe se sve eels evebmer oye aventys) slegellal ete’ enm ajege caters 120 BT eer ee ery cyte oie nyo ia cltave cust ar rey tlelmruterseetepetahe 121 Wrertgha rene ee ee oe tne pices Woe she brciotarciejs is Aba eialoul ine a sities taje aamaene mols 122 Weapons of Offense and Defense..........--seeeeseerteeeeceress 122 Vea a ee ee a meet fe acces oiase, dre uivererelersr sia slows ssecstaroke suemeneieics© 122 Pastimes and Smoking... occa. ends oes seis cloe vee tie a ttcnele cine, aleecie eres hele 125 Smiokinio tand) spipes wes o dae os oan se iors ce lake renee i betoesrerebats 125 SOetal GuUstorisSs oe ee ree ce hee) sc otafes ictal steel arelarGiofel onelatetetatepetohanae 126 AG ee we ea Jonas nnoonm unc noc uoobnan dose 126 Sforl (eangiiages 3 hak. cere yet aieteiete cette Oty og mieten cn te ers apelin relate 126 iBFiny (CAIBBRS oocundacuouanocad sods odacoopuoOsNH UDG OCOOnUS goo: 126 [ekenl iDYaisyeehate, ponassocoodonoucoonenoaubacocaccococuADDOOR Gc 126 INTC Se hs er Hier cree © Siale Eine ole ro varatetereleNee nsalettanonesrekenatvre 126 ee es aera ete el har sie rn epee ener se chee che eres 127 IRIE GovoaspausooudeoooenugoagcmuduacHo noe dudddo dogo dons codDadoNG 128 TAN COS re see hos ois «mia teteie alny ole e ohapsteretyys ie eketn oMaketoey staencle 128 128 My E lO pie eras eee eevee eke ole ers wrelenere osetia tei 2 ralekcnn eens tcoicnce cacrcaaaedsSerer e ieee eee ! we wer tern ccm < OMe hres retort se yy ase Reweloue vlorrsedie Pac ane 1.00 2. Paleontology of VHC Oligocene of the Chehalis Valley, by BB RaE Oe, E. HH. Wan Winkle. Pp. 6959%- DAMWATY. LODE qeeniese winiisie > mmm miers, ot ese eer Die 50 3. Fauna keri the Maen of Washington, eee Charles E. ya yt eae Kath- erine Van Winkle Palmer. Pp. 1-56. Jume, 1922....0+,eccrscecturenss 50 4. Foraminifera from the Hocene of Cowlitz Biuee Lewis “County, Washing- ton, by G. Dallas Hanna and Marcus A. Hanna. Pp. 57-64. October, 1924. .50 Vol. 2. The Geolony of the San Juan Islands, by Roy Davidson Mobevent Pp. 185. map 27"x33", November, 1927....---.eeeceeees Ge OPT aks ar a aes 2.00 (Continued on inside back cover)UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON PUBLICATIONS IN ANTHROPOLOGY Vol. 2, No. 5, pp. 129-173 June, 1928 eee weir TER ANALYSIS OF THE Fits! SALMON CEREMONY by ERNA GUNTHER Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy under the Faculty of Philosophy, Columbia University, New York UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON PRESS SEATTLE, WASHINGTON 1928Oe re Pet en ae eee ee ee 1| | | 9 A MW =a SE EELS ae PF THE wala: PR ye eT Ss FTE ihe al ae ad PTY eae Re Ay org ale erie aeFic. 1—The Distribution of the First Salmon, First Fruits, and Bear Ceremony in North America (Bold face figures represent the First Salmon Ceremony; circles, First Fruits; squares, Bear Cult. The distribution of the salmon is included within the boundary line. For references see pp. 159-160.)et ee eee Tat at rr hiss y i r f 4 ' & u 1 | 5 \ | rf ' be , : a } a 1 | ; } } so ees — ERSCONTENTS Page A Further Analysis of the First Salmon Ceremony.............2..00.. 135 Hr Additionseand Corrections: ...,..0.0062. soos bee ee 137 HM: Relationsto: the Ceremonial Pattern. . +. -4+...........5 139 Viv ewuhe Dittusion of the Ceremony: 7.......-¢0... ee 146 IV. The Attitude Toward the Salmon as Expressed in Beliefs and MWADOOS A othe ch ade cc eae oe eee 150 V. Relation to other First Fruits Ceremonies and the Bear Cult.... 156 Distribution of First Salmon, Bear, and First Fruit Rites with 1. The Distribution of the First Salmon, First Fruits, and Bear Ceremony eterences) to SOUrce. . Ge vas Gea eae fee eee 159 VEIT The Relation of the Ceremony to Mythology.s............... 161 WADI SUMMar ye: Site8 Gills alrk creck cea nd aicks «arlene He ee eee 166 | Bipliperpliy, 2, 4,0, wee a ee 168 | BNO GER co ic Se VIS Ssiols Gece EES Le bjacle @ ornicle wis torechy 2 ie teeeetoe Saas Teer 171 | Additional Description of a Wishram First Salmon Ceremony........ 171 : Bella, Coala Attitude toward’ Salmon...: 22:7...) 1... 50s a ree 171 . Bella; Coola Vaboos. : cae o5 ok oe + se sls a eres s cee es ee eee 171 Bella Coola Attitude toward: [wins... 2. soso. 3. at te se ee 171 Kewakinty @lachan. WRitey (ice 0.) yh «sec sige he ee ee eee ee 172 | Wita, of bina Gunthers. .* 45 .cc se ct 6s soe pine ere os eee eee 173 Bibliography 235 3. esos ce sete oes « 0 oe cece ania Ware et ay ie eae 173 TABLES I. Ritualization of Normal Handling of Salmon................. Facing 147 II. Distribution of Salmon Myths.............eee seers cree sccseceeees 164 . | Text FIGURE | int North Americans sinks cao co chaes rede Sie oe wuclore chars eres ciel acr arena t } | i ; , | i: | i} ‘ ; } | : 1} i SEER ae ee Rees By aatiA FURTHER ANALYSIS OF THE FIRST SALMON CEREMONY A recent paper’ gave briefly the distribution of this ceremony and indicated its significance in the ceremonial life of the tribes which participate in it. It became clear after the paper was finished that it touched on many points which are worth further investigation. It is the purpose now to discuss especially the integration of the ceremony with the ritual life of the people who practice it, and the relation of this ceremony and the attitude which fosters it, to similar rituals current in the same area, especially, the first fruits ceremonies and the bear cult. The salmon ceremony is performed by a large group of tribes on the North Pacific Coast and as far inland as the salmon runs. The area covered by the ceremony is not entirely coextensive with the territory in which salmon is caught. None of the tribes who catch the salmon practice agriculture, but depend largely on fish. The fish is eaten fresh during the season and also dried for winter use. The salmon runs occur from early spring through the summer, varying according to locality; for instance, in the Yukon River the dog salmon runs in July; in the Klamath River the salmon comes upstream in large numbers in spring and fall, but there is so much water in the river that some variety of salmon can always be taken. This is true of many streams in this area but the winter salmon usually is of poor quality so that, even if the coming of the new run does not save the people from actual starvation, it gives a welcome fresh food supply. In most streams this spring salmon run comes in prodigious numbers, and is awaited with great eagerness. It presents an occasion for expressing the attitude of veneration which is held throughout the area toward the salmon. When the first salmon comes upstream, each group, according to its cere- monial pattern, celebrates the first catch by ritualizing each step in handling the salmon from the catching to the eating. This ritual is simple or elaborate according to the tendency of the group. One of the major problems in analyz- ing this ceremony is its relation to the ceremonial pattern of each group that has adopted it. Another problem involved is the diffusion of this ceremony. Its spread, as was stated before, is not coextensive with the salmon fishing area. Some of the gaps are probably due to lack of ethnographic knowledge, but there are other groups for which definite negative evidence is given. Why is this cere- mony adopted by some groups and disregarded by others? Beyond the general diffusion of the ceremony, there is a more minute problem, namely: how many specific features of the ceremony are common to a number of tribes? The salmon ceremony is based on a veneration for the salmon which is present even among groups where it has not been crystallized into a set of ie : 1 Gunther, Erna. Analysis of the First Salmon Ceremony (AA, nis., 28, 1926, 605-617). (135)ore ern tt mex a

Boas, BBAE 26:45-49.neramagosvara ad Sate eet Beda azriesrese | oS ee eee So peer ea or Lee TATRA TESERT ail i: TE RTE dA SALINE in SEE SHE oP Daca TNE DEITIES TIO Ae abe Te. SEE 138 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [Vol. 2 perhaps legitimate to claim that the Kathlamet as well as the other Chinook had a first salmon ceremony. In the northern part of the salmon area there are two additions to be recorded. On inquiry, Father Morice states that the Carrier, when the first almon is caught, proclaim the news in a sort of chant which is taken up by all who hear it. He adds that since the coming of the salmon is of great im- portance to fhese Indians, there may have been more ceremony before their culture disintegrated. On the basis of this slender evidence it is perhaps wiser o include the Carrier rather than to omit them, for even singing gives a cere- monial greeting to the salmon and from a tribe as simple in all their habits as the Carrier, one can scarcely expect more. It has always seemed strange that the Haida and ‘Tlingit, who have a rich ceremonial life, an abundance of salmon and the Salmon Boy myth which shows the reverential attitude toward the fish, should not have the ceremony. There is only one slight clue among the Haida that points to a deviation from the regular fishing routine. ‘When the first salmon were brought in, (from the fishing grounds to the village) it was customary to allow anyone to go down and take one.”” It is customary in many tribes, especially for hunters both of sea and land animals, to give freely of their bag. Whether the Haida custom is related to this or whether it is an attenuated form of salmon cere- mony is not clear. For the purpose of this paper it will be arbitrarily classed as the latter. Mr. Marius Barbeau states that he does not believe that the salmon ceremonies are as important among the northern tribes as they are further south.2 ‘This will perhaps explain the absence of the ceremony from such groups as the Kaska and Tahltan. On the map accompanying the earlier paper there are several errors. The Makah are credited with a salmon ceremony which they do not have and the Pra . Tolowa who have a salmon dance like that of the Karok were unmarked. ® Morice, letter. i Swanton, Mem. AMNH 8:69. ® Barbeau, letter, November 4, 1927.Il. RELATION TO THE CEREMONIAL PATTERN Ceremonies, like all other cultural traits, whether they are borrowed or developed within the group, are adjusted to the pattern evolved by the group for that kind of activity. This is true of the salmon ceremony. ‘The relation of this ceremony to the local ceremonial pattern will be shown by analyzing the situation among several tribes, chosen for the divergence of the rite among them. It is frequently found that a tribal group has more than one cycle of rituals. The Tsimshian, for example, have an elaborate ceremonial life with the potlatch and secret societies as a nucleus and the acquisition of social prestige as a goal. But scattered through the year, independent of these important rituals, are a series of minor ceremonies, connected with every incident of life. The salmon ceremony is one of these. Being outside of the great ritual cycle does not, however, relegate this ceremony to a position of unimportance. Quite the contrary: the reason for the ceremony is to welcome the salmon, which is one of their principal foods, and therefore very important economically. All the shamans of the village assist in the performance. Although there are two cycles of ceremonies current among the Tsimshian, the ritual pattern, the ceremonial paraphernalia and the acts which are con- sidered ceremonial in character are largely the same. A careful analysis of the first salmon ceremony, as described by Boas from the mythology, will show that every step is derived from the regular ceremonial procedure of the tribe. “When the first salmon has been caught, four old shamans are called to the fisherman’s platform. ‘They bring along a new cedar bark mat, bird’s down, red ochre, and other paraphernalia belonging to a shaman.’’® ‘There are four shamans because four is the ceremonial number of the Tsimshian. The shaman is present because he is the normal ceremonial leader. The use of a new mat may be traced to two customs: in the first fruits ceremonies of the Lillooet as well as their salmon ceremony new utensils are used; and further- more, ‘I'simshian custom dictates that “when a visitor is led into a house, a good new mat is spread for him.”?° “They spread the cedar-bark mat on the platform, and the shaman fisher- man puts on his attire, holding the rattle in his right hand, the eagle tail in his left.’ In some accounts it is definitely stated that the shaman changes clothing with the fisherman. This change of clothing might be interpreted as an attempt to make the shaman and fisherman seem one. ‘The eagle tail in the left hand and the rattle in the right is a typical position for a shaman at work. “The shamans take up the mat at its four corners and carry up the salmon (in the same way as a guest is welcomed) ; the fisherman shaman going ahead of them, shaking his rattle and swinging his eagle tail.’ A person who is the 9 Boas, RBAE 31:450. All subsequent quotations for this ceremony are from the same source. 10 Boas, RBAE 31:437. (139)Ceaerae eee Cote ateggeeshedre sag esreseem ket Ses Sege rset ot «aie 140 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [Vol. 2 object of ceremony is carried in a blanket, the four corners held by four men. A bride is carried on an elkskin blanket to the house of the groom’s father. Four men hold the corners of the blanket.11 Also a bridegroom and his com- panions are carried into the bride’s house when he comes to marry heia- “The salmon is carried to the chief’s house; and all the young people who are considered unclean are ordered to leave the house, while all the old people enter in front of the procession.” It is appropriate that the ceremony should be conducted in the chief’s house for all honored guests are received there. The taboo against young people is not derived from the ceremonial pattern but from the general attitude toward the salmon. Menstruating women, pregnant women, or those who have just given birth to children must not eat salmon or handle it. Only old women may work on salmon nets. “All the shamans in the village dress up and come in, following the salmon.” It is customary for the Tsimshian shamans to work in close coopera- tion. For instance: ‘When a person is sick, then the wife or the husband of the sick one will offer much property to the male shaman to treat the patient. ‘Then the male shaman assembles all his shaman friends, sometimes ten or eighteen . . . .”28 This cooperation among shamans is a peculiarly local trait, evidently not occurring among the Haida and Tlingit where the shaman is a solitary person, much feared by the laity. Again the Puget Sound shaman works independently except in such dramatic shamanistic perform- ances as the Sbrtetda’q or soul hunting expedition. There as many shamans work together as the person sponsoring the performance can afford to engage, but they are independent. ‘The reason for the many shamans in this instance is to display wealth, since one man can perform, as he does among the Klallam, just as well as the many. “Inside [the house], the salmon is placed on a large cedar board, and the shamans march around it four times. Meanwhile the singers sit down in their proper places around the house, and the fisherman shaman calls two old women shamans to cut the salmon.” Four, the ceremonial number appears again. ‘The singers take the position they always occupy during rituals. The fact that the shaman calls two women shamans to cut the fish is borrowed directly from shamanistic procedure. Where a shaman attends a sick person his helper is always a female shaman. “They take up their mussel-shell knives, while all the people keep quiet. They call the salmon by its honorary names—Chief Spring Salmon, Quartz Nose, Two Gills on Back, Lightning Following One Another, and Three Jumps.” Honorific names are of great importance and significance. That the salmon should be addressed in this way while being cut up, shows very clearly that the ceremony is partly one of propitiation. ‘The use of honorific names is important in a culture where names are high social privileges. ‘The Bella Coola call the salmon by an archaic word for “salmon,” a custom which 11 Boas, RBAE 31:533. 12 Boas, RBAE 31:531. 18 Boas, RBAE 31:558.1928] Gunther, A Further Analysis of the First Salmon Ceremony 141 may be regarded as equivalent to this Tsimshian custom. Cutting the fish with musselshell knives lifts the act out of the daily routine, by using an im- plement which has been supplanted. ‘This falls into a class with the use of the archaic word. Throughout this ceremony the normal procedure in handling the salmon has been ritualized according to the ceremonial pattern of the T'simshian. It has not been fitted into any one ceremonial pattern, but each ritual action has been drawn from the ceremonial behavior of the group. The ceremony be- longs outside the important social rituals as do all the other first fruits cere- monies, but of this series the salmon ritual is the most elaborate, and probably i of greatest significance to the group. 1 oda Among the Bella Coola the salmon ceremony is found in a similar situ- ia ation. The Bella Coola are a Salish group, who after coming to the coast, adopted with avidity all the Kwakiutl ceremonial organization which they found around them. But the salmon ceremony, again, does not belong to this group of rituals. It may possibly be that they brought the ceremony with them, for there is not an act in the ritual which could not belong to the ceremonial com- : plex of an Interior Salish group. : The Kwakiutl have several salmon rituals, each for a specific variety of salmon. This is a thoroughly Kwakiutl characteristic, for their life is excep- tionally full of ritual acts. Here again, the salmon ceremony belongs to the minor rituals. It is not conducted by shamans as among the ‘T'simshian, but by the fisherman and his wife who have the appropriate family prayers. ‘The procedure is as follows: When the first dog salmon of the season is caught, the wife of the fisher- man goes to meet him and prays to the salmon, “O Supernatural ones, O | Swimmers, I thank you that you are willing to come to us. Don’t let your | coming be bad, for you come to be food for us. Therefore I beg you to pro- tect me and the one who takes mercy on me, that we may not die without cause, Swimmers” The woman replies, “Yes,” to herself. They go up the bank. When they finish cutting a speared salmon the woman gathers the refuse in a basket and pours it in the water at the mouth of a river, for various kinds of salmon come to life when the intestines are thrown in the water. The anal fin of a speared salmon must always be broken off at the intestines but when a salmon is caught with the hook, it is cut off lest the fisherman’s line break. ‘Those who clean salmon must be very careful about this.74 ; When the first four silver salmon have been caught by trolling, the wife of the fisherman meets him on the beach. She prays to the silver salmon and picking up the four with her finger, puts them on the beach in front of their house. She cuts the salmon with a fish knife so that the head and tail are ; left on the back bone. She sets up roasting tongs on the beach and puts the salmon on them so the eyes project on the tongs. After the refuse has been 14 Boas, RBAE 35:609-610.ete tr re eee eet ates Peete pe BE SO ETE AO AE SR Se neEcse ED GEE AEC Ce aE. | 142 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [ Vol. 2 thrown in the sea, the tongs with the eyes are taken to the fire in the house. As soon as they are blackened the fisherman calls his sept (numaym) to eat the roasted eyes for if they are kept in the house overnight the silver salmon would disappear from the sea. The guests sit in the rear of the fire. The housewife spreads new food mats and places the tongs with eyes before the guests. ‘The person of highest rank prays to the food and after they have eaten, they drink water. They are careful not to wash their hands afterwards. The bones and pieces of skin are folded up in the food mat and thrown in the sea. The guests leave after eating.*® These are exceedingly simple, dignified rituals. Every significant act in the daily life of the Kwakiutl has a prayer connected with it. For instance, when a canoe-builder has almost felled the tree he is going to use he takes four chips of wood and throwing one behind the foot of the tree, he says, “Q supernatural one! Now follow your supernatural power!” Throwing an- other, he says, “O friend! Now you see your leader, who says that you shall turn your head and fall there also.” He throws a third chip and says, “O life-giver! Now you have seen which way your supernatural power went. Now go the same way.” He throws the last one saying, “O friend, now you will go where your heartwood goes. You will lie on your face at the same place.” After he says this he answers himself, saying, “Yes, I shall fall with my top there.’’*® When a woman cuts the roots of a young cedar tree she prays, “Look at me, friend! I come to ask for your dress, for you have come to take pity on us; for there is nothing for which you can not be used, because it is your way that there is nothing for which we cannot use you, for you are really willing to give us your dress. I come to beg you for this, long life-maker, for I am going to make a basket for lily roots out of you. I pray, friend, not to feel angry with me on account of what I am going to do to you, and I beg you, friend, to tell your friends about what I ask of you. Take care, friend! Keep sickness away from me, so that I may not be killed by sickness or in war, O friend!’’!” ‘ The fisherman catches four silver salmon and the canoe-builder throws four chips behind the tree because the Kwakiutl, like the Tsimshian, have four as their ritual number. ‘There is a very definite formula to these prayers. The animal or plant prayed to is called, “Friend, Supernatural One.” It is thanked for giving of its substance. It is asked to keep illness and death from the devotee. The canoe-builder answers his prayer as does the wife of the salmon fisherman. The ceremonial unit for rituals not controlled through the secret society, is the sept (numaym). ‘The members of the fisherman’s sept are called for the salmon ceremony. For larger feasts, members of the host’s sept go as 15 Boas, RBAE 35:611-612. 16 Boas, RBAE 35:618. 17 Boas, RBAE 35:617.1928] Gunther, A Further Analysis of the First Salmon Ceremony 143 messengers to invite the guests. Minor feasts are prepared by the host and his wife. At the huckleberry feast the host’s wife serves the guests who de- part as soon as they have finished eating.‘* Guests are always seated behind the fire in order of rank. Finally, disposing of the refuse is one of the most widespread regulations regarding the salmon, based on the concept of their immortality. Both the Tsimshian and the Kwakiutl have adopted the salmon ceremony into their set of minor rituals. This ceremony is one of the few performed by the Kwakiutl which does not add to the social prestige of the person giv- ing it, but is for the good of the tribe. With the Tsimshian the salmon cere- mony falls in a class with their first fruits rituals. These ceremonies being out- side the great ceremonial cycle of these groups, they have taken on all the characteristics of their exoteric rituals. The situation in Northwestern California is the reverse. It happens that among the Yurok the greatest salmon run comes in the fall, at the height of the ceremonial season. Here the salmon ceremony has been incorporated into the esoteric rituals of these groups and integrated most thoroughly with the ritual pattern of the group. Kroeber has summarized very neatly the purpose of ceremonialism among the Yurok: The major ceremonies of the Yurok reveal the following qualities: 1. The motive is to renew or maintain the established world. This purpose in- cluded bountiful wild crops, abundance of salmon, and the prevention of famine, earth- quakes and flood. To a greater or less extent, the expression of these objects takes on the character of a new year’s rite. This is particularly plain in the first salmon ceremony at Wetlkwan and the fish dam building at Kelpel. 2. The esoteric portion of the ceremony is the recitation of a long formula, nar- rating, mostly in dialogue, the establishment of the ceremony by the spirits of prehuman race and its immediate beneficial effects. This formula is spoken in sections before various rocks or spots that mark the abode of these spirits. The reciter is an old man, usually accompanied by an assistant; any prescribed symbolic acts are performed by them alone. 3. After the recitation of the formula or the major portion, a dance begins, and goes on every afternoon, or morning and afternoon for five, ten or more days. 4, The localization of these ceremonies is extreme. The formulas abound in place names. They are spoken at a series of places in and about the village which are exactly prescribed.19 The building of the salmon dam at Kelpel can be fitted exactly into Kroeber’s characterization of the ceremonies at large. The formulist who is in charge of the ceremony fasts for a few days preceding the ceremony and visits sacred places. In the actual building of the dam a larger number of villagers participate than in other ceremonials where there is no material ob- ject to be accomplished. ‘The labor of sixty men is required for ten days. 18 Boas, RBAE 35:754. 19 Kroeber, BBAE 78 :53-54.tee oercee-pec> eee + rRSAt i wsrasen= | herr an ee PoE rete reeae ne ot CPOE in AG agPOE THREE 144 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [Vol. 2 The materials are secured at certain places and in specified ways, sanctity be- ing attached to every action. In spite of the ceremonial character of the oc- casion there is merrymaking throughout, reaching its climax on the last day ‘wearing a beard and impersonating a Karok when the formulist’s assistant who has eloped with another man’s wife, pretends to be fleeing vengeance and allows his canoe to be capsized in midstream. He swims to Kelpel, crouches, and the mass of men, armed with long poles, clash them together over his head and lay them on his back until he is covered from sight.” Before the dam is finished an imitation deer dance is held and the day the work is really completed the real dance is made. A few days later the people gather again and for twelve to sixteen days there is dancing.” In every feature this corresponds to the ritual pattern of the group. The same is true of the Karok and Hupa ceremonies. The ritual pattern resem- bles that of the Yurok to a great extent and the salmon ceremony has been thoroughly assimilated into that pattern. The ceremony in all three groups has been taken out of the hands of the people at large and carried out by a special group versed in the esoteric knowledge the ritual requires. Such a body of esoteric knowledge is built up here about all the rituals and clearly has developed by the efforts of this priestly class. On the other hand, the neighbors of the Karok, the Shasta, had no com- munity dances and very little ceremonial life. They knew the ceremonies of the people on the lower Klamath and believed that the Yurok at the mouth put medicine on the first salmon to bring the fish up the river, so they let it pass unmolested. After the first fish had passed, some were caught and hung up to dry. No salmon could be caught until this fish had been dried and a portion eaten by all who fished at that particular station. It is interesting that these people are so poor ceremonially that they have to depend on another group for their “medicine.” They knew the elaborate dances of the Karok and Yurok but made no attempt at imitation.** The concept of dancing for the good of the community or for world rejuvenation does not exist with them. Since there is nothing in their mythology that links up with the ceremony, we have here an instance of the diffusion of the ceremony to wholly unreceptive ground. These instances of the salmon ceremonies will serve to show the extent to which these rites have been assimilated into the culture of the groups that practice them. Where there is a full ceremonial life, the ceremony partakes of this ritualistic wealth, whereas in simpler cultures it remains but a pause in the everyday routine. On the northwest coast where the ceremonial life clusters about the potlatch and the secret society rituals, the salmon ceremony, although following the local form of ritual, remains a thing apart. It is not a step in the all-important pursuit of wealth and social prestige. Quite to the con- ~ 20 Tbid, 58 :60. 21 Kroeber, BBAE 78 :304,1928] Gunther, A Further Analysis of the First Salmon Ceremony 145 trary, it is one of the few rites performed for the good of the whole group, to the social enhancement of no single individual. It might therefore be pos- sible that this ceremony, together with the other first fruits ceremonies in the area, belongs to an older stratum of ceremonial life which existed before the elaborate superstructure of social rank and secret society organization de- veloped. This supposition is also borne out by the fact that the salmon cere- mony and first fruits rituals are quite uniformly among the people marginal to the Northwest Coast proper, especially in the Salish groups. In Northwestern California the ceremony has been completely assimilated into the ritual life of the groups, even having a definite place in the ceremonial calendar. It has been endowed with a set of esoteric formulae and needs a formulist to repeat these to perform the ceremony. Of recent years the only person who knows the formula has refused on account of personal sorrow to repeat it, so it has been impossible for the Yurok to build the salmon dam and have the ritual. With her death even the possibility of having the cere- mony will probably also disappear.eerteeree ee none Sr ceesnesieeiiesigetieienesninataibeeseeemnianataial eg Ill. THE DIFFUSION OF THE CEREMONY The salmon ceremony is not co-extensive with the salmon area, but in that part of the area where it is found, the distribution is almost continuous. The greatest discrepancy is found in the north where the fish runs in rivers north to the Yukon, while the Tsimshian on the Skeena and Nass Rivers are the most northerly to have the ceremony. The ritual also is not found as far in- land as the salmon run. The Thompson and Shuswap on the eastern margin of the area of the ceremony depend largely on salmon, but do not celebrate its arrival. Farther south, the eastern outpost of the ceremony is among the Lemhi Shoshoni and the Paviotso of Pyramid Lake. Among the latter, in- cidentally, the run is that of whitefish or salmon trout in place of the true salmon. ‘To the south there is nothing known of the treatment of the fish be- yond the Northern Maidu. Roughly the distribution of the salmon is from Monterey Bay to Bering Strait, although a few are taken in the Salinas River, the most southerly stream of any size to flow into the Pacific. The salmon ceremony is therefore known from the Tsimshian on the north to the Northern Maidu on the south and as far inland as the Paviotso of Pyramid Lake. Since the ceremony is not co-extensive with the salmon area, it cannot be held that it is in spontaneous reaction to the salmon. Throughout this area economic life varies but little, and salmon is an equally important item of food almost everywhere. In other features of culture the groups performing this ceremony differ more widely, but rather in the degree of integration of the culture, than in fundamental structure. In the northernmost part of the area, along the coast, an elaborate social and ceremonial structure is built about the potlatch and social ranking. Marginal traces of these are found southward to the Columbia River. Northwestern California also has an elaborate ceremonial life, a social life based on wealth and the display of wealth. Beyond this point comes a real change. The Northern Maidu are typically central Cali- fornian, while such outposts as the Lemhi Shoshoni and the Paviotso have a Great Basin culture founded on entirely different principles. In view of the wide variations in ceremonial life, one would not expect to find this ceremony repeatedly developed in the several areas, and developed on precisely the same lines. ‘This together with continuous distribution of the ceremony can point to only one explanation of its presence, namely through diffusion. The distribution is not absolutely continuous but doubtless some gaps are due to lack of ethnographic knowledge,?* while others occur in groups whose meagre ceremonial life would not point to the inclusion of the ritual. ‘There are, however, enough contiguous groups to show that the ceremony spread over the area where it is now found. 22°N11 * i ee, vt judgments made here are on the basis of the scanty information available and ig ave to be altered materially if more data were obtained. (146)1928] Gunther, A Further Analysis of the First Salmon Ceremony 147 It was shown above that in every group where the ceremony was found it had been completely assimilated into the ritual pattern of the tribe. Then nshing stations and . ting. During the ceremonial period he catches the first t salmon. The Northern Maidu shaman catches the first salmon and no one : is allowed to catch any fish until he is successful. He then cooks the fish ' where it was caught and gives a piece to each person there. ts It would be difficult to prove that these similarities are due to diffusion.Bir The salmon ceremony is a co- oo with the Imon - nartt nf! tha nen. soca ee 4 ie ‘ea ie i v be a is (ie [University of Washington Publications «. ) x , vn i Vol. 2, 1928, facing p. 147] * "Aneta TABLE I. RITUALIZATION OF NORMAL HANDLING OF SALMON a OF i A oE ‘ 4 ‘ Aas i a 5 anna dos Se a ee a aa # eee ee a) el een ae a bom | Be ee iy FA 7 a Te Z a RY oa oe ifs; #] OS 8 a a es = S = 4 e | 3S es S| e)/etlS1e/e)] 8/818 | 81 8 lstel 4} 2/818 1512) 2/1212) 8) 2) oe a)2/a13)2!|6)|8| 813) 8/18 sei 2] ale] | 2138) 38)|2)8) 8) 8 a8 a a) foo i oO TR i 4, wn oA ba, = a) oO M L A, a o ey < es 3 2 e = 3 ? Caught by specified person........ — |—}]—}—-| — pel aM rg ee ce De) ae ct A +|4.) t a Carried in specified manner........ Siete te pear ae be me ae he Pe eR lam lem A eae ee eee ae | (utiby speciied person. ui i i. | Te eb re pe Pe Pe be le ele Rl el ml ae le a) ee _ 1a e Cut rigavmanner.... pei: Te Pe pm me a ae a pepe ele at at Et ae a ee a a Cooked in ritual manner .}) 030050, re aR eR a A +|—| * Haten by: All present... (aa, : — |---| - +) tem} epee et em eI em am RK eI a) |) a ee ee eee + ae Be Old men... Ass TP ee ee pm pm lor pm Lm ae ea eel al A ee ee eee ie a Cildren:.. an es eee ha Pe mp ee pm pam) aR le a le) ae ea aaa i) 4 Ceremonial leader...... TR Pee pe ep me ed ee ae OL a a a Ol Ol eee Pe AI ae De re re VG a iy ae I bate Loree ete MD Ge a ee ee ~ jp |) B Preveraercited. 60... .. Ao oe, — | Pm pete Pepe Pep Ot am tp em te eRe 1 ee ae ae ee 4 Bones thrown in water..j......... — Peo ttt a he md a em te ee BD) ae lite A nee a 5 Vo ps ; a ‘ Bones thrown into fire. * First catch may be taken by anyone. ’ By all except host. 4 2 Formulae recited. 5 Heart burned. * Features belonging to Dungeness Klallam, 3 3 Dream recited. 6 Chanted when first salmon was caught. others to Beecher Bay Klallam. a i y TT a eS CU Se Un po tu oe Te , | the area where it is now found. ee) an All judgments made here area nn +tha Wacie AL £6.02. op ae1928] Gunther, A Further Analysis of the First Salmon Ceremony 147 It was shown above that in every group where the ceremony was found it had been completely assimilated into the ritual pattern of the tribe. Then how much was diffused? Regardless of what ritual elaboration there has been, one feature is constant everywhere: what has been elaborated is the normal handling of the salmon. The fish is caught, carried ashore, cut, cooked and eaten normally. Every group, performing the ceremony, has taken sev- eral of these features and ritualized them according to its ceremonial pattern. The accompanying table uses as headings the normal handling of the salmon and shows the number of groups that have elaborated each step. This tabulation shows clearly a surprising amount of divergence. If the details of the ceremony are considered this divergence becomes even greater. Comparing the ceremonies of two neighboring and culturally related tribes will show this. Both the Kwakiutl and Bella Coola do not detail any specified person to catch the first salmon, but once it is taken, it is carried ashore cere- monially. The Bella Coola keep the salmon under water until a mat is spread on skunk cabbage leaves to receive the fish. It may not touch the ground. The Kwakiutl fisherman’s wife meets him on the beach and receives the salmon, she being the one who officiates at the cleaning and cooking of the fish. ‘The Bella Coola do not delegate the cutting of the fish to any particular person, nor is the fish cut in a ritual manner. ‘The Kwakiutl woman cuts the fish with a special knife and follows exact directions. ‘The Kwakiutl set the sal- mon on roasting tongs so the eyes project on the tongs while the Bella Coola roast the fish in the usual manner. No statement is made about the eating of the fish in the Bella Coola ceremony, but for the Kwakiutl we know that the sept of the fisherman is invited. These differences in the details of the ceremony are due to the fact that the handling of the fish has been ritualized in each group according to its own ceremonial pattern. This is also borne out in the discussion earlier in the paper of the relation of the ceremony to the ritual of each group. In the development of this ceremony it is inevitable that there should be some details which coincide. It is difficult to decide whether these likenesses are due to local diffusion or whether they agree because of the ritualization of a common procedure based on common ceremonial habits. There are some instances of both processes. Among the Lillooet, the salmon weir poles are decorated and a boy is sent out to pray at the fishing stations just before the salmon run is expected. Then when the fish appear the shaman in charge of the ceremony sends a man out to take the first fish. In Northwestern California the formulist who is in charge of the ceremony spends a number of days before the ritual praying’ at fishing stations and fasting. During the ceremonial period he catches the first salmon. ‘The Northern Maidu shaman catches the first salmon and no one is allowed to catch any fish until he is successful. He then cooks the fish where it was caught and gives a piece to each person there. oy It would be difficult to prove that these similarities are due to diffusion. 