LINCOLN S LAS'T SPEECH SPRINGFIELD IN THE CAMPAIGN ae University of Virginia Library E:457.4;.L766 incoln’s last speech in Sprin HOUTA, q OOL; iiaiidlidnraineaaaFa a i Da a a eSDe eT eh aca i Mia aM la tay vent eee AN RY e ee ILJTINGOILIN Butoh SleliClal JIN Sle IIN GIP 8 IID) IN THE CAMPATICEN OF 1858 ee eaera TT a PRE A eee q ea OSR LEE - RNR RE RS SSCreer, iLINCOLN’S LAST SPEECH IN SPRINGFIELD IN THE CAMPAIGN OF 1858 THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS OSCOPYRIGHT, 1925, BY OLIVER R. BARRETT - DONNELLE SONS COMPAN xX PRINTED y «&GI IRS is ARRIETA EMEC OPERA MD ety cut te INTRODUCTION N the election of 1858 Lincoln met defeat, but the ordeal that singed the politician, disclosed the statesman. An impartial observer, Lord Charnwood, declares that “the contest between Lincoln and Douglas was one of the decisive events in American history.” } The closing debate of that contest was held in Alton on October 15. 1858. The election was set for November 2. On October 30 William H. Herndon wrote from Springfield to Theodore Parker in Boston: “Friend: Today is Saturday, and in a little while Mr. Lincoln opens on our square, close to the State House, on the great vital and dominant issues of the day and age.” It is of interest that the speech delivered by Abraham Lincoln on that day should be now first published, after the lapse of more than sixty-five years. But, of deeper interest is the recognition that