2S ESSERee ee EN AN Sone eer oo == - oe sare ere Ser alae eee 148 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [Vol. 2 Beyond these preparatory rites there is no further agreement between the Lil- looet and the Northwestern Californian ceremonies, or between either of these and the Northern Maidu. Rather these likenesses are due to common ritual habits. In the cutting of the fish there are a number of more exact correspond- ences. The T'simshian specify that the tail must not be broken off, but cut with a mussel shell knife. ‘She Kwakiutl woman breaks off the tail of a speared salmon, but cuts off that of one caught on the hook. The Cowichan cut off the tail also. Since all these people believe in the immortality of the salmon, this regulation against breaking off the tail may be a desire to prevent the splintering of the bone and thus losing some of the bones. In such an event, the salmon, according to their belief, would not fully revive. The Nisqualli and Chinook, on the other hand, require that the fish be cut lengthwise and not transversely. These two groups have very simple salmon ceremonies which are almost identical, so it is likely that these features are due to diffusion. In the northern group the ceremonies do not resemble one another to a great extent, yet the appearance of such definite details as these specifications as to the cutting of the fish, in tribes as close together as the Kwakiutl, Nootka and Cowichan would also point to the diffusion of these particular elements. The ceremonial eating of the salmon is one feature that occurs in every form of the salmon rite. The particular group which partakes of it, however, varies greatly. In tribes where the ritual is performed by a shaman, a chief, or some other ceremonial leader, he either eats the first salmon himself or ap- portions it to those who may eat it. In Northwestern California, the Karok, Hupa or Yurok formulist together with his assistant eats the salmon. ‘The Chinook and Nisqualli shamans eat the first fish. In both these groups the correspondence of these features may be due either to a local diffusion or to the similarity of ritual pattern. As was said before the Chinook-Nisqualli instance is probably one of the few cases where it seems feasible to assume that there has been actual diffusion of the ceremony. There is another significant feature in the selection of those who may eat the first salmon. Only those who are ceremonially pure are allowed to par- take of it, for the inclusion of others would offend the salmon and stop the run. ‘Those excluded are generally persons who have recently had contact with death, parents of recently born children, menstruating women, and ado- lescents. Sometimes these are automatically excluded by allowing only chil- dren, as with the Songish, or very old people, as with the Wishram, to eat the fish. Even where theoretically the whole tribe eats the salmon, these groups are generally barred. ‘This exclusion of the ceremonially impure is probably not due to diffusion but is based on the common belief that these people will offend the salmon, a taboo to be discussed more thoroughly later in this paper. There are a few minor similarities that are not inherent in the normal treatment of the salmon. ‘The Bella Coola wind red cedar bark about a stick1928] Gunther, A Further Analysis of the First Salmon Ceremony 149 to which the line of the first salmon is attached. The Lower Lillooet decorate the weir poles with feathers. These two groups although not contiguous, are close enough to make it possible that this arbitrary act spread from one to the other. Both these tribes take great care that the first salmon does not touch the ground. The Songish and Cowichan carry the fish in the out- stretched arms so their hands do not touch it, and the Tsimshian carry the fish on a mat. These also are arbitrary acts which have probably been transmitted. On the whole, those cases are resolved as indicating diffusion, first, where the tribes sharing the custom are contiguous, and second, where the act is arbitrary and not inherent, in the special form, to handling the fish. It seems, however, that the greater part of the resemblances are due to the fact that these acts are the ceremonial stock in trade of the whole area. ‘These acts have, therefore, not been diffused as part of the salmon ceremony, but in general, there was transmitted the attitude of reverence toward the salmon and the idea of ritualizing the handling of the first salmon. Hence we are dealing here with the diffusion of a sentiment and a tend- ency toward ritualization, with later elaboration along the lines suggested by the ceremonial patterns of the groups, which are themselves largely common property in general nature, although they differ in details.Tree A eet ae oe oe ied paeibag? hae are et TS amar oe Spe TR at eT REST eae a CO MSY i Sesion eS a se IV. THE ATTITUDE TOWARD THE SALMON AS EXPRESSED IN BELIEFS AND TABOOS The motive underlying the salmon ceremony belongs to a group of wide- spread beliefs attributing a conscious spirit to food plants and animals. There- fore, before it is safe to eat either the plant or animal this spirit must be propi- tiated by a ceremony or an offering. With agricultural people this gives rise to harvest festivals; with food gatherers, hunters and fisherman the first gathering or catch of the season is the occasion for ceremony. Since the plant or animal is endowed with a conscious spirit, it can either present itself in abundance or not appear at all. Hence a second motivation for ceremony: an appeal for abundance. Coupled with that, especially in hunt- ing and fishing, is the petition for luck. It will be shown later that the salmon ceremony as practiced on the North Pacific Coast is related to the sporadic first fruits ceremonies found in North America. In this area the general attitude toward salmon is developed in a specific manner.2** Throughout, there exists the feeling that the salmon is a person, living a life very similar to that of the people who catch him. The salmon have a chief who leads them up the streams during the run. In per- forming the ceremony over the one actually caught first, they believe that they are honoring the chief of the salmon. The Tsimshian concept illustrates this point very well. They believe the earth to be flat and surrounded by an ocean, beyond which there are several countries, one being that of the spring salmon. The cottonwood leaves which have fallen into the river are “salmon” for these salmon people. In the spring they send out scouts to see if the leaves have fallen or ‘Gf the salmon are in the river.” As soon as the salmon scouts find them, the salmon people start on their journey to the Skeena River. On their way the spring salmon, who are regarded as the leaders, tell the other varieties when they are to start out.”* This conception is carried out in the belief that a Tsimshian shaman can see what is going on in the village of the spring salmon and when he sees them starting up the Skeena River, he knows they will arrive eight days after the breaking of the ice. Being able to see into the salmon world is a very im- portant function of the Tsimshian shaman.” The Cowichan of the Fraser River Delta believe that the salmon country is toward the sunset. ‘Their chief sees that the rules regarding the salmon are obeyed.”® Linked with this idea is the concept of the immortality of food plants and animals. ‘Therefore, if the bones and refuse are properly disposed of, the ani- 22a See appendix. 23 RBAE 31 :454. 24 Boas, RBAE 31:474. 25 Boas, BAAS 1894 :463. (150)1928] Gunther, A Further Analysis of the First Salmon Ceremony 151 mal will revive and return another season. This idea is spread far beyond the salmon area and also applied to other animals. ‘The salmon bones and refuse are generally disposed of by throwing them into the water, where they revive and return to the salmon country, but in a few instances they are thrown into the fire. This is done by the Tsimshian and Tillamook,”® two peoples so far apart that one can scarcely claim diffusion, especially because the other prac- tice is found quite consistently between them. Very little is known of the Til- lamook, so the custom cannot be explained by relating it to similar practices in regard to other animals, but this is possible for the Tsimshian. The bones and unused parts of mountain goats are burned, for until this is done the mountain goat spirit is sick.27 Similarly porcupine bones are thrown in the fire to protect the animal from sickness.”® The tribes who throw the bones of salmon into the water are: Bella Bella, Kwakiutl, Nootka, Bella Coola, Cowichan, Songish, Lillooet.*® This group forms a compact, continuous distribution within the larger area of the salmon ceremony. Related fundamentally to the same idea is the custom of not breaking the salmon bones. This is specifically stated for the Bella Coola, Siciatl and Tsimshian, while the Chinook and Quinault take great care that the heart of the salmon shall not be eaten by a dog or otherwise mutilated.*° They either roast and eat the heart or burn it, but never throw it into the water. On the diminishing of the Chinook tribe the salmon ceremony was no longer per- formed, but the heart of the first salmon was always disposed of, for if it were mutilated the fishing would be spoiled.** Another custom may be associated with these practices, namely that the first salmon must be eaten before sun down or may not be taken home. The Kwakiutl believe that if the roasted eyes of the silver salmon are kept in the house over-night, the fish will disappear.*? The Chinook always eat the first catch before sunset.** The Klamath gave the alternative custom relative to the sucker when questioned about a salmon ceremony. At one spot on the banks of the Sprague River, the first sucker is roasted to ashes so that many will come. Those which follow cannot be taken home but must be roasted there on the 26 Boas, RBAE 31:449. Boas, UCal 20:9. 27 Boas, RBAE 31:448. 28 Boas, RBAE 31:449. 29 Bella Bella, Boas, RBAE 31 :886-887. Kwakiutl, Boas, RBAE 35 :611-612. Nootka, Boas, BAAS 1890:599. Bella Coola, Boas, Mem AMNH 2:77. Cowichan, Boas, BAAS 1894 :461. Songish, Boas, BAAS 1890:569. Lillooet, Teit, Mem AMNH 4:280-281. 80 Bella Coola, Mem AMNH 2:77. Siciatl, Hill-Tout, JAI 34:33. Tsimshian, RBAE 31 :206. Chinook, Swan, 107. : Quinault, Cobb, Pacific Salmon Fisheries, 23% 81 Swan, 107-108. 32 Boas, RBAE 35:611. 83 Franchére, 260.ere a tess rstegeagiteaye are PUL BIO PEER mat: EAS a i 5 ; 152 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [Vol. 2 bank. If they are taken home the fish will not come any longer.® The Puyallup are cautioned-to kill only as much dog salmon as they need, for the salmon will take the soul of a wasteful person. When the salmon reaches his home in the ocean the person will die.** All these taboos can be traced to the idea that the salmon is regarded as a person who allows himself to be caught and on reviving returns to his own country. In Northwestern California these concepts of personality and immortality for the salmon are also current. The first salmon said, “I will not be caught,” and he deposited his scales in the fish nets and they became salmon. The first salmon then went back to the ocean.** In their formulae repeated at the salmon ceremony, the coming of the great salmon leader from the miraculous country across the ocean, is recounted. In the salmon ceremony the fish may usually be eaten only by those who are ceremonially clean. This excludes menstruating women, those who have had recent contact with the dead, parents of recently born children, and youths who have not reached puberty. For example, the Cowichan prohibit widows, widowers, menstruating women and youths from eating at the cere- mony.*? Their neighbors, the Lillooet, do not allow an unmarried adult wom- an, a menstruating woman, orphan, widow or widower to eat of the first fish, for the run would be poor if they did.*® When the procession with the first salmon approaches the chief’s house, the Tsimshian shaman orders all young people who are unclean to leave the house.*® In many other instances it is specified that only the old men or only the children eat of the first catch, thus eliminat- ing this undesirable group. Not only is the first catch taboo to the ceremonially unclean, but at any time those who have had contact with birth, death or puberty are prohibited from eating fresh salmon. The parents of a newborn child are prohibited from eating fresh salmon among the Songish and Snanaimuq,*® while the Yurok specify that the father of the child must eat apart and touch no fresh salmon or meat for five or six days, with the same prescription of fifty days for a normal birth and sixty after a still birth, on the part of the mother.* The immediate survivors of the dead are similarly restrained from eating salmon. The Songish not only will not allow a widow or widower to eat salmon, but they must keep away from the water for fear that their presence will drive away the fish? The Lillooet claim that salmon are particularly susceptible to the influence of dead bodies, so all recently bereaved must avoid 84 Spier, notes. 85 Ballard, personal communication. 88 Kroeber, BBAF, 78:68. 87 Boas, BAAS 1894:461. 88 Teit, Mem AMNH 4:280. 89 Boas RBAE 31:450. 40 Boas, BAAS 1890:21. Boas, AA 1889 :321. 41 Kroeber, BBAE 78:45. #2 Boas, BAAS 1890 :24.1928] Gunther, A Further Analysis of the First Salmon Ceremony 153 eating the fresh fish. Elderly persons can shorten the period of taboo.** The Siciatl like the Songish do not allow the survivors of dead relatives to go near a creek in which the salmon run during the early part of the season; neither may they eat fresh fish.** The Wishram do not allow the father of a still born child or one that dies in early infancy to go near a fishing station, otherwise the run would stop. The bereaved parents may not eat salmon for five days and must go into a sweatlodge every day to purify themselves. The same taboo holds if a man’s wife dies.*® Those prohibitions against eating of fresh salmon by mourners and wom- en who have recently born children or are in the menstrual period are widely spread. In most groups the same taboo holds for fresh meat. It is almost uni- versal for the immediate relatives of the dead to fast either during the burial period or for a brief mourning period. In groups where the custom is not outright fasting there is at least a restriction of diet, this generally being the elimination of fresh meat and fish. The rationalization of these taboos is twofold. Some peoples believe that eating meat or fish at this time will cause illness ; others maintain that the animal or fish will be offended at being brought in contact with death. With the salmon, it would seem to be the second of these reasons which underlies the taboos. In almost every instance the reason given for prohibiting mourners from eating fresh salmon is that the fish will be offended and cease to run in that locality. These taboos connected with mourning are found consistently throughout the salmon area and beyond. Pos- sibly the puberty and menstrual customs are the most widespread. In the salmon area the person who is ceremonially unclean not only does not eat salmon, but may not approach the waters where the salmon run, with the same idea that their presence would offend the fish so that they would no longer come. A Bella Coola or Tsimshian girl at puberty may not eat fresh salmon or go near the sea or the rivers for one year.*® Among the Klamath where the salmon taboos are transferred to the sucker, a girl at puberty and during menstrual periods may not eat fresh fish or meat, because if she did she would get “consumption” and die. ‘This instance and that of the Northern Shoshoni, both on the very margin of the salmon area, are the only ones listed where the person transgressing the taboo may be injured, elsewhere it is always the fish or game that will be offended.*™ In defining these customs for the Ute of the Great Basin, Lowie draws the following conclusions: It is clear that a family likeness pervades the Shoshonean menstrual customs and that the abstention from flesh is the most persistent trait in the complex. This is a point of great comparative value, for this taboo seems to be practically always associ- ated with the puberty usages of California tribes and extends with the qualification that fresh meat or fish is forbidden, as far north as Tahltan territory.* 43 Hill-Tout, JAI 35:139. 44 Fill-Tout, JAI 34:33. 45 Spier, notes. 46 Boas, Be: 1889 :838. “a See append 47 Lowie, PaAMNH 20 :274. } 5 i | }ees ree Tad ASE ccieieamaas StS TERR [Vol. 2 154 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology This area could be extended even further. At least one instance of similar taboos is on record for the Southeast. The Creeks prohibit a woman in her menstrual period or after confinement from eating fish or venison or anointing herself with bear grease. Also after attending a burial a person abstained from eating fish.“ These taboos, it will be remembered, are found in an area where there are first fruits ceremonies and where first catches of fish and game are especially treated. It cannot be claimed that these two sets of behavior al- ways travel together, for without doubt, the dietary restrictions are much more widespread, but their occurrence together in such widely divergent areas is not without interest. Among the salmon fishing peoples there generally exists a taboo against the use of salmon and game at the same time. This prohibition against using together two kinds of food obtained from different sources is widespread and he rational basis for these taboos is fre- sporadic among primitive people. In fact it is only for a brief quently that the two seasons do not coincide. transitional period when the two products are available, that the taboo is ef- fective. An excellent example of this taboo is the rigid distinction made by the Eskimo between land and sea products. The Nootka do not eat salmon and venison at the same time. The Yurok do not use salmon or any other fish at the same time with bear meat, grouse eggs or acorns blackened by prolonged soaking.*® This taboo is, then, another expression of the desire not to offend game. The most important of the remaining taboos is the relation between twins and salmon. ‘This is peculiar to the North Pacific Coast and there limited to a fairly compact group, the Tsimshian, Kwakiutl, Nootka, Makah and Klal- lam. In most of these instances, the relation is expressed in a different manner. Among the Tsimshian twins have supernatural power to call the salmon and olachen. ‘The Kwakiutl twins of the same sex were salmon before their birth. ‘Their father dances for four days after their birth swinging a large square rattle. By swinging the same rattle the twins can produce favorable weather, or cure disease. Both the Nootka twins and their father have close connection with the salmon. ‘The father of twins is regarded as an instrument of the salmon world and during the fishing season devotes all his time to sing- ing songs and performing secret rituals to give his tribesmen a maximum catch. The birth of twins forebodes an unusually big salmon run. It is likely that there may be some idea among the Nootka corresponding to the Kwakiutl con- ception that twins are salmon before birth, for if a Nootkan twin child sees a salmon mistreated he involuntarily bursts into tears.°° Swan relates of the Makah that when twins were born during the fishing season on ‘T'atoosh Island, the parents were sent back to the mainland and pro- hibited from eating any sort of fish. The Klallam follow the same procedure. 48 Swanton, BBAE 73 :384-385. 49 Kroeber, BBAE 78:69. ae Sapir in. Hastings, Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, 594. 51 Swan, Smith. Cont. Know. 16:82.1928] Gunther, A Further Analysis of the First Salmon Ceremony 155 The parents of twins are required to move away from the shore into the woods as soon after the birth as the mother can walk. They are not allowed near the water for one year and the father may not hunt or fish. During this time they may not eat fresh fish or meat.*1# Beyond this area there is evidently no such association. At least it is dis- claimed by the Wishram and Klamath,5? and not mentioned for the Yurok, all rather typical tribes of the southern salmon area. Although there are few primitive groups who do not pay some attention to twins, this association of twins and salmon seems to be restricted to this very small group within the salmon area. All these taboos which are practiced toward the salmon are not limited to this particular area; neither are they practiced even there exclusively toward the salmon. Many of these groups believe just as firmly in the immortality of other animals but it happens that no set of rites has crystallized around the beaver or deer, for example. The Lillooet, Thompson and Shuswap throw beaver and deer bones in the water, while a Yurok does not wash his hands in run- ning water after eating venison because the deer would drown. We find therefore that the ceremony and the various taboos related to the salmon are based on the same ‘fundamental concept, the immortality and conscious personality of the animal, and the desire not to offend it so that it may come in abundance, 51a See appendix. 52 Spier, notes.art see ae ee at a TEI V. RELATION TO OTHER FIRST FRUITS CEREMONIES AND THE BEAR CULT In North America there is a sporadic occurrence of first fruits cere- monies, a ritual feature generally associated with the Old World. There are two distinct areas of distribution of these ceremonies, one east of the Mississippi River where the most significant ritual of this kind is held for the corn, and the other in scattered groups along the Pacific Coast where the ritual is always performed for wild products. Although the complete distri- bution of the first fruits ceremonies of the east is not given here, the group- ings obtained are sufficient to assume that they are connected. The ceremony is a harvest festival, conducted before it is permissible to eat of the new crop. The ceremonial eating in the southern part of the area is generally preceded by the taking of an emetic to purify the participants. The event not only cele- brates the ripening of the corn but in many places marks the beginning of a new year, and at this time the village is thoroughly cleaned, the people make new clothing and household goods, and new fires are lighted. This harvest ceremony in the Southeast sets a ritual pattern which the Creeks, at least, have carried over to other traits. The first acorns or fruits gathered were not eaten, neither was the first fish caught in a new fish weir, nor corn from a newly broken field.** Hunters gave the first deer killed to the shaman who had helped them through repeating formulae. On the Pacific Coast there are two distinct groups of tribes, celebrating first fruits ceremonies and then a wide scattering of peoples who share the custom to a limited degree. ‘The compact groups center about the lower Fraser River and in northwestern California. In the Northwestern Californian group there is an echo of the concept found in the Southeast, namely, the co- incidence of the first fruits rituals and fhe opening of the new year. ‘This is true for the Hupa and Karok especially, and shared to a lesser degree by the Yurok.* In this area the first fruits ritual is localized and performed for a particular product in each place. ‘The Hupa catch the first salmon at Has- linding while the lamprey ceremony is performed in another part of the val- ley.°> In autumn the first acorns are treated in a similar way. The acorn ceremony is also performed by the Yuki who catch salmon but have no ritual fort. In this area there can be no doubt but that the salmon ceremony has been completely assimilated into the ritual pattern and has become one of these first fruits ceremonies, the most important rituals of the year. Going northward from these groups the salmon ceremony alone is to be found through Oregon and southern Washington except among the Che- 58 Swanton, BBAE 73 :383-384. 64 Kroeber, BBAE 78:53. 55 Kroeber, BBAE 78 :134. 56 Kroeber, BBAE 78:188.1928] Gunther, A Further Analysis of the First Salmon Ceremony 157 halis, who have a lamprey ceremony. On Puget Sound there are again some first fruits ceremonies, but of a much simpler nature than those of California. The Snohomish have a simple feast at which all the guests, but not the host, eat of the piéce de resistance, when ‘the first salmon or deer are caught and when the first berries are picked.*’ This tribe is the southernmost outpost of the second group of first fruits rituals. Among the Interior Salish both in Washington and British Columbia and along the Lower Fraser to the coast there is a compact area of these ceremonies. ‘The Interior Salish of Wash- ington, together with the Sahaptian Methow and Wenatchee, have a salmon ritual and a deer ritual following the same pattern, the former performed in the spring, the latter when the first snow had fallen.5* It is especially men- tioned for the Okanagon, but probably applies also to the others of this group, that first berries are eaten ceremonially in the manner current in the Plateau of British Columbia.°® The Thompson and Lillooet, both typically tribes of this area, have ceremonies for the first berries. When half the berry crop is ripe, the Lillooet chief calls the people to pick them. The people paint all exposed parts of their bodies red and are seated before the chief. He holds up a birch bark tray with the various kinds of berries to the mountain and says, “Qailus, we tell you, we are going to eat fruit.’ He addresses each mountain, and walking sunwise gives each person present a berry to eat. Then the women gather berries, but only enough for one day’s meals, for to keep them over- night would be unlucky.® There are other first fruits ceremonies of the same pattern performed by the Thompson, the Stskelis and other Cowichan of the Fraser Delta. The berry ceremony does not occur again between this group and the Tsimshian, whose ritual is similar to that of the Interior Salish. The other first fruits ceremonies of the coast are sporadic rituals con- nected with fishing, especially with olachen fishing.°* The Tlingit handle the first olachen carefully, address it as chief and give a festival in his honor. Then the fishing proceeds in the usual way.*t The Tsimshian roast the first olachen ceremonially and pray for plenty of fish. All these western examples of the first fruits ceremony occur in the sal- mon area. In Northwestern California, the salmon ceremony is shared by all who have the other first fruits ceremonies, except the Yuki. The Interior Salish tribes who depend so largely on salmon, curiously enough do not all perform the ceremony. ‘The Lower Lillooet have an elaborate ritual and show great reverence for the salmon, but the upper division of the tribe does not share it. Neither do their close neighbors, the Thompson and Shuswap. It is clear that the salmon ceremony in Northwestern California belongs to the first fruit complex there, but with the North Pacific Coast this is not so obvious. While the Thompson, Shuswap and Upper Lillooet have other first 57 Haeberlin-Gunther, ZE 1924 :17. 58 Curtis, 7:78. 69 Hill-Tout, JAI 41 :132. 60 Teit, Mem AMNH 4:282. 60a See appendix. 61 Dall, 413. 62 Boas, BAAS 1889 :747. SERT TA, en rer ere TS SE REE Sr pe Oe AAR REO PETE ape me TOE Fin POORER EERE cit SOM FERNS a Sa EO sa IER 158 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [ Vol. 2 fruits ceremonies and no salmon ritual there are other groups in the vicinity for whom the reverse is true. It is impossible to prove that one or the other is earlier, but it is obvious that the ritual pattern of both ceremonies is the same. The same attitude underlies the ceremonies. ‘There is always a propitia- tion and a supplication for abundance. The attitude at the basis of the salmon ceremony is also shown toward the bear. From eastern Siberia to the Atlantic shores of North America there is spread a series of customs turning on veneration of the supernatural power attributed to the bear. ‘To some extent the area of the salmon ceremony coin- cides with this wider distribution, especially in the north. But more inter- esting than the overlapping of this distribution is the fact that the ritual pattern of the two ceremonies is largely alike. There are prayers of propitiation to the bear, the animal is butchered in a certain fashion, only a particular group is allowed to eat of the animal, the refuse is especially disposed of. All these are features of the salmon rites and agree even in the specific way of doing them. One of the most widespread taboos in regard to the bear is that the bones must be kept away from dogs which is the same reason given for bum- ing the salmon heart or throwing the bones in the water. The Kwakiutl treat the bear much as they do the salmon, as an honored guest. ‘Those who are ceremonially unclean may not partake of the bear, just as they are forbidden to eat of the salmon. Again the bear and the salmon are not alone in being the object of these taboos. ‘They concern other animals in the same areas, but they have not been so thoroughly crystallized into a set of rites. The Interior Salish Thomp- son, Shuswap and Lillooet also throw deer and beaver bones into the water. The Skaulits always throw sturgeon bones into the water.°* The refuse from butchering a mountain goat is carefully disposed of by the Tsimshian and Lillooet. ‘The Ten’ a throw goose, duck and swan feathers into the river that they may change back to birds; fish bones into the water and animal bones into the forest.** In every instance there is attributed some supernatural power to these animals and the effort is made not to offend them by being careless with their bodies so that they will come abundantly. These concepts and the specific ways of expressing them are found over a wide area of northern North America. In some instances they have crystal- lized into rituals, elsewhere they remain taboos individually observed. On analyzing the situations where |the ceremonies have developed, it will be found that almost invariably it has been in connection with a seasonal animal or prod- uct. The dramatic and spectacular arrival of the salmon, the ripening of the berries which have been watched from the time they blossom in the spring, the harvesting of the corn, the gathering of the acorns, are all seasonal events. There is a definite occasion which presents itself for celebration. That the sea- sonal occurrence of game intensifies the ceremonial response is clear. On the 88 Hallowell, AA., n. s., 28, 1-175. 64 Fill-Tout, JAI 34:339. 65 Reed and Parsons, 339.Patera 1928] Gunther, A Further Analysis of the First Salmon Ceremony 159 other hand where game is available at all times, but the hunt is set at a definite time, there is also this tendency toward ceremony. ‘The bear could be hunted throughout the summer and fall, but instead he is attacked in the spring when he emerges from hibernation or even driven from his lair. The intensive whale rituals are performed only by those tribes who go out to sea on whale hunts, which are conducted at a definitely determined time. Contrarywise the beaver, the deer, the porcupine and the mountain goat, although perhaps better and more easily obtainable at certain seasons, are hunted casually and so pre- sent no occasion for a ritual. DISTRIBUTION OF FIRST SALMON, BEAR, AND FIRST FRUIT RITES WITH REFERENCES TO SOURCES SALMON BEAR FIRST FRUITS 1 Achomawi, BBAE 78:313 2 Algonkin, Hallowell 139 | 3 Alsea, U Cal 20:9 4 Assiniboin, Hallowell 71 5 Bella Coola, Mem AMNH 2:78 | 6 Carrier, Morice letter Carrier, Hallowell 141 Sept. 28, 1927 p 7 Cherokee, Trans. AES 3:75 8 Chickasaw, JAFL 20:50 9 Chilcotin, Hallowell 142 1 0 Chinook, CNAE 1:196 Swan 107 Franchére 260 Bancroft 1 :233 11 Cowichan, BAAS 1894:461 Cowichan, BAAS 1894:461 I 12 Creek, Adair 96-111 68 Eastern Cree, Hallowell 139 | 72 Forest Potawatomi, Hallowell : 140 67 Haida, Mem AMNH8:69 13 Huron, Summary Report 10 14 etipas @)) Gal 1223 Hupa, BBAE 78:134 | 15 Iroquois, Summary Report 471 16 Karok, BBAE 78 :104 Karok, BBAE 78:102 : 17 Kaska, Hallowell 141 18 Klallam, U W 1:202 19 Klamath, Spier ms. s 20 Kwakiutl RBAE 35:609, Kwakiutl, Hallowell 74 | | 611, 1318 BAAS 1890 :614 : 21 Saas Lenape, Hallowell Lenape, Indian Notes 144 : 22 Lillooet (Lower), Mem Lillooet, Hallowell 142 Lillooet, Mem AMNH 4:282 AMNH 4:280 hee seated | 23 alecite, Hallowe : : 24 Menominee, Hallowell 140 Menominee, AA 13:56 25 Methow, Curtis 7:78 Methow, Curtis 7:78 26 Miami, Hallowell 72 27 Micmac, Hallowell 68 : 71 Mistassini, Fallow 66 : Miwok, Hallowell | 20 rare : : =. Mohegan, Pa AMNH 3:194 30 Montagnais, Hallowell 137 31 Naskapi, Hallowell 137 32 Natchez, BBAE 43:113 33 Nisqualli, CNAE 1:196glee ea ee rea dw a TE aes 160 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [Vol. Z SALMON BEAR Nootka, BAAS 1890:599 Nootka, Hallowell 74 No. Maidu, BAMNH 17 :198 No. Shoshoni, Pa AMNH 2:218 Okanagon, Curtis 7:78 Paviotso, Pa AMNH 20 :306 Penobscot, Hallowell 67 Plains Cree, Hallowell 70 Plains Ojibway, Hallowell 139 Puyallup, Ballard letter Quinault, Olson ms. Saulteaux, Hallowell 138 Shasta, BAMNH 17:430 RBAE 78 :294 Shuswap, Hallowell 142 Snohomish, ZE 1924 :72 Songish, BAAS 1890:569 StsEe’lis, JAI 34:330 Tahltan, Hallowell 141 Ten’a, Hallowell 144 Tete de Boule, Hallowell 142 Thompson, Hallowell 142 Tillamook, U Cal 20:10 Tlingit, Hallowell 74 Timiskaming Algonkin, Hal- : lowell 139 Tolowa, CNAE 3:67 Tsimshian, RBAE 31:450 Tsimshian, Hallowell 60 Wailaki, Hallowell 76 Wenatchee, Curtis 7:78 Wishram, PAES 2:183 Spier ms. oe oe AE 78:60 CNA :56 FIRST FRUITS Ojibway, RBAE 19:1091 Okanagon, Curtis 7:78 Osage, Trans U P 2:171 Seminole, RBAE 5:522 Snohomish, ZE 1924:17 Songish BAAS 1890 :596 StsEe’lis, JAI 34:330 Thompson, Mem AMNH 2:349 Tlingit, Dall 413 Tsimshian, BAAS 1889 :847 Wenatchee, Curtis 7:78 Winnebago, RBAE 37 :384 Yuchi, U P 1:112-131 Yuki, BBAE 78:183 Yurok, BBAE 78:53 Nore: ‘The figures preceding the tribal names refer to the numbers on the map.VI. THE RELATION OF THE CEREMONY TO MYTHOLOGY It has been shown that the salmon ceremony has been thoroughly in- tegrated with the ritual life in the various groups which practice it and that the fundamental attitude on which it is based is expressed also in a series of taboos and beliefs. In other words, this attitude of veneration of the salmon is an integral part of the culture of these groups. It is then to be expected that there should be some reflection of. this in the mythology. Throughout the area where the ceremony is performed and even in the groups which do not have the ritual there are myths about the salmon. ‘These myths show a striking uniformity, dealing invariably with salmon taboos and beliefs, often giving the local variant of these customs. This is often indirectly done, especially if there is a well built novelistic plot to the tale. Generally these myths fall into the cultural divisions of the area, with one type center- ing about the Kwakiutl speaking groups on Vancouver Island and the main- land opposite, another about Puget Sound, and a third among the Interior Salish and southward to California. These myths readily fall into four major groups: 1. Raven and the salmon a. Raven carves a salmon out of wood b. Raven marries Salmon Woman The Salmon Boy Myth a Salmon origin tales Miscellaneous tales a. Taboo and belief tales b. Novelistic tales The first group with very few exceptions is found only in the northern part of the area and belongs to the Raven cycle. The tales either appear in- dependently or the two incidents are told in sequence as one story. In the first episode (A of the table, page 164) Raven carves a salmon of wood and finds that it has no soul, or it is tough or cannot swim. So he goes to the salmon country to get whatever the fish lacks. The second tale (B of the table) relates the marriage of Raven and Salmon Woman (a variant being that he abducts the daughter of the salmon chief) who produces salmon by magical means. Raven’s hair catches on the drying salmon, he insults them, and Salmon Woman leaves him, taking all the fish with her. The first episode alone is found only in two Kwakiutl speaking groups, the River’s Inlet and Newetee, and among the Bella Coola, almost contiguous groups. ‘The second tale has a much wider distribution, occurring in the three groups mentioned above, then inland from the Bella Coola to the Chil- cotin and Lillooet and northward to the Tsimshian, Haida and Tlingit. The two episodes combined into one tale (AB of the table) is again found (161)Pe ee eae ee eerie Pieters eee ee eae a RR a A La ER ELT ERS LES I ; 162 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [Vol. 2 in the first mentioned groups, where both episodes occur among the Chilcotin who do not tell the first episode alone. These tales have nothing in common with the ceremony except that the disappearance of the fish after Raven insults them stresses the need for rever- ence toward the salmon. The myth of Salmon Boy has a more direct connection with the cere- mony in that it describes the ritual for the first salmon. The plot varies but little. A boy is taken to the salmon country, where he is told to club a child when he wants food, eat and throw its bones into the water. The child re- vives immediately. The boy returns to his father’s village in the salmon run and is caught by his father. He teaches his people how to treat the salmon. This tale (C of the table) is found in thirteen tribes of whom five have the ceremony. It cannot be said that this myth dictates the ritual or deter- mines its presence, but it is, no doubt, explanatory. The pattern of this story occurs again in a Lillooet tale about the mountain goat. A young hunter treats the mountain goat he kills disrespectfully so their chief’s daughters lure him to their camp. ‘The chief sends out two boys and sends the hunter out for goats. He shoots the boys and they are carefully brought in and butchered ; the blood is soaked up with leaves and offal are thrown in the lake. The hunter later skins a goat and hides the cartilege. The goat has a bleeding nose. When the hunter returns to his people he instructs them in butchering mountain goats.°° The Skaulits have a similar myth about the sturgeon.” Salmon origin tales take on a very definite pattern among the Interior Salish tribes. Coyote is the culture hero-trickster of these groups and the coming of salmon is always due to his efforts. The typical version is that Coyote transforms himself into a plank, a dish or a baby, floats into a salmon trap and is cared for by the two women who own it. In their absence he breaks their dam and liberates the salmon. ‘This version is found in Kutenai, Thompson, Shuswap, Lillooet, Flathead. Nez Percé, Okanagon, Sanpoil, Ses- helt, Snohomish, Wishram.** All these groups tell this story in their sequence of Coyote adventures. From the Wishram southward the tale is attached to the culture hero who brings the salmon from the place where it is hidden by its owner. The Klamath variant is an interesting transition. The culture hero (Kemukumps, Old One) made a dam where the people could fish. The peo- ple above got no fish at all, so they hired Loon to break the dam, with the approval of the culture hero.” In Northwestern California the Hupa, Yurok and Wiyot have a tale clearly connected with the Coyote tales and the Klamath version. The cul- ture hero deceives the woman who owns the salmon and liberates them by breaking a dam. 66 Hill-Tout, JAI 35:195, 196. 67 Hill-Tout, JAI 34:365. °8 Boas, BBAE 59:301, except Snohomish, Haeberlin, JAFL 37 :404. 69 Spier, ms. 70 Kroeber, BBAE 78:73, 119.1928] Gunther, A Further Analysis of the First Salmon Ceremony 163 This continuity of distribution from the Plateau of British Columbia to northwestern California may be indicative of other cultural affiliations. The Lillooet and the Hupa and Yurok are the only groups who have preparatory rites before the salmon ceremony. In the light of this, the prophesying dreams of the Wenatchee, Methow, Okanagon and Nespelim may be considered as an expression of this same idea. This salmon origin tale has the widest dis- tribution and the most consistent of any one salmon story. On the other hand, since to a large extent, it is so firmly woven into the Coyote cycle, the interest in the salmon is probably an incidental matter. The miscellaneous group of salmon tales includes a variety of stories that explain taboos and beliefs related to the salmon. They are largely minor tales in the mythologies that include the more important salmon stories. The Tlingit tell the tale of a man who found a salmon on the beach during a famine. The salmon told the man to put him back in the water. Then plenty of fish came. Later another salmon told the man to eat him and put his bones under his pillow. The man finds two babies, one of whom becomes a hero.” Faintly resembling this is the Sk!qomic tale of the father of twins who dreams that he should put the bones of all the fish in the river in a box. After he does this he dies and no more fish come until another man in a trance dis- covers this. The Tsimshian Salmon Boy myth emphasizes the same belief in the incident of the salmon chief’s illness due to keeping dried salmon more than one season. The StskEe’lis, Sk!qomic and Lillooet have an interesting tale. Two chil- dren develop out of the roe of salmon and proceed to adventures character- istic of the mythology of this region.” In Puget Sound, especially the southern end, from the Snuqualmi to the Puyallup, there are numerous short tales each expressing some salmon taboo, as not ridiculing the humpback for his appearance (Snuqualmi), or doubting the return of the salmon (Skokomish), or the quarrel among the varieties of salmon over the use of a stream and the agreement to run at a certain season (Puyallup) .7° The Chinook and Kathlamet** have in their Coyote stories the establishment of local salmon taboos as Coyote moves upstream and fishes in each place. This localizing, so typical of northwestern California, is found also in the Klamath myths. The Tillamook have two salmon stories, dealing with be- havior toward the salmon.?* ‘These tales resemble more closely the Puget Sound type than the Kathlamet, Klamath or Californian variety. The Sno- homish and Chinook’* have tales of remarkable likeness. A chief offers his daughter to the one who can split elkhorn. Salmon succeeds and is killed by 71 Swanton, BBAE 39:196. : Ge Hill-Tout, JAI 34:342; Hill-Tout, BAAS 1900 :541; Hill-Tout, JAI 35 :185-189. 73 Ballard. 74 Boas, BBAE 20:101-106; Boas, BBAE 26:45-49. 75 Boas, JAFL 11:24, 142. 78 Haeberlin, JAFL 37:384; Boas BBAE 20 :77.ee PORN ST Re ee ae NN SE ET ema 164 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [Vol. 2 the wolves who in turn are killed by his son. ‘These tales involve no taboos or beliefs and are purely novelistic with the salmon as a character. The tribal distribution of the tales discussed here has been plotted in the accompanying table. It shows clearly several definite distributions that overlap only to a slight degree. The Raven tales are segregated in the north, the salmon origin tales thru the Interior. The miscellaneous tales are limited to groups that have no definite cycles of stories. In these mythologies salmon is not a character, except in a few novelistic tales where his exploits are in no way contingent on his usual supernatural attributes. It would seem rather that in these various groups, a local type of myth has become explanatory of the salmon taboos and beliefs. The only exception to this is the Salmon Boy myth which has a definite pattern of its own that it retains throughout its distribution. This salmon mythology occurs much more widely in the salmon area than the ceremony. Where the two occur together it is clear that the mythology does not determine the ritual, but in some instances is explanatory of it. The ceremony and the mythology are based on the same fundamental attitude to- ward the salmon and may be regarded as interrelated cultural traits, but it cannot be claimed that one is determined by the other; at most the mythology is explanatory. TABLE II. DISTRIBUTION OF SALMON MYTHS Keaivant seh ose eae ok aQ00: ! ‘AB Newettecs. 66. 6 ee ee A AB ‘AB AB rs 4 ~ a. 4 Wit. Width tt. wh. ee) See ee ie a0c0nanaana: :: : REFERENCES FOR THE SALMON MYTH IN TABLE Tlingit (B Swanton BBAE 39:108. (G) BBAE 39:301. Haida Masset (B) Swanton Mem AMNH 14:303,330. Skidegate (B)Swanton BBAE 29:26. (C) BBAE 29:7-14.1928] Gunther, A Further Kaigani Tsimshian (B) Cc Nass (B) Kwakiutl (B) (AB) Rivers Inlet Newette Bella Bella Bella Coola (A) (B) (AB) Chilcotin (B) AB) (C) Shuswap (B) (C) StsEe’lis (C) Sk!qomic (C) Siciatl CG) Nootka (C) Quinault (G) Analysis of the First Salmon Ceremony (C) Swanton MemAMNH 8:243, Boas RBAE 31:76. RBAE 31:192. Boas BBAE 27:32. Boas, Sagen 159; Boas CUCA 2:49. Boas CUCA 2:169;BoasMemAMNH 5:330 (A) Boas, Sagen 209. (B) Boas RBAE 31 :669. (AB) Boas, Sagen 210; RBAE 31 :669. (A) Sagen, 174. (B) Sagen, 174. (AB) Sagen, 175. (C) RBAE 31: 886. Sagen, 242. Boas MemAMNH 2:94; Sagen, 246. Sagen, 242; MemAMNH 2:94. MemAMNH 2:73. Farrand MemAMNH 4:18. Ibid. MemAMNH 4:24. Teit MemAMNH 4:637. MemAMNH 4:690. Hill-Tout JAI 34:331. Hill-Tout BAAS 1900:520-522. Hill-Tout JAI 34:46. Boas RBAE 31:919. Farrand MemAMNH 4:112.VII. SUMMARY It has been shown that on the North Pacific Coast and inland, as far as the salmon ascend the streams, there is a ceremony performed when the first salmon is caught. The distribution of this ceremony is not as wide as the oc- currence of salmon but spread over a fairly continuous area. In every tribe where the ceremony is performed, the ritual has been integrated with the ceremonial pattern of the group, being simple or elaborate according to that pattern, ‘The specific similarities between the ceremonies are due to likeness of ritual pattern of the tribes involved and not due to diffusion of this cere- mony. In no case did the ceremony itself spread from one group to another, but the idea of ritualizing the taboos toward the salmon, which were already present, was diffused. This attitude of veneration which is ritualized in the ceremony is also expressed in other practices and taboos. The concepts underlying this attitude of veneration are the belief in the immortality of the salmon and the conscious will of the fish in allowing himself to be caught. These concepts are also held toward other animals, as well as toward plants. This is expressed in the first fruits ceremonies found in the same area. It is also expressed in the bear cult. The area of the salmon ceremony is entirely within the territory covered by the bear cult, which spreads from eastern Siberia through northern North America. Generally it was found that while this attitude is held toward many animals and expressed in special behavior toward them, wherever the animal or plant makes a definitely periodic appearance this attitude is intensi- fied and frequently becomes the basis of a group ceremonial. The mythologies of the tribes practicing the salmon ceremony contain some tales explanatory of the taboos and beliefs regarding the salmon, but it cannot be claimed that these myths determine the presence of the ceremony or its ritual. ‘The majority of these myths are part of the cycles of tales cen- tering about Raven or Coyote and it seems that the salmon episodes are only incidental. The attitude of veneration toward certain game animals of which the salmon ceremony is one ritualistic expression is highly developed only in north- western North America. It is the basis of the widespread bear cult and the first fruits ceremonies of the Pacific Coast. Its linkage with the belief in the immortality of game and its conscious will to be caught gives rise to a set of propitiatory rites that are exceptional in North America culture. The harvest festivals of the Southeast and Eastern Woodlands are feasts of thanks- giving for the abundance of crops and do not seem to have the same under- lying attitude. In every salmon ritual it is clear that the welfare of the ani- mal is most important and the taboos regulate conduct that his spirit may not be offended. In this complex there are two features of almost universal distribution: the first fruits ritual and a definite relationship toward animals. Among primi- (166)1928] Gunther, A Further Analysis of the First Salmon Ceremony 167 tive people there is frequently the belief that a new thing is sacred and re- quires a ritual to remove the taboo. ‘This is done through the ceremonial eating of the product or through sacrifice to the dead or to the chief. ‘These expressions do not involve the attitude toward the plant itself which is so characteristic of northwestern North America. When first fruits are given to the chief or sacrificed to the dead, it is to honor him, more than to honor the thing which is being given. A feeling of definite relationship toward food animals is most strongly developed in Australia. But there the behavior is prompted by an attitude of coersion rather than conciliation as in our Amer- ican instance. It would seem then, that in northwestern North America we have a de- finitely local interpretation of two widespread cultural features, which is an isolated example in the New World.vent eS BIBLIOGRAPHY The following abbreviations are used: AA American Anthropologist. BAAS Reports, British Association for the Advancement of Science. BBAE Bulletin, Bureau of American Ethnology. CNAE Contributions to North American Ethnology. CUCA Columbia University Contributions to Anthropology. Indian Notes Indian Notes and Monographs, Museum of the American In- dian, Heye Foundation. JAFL Journal of American Folklore. JAI Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute. Mem AMNH Memoirs, American Museum of Natural History. PaAMNH Anthopological Papers, American Museum of Natural History. RBAE Report, Bureau of American Ethnology. Sagen Boas, Indianische Sagen. Smith. Cont. Know. Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge. Summary Report Summary Report of the Anthropological Division, Geologi- cal Survey of Canada. Trans AES ‘Transactions of the American Ethnological Society. Trans UP Transactions, Department of Archaeology, University of Pen- nsylvania. iw Cal University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology. iE University of Pennsylvania, Anthropological Publications, Uni- versity Museum. UW University of Washington Publications in Anthropology. ZE Zeitschrift fiir Ethnologie. Apair, JAMES History of the American Indians (London, 1775). BALLARD, ArTHUR Some Tales of the Southern Puget Sound Salish (UW, 2, 1927,57-81). Bancrort, Husert Howe Native Races of the Pacific States of North Amer- ica (San Francisco, 1875). Barbeau, C. M. On Huron Work, 1911 (Summary Report for 1911). Bartram, WILLIAM Observations on the Creek and Cherokee Indians (Trans NTS; oO) patt 3, 1650). Boas, Franz Chinook Texts (BBAE 20, 1894). Ethnology of the Kwakiutl (RBAE 35, 1921). oo on the Northwestern Tribes of Canada (BAAS 1889, 797- (168)1928] Gunther, A Further Analysis of the First Salmon Ceremony 169 Indianische Sagen von der Nord-Pacifischen Kiiste Amerikas (Berlin, 1895). Kwakiutl Tales (CUCA 2, 1910). Mythology of the Bella Coola (Mem AMNH 2, part 2, 1898, 25-127). Ninth Report on the Northwestern Tribes of Canada (BAAS 1894, 453-463). Notes on the Snanaimugq (AA 1889, 321-328). Notes on the Tillamook (U Cal, 20, 1923, 3-16). Sixth Report on the Northwestern Tribes of Canada (BAAS 1890, 553- 715, reprint pp. 1-162). Tsimshian Mythology (RBAE 31, 1909). Tsimshian Texts (BBAEF 27, 1902). Boas, Franz and Hunt, Georce Kwakiutl Texts, I (Mem AMNH 5, 1902). Coss, JOHN Pacific Salmon Fisheries (Bureau of Fisheries Document, no. 902, 1921). Curtis, Epwarp §. The North American Indian (Cambridge, 1907-1924). Dati, W. Alaska and its Resources (Boston, 1870). Dixon, Rotanp B. The Northern Maidu (BAMNH 17, 1905, 119-346). The Shasta (BAMNH 17, 1907, 381-498). FARRAND, Livincston ‘Traditions of the Chilcotin Indians (Mem AMNH 4, part 1, 3-54). Traditions of the Quinault (Mem AMNH 4, part 3, 1902). FRANCHERE, GABRIEL Narrative of a Voyage to the Northwest Coast of America (New York, 1854). Gipps, GEorcE ‘Tribes of Western Washington and Northwestern Oregon (CNAB, I 1877; 157-219). GopparD, PLiny Earte The Life and Culture of the Hupa (U Cal 1, 1903, 3-88 ). GOLDENWEISER, A.A. On Iroquois Work, 1912 (Summary Report for 1912). Gunruer, Erna An Analysis of the First Salmon Ceremony (AA, n. s., 28, 1926, 605-617). Klallam Ethnography (UW, 1, 1927, 171-314). HAEBERLIN, HERMANN Mythology of Puget Sound (JAFL 37, 1924, 341-438). HarBERLIN, HERMANN und GUNTHER, ErNA Ethnographische Notizen uber die Indianer des Puget Sundes (ZE, 1924, 1-74). HatitowEtt, A. Irvinc Bear Ceremonialism in the Northern Hemisphere (aAense 28: 1926; 1-175): Harrincton, M. R. Religion and Ceremonies of the Lenape (Indian Notes, 1921). Hitt-Tour, Cuarites Ethnological Report on the Stske’lis and Skaulits Tribes of the Halokmrlen Division of the Salish of British Columbia (JAI 34, 1904, 311-376).EON EE RAR AS ToT 170 Unwersity of Washington Publications in Anthropology [Vol. 2 Notes on the Sk!qomic of British Columbia, a Branch of the Great Salish Stock of North America (BAAS 1900, 472-549). Report on the Ethnology of the Siciatl of British Columbia, a Coast Di- vision of the Salish Stock (JAI 34, 1904, 20-91). Report on the Ethnology of the Stlatlumu of British Columbia (JAI 3 1905, 126-218). Jenxs, A. B. Wild Rice Gatherers of the Upper Lakes (RBAE, 19, 1900). Krorser, A. L. Handbook of the Indians of California (BBAE 78, 1925). MacCau.ey, C. Seminole Indians of Florida (RBAE 5, 1887). Low1z, Ropert H. Ceremonialism in North America (AA, ns., 16, 1914, 239-260). The Northern Shoshone (PaAMNH 2, 1909, 165-306). Notes on Shoshonean Ethnography (PaAMNH 20, 1924, 185-314). Powers, STEPHEN ‘Tribes of California (CNAE 3, 1877). Rapin, Paut The Winnebago Tribe (RBAE 37, 1923). REED, T’. B. and Parsons, Ersts Crews Cries-For-Salmon (in American In- dian Life, Parsons, E.C., ed., New York, 1922). Sapir, Epwarp Indians of Vancouver Island (in Hastings, Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, vol. 12, 591-595. Edinburgh and New York, 1921). Wishram Texts (PAES 2, 1909, 1-314). SKINNER, ALANsoN B. Comparative Sketch of the Menominee (AA, n.s., 13; LON). SpecK, FRANK G. Ethnology of the Puchi (UP 1, part 1, 1909). The Mohegan Indians (PaAMNH 3, 1909). Notes on Chickasaw Ethnology and Folklore (JAFL 20: 1920, 50-58). Notes on Osage Ethnology (Trans UP 2, part 2, 1907). SPIER, LESLIE Klamath and Wishram Notes, ms. Swan, James G. The Indians of Cape Flattery (Smith.Cont.Know. 16, 1870, 1-105). The Northwest Coast (New York, 1857). SWANTON, JoHN R. Contribution to the Ethnology of the Haida (Mem AMNH 8, part 1, 1905). Haida Texts—Masset Dialect (MemAMHN 14, part 2, 1908). Haida Texts and Myths (BBAE 29, 1905). Indian Tribes of the Lower Mississippi Valley (BBAE 43, 1911). Tlingit Myths and Texts (BBAE 39, 1909). Trit, James ‘The Lillooet Indians (Mem AMNH 4, part 5, 1906, 193-300). The Shuswap (MemAMNH 4, part 7, 1909, 449-789). onAPPENDIX The information added here was received too late to incorporate in the paper. The Wishram notes were contributed by Doctor Edward Sapir, the Kwakiutl information by Professor Franz Boas, and the Bella Coola notes by Mr. T. F. MclIlwraith. ADDITIONAL DESCRIPTION OF A WISHRAM FIRST SALMON CEREMONY When the first single fish comes in spring (especially Chinook salmon) and is caught, it is roasted and all old people are called and they eat this first fish. This gives good luck for that season, particularly for that fishing place where the first fish was caught. Before the fish is eaten, there used to be lots of talk.** BELLA COOLA ATTITUDE TOWARD .SALMON The Bella Coola undoubtedly consider that all living creatures are, in a sense, supernatural. This does not imply that they are superior to humans, but rather that they belong to a different plane, sometimes superior, some- times inferior. ‘The salmon, probably owing to their great economic value, figure prominently. For instance, the older people have no doubt concern- ing the immortality of the fish. When the latter “die” they are merely freed from the flesh and return the following year.** BELLA COOLA TABOOS In former times, adult women were not allowed on the river bank dur- ing the early part of the salmon run. This prohibition was discontinued when the sun’s shadow cast a diagonal scar on a certain mountain, which took place about the first of August. One of the jealously guarded prerogatives is that of enforcing prohibitions with regard to the river during the salmon run. No refuse must be thrown in the river; no freshly hewn planks can be set afloat; a new canoe must be kept for ten days before launching and no widow or widower of less than a year’s standing can embark at the village. Infringement of any of these prohibitions was punished by ducking or beating although it is unlikely that anyone dared intentionally to err." BELLA COOLA ATTITUDE TOWARD TWINS ble for the birth of twins, although no explanation It is believed that twins formerly could understand and that many of them could assume Salmon are responsi of this belief is offered. the speech of birds, animals and fish, salmon form at will. The corpse of a twin was formerly deposited, in its coffin, in the crotch of a tree in the river valley. Thenceforth the river cut into this bank from year to year until it undermined the tree, afterward keep- Before an adult woman can eat salmon, the sticks ing to a single channel. te Secs on which it has been exposed to the flames must be removed. If this is 5la omitted, she will bear twins. (171)See ee reat eerhets ipa pegs gays Sass ee ages earas re RN a SRE 172 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [Vol. 2 KWAKIUTL OLACHEN RITE The Head Chief of the clan flyers of the Drna’x-da*x" has the right to be the first to dip in his net when the olachen first appear. He watches for them to come up the river and as soon as they appear he takes his dip net and his punting pole to the beach in front of his house to his canoe. Then he takes off his blanket and walks out into the river. He turns around, sitting down in the river and dives. This he repeats four times, then he stands up in the water and says to his tribe, “You have come with us. Now make ready your fishing tackle to catch the fish that is coming up the stream. Now I will go according to my privilege obtained from my ancestor who was the first to fish olachen.” ‘Then he takes his canoe and poles towards the fish- ing place “Eagle Nest.” He ties his line to a tree which is always used for this purp ose, dips his net three times into the water and the fourth time pushes it down. When it reaches the bottom he hauls it up again and when it is full of fish he lets it hang over the gunwale of his canoe and prays to the fish, “Welcome friends, now you have arrived in this river to play on your playing ground, supernatural ones, you fish. For you have come to bring wealth to me and my tribe, supernatural ones. You have come and we have met alive, long-life-giver, now protect me. Welcome ‘Oil Women.’ Therefore you came, supernatural ones, that we may eat.” Then he lifts his net and pours the fish into his canoe. He puts it into the water again and hauls it up again and pours the fish in his canoe. After he has done so four times he goes home and when he has reached the beach the whole tribe goes into their canoes and begin to fish. The daughter of the chief has to be the first to string up the first olachen to dry. Three times she pretends to string the fish and the fourth time she pushes the stick through the left the house.° gill. ‘Then she puts them over the fire in >VITA OF ERNA GUNTHER Born November 9, 1896 at Brooklyn, New York. Attended New York City public schools. A.B., Barnard College, 1919. Graduate study of anthro- pology, Columbia University, 1919-1921; University of California, 1925; Uni- versity of Washington, 1924-1926. A.M., Columbia University, 1920. As- sistant in Anthopology, Barnard College, 1919-1921. Associate in Anthro- pology, University of Washington, 1923. Ethnographic field work among the Havasupai (Arizona), 1921; among the tribes of Puget Sound ( Washing- ton and British Columbia), 1921-1927. Preparation of a concordance of the mythology of southwestern United States for the American Folklore Society, 1927 to date. BIBLIOGRAPHY 1924. Haeberlin, Hermann and Gunther, Erna Ethnographische Notizen iiber die Indianer des Puget Sundes (Zeitschrift fiir Ethnologie, bd. 26, pp. 1-80). 1925. Klallam Folk Tales (University of Washington Publications in Anthro- pology, vol. 1, pp. 113-170). 1926. An Analysis of the First Salmon Ceremony (American Anthropologist, n.s. 28, pp. 605-617). 1927. Klallam Ethnography (University of Washington Publications in Anthro- pology, vol. 1, pp. 171-314). In press. Accretion in American Indian Folk Tales (Folklore, London).tae ee a4 et aoe i i t ; aS AE! =Vola Vol. 2. Vol. 3. Vol, 4, wo bv oo i) : Wns Dekker: A Study LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE The Poems of Henry Howard, Harl of Surrey, by ee Moreen Padelford. Pp, 238. October, 1920, Unbound, $2.00 «Bounties --2s4.0 eee ee rae Use of Ariosto for Allegory, by Susannah Jane McMurphy. SDS MOM OMLD ON LOS onan 0G ins wy 8 iis ik ee Pals eT RS bate Se eRe in Economic and Social Background, ee! Kate Lat Grepete ip. po bteae Sule 1984s on eo ee os Deb los ak ee . A Bibliography of Fifteenth Pa Literature, by Lena Lucile Tuer and Allen Rogers Benham, Pp S9aT4e 2MarOn;. TORS ri staan ve oreaie we cere A Cee Edition of Ford’s Perkin Warbeck, by Mildred Clara Struble. Pp ieee Lan aDy, LULG At ae, cow ary oo ere caine cui pn ee CU etek A Ce a, of Sener 1908-1924, compiled by Dudley David Griffith. Pp. 1-148. March, 192 Adam, translated by eae Noble Stone. Pp, 159-193. March, 1926...., Eb 0-08 ty ue 6 woe 8 VO e om 8.0 wep a8 eb Oe ae so we wee a ee 8 ewe aoe, . A Translation of Chapters XI-XVI of Pseudo-Augustinian Sermon Against Jews, Pagans and Arians, Concerning the Creed, also of the Ordo Prophe- Ps see ee of Limoges, by Edward Noble Stone. Pp, 196-214. PTI Sahelian Gr Pec STREP aretha eis. ore FL Mh ae oad ace ek Rare teers pin eee LK ok Cea 3.00 The Publications in Language and Literature are designed to include studies in the various languages and literatures, ancient and modern, represented at the University. The series replaces and absorbs The Publications volumes have appeared: Wi0le 3. Vol. 2. Vol. 3. Vol. 4. Vol. 1. Vol. 1. Vol, 2, Vol, 3. Vol. 4, _ Ca TRS a is bn oo nt Uno Linderlof’s Elements of the History of the English Language, trans- lated by Robert Max Garrett. Cloth The Political and Ecclesiastical Allegory of Ae First Book of the Faerie Queen, by Frederick Morgan Padelford. Clo Johannes SrA ne be The Medieval Popular re translated by Edward (SOGET OM, COR CID Ue er er sie. wae vais stalds © vias a eo dt ge eee She Cate Sa Sib © BP) 6 Ge oo sak hie Vw Nie bh WS # wisn pis git ee aCe ee ee ee - The Pearl: An Interpretation, by Robert Max Garrett. Paper. Pp, 45.., MATHEMATICS . An Arithmetical Theory of Certain Numerical Functions, by Eric Temple Belive be Mest es AN SAE eb Oio.g viitereier ateles Sours kip Si Sines hale a OELG » tumcge eee ee ar . Cyclic-Harmonie Curves: A Study in Polar Coordinates, by Robert E., 3 Moritz. Pp. 1-58. June, 192 eee ee ee ee re ee . Five Studies in Mathematics: Modular Bernoullian and Eulerian Func- tions, by E. T. Bell; Point-Line Correspondences Associated with the General Ruled Surface, by A. F. Carpenter; On the Sum of Products of Consecutive Integers, by Robert E. Moritz; Some Finite Linears Non- Associative Algebras, by L. I. Neikirk; The Ternary Hesse Group and Its Invariants; byeonseMe WANE erS PD, fe SWC. L920 ances Cane ee os ac THE SOCIAL SCIENCES Studies in Matriculation Statistics, Intelligence Ratings and Scholarship Records at the University of Washington, by Alexander Crippen Roberts. PGr G85 5 aA, LO airs Meee mas Sata teh x auhreintw ely Vinee ee Mi win ees ww di ph erinl yoni ee eet . Causation and the Types of Necessity, by Curt John Ducasse. Pp. 69-200. 4 February, 192 Tiberius Caesar and the Roman Constitution, by Olive Kuntz. PAU ES GLE Cp Ma acai hb a mer a dl seam AMaTE Suet y GES ip. way pin! Palle Wim. won: wieie le slash ia) 6 tua cite Slnin te wns) IATA The Logical Influence of Hegel on Marx, by Rebecca Cooper. Pp, 79-182. October, 25 Seem net me were eesti reer sear e trees eeerersereeeererrereseeeeese gia We, © ww g oles vi ainie die boo 6 'h a a. 8 ge 8 bitin. oe des BOR gb we a 6 8 we BS 2 Rav As . A Seale of Individual Tests, by Stevenson Smith. Pp. 183-204. May, 1927. A Study of Mobility of Population in Seattle, by Andrew W. Lind, Pp. L645) 2M aps SOCtODer,. Loe Dit sisi: win piv snes wis wipe ©, ole’ e Silum aie’ sele aoe sib welehws tere (5 1b . History and Development of Common School ee ty a Washington, we by Dennis C. Troth. Pp. 65-260. 2 Maps. February 1 John III, Duke es Brabant and the French Alliance, 1345-1347, by Henry Stephen Lucas. 1-64. May, 1927 University also see The Publications of weve Raknte 60 Win ius 0 pb wre mein wn bets. 50a sarap pele ie in English, of which the following 50 1.00 5 75 1,00 50. The the ane nen Experiment Station and The Publications of the Puget Sound Biological Station ae= OPE ie eta ase ee eee ee peas “ii a ance a oe BE tan saath sil 0: ‘ ar ae ee Ai le cael ooh elt a ae ee 4 * 3 “ 2UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON PUBLICATIONS IN ANTHROPOLOGY Vol, 2. No. 6, pp. 175-244 June, 1929 NORTHWEST SAHAPTIN TEXTS, 1 MELVILLE JACOBS ‘ AE \ : GEREN Rm UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON PRESS SEATTLE, WASHINGTON 19293 g — Oe eae oe ee a ’ ; ol i i i % oo) E Fi A Dr i) t ey iyeee saPasses De aed Mundi Hunt Mary Hunt JoeUNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON PUBLICATIONS IN ANTHROPOLOGY Vol. 2. No. 6, pp. 175-244 June, 1929 NORTHWEST SAHAPTIN TEXTS, 1 by MELVILLE JACOBS UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON PRESS SEATTLE, WASHINGTON 1929| ur smart resPreface Db? Gy ses 1m) a)’s\ oe) piel ea) 60°) e, © @ §i sui cl.e 02 die|m o-a\vie ples pias) wo piteia | s)lalelclareleavoranels a ienmaene Vis PPGEIC TG ICY) 50. oes ss kan sae boas cen en renee ee eee vi. Northwest Sahaptin Texts, I, told by Joe Hunt, in xwa’ixwatpam-Klikitat ete Ak hi de keels re sche ooo el cin ek eee ae ee ere ee 175 Bee re Goes cae Uh aos dat is PR OR oc alt eee ee ee 183 ST eee ea Pare tek + Cot hk 6 wowace 8 OG eee ae ee acre 196 BO Ee Poo, Sah CU oe ove Os HOR RMS en ee eee 200 Peete ot Seat Se Eee ieee she aca: Aor as eco ee 204 Dice: it Senge Sas Bo ee Ce hemi: oni ee ee 207 TR ae a ie ia Eee GM oa at Co a tee eee 216 Oe rn Gee chee hu ee re ek Ss oe ie ee epee 219 Oe es on APS hs Ws Oo We tis ress 5 i ee cn ee hee 223 Oe ee ee Pe re Ce ee re ee eee 227 DD eek ec re ea ie eis ac civ oes ches ee et) ee ge Zan es ee ae eee ye es es rg ee re oe 234 58 eo ee ss Gy haliw S4 SR i os us te oe rr oe eee 236 NOLES eis Sos cle ee care shad hw ernie co 2 win cc rei ae ake ce hee 241 The Sahaptin Stock Klikitat Interpreters Joe Hunt Personification Kwa_-li’ Direct Discourse wati'tac IRM tira ieyie) Sas ee ree O om OeE Dads UDCOCERON 6 Frontispiece Joe Hunt Mary Mundi Hunt CONTENTSett ee Se eee tee ea Peeters 0 Rr SS Se ROE | | :PREFACE The texts in Sahaptin, of which this represents a fraction, were collected in the course of a number of trips made with linguistic purposes in mind; the texts were obtained from many informants and translated by several interpreters. In the notes I endeavour to present a picture of the conditions under which the texts were gathered ; I especially attempt to describe the informant and interpreter. The responsibility is my own for inadequacies and errors in the phonetics and translations and for the barren presentation of the dictations ; as for the latter circumstance I believe it too early to present a fair picture of the cultures of the northwest Sahaptin; the settings should be left to future labors. I wish to publish the Sahaptin texts with a free though close phrase or sen- tence translation. In all free translations literal rendition of the native connectives has been sacrificed in order to escape the weariness that would be felt in reading an English translation that attempted to do them justice. The connectives are stylistically vital in the native; the grammar may be consulted for their interpre- tation. Bars in the Indian stand for bars in the free English translation; this has been done to assist correlation of English with Indian. It should be understood that the bars, as well as all punctuation marks used in the Indian, have no sig- nificance for native sentence structure, style, or tone; they are visual aids for as- sociating English sentences with Indian sentences. The Indian has a stylistic fall in tone at its own phrase and sentence endings just as in English speech; the periods and commas used, though they follow the English translation, often imply native tonal phenomena, but only when they coincide with native phrasing and feeling for sentence structure. From the native point of view the connectives and conjunctions au, ku, auku and so on, delimit phrases and sentences and are alone truly significant for native sentence form and sentence tone. Had the punctua- tion of the free English translation been fitted to the Indian sentence form, read- ing of the English would have been made unbearably awkward and boresome. Excluding punctuation, the texts are printed as closely as possible to the condition in which they were originally recorded. The first trip of July and August 1926 was made in accordance with the sug- gestion of Professor Franz Boas of Columbia University, New York, that I obtain texts and grammatical notes in Klikitat Sahaptin. The expenses of the trip were shared by research funds of Columbia University and by myself. The second trip of the summer of 1927, when I studied both ta’irnapam and Klikitat, was made possible by a grant of the Committee on Research in American Indian languages, composed of Drs. Boas, Sapir, and Bloomfield. The third trip of February and March 1928 was devoted mainly to research in the Kalapuya language; I completed the trip with a week of Klikitat. This third trip was partly under the auspices of the Department of Anthropology of the University of Washington and partly under the Committee on Research in American Indian Languages. Additional texts were collected in a number of short visits during 1928, under the same auspices. I am especially indebted to Dr. Franz Boas for his guidance, assistance and encouragement. I am also indebted in many way to a number of friends and to my patient Indian informants and interpreters. Viee ears RSGrayatgegaeebe sree ap eee rsses rete oy et oer a ee RN 22. A PHONETIC KEY The phonetic system employed is described in detail in a report of the Com- mittee of the American Anthropological Association assigned to standardize the symbols used for the recording of American Indian Languages; the report is Volume 66, Number 6 of the Miscellaneous Collections of the Smithsonian Insti- tution, 1916. The selected symbols used in recording Sahaptin are presented here. A de- ed treatment of the sound phenomena of the language is included in a gram- ar of Sahaptin P Bilabial media stop. D Bilabial surd stop. p Bilabial glottalized stop. v Linguo-alveolar media stop. t Linguo-alveolar surd stop. it Linguo-alveolar glottalized stop. K Mid-palatal media stop. KW Same, rounded. k Mid-palatal surd stop. k Mid-palatal glottalized stop. kw Same, rounded. q Velar surd stop. qw Same, rounded. q Velar glottalized stop. qw Same, rounded. Ww Bilabial sonant continuant; also semi-vowel glide. S Linguo-alveolar surd continuant. y Anterior-palatal sonant continuant; also semi-vowel glide. Cc Palatal mid-c surd continuant. x Mid-palatal surd continuant. XW Same, rounded. x Velar surd continuant. XW Same, rounded. h Faucal surd continuant. hw Same, rounded. ] Linguo-alveolar lateral sonant continuant. t Linguo-alveolar lateral surd continuant. ts Linguo-alveolar surd affricative. t’s Linguo-alveolar glottalized affricative. viPalatal mid-c surd affricative. t’c Palatal mid-c glottalized affricative. tt Linguo-alveolar lateral surd affricative. t’t Linguo-alveolar lateral glottalized affricative. m Bilabial nasal sonant continuant. n Linguo-alveolar nasal sonant continuant. a,a: In xwa’txwaipam this vowel is in reality the vowel called low, mixed, wide; every a in the xwa'ixwaipam texts should be understood thus. In cc >? ta/itnapam it is closer to the low, front, wide vowel, as in English “hat. o: Low, back, narrow, round. Has been found in the ta’irnapam bands. i,i: Mid-high, front, narrow. g: Mid, front, wide. Has been found in the ta’irnapam and pewa’nwapam bands, and possibly in rare cases in xwa’ixwaipam. u, u: Mid-high, back, narrow, round. ted to the mid, back, narrow vowel, 9, 2° Obscure; seems most closely rela kingly when in an accented syllable. which it simulates strikin al Organic diphthongal combination of a and 1. au Organic diphthongal combination of a and u. iu Organic diphthongal combination of 1 and u. ul Organic diphthongal combination of u and 1. The apostrophe serves as the glottal catch, which is acoustically weak. Accent is indicated by the accent following the vowel; correlative with accent is high tone. Monosyllabic words possessing high tone have an accent over the vowel to indicate the high tone. High to low, or falling, tone is indicated by the circumflex accent; low to high, or rising, tone is indicated by an inverted circum- flex accent. Quantity is indicated by a period above the line following the sound to be lengthened; rhetoric lengthenings are indicated by more than one such superscript periods, each standing approximately for a mora unit of length. This is the only respect in which a departure has been made from the method of transcription given in the Smithsonian paper cited. Breathed or voiceless vowels are superscript. But in the word t’i4-x", all, x" indicates that a rounded xw is heard neither as x followed by a normal w glide sonant nor as x followed by a breathed u, but as rounding coterminous with x alone. This occurs principally in t’!4-x"%, which is hence monosyllabic, of two moras. It should be understood that kw, kw, qw, dw, xw, xw, hw, ts, tc, Lise tre bie t’t, ai, au, iu, ui are organic units though their orthography be composed of more than one symbol. In cases when a period has been inserted between two such adjacent sounds the acoustic effect is not changed (except in k.w, t.s, t.c, t.1, where the stop becomes acoustically a media); the period denotes that the sounds belong to two separate syllables and do not represent an organic phonetic unit. Vilre fe eee iti teretaee Es Bpatszpagss cena 1 eee nieNORTHWEST SAHAPTIN TEXTS, I Told by Joe Hunt in Klikitat Et Au iwa’tca tin. iwa’tca ti-n tedu _—i‘Ikwac. aukucyu’k now there were people there were people no fire lacking it ti-n iwa’tca ku isi‘nwiya, “Au mi’ckonik kunan a’cu- people were and they said now what from that we find out Kwaca mona’n iwa’ ilkwac?” xola’kti-n pa’wiyakuka, where is fire many people gathered together anakwoa’tk xtu’xtu ti-n kukpo’nak pa’wiyakuka. kik all those who powerful leaders people and they gathered together and then si‘nwiya miya’wox, “mona’n iwa’ i‘lkwac Au iwa’ he spoke the chief where is fire now it is xwi-’-mi i/lkwac. a’/unan mi’ckonik kunan wo npataTaxnai high above fire now we how that we could go get it iIkwac?” i‘kuc isi/nwiya miya’wox. ku pa’’ana “tedu fire thus he spoke the chief and he said to him not mi’ckaoniknan wi’naTa.”’ xtu’ iwa’tca awi'nc tuwita’ya. how we can go strong was man Grizzly xtu’ awi’ne qa’ptpa kaya’supa. ku pe’nok isi’nwiya, strong man at shooting with arrows and he spoke “a’unan pana’tita ; ani’Tanam xolo’k kaya’su.” ku kick now we shall climb up you shall make many arrows and that is what iku’ya, anamoa’t iwa’ ti-n. tis pa’wiyakuka t’tAx", they did all who were persons all they gathered together all tami’yutTnadiya. kt-k ani’ya xolo’k kaya’’su. “a’unan they finished planning and then they made many arrows now we qo’PTa kaya’’su kunan kwono’k pana’tita.” kik shall shoot arrows and we thereat shall climb up and then aéuki-k iqa’pna kaya’’su xwi’mikan, tcdu t’sd after that then they shot arrows upwards not near a a ? eye / iqa’pnoxana. a’utika tcau xttu’, Ka’iwa. t’tax" anamoa’‘t they were shooting in vain not strong short all they who were , Z a - / tenuxta’nux ti’n, kik tcau t’sa kaya“su iqo’pnoxana the different kinds of persons and not near arrows they were shooting t’ta/pxwi xtu’xtu ti-n. ku-k pa’nt’ca iwa’ _ iksi’ks awine, even indeed the strongest persons now then he also was small man < . . A ”) mastoalya’i iwa’tca iksi’ks awinc. pa’”’ana (small red-headed) Woodpecker (Sapsucker) he was small man he told him miya’woxi'n, “ton! a’unam mic i’mt’ca imksa’simka the chief ready now! now you what you too you alone now 1 Told March 1928, J. J. Spencer interpreter. (175)Bate ee ee te eee Pitches) oetit este eet ae: AI SE OT 176 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [ Vol. 2 , , iy }7 = i ee Rip. pz / wa. a unam qo PTa: ku a sinwiya, ee Xa ima wa cnac are now you shoot and he said yes friends am I i/nak tcau stu: vatcma’ipam nt’ci’nt’cima ti-‘nma I not strong even if you powerful people ; ss SL Z 5-2 / ”? =f / ae, xtu’xtuma kupam tedu tsa qa'pea, i’ kucpat o’na. a’unac strong ones that you not near shoot that is what them he told now I Ny <1) ) V0 , 3 Pee j=. ~ iri a’utika i‘nt’ca qo’PTa. pa’niya pa’xaT kaya’su anyhow I alone will shoot he gave him five arrows miya’woxi'n. a’wiyaponiya a’swan mastoalya’i ku a’qopna the chief he went forth boy Sapsucker and he shot ma’’owu’t kaya’su. a’winana xwi-‘mikan kwon tu’xonyau out of sight arrow it went on upwards to there to the sky a’qapatana kaya’su. kik na’xcka a’wonpa a’qapna it stuck in it arrow then one more he took he shot ikwonxi a’qapataika kaya’suyau. ktick 4ukt-k to the very same place it stuck there onto the arrow in that manner then a’nakhaikma ku-ni’k kaya’su a’haikma ti-tca’myau. they brought it down below in that way arrows came down below to the ground a’nat’ca ku't’tkpa a’qoPna, ku’cxi a’nakhaikma. again to another spot he shot and in the same way again he brought them down below aukt'k ni-pt a’waniya pana’ titai kwono’k atkt then two he made for the purpose of climbing upon at that place then : , 1 . A e . pina’sapawiya ti-n, ku pana’tiya anama’t iwa’ they chose among themselves persons and they climbed up those who were / « A . . . . xtuxtu iwa’tca tin i/tcona ti-tca’mpa kumo’k ipana’tiya. ‘“‘a’unan strong were persons here in the land they climbed up now we / ° . . . . awonpanita i'/luke.’ ku — wiya'nawika. ku x4Ip itca’xolpa shall get their fire and they got there and open they opened y / . , . 4 kwono’k a’tkika. ku-k ka-nk iku’/ma kik ti-n at that place there they entered then closed they made it then the people - ! : A . pitas kwono’k ixa/Ikukwa ti-n mo’nik iwina’T.c at that place they wondered the people where from it comes out from , / ° a - ‘ z Ksa’r ixa‘Ikukwa _ ti-n. kik pa”awawiya kutcau the wind they were surprised the people then they sought it and not 4) . e . . pa yaxna. kwona’k itami’yuca miya’wox, ‘‘mi’cnan woa’napta they found it there he figured out the chief how we shall obtain +7 Spaiia - sic : 1 eee _ mi’ckin iwa’ ti-n inica’tuwa. ki-k iwa’ the fire this is how they are the people they live now then there is ! 1 ; : wa’na kwona’k twa’ noxana’c wa’napa ku:k ilu’ca a river there is a fish trap in the river and now then it burns i/ mie S799 . . . eS ti-nomi’. kut’lax kwonki’nok aAukt:k ita/miyuca ue of the people then all because of it thereupon they scheme sé ' / */ . ° es e S pets k _aunan mickoniknan a/wonpanita ilkwas.” i‘kuc now we in what manner we might get their fire that is how1929] Jacobs, Northwest Sahaptin Texts, 1. Klikitat 177 Deas: ‘ . , : ite’miyuna miya’wox. kak tax" cin ina’txanana, ‘‘tca/unac i/nok he figured the chief then all those persons spoke not I I a sas : j Sr : oe é : mi’ckonik.”’ kuc k@-k iksi‘ks miya’wox isi’nwiya: ‘“a’unae i/nok how thus thereupon a younger, lesser chief spoke now I pxwi'ca a’unac i’nok a’wonpanita ; i’kucnac i/nok pxwi'ca ;_iwa’ think now I I could get theirs that is what I I think is noxana’c, kuc ya’wainata kuc ya’wi-dikta a fish trap and I would float downstream and I shall get caught in the water noxana’cpa t’hiya’wiyi.” i/kuc isi’nwiya iksi’ks miya’wox at the fish trap as if dead that is what he said the lesser chief yoxa’ya “pa/icnacaT iya’xta qa’ixnadiT, kuc iwono’pta Beaver if me perhaps they find after dawn then me they will take kuc ina’kpyuktac aniTyau. kunam a’’qinucata. au and me they will take ashore to the house and you will be watching now A-n a’T.camtTa an ku-’knam pxwi’cata a’uxacaT sun it will come forth sun then you will think now most likely me pa’cuwaca. ina’ctac ani’ Tyau kuc icu’warTa. they are skinning they will take me inside into the house then me they will skin ku-’knamat auki:k a’/wapatcaikta ti-’nan ki:k ixa’IKukta thereupon you surely thereupon will surprise the people then they will be surprised ti-n eni-’tkonik ; ku-’knac iwi/wapauqitTa ku-’knacat the peope in the house then me they will drop and run off then I probably wone’pta i‘luke.”’ i‘kuc si/nwiya iksi‘ks miwa’wox yoxa’ya. shall get the fire that is what he said the lesser chief Beaver PERL a’ ona miya’woxi-n. kuktick éukt-k itxa’nana. yes then he said to him the chief and that is how thereupon it happened ta’unapaka t’tiya’wiyi ya’xa iya’wi-dika mnoxana’c. pa’’yaxna. supposedly as if dead Beaver he got caught at the fish trap they found him “St’liya’wiyaxac ya’xa, iya’wi-dikca noxana’cpa.” ku he must have died it seems Beaver he is caught at the trap and then pa’wonpa ku pa’nanana oni-’Tyau. “a’/unan a/cuwata.” they took him and carried him off to the house now we shall skin him kik pa’cuwana yoxa’yan. au tcduwi’yaT t’1ax" and so then they skinned him Beaver then nearly all e . . Z , / / pa/cuwatnadicana. ku’ipxwi/nxana, “tcdu mic koa’tu pawa’mce. they had finished skinning him and he thought not why hurry they are coming nomi’ma ti’nma, a’unac pdic t’l4x" patca’xwotskta ape’x, kuc’au my people now me possibly all they will skin off hide then me then i/kwak pa’i’t’liyawita ya-’nuwa.”’ tc4uwi’yarpaT 4ukt:k a’tcaxwatskcana that they will kill me for good and all not far they thereupon skinned off opo’x, kti-k pa’wapatcaika ti’ni-n. kt-k ixa/Ikukwa hide then they took them by surprise the people and then they were surprised ti-n. kik pa/wiyapawuqi'na ; tca‘uxi cu/watnadqiyi. the people then they dropped him as they went off still not finished skinning kik yoxa’ya_ithy’pna_ = i’Ikwacyau. iwonptxa’wuna_ i/lkwoc iwi-na’ta then Beaver jumped to the fire right away he took fire he went outsideESUPET aeeses vibe srs Fag sies races: oe a ose 178 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [Vol. 2 ani’ Tkonik. isapa’qpa? i‘Ikwac iwa’ixtiya. au i’ Kwak from the house he put it under his arm pit the fire he ran off then that iwo/npaniya i'lkwac. kuw’a’na_ panomi’nok ti’nma, “a’unac woanae’pa he took theirs the fire and he said his people now I have gotten i/Ikwac. teu, a’/unan katu’ ha’ikta ti tae the fire ready now we hurry let us go dqwn below let us return home kik iwi’nana anamona’nxi papana’tiya kukwona’k then he went on to the place again where’ they had climbed up and at that place itca’xalpma. ku’4ukié:k paha’ikma paya’nawiya i‘tcan he opened up and thereupon they went down below they arrived to this here ti-tca’/myau. pawa’napa x4't’tk kpa/nak panatita’was, t’la-x" to the country they got it broken it the ladder all papca’haika. ku Auki-k miya’wax iyu-’mna ti-n they took them down and then the chief they assembled the people t tax. “a/unan tu’xcana. ci-’‘nom na’tciks iluke?”’ kut’tax" all now we have returned home who has brought the fire then all 4uki-k iwa’npa apa’P ixa’t’itnoxana ape’P, teauti-n thereupon they sang hands they opened (their hands) hands nothing i’lkwac anamoa’t Kpa/nok ipana’ticana teduti-n ilkwac. au fire as many as they they climbed up nothing fire now pantica yoxa’ya: “a’unac i’nt’ca_ t’la’x"yausi‘mka wa‘npta.” kak he also Beaver now I I also the last one only sing then iwa’npa yaxa’ya a’watca pa’xnau pa’pma ttmayi-’ma he sang Beaver he had five daughters unmarried girls yoxayanomi’. ku’Au iwa’npa yoxa’ya. i‘kuc iku’ya apa’P, of Beaver and then he sang Beaver this is what he did hands ‘“na'tsitsa::‘nani::":, na’tsitsa::-nani::".”’ ki-k I am holding what we went after I am holding what we went after thereupon pa’wiyaponiyu‘na nt’ci’yi-n pa’pi-n. kik 1 ed apo’P came forward to him eldest daughter then this finger i/kuc pa’kwi-niya.* tceau ilkwac, ku-ni‘k iwana’pna. in this manner she did to his no fire there he sang na’xcinka pa’wiyapeniyu:na pa’sapawuslaikaniya opoe’p, tcdu i'/lkwoc, there he sang Beaver again one in the same manner ku-ni’k iwana’pna yoxa'ya. a’nat’ca naxc ku'cxi, there he sang Beaver Again one in the same manner teautti-n i’‘lkwoc. a/nat’ca ndaxc, tcedutti-n ilkwac. kuk la‘imutT nothing fire again one nothing fire then the youngest pap pa’wiyaponiyu-na i’tci apa’P la‘imutT ape’P daughter came forward to him this here finger smallest finger a‘la’ pa’sapawuslaikaniya apa’P la/‘imutT i/lkwac. aukti'k claw she opened his finger smallest fire thereupon Hf 4 . . . . . , i'lkwa. ka-k xwi-mikonik pa’dinaniya . “au a’wa they made fire then from above they saw their now they have ? He put the fire in his flexed little finger, which he held in his arm pit. 8 She pried open his flexed thumb.1929] Jacobs, Northwest Sahaptin Texts, 1. Klikitat 179 i‘Ikwoc a’luca. a’uxanan iwo’npaniya i/‘Ikwac. kik fire it is burning now probably us they took our fire then mi’ckoniknan a’witoskanita?”’ kik itu’xtuxna pa’xar tKwi’ how we could quench theirs then it rained five days itu’xtuxna. txa’nana t’tAx" ti-tca’m. ku t’ta/nox yoxa’ya it rained became all water and nevertheless then Beaver ini‘ka iIkwac anamo’t iwa’ ilkwasnomi’ ma’t’sai tcea’wacpa he put the fire as many as were of the trees roots in the water mi'ti. ku kwono’k yoxa’ya ini‘ka i‘Ikwac t’t4x" anamo’t below and there Beaver he stored the fire all as many as iwa’ ma’t’sai mi’ti t’ta’pxwi tca’wacpa. kumtn were roots below even though in the water and when ila’xyawita kukwono’k iwa’ i‘Ikwac. Ykuc iku’ya yoaxa‘ya: they will dry then there is fire that is what he did Beaver kik txa’ucxna tu’xtuxtkonik ku iqa’ixna ca’a’T then it quit from raining and it cleared unconcerned yoxa’ya ina’kponiya i/Ikwac iIkwa. i’kuc yoxa’ya Beaver he took out the fire he made a fire that is how Beaver ina’khaika i/‘Ikwac. hti panpacata’tana. hii he brought down the fire unable they took it back unable pa” itackaniya tedu micni’kin. ta-’minwa itxa’/nana i‘Ikwac. put out their fire not howwith what always they had fire iwatca’ ti-n tcAutti-n ilkwac, Aic ta-n iku/xana were people nothing fire if it they would make tkwa’taT kik itkwa’panixana, kik a’tixana tkwa’taT food and then they danced about it then it cooked the food teau’i'Ikwaski. kw’i/Kwak 4uki:k ina’khaika ilkwac yoaxa’ya, not with fire and it thenafter he brought down fire Beaver ku-ma/nkat i’'tci i/ku-k ku’iwa’ i‘Ikwac. itxa’nana since then this here this very time then is fire it is anamoa’t twa’ ilkwas ; ki-kwatpdink —_—iwa’ i‘Ikwaspa as many as are trees and in every one of that kind is in the tree i Ikwac. i’ku-nik iwa’ wati'tac. fire in that manner is the myth. There were people. They had no fire. They lacked it. They said, “How can we learn where there is fire?” Lots of people assembled, all those who were the people of noble rank were the ones who assembled. The chief, said, “Where the fire is is way above. Now how can we get it?’ That is what the chief said. He was told, “There is no way we could go.” Grizzly was a strong man. He was strong at shooting with arrows. He said, “Now we shall climb up; make lots of arrows.” ‘That is what they did, they who were the persons then. They all assembled. They finished their planning. They made lots of arrows. eetSS 180 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [ Vol. 2 us shoot the arrows and then we shall climb up there.” They shot arrows up- wards, but not near enough to the sky did they shoot them. They shot in vain. Their shooting was not strong enough. The arrows fell short. All those who were the different kinds of persons, not near enough did they shoot their arrows to the sky, not even the very strongest persons. Sapsucker was a small man. The chief said to him, “Now you! You are the only one left. Now you shoot!” He said, “Yes, my friends, I am not strong, for if you people even, you power- ful, strong people could not shoot near to it... .” ‘That is what he told them. “But I will shoot anyhow.” The chief gave him five arrows. The boy Sapsucker went forward and he shot an arrow clear out of sight. On it went upwards right to the sky where it stuck in. He took another and shot it to the very same place where it stuck into the first arrow. That is how he brought the chain of arrows down below to the earth. Again he shot up at another spot, and in the very same manner again he brought them down below. He made two chains to climb upon. Then the people chose among themselves, and those who were the strong persons in this land were the persons who climbed up above. ‘Now we shall get their fire.’ Then they got there. They opened it up and at that place they entered. They closed it up. ‘The persons there wondered where the wind was coming from. They looked and did not find it. ‘The chief schemed, “How shall we get the fire? This is how the people dwell. ‘There is a river. There is a fish trap in the river. There the fire of the people is burning.” They all schemed over the problem. “Now how shall we get their fire?” This is how the chief figured it out. All the people replied to him, “I do not know how.” ‘This is how one young chief spoke: “I think I could get their fire; that is what I think; there is the fish trap, and I could float downstream and get caught in the water at the fish trap and be as if I were dead.” ‘That is what the small chief, Beaver, said. “Supposing they find me after sunrise, they will get me and carry me onto shore to their house. You will be watching. When the sun rises you will be thinking that then they are skinning me. They will take me into their house and skin me. Then you must surprise the people. They will all be surprised at their house; they will drop me and run off and then I can get the fire.” ‘That is what the small chief Beaver said. “Very well, then,” the chief said to him. And in that manner it happened. Just as if he were dead Beaver got caught in the water at the fish trap. They found him there. “Beaver must have died, he is caught in the water at the fish trap.” ‘They took him and bore him off to their house. “Now we shall skin him.” Thereupon they skinned Beaver. They had pretty nearly. completed skinning him. He thought, “Why do they not hurry and come, my people, maybe they will be skinning off my entire hide, and that will be the death of me for good.” ‘They had pretty near skinned off his hide, when they were taken by surprise. ‘Those people were indeed surprised. They dropped him and ran off; they had not yet finished skinning him. Then Beaver jumped to the fire. He took away the fire directly. He went outside the house. He placed the fire in his arm pit and ran off. There he took their fire from them. He said to his people, “Now I have gotten the fire. Ready, let us hurry and go down below and return home.” He went on to the very same place where they1929] Jacobs, Northwest Sahaptin Texts, 1. Klikitat 181 had climbed up and there he opened it up. They went down below and reached this country here. They took the ladders, broke them off, and took down all the arrows. All the people of noble rank assembled. ‘We have returned home. Who has brought the fire with him?” They all sang with their hands open, but no one had fire of those who had climbed up above. Then Beaver: “Now I shall also sing, the last in order.” Beaver sang. He had five unmarried daughters. Beaver sang. This is what he did with his hands as he sang, “I am holding what we went after, I am holding what we went after.” His eldest daughter stepped forward to him. She did thus to this finger. There was no fire there, and he continued singing. Another came forward and pried open a finger, but there was no fire there, and he continued singing. Again another did the very same thing, and there was no fire. Again another, and no fire. Then the youngest daughter came forward to him and opened his little finger—or claw—and fire was there. Then they made fire. From above they saw the people’s fire. “Now they have fire burning. They must have taken ours. How can we quench their fire?” Then it rained for five days. All the land became water. But nevertheless Beaver stored the fire in as many trees as had roots under water. And when they would dry there would be fire there in them. That is what Beaver did. It stopped raining and cleared and unconcernedly Beave brought out the fire and produced a fire. That is the way Beaver brought fire down below. They could not get the fire back. They could not put out the fire with anything. There was always fire now. When the people had had no fire, when they cooked food they used to dance about it, and then the food was cooked with no fire. What Beaver had brought down, ever since then and at the present time there is fire. It is in every tree; in every tree of that kind there is fire. That is the way the myth goes. Dictated by Mr. Hunt immediately following the completion of the preceding myth. . Mra Z ® , a / ma’‘niknac ani’ya i/nok wati’tac tcdu’iinak. anamu’n itxa’nana where from me made I myth not I when came to be A 4 Sl ti-tca’m, min itxa’nana ti-n, kik pa”anakwa ti’nan country when came to be persons after then got rid of it persons ’ ° / : ti‘tca’mnan. kik itxa’nana kKpa’nak anakpa’nok iwatca ti-n country and then became those which were persons i : +f kpa’nok itxa’nana ka’kya_ itxa’nana waika’nac, txa’nana owi/nat, those became animals and birds became fish became deer . , , ae txa/nana_ tama-ni’t, itxa’nana xoni’t. t’l4x" Kpo’nak kwoni:/nkat became things-picked became roots all those from them . . . / $f ; itta’waxna wati’tac. tcdu i’tcloksim ti-tca’mpa, anakwo’tk ica originated myth not here merely in the country as far as liessr ee ee wihegrasapaidarasershetss =e ae ee | 182 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [ Vol. 2 ti-tca’m. kwono’k t’4x" tonuxto’nux ti-n, ku’cxi country there all different kinds of persons in the same manner si/nwiT, ku’cxi tkwa’tat. anama’t i'tci iwatca’ ti-n, language in the same manner foods as many as here were people, Indians tcduqu’yox tama’nwitT. tin itxa’nana tama’nwitki, itta’waxna no white people law Indians came to be by the law lived i‘nak ti-n i'tci i‘ku‘k. kik ikwi-’tame ku-ma’nk, we Indians here this time now and then goes on since then anakpo’noak = cin ku-ma’nk itta’waxcamta. kak Kpa’nok _ iyi’kcana those which who since then will be still living on then they heard watitacnan, ku Kpa’nok ipxwi'ca i'tci V/ku:k /ku-nik myth and they think here now in that manner itta’waxnoma ti:tca’m. kuwati'tac ku-ma’nk jta & kok has gotten to be country. and myth ever since here now Au tcduwi'yaT t’tax" Kponok uwa’T.ca wati'tac. Au i‘nok then not far all they are disappearing myth now I xwo’sa'T kumac wati'ca t’lax"simka, wiya’nakwanica old man who l-you relate it for the last time now I leave it wati'tac. ixwinam pa’yikcata ino’k ciya’x a’/umac ni-, myth later on you will hear me me good now JI-you give tcduwi'yat t’l4x" wati'tac i/tcanok ti:tca’mpa xwa’ixwaipam ti-tca’m. not far all myth this here in country Klikitat country kunam Au pa’ikea. it is which you now hear Somewhere the mythology was made, but not by me. When this land first came to be, and when there came to be persons in it, then the persons and the land were gotten rid of and destroyed—in that former world—. And those who had been the persons became animals and birds, fish, deer, berries and fruits, and roots. They all came from those who had been persons, from them the myth- ology originated. It was so not only merely in this country, but as far as the land lies. There through are all sorts of different Indian people, and also different languages, and also different foods. Just as many as there were Indian people, but there was no white man’s law. The Indian people came by their law, and we have lived by it, we Indians, to this day. And so they have been going on ever since then, those who are still living on. ‘They are the ones who have heard the mythology, and they are the ones who think that we have lived in that manner until this very day in this world. But since then the mythology now has pretty nearly disappeared and gone. And now I am an old man when I am recounting it to you for the last time, and I am leaving the mythology for you. Later on when you hear me in it it will be good what I am now giving you, which is pretty nearly all the mythology of this Klikitat country. So you hear me.Jacobs, Northwest Sahaptin Texts, 1. Klikitat Le a’watca pa’xnau awi’ncma. Kwayawiya’i watuima’, ku’a’watca there were five men Cougar eldest and there were isxo’P xali-’cya somti-’sya wata’ya pt’ci’mya ; pa’xnau younger brothers Wolf Fisher Weasel Wild Cat five xa’ima. a’watca watuima’ Kwayawi’, a’wisalilxana a’tuxwonaxana brothers he was eldest Cougar he went a-hunting he would shoot and kill t’ta’x"nan tai-n owi/natTnan, kw’i’kwonok a’/wusanaxana kwono’k all things deer and to that place they would go on thereat ma tia a’tkwataxana a’/nicaikxana tata ku’a’nat’caxi brothers they would eat they would dwell all and again a’wisalatixana kwayawiya’'i, a/tuxwonaxana wiyapni’T ku-k he would go a-hunting Cougar he would shoot and kill elk and then i/kwonok isxo’pmaman a’nakwi-naxana. kwono’k a’nicaikxana to that place younger brothers he would take them along thereat they would live a’tkwataxana t/14-x". ku-k a’/nat’caxi a’wisalatixana they would eat all of it and then once more he would go a-hunting mona-’n a’tuxwonaxana. kick a’wiyaninxana ; where he would shoot and kill that is how they would be going about . . . Z / 7 a’wuci‘nwucinxana isxo’Pma. au a’tuxwonana they would move about here and there the younger brothers Now then he shot and killed nici Wiyapni’T . ku-k a’wona isxo’Pmaman, “fa/unac large elk and then he told them younger brothers just now I . ee a/tuxwonana, a/unatk wuca’naTa.”’ kw’i-’kwonok a’wucanana shot and killed now let us all zo off and to that place they went off : A ° ap0cnp) A xa’ima. kwono’k a’wiyanawiya. ku pa’’ana pt’ci’myan the brothers at the place there they arrived and he told him to Wild Cat piya’pi-n, “a’umac a’kutak, nam’a’/pat’takta kunamtk older brother now I-you, yours make! you peel off and we all 4 4 . ; 7 ett 9 a3 mt Aone ” auki-k twa’cata ; ani’Ta twacata’was ku tcawatata was. then next will boil will make boiling-vessel, kettle and thing-to-get-water é ; : i eae po’nok a’watca la‘imuT pt’ci’mya piyapmami’pa. ku’a’winana he he was youngest Wild Cat in relation to his older brothers and he went off Z sea ae7 pa”’ana piya’pi-n, “tca’unam wutu’wanpta ; _ tawi-tki‘noknam he told him older brother not you will sing while making this silently you ‘ 3 ° se ar. a/kuta ; t’sa‘ka tkwa’ kwa-linomi’yau ; _iyi‘ktanam will do it near now to there to the pace of the dangerous one he might hear you ° : 664 4 ”? a i’kuc pa’’ona piya’pin. a’wona ij’ Au. kwali’nom. he told him older brother he said yes then the dangerous one that is how . / ’ ku-k a’winana pt’ci-’mya. a’kuya na’noknan~ a’pat’taka and then he went on Wild Cat he got cedar he peeled it off . Loans ‘ A 8914 ts a’waniya twa’caTai, ku tea'watarai, __ htti’a’kuya he made it to boil with and to fetch water with unable he did it 1Told March 1928, interpreter J. J. Spencer. A shorter version, not as well told, is given below, page 219.Pete ee eae ee Se ae 184 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [ Vol. 2 tawi:Tki’nok. ku-k a’natxanana “‘tca’unac kata ti-n in silence and then he said not I can do anything ku’xa tawi-:Tki’nok. ha” aityac wutu’wanpta kucku’ta would do silently unless rather [ should sing and do it and I would do it ciye’x, tca’/unacmona’n pak a’pat’takta psa-’n nanoknomi’. well not I at all crack, split I would peel it off bark of cedar ha” airyac wutu’wanpta kucki-k ciya’x a’kuta na‘’mon.”’ unless rather I sing and do it and I then well will do it whole, unsplit i‘kuc a/natxanana pt’ci:’mya. “a’unactxa’ wutu’wanpta, thus he spoke Wild Cat now I guess maybe shall sing as I do it tuwa’iki.”’ ku 4uku wutu'wanpa tuwa’iki pt’ci-’mya. in a low tone and now then he sang as he did it in a low tone Wild Cat ipa’t’taka na‘’moan “i’/kuctTyac a/kuxa iwa’npi-ki ; he peeled it off whole that is how indeed ] would do it with singing naman.” a’nat’ca naxc a‘kuya a’pat’taka. auku whole again another he did it he peeled it off and then nt’ci’ki a’wutwanpa pt’ci:’mya. ku pa’yikna Kwaili’yi-n. louder he sang as he did it Wild Cat and he heard him the dangerous one kwoni'nok a’winana xowu'cpa a’‘lair ku’a’dinuna on from there he went on along the creek by the bank and he saw iwa”’oni-’T ila’mk"ca. “ti-’“nmaxac pawa’.”’ ku’i’‘kwona there is a house smoke is issuing from it people probably they are and to that place a’winana. ku’a’Ki-na ptci’ckonik. Xwo’sa‘T ila’tamalaica he went and he peeped in at the door old man he was lying by the fire i‘lkwacpa. kwoni’nok ku pa’dinuna. kupa’’ana, “a-’-cwan by the fire from that place and he saw him and he told him little boy mi’cnamnu’’ka tu/kinam na’Kwatacana?”’ levalswatl joe pa’ieryac mona“n a/tuxwonata wiyapni T kumac a’wawitTa, whenever now I anywhere shoot and kill elk thereupon I-you shall seek . 4 / kunam macna’nata i‘kwanok, kunam 4ukt kwona’k and you I-you shall take to that place and you thereupon at that place . : Vows PAT. tkwa’tata ta’’minwa anama“Ik wiyaninta | ptaxanupa will eat for all time as long as you go about in the mountains———— eta ee ta ae eto Cee need 188 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [ Vol. 2 tca/unamtin ana’witTa.”’ ktick auki-k i'tci Vku-k not you ever will hunger thus then this here very now pawiya’ninxa xa’yin. pdicmona’n tuxwo/nata. they go about the two brothers wherever it may be he might shoot and kill kupa’npatata kukwono’k 4ukti-k pt’ci:’mya itkwa’tata then ke will go to fetch him and at that place thereupon Wild Cat he will eat anamu’n OE ‘t’ix"ta, ku’a’nat’ciwi’nata,® mona’n a’nat’ca whenever he will have finished eating then again he will go on off where again xa’yin pa’tuxwoni-nita, ku pa” awawita ta-‘minwa. the brother shoots and kills for his sake then he will search for him for all time auku’i’kuc pawa’ i'tci i‘ku-k, piya’ now then that is the way they are this here very time now he and his elder brother Kwayawiya’i ki’4uki-k pt’ci-’mya a’winana. “a/unac wiya’nintTa Cougar and now then Wild Cat went off now I shall go about ilksa”ilksa wiya’ninta, ku’cxi kwayawiya’i.” aAukti-k all alone shall go about in the same manner as Cougar thereupon pa’Pawiyapa‘na piya’pi-n. iwi’‘nana pt’ci-’“mya iwiya’dinunoxana he parted from him the elder brother he went on Wild Cat on his way he would see tin kuwiya’qwanoxana si:nomi-n kaya’“suki something and as he went along he would shoot at it squirrel with the arrow anakpo’nak pa’niya piya’pi-n kaya’’su. kuk which ever one he had given him elder brother arrow and then kwonki’nok pt’ci’mya iwiya’tkwataxana. Aukt-k t’lax"tti-n by means of it Wild Cat as he went along he would eat then all kinds ku'cxi wa’napa iqi/nunoxana; cu’caine iwa’ wa’napa, in the same manner in the river he would see steelhead it was in the river kuw’ipo/Tyaxana kwonki’nok anakpo’nak pa’niya tanu’ and he would spear it with it that one which he had given him spear piya’pi-n. ciyo’x iwiya’ni-na pt’ci-’mya. tcdu’ana’wiya the elder brother and nicely, well he went about Wild Cat not did he hunger ku ikwi-’tana wa’nayau iwiya’’ala:ya. and he was going along towards the river he on his way got to the river kw idi’nuna itu’tica owi'nc ka‘’tnam xapitmi’ a’natconik and he saw standing a man long knife on the back ipa’qwoT.ca a’natconik. “kumic imi’ca Spo Pt iku’ca,® it was thrust in on the back now what does he do hand he does kwi’/nik isxwi’, tei-‘nik motxi’. i’kuc that one on the other side female steelhead upon this side male steelhead thus . / A . : iku’ca® a/myau. ni-pt pawa’ cu’cainci:n tca’wacpa he does to the mouth two they are two steelheads in the water =e) . ° Ae xowu'cpa. ku wiya’nawiyu'na ku’o’na, “a‘la: Xa. in the creek and he came up to him and he said oh! well! friend! ® Rapid speech for ku a’nat’ca iwi’nita. ® This man stretches out his ar m, says “‘salmon” or some magic formula, puts his hand i his mouth as if carrying a fish to it, and eats and swallows a salmon, all by “magic.” At point Mr. Hunt mimicked the man’s gesture. The man is a person, Coon.1929] Jacobs, Northwest Sahaptin Texts, 1. Klikitat 189 a’unac a/pTyatTa kunan napuwo’k pana’xc tkwa’tata.”’ now I shall spear them and we both one apiece will eat them kupa’’ana “4---tcea/unam pacxonu’’Ta.”’ xactx Kala-’sya. and he said to him oh! not you become angered at me it was undoubtedly Coon a’tcaxwotka xapitmi’, ku’auki:k pasxonti-’na. “a-h’knamnt-.”’ he drew out knife and thereupon he got angry at him oh! nonsense you talk xa’yi-n pa’wauxtwapatiya, a’waixtiya pt’ci-’mya wi yat, the friend he beat him off he ran off Wild Cat far away paqa’tutica iqa’Tdi-ca xa'ipa ku’cxi he stood still he stood and looked back at the friend in that same manner iqa’kuca Ka-la’sya cu’cainci‘nan kuk 4ukt-k pt’ci-’"mya he was doing it Coon to the two steelheads and thereupon Wild Cat tan’ kuwi’nanu'na and he went to him to the friend ili’ watiya, he got angry kwiku’ya xa/ipa and he got spear tuwa’i a’natconik. i’kwona wuxa’pa kw’ipe’tyana stealthily from behind to right there at legs and then he speared ni-pti’k cu’cainc, ku tcea’/wi-pyuka xaipmi’pa both steelheads and he pulled them out at his friends wuxa’pa. ku-k pa’qadinuna, auki-k a’'liwatiya Kkala-’sya at legs then he saw it thereupon he got angry Coon kik pa’twapatiya. pt’ci’mya a’nak.waixtiya tcedumtin and he chased him Wild Cat ran off with them not ever pa” amtkwi-na. Wi-’-yaT pto’xanupa. kwono’k a’‘tawana did he overtake him far off in the mountain thereat he roasted a'tkwatana ni-pti’k cu’cainc. kick Kala-’sya tceau he ate both steelheads in that manner Coon no cu’cainc. steelheads . . s , ° / kwoni’nok a’winana Aukt-k __ pt’ci-’mya wa’napa from that place he went on now then Wild Cat by the river 7 Z , Z cea pipaent wanapa ink, t’lax"tu-n au iya’qwanoxana alongside the river all sorts of things now then he shot as he went along a’wiyatkwataxana. kik a’/wiyadinuna a’wiyaninca kka-’Tnam he ate as he went along then as he went along he saw it was going about long : i 3 ae Ey wati’ke nanu’pa. *fmi’cxac itxa’nacana nt’ci’xac iwa track in the sand what seemingly is it big apparently it is 5 5 jcc Rert awinc kka‘’tTnam a’wa wati'kc.”’ ki-k a’/wiyaqinuna a man long has tracks so then he saw as he went along , . s Z pas ; cers As ayi kcayike ka-/tTnam awinc.’ kik pa’qinunxa. ala’ | xal sitting facing the other way tall man and he saw him oh! friend! . . . . / ° > 4 / CO ale 44 mi’cnam i’tci wiya’ninxa?”’ kt-k a’wona, | «Rai what you hereabout are going about whereupon he said why yes! friend : : ; autikac wiya’ni-nxa.” engeheh aunan _— wi’ aqulawirTa.”’ kupa’’ona, merely I am going about yes then now we let us play and he said to him 7 The man was Timber Rabbit: lukwa’ya.een Se Sk eae shots Ret oe bit tt ts it be ee 190 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [ Vol. 2 “ s , , (42? ) | » ” k ) tcAumoana’n. tca’unac a’tqixca aqu’lawit. upa”’ona, not at all not I desire a game and he told him “tca/unan kik a’utika pa’pa’yaxta, a/uTyanan not we now just merely meet one another now anyhow we aqu’lawita.”’ i’kuc pa”’ana pt’ci:’myan xactx should play that is what he told him Wild Cat it must have been lukwa’’ya, kpa’nak owi'nc. ku’a/wona, oe al a’umac Timber Rabbit that aforementioned man and he said yes then now I-you i: ku’ca.”’ pa’’ana, “‘pa’pawi-iqarta apa’ pki, yes will do so he said to him we shall scratch upon one another with hands t’tax" qu’Pqupa, Aico pa’’ana pt’ci’’myayi-n, “ala-’ only on the back in this manner he said to him Wild Cat oh dear! xAl tca/unactti-n wa a:sa’. qi/nanim apa’P, friend! not I anything of that sort have claws look at me hand tcdutti-n arsa’.”” pt’ci:’“mya a’kuya ha--u asa’, nothing claws Wild Cat did thus draw in claws, ku’i’kuc a’/kuya, tcedutti-n asa’. lukwa-’ya a’qatyana and in that manner he did it none claws Timber Rabbit thereupon laughed “ha ha ha ha ha tcAumoana’n ti-n iwa’ tcdu’a:sa’. qi/nanim ha ha ha ha ha no where person is no claws look at me! i'tci asa’. i‘kuc itxa’/naxa aqu‘lawitai.”’ ku these claws in this manner it should be to play with and pa”ona pt’ci’myayi-n, “ala:’- xAi a’unam payupa’yu he said to him Wild Cat oh dear! friend! now you hurt pakuta’taca,”” “ha ha ha ha ha.”’ lukwa’ya a’'tiyaxaika, pa’”’ona, you wish to do it to me ha ha ha ha ha Timber Rabbit he laughed he said to him el Atl, a’umac i ku’ca.”’ ku pa’”’ana, tCa. yes now now I-you yes will do it and he said to him ready now! io / . . . a’unam i/mxuc pa’wi-tqepra.”’ i‘kuc pa”’ona now you you first will scratch upon me that is what he said to him Inq! y yous ae e a pt’ci“myan. ku’a/wona pt’ci-’’mya, fala: xai mi’cmactx’i/nok Wild Cat and he said Wild Cat oh dear! friend! why I-you was it I / . . . na xausa, tca’umac i’nok i’moknam pa’naxausa, i’mok challenged not I-you I you you you challenged me you ‘7 . S 4 ‘ i’mxuc kupa’witqopom.”’ atte a’umac. ayi‘k.”’ a’waika you first now then you scratch me! yes now now I-you sit up! he sat up LL Es Saaey . Feces pt'ci“mya, pa’witqopa qu’Pqura, a’qatiyaxana pt’ci:’mya, Wild Cat he scratched him upon the back he laughed then Wild Cat st s Z 29 ’ , . ’ , ” ha ha ha ha.” pas sxar. ku:k pa’’ona, mid. i’mt’caka. ha ha ha ha five times and then he told him now ready! you also now pee *1, re ° 4 ku A wayika a lukwa:’ya, Au ikucpa’kuya, tcdutt-n and he sat Timber Rabbit now then this is what he did to him no thing ey ! pa ie ; qu’pdura. pi’nipt. “ha ha ha ha” lukwa:’ya, “ala: Claws upon the back four times ha ha ha ha Timber Rabbit oh dear! § Mr. Hunt went thru the motions of their scratching.1929] Jacobs, Northwest Sahaptin Texts, 1. Klikitat 191 xai ayaya’sxanamtoxwa.”’ pi‘ni-pt aw’i'tci pa’xaT friend! you must be stupid four times now this fifth time ; pa’wonpa, xa’yin tei’ nik a’/mkonik pa’tcaqwotska he seized him the friend from this place from the mouth he skinned him war, __ lukwa’s qwa:‘ts opo’x. “wa'TaTyanam wa:-:: Timber Rabbit off it came the hide you will be just tkwa’tatnomi amackt-kmona’n wiya’’yaxTa, kumac tkwa’taxata.”’ my food wherever I-you then on the way encounter and I-you will eat 4ukii-k a’waniya twacata’was ptci-’mya, a’/wilaxwaixna thereupon he fashioned, made a cooking-vessel Wild Cat he heated pewa’, auku a’/twacaTwacaTna nokwoa’T pt’ci-’mya. rocks then he boiled many meat Wild Cat kut’ta’nox piya’P Kwayawiya’i ituxwo’nana Wwiyapni’T and meantime elder brother Cougar he shot and killed elk kw’4ukt-k a’tuxwonana wiyapni’T kik a’/pxwina, and thereafter he shot and killed elk and then he thought | | *fa/unac a’wawitaca nomi-’n isxo’Pnan mona’n’4u now I shall go seek my younger brother where now iwiya’ni-nxa, a’unac a’wawitaxa.”’ kt-k aukt-k pa” awawitana he is going about now I seek him and then he sought him . peue , ° ,° , x , e , | plya’pi-n. pa’wiyaqinuna a’luca, kwono’k itwa’caca the elder brother as he went along he saw it is burning at that place he is cooking nokwoa’T i’ kwon. pa’wiyanawiyw'na. alae: xAi, tu-’nam meat to that place he came to him oh! brother ! what you a’tuxwonana?”’ pa’qadinuna pt’ci’myayin. ce yaya, have shot and killed he saw him Wild Cat yes older brother a’tuxwonanac mtipe. a’unam i‘mt’ca qa’tkwatata.”’ pa’’ana, I shot and killed a fawn now you you also stop and eat! he said to him “a-la- xAi, a’utTya kik imksa’ tkwa’tak. oh! brother ! now instead now then you alone eat it! a’wawicamac. a’tuxwonanac wiyapni’T. pa’icnam qa‘naqita I was seeking you I have shot and killed an elk when you finish eating tkwa’tatTnadita ku-nanwi’nata na’kwinatamac. a/tuxwonanac will have finished eating then we shall go off I shall take youalso I have shot and killed wiyapni’T.”’ clelas yaya.” Auku‘k pt’ci’mya a’winatkwatana an elk oh! elder brother ! then Wild Cat he ate hurriedly it GHA Rs a/tkwatatnadiya. “tea, a’/unan ' wi/‘naTa.”’ ki-k all up he finished eating it ready now! now we may go on then a’winana, pa’nanana piya’pi-n, i-’--kwonok pa’/natcika. they went on he took him off the elder brother to that place he took him ku pa’’ona, “a/utyakt:k kwoano’k au i/tcana and he said to him now indeed from now on at that place now right here txa/nok anamu’n qa’t’toxwta. kumac i/kuck remain ! whenever will have finished eating it all up and I-you in this manner ta:’’minwa mona’’nac a’/tuxwonaxatTa. mona’n kumac all the time whenever I shall have shot and killed it wherever thereuponSe es ee ees Fes oop bik ts ie be ee sz. 192 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology Vol. 2 sy A) i gd 4uktk a’wawixatTa, i/kucmac ta-‘minwa ku’ta, inomi’ at that time then shall seek in that way always shall do my isxa’P. tcea‘unamtin ana’wiTa.” i‘kuc pa”’ana younger brother not you ever will hunger that is how he told him piya’pi-n. kuc’4uki-k i'tci iku-k ta-’minwa the elder brother and in that manner this here this very time always pawa’, paicmonan i't’hyawita tiax"ti-n, kukwona’k pt’ci-’mya, they are wherever he will have killed anything then at that place Wild Cat auku po’nt’ca iqa'tkwatacata piyaPmi’ tuxwo’nac. now then healso he will be eating of the elder brother thing shot and killed by him There were five men. Cougar was eldest, and his younger brothers were Wolf, Fisher, Weasel, and Wild Cat; five brothers they were. Cougar was eldest, and he would go about a-hunting and he would shoot and kill all kinds of deer, and to the place where he had shot the deer his brothers would go; they would eat the deer and live there, all of them. Once again Cougar would go a-hunting, and he would shoot and kill elk. He would take his younger brothers along to that place. There they would live and eat it all up. Again he would go hunting and somewhere he would shoot and kill game. That is how they used to go about; the younger brothers would move about here and there. Then he shot and killed a big elk. He told his younger brothers, “I have just shot and killed game, let us move off to there.” To that place the brothers moved. They arrived there. His older brother Cougar said to Wild Cat, “Now do your work, peel off bark and then we shall boil things; we have a kettle and a water pail to make.” He who was youngest was Wild Cat, and that was his work for his elder brothers. So he went off. His elder brother had told him, “Do not sing while you work at it; work at it in silence; we are near the place of a dangerous person ; the dangerous one might hear you.” ‘That is what his elder brother told him. He replied, “Very well.” And then Wild Cat went on. He got cedar and peeled it and fashioned it so that it would be an object to boil with, and he made another to fetch water with, but he could not do it in silence. He said, “I can not do anything silently. Only rather if I sing and work at the same time could I do it well, and then I would not split the cedar bark at all in peeling it off. Only if I sing and work together could I produce it wholly unsplit.” That is what Wild Cat said. “Now I guess I shall sing as I work, but in a low tone.” And so Wild Cat sang as he worked, but in a low voice. Indeed he peeled it off whole. ‘Now that is how I can do it with the help of my singing; whole it comes off.” And another strip again he peeled off the same way. Wild Cat sang louder and louder as he worked. The dangerous one heard him. From that place Wild Cat went along the bank of the creek. He saw that there was a house with smoke rising from it. “Probably there are people there.” He went on to the place. He peeped in from1929 | Jacobs, Northwest Sahaptin Texts, 1. Klikitat 193 the door way. An old man lay by the fireside. From where he lay the old man saw Wild Cat. He said to Wild Cat, “Little boy, what were you saying, and what were you glad about?” ‘The boy replied, ““Why, indeed, my elder brother shot and killed an elk.” ‘Oh, grandson, I shall mix you up in with them when I eat them up, grandson.” That is what the old man told the boy. Feeling wretched and in despair the boy went off. The old man sat up, got his cane, and followed the boy. The boy ran on, and as he went along he saw that in the creek there was a fish basket trap of the old man. There was nothing in it, for only sticks got into the trap, and no salmon at all. Wild Cat said to the old man, “You have not anything in the trap; it is full of sticks and sticks only.” He said to Wild Cat, “Oh, grandson, you just wait.” And then the boy stopped, while right there the old man went down to the waterside, and he got that trap that was there in the water and full of sticks inside, and no fish at all. He took it and opened his mouth towards the sky and poured those sticks into his mouth; he gulped down all the sticks. ‘The boy was in despair; he was frightened. He ran off and arrived at the place of his elder brothers. “I have found my grandfather.” His elder brother said to him, “Oh dear. What can it be that he fears? In vain did I tell him to do his work silently, and not to sing and work at the same time. I suppose he did find grandfather.” Then he got chunks of meat and cut them up and gave them to the younger brothers and told them, “Hurry and go far away so that we shall be alone, the two of us.” Sure enough, in a little while he saw “The old man is coming this way.” Cougar told Wild Cat, “Cook them right away.” Wild Cat heated rocks, and With the very same kind of bark material Wild Cat cooked it with hot rocks. There- ld not eat more for he made a cooking vessel of cedar bark. he went for water and cooked an elk. upon the old man ate up one whole elk, all of it. He cou was full. When the old man slept his eyes seemed open but when meat was put When his eyes were shut apparently he could to his mouth he would not notice it. h he would open up his mouth and gulp see. When they put meat to his mout it right in. It might be a whole elk. Then the boy got flint, and threw *¢ on another rock to break it. His elder brother said to him, “Now we are going to kill the dangerous one.” ‘The danger- ous one went on to where the head of the elk lay, and at the place where the elk had been skinned he took everything that was left. Wild Cat said to his elder brother, “I am brave too, we shall not die, when I cut off his head I shall run down below, and you will run and climb up on the mountain, and while I go down below the head will probably pursue me, and his body will follow you; when you have gone half way up the mountain it will become misty and then he will not hat is what he told his elder brother. overtake you at all.” ; With the flint he cut off the head of Sure enough that is just what he did. the dangerous thing. Whereupon the head pursued him down below. The body pursued his elder brother Cougar half way up the mountain. ‘Then it became misty and foggy and no longer could it overtake him. The dangerous thing got lost on its way. The head followed Wild Cat down below and it fell into the Coser ost >194 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [ Vol. 2 creek, where it went past Wild Cat and on to the cascades. From the place where he was Wild Cat went on, unharmed. This is what he said to his elder brother, “Supposing I am still alive, where shall we meet?” His older brother told him, “Yonder is a high mountain, and there is where we shall be. If you think thus of me, ‘He is over there,’ you may ascend to there, and at that place I shall await you.” Wild Cat replied to Cougar, “Yes, elder brother.” And they were both alive indeed. Wild Cat climbed up to that place. Cougar arrived at that place upon the high mountain. There he waited for his younger brother. After some little time he saw him “He is climbing up. It must surely be the boy.” And sure enough he was alive. He got there to him. “Now you are indeed alive yet, my younger brother.’”’ “Yes, indeed I am alive.” His elder brother said to him, “From now on we shall never again go about together, for you fatigue me, and it is possible that a dangerous being might kill me some- wheres, you might be the death of me at the hands of a dangerous person; now we shall separate.” That is what his elder brother told him. But the boy did not wish it thus. “Do not part from me.” That is what he said to his elder brother. His elder brother replied, “No, you fatigue me; now I shall give you a small arrow which I use to shoot with on my way, and I am going to give that very one to you. I shall also give you a spear which I have used to spear trout with as I go along whenever I am hungry.” Wild Cat replied, “Very well, now give it to me, that one.” The elder brother told him, “Wherever I have shot and killed elk there I shall look for you, and I shall take you there, and then you may eat there for so long as you go about in the mountains you shall never hunger.” That is the way that from that time on the two brothers travel about. Wherever it is that he shoots and kills game he goes to fetch Wild Cat and then Wild Cat eats at that place. And when he has finished eating, once again he goes on, and wherever his brother again shoots and kills game for him, then he searches for him invariably. That is the way they are at the present time, these two brothers. Cougar and Wild Cat now went off. “Now I shall go about all alone, just like Cougar.” His elder brother left him. Wild Cat went on and as he went along he would see something which he would shoot at as he went—it was a squirrel and he shot it with the very arrow his elder brother had given him. Wild Cat ate as he went along upon the things his arrow supplied him with, All sorts of things he would see in the river; steelhead were in the river, and he would spear them with the spear his elder brother had given him. Wild Cat thus went about quite satisfactorily. He did not get hungry. He was going along towards a river. He got to the river bank. He saw a man standing there with a long knife thrust in at his back. ‘“Now what is it that he does with his hand?” ‘his is what he does, upon the far side is a female steel- head, on this side a male steelhead. ‘That is how he did it with a gesture towards his mouth, There were two steelheads in the water of the stream. Wild Cat came up to Coon and said, “Well, my friend. Now I shall spear them and then both of us will eat one apiece.” And then Wild Cat said to him, “Oh, do not be-1929] Jacobs, Northwest Sahaptin Texts, 1. Klikitat 195 come angry now, I spoke innocently.” ‘This was Coon indeed. He drew out his knife, and he got angry at Wild Cat. “Oh, you are talking mere nonsense.” His friend, Coon, chased him off, so Wild Cat ran on far away, and then he stood still and turned round and looked back at his friend. Coon was still doing it in the very same manner to the steelheads. Thereupon Wild Cat became angry, and got his fish spear and went towards his friend Coon slowly and stealthily from behind. Right there at his very legs he speared both steelheads, and pulled them out right by his friend Coon’s legs. Coon saw him do it, and then Coon got angry and chased Wild Cat. Wild Cat ran off bearing the fish, And Coon never caught up to him. He got far away in the mountains. ‘There he roasted and ate both steelheads. ‘That was how Coon had no steelheads. Thence Wild Cat went along by the river side, and all sorts of game he would shoot and eat as he went along. As he went he saw big tracks about in the sand. “What can it be, it must be big, it is a man with big tracks.” On his way he saw a tall man sitting facing the other way. This man, who was Timber Rabbit, saw Wild Cat. “Oh, my friend, what are you doing travelling about here?” Wild Cat replied, “Why, indeed, my friend, I am merely travelling about.” “Very good, indeed. Let us play a game together.” Wild Cat said to him, “Why no. I do not want to play a game.” ‘Timber Rabbit said to him, “We can not merely meet one another and let that be all, at least let us have a game together.” That is what he said to Wild Cat. He was indeed Timber Rabbit, that man was. Wild Cat said, “All right, I shall do it with you.” ‘Timber Rabbit said to him, “We shall scratch upon each other with our hands, but only on the back, this way.” Wild Cat said to him, “Oh dear, my friend, but I have no claws like that. Look at my hands, they have no claws.” Wild Cat did thus—he drew in his claws, and that is how he did it, as ‘f he had no claws at all. Timber Rab- bit laughed, “Hahahaha, no one about has any claws. Look at these claws of mine. That is the kind of claw to have to play with.” Wild Cat said to him, “Oh dear, friend, now you are only wanting to hurt me.” “Hahaha.” Timber Rabbit laughed at that, and he said to him, Wild Cat did, “All right then, now I shall do it to you.” ‘Timber Rabbit said to him, “Ready now. Now you scratch upon me first? That is what he said to Wild Cat. And Wild Cat said, “Oh dear, my brother, it could not be I who challenged you, it indeed was not I who challenged you, but rather you who challenged me. Now you scratch me first.” “Very well then. Now I shall do it to you. Sit up there.” So he sat there, Wild Cat did, and mber Rabbit scratched his back, and Wild Cat laughed all the time, “FJahahaha.” Five times he scratched Wild Cat. Then Wild Cat told Timber Rabbit, “Ready now. Now you also I shall scratch.” And Timber Rabbit thereupon sat there, and this is what Wild Cat did to him, with no claws at all, upon Timber Rabbit's back. Four times he scratched Timber Rabbit. ‘Timber Rabbit laughed “Hahahaha. Oh dear. My friend, you must Four times he scratched Timber Rabbit. The fifth time Wild outh down he skinned him whole: “In future you shall be and then I shall eat be stupid indeed.” Cat seized him and right here from his m ‘“Waaaaa” and off came Timber Rabbit’s entire hide. merely food for me no matter where I find you on my way,ee eee eevhrere 196 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [ Vol. 2 you up.” Thereupon he made a cooking vessel, and he heated rocks and put the hot rocks one after the other into the water to boil the meat of the rabbit. In the meantime his elder brother Cougar had shot and killed elk. He had shot and killed elk. Cougar thought, “Now I shall go look for my younger brother and see where he is going about now, now I shall be looking to find him.” He sought Wild Cat. As he went along he saw a fire, and at the place meat was cooking. He got there to him. “Oh dear. My brother, what is it you have shot and killed?’ Wild Cat saw him there. “Oh yes, my elder brother, I have shot and killed a fawn. Now you stop and eat of it too.” But Cougar said to him, “Oh, brother, you eat it by yourself rather. I was only looking for you. I have shot and killed an elk. Now when you have finished eating we shall go and I shall take you with me. I have shot and killed an elk.” “Oh, elder brother.” Wild Cat hurriedly ate it all up, and finished eating. “Ready now, let us go.” They went on, and his elder brother took him along, and to that place he took him. Cougar said to him then, “Now you stay right there until you have finished eating it all up. That is the way it will always be wherever I have shot and killed some game for you. Whenever I have done so I shall look for you, that is what I shall always do for you, my younger brother. You will never hunger.” That is how his elder brother spoke to him. And that is how it is always now with them, for whenever Cougar has killed anything Wild Cat will be at that place, and he also will be eating there upon the game shot and killed by his elder brother. 3.4 a’watca a’yaT ku’a’watca miya’nac. ku spilya’i was woman and was child and Coyote a’/wiyani-nxana a’wisalilxana ; t’tax"té-n a’/tuxwonaxana. he would go about he would hunt all sorts of things he would shoot and kill kw’4ukt'k a/tuxwonana owi'nart. kak a’cuwana. Au and now then he shot and killed a deer thereupon he butchered it now then / * ¢ a'wa i’ctama? nawa’Tpa. ku‘k a‘uxi-na it had young ones in the belly thereupon he threw them away parent , : area is a’ wiya-‘nakwa. kwono'k a/pinawuxi-na Kayi’ki-n. ku he left them there at that place there they lay there the two young deer and pa Wiyanawiyu-na _ tu’xtuxwi-n pu’wiyi-n. ku-k pa’yu it came to them rain and snow and then very badly ! : ’ . . ° , , : : a’pxwina Kpo’nek anaku-no’k i't’tiyawiya. auki-k spilya’i she felt at heart she whom he had killed Then after that Coyote eeeoqtza! ni. A 4 ¢ + + b u--iwiya’ni-na tedutti-n tuxwo’nana. iwiya’ni-na ta"‘kopKa. he went all over nothing he shot and killed he went about tired now teduti-n i’t’yawixana. ku ta-‘kap. Aukti:k pa’ana’wiya. nothing he would kill and fatigued then they became hungry * Told March 1928, interpreter J. J. Spencer. * Two young ones, Mr. Hunt explained later.1929] Jacobs, Northwest Sahaptin Texts, 1. Klikitat 197 ku ipxwi'na, “mi’cxac tca’unac ti-n a’tuxwona? and he thought why is it indeed not I anything have shot and killed ku a’unac _ a’t’saxsa nomi’ a’t’ssi-n.”” kick a’kuya. and now I defecate my younger sisters that is what he did ku’a’wona, “‘a/umatac ta/imunomtk mi’cnac i’tci tca/unac and he told them now you inform me! why I here not I ta-n- a'wit’liyawi. a’unac ta’kop. a’unac ana’wi.”’ anything have killed now I worn out now I hunger ku pa’’ana la/imutin, “‘qa’natxanaxana, kik i’Kwaxi-cdu and she told him the youngest you say always now then that also I now loksa’na. i‘mt’caka wi’tamiyunok.”’ Cae maiko’tu. had forgotten you also now go and figure it out! aha! hurry up! ta‘imunomtk. pa’icpamtcau, kw ’itu’xtuxta kupam ita’mli-tkta inform me! if you not then it will rain then you it will break you up tu’/xtuxnom.”’ auki:k a’natxanana, ‘ana. a’umatacaT au the rain thereupon they answered oh dear! now you we anyhow now ta/imunta.”’ “tet-kotu’ta‘imunomtk.” pa”’ana a’t’csi-n, will tell you ready now! hurry! tell me! they told him the sisters ““/Kkwaknamau a/tuxwonana, t’ta/loknan, kunam a’wiyanakwa that which you now have shot and killed deer and which you left Kayi’kayik kwono’k suwaTpama’pa anamona’n the fawns at that place there at the place where they were butchered wherever cu’wacana kunam kwoana’k a’/wiya-:nakwa. ku 4uki-k you butchered it and which you at that place left now then thereupon s : wes a pa’yu ina’xtiya iksi’ks. kunam i/kwonok very much it cried the young one and which you to that place there . . , , . On om, Z 4 Ee 4) aie pa’wiyanawiyu'na tu’xtuxwi'n pu’wiyi'n. ku’Auki'-k it’swa’ ina. it came to them rain and snow and thereupon it became cold , . . : m7 kpoa’nok pa’yu ipxwi'na ptca’wiyat, anakpo noknam she very badly she felt at heart she who was their mother the one whom you : . aie na’ktuxonoma. pa‘’--yu ipxwi'na. ku-’/knamat aukw’i/kwak bore home very, very badly she felt at heart then at you probably thereupon it aa ; : , , “1.945 ke n ili’watiya. kwonki’nakam tceaumtn a’wit’liyawita. pa icnam she got angry because of, that is why, you never can kill But if you 5 ’ e e Me Ass / xwiya’kta pa’xaT tkwi’, ku“knam aukti-k mata sweat five days after then you thereupon clean . , faasrTs ae ” “7 txa’naTa. ku’knam wusala’tiTa. kik a’wit’liyawita. i’kuc will become and then you may hunt and you will kill thus : : I / Sora eg’ I i pa’’ona a’t’csin. spilya’i a’‘natxanana, oa G i ine they spoke to him the two sisters Coyote said in reply that is what ! peas 4? laksa’na. tca’marTac. a’comtk no’tcayin. i’au. had been forgetting ready now you enter my younger sisters yes, then “ ° ‘ t He) 4 "s a/winana spilya’i a/kuya xwiya’tc axwiya’ka spilya’i he went on Coyote he prepared a sweat house he sweated Coyote 3 Uttered in the comic dignity ascribed to Coyote’s speech; a characteristic quavering monotone. Underlining indicates such utterance.198 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [ Vol. 2 t | | pa’xaT tkwi', pa’xaT tama’myas, naxs sxo’xwiyakt p five days five a bunch of rocks each day one sweat vad naxc tkwi’ pa’xaT tKwi'. kik a’winana spilya’i. | one day five days after then he went on Coyote ; | | . e , s 4 | ae *fa/unac a’wawita owi’naTnan kuc a’tuxwonarTa.’ ku’ 4ukt-k | I] | now I shall hunt deer and I shall shoot and kill and then add a’winana a’wiyaxna nuwi'ka ku’a’tuxwonana. ku aukt-k | he went on he found it sure enough then he shot and killed and then | . ‘ ; : ; a’suwana. ku’a’pxwina, “tcea/ukac a/wiyanak"ta anakpo’nak ie he butchered it and he thought not now again I shall leave them those who } iy i’ctama iwa’ nawa’Tpa, kuc t’tax" na’ktuxta.’’ } young ones are in the belly and [ all shall take back home i/kuc spilya’i iku’ya. ina’ktuxna t’tax" aukt-k. ku ie thus Coyote did he took back home all thereupon and | aukiik a‘minwa iwiya’ni-na, a’nat’caxi txa/nana after that all the time he went about once again he became : ) tuxwonata’ spilya’i. tcAumona’n ana’wiya. ku ktick ne a successful hunter Coyote never did he hunger and that was how 1 pa’’ona a’t’csi-n : “‘pa‘icnam na’tcikata tuxwo’nac 4 they had told him the two sisters if you bring back the killed-thing || i kunam tqaxwiya’kata anamku’’k tu/xcaxata.”’ i’kuc | and then you at once sweat when you have returned home that is how | | | s , . : A iy Z : ° | : auki-k a’txanana spilya’i. “44. aw’ i’kuc iwa’tTa Wid thereafter he did Coyote yes then now that is the way it shall be ' ; , . . A , Hid | anaku-’k mun wiya’nawita ti-n t’sa’paka i itl whenever when they will arrive the people nearby now nad | | iwa’me ti-n. kuw’i’kuc Auki-k iku’xata ; i} | they are coming the people and then that is the way thereafter they will do ; 4 } : ; } - ; ; | | anaku-’k tuxwo’naxata. kut’t4x"ttin ina‘ktuxonaxata. ; | whenever they shoot and kill then everything they will carry off back home ; Hl] tedutti-n iwuxi-noxata. ku ta:‘minwa ixwiya’kata ; ; : nothing will they throw away and always they will sweat | wusali'lrai. i’kuc iwa’tTa anaku’’k iya‘nawita i | for the purpose of the hunt that is the way it will be whenever they shall arrive tin |: t’sa’paka 1wa’mc. kik paic tcau kick i the people nearby now they are coming and then if not in that manner # “taf , ; fie le 4 iku’ta ku teAumtin ituxwo’naxata xolo’k tkwi’. 3 they will do then never will they shoot and kill many days i pecs st : Be : H autika ta-’kop iwiya’ni-nxatTa. aukt:k ha-ai mun 5 in yain worn out they will go about but when then unless when Fi Saleh pati : ne ; F, ixwiya'kta. Kpo’nok iwa’tuicata xwiya’tc i they will have sweated that thing shall be of first importance the sweat house or ou ~ aE: s . . e . x . ¥ wusali'lrai tinomi’yai. kwonki’nok ti-n iwa’Ta Ei for purposes of hunting for the people by means of its help the people will be ¥ uw | | | ) |1929] Jacobs, Northwest Sahaptin Texts, 1. Klikitat 199 tuxwonata’. i’kuc iwa’Ta txa‘nat.’ /ku-ni successful hunters that is how it shall be the custom in that manner spilya’i itama’nwiya. Coyote decreed it would be There was a woman and a child.1. Coyote would go about hunting; he would shoot and kill all sorts of things. He shot and killed a deer. He butchered it. There were two young ones in its belly. He threw them aside and left them. There the two young deer lay. Rain and snow came upon them. She whom he had killed felt very badly at heart about them. After that Coyote went all over and shot and killed nothing. He went all about until he was worn out. He was killing nothing at all. He was tired. His family became hungry. He thought, “Why is it indeed that I do not kill anything? I shall defecate my two younger sisters.” That is what he did. He said to them, “Tell me why I have not gone and killed anything here. I am all tired out. I am hungry.” The youngest sister said to him, “You always reply, ‘That is the very thing I had forgotten about.’ Go and figure it all out yourself.” “Aha. Make haste. Tell me. If you do not, it will rain and the rain will break you up.” At that they replied, “Oh dear. We will tell you anyhow.” “Go ahead. Quick. Tell me.” The two sisters said to him, “She whom you shot and killed, that deer, and whose fawns you left there at the place where you did the butchering. . . Well, after then the young fawns cried a great deal. Rain and snow came upon them there. It got cold. She who was the mother of them felt very bad at heart over it, she whom you carried off home. Very, very badly did she feel. She must have gotten very angry at you. That is the cause of your never being able to kill game. But now if you sweat for five days, you will become clean after that. Then you may go hunting. You may kill game again after that.” That is what his two sisters told him. In reply Coyote said, “Oh, that is the very thing I had forgotten about. Ready now you! Enter back into me, my younger sisters!” All right then. Coyote went on and prepared a sweat house. He sweated for five days, five bunches of rocks he used, one bunch for each sweat on each of the five days. Then Coyote went off. “Now I shall hunt deer and I shall shoot and kill it.” Thereupon he went off and sure enough he found deer and shot and killed it. He butchered it. He thought to himself, “I shall not again leave young ones who are in its belly, for I shall take it all back home.” ‘That is what Coyote did. He took it all back home. After that he went about all the time, and again he became a successful He never hungered. For that was what his younger sisters had told him: “If you bring back the game you have shot and killed and sweat immediately after you have reached back home. . .” That is what Coyote did thereafter. “Very well. That is how it will be when the people who are coming pretty close now arrive here. That is the way the people will do whenever they shoot and kill game. They will carry all of it back home. They will leave nothing there. They will always sweat for hunting. ‘That is the way it shall be when the people have got- hunter. 1 Coyote’s wife and child.Sete? oa uh Pert 200 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [ Vol. 2 ten here; they are coming pretty close to here now. If they should not do so they will not shoot and kill game for many a day. They will go about quite in vain, and they will get all tired out. Only when they have sweated (will their luck turn). ‘The sweat house will come first in importance for the people’s hunting. With the help of the sweat house the people will be successful hunters. That is the way the custom will be.” That is how Coyote decreed it should be. 4. BEAVER’S STORY There were five brothers. They would be hunting all the time. The largest and eldest went off. Far away he went. Unknowingly he came to an old man, who said to him, “This is fine of you. Come here and wash me. Tomorrow you shall get them for me in the lake here. In the woods are beavers. When I have scared them out you will spear them. You may leave me then by the river. On the other side are many women singing. You will go on in that direction while I cross over. I will not come back at all quickly. Women make a fool out of me. If you should go yourself tomorrow it is very likely you would not return at all. You would stay at that place senselessly.”” That is how the old man spoke to him. The man camped there over night. It dawned. He was told “Go and kill and get one beaver for me.” ‘The man thought “I shall do so.” He was told “Here is a spear of mere heart of the reed, not at all good for spearing.” The man went on. He was told, “Yonder is where you are to place yourself in a little while. I shall go and scare it out. It will start going and there you will spear the beaver.” 4. yoxayanomi’ ! a’watca pa’xnau xa/ima. i’kucxi a/wisalilxana ta’‘minwa. ku’Auku-k i/kucxi nt’ci’ watuima’ a’winana. ku wi'yat a’winana. pa-‘lai a’wiyanawiya xwo’sa‘T, ku pa” ona, “‘a’/uxanam ciya’x. wi'nam pa’i-xatam. ku mdisx kunam pa’kwi-nita i’tcana wata’mpa. ilkwasi’lkwaspa pawa’ yo’xama. i/nakyac a’wiyutyutta i’‘nok kunam a’ptyata. kunam 4uku-k pa’wiya-nak"ta wa/napa. i’catkonik palala’i pawa’ a’yatma pawa’npca. kunam wi’nata ku-ni’k watcma’inac i’nok kuc wa’ik- xa. ku tca’unacmtn ko’tu tu’xnomta. pa-‘lainac paku’xa a’yatma pana’kpa- laikxa. ku’i/moknam miéisx wi'nata la’o’/knam tcA4umun tu’xnomta. kunam pa’lai kwono’k txa’nata.” i’kuc pa’’ona xwo’sati-n. ku’4ukwonoe’k iwa’utkwa owi'nc. ixa‘ixna. ku pa”ona ‘“a’unam awi’i't’l- yawita naxc yo’xa ino’k pa’wiyakwi-nira.”” ku’awi'nc ipxwi’na ‘‘a’unac kick ku’ta.” pa’ana “‘i’tci:cwA poryatawaspama’ a’utika ctciunemi’ temna’, tcdu- mona‘n po'tyatai.” ku’awi'ne A4uku:k a’winana. pa”’ana “i’kwonanam t’tiks wa"mta. a’unac i’nok kuc a’wiyuryutta. ku’iwi’naikta kunam kwano’k a’p- TyamTa yoa’xan.”’ 1Told August 1926, interpreter Peter McGuff.1929] Jacobs, Northwest Sahaptin Texts, 1. Klikitat 201 Accordingly, the man, went on and stayed at that place. The old man then scared them along in the lake. He said “Ah, the beaver is starting to go.” But he himself, old man beaver, was starting to go. The man saw him. “Beaver is com- ing this way now.” He stabbed him with that spear. The spear bent. The beaver came out of the water to him, killed him, and bore him off to his house. Old man beaver ate him up. There were only four remaining. Another said, “I am going off too. My elder brother has not returned. I shall go seek him.” He went off too. He got to the very same place, to the old man’s. In the same manner he was told “It is well that you rest here over night. I have no more food to spread be- fore us. You shall go get beaver. There are many beavers in the lake here. You will go and kill one for me to lay out upon the hide.” That is how the old man spoke to him. He said, “Very well.” He was told, “What do you think of this, grandson? ‘There are lots of women on the other side of the river. You may hear them singing from upon this side. I however am crossing over. I shall not come back here. I camp at that place over night. The women treat me that way...” He lied to him. He said “Grandson, get a beaver for me. Tomorrow leave me.” That is what he was told. It dawned. He was given a spear. The man went off. The old man scared along the beavers in the water. He said “Now a beaver has started to go.” The man saw “A beaver is coming this way.” He stabbed at it but the spear was not good. It came up out of the water towards him, killed him, and bore him off towards the house. There it ate him. ku kick awi/nc iwi’nana kwone’k itxa’‘nana. ku xwoa’saT 4uku-k yu/Tyutna ku’a’na “4:twindike ya’xa.” kuk po’nxi xwo’sa'T iwi/‘naike ya’xa. “Ay ikwi-‘tamc yo’xa.” kpo’nek paryata’was Au po’Tyana. qwa:p kuk ya’xayin pa’wiyapyukuna, ku pa’i’t’liyawiya, wata’mpa. kw ’idi’nuna. a‘txanana patyata’was. pa’/naktuxna oni-’ryau. ku pa’tkwatana xwo’sati-n. a’watca pi/napusimka. kuna’xcka, “a'unac i/nt’ca wi/nata. tcdu itu’xca inomi’ piya’p. a’unac a’wawitarTa.” kwdAuku:k iwi’nana po’ntcaka. i/-kwonxi xwasa-‘Tnemi’yau iwiya’‘nawiya. kuk ku’cxi pa’”ena “a’unam a’unac tca‘uka wd a’ucnike. kunam 4u a’wi-ku-Ta yo’xa. ciye’x wa’utk"Ta. kunam ndxc pa’wi'it’hyawiyanitTa palala’i pawa’ ya’xama i’‘tcona wata’mpa. a/ucnikTai opo’x.” i’kuc pa’’ona xwo’sa‘tin. ku’a’wona, “au.” ku pa’ona, ‘‘mi/cnam pxwi’ca pu’sa? palala’i Vcatkonik wa/napa pawa’ a’yaTma. a’unam i/tcaninoknam a’‘ikcaike pawana’pna a’yaTma. watsma’‘inac i‘nok xwa’sa-‘t kuc walika. kuc tcAumun tu’xnomta. kwono’knac wa’utkwa. i’kucnac paku’xa a’yatma.” i'Kwak itcocku’sa xwoa’sa‘T. o/nxa ‘‘pu'sa, a’‘unam pa’wi-kwi-nita ndxe yo’xa. kunam miéaisx pa’wiya-nak"ta.” i‘kuc pa’’ana. ku’ixa/ixna. ku’4u pa’niya petyata’was. ku’awi'ne 4uku:k iwi’nana. ku xwo’sa-T yu/tyutna yo’xa‘man wata’mpa. 4u’o’na “Au iwi/naike yo’xa.” ku idi’nuna owi'ne “4 ” kwipe’ryana tca-utun ciya’x petyata’was. 4u iwa’me yo’xa. . Sas ° : si = ge, ee AS pa’wi-pyuku-na, ku pa’it’lyawtya, ku pa/nax.winana oni’Tkan. kwona’k ku pa’tkwatana.etree iets University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [ VolyZ There were only three more now. Another went off. He got to the very same place. In the very same manner the old man made a fool out of him. Again he killed him and ate him. There were only two more now. Again one went off. He arrived at the very same place of the old man. He was treated in the same manner. He was killed and eaten. The last one remaining was the youngest. He knew about the old man. He made a good spear instead. He arrived there. He was told “It is well for you to be coming to camp here.” So the old man told him. “You should by no means cross here when you cross. That way you would never cross here quickly.” That is how he spoke to him. He thought “Now I shall kill him. The old man is beaver, and a dangerous being.” The old man became fearsome. He knew what was up. “He might pos- sibly be a dangerous being.”’ That is how the old man was thinking. It dawned. He said to him “Go and stay right at that place. It has always been a place to spear at when a beaver starts to go. At that place spear it.’ He gave him a spear. The man went to that very place. There he stayed. “The old man will scare them along in the lake for me.” So he had told him. The old man went on and scared them along in the lake. He said to him, “Ah it has started going.” ‘The man saw “A beaver is coming this way.” He saw him “Possibly he will kill me. He might have something of his own which is a weapon that can kill.” That is the way he feared him. Then suddenly he ku mo’tausimka. ku na’xcka a’winana. i-’:--kwonxi a’wiyanawiya. ku’cxi a’nat’caxi pa’nakpalaika xwo’sa‘tin. ku a’nat’caxi pa’ it’liyawiya pa’tkwatana. la’pusimka. a/nat’caxi ndxc a’winana. i-’-kwonoxi xwosa:‘Tnomi’yau a’ya- nawiya. ku-‘cxi pa’kuya. pa’ it’liyawiya ku pa’/tkwatana. 4u lo’xsimka laimu’tlaimur. ku pa’cuxwa-ca xwo’satnan. ku’ani’ya ni’i-’x- Tya ani’ya potyata’was. ku’ya’nawiya. pa’’ona “a’unam ciya’x pawautku’’- tame.” i’kuc pa’’ona pu’sayi-n i’‘kuc pa’’ana. “ku tca’unamtin wa/ikemta anam- ku’k wa’ikta. kuc tca/unamtn ko’tu wa/ikemta.’”’ i/kuc pa’’ona. ku’a’pxwina ‘“‘a’unac a’wit’liyawita. xwo’sat iwa’ ya’xa, kwalli’.” ku xWwo'sa-T iwiya’it’cuca. cu’Kwa-ca. “iwi-'wata la’a’/k kwa'li’.” i/kuc ipxwi'ca xwo’saT. ku’Auku-k ixa/ixna. ku-k 4uku-k pa” ana “a’unam wi'’nata kunam i’kwona Kpa’nok iwa’ ta:’‘minwa potyata’was anaku-’k iwi’naikta ya’xa. kunam kwono’k a/ptyamrta.” kuk pa’niya Kpo’nok poryata’was tanu’. ku’a’winana owi'nc i‘kwonek. kwono’k a’txanana. ‘‘a’unac xwo’sa-T a’wi- yutyutta wata’mpa.” i’kuc pa’’ona. ku’Auku-k xwo’sa-t a’winana ku’a’wiyutyutna wata’/mpa. ku pa’’ona, 2 iwi'naike.” ku a’qinuna owi'nc “Au ikwi-/tamc yo’xa.” ku pa/qinuna la’a’‘knac i't’Hiyawita. a’wata tt-n it’hyawita’was ponomi’nok.” i’kuc pa’wi-1929] Jacobs, Northwest Sahaptin Texts, 1. Klikitat 203 turned back. The man said “A beaver has started and now it is going back.” Not a sound for a while from the old man. Again he shook and scared them along. Again the beaver went along. He called out to the man and said, “Ah a beaver has started.”’ That is what he said. Then suddenly again the man saw “The beaver is coming this way.” He held the beaver’s spear. The beaver saw him “It might be his own. He might kill me.” Then the beaver turned back again and returned. The man cried out “Oh you are the old man.” The beaver went back. For a while the old man was silent. Then he called out to him “The beaver has started to go. It isa big beaver.” The man saw “It is coming this way now.” He took his own spear. Here the beaver was right by, now. He speared it, pulled it from the water and said to the old man, “Now I have killed the beaver.” He said to him “Grandson,” he said, “Kill me by clubbing me on the head with my cottonwood boughs.” The man did so. (but) He clubbed him with his own sticks. He carried him to the house and dropped him there. Then he brought out all the bones of his brothers. He dropped the bones ina heap. He stepped over all of them. All the elder brothers came to. He said “Nowhere will you be a dangerous being. The people coming this way are nearing now. You will never kill and eat them.” That is what they told him. “You will be merely a beaver now, you will stay in the water and eat sticks, and not people.” That is what they told the old man. Then the brothers left him. That is all now. yait’cuna. kwa’xi iwi-’t’sswika. kw’owi'ne ona “iwi: naike ya’xa itu’xonkiks.”’ ku xwo’sat tawi-’ itxa’nana wi’yatic. ku’a/nat’caxi iga”yuryutna. ku’a’nat’caxi iwi/nana yo’xa. ku’iwa‘iwaina awi’/nenan a/na, “a-:: iwi‘naike yo’xa.” i/kuc o/na. ku kwa’xi idi/nuna owi’ne “4u yo'xa ikwi-’tame.’”’ ku’ipi‘kca tanu’ yoxanomi’. ku ’iqi’nuna ya’xa “a’wi- wata ponomi’nok. i’t’liyawitac la’a’k. kwa’xi yo’xa iwi-t’sswika itu’xna. ku-k owi’nc iwa’iwaina tawi’’:-T xwa’saT wi'yatic. iwa’ yo’xa.” ku a’qinuna gwi'ne ‘Au iwa’mce.’ 4u i’tcana yo’xa a’txanana, t’sa’pa. kuk a’pTyana, ku’a/tamawipyuka ku a/wona xwa’sa-tTnan, “o/eynac awit’liyawiya yoxan.” pa’ana “‘pu/canaae : wawucpta.” ku kick a’kuya pa’/nak.winana oni’Tkan pa’- “4/.unawa xwo'sa'T.” itu’xonkiks yo’xa. oD) aaron ec Seas ea it ku pa’waiwaina ““a-u iwi/naike yoxa. ntci ; aa ’ ku’a/wonpa ponomi’nek tanw’. pa’”’ona, ‘‘pa/wawucptanam nomi‘ki kA4ndna’ki pa’ awi’nc. pa/’wawucpa penominaki’nxi kanana’ki. wuxi'na. . a ku-k kik t’}4-x" ponomi’nok xa’ima piya’pma pi’pcma a‘naKpniya. ku’a’- waxika pipe. ku t’la-x" a'winwana. tax" a’taxciya piya’Pma. ku’a’wona “‘tca’unamoana’n wa’ta kwa li’. tin iwa’mce kwi-’tame tin. tcau- namin a’wit’tiyawita a/tkwatara.”” i’kuc pat’a’wona. “‘a’unam wa: ta i‘mt'ca ya’xatyam, wa’ta tca’wacpa a'tkwatatanam i’lkwasnan, kuteau ti-nmaman. i’‘kuc pat’a’wona xwo’sa‘Tnan. kupaT 4uku-k iwiya’nakwa xa’ima. t'ta-x" au.ar aa et ee bil tt ts ee et ree RSEstTseezs 204 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [Vol. 2 5. FLYING SQUIRREL There were five brothers. The eldest went to hunt. He went on and at a certain place he encountered rain. He became tired out. He went down below to a brook. There he found a good place to camp over night. There was happily a dry tree standing there for him to camp at. “I shall camp here over night.” He built a fire and went to sleep. When he was nearly asleep there called out to him, “Are you sleeping now?” He replied “Yes.” After a while it descended nearer to him and said, “Are you sleeping now?” He replied “Yes.” It descended closer to him and said to him, It descended still closer to him and for the fourth time it said to him, ‘““Have you begun to sleep yet?” J “Are you asleep now?” Ina low voice he replied “Yes.’ In a low voice “Yes” he replied. It came down to him and said to him “Are you sleeping now?” He was silent. It said to him “Are you sleeping now?” Nota sound. Silence. ‘Then it came down to him, seized him and carried him above and ate him all up. The four remaining younger brothers thought “What could have happened to him?” “I shall go seek him now” said the one next to him in age. He went off and looked for him. It rained and he got tired out. He went down to a brook. He looked about, “Here is a good place to camp over night. I shall camp here at this camping place.” He thought “Perhaps this was the place my elder brother camped at.” He went to sleep. 5. ta’ntan! a'watca pa’xnau xa/ima. kik watuima’ a’wisalatiya. ku’a’winana kwono’k a’wiyaxna tu’xtuxnan. ku’Aukuk ta’kop. Auku a’haika xowu’ckan. kwono’k a’wiyaxna ciyo’x wa’utk'tai. kwonoa’k ciyo’x iwa’ ipa’taca i’lkwas xiya’u iwa’ wa’utk"rai. ‘‘a’unac wa/utk'ra.”’ kwono’/k a’wilkwa 4u a/nt’cuna owi’nc. ku pa’waiwaina tcduwi’yat a’nt’cucana ku pa’waiwaina, ‘“‘a-’--unam mic’i- nt’cu’ca?”’ ku’a’wona ‘4. wi'yatic a’txanana pa’haiku-na mait’sa’ka kuwk pa”ona, ‘“‘a’unam mic’int’cu:ca?” a’wona “4”? pa‘haiku:na mait’sa-’Ka pa’- ena, “a’unam mic’int’cu-’ca?”’ (oA ”? tuwaiki “d--." pa’haiku-na mait’sa’ka 4u pi ni-ptyau pa’’ona, “‘a’unam mic int’cu’kaica?’”’ 4uku-k tuwa’ika ‘4::-’’ a’kuya. pa’haiku-na pa’’ona “‘a’unam mic’int’cu-’ca?” tawi-’-T a’txanana. pa’’ona “‘a’u- nam mic’int’cu’’ca?”’ teu: a‘txanana. tawi-’:T. duku pa’haiku-na, pa’- wonpa auku pa’nakitoxna ku’A4uku pa’tkwatana t’l4-x". ku a’pxwina isxo’pma pi’nipt.simka ‘‘a’uxac mic itxa’na?”’ ‘“‘a’unac i/nt’caka a'wawitata”’ t’sA penomiyu’k tta/waxt. ku’a’winana pa’”awawitana. kuk 4u- kuk itu’xtuxna 4uku fa’kop itxa’nana. ku’4u iha‘ika xowu’ckan. ku’iqi’nuna, “i’tei iwa’ ciyo’x wal/utk’rai. a’unac wa’utkera kwono’k a’wa wautk"rpama’ a’wa.” “pic” ipxwi’na “‘pa/icxac i/tcana iwa’utk*cana inomi’ piya’p.”” ku 4u- ku-k int’cu-’na. * Told July 1926, interpreter Peter McGuff. Additional versions will be printed.1929] Jacobs, Northwest Sahaptin Texts, 1. Klikitat 205 It called to him from above, “Are you sleeping yet?” He replied, “Yes.” It came down nearer to him. “Are you sleeping yet?’ In a lower tone “Yes” he replied. It came down still closer to him and said to him “Are you asleep yet Be Still lower in voice he said, “Yes.” It came down still closer to him and said, “Are you sleeping now?” In a lower voice “Ha” he replied. “Are you asleep now?” He descended still nearer to him and said, “Are you asleep now?” He was silent. He slept. The dangerous one came down to him and carried him up to the very place where he had eaten his elder brother. At that very place he ate him. So much for the first two. ‘There were only three left now. Again another went off. He got to the very same place. He camped at that same place. “It is a good place to camp at. Maybe it is the place where they had invariably camped. I shall camp at the same place myself.” There he camped. After a time he went to sleep. It said to him from up above, “Are you asleep yet?” Rather slowly, “Yes” he responded. It went down towards him. ‘Now are you asleep?” In a low tone “Yes” he replied. It came down near to him and said, “Are you sleeping He slept. It got down to him, seized him, carried him , now?” He was silent. above and ate him. Three brothers were gone and only two left. The youngest knew, “The dangerous one has been devouring them.” knew. a’unam mic’int’cu’ca?” ku’a’wona, Canoe ku-k pa’waiwaina xwi’mikonik maituwa’‘iki ‘f-:-’’ a’kuya. pa’/haiku-na mait’sa’yau. “atunam mic int’cu-’ca?”’ pa’haiku-na mait’sa’yauka ku pa”ona ‘‘a’unam mic int’cu-’ca?” ku tuwa’ika -” 4uku pa’/haiku-na mait’sa’yauka ku pa’’ona, “a’unam mic in- (h42 a/kuva. “a’unam mic’int’cu’ca?” ku’A4uku-k pa’- ta:-wi’:T a/txanana. au agwonlay lis: t’cu’ca?” tuwa’ika haiku-na t’sa’ka pa’ona, ‘“‘a’unam mic’int’cu-’ca?”’ a’nt’cuna. kt-k pa’haiku-na kwali’n ku pa’nakitexna kwona’’xi piya’P pa’t- kwati-niya. kwona-’xi pa’tkwatana. na/puxuc. mo‘tausimKa. ¥/..-kwonxi a/wiyanawiya. kwena’’xi a/wautkwa a/nat’caxi naxc a’winana. ‘minwa pawa’utkwa. a’unac i‘nt’ca “ciya’x iwa’ wa'utk*rai. kwone’kxac ta: kwona’’xi wa’utk*ta.”” ku kwono’k iwa’utkwa. kuw’i’xwi int’cu-’na. ku pa”ona xwi’mikonik, “o'ynam mic int’cu’ca?” maituwa’i, “4.. a’kuya. pa/haiku-na. ‘‘a’unam mic int’cu’ca?” tuwalika “i: akuya. pa’haiku-na t’sa’paka pa’’ona, “a’unam mic int’cu’ca?” ta-wi’--T a’txanana. a’nt’cu-na. pa/haiku-na, pa’woenpa, pa/nakitoxna a’tkwatana. mo’tau xa/ima la’pusimka. /kwak laimu’tlaimut icu’Kwa‘ca, ‘“‘a4ypat Kwa-li‘nom itkwa’taca.”’ icu/Kwa‘ca. 2 Weak falsetto.hak tes samen ty Piteceevhct 206 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [ Vol. 2 Another brother said, “I shall seek them.” He went off. He got to the very same place. “This is fine for camping. It is raining heavily, I shall camp right here over night.” He camped there and went to sleep. The dangerous one came down towards him and said, “Are you sleeping now?” “Yes,” he replied. It came down closer to him and said, “Are you sleep- ing?” “Yes” in a low voice, “Yes,” he replied. It came down towards him. “Are you sleeping now? He was silent. He slept. It came down to him, seized him, carried him above and ate him up. The last one was the youngest and he knew what was what. He made a roasting spit of iron wood. “TI shall kill the dangerous one.” He went off. He knew what to do. He got to the very place. “I shall camp here.” ‘The dangerous one learned “There he is. There he is camped.” The dangerous one came down towards him and said to him. “Are you sleep- ing now?!” He replied “Yes.” It came down towards him. There the ironwood spit was placed where he would leap upon him. That was where the spit was set in, for when he would jump upon him he would leap onto his spit of iron wood. The dangerous one came down towards him and said to him, “Are you asleep ’ He replied in a low tone. From where it was it came down closer to him, and said to him, “Have you gone to sleep?” He was silent. The dangerous one slid down the tree towards him, leaped at him, and lo! he was impaled on it. now ?” , / ku’4u na’xcka piya’p pa’ona, “a’unac a’wawitaca.’’ kw iwi’nana. i-’-- kwonxi iwiya’/nawiya. ‘“‘ciya’x iwa’ wa’utk"rai. palala’i itu’xtuxca. a’unac itcona kuc wa’utk*ra.” kwonoe’k iwa’utkwa kw int’cu-’na. kwali’n ku-k pa’haiku:na ku pa’’ona, ‘‘mi’cnam 4u int’cu-’ca a‘kuya. pa‘haiku-na mait’sa’yau pa’’ana a’wana, ‘“‘mic int’cu-’ca?” “S:--"”’ tu- wa'ika, ‘“i--,” a’kuya. pa’haiku-na. ‘‘mi/cnam 4u int’cu‘ca?”’ ku tawi-’--Tka. au’int’cu’wa. du ku’A4uku-k pa’haiku-na, pa’wonpa, ku pa’nakttoxna ku’duku-k pa’tkwatana. 2? 6A ” iio Au lo’xsimka laimu’/tlaimut ku’icu’Kwa:ca. Au ani’ya ta’watas a’niya cqu- metnomi’ ta’watas. ‘“a’unac a’wit’liyawita kwa'li-’n.” ku’a’winana. Aw’icu’/Kwa:ca. 1-’---kwonok iwiya’nawiya. ‘‘ku kwono’k a’u- nac i’tcona wa’utk"ta.” ku’icu/Kwa:ca “‘i/tcona iwa’.” Kwali’ ‘‘ku’4u kwano’k a’/wautkwa.”’ ku‘k kwa’li-’n pa/haiku-na ku pa’’onxa, “‘a’unam mic int’cu’wa?”’ ku’a’wona Bie kw pal haikana, ku kwono’k a’watca ta’watas anamona’n itlu’pnoxame. kwono’k a’patuka pte Be ; : ta watas, paic ittu’pnomtTa icqumatnomi’yau. ku pa‘haiku:ma kwa-li’yin ku pa’’ana, ‘“‘a’unamic int’cu-’ca?” ku a’wona ry . ° . ' ? . tuwa’ika. ku pa‘haiku:ma mait’sa’/ka kwoni’nok, ku pa”’ana a’wona, “mic in- ’ Petes DUD ° . ’ . tcuwa?”’ tawi’-rka. ku’Au a’wacomhaikoma kwa'li’, a/ttupnoma, maqwo’T.1929] Jacobs, Northwest Sahaptin Texts, 1. Klikitat 207 The man jumped up and killed the dangerous thing and said, “Henceforth you will be no dangerous thing. Your name will be flying-squirrel. The people who are coming are nearing now. In future wherever a fir tree is standing there you will be. You will inform people when they near death. That is how you will be.” ‘That is what the man said. He carried down all the bones of his elder brothers. He piled up the bones. He stepped over all the bones of his elder brothers and revivified them. Then the five brothers returned home. 6. There was eagle, and there was his younger brother skunk. Eagle used to go about hunting, shooting and killing deer. A woman came there and Skunk hid her. His elder brother would arrive, drop meat into the house and sleep there over night. In the dark Skunk talked with the woman. When it became day his elder brother would say to him “How do you happen to be talking and laughing in the dark?” He would tell his elder brother “I laugh because a mouse comes here to me.” That is what he would tell his elder brother. His elder brother left him and went off to hunt. No longer bothered, Skunk would go about in the company of the woman. Skunk was a dangerous being indeed. Everyone feared skunk. Eagle knew he was dangerous. 4uku-k awi/nc a’tsomtsaika ku’a’wit’liyawiya kwali-’n a’wona, “tca/unam tin wa’ta kwa:li’. a’unam wani’kcata ta‘nian. t’sa’paka iwa’me tin. i’xwi- nam i’mt’ca mana’n i’kuc ipa’tacata ta-’xca i/Ikwas kwena‘knam i‘mt’ca wa’Ta. kunam ti’nmaman a’taimunxata anaku’k ipa’t’sanxaTa t’sa’ka t’Hya’wityau kunam a’taimunxata. i’kucnam wa’ta i’mt’ca.” i/kuc owi’ne a’wona. ku’a/nakhaika t’4-x" pipe piyapmami’. a’waxita pipe. ku’a’winwana t’l4-x" piya’pmaman a’wadicwa. kw’a/tuxna piya’pma pa’xnau. G:2 a’watca xwayama’, a’watca isxo’p tiska’i isxo’p. ku a’wisalilxana xwayama’, gwi‘natyau xwayama’ a‘tuxwonaxana owi/narT. ku a’wiyanawiya a’yat ku tiskaya’t a'witamaika a’yat. ku a’yanawixana piya’p, ku a’/tamainakana nokwo'T oni-’tyau ku a’wautkwana. ku tiska’i a’yaTnan ku a’xaixnoxana ku pa’ enxana piya’pin ‘“‘mi’cnam a/xtwainoxana st’sa’Tpa. ku a’wonxana piya’pa “ya’nawiyu-xac la’‘kasnom na’txanaxa st’sa’/Tpa ti’yaxa?”’ kwonki/naknac ti’yaxa.” i/kuc a’wonxana piya’‘pa. ku pa’wiyanakwana piya’pin a’wisalatixana piya’P. ku tiska’ya ca’a’T a’yaT ina’kninxa a’yat. kwali’tya tiska’i iwatca’. tta’x"win? tu’win pa’wiyait’cucana tiska’‘inan. ku pa’cukwa-na. 1 Told July 1926, interpreter Peter McGuff. 2’The word is bisyllabic, t’f4-x" plus (w) in.ed oe eae To a ee pate et anil et os oe ee ts etn come. 208 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [ Vol. 2 Eagle told Skunk “Go fetch the meat. I left the meat there. Go fetch it.” Skunk replied, “Very well.” Eagle knew skunk had a woman whom he was hid- ing. That is what his elder brother had learned. Skunk went off and directly turned back again. It took him no short time to get started going. Eagle said to him “What is the matter?” “Nothing, elder brother! I had forgotten the pack rope.” It took Skunk no short time to get going. After five such starts he ran off. He reached the place where there was the game shot by his elder brother. There Skunk arrived. He “packed’’* it and went on a short distance when the pack rope broke. He worked at it there for quite a while. Again he packed the meat along. Now eagle went and opened up the place where the woman was. Eagle said to her “Come here, skunk’s woman!” He got a stick and he forced out five tiny skunks from her belly. He dropped them there and went off; eagle took the woman with him. There was a high stony bluff and he took the woman up onto it. Skunk was “packing” the meat along. Again the pack rope would break. He ran on carrying the pack. It was quite a while before he brought the meat to the house. He saw the tiny skunks lying there. “No longer have I my woman. My elder brother must have stolen her.” That is how skunk came to get angry. He let the meat go there. He searched for their tracks: “Where, I wonder, did they go?” After quite a while he found their tracks. He followed a little way in that direction. ‘Oh, no, they do not seem to have gone off in that direction.” There skunk was indeed angry. Nowhere did he find them. ‘ ku pa’”ena “a’unam i’mt’caka wi-npatata nakwo’t. a’unac a’wiya-nakumc nokwo’t. kunam 4u i’mt’caka wi-’npatata.” ku a’wona “i’4u.” ku-k pa’cu- Kwa'ca a’wa a’yat a’wilamaikca. i/kuc pa’cuxwa-ca piya’pin. ku A4uku-k a’winana tiska’ya kwa’xi a’wit’sswikana. tc4u ke’tu a’winana. ku pa’”ona “mi/cnam i’/kwak?” “tcd4u, ya’ya. a’unac la-’kcanac capta’was.”’ tedu ko’tu a’winana tiska’i. Auku:k pa’xat kik A4uku-k a’waixtiya. ku-k a’wiyanawiya anamona’n a’wa nokwoa’t Kpo/nak piyapmi’ tuxwoa’nac. ku’i’kwonok a’wiyanawiya tiska’i. ku’4uku-k a’capa ku’a’winana t’s4- i/kwal kwona’k a’wainana x4+t’tk capta’was. kwono’/k d4ukuk a’kurkurna wi yatis. auku a’nat’caxi a’qwonatiya nokwo’r. ku po’nt’ca xwayama’ iwiya’waika ku itca’xalpa kwona’k iwa’ a’yaT. ku’a’na “Wi'nam tiskainomi’ a’yar.” ku iwo’npa i/lkwas ku itwa’pcanata nawa’tkonik ikoks tiska’itiskaima pa’xat i/koksma. kukwoano’k ya’xtana ku’auku-k iwi’nana ka-’tnam pewa’ ku’i’kwonoek ina’kitoxna a’yar. ku pa’nt’ca 4uku-k tiska’j iqwona’ticame. capta’was xdt’lk a/txanaxana. aukuk iqu’waixtica. ku mu’nkarya ina’tcika oni’Tyau. iqi’nuna paya’xtaca vkaksma tiska’/ima. ‘“‘tca’ukas wd a’yat. dukuk ili’watiya tiska’i. ’ ina‘nana a’yaT xwayama’. a’uxac ipa’xwiya naya’yasan.” i’kuc kwono’k t’ta/nox nakwo’T. auku‘k a’wawiya wati'/ks : “mi-nkw4k pawi’nana?”’ ku mtinkatya iya’- 4X76 y s/1ra . ® ghee xaniya watiks. kuk ku-ni’k itwa’nana t’s4 i’kwal. “ku’4uku-k tcd4u mi-’nxac oi ”? 4 . Ceo . pawinana.” ku kwona’k 4uku‘k tiska’i ili‘watiya. t’l4-x" tcdu ya’xna. 3 He carried it along, Indian pack fashion.1929] Jacobs, Northwest Sahaptin Texts, 1. Klkitat 209 In the meantime they were indeed high above on the cliff. There eagle stayed with the woman. j Long and vainly did skunk search and he became tired out. He went down to the edge of the stream, and there at the water he drank and he saw: “bere they are yonder.” Then skunk turned about and ejected his musk at the water. He saw them: “They are still there.” He did so five times and he never killed them. Then eagle said to him from above, “What are you doing? How are you?” Then he saw that eagle and the woman were up at that place. He said “Oh, all right, elder brother, I was looking for you.” hen he said to eagle “Suppose I climb up now.” Eagle said to him “I shall give you rope. I shall throw the rope down below and you will tie it about yourself above your hips. Then I shall pull you up above with your buttocks up and head down.” ‘hat is what his elder brother eagle said to him. Skunk said “Very well. That is the way that you will give me a rope, throw it down to me, and then I shall ascend, my elder brother.” His elder brother said to him “Very well, tie it around yourself and I shall draw you up here.” Skunk replied “Very well. I shall do it that way.” He tied it about himself and his elder brother pulled him up. His elder brother told him “Shut your eyes. Do not look! Keep your eyes shut! Then I shall pull you up.” That is what his elder brother told him. He pulled and pulled him up. Skunk would say “How far am I now?” His elder brother would tell him “You are still far away.” He would say, “When I have arrived tell me “You have arrived. ‘That is what you will tell me.” Me eee ku t’la’nox pawa’ xwi-’mi pcewa’pa. kwono’k pawa’ xwayama’ ku’a’yat ina’K.wa. kw4uku‘k pa-‘lai tiska’t a/wawica 4uku ta-“kep txa’naca. ku Auku:k ala’ica “i waxactx pawa’.” tea’wacyau, kwono’k tca’wacpa kwitca’waca iqi’nuca “4u kwonoa’k kuw4uku-k tiska’/i ixa’tisliksa ku iti-’T.ca tca’wacyau. iqi’nuca pawa’.” i/kwot pa’xaT kutcdu i’t’lyawica. : kik xwayama’ ku pa’’enca xwi-mikonik, ku idi’nuca xwayama’n kwona’k a’yaT a’yatin ‘“mi/cnam txa’naca i/mxi?” pa’- onxa “mi’cnam txa/naca!”’ pawa’. ku o/nca “‘i-ya’ya a/wawicamac.”’ ku pa’enca “pa’‘icnac a/unac pana’ti-kta.” lip.‘ ta’mahaikta tokni’ kunam pina’lkactkta kuwi/pa. kunamac tca’wittex- nomta xwi-’mikan diya’s tea’wittexnomta mi'tikan pa'tka.” i/kuc pa” ena xwa- yama’yin piya’pin. ku’o’na ‘4’4u. ku’cknac kunam Au pa’nimta tokni’, pa’ta- mahaikomta, kuc 4uku-k pana’tikta, nomi’ piya’p.” ku-k pa’ona piya’pin ‘§?4u, pina’nkactk kumac tea/wittoxomtTa.” ina’txanana tiska’i “iu. a’/unac kick ku’ta.”’ ku’d4ukuk pina’/nkactka ku’4u pa’tcawiitoxa piya’pin. pa’’ona ‘damqi/nok. tca’unam thi’ra. lomdi-’txanok. kumac tca’wi-ttexta.” i’‘kuc pa’- ’ona piya’pin. wt: pa’tcawiitaxnoma. ku-‘k a’wonxana “‘ma- Nkacwa?”’ “‘pa‘icnac ya’nawi-kta nampa’’ontTa ku pa”anca “a’umac ni’Ta ku pa’’onxana ‘“wi'yaTpaxinamwa.”’ ku’a’- wonxana a’unam ya’nawi:. i’kucnam . . ’ pa”’ontTa.”’ ee a eee PEE ” ° , . 41° ye 4The native word is tkni’. Rope 1s pronounced lu-p, in Chinook jargon.210 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [ Vol. 2 He got near to the top, and then eagle cut the rope. Skunk fell into the wa- ter and his musk sac fell out of him and into the water near him. It floated on down river. Skunk lost consciousness. Eagle carried off the woman. When skunk came to eagle was no longer there. Skunk thought “My musk sac has floated away. I shall search for it.” He floated off in a pine bark canoe. He floated on down river. He came to a place where people were. He said to them there ‘‘Did you see anything float by here?” They replied “No indeed, only the musk sac of skunk, which was reeking terribly as it floated by.” Skunk replied “Take good care of yourselves later when I come back.” He went on and came to another place where there were people. He said “Have you seen anything float by here?” They said “No indeed, only the musk sac of skunk floated by, darn it.” “Later on whenever I come back you had bet- ter take good care of yourselves.” Skunk floated on down in the canoe. He came to a place where there were people and he said to the people “Did not something float by here?’ They said “Yes, something very nice indeed floated by here.” Skunk was pleased at that and said “After when I return I shall not do anything to you. I shall be all right to you.” That is how pleased skunk was. Again he went on and passed five places of people. He neared the fifth place. They said “The people have gotten together and are having a big time.” He thought “T shall come to that place now.” ku’4uku‘k itxa’nana t’sa’Kka, ku 4uku-k ica’xt’tka?xwayama’ftokni’. ku 4uku-k tiska’i iwaya’wiya tca’wacyau t’sa’ka ku a’xatama:ta ti-T tiskainami’ tea’wacyau a’‘xatamani‘na. ku’4u a’yawainana ti-T. ku tiska’iit’tiya/wiya. ki-k xwayama’ 4ukt-k ina’K.winana a’yat. ku tiska’i ita’xciya tca’uka xwayama’. ku 4uku:k ipxwi’na “a’unac iya/wainana ti-r. ku a’unac a’wawitata.” kw duku:k iya’wainana wa’saski tapacnomi’ki psa’ki. ku’4uku-k ya’wainana tea’wacpa wa’napa. ku’ya/‘nawiya tinmmami’yau. kwonoa’k ku’s’na “mi’cpam tc4u a/dqinucana ta-n i’/tcona ya’waina?” kupat’a’wona “tcAumona’n, tiskainomi’sim ti-r i/tcana tciyawa’u iya’wi-ti-wacana tiskainomi’.”’ ku a’natxanana tiska’i “i’xwipam ciya’x pi-‘ma’qinuta pa’‘icnac tu’xcara.”’ ku’Auku‘k a’winana ku’a’yanawiya tinmami’yau. ku a’wona “mi/cpam tcdu a’dinucana ttn i’tcona iya’wainacana?”’ kupart’a’wona “‘tcdumoana’n, i’tcanasim tiskainom1’ ti-T a’yawainacana tiskainomi’ ti-r ani’ nama’mk.”’ “‘i’xwipam ciya’x pima’dinuta ackupdic tu’xcata.”’ kuk a’yawainana wa’saski tiska’i. ku a/yanawiya ti-nmami’yau ku’a’wona ti’nmaman “‘tedu i’tcona ti-n ya’waina?” ku pat’a’wona ‘‘4:, i/tcona ya’waina hulu’lwai.”’ ku tiska’i ciya’x ipxwi’na “‘i’xwinac tu’xcatra kumarac tcAumic mi’ta. ciye’xmatac wa’ta.” i/kuc tiska’i ipxwi'na ciya’x. ku’4uku‘k a’nat’caxi iwi’nana pa’xat i’kwoat ti’nmaman iwa’una pa’xarT. ku’i’kwonek it’sa’na. kupat’a’/wona “aya’yat ipa’yumca ti-’nma aya’yaca.”’ ku’4u ipxwi’na ‘‘a’unac ya’nawita i/kwonok.”1929] Jacobs, Northwest Sahaptin Texts, 1. Klhkitat 211 He got there. There were many people gathered together. He said “I shall hide.” ‘The people were having a big time with Skunk’s musk sac. He thought “Now I shall get it back.” He dug a hole in the ground where the sac was rolling along and there he hid. Where Skunk was hidden the people came out from the house. He stooped with his back pointing up. His sac rolled into him.® So he got the sac. He stood up and the people saw him and feared him. He stood there and told them “Assemble, all you people! I have brought lots of news which I shall relate to you when you are assembled.” They did as Skunk told. The people gathered together. Skunk said “I shall relate the news to you when all the people are in one house. You must all go into the house. Let there be no one absent. You are all to enter into one house.” ‘The people said “The chief has brought news and is going to relate it to us.” Accordingly all the people went into the Skunk asked, “Chief, are they all ready?” He told Skunk “Yes, they are all here, not a one is absent.” Skunk replied “First I shall go outside a mo- ment and then I shall tell the news.”” He replied, “All right.” Skunk crawled out of the house, ejected his musk towards the house and all the people died. Skunk took all the valuables of the people. He took valuables away from every house. house. ku:k iwiya’nawiya. palala’l ti’nma payu’mca ti-nma. ku’ina’txanana “atmac i/nt’ca pina” itamaikta.” 4u tin aya’yaca tiskayanomi’ki ti’tki. ku pxwi’na ‘“‘a’unac anpa’caTa.”’ kwano’k ixene’mna ti-tca’m anakwono’k iwa’ix- tixa Kpo’/nok ti-t kwono’k pina’’itamaika tiska-’'ya. kukwono’k 4ukuk tin iwi- /k tiska-’ya pina” itamaikca. ku xwi’mikan ti'pa- ya’pnima oni-’tTkenik kukwon ° . . . , Tesi B / Nyinainaka tiskayanomi’. * au ikwak inpa- naika. kwano’k ponomi’nok ti-T a cana Kpo’nok ti-T. ku itu’tiya tiska’ya kupar’a’qinuna ku‘kpat a’skauna tiska-’yan. ku itu’- tiya ku’a’na “a’upam t’i4-x" ti’nma yu'mta. a/unac na’tciks palala’i xola’k pa’taimu a’umatac ta‘imunta auku yu’mta.”’ ku’dukv k kack paku-’ya tiska-’ya. 4uku-k pa’wiyakuka tin iyu’mna. ku tiska’i o’na ‘‘a’umatac ta/imunta ku t'14-x" ti-n lo/xsyau oni’Tyau. kunam ti4-x" tin a’comtTa gni’tyau. tca’unam- wa’ta ndxc tcdu. t’la-’x*nam® a’comtTa lo’xsyau oni’Tyau.” ku’4uku‘k tin ina’- txanana ‘Au miya’wox ina’tciks ta‘imu a’unan ita/imunta miya’wexnem.”’ kik kuc a’ckika oni-’tyau t’i4-x" tin. ku tiska’i ina’txanana, “miya’wox a’unac a’wona mic tPA?” ku pa”ona ‘i:--, a’‘unac t’4-x" tedu léxs tedu.’”” au ina’- txanana tiska’i ‘‘a’unac pi’wi’atta’ kuk pi’taimuna.” pa”’ona, “iu.” ku tiska’i ixwona’ta oni-’rkonik, kik iti’rna oni’tkan tiska’i t’14-x" ti-n it’liya’wiya. kick tiska’i iwone’pa t’4-x° tanwa-‘itt timmami’. anakwo'lk anit t’14-x" iwono’pa. 5 Into his anus. 6 Bisyallabic. See note, page 207. 7 Skunk pretends going outside in order to urinate or defecate.seme ee Api erase wbeEss bdo andl bo University of Washington Publications in Anthropology Vol. 2 4 { g3 He went on in the direction he had come from, floating on in the river. He came to another place where people were, people who had spoken nice things. He passed by and did not stop. He went on and came to a place of people who had not spoken nicely to him. He got there. He said “I have brought good news. I shall relate it to you. All of you assemble!”” The people said “A great chief has come. He is going to tell us news.” The people assembled. Skunk said to them “Let not one of you be absent. All enter one house. Listen carefully to the good news I bring.” Accordingly all entered one house. Skunk said “I shall tell the news now—after I have gone outside a moment I shall tell you the news.’”’ That is what Skunk said... He went outside, ejected musk towards the house and all the people died. Skunk took valuables from every house. He took all their valuables. He “packed” the valuables along with him. He came to where there were good people. He passed by and did not stop. He went on and came to where people were—people who had spoken badly to him. He got there. He said “I have returned with news. I shall tell it to you. Assemble together now!” All the people did so, in one house. He killed them all. He took all the valuables of the people. Some good peoples he passed by and many he killed in the same manner as before. He had many “packs.” ku’4u iwi’nana ku-ni’xi anakwoni’/nak iwi’nama ya’/wainama tca’wacpa tiska’i. ku’au iwi’nana iwiya’nawiya léxs ti-’nma pawa’, kuma’k pat’a’wona ciya’x. ku iwa’una tcedu iwiya’kuka ciya’x iwa’una. ku iwi’nana iya’nawiya a’nat’caxi timmami’yau anakumo’k patcdu ciya’x a’wona. ku’i'/kwonok iwiya’nawiya. 4u o’na “‘a’unac na’inakta ciyo’x pa’taimu. a’umac ta/imunta. t’la-’x"nam pa’wiyakukta.” ku’ina’txanana ti-n “Au iwiya’- nawi: nt’ci’ miya’wox. a’unan ita/imunta.” ku’Au ipa’wiyauka tin. pa’’ana tiska~’yin “‘t’}4-x" tca’unam wa’ta nAxc. wusi’x oni’Tpa. t’ta-’x"nam a’somta lo’xsyau oni’tyau. kunam ciyo’xnam pa‘ikta ciya’xnac na’tciks ta’/imu.” ku ktick t’l4-x" a’ca lo’xsyau oni-’tyau. ku tiska‘i ku’s’na “a’umac ta‘imunta a’unac pi’wi'atta kumac pi’taimunta.” i/kuc a’na_ tiska’i “pi’taimunta.”’ ku’4u a’ta tiska’i, tina oni-’rkan t’'14-x" t’hya’wiya tin. ku tiska’i iwano’pa tanwa‘itt t’la-’x"pa oni’tpa. t’14-x" iwono’pa tanwa’itt. ku’4u iqwona’tiya tan- wa'itt tiska-'ya. iwiya’nawiya kwono’k pawa’ ti’/nma ciyo’xma ti-’nma. ku:‘k iwiya/wauna tedu iwiya’kuka. ku’iwi’nana iwiya’nawiya a/nat’caxi pawa’ ti-’nma kwoanoa’k patcilwi’T pat- ’a'wona. ku’i/kwonok iwiya’nawiya. ku’4u o’na ‘“a’unac tu’xca_ta‘imucwé. a’umac ta/imunta. a’unam pa’wiyakukta.” ku kuc itxa’‘nana ti:n lo’xsyau oni’Tyau t’'l4-x" tin. ku i't’liyawiya t’14-x". kwono’k iwana’pa t’t4-x" tanwa’itt timmami’ iwono’pa. ku’4u t’l4-x" iwa’una ttu-‘emaman ciyo’x ku-k ktic xoala’k i't’tiyawiya. ku’4u xalo’k a’txanana cApce.1929] Jacobs, Northwest Sahaptin Texts, 1. Klikitat 213 He went far on and then he counted the valuables. “This one will be for my in-law. This one will be for my mother-in-law. This will be for my son- in-law. ‘This one will be for my own marriage ceremony outfit.” That is how he figured upon his valuables. He went on. He saw a man, Cougar, coming. Cougar saw him “oC hat dangerous one, Skunk, has encountered me.” He had no way to escape, no way at all. Skunk had already seen him. Skunk laughed “hi-hihi”. Skunk laughed. “Hihthi I have met my friend! I shall chat with the chief.” Skunk laughed with pleasure. He thought “T shall eject musk upon him and eat hima Ae the thought Skunk laughed. Cougar said to him “How do you come to be travelling about?’ Skunk said “Why, friend, let us two chiefs wrestle.” So he said. Said Cougar “No, friend, that I do not desire.” He feared skunk. Said skunk “When two persons of chiefly rank meet they do not merely meet and chat. Let us wrestle.” He spoke five times. Then Cougar said “Very well. As you like it.” Skunk said “Put your arms about me.” Cougar was afraid. But he seized him above his hips and held skunk’s musk sac shut tight. He lifted skunk up with one hand. Skunk said “Do not do that to me. Let us two chiefs wrestle, rather. Do not hold me like that at the belt. Rather seize me by the head. ‘That is the way we two chiefs But Cougar held him high up with one hand. There was a should wrestle.” held skunk and hurled him across he ravine. When ravine at that place. Cougar Ge ee 4u iwi/nana wi'yat ti-tca’m iwi’nana kwonoa’k tiska’i du itita’mana tanwa‘itt. “atymac i'tci wa’ta pi-’awitai. i'tci-c wa’ta pi’swaxai. i’tci kuc i’tci wa’Ta i/tci-c wa'ta nomi’ pi-tcainatcai nomi’.” i’kuc itita’mana tanwa'itt. 4 iwi‘nana. ku-k idi/nuna poe’nt’ca ‘kwi’tame awi’nc kwayawiya’i ikwi’- tame. ku pa’dinuna “a’unac ya’xa kwa-li‘nem pone’mxi tiska-’yanom.” ku teAu mi-nin iwinani’’nTaxnai, tcau mi‘nin. kumi’wi 4uku-k pa’qinuca. ku iti’- yaca “‘hi-hi-hi-.’’ ti’yaca tiska’1, “hi-hi-hi: a’unac a’wiyaxnac pi-”inxainanac pi‘'- ’ tiska’i iti’yaca ikwa’tasa. ipxwi’ca “‘a’unac atiT- pi-’pnukai. ’altwimaya pi’’miyawoxnan.’ na’cata kuc tkwa’tata.” kwonki'nok iti’yaca. ku’4u pa’’ona “mi/enam wiya/ninxa?”’ ku tiska’i a’nca “i, x41, a’/unan ikuc o’/nca. ku kwayawiya’yin “‘tcau, xAi, teaunac ku tiska’i o’nca “tc4umona’n a’/utika ipa’kwi- pa’xat i/kwat o’na. ku’o’/na ‘‘a’unam pa’- pa’paxawita pa’a/miyux.”’ i’kuc a’tdixca.” pa’wiyait’cuca. manxa tin i/kuck pa’a’miyux. kik pa’’oana ““i°’Au. a'unam mic kpo’nek a’tqixca.”’ waxpta.” kuk kwayawi’ iska’uca. kw Auku-k kwayawi'yin pa’wenpea i/kwonok pa’wonpea kuwi'pa kA-nk kpo’nek ti-T tiskayinomi’. ku pa’tcatukca i’saTkt apa’Pki. ku tiska’i ina’txanaca “‘tcau i/kuc pa’‘kum. ni“xnan pa’paxawiTa pa- ’a'miyux. ku tcdu_ i/kuck pa’wonpem pawalakwika’waspa. nix pa’wonpom talpi’pa.* i’kucnan pa’paxawita pa’a’miyux.” ku kwayawiya’yin pa’tcatukca xwi'mi i/satki ope’Pki. i/kuc iwatca’ ti-tca’m xowi’s ti-tca’m. ku tiska’inan kwayawi’yin pa’wonpa ku pa/tamawayawaika waik. tiska’i qa’uqina kwone’k rord; used by Skunk to pose as a stranger. a/unan pa’paxawiTa.”’ 8 Probably a Umatilla weet Terr rer eee a ae ee ee ete ete ere RO hoa i University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [ Vol. 2 skunk fell he ejected his musk—with no harm to cougar, who fled and ran away. ||Skunk looked for Cougar, but Cougar was gone. Skunk got up. “TI’ll go on.” He “packed” the valuables along. Skunk went on. As he went along he saw the one called prairie dog coming his way. Prairie dog saw skunk. ‘Skunk has met me.” He was afraid. “He will kill me.” He had pretty near reached him, and prairie dog had nothing to turn into. Then he became dead and very very rotten he was as he lay there just a mass of maggots. As he went along Skunk saw him. “Aha, now I have found something nice for my food.” He stood there and thought “Could I take it? Oh, it is rotten. I shall not take it. Let it go.” He left it. He went on a short distance, and again he turned back. He again thought “It will be all right after I shake it out. It will be good food then.” Prairie dog thought “The dangerous one is going to take me anyhow.” He seized prairie dog and shook him out. “It is all right now. I shall carry it along and after a little while when at camp for the night I shall eat it.” That is what he said. Prairie dog overheard him. He thought “The danger- ous one is taking me along.’ Skunk laid him on the pack and carried him far away. Prairie dog wept as he went along “The dangerous one is taking me along. Hi” he cried out as he went, in a low wail. At that sound Skunk stopped in his tracks. “What made that sound? There is not a single thing of all the things in this land that I stand in fear of. I have the advantage over every one of them.” iti’tna tedutun kwayawi’, iwa’ixtiya pa’wilalokwa. ||iwaqi’rna tiska’i tca’uka Kwayawiya’i tca’uka. ku’aukti-k itu’tiya tiska’i. ‘‘a’unac wi’naca kuc wi'naca.”’ qwona’tiya tanwa’itt. iwi‘nana tiska’i. ki-k iwiya’qinuna ikwi-‘tama po’nt’ca iwani/kca kpo’nok waca’pani wani’kca po’nt’ca ikwi-’tame. ku pa’qinuna. ‘‘a’unac ya’xa tiska’i- nom.” aukt-k iska’una. ‘‘a’unac i’t’Hyawita.”’ ku-k duku‘k mi’wi pawiya’- nawiyu'ca t’sa’ka, ku la’xmic tun itxa’natTaxnai. kw’itxa’nana_ t’Hya’wiyi palala’i tciyawa’u iwa’ i-ca’ ca/isim. ku wiya’dinuna tiskaya-’ya iwiya’dinuna. ‘“t---, a/’unac a’wiyaxc nix Kpoe’nak inomi’ tkwa’tar.”’ ku itu’tiya kwona’k ku’ipxwi’na ‘“‘mi/cnac a’wonpta? us, teailwi’t iwa’. tca/unacmtin a’wonpta. t’la’nox iwa’.”” ku’4uku-k iwiya’’- nakwa. t’sd: i’kwal iwi’nana, ku Kwa’xi it’sswi/na. kwa’xi ipxwi’na ‘‘4u iwa’ ciyo’x i’xwi's a’watolpta. ku itxa’nata ciyo’x tkwa’tat.” ku-k ipxwi’na Kpo’nek wasa’pani ‘‘a’unac a’utyac iwono’pe kwa:li’nam.” ku’iwono’pa kw iwa’tolpa. “au iwa’ ciyo’x. a’unac na’K.winaca i’xwi t’liks wa’utk*tpa kuc tkwa’tata.” i/kuc isi’nwiya. ku’4u pa/ikea wasa’pani-n pa‘ikea. ku’du ipxwi'na “‘a’uTyac ina’K.- wina Kwa-li’nom.” ku’A4uku-k ca’pepa itamka’cana ku’4u iqwona’tiya tiska-’ya Wi yaT iwi’nana. ku wasa’pani iwiya’naxtiya ‘‘a’unac ina’/K.wina kwa‘li’‘nem. ku:k hi-:::’twa‘‘i- ki ya’naxtiya. ku tiska-‘ya iga’tutiya. ‘“‘tti-n inu-’? tcea’unac tin a’skauca ;/ mean 6 5 % 5 1teanek ti-tea/mpa anakwo’t iwa’ tt-n i'tcanok ti‘tca’mpa. kuc t’la-’x"nan a’wa ku pa‘ikca panami’nokin ca’pcin pa’ikea. ‘“‘ku ae, aay eae Kwa-ce.” i’kuc isi‘nwiya tiska’i.1929] Jacobs, Northwest Sahaptin Texts, 1. Khkitat 219 That is what skunk said. His burden overheard him. “In this land it is only the whistler whom I fear. || That is the only one at all I fear. It is superior to me.” Prairie dog reflected “That must be the very one who has the advantage over him.” Skunk “packed” him on. Prairie dog reflected “Now I have found the solution.” Then in a low pitch he whistled, “Kwi:.” Skunk stopped abruptly. “Aha. That one has met me. Perchance it is travelling about and sees me from some place or other.” That is what he said. Prairie dog overheard him. He thought “I shall do it again.” He whistled louder. “Kwi--,” prairie dog did. Skunk now strode along more rapidly on his way. Prairie dog whistled again still more forcefully. Said Skunk “He has found me now.” ‘Then he ran along, slowly at first. He thought “I wonder why I am carrying this food about? Let it go!” He threw it away. Prairie dog whistled loudly “Kwi--” to him as he went along. Skunk ran towards the brush. Prairie dog got up and quickly took all the valuables Skunk had been “packing.” He got them all. Skunk ran on. He had no more valuables. Prairie dog took them all away. Prairie dog said to Skunk, “Never in future will you be a dangerous person. The people who are coming here are nearing now. Possibly you may eat some things, such as salmon, of the people. And you may eject musk and make their food bad. When they see you or find you they will whistle ‘Kwi-,’ and then you will run off towards the woods or into the brush. ‘That is how the people will treat you. You will never be a dangerous being.” That is what prairie dog told him. That is all now. EE Sukoliu iwa’ ivtconek ti-tca’mpa pikwi-kwiyai.® || kulo’xsimnac inok a’/ckauca kwak. Au iwa’ sk4u iwa’.” ku ipxwi’na wasa’pani “atuxac i/kwi-nik pa’wa Kwas.” Au iqwona’tiya. ku’4uku:k wasa’pani ipxwi’na ‘“‘a’unac a’wiyaxe.” kik twa‘iki, ‘wi sree iku’ya. qa’tutiya tiska’i. “a. a’unac ikwima-’ya kwono’mok. 1la’a’k iwiya’- ni-nxa idi’nucac pdic mo’nik.” i’kuc isi’nwiya. ku’4u pa‘ikea. ku ipxwi/na “unac.” ku ma“int’ciki ikwi’kwna. “kwi-,” iku-’ya wasa’pani. ku’au- ku:k tiska:'ya maike’tu iwiya’dlaina. ku’a/nat’caxi maixtu’wikika ikwi-‘kwna wasa’pani. “Auku-k tiska-'ya ‘“‘a’unac ya’xa.”’ 4uku:k iwa/ixtiya, wa’tui twa‘iki. a “ta’inactxaT i’tci kpo’nek tkwa’tat na/Kni-nxa? Au ’iwa’ta t’ta/- ku xtu’wiki “‘kwi--” pa’wiyaku-ya wasa’pani-n. auku‘k iwa’ixtiya wa’pasikan tiska’ya. ku wasa’pani ayi’ka maike’tu iwono’pa t’1a-x" kpa’nek tanwaitt anakpo’nok tiska-’ya ica’peana. ku t'i4-x" Kpe’nok aukik iwono’pa t’l4-x". ku tiska’i iwa/ixtiya. 4uku:k tceautun tanwa‘itt. | wasa’pani ku t’14-x" iwona’pa itiyano’pa. ku tiska:'ya pa”ona wasa’panin, tin ikwi-‘tame. ka’uryanam tun a’/tkwati-nixata nu’sux. kunam atirna’ci-ni- xata tciyawa’u tkwa’tat. kunam pdic pa’qinuta pa” yaxta ku:k kwi:::: paku’Ta, kunam 4uku-k wa/ixtita i/Ikwasilkwaskanam walixtita winitca’pata. i’/kucnam paku’ta ti’nma. tea‘unamena’n wa’ta kwali’.” i’kuck pa’’ona. 4ukw’ipxwi’n > nox.” ku’4u iwuxi’na. “4ea'unamona’n wa’ta Kkwali’. t’sa’paka Aa, tia. 2A Umatilla word.216 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [Vol. 2 1: There were people. Coyote went with them. “Now I shall go on,” he said, “There is good country there. To there I shall go.” He went on; he saw “Every- thing is fine for my comforts.”” He saw them. He wanted them. “Now I shall get them.” He arrived at a place where there was good catching of salmon in the water. ‘Now I shall get them.’’ But he could not get them for himself. Eagle was the bird who was called “leader.” ‘There were three brothers. Coyote went to them and said “Now you get the salmon that are at the bottom of the falls.” ‘They went to see Eagle’s younger brother. His younger brothers cr were Blue Jay and beaver. They saw “There are salmon, indeed.” ‘They went to get them. They made fish spears and poles, they got a canoe and went to the falls. They saw “Now there are Chinook salmon, indeed.” The leader, Eagle, speared a Chinook salmon. Then they were borne along by the salmon in the direction in which the wa- ter flowed. They were so startled they did not know “Where is it bearing us?” Eagle was unable to cast it from him. His hands remained tight on the shaft. And so it took him along. Blue jay took a knife and cut at it, but no, the knife fell into the water. It became dark. Beaver cut at it with his teeth, but he was unable to cut it with them; all his teeth fell into the water. It bore them on far away. Eagle held the pole tightly. 7} Au iwatca’ tin. kuk itxa’nana iwi’nana ti-:n spilya’i iwi’nana. ‘“‘a’unac wi'nata,” 9a/na, “‘kwana’k iwa’ ti-tca’m ciya’x. kuc i‘kwonok wi'nata.”’ du kuk iwi’nana ; kuk a/dinuna “‘iwa’ ciyo’x t’!4:x"tu-n i’nok a’qinuna nomi’yai wono’P- Tai.” kuk iqi’‘nuna. kuk Au itdi’xna. ‘‘a’unac a’wanpta.’’ kuk iwiya’nawiya nix iwa’ wona’pTai tca’wacpa nu’sux iwa’ tca’wacpa. ‘“a’unac a’wonpta.” kutc4u wona’PtTai ponomikala’i. kuk iwatca’ xwayama’ ka’kya? wani’ki owi’nc. a’watca isxe’pma moa’tau. kuk iwi‘nanuna kuk 9’na “‘a’upam a’wonpta iwa’ nu’sux kwa’pa wa’nawak kwo’pa iwa’ nu’sux a’upam a’wonpta.” kuk di’nutana isxo’p xwayamayainomi’. a’wa- tca isxo’Pma xwacxwa’ya yo’xa a’watca. kuk padi’nuna ‘Au iwa’ nu’sux.” kuk pawo'npatana. pa’ani’ya tanu’ ti-xa‘i, kuk pawo’npa wa’sas kuk pawi’nana Kwo’pyau. padi’nuna “4u iwa’ nu’sux tkwi’nat.”” kuk awi'nc xwayamaya'i ipa’- Tyana tkwi’natnan. ku:k par’ina’nana 4uki-k ku-ni’k iwa’naca tca/wac paT’ina’nana. kuk tcau pi'ma’cukwa-na ‘“‘mi-’natac ina’K.wi-na?” ku hii iwapa’wuxi:na. kwA4-T a’txa- nana ope’p i’‘lkwaspa. kuk ina’nana. kuk xwa/cxwai iwo/npa xapitmi’ kuk iwa'xt’tka, tcau, a’xatamani-na tca’wacyau. kutxa’nana sa’t’sat. kuk yo’xa itca’xt’tka, kutcdu hui itca’xt’tka ; t’!4-x" ota’t a’xatamani-na_ tca’wacyau. kupat a4ukt-k wi/yat ina’‘inakta wi'yat. kuk kwA4-t owi’nc ipi’kca ti-xa’l. - Told July 1926, interpreter Peter McGuff. * Or animal: ka‘kya means both animal and bird.1929 | Jacobs, Northwest Sahaptin Texts, 1. Klikitat 217 In the darkness the woman® got up into the canoe. They did not see her. I hen the leader let the pole go. It became daylight. They saw a woman sitting in the canoe. But they could not converse with her. She would not say anything to them. They came to a place where there were many people. The woman went ashore. “I have brought people. Hurry and prepare food for them. They are here now.” The people accordingly made food. The people said to them “Eagle! chief! leader! and the two younger brothers!” So they went. Food was being prepared for them, but not for that woman. The people said “When it dawns to-morrow there will be games, chief!” The younger brother blue jay replied “Well, we two shall play that way.” It dawned and a little girl came there. ‘Now chief! You two will play, “Yes” he answered. They ’ you and my sister.’ Blue jay spoke “TI shall play.’ played their game in the water.* Long was the woman’s hair. Blue jay entered the water and he cheated. He did not stay in the water at that place, but there was a canoe and at that place he put his head out of the water by the canoe. The unmarried woman merely remained quietly beneath the water. Blue jay got worn out; he went to the woman and clubbed her and she died. She came to the surface of the water. After some time blue jay came ashore. He had conquered the dangerous one. He went back to the house. kuk a’wiyalikasana a’yat wa’cacyau a’yaT st’sa/tpa. kuk tc4u paqi’nuna. kuk iwapa’uxi-na tixa/i owi’nc. kuk a’/txanana qa-’yox. padqi’nuna a’yaT ayi’kca wa/cacpa a’yatT. kuk hti paxa/twaina. tca’upaT mic o’na. kuk paya’nawiya xolo’k ti-’nma kw’i/kwonek pawiya’nawiya. kuk a’wiya- pyuka a’yat. ‘“‘kuk a’unac ti’nmaman a’unac a’natciks ti:’nmaman. kotu’pam a/kwi-nita tkwa’tat. Au pawiya’nawi.’’ kuck paku'’ya ti’nma tkwa’tat. kuk pa”ona “xwayama’ miya’wox ewi'nc kuk isxo’p na’pu.” kuk a’winana. kuk tkwa’/tat pat’a’kwi-nica tkwa’tat, kutcau kpo/nak a’yar. kuk a’wana “Au méisx ixa/ixta kuk iwa’Ta auqwo/lawit, miya’wox.” kuk isxo’p xwa’cxwai a/natxanana “a’unatac napi-ni’k auqu’lawira i’kuc.” kuk a’xaixna kuk a’wiyanawiya iksi‘ks pti’niks. ‘au miya’wox. a’upam auqu’lawita, nomi’nkin pa’tin.” kuk a/sinwiya ‘‘i’nek audqu’lawira.” kuk ‘G..) palkuya. kuk auqu’lawiya tca’wacpa. a’yat tka-’rnam kuk tu’tanik. kuk xwa’cxwai a’kuya kuk tca’wacpa a’waca kuk xwa/cxwai isa’ptayoka. tcau a’sas kukwono’k ixu’tolkana tca’wackonik kuk ta’kop xwa/cxwai ; kuk ya’winata tca’wac- i’cna kwa-- a’cxana tca’wacpa kwono’k, a’wa w wa’saspa. kut’fa’nox tema’i a’yaT wusi’’x omi’ti. iwinanu-na kuk iwa’wacpa a’yatnan kuk a’yat t’tiya’wiya. konik a’/yat. kuk wi’yatic kuk xwa’cxwai po'nt’ca iwiya’pyuka. li’n. kuk itu’xna oni-’Tkan. 3 Chinook salmon woman. 4'The game is to see who can stay longer under water.Se Pet ahi tts a ee Sekine 218 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [ Vol. 2 A little girl ran up and told the chief ‘Eagle! my sister is floating about in the water with her hair flowing loosely. You wil! play to-morrow.” He replied to her “Very well.” Beaver said “I shall play.” She replied “Very well.” It dawned and she said to him “Well, now” and he replied “All right.” They went to where there was a bad place and at that place they laid them- selves down; rocks slid down and fell upon them as they lay there. Beaver was not harmed but the woman was nearly dead from the rocks falling on her. Five times she lost consciousness. Beaver was not killed. When the woman was at last killed beaver returned to the house. Again a little girl arrived. “There will be a contest tomorrow.” He (Eagle) replied “Very well.” It dawned; they went off and played. Now chief eagle and the unmarried girl cougar contested. She took him aloft, they ate upon one another and they went way above. Cougar came close to eating Eagle all up and killing him. They made a fire below and the meat of Cougar that fell down they burned up. That is what they did to it there. A small bird, hawk, flew up above and killed Cougar. And the younger brother, hawk, brought eagle below. He had lost consciousness, but he came to. Then Eagle got the woman who had brought them there. The others he killed. He took her, Chinook salmon, saying ‘““Now we shall go home.” She replied “Yes, now we shall return.”’ He said to her “Ready, go aboard the canoe.” Then all the brothers boarded the canoe. kuk iwa’ixtima iksi’ks pti’niks pa’’ona miya’woxnan “xwayama’. Au i‘ka- % I 5 , ; J kikea nomi’ pdt. a’upam audu’lawira méisx.” kuk pa’ona “i’4u.” kuk isinwiya ya’xa ‘“‘a’unac i/nok auqu’lawita.”” a’wona “i:’Au.’’ kuk ixa’ixna pa’- cana at’ pa’’ona “f-'4u." kuk pawi’nana iwa’ tcilwi’t ti-tca’m kuk kwono’k pi-ma’uxi-na ; kuk a’wi- p haika pewa’ pa’xatamadoska. tcAu mic yo’xa kuk a’yat a’xatamaqdaska tcau- | yo 3 y x wi'yaT t’ta’yawit tcAuwi’yatT. kuk aukdé-k pa’xat kuk a’t’liyawiya a’yat. kuk yo’xa tcdu i’t’liyawiya yo’xa, a’yar i’t’liyawiya kuk ixa’ucxna itu’xna oni-Tyau. kuk a’nat’caxi ya’nawiya iksi’ks pti-‘niks. ‘Au iwa’ta aqu’lawita méisx.”’ x1 } I p | ‘A 92% kuk pa” ana ‘%’4u.” kuk ixa’/ixna ; kuk pawi’nana paqu’lawiya. aukt-k po’nok miya’wox xwa- yama’. kuk Kwayawi’ toma’i kuk paqu’lawiya. kuk auku-k pa’panatiya xwi’'- mikan, pa’patkwatana 4u pawi’nana xwi-’mikan. Au t’l4-x" a’tkwatana tcdu- wi'yat i’'t’liyawiya xwayamaya’inan kKwayawi'yin. kuk pa’i/Ikwa i‘Ikwec kuk nokwo’Tt a’xatamkanixana nokwo’t a’wilkwana. ku-no’k i/kuc a’kuya. kuk ik- sks ka’kya® kuk a’wiltoxna kuk a’wit’liyawiya kwayawi’'n. xwayama’ kuk pa‘nakhaika isxe’pi-n. aukt:k wa’dic a/txanana a’wit’tiyawiya. kuk auki-k t'44-x"tu-n. auktik kuk kpo’nok a’yat pa’wanpa xwayamaya’i apatkwoeno’mok ina’nana a’'yatneam. ku-mano’k a’wit’liyawiya. kuk a’wonpa Kpo’nok a’yar, “ku’a’unat tu’xsa.” kuk a’natxanana ‘{----, a’‘unat tu’xta.” ku pa’ana “tet, wa’caTam wa’casyau wa’catam.”’ kuk t’l4-x" xa/ima a’wacana wa’caspa. ® wi-pniyula’, small hawk.1929] Jacobs, Northwest Sahaptin Texts, 1. Klikitat 219 The woman fell into the water. There was no way to find her. She had fallen into the water and disappeared. In vain did they seek her. They could not find her; she had disappeared. Lots of persons searched for her. Many people went into the water and did not find her. After a while turtle arrived and was told “Ready! now you go look for her yourself.” He replied “Very well.” He searched for her and for five days he did not find her. After then he found her. He got her and took her out of the water onto shore. He was told ‘Now the woman will be yours for that.” Because of that blue jay got angry. “We shall war for her.’ said “Yes.” Then they warred over the woman, and killed one another. Turtle left her saying “Oh, let the woman go.” So that was how it was with the brothers. That was the way it was with eagle long ago when he was a person. That is how it comes to be that this is his law now: (people kill the man who steals another’s woman. ) > The people 8. ‘here were five brothers. ‘The oldest, a hunter, would go about hunting deer in the mountains. He would come upon deer and kill them. He would tell his younger brothers, “Let us go off. I have found and killed deer.” They would go to that place and remain there and eat the deer. When they had eaten it all their elder brother, who was cougar, would go hunting again. His younger broth- ku’a’yat a’xatamani-na a’yar. aukti:k'tcAutu-n iya’xtai. fa-’mai a’yaT xa’- tamani-na tca’wacpa. kuk hii pa’waqitnoxana. tcdu pa”yaxna ; ta’mai itxa’- nanaa’yat. kuk palala’i ti’nma pa”’awawiya. xolo’k ti-’nin a’cxana tca’wacyau ku tcdu pa’’yaxna. wi'yatic kuk po’nt’ca alaci’k po’nt’ca iwiya’nawiya alaci’k pa”oena “‘tst a’unam i/mt’ca a’wawitata.” kuk ina’txanana “i-’4u.” kuk 4uki-k a’wawitana kutc4u ya’xna pa’xat ikwi’. kuk 4uku-k ya’xna. ku’4ukt-k iwo’npa ku’ina’k- pyuka tca’wackonik. pa’’ona “atumac imi/nok wa’ta a’yaT.” Vkuc kuk ili’watiya isxe’xna xwa’cxwai. “a’unac pa’ it’yawita.” kuk kuk aukti-k ipa”it’liyawiya kwoni’nok a’yatkenik. kuk cs {+ pa/kuya ti-’nin. pa’wiya-nakwa ‘‘4u t’ta’nox a’wata a’yart. i/kuc patxa’nana xa‘ima. i/ku-nik xwayama’ iwa’tca mi’wi tin. i’ku-nikat kpo’nok i’tci i’ku:k kpo’nok iwa’ tama’nwiT penomi’nok. ” 8s a’watca pa’xnau isxo’pma. ku:k watuima’ tuxwonata’ a’wiyaninxana a’wa- wixana owi’naT pto’xanupa. ku-k a’wiyaxnoxana owi’nat kuk a’wit’hyawixana kuk a’wonxana isxo’pmaman, “a'ynatk wi'nata. a’unac a’wiyaxna ku-k a/winaxana i/kwonok kwono’k a’txanaxana a’t- mun t’4-x" a’tkwataxana ku-k a’nat’caxi a’wawi- owi'nat. gwi’nat a’wit’Hyawiya.” kwataxana kpo’nok owi’natT. 1 Told July 1926, interpreter Peter McGuff. Mr. Hunt gave a better version of this myth in March 1928. See page 1Set tet eo ee ee Stes a Ot ay iy RaishrseeZ = ce 22) T University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [ Vol. 2 ers were wild cat, fisher, wolf and coyote. || These five would go about in search of food. That is how they went about, and wherever they would find game cougar, the hunter, and wild cat who was a small boy, when they got to the place where the deer was dead, there little wild cat would be told by his elder brother “Go look for buckets and dishes for the food.” The boy would look for cedar bark with which to prepare the food. He would get it and peel off three pieces, one for cooking, one with which to fetch water, and one with which the food and meat would be finished. In one the cooked food would be placed and then they would eat. That is what the boy used to do all the time. When they had camped for the night he would also pick up rocks and heat lots of them for the food; with them the meat would be cooked there in the bark vessel, in which he had put water and into which he had thrown hot rocks. ‘Then the meat would be cooked. All five brothers would eat. That is how they used to go about in the mountains. He would shoot a big deer and he would come back and tell his younger brothers “I have killed a big deer. Let us move on off to that place and there we shall eat.” They reached where the big deer or elk had been killed, and when they had gotten there he would tell the boy wild cat “Go get cedar bark but do not sing; do it in silence; a dangerous person might hear you.” ‘Then he went off to get it and he did so silently. But he made it all badly. He said, “I can not do anything in silence. If I could only sing I could make it for the food.” And so the boy sang and peeled off the cedar bark finely indeed. xana piya’P pi-mi’nok a’watca kwayawi’. a’watca isxa’P pa’t’som a’watca isxa’P camti’c isxo’P a’watca xa’lic isxo’P a’watca spi'lya isxa’P. || i/kwat pawatca’ pa’x- nau isxe’Pma pawiya’nincana pa’a’wawicana tkwa’tarnan. kuck 4u pawiya‘nin- xana, kumona’n pa’ya’xnoxana po/nak kwayawi’ tuxwonata’ ku-k pa’t’sam iksi’ks a/ow Ain awit. awive n/ sUXx7 } ; 1t?44 +14 aswan, paic pawiya’nawixana mona’n iwa’ Kpoa/nak owi'nar it’tiya’wiyi, ku- kwona’k iksi’ks pa’t’som pa’’anxana piya’pin pa”onxana “‘a’unam a’wawitTa tkwa'tatai qpu’t tika’i.” ku-k a’swan a/wawixana ku’tai tkwa’tarai nanoknomi’ psa’. a/kuxana a’pat’lakana moa’tar, naxc twa’caTai, ndxc tca’watatTai, ndxc anaku’k a’watita tkwa’tart nokwa’t. ku-k ndxc kwono’k paku’ta a’tic ku-k patkwa’tata. a’swan i/kuc a’kuxana ta-’minwa. kupo/nxi anaku-’k pawa’u- tkwana ku-k a/skawixana pewa’ ku-k a’wilaxwi-xnoxana pewa’ tkwa’tatai ; kwen- ki‘nok a’twacaxana nokwo’t kwono’k psa’pa, tca’wac a’kuxana ku:k pewa’ la’- xXwixt a’tamanixana. kuk a’watixana nokwo’r. kwk i/kwat pa’xnau xa’‘ima a'tkwataxana. i/kuc a/wiyani-nxana pto’xanupa. ku-k a’tuxwonana nt’ci’ owi’nat kuwiya’nawiya ku’a’wona isxo’pPmaman “a'wit’liyawicnac nt’ci! owi/nat. a’unatk wuca’nata i/kwonok kutk kwono’k tkwa'tata.” kuk a’wiyanawiya mona’/n Kpo’nok nt’ci’ owi/nat wiyapni’'T a’wi- tliyawiya, ku’i/kwonak a’wiyanawiya ku-k pa’’ana a’swanin po’t’comnan “a’kutak nuwayacnomi’ psa’ tca’unam wa’npta ; tawi-tki‘nek nama‘kura ; kwa’-linam- nam yi‘kta.” kuk a’kutana a’swan a/kuya tawi-Tki/nok. tc4u ciyo’x t’t4:x" a’txanana tcdutu-n a’kuya. kuk a’sinwiya, ‘‘tea’unac mun tun ku’ta tawi:T- ki‘nok. pa’icnac wa’npta kuc a’kuta tkwa’tarai.” ku a’wanpa a’swan kuk a’kuya ciya’x a’pat’laka nu’wayac psa’.1929] Jacobs, Northwest Sahaptin Texts, 1. Klikitat 221 From that place he went on and in a little brook there he saw a fish basket trap. He saw “There is nothing in it, there are no salmon, only sticks.” He saw a house and went to it, and he saw an old man sleeping there. The old man sat up, saw him and said to him, “Boy, what did you say when you sang? What were you happy about?’ The boy said to the old man “My elder brother killed a large deer and we are going to eat it.” The old man told him “Later on you will be the last one whom I shall eat.” Then the boy was frightened and ran off. The old man told him “I shall follow you now.” The boy went on. The old man got up and followed him. The boy saw “Now the old man is following after me.” The old man got to the fish basket trap and the boy saw the dangerous old man there at the trap. There were small sticks in the trap. The old man took hold of it and gulped down all the sticks there in it. The boy was indeed frightened. He ran off and told his elder brother “The old man is coming this way and 1 slices and gave the following me.” ‘Then cougar cut all the meat up into sma We two alone will al meat like that to the younger brothers and said “Now go off. be here. This dangerous person might swallow us. - They saw “The dangerous one is coming this way. cat, “Hurry up, boy, he might kill us. He can gulp down a whole deer for meat.” The boy cooked and made the cooked food, and then the dangerous one arrived. The boy wild cat was cooking. Cougar told wild cat “He will kill us, why are The boy said “W hy yes, if I could only cut off his Cougar said to him “You must Cougar said to wild you mischievous, why?” head and run below while you run up above... kukwoni-nok avomate iksi’ks xowu’s kwono’k a/qinuna noxana’c iwa’. xo- wu’spa. ku-k aoa “tun iwa’ ku-no’k, tedutun ra’ ku i’kwonok a’winana, : wk a/dinuna x “olewan, mi’cnam nu’ka wana’p- iwa’ nu’sux, i/Ikwasim.”’ ku a/dinuna oni-’T iw wo’sa'T int’cu’ca. ku:‘kxwo’sa‘t a’wayika, kupa’qinuna kupa’’ona, nana? tu’kinam na’kwalacana?” ku-k a’swan a’wana a’swan xwo’sa‘Tnan “na- ya’yas i't’liyawiya wiyapni’T kunatac tkwa'tat.” xwoe'sa‘T pa’’ona ““4’/xwimac a’nok i-mano’k tkwa’tata.” kuk a’swan iwiya’it’cuna a’swan ku:k iwa’ixtiya. pa”’ona ‘“‘a’umac twa’natTa.” ku xwo’sa'T a'waika ku-k pa‘twanana. ku:k a’ginuna a’swan ku iwiya’naw iya noxana/cyau XW noxana’/cpa. a’wa i/koks i‘Ikwas Sapa ‘xwoli‘spa. kpo’nek inu/quxna i’Ikwas. ku-k a/swan iwiya’it’cuna a’swan. ku-k iwa’ixtiya Bw o/na ee ‘pa ‘“‘xwo’sa'T skwi-‘tame twi/namenac xwa’sa'T- nokwo't ca’xt’tka ku’ini’ya 1 ‘kuck no- q’unatac wa’ta lapiliksa’. au kwa-- ku a’winana a’swan. “atynac xwo’sa‘Tnem itwa ‘namac.’ 9/sa‘t ku’a’swan (oye kwa-li’ re ku xwo’sa:T iwo’npa ku t Tate ” nom.” ku:k kwayawi’ t’la-x" kutsku’tsk kwa't isxo/pmaman ku’o/na “au wi'natk. li‘nomnarac inu’qukta.’ as »D 74 eee, poe ku-k qi‘nuna ‘Au kwi: tame kwa'li’.” kuk pa ona, au kotu’kotu, aswan, a’/unan i't’liyawira Kwa ‘li’nom. naxe wiyapni’T nokwo’t nu/qukea.”’ ku’a’swan auktc-k itwa’cana a’tic ani’ya, kuk ya'nawiya kwa'l’. kuw:k a’swan itwa’cana pe’t’com. ku'k kway awi’ piya’p ku-k ea) ona “‘a’unan i’t’hyawita kwali‘nom, ku:k a’swan ona “iv, pa’icnac a/kwi-- mi’cnawA qwose/mnawa, mi ‘cnamwa?”’ s s ” = ikan kunam’i’mok xwi’mikan. ku-k nita x4‘t’tk pa’/tka kuc i’nok wa ‘ixtita mi’tSep aS ame ttt ie rt a Peta) Sete ee eee : | | 222 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [ Vol. 2 , be brave indeed to speak thus.” || The boy fed the dangerous one and he ate up a whole deer, horns, hide, as big as the horns were that set in it. The dangerous one took it, blood and all, and gulped it down. And he took the hide, rolled up the horns in it and gulped down horns, hide and all. The boy was indeed frightened. He got a sharply edged stone, threw it and cut him right here on his neck... Then he told his older brother cougar “Soon when it has been cut off, when his head has become thus....” Then the boy ran below and his elder brother up above; the body followed the elder brother and the head followed the boy down below by the brook. It became dark and cougar was not overtaken by the body on the mountain. Cougar reached the summit. The boy went down below towards the little brook and cougar went up above and the dangerous being overtook neither of them. Some- where the dangerous one got lost. The head on its way down below did not get the boy. It became daylight and no longer dark. The boy went on; “Now I shall hunt for my elder brother.” The boy climbed up the mountain and there he found his elder brother. The elder brother told him “Oh, you have tired me out. You are mischievous. You have tired me out. Now you shall go about by yourself all alone and I shall do the same.” The boy wept and he said to his elder brother “I shall not be able to get anything to eat as I go about.” His elder brother told him “TI shall give you a fish spear and arrows; you will go down to a pa’ ona “a’uxanamtoxw4 owi’nc.”” || ku-k Au a’swan yatsi’maka t’l4-x" Kwa'li’ tkwa’tana n4xc wiyapni’T t’4-x", iwa’ ono’n opo’x mét nt’ci’ ano’n ipa’twa. ku-k iwone’pa kwa'li’ t’44-x" Kpa’nok tu-ni’wan, ku-k inu’qukna. ku-k iwo’napa apa’x, ku-k sapa’tkulika ono’n ku-k inu/qwona t’f4-x" ono’n apo’x. ku-k a’swan auki:k iska’una. ku-k iwo’npa pewa’ t’sdm, ku-k tama’it’tika i’/tcona ta’nwatpa a’swan. ku‘k a‘txanana. 4ukti-k a’wona piya’pa kwayawiya’inan ‘“a’unam i’xwi pdic maxa’- titka, ku-k a’txanana kwa-li’ pa'tka.”’ ku-k a’swan omi’tikan a’waixtiya kupiya’p xwi'mikan ; kwk pa’twanana wa’unacaci‘n ku’a’swanin pa/twanana pa’tkayin mi’tikan xowucpa‘ink. auki:k itxa’nana sa’t’sat ku-k aukt-k kwayawi’ tc4u pa”’amtkwi-na pto’xanupa. iwiya’lpa. ku’a’swan iha’ika mi’tikan iksi/kskan xowu’skan po’t’som a’swan ku-k Kkwayawi’ xwi'mikan kutcdu pa’”amtkwi-na Kwai’, kwk mi‘nin iwiya’lamaika kwa'li’. kuk pa’tka omi’tikan tcdu a’swani-n pa’wonpa. ku-k aukt:k itxa’nana x4ix tc4u sa’t’sat. kuk wi'nana a’swan ; ‘‘a’unac a’wawitaca inomi’ piya’p.”” ku-k a’/swan ipana’tiya a’swan pto’xanupa kukwono’k ya’xna piya’pa. kuk pa’’ona “‘a’unam taker. a’unamwé qwaso’m. kunam’éu fa’kop. a’unam i’/mt’ca wiya’/ninta ki’wapa imoksa’ ku’cxi i’nok.”’ ku-k a’swan a/naxtiya a’wona piya’pa “‘tcea’unac tu’kinac ku:k wiya’tkwatata.”” ku-k pa’’oena piya’pin “‘ni’/tamac tanu’ ka-ya’su ; kwonki’/naknam ala‘ita tca’wacyau ; pdic pawa’ta nu’/suxma kunam a’ptyata tanu’ki; ku-k pdic iwa’ra iksi’ks owi/naT1929] Jacobs, Northwest Sahaptin Texts, 1. Klikitat 223 stream with them; if there are salmon there you will spear them with the fish spear; if there is a small deer then this arrow which I am giving you, you will shoot and kill the deer with it and so you will not hunger. || When I myself shoot and kill a big deer somewhere, I shall hunt for you and take you along to the place; there you may eat upon it; whenever you have finished eating the meat phere.” The boy went on. That is just what he did. He saw salmon in the stream, speared the salmon with the fish spear and ate them. In the same way he shot and killed small deer and possibly timber rabbits too. That is how his older brother came to give him the fish spear and arrows. 9: Coyote was there. He said, “I am going to go to a place far away.” Eagle, his elder brother, was there, and also his younger brother blue jay. They were brothers. They talked things over. “I am going to go off, I, eagle; when I have killed a deer you will come, you, Coyote, and fetch it.” That is what he told his younger brother. Coyote replied “Yes.” Said eagle, “T am going now.” Eagle went off and killed deer. He told Coyote “Go fetch it.”” Coyote went to get the deer meat. He brought it back to the house. kumac i’tci ni ka-ya’su, kunam a‘tuxwonata gwi/natnan kunam tcAu ana’wita. IIpa’i icnaci/nok mona’n a/tuxwoenata nt’ci’n owi’natnan, kumac a’wawita kumac na/nata i’/kwonek ; kunam ku-no’k auki-k tkwa'tata ; anamu‘ntya qa’t’ix"ta nokwa’T.” ku-k leick a’swan a’winana. kuck a’kuya. a’qinuna nu’suxma pawa’ xo- wu'spa, ku-k a’pryana tanu’ki nu’suxmaman ku’a’tkwatana a’swan. ku’cxi a’tu- xwonana iksi/ksnan owi’natTnan xastx luktwa’snan a/wit’liyawiya a’swan. i/kuc piya’pin pa’niya tanu’ ku ka-ya’su. On ku-k isi‘nwiya, “‘a’unac wi/nata wi'yaT ti- tcea’m.”” ku-k a’watca Spuly, a’i. : pawatca’ isxo’Pma. iwatca’ xwayama’ ponent ‘ok piya’p, ku‘k isxo’P xwa ‘sxwal. ku:k pasi’nwiya. ‘“‘a’unac wi'nata, i’nok, aie veaey - paicnac a’wit’liyawita wi/narnan ku i‘maknam wo/npatata.”” i’kuc o/na ponomi’nok isxo’p. ku-k pa’- ’ona “4:-.” “‘a’unac wi'naTa.”’ ku-k pa’’ana spilya’inan “‘a’u- ku-k iwi/nana xwayama’ 1 't’tiyawiya gwi’nat. ane ina’tcika nam no‘patata.” kuk spilya’i ine ‘patana owi'naT nokwa’t. ku-k ani’ Tyau. 1Told July 1926, interpreter Peter McGuff.=i airs ietittt rr erie tee ner University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [ Vol. 2 Coyote saw something going by that looked altogether nice. When it dawned & z z 2 ~ > he went off and got near to the water; there he saw a fine bird. But it was no ‘IT am seeking a person c That is what the woman said to Coyote. Coyote replied “Yes, I know where there is a man of noble rank.” bird at all. It must have been a person. It said to him ‘ yf noble rank.” T The woman said to him “Go now and get him and say to him ‘I have seen a fine woman’.” Said Coyote, “Certainly, woman! Eagle will come to you.” But Chief eagle said “I do not desire that woman. Let her be.” ‘That is what Chief eagle said. Coyote said then, “I shall have her for my own woman.” The woman learned his thoughts. She did not wish him. She turned into a fish, saying, “Pretty soon now the people who are nearing on their way here will arrive. ‘Then I shall be the superior food of the people.” ‘That is what the woman said. Coyote went on. The woman said to him “Now there! take hold of me!” At that place were falls in the river. The woman was there at the foot of the falls. She said to Coyote “Now there! take hold of me! if you succeed in get- ting me IJ shall turn into a person.” ‘That is what she said to Coyote. Coyote reflected “Just how shall I seize her?” This is what Coyote said: ‘In the future people will also get you. They will scheme some way of getting you and then you will be caught.” Coyote went on. He made a fish basket trap and let it down below the falls. The woman leaped and went right into the basket trap. The woman had become a fish. ku'k iqinuna ciyo’x t’t4-x"tu'n ikwi-’ta. ku-k ixa’ixna spilya’i iwi’nana t’sa-‘ka tea’wacyau ; kwonoa’k idi’nuna ciya’x ka/kya. kutca’u Kpa/nok ka’kya. xactx tin. kuk pa”ona ‘“‘a’wawicac miya’woxnan ti-’nan.’”’ i’kuc pa’’ana a’yatin spil- yainan. ku-k a’sinwiya spilya’i “i--, a’qinucac i‘nak mona’n iwa’ miya’wox awi'ne.” pa’’ona a’yatin ‘“‘a’unam wi’nata kunam a’wenpta a’unac a’dinucana ciya’x a’yaT a’dinucana.” ku-k “nuwi’/ka a’yat a’unam iwi’nanu-nta a’yatnan iwi’nanu-nta.”’ ku-k xwayama’ owi’ ~ ¢ isi’‘nwiya “‘tca’unac a’tqixsa iku-na’k a/yatnan. t’ta’nox iwa’.” i’kuc isi/nwiya awi/nc xwayama’. ku:k isi‘nwiya spilya’i, ‘‘a’unac i/nok nomi’ wa’ta a’yar.”’ kuk pa/cukwa-na a’yatin. ku-k tc4u pa’tdixna. ku-k itxa’nana waika’nac a’yat, “i’xwi iwiya’nawita ti-n t’sa’paka ikwi’-tame tin ku-k iwiya’nawita. i’n- eknac wa’tra ni-x miya’wox tkwa’tat ti-nomi’.” i’kuc a’yaT isi‘nwiya. ku:k spilya’i iwi’nana. ku‘k pa” ana a’yatin ‘“‘tei amacpa’/wonpom.” _kwona’k kwdp wa’na. kwono’k a’yat itxa’nana wa’nawok kwo’pa. kuk spilya‘inan pa’ona “tet pa’wanpom pa’/icnam pa’wonpta ku-’knac txa’/nata i/nok ti-:n.”” i’kuc pa’’ona spilya‘inan. ku‘k spilya’i ipxwi/na ‘“mi/ckinac a’wanpta?”’ i’kuc spilya’i isi/nwiya iwo’npta.” kuk spilya’i iwi’nana. ku‘k ani’ya pna’? tama‘haika Kkwo’pa. ku:k a’yat® ittu’pna kuk iwina‘inaka pna-’yau. kuk txa’nana waika’nac a’yat. 2 The kind that is hung at the foot of a waterfall. 8 She is a fish now. “i’xwi tin iwo/noptaxi:. tti-n ite’miyuta ku-’*knam1929] Jacobs, Northwest Sahaptin Texts, 1. Khikitat 225 Coyote said “That is how it will be with you in future when the people ar- rive. The people who are coming this way are getting near now. That is how they will scheme to get you, that is what they will do to you and as fish they will catch you.” ‘That is what Coyote said. “I am going as far as there is land, as far as there are all sorts of different places, and in the future there will be in the same manner all kinds of different languages and people when the people arrive. That is how it is going to be. Never will any person seek a noble man, but in the future men will seek women. No women will go about seeking men. That is how it will be in the future.” That is how Coyote laid down the law for Chinook salmon woman. And that is the way it is to this very day; nowhere will a woman go forth to seek a noble man, according to the law made by Coyote. Coyote went on and reached a certain place. He found out “There is a dangerous being here. I have gotten to the place of the dangerous one.” Coyote figured out “What shall I do about it?” The dangerous one m the water knew that “It is Coyote.” Coyote made a handsome person of himself. He went to the very edge of the cliff and said, “Dangerous one, where are you? It is I here.” The dangerous one knew “It is that good for nothing rascal Coyote. I shall not do anything at all to him.” The dangerous one in the water had found out that it was Coyote. Coyote would go again and again to the very edge of the cliff and say “Dangerous one, when are you going to swallow me?” ‘That is how Coyote would speak to him. Coyote went and spoke thus five times and then the dangerous one got tired of it and swallowed him. Coyote saw lots of people in there. There were many ku-k spilya’i isi‘nwiya “i’kucnam wa’ta i’xwi anaku’k iwiya’nawita tin ixwi. t’sa’paka tin ikwi’tame. kuk i’kuc itmi/yuta imikala’i, kunam kick iku’ta waika’nac iwone’pta.” ku-k i’kuc spilya’i ina/txanana. ‘“‘a’unac wi'natTa nak anakwa'lk ti-tca’m, kwa’lxi t’ta-x” tonuxto/nux ti-tca’m, ku’cxi i’xwi iwa’Ta sinwit tonuxte’nux ku’cxi tin anaku-’k iwiya/nawita tin. ku:k i/kuc itxa’/nara. a'wawita i’xwi owi’nc f A : iva wox os renee tcAumona’n tin ku-k a/wawita miya’woxnan ewincnan, , — Siete are ves) 3 kuk te4u a’yat iwi’nata. i’kuc iwa’ta i’xwi.” a’wawiTa a’yaTnan. a’yatnan. ku-k kick 1’tci i’kuk ; iku-no’k spilya’i tama’nwiya tkwi’naTnan tin tcAumona’n a’yaT iwi’naTa a'wawita miya’woxnan gwi’nenan,"spilyainomi’ tama’nwic. ku-k spilya’i iwi’nana iwiya’nawiya. icu’Kwana “44 iwa’ kwa-li’. a’unac Vkwonek iwiya’nawi: kwa-linomi’yau.” ku:k spilya’i itmi’yuna “a’unac mic txa’nata?”’ uk pa’cukwa'na kkwa-li-’n tca/wackonik pa’cukwa-na “spilya’i iwa’.’’ kuk spilya/i pina’’aniya nix tin. ku-k iwi‘nana pewa’pa pa’ai ku-k a’na, “‘a’u- nam m4mnamwé kwali’? a’unac tei wi i’nek.” ku-k pa’cukwa-na Kwa'li-’n ‘Gwa’ tciyawa’u spilya’l. wa-li-’n tca’wackenik. ku'k spilya’i iwina kwali’ pa’‘noqukta?” i’/kuck pa” anxana spilya’yin. ku:k kwali’ auki-k pa’xaT iwi‘nana spilya’i ku-k kwa'li’ ta’kop itxa’nana ku-k pa/nqukna kwa-lin. ku-k spilya’i iqi’nuna xolo’k ti’nma kwono’k. t’liya’- tea’unac mic a/mira spilya’inan.”’ i‘kuc pa/cuKkwa-na xana pa’’ai pcwa’pa o/nxana “mu-‘namSe errr rer eee ea Lhe Sao “ 226 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [ Vol. 2 dead people, some swallowed ages ago, others swallowed recently. {| There were all kinds of birds and also different kinds of deer and also all kinds of water people. They were all cold, for they had been frozen to death with the cold in there. Coyote built a fire. He saw “What can this be dangling here?” He built a fire right to it and it burned and broke off from burning. The dangerous one heaved and gasped and all the people came out onto shore from the water, Coyote with them. Coyote said, “In the future you will never be that way again. ‘The people who are coming this way are nearby now and you will not treat the people thus. However, you may remain in the water and people will fear you as they go along, but you will never kill or swallow them.* The people who are coming are nearby now.” ‘That is how Coyote ordained that it should be. From that place Coyote went in the direction of the land. As he went along he saw a man catching salmon by spearing them. He was one-armed and one-legged. He stood there on one leg and by means of his one arm he would spear Chinook salmon. Coyote thought “I shall become a Chinook salmon myself and pull the man into the water.” That is just what Coyote turned into. As a Chinook salmon he swam on in the water. The man knew him. “It is only Coyote. Let him go by. I shall ignore him.” ‘That is what the man thought. He did not spear Coyote. wima xolo’k ti-’nma, pawa’ ttu-’c mi-ma’, ku-k ttu-’c tco/mti. ||anakwoa’tk ka’kya t’'i4-x" ku’cxi tonuxtae’nux owi/nat tonuxte’nux ku’cxi t’l4-x" tonuxto’nux tcawac- pama’ ti-’nma. ku t’l4-x" kpo’nak kwanoa’k Kpo’s iwa’, ku-k it’Hya’wica ti-’‘nma it’cwa’ica Kpoa’ski. ku-k spilya’i i/Ikwa i’lkwac iku-ya. ku-k idi’nuna “‘tu’nxac i/tci iwa’ iwalu’’- ca?’ kwona’k ilku-’na ku-k ila’xti’ka Kpo’nok i/Ikwacki. ku-k kwa'li’ itqa’hacna kut’l4-x" Kpo’nok tin ipyu’tna tca’wackonik, kwona’xi spilya’i. ku-k isi‘nwiya spilya’i, “tcAunamana’n wa'ra i’kuc i’xwi. ti-’nma t’sa’paka ti’nma pakwi-’tame kutca’unam i’kuc a‘kuta ti’nmaman. ka’a’utya tca’wacpa namwa’ta ti’nma pawiya’it’cura, kutca’unam a’wit’liyawita a/noqukta ta-‘minwa Vvkuc tedumona’n ta-’minwa a’noqukta.‘ t’sa’paka tin ikwi-’tamc.” i‘kuc spil- ya'i itama’nwiya spilya’i. kwoni’n iwi’nana spilya'i anaku-ni’k iwa’ ti-tca'’m ku ku-ni’k spilya’i iwi’- nana. kuk iwiya’dinuna spilya’i owi'nc iku’ca nu/suxnan ipo/tyasa. i/sat a’wa opo’P i’sat a’wa wuxa’. kuwk i/sarki wuxa’ki tu’tica i/sat opo’p kwonki’nok ipe’tyasa tkwi’narnan. kuk spilya’i ipxwi/na ‘“‘a’unac i’nok txa/nata tkwi'nat ku-k txa’nata i/nak kuknac a’tamani-ta owi’ncnan.” kukick itxa’nana spilya’i. tkwi’nat iwa’ix- tiya tea’wacpa. ku-k owi’nc pa/cuxwa:na. ‘“‘iwa’ spilya’itrya. t’ta’nox kwona’k. teaunac mic a’mira.”’ i/kuc owi'nc ipxwi’na. kutc4u mona’n pa’ptyana. ‘‘t’la’- nox kwona’k iwa’. spilya’irya iwa’.” kuk spilya’i to/nuxkwa pina’’anixana 4 The swallowing monster in the water is named ctplaya’i ; the exact spot is the present waterfall at Fallbridge, on the Washington side of the Columbia River.1929] Jacobs, Northwest Sahaptin Texts, 1. Klkitat 227 “Let him go by. He is only Coyote.” Then Coyote would fix himself up to look differently. The man knew him nevertheless and would not spear him. But the one-armed, one-legged man became tired of him and so he speared Coyote and cast him onto the ground on the shore. Coyote said “Do not club me!” And so he did not club Coyote. He said to Coyote “I shall also make plans for the future when the people arrive.” That is what he told Coyote. Coyote went on. That has been the law for Coyote since then in this country.° 10. There were Coyote and his wife. There were two children of theirs, one fe- male and one male. The female child died. Coyote felt badly indeed. He cried. Again now the male child died. Poor Coyote felt very very badly about it. He said to his wife “I am going to a country far far away. I feel so very lonesome for my two children.” Coyote went off. “I am going far away.’ He went. He went far on. He did not know “Where am I going?” te‘nuxkwa auku:k ta’nxi spilya’ixi pina”anixana. kuk pa’cuKwa-ca awi nein kutcdu mun pa’pTyataxnai. ku:k ta’kop itxa/nana owi’nc icatapa’P i’catwuxa’ ku-k auki-k pa’ptyana spilya’inan ku-k pa/tamawi-pyuka ti-tca/myau spilya/inan, kuk spilya’i a’wona ‘“4ea/unam pa’wawacpta tcdu.” kuk kick pa’kuya. auki-k pa” ena ““i/nt’caxis ixwi tmi/yura anaku’k iwiya’nawita ti-n ku-’knac i‘nt’caxi tmi’yuta.” i’kuc pa”ana spilya’‘inan. kuk spilya/i iwi’nana. aukt-k i/kunik a’wa spilyainomi’ tama’nwit ku-moa’n i/tconok ti-tca mpa. 10.1 a’watca spilya’i a’yaT a’yatin a’watca spilya/i. a’watca miya’nac na’pu, ndxc a’yaT nAxc ewi'nec miya/nacin. kuk a't’liyawiya a’yaT miya’nac. spilya’i pa’yu a’pxwina. ku a’naxtiya. ku a’nat’caxi ndxe owi’ncka a’t’tiyawiya. ku Auku‘k pilya’i pa-’-yu a’pxwina. ku a’wana a’yarnan “a’unac winata wi’ yaT ti-tca’m. ku a’unac pa--yu kka’usa inmi’ na’pu miya’naci-n.” ku 4ukt:‘k a’winana spilya’i. ‘‘a’unac wina wi’yatkan,” ku a’winana. 4uki-k ku wi-’yar a’winana. kutcau a/cuxwa‘cana “mi-nacwi’na?”’ 5 The one-armed, one-legged man is Otter; he ordains that henceforth no person will be a salmon; he commands Coyote to say out of the water and be only Coyote in future. The episode occurs three or four miles west of Roosevelt, Washington. 1Told September 1927, interpreter Samson Quaempts. 2 See note: Direct Discourse, page 243.Se te en ey rete ee a SN ES RAEN University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [Vol. 2 It seems he went on up above and came to where there was a river. He saw lots of people on the other side. He called out “Come over to me!” They did not hear him. The people were unaware. Again he called out. They did not hear him. So he defecated his two sisters and he said to them, “T'ell me! What is the situation with those persons? To all appearances they do not want me.” ‘The two sisters said to him “You should not call out in that manner. Were you to crawl under water and speak beneath the water then they would hear you readily.” That is what the two sisters said to him. And he did it in that very manner. He called out beneath the water and then they heard him. “Aha there is the sound of a person speaking. Go across to him!’ They went over to him and with no canoe at all they merely got Coyote and he saw himself right there at that place presto! with the people. He saw “Oh dear oh dear my children. There they are.” He said “Son! daughter! how is it that you came here?” ‘They said to him “Do not speak like that. How is it that you have come here?” He said to them “Oh, I was so very lonely for you. You died. I did not think you were in this place. I never thought that.” That is what Coyote said to his son and daughter. Coyote remained there at that place. Those people said “He should go back home. He is Coyote.” They told him “Go back home!” He said to them “Very well then.” kuxactx iwi/nana xwi-’mikan ku a’wiyanawiya wa’na iwa’. ku a’dinuna palala’i pawa’ ti-’nma i/catknik. ku ‘a’waiwaina “waya’:-waikomtk.” tca’upat a/ikna. ca’a‘"-T pawa’ ti-’nma. a/nat’caxi a’waiwaina. teaupat a’ikna. ku 4ukt‘k a’t’soxna a’t’ssinan ku a’wana, “a’martac ta‘imunomtk. i’kwa pawa’ ti’nma? tca’unac patqdi’xca qi’nutyau.” ku “tea‘unamona’n i/kuc a’waiwaira. mic pa”ona a’t’ssi-n pa‘icnam tca’wacpa xwona/inakta kunam a‘kuta tca’wacpa omi’ti si’nwita kunam kotu’ payi’kta.”’ i’kuc pa’’ona a’t’ssi-n. “< kuk kick a/ku-ya. ku a’waiwaina omi’ti tea’wacpa kupat kik a’yikna. ‘4 inu’ tin. a’wayawaiku-tk,”’ kupat a’waiku-na tc4u tu’kin wa’saski a’u- tikapat a’wonpa spilya’inan ku-k a’pinadinuna kwoano’k iga’wa tinmami’pa. ku a/dinuna “é---1é-» nomi’ miya’nac. kwona‘k i’tci pawa’.’”’ ku a’wana ‘“‘ta’ta a’ca mi/cpam i’tci wi-’nama?” kupat a’wona ‘‘tcdu’i’- kuck na’/txanok. mi’cnam i’tci Wi'nama?” ku-k a/wana “th: ‘+, a’umatac pa‘‘yu kka’ucana. t’hiya’wiyapam. ku tca’unac pxwi’cana i/tconokpamwdé. tca’unac :/ . ) - . ae i’kuc pxwi'cana.” i’/kuc a’wona spilya’l i’ctapa ku pa’pa. ARIa Al Piuaiin : : a k@k a'txanana kwono’k 4uki-k a’txanana spilya’i. ku kumo’‘k ti-’nma a’na- “ys ° , e oa txanana “‘Au itu’xta. Spilya’iiwa’.” kupat a’wona “‘a’unam tu’xta.”’ kua’wona BOAT”1929] Jacobs, Northwest Sahaptin Texts, 1. Klikitat 229 A'l those people wrapped and tied themselves up. All of them. Then they. said to Coyote “You must carry this pack back home with you. You must not get into any mischief.” That is what his children said to him. He replied. “Very well.” ‘They packed onto him all those who were people there. Coyote “packed” along all those people. He went on towards home. The male child told him “No matter if you hear ‘People are overtaking me,’ do not ever look backwards.” That is what the male child said to him. He replied “Very well.” Coyote went on with the pack. There were no people. He went on, camped over night, and heard nothing. Tt dawned and he went on again as before. He heard “Far, far away people are to be heard.” No, he did not look behind. Coyote kept on the same way, paying no attention. He camped over night. It dawned and he went on. He heard “There are people audible and a little louder now. There are many and nearby.” Coyote did not look behind but went on in the same manner. He went on and camped over night. For the third time it dawned. He went on and heard “There are many peo- ple catching up to me.” He pretty nearly looked back. But then he thought “No, I must not now.” He went on and camped over night for the third time. It dawned. He went on with the pack. He heard “There are many persons speaking right close by. These persons have caught up to me.” It seems it must have been his pack. He was “packing” along all the people. As they went along they were delighted with this country here. “Many people are catching up to ku t’4-°x" kumo’k ti’nma pi-ma’walaqika. t’'}4-x" kumo’k ti’nma. ku 4uki‘k pat’a’wona spilya’inan a’wona ‘G'teinam’4u na/ktuxta cApe. tca“unam- wau’aya’wita.” i/kuckpat a’wona penmi’nkin miya’naci-n. a'wona ‘‘i-’au.” 14x" Kpo/nok anamo’t pawa’ tinma. ku’A4uku-k Auki-k a’winama. 1ac pa’a’mtkwi-ya, kutca-’u- {Atte kuk 4uki-kpat a’capi-niya t’ spilya/i a’qwonatima t’la-x" kumo’k ti-’nma. pa’’ona owi’nci-n i’ctin “‘t’la’pxwinam a/ikta ti-’nn i/kuc pa’’ana owi’ncin ictin. ku a’wona a’'winana, a’wautkwa, namtin awalatca’wita.”’ ‘ ku 4uku-k a’winana spilya’i ca’pani. tcau ti-’nma. teA-u tu’win a‘ikna. ku a/xayoxna ku’a/nat’caxi a’winana. ku a’yokna “kwola’’-- ti’“nma panu’.”’ ku te4u awalatca’wiya tedu. auku-ni’k ikwi-’ta spilya’i. a’wautkwa. a’yikna “maint’si/kika panu’ ti’nma. xoela’k a’xayoxna a’winana. ku auku-ni’k ikwi-'ta spilya’i. a’winana a’wautkwa. t’sa’pa.” tcdu awalatca’’wiya 4u mo’tat a’xayoxna. kik a’winana a’yikna ‘‘4u xelo’knac pa’a’/mtkwi-ya ti-/nma xolo’k.” ku-k tcAuwi’ yaT awalatca’’wixana tcduwi'yar. kwa'xi a/pxwi- nxana ‘‘tcdu, t’fa’nox’4u.”’ ku’a’winaxana 4u mo’taT a’wautkwa. a’xayoxna. ku a’winana ca’pani:. ku’a‘ikna “xola’k ti’nma panu” t’sa-“pa. xactx ponmi’nok cApe. t’f--x" ti’nma ica’Pca. a’unac pa’a’mtkwi-ya ti-’nma.”’ j A “ky a/ikna a’unac xolo’k ti*nma maa Peete tee kukumoa’k pawiya’Kwataca i’tcanki ti-tca mki.tiie eis hie tres ee ee 230 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [ Vol. 2 me.” He went on and this time he nearly looked back. Again he camped over night. It dawned. That was the fifth time now that he went on. He heard “Dear me! People are catching up to me.” He took to running with the pack. He heard them “Lots of people are catching up to me and they are laughing as they come.” So then he hastened and went on. He heard them “The people are to be heard right close now as they come. ‘They are overtaking me.” Coyote thought it hopeless. He swung the pack around, loosened it and it burst apart. The people came forth, all the very ones he had seen there, and they turned back to where they had come from. He saw “Ooooo, my two chil- dren must be there.” He said “Oooo son! Oooo daughter! Why do you not re- turn to me!” He failed to block their way. He wrapped up all that remained. He went home again to where he had come from. He took the pack apart. There was no marking there. Coyote looked at it. He looked at it fora long time. Then he knew what it was all about. He thought “I shall follow them again.” He followed and went on but not again did he go the same way. He must have gotten below rather to this land. He did not ascend above again. He went off in the direction of the dawn. Far on he went. As he went along he saw “Oh, there are many big white houses. ‘There it was sounding, ringing “Ding dong ding dong.” He saw “Oh dear me, many people are coming out. And again little people are running up.” He saw them. “T shall go to them.” He went to them. pa’a’‘mtKwi-ya.” ku a’winana tca/ukawi'yar awalatca’wixana. ku-k a’nat’caxi a’/wautkwa. ku a’xayoxna. 4u’i/kwak pa’xat a’winana. ku’a’ikna ‘‘a-’---Ti a’unac ti-’nma pa’a’mtkwi-ya.” duku a’quwaixtixa cape. ku a/iknoxa ‘‘a’/unac ti’nma xola’k pa’a’mtkwi-ya 4uku pawiya’tiyame.” du 4uki:k ku i/ktukta a’/winaxana. ku a/ikonoxa “Au i/tena t’sa’paka panu-'mc ti-’nma. a’unac pa’a’/mtKwi-ya.” kik 4uki-k sa’kau spilya'i a’pxwina. 4uki-k cape a’tamawisklika, cApc a'tcaqwoatika ku:k a’wainana qwa:ti cape a’wainana. ku‘k iwi’nana ti-n, t’l4-x" Kpa’nak anaku-mano’k idi/nucana, kukumo’k a’t’sswinxa ku-ni-’xi. ct 7 a’qinunxa esis » kwono’kxactx nomi’ miya’naci-n.” ¢ ku*a'wonkika ‘“a-- ta’ta, i a/ca. mi’cpam t’sswi/nomtk mic.” a’xawapakonka. a’qatxanana spilyainomi’ tiia’nox t7t4--x°. itu’xna Kwa’xi ku-ni-’xi, tedutti-n iwa’ ti’mac ti-’mani-. auku icu’Kwa. iTwa’nana ku a’‘sapatkulika ku kpoa’nok aéuki-k spilya’i itca’qwoatitka Kpo’nok cdpce. ku ku-no’k spilya’i itki-’na. ku wi’yatic itki-’na. ku-k‘ipxwi’na “‘a’/unac a’nat’caxi a/twanata.” kuk Auku-k iwinana tcdu a’nat’ca kwona’’xi iwi’/nana. i’‘tconokarya’Au omi-’ti ti-tca’mpa. tcdu a’nat’caxi ipana’tiya. iwi’nana i/ku-nik xa’ixtkan iwi/nana. wi’yaT iwi‘nana. ki-k iwiya’qinuna ‘a, palala’i iwa’ nt’ci’ oni-’7 plic. kukwona’k i-nu-’, itca’tiksa “ta-i tai ta-i inu’.” ku idi’nuna “a-'---ri, palala’i ti’nma pa’a’t.sams ti-’nma. ku kwa’xi payaga’ttoxcaike ti-’nma kkaiwa’ma.” ku iqi’nunxa. ‘‘a’unac a’winanu-Ta.”’ éukik iwi’/nanu:xa. ‘1929] Jacobs, Northwest Sahaptin Texts, 1. Klikitat 231 He got to the place. At that place their chief was standing. Coyote got to there. He saw “He is the leader of those children.” Coyote said “What are you doing here like this? Do not do it that way. I know better. Right now I have brought it to you. Perchance I shall give it to you if you can determine what it is. It is the right teaching indeed, in the land from which I have just now come to see you. Not that other way.’ Coyote opened his document. He said “Look at it. This is superior for the teaching of the children.’ ‘That chief looked at the document of Coyote. He found out “This must be better indeed.” He said to Coyote “Give these words to me.” Coyote replied “Very well. I shall give it to you.” The chief took it. With it he instructed the children. Coyote said “I am the great chief. I am giving you a fine document.” ‘That is what Coyote said. “There will be no teaching better than mine. I give it to you. With it you will teach well, no matter how there be of lands lying all over, this will be the teaching in this land here. That is what I have brought you. I give it to you now.”® That is all. i’-kwon iwiya’nawixa. kwono’k itu’tica pimi’nak miya’wox. ku’i/kwonok iya’nawiya spilya’i . ku iqi‘nuna “wa! miya’wox pimi/nok ikke-rmami’.” ku a/na “mi/cnam i’tci i’kuc ku‘'ca i/kuc? tcdu’i’kuc. inoktryac a’cu- Kwa‘ca. Kpa/noknac i’tci i’ku-k natci’kcame imiyu’k. kumac 4u pdic ni-’Ta pa‘icnam a/cuxta. i/kuctya kpa’nak iwa’ sa’psikwat, kwono’k ti-tca’mpa ackwo- ni‘nok i/nok i’tci i/ku-kmac di/nwatacame. kutcdu’i’kuck.” kti-k spilya’i itca’- ku’a’na “i’/kuc a’ginunok. i/tcitya iwa’ Tpniya ponmi’nek waxu’c itca’Tpniya. ku Kpo’nak miya’wox a’tki-na Kpo’nok ciya’x sa’psikwatai miyanacmamt‘yai.”’ spilyainomi’ ti’mac. 4u a’cuxwa “auxactx a'wa ciya’x i’tcirya.”’ ku pa’’ena spilya’inan ‘“‘a’unam pa’nita ino’k kpo’nok si’nwit.” ku’a’wona spilya’i “i’4u. a’umatac ni-’ta.” ku’a’wonpa miya’wox Kpo’nok. kwonki‘nek aukti-k isa’P- ina’txanana spilya’i “i’naknacwa nt’ci’ miya’wox. ku- mac ni’tacame ciyo’x ti’mac.” i’kuc o’na spilya’i. “‘tca’utya ki-kmuin iwa’Ta i/kuck ciya’xtya i/kwak nomi’ cu’kwa-T. kumac 4u Kpo’nak ni. i'tci i’ku-k kwonki/naknam ciyo’x a’sapsikwa'Ta, t’ta’pxwi mic ku i'tci iwa’ta t’i4--x" anamo’t i-ca’ ti-tea’m, i’tciyat kpo’nak iwa’ta sa’psikwat i’tconok ti-tca’/mpa. i/kKwaknac na'tciksa. Kkpo’nokmac ni: i'tci i’kuk.” sikwa:na i/kke-Tmaman. Au t’ia-x". 3'The essential idea is that Coyote gave writing, the Bible and so on to the white leader instead of giving it to the Indian people. I do not know enough of the mental life of ue In- dian neighborhood to decide whether or not Mr. Hunt is personally responsible for this re- markable solution of the problem of the origin of arts possessed by the whites.a wes a Pibterretsoter est University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [Vol. 2 re There was Coyote. There was his younger brother (Fox). He (Coyote) said “There is a big time.?, Let us go.” Said his younger brother “Yes indeed, I shall follow you.” They got ready. “Let us go. It is a big time. We shall go.” Said his younger brother to him “All right.” The two brothers went off. They got there. There were many people there at the gathering. The chief was there. He told them “There is a race. Should you beat my child in the race you may cut off my head.” This is how Coyote spoke: “I shall run first and you (Fox) after.” ‘That is how Coyote spoke to his younger brother. He said to him “Very well.” So he told the chief “We two will race first.” He replied to him “Very well.” Then Coyote and the unmarried daughter of the chief ran. The chief does this to many people, all sorts of people he assembles there. He kills the people. Through his own child he kills people. He said to him (Coyote to Fox) “Maybe we shall die, my younger brother.” Coyote ran first. The unmarried girl beat him at the race. He said “Now you....” He said to the chief “You chop off my head now.” ‘The chief said “Very well.” The chief chopped off Coyote (his head) and threw it aside. He said “Coyote is a dangerous being. Throw the head close by! He will come to after a time and he will go off.” That is how the chief spoke. That is how they did it to Coyote. 11 a’watca spilya’i. a’watca x4i isxo’p. ku a’natxanana ‘‘4u’iwa’ nt’si’ pa’- yum.” a’unam wi’nata.” ku pa’’ana isxo’pi-n “i-’Au, a’unac twa’nata.” ku-k 4ukfik a’uswana. “a’unan wi’nata. nt’si-’: iwa’ pa’yum. kunam 4u wi’- nata.” pa’ana isxo’pi-n ‘i-’4u.” ku 4uki:k’a’winana isxo’pin. ku a’wiyanawiya. palala’‘i pawa’ ti-’nma kwona’k pa’yu-mpa. ku miya’wox iwa’. ku pa’ana “iwa’ pawilawi-’xt. p4a’ic- nam pa’wilalokanita ino’k miya’nac kunam pa’caxt’tkanita pa’tka.”’ ku’i’kuc a’wona spilya’i : “a’unac i’/nxuc wa/ixtita kunam i’mak a’nak.”’ vkuc pa’ana spilya’yin notcaya’/inan isxo’pa. kupa”’ona “i’4u.” ku dukt-k a’wena miya’woxnan “‘a’unatac wa’ixtita napi-ni/xuc natac wa’ixtita.’’ pa’’ana “i’4u.” ku dukti:k a’waixtiya spilya’yin tma’yin miyawoxnomi’ pd4p tma’i. kuk palala’i ti’nma iku’ca, t’4-x" tt-n tin ipa’wiyakukca ku-no’k miya’- wox. i't’liyawica ti’nmaman. ponmiki’nk miya’nacki i’t’tyawica ti-’nmaman. ku pa’ana “‘a’unan pdic t’tiya’wica, inami’ asxo’p.” kw’4uktk a’waixtiya spilya’ixue ku pa'wilalokwa tmayin. ku a’wena “a’unam” a’wona miya’woxnan a’wena “a’unam pa’waxt’tkanita pa‘tka.” ku miya’woxin pa”’ona ‘4’Au.” ku pa’waxt’tka spilya’inan ku:k pa’woxe-na miya’- wex. a’natxanana “‘Kkwaili’ iwa’ spilya’i. t’sd: a’woxe-nanik pa‘tka. i/xwi ita’x- cita kuk iwi’nata.” i/kuc miya’wox a’natxanana. kupat kick a’ku-ya spil- ya’‘inan. 1 Told September 1927, interpreter Samson Quaempts. 2 ear eerste aris 5 A ‘ es Colloquial English for a big celebration and gathering, with amusements, entertainment, games.1929] Jacobs, Northwest Sahaptin Texts, 1. Klikitat 233 His younger brother Fox was left now. He said “I suppose I also shall run now.” Fox and the unmarried girl, the daughter of the chief, ran. There were lots of people. The unmarried girl beat him in the race. Not a thing did he say. Fox’s head was chopped off. It was thrown to the same place near his elder brother. ‘The chief said “After a while you will see when the sun rises that they will be there no more. ‘They will have gone.” That is how the chief spoke. “They will go off home.” And sure enough that was how it was when the sun rose. Coyote awakened “4 T must have gone to sleep.” Coyote took his head and stuck it upon him- self. He did the same thing to his younger brother. He said “Let us return home.” It was pretty nearly daylight. “The people might see us.” Said his younger brother Fox to him “Yes indeed.” The two brothers went off and re- turned home. All the people awakened, indeed. They looked, “The two brothers are no longer there. They must have gone home.” Said Coyote before going, when they went back home, he said “That is how this land will be when there will be persons here. The people coming are nearby now.” ‘That is how Coyote spoke. Because of the people in the land he named it. Coyote ordained it to be a land now just like when there were Indian people there. ‘That is how that land and people are at present. ‘That is all. ku 4ukt‘k isxo’psimka lut’saya’i. ku a/natxanana ‘‘a’uxacat i’nt’caka wa’ ix- tira.” ku 4uk(-k a’waixtiya lut’saya’i tma-’yin miyawoxnomi’ pap. ku palala’i ti’nma. ku pa’wilalokwa tma-’yin pa’wilalokwa. kutcdumic a’natxanana. 4u- kQ-k pa’waxt’tkaniya pa’tka lut’saya‘inan pa’waxt’tkaniya pa‘ika. ku pa’wo- xena t’s- kwona’’xi piyapmi’pa. 4uki-k a’natxanana miya’wox “‘i’xwipam a’qi- nuta anaku’’k ixa’/ixta kutcdu pawa’ta. pawi’nata.”’ i’kuc miya’woex a’natxanana. “ku'k patu’xta.” ku-k nuwi’ka kack 4ukQ-k a/txanana anaku’k a’xaixna ku a’taxciya spilya’i “G- a/uxac wi’nt’cucana.” ku a’wonpa pa’tka a’pinapaqwotcaniya pa’tka spil- : 4uki-k a’wona ‘‘a’unan tu’xca.” Au tcduwi'- ai. ku isxo’pa ku‘cxi a’ku-ya. : : e~a ’ icine 667 IA ” ” pa”’ona isxo pin lut’saya’yin “1° au. yaT iga’ixsa. “padqe’nutanan ti’nma. a’winana a’/tuxna xa’’-yin. kunuwi'ka 4x" ti’nma pata’xciya. xa’yin. a’uxac patu’xna.”’ ku spilya’i a’we-natxanana, an : ; kupat a’dinuna, “tca/uka pawa aku-’k a’tuxna, ku-k a’wenatxanana *4u’i’kuc iwa’ta i’tci ti-tca’m anaku’k itxa’nata tin. t’sa’paka iwa’me ti-n.”’ i‘kuc spil- ya'i isi’nwiya. kwonki’nk ti-tca’mki timnmami’ki pa’wanika.® itama’nwiya spil- ya'i kpo’nak i’tci i’ku-k iwa’ ti-tca’m kick 4uka‘k anaku’k itxa’nana tin. kttck- Aukiwa’ i’tci i‘kuk kpo’nak ti-tca’m tin. [irsho.en 8 The Sioux country.os Pitter eottt esto University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [ Vol. 2 12. There was Beaver. He had an unmarried daughter. He said to him.? There were five men, brothers. The eldest of them went to hunt. He got to there, to Beaver’s place. There he lay. He said to him “Yeees! grandson! you have ar- rived!’ He said to him “Yeees! I have arrived.” Beaver said to him “Go get t for me! ‘There are beavers here. You will kill one for me. Maybe I shall jave it for a skin mat. You cross over to-morrow. Yonder on the other side ive many people. You may leave me to-morrow even though I myself go about uselessly. For I am forgetful when I get there. I never come back. I stay there over night.” That is how he spoke to the man. He replied “Very well.” Then he told him “This is the tool I have for killing beaver. I shall lend it to you now.” He gave him a spear. Then he told him “They have a house in the middle of the lake. I shall drive them on. They will go towards you and you will spear them there.” i | 1 i So the man went off. At that place he awaited them. Beaver went on. Beaver went and drove them on in the water. He called out “Oh it is swimming towards you. It is a big beaver. Spear it with care!” ‘The Beaver went on over. However, it was the old man himself. He failed to spear it. He went out of the water to him and killed his grandson. He ate him. That is what he did to him. Again one brother went off. He was treated in the very same manner again. 1 a’watca yoxa’ya. ku a’watca pdép tma’i. ku pa’’ona.? a’watca pa’xnau xa/ima awi’nema. ku a’wisalatiya watuima’. ku a’wiyanawiya i/kwonok yoxayanoa- mi’yau a’wiyanawiya. ila” i-ca. ku pa’’ona “i+ pu’ca ya’nawicnam.” ku pa’’ona “G--- ya/'nawicnac.”’ ku pa”’ena yoxa’yayi-n “‘a’unam wi’kwi-nira. i/tcana pawa’ yo’- xama. kunam naxc i’t’liyawiyanita ndxc. pa’icnac kpo’nak wa’ta a’ucniktai apo’x. ku‘knam méisx wa’ikta. i/kwa i’catkonik palala’i ti’nma pawa’mce i’'car- konik ti’nma. kunam pa’wiyanak"ta mdisx watcma’i i/nok a’utika wi’naxa. kue pa‘‘lai i/kwonok wiya’nawixa. tca’unacmtin tu’xnoxame. kwana-’knac wa’u- tkwa.” kuc pa”ona owi’ncnan. a’wona “i’4u.” ku 4uki-k kwono’k pa”ona ‘i'tei-ewé it’liyawitla’was yoxapama’. i’tcimac’4u wa’tkwawiyanica.”’ ku pa’niya poetyata’was. ku 4ukt:k pa’’ona “‘a’wa oni-’T patcuxwa:’k wata’mpa. i’naknac a/wiyu'tyu'tta kik iwi’naikta kunam kwono’k a’pryamra.”’ ku kick owi’nc a’winana. kwono’k atxananu’na. ku a’winana yoxa’ya. ku kik a’winana yoxa’ya a/wiyuw-ryu-tna tca’wacpa. ku a’waiwaina “t:--itkwa- na‘tiks. nt’ci’ iwa’ yo’xa. ciyo’xnam a’ptyamta.” ku a’winaika yo’xa. katx ponok xwo’sa-t. dAuki-k hii pa’ptyana. ku 4ukt-k a’wi-pyuku:na a’wit’lya- Wiya pu’capa. kik pa’tkwatana. i'kuc pa’kuya. a/nat’caxi ndxc x4i a’winana. a’nat’ca ku’cxi pa’kuya. 1 Told March, 1928; interpreter, J. J. Spencer. 2 Sentence irrelevant to the narration.1929] Jacobs, Northwest Sahaptin Texts, 1. Klikitat 235 Again one went off. He was treated in the very same manner again. Again one was killed in the same manner and eaten. Then the youngest learned. He thought “The dangerous being has eaten all my elder brothers. Now I shall kill him.” He made a spear. He took it along with him. He reached old man Beaver. There he lay. He said to him “Yes! so you have come, my grandson! Now you go and get a beaver for me, its hide for a mat. My grandsons would come here and get them for me. I have had so many hides gotten here for me.” The old man had deceived them indeed. Those hides were his own. ‘They had never gotten them for him. The man thought “I shall kill the old man Beaver now.” This is how he (Beaver) spoke to him. “I shall give you a spear.” He gave him that spear of his own, a worthless one indeed. He took it along. He said to him “When I tell you ‘The beaver is going your way’ then spear it !” Thus he spoke to him. “Very well.” He went off. He awaited them at that place, where the brook flows out from the lake. Beaver drove them in the middle of the lake. A house was there. Then supposedly beavers were coming along while however it was old man Beaver himself. The man knew him. ‘Now I shall kill the rascal.” He saw him. “Oh dear oh dear! The man is dangerous.” He turned back. The man called out to the old man “He just now turned back! Drive him a’nat’caxi n4xc a’winana. a’nat’ca ku’cxi pa’kuya. a’/nat’ca ndxc ku’cxi pa’ it’liyawiya pa’tkwatana. kik la‘imut pa/cuxwacana. kik ipxwi’na ‘“‘4u nomi’ma piya’pma t’fa-’x"- pat itkwa’ta kwali‘nom. a’unac nak kuc a’wit’tiyawita i/nok.” ku a’waniya tanu’. kpoa’nok a/nakwinana. pa’wiyanawiyu'na xwo’sa‘Tnan yoxa’yan. ila’ica. wiya’nawi: pu’ca. a’unam pa’wi-kwi-nita yo’xa, a/ucniktai opo’x. 6&7 9 ku pa’ona “i-’a’unam i‘tcona pawi- ya/nawixana i/npexenocma pawiya’nawixana kunac pakwi’nixa. i’tci:ew4 i’kwot apa’x wi’kwi-nic.” ku nuwi’ka icaptaya’kcapat xwo’sa‘Tnom. ponmi’nxi kpo’nok ape’x. kutcdumona’/npat a’kwi-nicana. ku a’pxwina owi'nc “‘a’unac i’tci i‘ku-k kuc a ” ‘wit’ liyawita xwoe’sa-Tnan yoxa’- yan ikuc pa”’ana. “‘ni’tamac petyata’was.” ku pa’niya kpo’nok ponminak potyat’a’was, a/utikarya’au. ku kpo’nek a’nanana. pa”ana ‘“‘pa‘icmac onta Au iwi/naike yo’xa kunam a’ptyamrTa.”’ i/kuc pa’”’ana. “i? du.” kwono’k atxananu’’na, anakwano’k xowu’c iwi: konik. kik yoxa’ya i’yuTyuT.ca patcuxwa”’k wata’mpa. a’wa oni’T. ku 4u- kik ta’unapaka yo’xa a’winaxaike katx po’nxi xwo’sa'T yoxa'ya. 3 kik pa’cuxwa‘ca owi’ncin. “atunac a’wit’lyawica ali’witnan. a pa’dinunxa. “‘ani-’-c4-x”. wali’ iwa’ ewi'nc.” kik a’wit'ssuika. ka waiwaina xwo’sa‘Tnan owi'nc “iwi-’--t’ssuikiks. a’wiyum.” tawi-’:t xwasa'T / / ku’a’winana. na’T.ca wata‘mPree te ee srit eee et tres 236 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [Vol. 2 over!” ‘The old man was silent for quite a while. || Again he drove them on to the very same place. He said “It is coming now! It is a big beaver.” ‘Then the man saw “Now he is coming.” The man speared him. He cast the old man Beaver out of the water. “Oh dear! grandson! oh dear! grandson! Kill me by clubbing me on the head with my chewed-sticks!” He took his own sticks used for food and with them he clubbed Beaver to death. He said to him “You will never be like that. ‘The people who are coming are nearby now.” The man went on to the house. ‘There were all the bones of his elder broth- ers. He gathered them in a pile at that place and he stepped over them five times. His elder brothers all awakened. “Let us return home. It was quite unnecessary for the dangerous one to have eaten you. I have killed the dangerous being.” That is what he said to his elder brothers. They returned home. Nothing came of Beaver. Beaver died. 13. FLEA There were people, many people lived there. He was a dangerous being, his name was flea, he lived there. He would go about everywhere when it became dark. He would go off, kill a person, bring back one person at daybreak, and eat him all up during the day. When dark he would go off again, hunt for a person, and kill him. That was how he, the dangerous person, Flea, lived there. wi-’-yatic. ||ku a’nat’caxi a’ga’yw-Tyu-Tnoma kwona’’xi. ku’a’wonma “Aw iwi'- naike. nt’ci’ iwa’ yo’xa.” ku’a’dinuna owi’nc ‘‘Au’iwa’mce.”’ pa’ptyana owi’ncin, kik pa’tamawi-pyuka xwo’sa‘Tnan yoxa’yan. “ana- pica: Andpticd::: i’nomkina’naki pa’wauspom.” ku pa’wonpa penmi’nxi tkwa- tatpama’ i/Ikwas kwonki’nok pa’wawecpa yoxa’yan. pa”’ona “‘tca’unamtin i’kuc wa’ta. t’sa’paka tin iwa’mc.”’ ku‘k a’winana owi'ne oni’tyau. t’l4x" a’wa pi’pcpipc penmi’nek piya’pma. kukwono’k 4uki‘k a/nakuka pipe ki:k a’wiyinwa pa’xat a’wiyimwana. t’lax" a'taxciya piya’pma. ‘‘a’unatk tu’xca. tsqqa’tkapam itkwa’tacana kwa'li’nem. a’unac a’wit’liyawiya kwali’n.” i/kuc pa’”’oana piya’pma. a’tu-xna oni-’tkan. a’utika yoxa’ya txa’nana. t’lya’wiya yaxa’ya. 13. acnamya’i! a’watca ti’nma, xolo’k inaca’tuna ti-’nma. kik po’nt’ca iwatca’ kwa'li’, wani'ki: a’cnam, inica’tuna. ku iwiya’ninxana t’la-’-x"kwan mi-‘nin anaku’k ist’sa’tta. ktt-k iwi/naxana, ku i't’liyawixana tin, ku’ina’tcikxana xa‘ixtnaqiT ndxc tin, ku itkwa’taxana t’l4x" H-’kwi. pdic sa‘‘t’sat ku’a’nat’ca iwi’naxana, iwusala’tixana ti’nyau, ku i’t’liyawixana. i’kuc pa/nt’ca inica-’tuna kwa'li’ ac- namya’i. __2Told March, 1928; interpreter, J. J. Spencer. Another version given in September, 1927, will be printed later.1929] Jacobs, Northwest Sahaptin Texts, 1. Klikitat 237 He went off wherever persons were. He arrived there. He thought “I shall carry off and steal a young woman, she to be my wife. I shall not kill her.” So he thought. He reached that place. “I shall seize a young woman and carry her off.”” So he did as they slept. He carried off the woman as she slept. He took her homewards. He would take a long leap just as a flea now leaps a long ways. ‘That is how he carried off the woman and brought her to his house. When it dawned the woman awakened. She was not aware “From where have I come?” ‘The man said to her “You are to be my wife.” The woman saw there were lots of bones in the house. He burned them for fuel. The house smelled horribly because of the human bones. When it got dark he went off again. The woman remained alone overnight. It dawned. He brought back a human person. He ate him up. He said to his wife “Now you eat!” ‘The woman replied “I myself never eat that sort of thing. ‘That is a human indeed.” ‘That is how the woman spoke. He said to her “That is my food. What will you eat?” The woman did not want it for food. ‘That is what happened. She gave birth to a child. The child was a boy. And then again there was a boy. There were only four boys. The last one was a female child. The man said to her “That last one shall be your very own child. I shall not do anything to yours. It is your own one.” So the man spoke to her. “However, the male children are mine.” ‘The woman raised the female child. ku 4ukté-k iwi‘nana anamona’n pawa’ ti’nma. ku i’kwon iwiya’nawiya. kik ipxwi’na ‘“‘a’unac iksi’ks a’yat na’kwi-nata a’paxwita, kuc wa’ta Kpo’nok a’yat. 4ukt-k tca’ukac a’wit’liyawita.” kick ipxwi/na. duki-k iwiya’nawiya /kwonek. “a’unac a’wonpta iksi/ks a’yat ku’knac a’nanata.” kick iku'ya nt’cu’yau. ina’nana nt’cu’’ni a’yar. ina’‘ktuxna. ittu’pnoxana wi’yaT anaku’ck i'tci iwa’ a’cnam ittu’pnoxa wi’yatyau. kukdck ina’nana a’yat ina’tcika oni-’Tyau. ku’4u iga’ixca ku ita’xciya a’yat. tcdu pina/cuxwa‘na ‘‘mo/niknac ya’na- wiya?” pa’ona owi'ncin pa’’ona “‘a’unam wa’ta inami’ a’yaT.” kik a/qinuna a’yar palala’i pipe iwa’ oni’Tpa. kukpo’nok i/Ik*ca. dauki-k ila’tiwaca tciyawa’u oni’r kwonki’nek pi’pcki ti-nmami‘Ic. kwAu ist’sa’tna ku a’nat’ca iwi’nana. polksa’ a’yat iwa’/utkwa. kG ixa’ixna. ku ina’tcika ndxc tin. ku 4ukt:k itkwa’tana. pa’’ona a’yatT- nan “a’unam tkwa'tata.” ku a’wonaa’yar “tca/unacmun i’nt’ca tkwa’taxa i’kwo- tonak. i/kwaktya iwa’ tin.” i’kuc a’yaT isi/nwiya. ku pa’”ona “kpo’neknac 4u wé tkwa’tat. ku tu’/nam ki-k tkwa’tata?” tcdu a/yat itdi’xna tkwa’tatyau. kick Au itxa’/nana. kik ani/ya miya’nac. a’swan a’txanana miya’nac. kik a’nat’ca naxc a/swan. a’txanana pi’napu ami-’smasim. t'la-’x*kwa a/txanana a’yaT miya’nac. ku pa”’oena owi’ncin ‘‘a’umac i/kwak wa’ta imi’t’ca miya’nac. tca’umac mic mi’yanita. a’umac w4 imi’nok.” i’kuc pa”ana owi/ncin, “t’ta’noxnac i’tci wa nomi’ awi’ncma miya’nacma.” kt-k a’yaT a’capattawaxna a'yaT miya’nac.Poteet Settee sei et ae 238 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [ Vol. 2 The man would go off, bring back a person and those boys would eat him up. The woman and the female child, they themselves would not join them in eating. Only the boys would eat with their father. In one day that one person would be eaten completely down to the bone. Only bones were left. Her elder brother learned it was so. “My sister is there at that place. I shall go off and go to her.” The man went off. Her elder brother sought her, found her and got to her. His sister said to him “My husband is a dangerous being. Do not remain long. Return home quickly. Should he find you he would kill you.” ‘Those boys pretty nearly ate upon him. He would push them away, “Look out there! you hurt me when you bite.” His sister said to him “That is the way that husband of mine is. He will eat you up. Hurry back home!’ The man went off and returned home. In a short time the husband got back. He threw down a person. Those boys were already eating upon it. He said to her “What is the odor in the house?” The woman replied “Your own thing that you brought, that must be what is smelling.” He said to her “No indeed. My in-law smells fresh.” She said to him “Not at all. It is your own one that you brought that smells.” “Not at all. It does smell fresh.” The man left the house directly. The other man had not yet reached home when he was being followed. His brother-in-law in perhaps just a very few hops overtook him and killed him. He carried him back directly. The woman heard “He is to be heard coming.” He carried him inside. He threw down his brother-in-law. a’winaxana owi’nc, ku’a’natcikxana ti:n ku-k a/tkwataxana ami-’sma kumo’k. ku a’yaT miya’nac a’yatxi, kutcdu pi-ni’t’ca atctwi’xana. ami-’smasim a/tkwa- taxana pci’tma. kpoa’nak ndxc tin ndxc tkwi’ t’t4x" aklu’kwana. pi’psimka itqa’wa. au pa’cukwa'na piya’pin. ‘Au i’kwona iwa’ inomi’ ats. a’unac wi‘nata a’winanu'ta.” kik owi’nc a’winana. pa’’awawitana piya’pin, pa” yaxna pa’wi- yanawiyuna. kupa’’ana a’tcsi-n pa’’ana “‘Kkwali’ iwa’ inomi’ awi’nc. tca’unam wa'ta wi'yatic. kotu’nam tu’xta. pa’icnam iya’xta kunam i’t’liyawita.”” kupat kumo’k ami-’sma tcd4uwi'yatpat a’tkwatacana. a’pawainaxana, ‘‘wusi-’x. payu- pa’yupam tca’npca.”’ pa’’ana a’tesi-n “‘i/kuc iwa’ kpo’nek owi'nc. tkwa’tata- nam. kotu’nam tu’xta.” kt-k owi’nc a’winana a’/tuxna. tsa” atpa ku’a’wiyanawiya owi’nc. a’uxi-nmati-n. ku-k kumo’k miya’nacma ami’sma mi’wi kwa’xi qa’tkwatacaike. kupa’’ona “ttn iti/waca oni’Tpa?” ku a’yaT a’wona “imi’nokmac i/kwaknam na’tciks, i‘kwakat kpo/nok iti’waca.” pa” ona “tcAumona’n, iti’waca tca’mti i’‘npinuwac.”’ pa’’ana ‘“‘tcAumana’n. im- inekmac i’/kwaknam na’tciks kpo’nak iti’waca.” ‘“tcd4umana’n. iti’waca tco’m- ti.” ku-k owi’nc iwi-na’tkika oni-/tkonik. kukpo’nak owi’nc tca’uxi itu’xcacaiks oni’'tyau kupa’twanaika. duki-k miyu’win anaku’c pdic médt ttipt pa”’amtkwi-na ku pi-'t’liyawiya. Kwa’xi pa’- naktuxnoma. ku a’yat a‘ikna “Au inu-’mc.” ku a’nakwinainak"ma. a’uxi‘nma miyu’pa.1929] Jacobs, Northwest Sahaptin. Texts, 1. Klikitat 239 The woman saw him. The woman wept for her elder brother. He said to her “Why do you cry? I might extract your eyes! On account of what are you crying?’ The woman said to him “Oh not at all. The smoke is getting in my eyes.” “No indeed. You were weeping!” Meanwhile those boys had already been eating upon the woman’s elder brother. Because of that she was crying. He would say to her “Why do you cry? I shall extract your eyes.” The woman felt badly indeed. “Now I shall kill him. ‘They have been eating many of my people.” She prepared pitch. When they went to bed, when they were finished eating, when they had gone to sleep and it was dark, he would go off again for people. Next day he would bring back a dead person. Every day he brought back one person. That one person they would eat right along through a single day. The woman thought “Now I shall kill him.” She put pitch all around the house. “In a little while when they go to bed I shall burn it.’ And that was how it was indeed. He brought back a person. They finished eating. They went to bed. ‘he woman set afire all around the house. It burned. The woman took her child, went far off and sat down. She saw ‘Now they are burning.” There burned the dangerous one, Flea, and the four children. It crackled as it burned. The woman “packed” off the child on her back. “I shall go back home now.” She got to where were her mother and grandmother. She She returned home. The child was still young. She said to them “We have returned to that place. returned! my mother!” Meee ee ku’a’/yat a’dinuna. ku a’/naxtiya a’yaT piyapmi’ki. kupa”ona “mi’cnam na’xtica? tama-’tanitamac a’tca‘c. tu’kinam na‘xtica?” kik pa’ona a’yatin “teAumona’n. latalku-’cac a’tca-c.”’ “to4umona’n. na’xticanam.’’ t’fa’nox ku- moa’k ami’sma 4uki-k itqa’tkwataca ku-na’k ayatnemi’ piya’p. kwonki/nok ikwak ina’xtica. kupa’’onxana “tu/kinam na’xtica? tama-’tanitamac a/tca's.”’ kik 4uku‘k pa’yu a’yaT ipxwi’na. “Auki-k a'unac a/wit’hiyawita. iku’ya ocxi’ iku’ya. anaku’k Aukti:k pata’uti-ka, anaku’k patkwa’tarnadita, ku paqa’tauti-ka pdic sa-’t’saT, ku a’/nat’ca iwi/nata ti’nyau. mdaisx kuna’tcikta t’liya’wiyi. ana- kwo'tk tkwi’ ina’tciksa ndxc ti-n. kpa’nok pawiya’tkwataca naxc tin naxc tkwi’. ku ipxwi’na a’yaT ‘“‘a’unac a'wit’tiyawita.” ku iku’ya acxi’ skoli-’: oni’ Tpa. “anaku'k t’liks pata’uti-kta t’liks ku’knac a’tanckta.” ku nuwi’ka kick. Au- kt:k a’natcika ndxc tin. ku a‘kanadiya. ku a‘tauti:ka. ku a’yaT a’tancka skali’:: oni’tnan. ku a/luna. ku a'wonpa a’yaT miya’nac, a’winana wi’yaT a’wayika. kik a’qinuna “4 palu’wa.” a’luna wali’ acnamya’i, ku pi’napu miya’nacma. dukti-k a/lcwailana. ku a’yat a’Kkalaka miya’nac. “a'ynac tu’xta.” kik a’tuxna. a’yanawiya anamona’n a’wa ptca’ ka’ta. ku’i’kwonak a’tuxcana. ku iksi’ks i’xwi miya’nac. ny” : es ku a’wona “a’unatac tu’xca. ineml ptca’. a’unac xolo’k ti-’nma patkwa’ti-nica.” kukoo 240 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [ Vol. 2 The girl grew up. She would play with the young children. She became large. She would bite the girls. They disliked and “got after’ her. Eventually the girl killed one of them and ate her up, at play. The children came to the house and said “She bit and killed and ate her up.” ‘The girl killed another and again ate her up. They disliked the woman. The woman said “Should you decide to kill my child, then away with her! I do not wish her now.” ‘The people spoke in that manner. They killed the girl. The woman remained alone from then on. The women went off to dig food. There the woman herself killed one. She ate her up. They returned home, less one. They said “The woman bit and killed and ate her up.” Her mother said “You may kill her. She may become a dan- gerous being now. She might kill us later on, all of us.” Then they killed the woman. That was how the woman herself came to be, because of flea. She had be- come an eater of persons. ‘They killed the woman. “It shall not be like that, the people are nearby now, in future when the people winter, and when they move out in spring time, there at the house site you shall be a mere flea. You shall never kill. That is how you shall be just a flea.” ku a’ttawaxna 4uki‘k pti’niks. ku a’waqulawixana ikki-rmami’pa. ku 4u- kik nt’ci’ a’txanana. a’tcanpxana ptili-’man. pat’a’waukacana. ku Aukii-k naxc a/utit’liyawiya naxc a’tkwatana pti’niks aqu’lawitpa. ku’a’yanawiya eni’tyau i/kki-tma ku’a’wona “pa’tcat’tiks pa’tkwata.’”’ a’nat’caxi ndxc a’wi- thyawiya pti-’niks a’nat’ca a’/tkwatana. a’upat ki-k a’waukana a’yatnan. ku a’woana a’yat “‘pa/icpam pxwi’ta kupam a’wit’liyawira inomi’n miya’nacnan, au iwa’ta t’la’nox. tca’unac’du a’tdixca.” ku kick ti’nma pana’txanana. kupat pti’niksan a’wit’liyawiya. a’yat.simka iga’txanana kwoni-’nok itxa’nana. kak pawi’nana paxni’tana tkwa’tatnan a’yarma. ku kwono’k 4uki-k a’yaT pe/nt’ca i't’liyawiya. ku’Aukt-k itkwa’tana. patu’xcana oni’Tyau, tca’uka naxc. ku pana‘txanana “pa’tcat’tiks pa’tkwata a’yati-n.” kik panmi/nok ptca’ ku a/natxanana “‘a’upam a’wit’liyawita. 4u kwa'li’ itxa’nata. i’xwi i’t’tiyawitatk, auki-k t’la’x*maman.” ku ku’kpat a’yarnan a’wit liyawiya. vkuck itxa’/nana acnamnomi’knik itxa’nana a’yatT po/nt’ca. Aukti-k tkwa- tata’ ti’nmaman. pa’ it’liyawiya a/yarnan. “tedumona’n i’‘kuck iwa’ta, t’sa’paka iwa’ ti-n, i/xwi anaku-’k ipa’anwi'kxata ti’nma, ki-k pawuca’tta wu-/xum, ku-k oni-‘tac kwano’knam 4ukt-k txa’naxata a’cnamtya, tca/unamona’n a’wit’liyawixata. i’/kucnamwa’ta a’cnamtya.”Jacobs, Northwest Sahaptin Texts, 1. Klikitat NOTES Tur SAHAPTIN StocK.—The Sahaptin linguistic stock embraces three groups of languages quite divergent in grammatical structure and so divergent in vocabu- lary that until recently no adequate evidence had been adduced to prove their genetic relationship. The southerly group is the so-called Lutuamian, compris- ing the Klamath and Modoc dialects. The central or westerly group, now nearly extinct, has been called Waiilatpuan; it consists of the extinct Cayuse and the Molale who number today two or three elderly and two or three middle aged persons who can speak the language. The large northerly division, long called Sahaptin, aname which may now be applied to the entire stock, comprises two dialects mutually unintelligible; one dialect is spoken by the Nez Percé bands, the other dialect by a large number of groups using slightly variant provincialisms; in Oregon the latter are the Warmsprings, Tenino, Umatilla, Wallawalla and others, in Washington the Yakima, pewa’nwapam, skin, Klikitat, ta‘irnmapam and smaller bands. I have heard the Washington bands speaking the dialect. Kuritat.—This term has been used confusingly for a number of Sahap- tin-speaking bands in western Washington; for museum purposes it has also been applied to the peoples of Washington who make imbricated basketry, and con- spicuously to the Coast Salish Cowlitz and ta‘irnapam Sahaptin upper Cowlitz river peoples. The term is however best restricted to those Klikitat Sahaptins speaking the xwa’txwaipam provincialism of western Washington. The Klikitat-xwa’txwaipams used to live mainly on the Lewis and White Salmon rivers of southwestern Washington. The Sahaptin neighbors of the xwa'txwaipams, such as the upper Cowlitz River ta’irnapams to the north and the skin bands living east of the White Salmon River country, centering about Fallbridge and Rock Creek, should not be called Klikitats, though it has been the custom to do so in loose neighborhood usage. At this writing only one or two Klikitat families are to be found near the Lewis River; perhaps a half dozen fami- lies dwell] in the White Salmon River valley. The majority of Klikitats, a hun- dred or more, are on Yakima Reservation. A few are scattered among neigh- boring tribes in Oregon and Washington. Almost all the people, young and old, who call themselves xwa’txwaipams can speak or at least understand the language, though only a very few old people are thoroughly conversant with the ancient customs and mythology. It is this handful of elders that has not gone over to 1 in the Indian northwest the slightly Christianized Shaker religion so influentia United States: when the last old pagan irreconcilables die only a fragmentary picture may be obtainable of the ancient Klikitat culture; the provincialism will be spoken by many individuals for generations to come, 10 a form more and more hopelessly confused with the Yakima among whom the majority of the Klikitats live. TAL athe242 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [ Vol. 2 INTERPRETERS.—Stories told in March, 1928, were translated from my read- ing back of the phonetically recorded dictation, by J. J. Spencer. Spencer is a part Klikitat Sahaptin Indian in the late twenties, educated at Chemawa Indian Training School, near Salem, Oregon, and seven years in the U.S. Army; he some- times confuses Klikitat vocabulary with Yakima, Umatilla and perhaps other dia- lects, but this does not affect the excellence of his translations; while he listened to the readings and interpreted, Mr. and Mrs. Hunt also followed carefully, at times assisting and explaining. A few stories were translated by his brother-in- law, Samson Quaempts, a pure Klikitat also in the twenties. The stories told July and August, 1926, were read off by me and translated by Peter McGuff, Wishram by native speech, aged about 50, a rather sophisticated native who learned Klikitat fairly well because of constant intimacy with Sahap- tins in the Yakima-Columbia region. McGuff, like Spencer, was a student at Chemawa and in addition, could read and write in the phonetic script used. He had been taught to do so by Dr. Edward Sapir in 1905. In spite of remarkable aptitude for linguistic work, McGuff’s Klikitat translations were not as well given as Spencer’s, because of his lesser familiarity with the dialect and mythology. Jor Hunt.—Joe Hunt, or Joe Hollingsworth, as he used to be called, (Indian name cla’utxen, which has no known meaning), is a very elderly Klikitat medicine man living at Husum, Klikitat County, Washington. Joe is pure xwa’ixwaipam- Kiikitat—all four grandparents being of that tribe. His present wife, Mary Mundi, is part skin—the neighboring band to the east—part xwa’‘ixwaipam. A former wife, Susan, now deceased, was xwa'ixwaipam. Perhaps no other old Klikitat survives who is as little contaminated by alien relationships. Joe never travelled widely. He dwelt for many years on the Lewis River, which is xwa't- xwaipam country, and for a few years on the Grand Ronde Reservation in north- western Oregon; though at Grand Ronde were tribes of Chinook, Kalapuya, Molale and other languages, Joe did not burden his memory with their foreign ideas and stories. He is thoroughly a Klikitat; like most elderly Indians he has a voluminous memory stored with the literature and knowledge of his people. He still practices the profession of medicine man, being frequently called by some of the few remaining Klikitat families of the neighborhood to ‘‘doctor’”’ upon some sick person. Among the rural whites of the White Salmon River country from Husum to the town of White Salmon, Joe has long obtained a bad character because of rather frequent alcoholic holidays. Among the older Indians he is remembered as a lover of the “bone-gamble” game. Joe is ordinarily a quiet man, having little to say, satisfied to earn a pittance at occasional work for neigh- boring white farmers. Mentally he lives in a closed Klikitat Indian world. He speaks of remembering the material he dictates from his father. Few Christian notions have really touched him, since his powers of English audition are slight, and by chance his fluent command of Chinook jargon seems to have been no alternative means of getting experience with the white man’s mind. He is classed by officialdom as one of the old irreconcilables who were not induced to leave their native hills for a homesteader’s life on the nearby Yakima reservation.1929] Jacobs, Northwest Sahaptin Texts, 1. Klikitat 243 Joe has been anxious to have me preserve what he believed worth preserv- ing. I have not suggested things or stories to dictate; I have asked him to tell what he wished to tell. His dictation is mechanized to perfection; he watches my pen and utters word after word; it is done at a very high speed. I am convinced that this sort of dictation is ideal for every purpose except one: it makes for occasional phrase and sentence artificiality, distortion and repetitiousness such as would not appear in normal fluent myth and story narration; I see no way of obtaining dictation from Joe other than the way in which he has already given me this material; indeed, it is on the whole unusually fine dictation. I have men- tioned the presence of occasional stylistic things that do not ring quite true so that in a study of narrative style such factors may be discounted. PERSONIFICATION.—When animal names have the personifier suffix they are capitalized in the translation. Thus, tiskaya’i, Skunk as person; but tiska’i, skunk as mere animal. In the texts the informant will vary from tiskaya’i to tiska’i, Skunk to skunk, about as nonchalantly as we change from Mr. Jones to Jones. kwa'li’.—Through the texts are found many words standing for concepts and mythical beings that are quite untranslateable. Perhaps the most common word deserving a note of explanation is kwa-li’, which I have heard translated variously as dangerous person, dangerous one, dangerous being, fear-causing one, ogre and soon. The good older myth collections, such as those of Drs. Farrand and Boas in this general region, translate the idea as monster; the Sahaptin natives do not seem to think that the word monster gives an adequate rendition in Eng- lish of the frightening, powerful, charged with magic power, dangerous being, that a kwa-li’ is: kwa‘li’ may be large, small or any size; it is the evil power in a being that makes it a kwa'li’. Direct Discourse.—In Sahaptin, object clauses are very frequently put into direct discourse, as if quoting the exact words used by the subject. To use a simple example, instead of saying ‘He thought what to do” or “He thought what he should do,” the Sahaptin frequently says ‘He thought, ‘What shall I do?’ And again, for ‘“He saw that they were roasting salmon,” Sahaptin would favor ‘‘He saw ‘Now they are roasting salmon’.” The only grammatical change made in the first example is the insertion of the first person pronoun as subject of the quasi-object clause and the consequent change of the clause to the form of a quotation or reproduction of the speaker's own words. The matter should be thought of rather as a phenomenon of sentence style than of formal grammar. It is perhaps advisable to retain literally such object clause quotations in the English translation even though the English be strained in order to reproduce the native style. wati'tac.—The wati’tac are myths of beings and persons of the former world, when animals, birds, insects, fish of the present world were persons, when magic- ally powerful and harmful beings, wali’, were about, when the Indian people were not yet near their later homes.itr acest o eet ete University of Washington Publications in Anthropology [ Vol. 2 At a certain time this former world changed; those beings who had been persons were transformed to their present condition as birds, animals and so on, the kwa'li’ were gotten rid of, the Indian people came in to dwell in the land. The stories and tales recounted of life and events and episodes in this “‘modern’”’ period, after the great change, are called txa’nat, literally happenings or customs. Mr. Hunt has dictated several hundred pages of wati’tac, of which this vol- ume is a portion. He has also dictated several hundred pages of cu’Kwat, literally knowledge, learning, teaching. These are relatively ex tempore reflections about the myths and tales, about the stages the world has gone through, about life since the advent of the whites. A small example of this type of expression is given on page 181. Mr. Hunt has never dictated txa’nat, though I have some from his wife and other Sahaptins.INDEX University of Washington Publications in Anthropology, Vol. II aan 20, 44-46, 48, 51, 53, 137, 159 Adzes, 12, 13£.; motor factor in, 12, LZ. Ainu, 23, 28. Aleut, 14. Algonkin, 159. Alsea, 159. Apache, Western, 43. Arrowheads, 111. Asia, northeastern, 15, 23, 27, 29-31, 158. Assiniboin, 159. Athabascans, 21, 26, 30, 109; Cooks Inlet, 25; Copper River, 29; eastern Alaska, 29. Atsugewi, 20, 44-46, 48, 51, 53. Babine, 24. bags, skin, 113. balsa, 18. Basin tribes, 54, 146. bear cult, 158 f. beliefs, salmon, 150 f. Bella Bella, 151, 164, 165. Bella Coola, 14-16, 21, 23, 27, 29, 151, 153, 159, 161, 164, 165; salmon cere- mony, 140-141, 147, 148. Blackfoot, 94, 123, 126. blankets, 113, 121 bone, work, 112. bows, 118, 123. burial, 127. California, Northwestern, 14, 17, 27, 143, 145-148, 152, 156, 157, 162, 163. Canoe, Chinook, 19; Nootka, 12, 19, 20; Northern, 12, 19-21; Northwest Californian, 21; method of landing, 22; of Middle Columbia Salish, 120; plank, 18; types of, 19. caps, woven, 113, 116. Carrier, 14, 18, 20, 24, 27, 138, 159. Cathlamet (Kathlamet), 19, 137. Cayuse, 89, 92, 100-103, 105, 107, 109, 110, 120-123, 125, 241. ceremonial elaboration, 55, 135 f. ceremonies, 128, 135 f. Chehalis, 14, 19, 100, 156. Chelan, 91, 93, 95, 98, 110, 113, 116. Cherokee, 159. Chickasaw, 159. chiefs, Klamath, 44; Middle Colum- bia, 126. Chilcotin, 14, 18, 20, 24, 159, 161, 162, 164, 165. Chinook, 20, 93, 99, 122, 137, 148, 151, 159, 163, 242; jargon, 59, 126, 209, 242; Shoalwater Bay, 15, 20; Up- per, 93, 106, 107, 109, 110, 124. Christian symbolism, 50. Chukchee, 15, 28, 31. Clayoquat, 21. clothing, 113, 116. Coeur d’Alene, 90-93, 103, 104, 112, 113, 116. Columbia River, lower, 14, 17, 19. Columbia Salish, culture of, 111 f.; dialects of, 93, 97; divisions, 94, 102; epidemics among, 97, 104; habitat, 93, 102-104, 106, 110; mi- grations of, 98f., 108; names, 90, 92; population, 97; tribe, 89, 96. Colville, 18, 90, 92. Copper River, 14, 18, 24-26. Costanoan, 47. Cowichan, 148-152, 157, 159. Cowlitz, 19, 99, 103, 106, 109, 121, 122, 241. cradles, 126. Cree, Eastern, 159; Plains, 160. Creek Indians, 154, 156, 159. Dalles, the, 20, 24, 98, 100, 102, 104, 1098 1109 1035 Tai 122: dance lodge, 47, 54. dances, 48, 54, 128. Daurians, 23, 28. dead, return of the, we 53. dentalium shells, 121 dialects of Middle Columbia, 93. discourse, direct, 243. Dog Rib, 14. dreams, ghost dance, 49, 54. dress, in ghost dance, 48, Duwamish, 59. earthquake, in ghost dance, 49. environmental influence, 113, 114. epidemics, among Middle Columbia Salish, 97, 105. Eskimo, 14, 18, 23, 25, 26, 29, 30, 154.fire-drill, 115. first fruits rites, 136, 150, 156 f. fishing, 118, 135. Flathead, 90, 92, 93, 105, 106, 118, 162. food, 118. Fraser, Lower, 93, 112. ghost dance, 43 f.; course of dissemi- nation, 46; inception among Kla- math, 44, 51. Gilyak, 28, 29. Goldi, 23, 28. Green River Tales, 65, 72, 73, 81. eae Mid de 14216. 21. 25. 27, 29, 138, 159, 161, 164. ney ‘deformation, 126. head-dress, 117. Heiltsuk, 27. Holkuma, 46. horse, introduction of the, 113, 120, 121. household utensils, 115. houses, conical pit, 26, 114; conical (tipi), 114; forms, distribution of, BA. OL: gabled, 12; lean-to, 114; log, 25; of Middle Columbia, 114: pile, 29; shed-roofed, 12. hunting, 113, 118, 123. Huron, 159. Hupa, 14, 20, 21, 24, 44, 148, 156, 159, 162, 163. informants, 59, 242. intermarriage, 110. interpreters, 242. Iroquois, 159. Kaigani, 164, 165. Kalapuya, 101, 106, 107, 122, 242. Kalispel, 18, 90-92, 105. Kamchadal, 23, 28, 29, 31. Karok, 14, 20, 21, 24, 44, 138, 144, 148, 156, 159; ghost dance, 45, 47, 55. Kaska, 138, 159. Kathlamet (Cathlamet), 19, 137, 163. Kayak Island, 25. Kenai Indians, 28. Klallam, 14, 17, 21, 154, 159. Klamath, 18, 20, 93, 101, 102, 106, 107, 122) 137, 151 1535155; 159) 162, 163} 241; acculturation among, 53; ghost dance, 43 f. Klickitat, 59, 91, 92, 95, 99-103, 105, 106, 108, 110, 122, 124, 175, 241, 242. Koryak, 15, 23, 25, 28, 31. Kuksu cult, 43, 46, 48, 55. Kuskokwim River, 26. Kutenai, 18, 20, 92, 120, 162. Kwakiutl, 11, 12, 14-17, 20, 21, 23, 27, 29, 151, 154, 158, 159, 161, 164, 165; salmon ceremony, 141-143, 147, 148. University of Washington Publications in Anthropology Lake Indians, 90, 92. Lake Washington tale, 75. Lemhi Shoshoni, 137, 146. Lenape, 159. Lillooet, 13, 15, 16, 18, 20, 24, 112, 139, 147- 149, Los 152, 155, 157-159, 161- 163. Lkufigen, 19, 21, 31. Lummi, 15. Lutuamian, 241. Maidu, Northern, 18, 137, 146-148, 160; Northwestern, 46; Southern, 46, 47, 55; Valley, 20. Makah, 14, 15, 17, 20, 22, 27, 138, 154. Malecite, 159. Mangun, 28. Manyargs, 23. Masset, 164. mats, 112. Mattole, 47. Menominee, 159. menstrual lodge, 114 Methow, 93, 95, 98, 110, 157, 159, 163. Miami, 159. Micmac, 159. Mistassini, 159. Miwok, 46, 47, 55, 159. Modoc, 18, 20, 44. 52.102, 107, tai; 241; ghost dance, 46, 47; war, 45, Bi Mohegan, 159. Molala, 100- 102, 106-108, 122, 241, 242. Mono, 46, 55. Montagnais, 159, mortars, 112. Moses- Columbia, 90, 94, 98, 102-104, 106, 107, 112, 113, 118, 120, 121, 123, 126. mythology, 63f., 128, 161f. 175£, 243. names, personal, 109, 126. Naskapi, 159. Nass, 164, 165. Natchez, 159. Nehalem, 122. Neketemé’ux, 89, 92, 96, 107-109; mi- grations of, 96. Nespilem, 92, ‘163. nets, 118. Newetee, 161, 164, 165. Nez Percé, 18, 20, 91-93, 101-104, 107, 108, 110, 113, 114, 116s 1aged2s6 25; 162, 241. Nisqually, 14, 19, 107, 121, 148, 159. Nitinat, 21. Nootka, 11, 14-17, 20, 23, 148, 151, 154, 160, 164, 165. Nootsak, 91. Northwest Coast, focal area, 11.1929] Ojibway, 160; Plains, 160. Okanogan, 18, 90, 92, 106, 109, 110, 120, 121, 123, 125-128, 157, 160, 162, 163; relation to Middle Columbia, 93. ornaments, 117. Orochi, 23, 28. Oroke, 23. Osage, 160. Ozette, 13, 15, 17. paddle, crutch, 23. Paiute, Northern, 43, 44, 46, 52, 53, 102; introduction of ghost dance, 45. Palous, 91-93, 98, 103-105, 109, 110, 122, 123 parfleches, 113. pattern number, Klamath, 49; Kwa- kiutl, 142; Paviotso, 54; Tsimshian, 139. Patwin, 55. Paviotso, 43, 44, 54, 137, 146, 160. pewa’nwapam Sahaptin, 241. Pend d’Oreille, 18, 90-92, 105. Penobscot, 160. personification, 243. phonetic keys, 85, no. 6, vi. pile, dwelling, 29. pipes, 112, 125. Pisquows, 90, 95. pit, house, 26 f. Pit River Indians, ghost dance from, 45, 51 Plains area, 15, 118, 121-123, 126, 128; dress, 48, 117; Sun Dance, 55. Plateau area, 15, 30, 157. Polynesia, 15, 30. Pomo, 43, 44, 46, 55. pom-pom religion, 52. Potawatomi, Forest, 159. Priest’s Rapids people, 89, 94. Puget Sound Salish, 63 f., 140. Puyallup, 59, 91, 121, 152, 160, tales, 63, 66, 70, 71, 75-77. 163; Queets, 22. Quilleute, 15-17, 20, 22. Quinault, 15-17, 20, 22, 27, 104, 151, 160, 164, 165. rattles, 50, 54. religion, Middle Columbia, 128. River’s Inlet Kwakiutl, 161, 164, 165. Rogue River Indians, 121, 122. Sahaptin (Shahaptian), migrations, 98 f.; stock, 241; texts, LZ 5k Northwest, Index Ree ee eye dea hat re CO MB Salish; 103; 110; 112. 120;) 1225 141" 157, 161; 162. Coast 142 lon Aiea. 107, 110; dial lects, 99; interior, mi- gration of, 108 ; Lower Fraser, 13; Middle Columbia, divisions of, 89; of Vancouver Island, 15, 20; West- ern, 14. Salmon, ceremony, of, 131, 135, 146 Sanpoil, 90, 92, 93, 94, 96, 97, 104, 109, 110, 116, 120, 121, 123, 125, 128, 162. Santa Barbara, 18. Saulteaux, 160. 135 £; distribution scalps, 128. Bantole , 160. Seshelt, 162. Shakers, sect of, 50, 107, 241. Shallatoo, 91. Shasta, 20, oe 121, 122, 160; ghost chaee A647, 53: O35: shields, 123. Sn honi, 93: Lemhi, 137, 146; Northern, 18, 153, 160. Shuswap, 13, 14, 18, 20, 24, 92, 93, 105, 106, 125, 146, 155, 157, 158, 160, 162, 164, 165. Siciatl, 151, 153, 164, 165. sign language, 126. Similkameen, 92. Sinkiuse, 89. Sioux, 233. Skagit, 59. Skaulits, 158, 162. Skidegate, 164. ski’n Sahaptin, 241, 242. Skokomish, 14, 17, 163. Sk!qomic, 163, 164, 165. slaves, 122; among Klamath, 51. Slavey, 14. Smohallah, 59; cult, 45, 52. Snake, 93, 100-103, 106. 108; 122) 123: Snanaimug, 152. : Snohomish, 15, 108; 1215 157; 160, 162, ica! snowshoes, 120. Se £9 108, 110, 121; tales, 73, 163. een 148, 149, 151-153, 160. songs, ghost dance, oe ee Southez ast area, 154, Spokan, 14, 18, 20, 90, 92, 97, 103, 104, 109, 110, 120-126. spoons, 115. stone-work, StsEelis, 157, eA 163-165. Sun Dance, 55. sweat-houses, 114. Swinomish, 14, 17. 19) 91; 247248 University of Washington Publications in Anthropology Tahltan, 138, 153, 160. Taitnapam, 91, 99, 241. Tanana River, 26. Ten’a, 158, 160. Tenino, 100-103, 106, 110, 241. Tete de Boule, 160. texts, Northwest Sahaptin, 175 f. Thompson, 14, 16, 18, 20, 24, 90, 92, 93, 96, 97, 102, 105, 106, 108-112, 114, 117, 118, 120, 121, 123, 125-128, 146, 155, 157, 158, 160, 162; Lower, 15, 93; migration of, 96. Tillamook, 20, 22, 151, 160, 163. Timiskaming Algonkin, 160. Tlatskanai, 122. Tlingit, 12, 14-16, 18, 21, 23, 24, 28, 30, 138, 140, 157, 160, 161, 164. Tolowa, 20, 138, 160. trade, 104, 110, 121. Tsetsaut, 24. Usimishian, 12)°14 15° 21,23 27, 157, 143, 146, 150-154, 157, 158, 160, 161, 163-165; salmon ceremony, 139-141, 148, 149. Twana, 19, 91. twins, relation to salmon, 154. Tyigh, Tyighpam, 100-102, 106-108, MO Ze: Umatilla, 92, 102, 103, 105, 107, 110, 122,125, 216; 215 241. 242. umiak, Eskimo, 23. Umpqua (‘A’mpekwa), 107. Ute, 153. Waiilatpuan, 109, 241; migrations, 98. Wailaki, 160. Wakiacum, 19. Wallawalla, 18, 20, 92, 100, 102, 103, 105, 107, 110, 120-123, 126, 241. Wanukt, 99, warfare, 45, 51, 123, 126. [Vol. 2 Warmsprings, Indians, 241. Wasco, 91, 93, 96, 100, 102, 103, 106- 109; 121 123; Washo, 46. weapons, 123. weaving, 111, 112, 113. Wenatchi, 89, 94, 95, 98, 105, 106, 108, 110, 112, 114, 116, 121, 123, 124, 126, 127, 157, 160, 163; culture of, 111 f.; description of, 94; dialect of, 93; divisions, 95; epidemics among, 97; habitat, 93, 103; names for, 90; origin of name, 90. Whilkut, 55. White Bluffs people, 91. Winnebago, 160. Wintun, 18, 46, 55; Southern, 43. Wishram, 20, 24, 52, 93, 96, 100, 102, 106, 107, 109, 121-123, 148, 153, 155, 160, 162, 242. Wiyot, 20, 47, 162. wood working, 13, 16, 18. Wopunutch, 46. Northern, 46; xwatxwaipam Sahaptin, 241, 242. Yakima, 20, 91, 92, 94, 95, 97-99, 101, 103, 105, 106, 108-110, 112, 114, 116, 120-124, 126, 241, 242. Yakut, 28. Yamhil, 106. Yana, 18, 46. Yokuts, 18, 46, 47, 55. Yuchi, 160. Yukaghir, 15, 23, 28, 31. Yuki, 156, 157, 160. Yukon River, 14, 26. Yurok, 14, 20, 21, 22, 24, 44, 47, 53, 55, 152, 154-156, 160, 162, 163; sal- mon rite, 143 f., 148.University of Washington Publications The University of Washington Publications are offered in exchange for similar pub- lications issued by universities, scientific societies and other institutions. contain the results of research work in various departments of the University. These papers They are issued in separate monographs numbered in several series. There is no stated interval of publication. All inquiries and all matter sent in exchange should be dressed ad- to the University of Washington Library, Seattle, Washington. Inquiries regarding Vol. 1. Vol. 2. Vol. 1. Vol. 2. Vol. 1. ng purchase of these publications, should be addressed to the Publications Editor, University of Washington, Seattle, Washington. (O.P.—Indicates that publication is out of print.) ANTHROPOLOGY Volume I completed. Volume IT in Progress. 1. The Whaling Equipment of the Makah Indians, by T. T. Waterman (formerly Vol. 1, No. 1 of the University of Washington Publications in Political and Social Science, discontinued). Pp. 1-67. June, 1920...... Sate nies 2. The Distribution of Kinship vere nis in North America, by Leslie Spier. Pp. 6o-so. Maps 1-9) Aueust, P92B ee ccc c cscc 0c wn cinde ais vie die ¥ unin ties) 51m sleee .50 3. An Analysis of Plains Indian Bececns Decoration, by Leslie Spier. Pp. Bom ANI ETISC LOD cite co < ciec soo v cleib bil e/sierere wie|s aveiele ejele'e16 nieiw iu olelere/eieim aie e/s!nie -25 4, Klallam Folk Tales, by Erna Gunther. Pp. 113-170. August, 1925....... .50 5. Klallam Ethnography, by Erna Gunther. Pp. 171-314. January, 1927.... 1.25 1. Adze, Canoe, and House Types ne the Northwest Coast, by Ronald L. Olson. Pp. 1-38. November, 1927......ccccccccssrerenssccnnscscccsercnes .50 2. The Ghost Dance of 1870 among the Klamath of Oregon, by Leslie Spier. 2 Pp. 39=b6. November, 1927.......ccscvvccecvvcvesccrsascccscsenucsessesnos 25 3. Some Tales of the Rousueen Puget Sound Salish, by Arthur C. Ballard. Pp. 57-81. December, 1927... .ccccccccvsccsessrvcccereonevevcessevsssesses .25 4. The Middle Columbia Salish, by James H. Teit. Edited by Franz Boas. Rp Saedeee DUNE LO 2S es nn vac cisivicicisie piclvicie nlcinié eine velsie's s)e.8 wisiein.e.e/pie ee. sisls1y 9s .50 5. A Further Analysis of the First Salmon Ceremony, by Erna Gunther. Pye L29S07S es JUNG; VOAR ee cc ce cicreiwe win cine cic c evles «mse wu rs\n\olvieleie.sinis cis nis sie cherie 50 6. Northwest Sahaptin Texts, 1, by Melville Jacobs. Pp. 175-244. June, 1929. 15 FISHERIES Volume I completed. Volume II in Progress. 1. Preserved apckied Herring, by Clarence Louis Anderson. Pp. 1-64. as MCL Ota rene elope le tare © alate nie sin aluioleistn(> meses ialersiaisieleis sim =o oleim soreje sie cecluscln vasats a 2. Field Giaxabtar: Identifying Young Salmonoid Fishes in Fresh Waters of aE Washington, by Donald R. Crawford, Pp. 12. April, 1925.......++++++ee> . 8. Synostosis in the Spinal’ Column of the Rainbow Trout, by Donald R. ae Grawtords Pp Ss PAprily VO2b ie « a siere ne cowie n mm nieiniein(vielns creme. olssoraleyy 9 cc 816 .25 4, A Study of the Gases in Canned Foods, by Ray Ww. Clough, Oscar E. BE Shostrom, Ernest D. Clark. Pp. 86-100. September, OO Bee eye ere iota iclasers Sie 2 5. Notes on the Presence of Indol in Sea Foods and Other Food Products, by Ray W. Clough, Oscar E. Shostrom, Ernest D. Clark. Pp. 101-108. 85 September slob ccc cle oo tle is se nei oun wire elaine ein orisi minie raeie she Sieinlel nie iene aie : 6. Iodine Content of the Pacific Coast Salmon, by Norman Donald Jarvis, tay William Clough, Ernest Dunbar Clark. Pp. 109-138. February, 1926. Re- oF print. December, 1928.......cesseccrrveercseencrersces pas Grabs, by : 7. Biochemical Study and Proximate Composition of Pacifie Coas rabs a Carl R. Fellers and Clarence T. Parks. Pp. 139-156. February, 1926...... .25 8. Bacteriological Investigations on Raw Salmon Spoilage, by Cari R. Baie of Pp. 157-188. July, 1926..........eseeeersceesees aber aa een 9. Canned Salmon: A Five-Year Correlation Study o ertain Quality ors, by Carl Raymond Fellers, Ernest Dunbar Clark and Ray William Clough. 95 Pp US Ge 2 04S Aste Lc Grins ara nie ier~ ceils minim ein nie "is /e)erele eels nine ne te ae roma e 5 10. Fish Preservation by MHypochlorites, by Tung Pai Chen and Carl ae Fellers. Pp. 205-227. September, ADD Goce ses eo re ete ieee etre na erat 11, Non-gaseous Spoilage in Canned Marine Products, by Carl R. Fellers. Ae Derek OCLOber VO 2ecirerainmis toro oe kc cece scree naan pag a : 12. Iodine Content of Pacific Coast Sea Foods, by Norman D. Jarvis. p. ae OPO, Nth Ceci, IMPA35 Goouco00 On OOOO Rd BOO DUO ODODE CODD UR DOD Y Jona, : 1. Ecto-Parasitic Infusoria aes Fish of the Northwest, by ohn Ee Guberlet. Pp. 1-16. October, 192 sb Annies nn eine cutie n° SOI na aap aaa 2. Studies on the Control of Gyrodactylus, by John E. Chae Harry A, a Hanson and Jean A. Kavanagh. >p, 17-29. December, 1927....-.-+--> aa . 8. Notes on a Species of Argulus from Gold-Fish, by John E. Guberle a5 PomiglesAe, = December, 1928 eee ans ca oka os Rone ss Bes ae ;: 4, Check-list of the Fresh- ea Fishes of Oregon and Washington, a 95 WEGTATAUE) Schultz: Eps 49200) SANUALY: aie yalater in ssicita els eee ie ee GEOLOGY Volume I in progress. Volume II completed. 1. Tertiary Faunal Horizons of Western Washington, by Charles E. W ae 1.00 iP TAG Memo DRU aT ys) LONG em ca micie nts ole ale wie mancein omit "Assoc ol kuna peek 2. Paleontology of the’. Oligocene of the Chehalis Valley, by Katherine E. H. ee Van Winkle. Pp. 69-97. January, AG AS eeere he cteeyoleleinineiviershse oleae cio ereeres iterate ee Vol. 2. Vol. 1. Vol. 2. Vol. 3. Vol. 4. Vol. 6. Vol. 6. > . Fauna from the Eocene of Washington, by Charles E. Weaver and Kath- erine Van Winkle Palmer. Pp. 1-56. Jume, 1922......c.ssescescncevusees . Foraminifera from the Eocene of Cowlitz River, Lewis County, Washing- ton, by G. Dallas Hanna and Marcus A. Hanna. Pp. 57-64. October, 1924: 760 The Geology of the San Juan Islands, by Roy Davidson McLellan. Pp. 185. 1 map 27”x33". November, 1927...ccccocsesccseveceseveesacsses awvere eae LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE Volumes I, II, III, IV, and V completed he Poems of Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey, by Frederick Morgan Padeleort Pp. 238. October, 1920. See Vol. 5. 1. Spenser’s Use of Ariosto for Allegory, by Susannah Jane McMurphy. Pp. 1-54. November, 19282... scccccccu en wae ee els 6 nisine wow vic ea bs oieheeeinene 15 2. Thomas Dekker: A Study in Economic and Social Background, by Kate af Gregee: Pp. Bb-L12. Duly, WODR. ccc cccw ccus ce ua tech snip ho cig as ce pice Cece .75 8. A Bibliography of Fifteenth Century Literature, by Lena Lucile Tucker and Allen Rogers Benham. > 113-274: March, 19283. .7..¢-26se0 eee 1.00 A Critical Edition of Ford’s oe Warbeck, by Mildred Clara Struble. Pp. 216. 1 Map Tanwary, U926 6 cos on Swiwists cs pr eee ta ek be nie oe ee 2.00 1. A Bibliography of Cees aint 1924, compiled by Dudley David Griffith. Pp: 1-148; March, 19265 ova. cec ck ca cic sa ae tec ciuicierove pine 6,ace poy ee.ieteb cise ite .00 2. Adam, translated by ees Noble Stone. Pp. 159-193. March, 1926. Re- Print; December, L928. ccs cccencus Ge casiweussvevn «vie sv sninip es pie nie weieeiieee 75 8. A Translation of Chapters XI-XVI of Pseudo-Augustinian Sermon Against Jews, Pagans and Arians, Concerning the Creed, also of the Ordo Prophe- tarum of St. Martial of Limoges, by Edward Noble Stone. Pp. 195-214. March, 19268 cs ccanc ac wedin.cmav-cg sinie anie tins s oie lemeia © in: clulw winp acco ciel eieheitrera ih etater nema 25 4. Roman Surveying Instruments, by Sate Noble Stone. Pp. 215-242. Il- lustrated, August, [928 e a. awasmaw ues ce wins cimia/aarelnseia bisa eabaraiahs wig tpl ece ein 75 The Poems of Henry Howard, Earl of Ssuerey: by Frederick Morgan Padelford. he 284 2 Illustrations. October, 1928. Revised Edition. Un- bound, $2.0 BROUNG icicles «acer ac civs « a sim a'en oe ein nicl cie'e blac ie article chalet (aia ae nanns 3.00 1, “phe Political Thought of Roger Williams, by James FE. Ernst. Pp. 230. 1U EW ofc) soe I DAL ee ee ee ere ere ee) Se Goce ra qo occ at aac 2.00 The Publications in Language and Literature are designed to include studies in the various languages and The series replaces and absorbs The Publications volumes have appeared: literatures, ancient and modern, represented at the University. in English, of which the following VOL; Uno Linderléf’s Elements of the History of the English Language, trans- lated by QRobert Max Garrett. Cloth... ccc cu ccectreucn cee eee eee OR: Vol. 2. The Political and Ecclesiastical Allegory of the First Book of the Faerie Queene, by Frederick Morgan Padelford: Cloth... .0i....0.-ce. sen cee 75 Vol. 3. Johannes Steenstrup’s The Medieval Popular Ballad, franklated by Howard Godtrey: ‘Cox, COBB. 6 sie cong wie nie oe ccalw hi svele e ¢ alae nieaye tuiere cate rere ene ate 1.75 Vol.4. 1. The Pearl: An Interpretation, by Robert Max Garrett. Paper. Pp. 45... 50 MATHEMATICS Volume I in progress Vol.1. 1. An Arithmetical Theory of oe Numerical Functions, by Eric Temple Bell, “Pp. 1-44) “AUeUst, LOL Boao ce eie niece ie ese oieig Cale wih en ee ein a eo .50 2. Cyclic-Harmonic Curves: A " Stuay in Polar Coordinates, by Robert E. Moritz... “Ppl =58) June, V929 es. 6 cic esc ete kw gehts as del tues oi Chee oe eee nee 1.00 3. Five Studies in Mathematics: Modular Bernoullian and Eulerian Func- tions, by E. T. Bell; Point-Line Correspondences Associated with the General Ruled Surface, by A. F. Carpenter; On the Sum of Products of n Consecutive Integers, by Robert E. Moritz; Some Finite Linear Non- Associative Algebras, by L. I. Neikirk; The Ternary Hesse Group and Its Invariants, by R. M. Winger. Pp. 1-80 JUNG, UWOAG aes ciciajuia cieceneiereiee trends 05 THE SOCIAL SCIENCES Volumes I, II, and III completed. Volumes IV and V in progress Vol.1. 1. Studies in Matriculation Statistics, Intelligence Ratings and Scholarship Records at the University of W ashington, by Alexander Crippen Roberts. PDe68s Janilery, L924 cs six edad crate og bois ancbatalcaoder aueea ernie Sink ree Oe nee 75 2. Causation and the Types of Necessity, by Curt John Ducasse. Pp. 69-200 GDIUENY; ALO 24 oidisie ais a cere wield d op GEG Cw cue erelesereleiaicry Gein Grn ei a rea Tears 1.50 Vol,2. 1. Tiberius Caesar and the Roman Constitution, by Olive Kuntz. Pp. 1-78. ANTE USES L028 ie siwini ci ciaiost aie Sieia’ele wie ape RS eero eevcuerere einlk swlere a teea sPermarare neice ier niereenee -75 2. The Logical Influence of Hegel on Marx, by Rebecca Cooper. P 79-182. October: 905 ae an ee E msl ees eye wi oh ata arenere Pee Soon bd Y aeateite E Kiera easton 1.00 8. A Scale of Individual Tests, by Stevenson Smith. Pp. 183-204. May, 1927. .50 Vol.3. 1. A Study of Mobility of Fopulation in Seattle, by Andrew W. Lind. Pp. 1-64 2 Maps. October, 1920 08 6 s5 Sarak acon vie Calera le cies a breceue Or ouereln cient ree era 75 2. latory and Development as Common School Legislation ee Washington, by. Dernis C. Droth. “Pp. Gb-260) 2 Maps: Webruary 1, 10272. wc 1.50 Vol. 4. 1. John III, Duke of Brabant and the French Alliance, 1345-1347, by ens stephen ucas:* Bp. 1-64, “May, sug2tee. & cece: eee Cae ee oe .75 WVOl bo; 4. Beacince in Seattle, 1914 to 1925, by Calvin F. Schmid. Pp. 1-94. Illus- trated. October, MOOSE ec acics scan She Gira fe dan ae ee ea 1.00 The University also publishes The Publications of the Bneineerne, Experiment Station and The Publications of the Puget Sound Biclogical StatioPNR Ae Cn OR Pe hed . Ae bee a RUT aA ‘ Pee Ds P Paes Mt Mo) % OKRA Surana re AW RatuAAD YD AD y DAO LSA fa a at Tr oekardtd ARR KL Me AE ee RC Pn) ey A a - Biri) Soe eres So . 7 L UF isOni veMN 90Tl OA " Pore eee) vt eee PAP CEM HR Ra PMB MELTED WR A Nara Mad EB aX GOL S33 45a Sarr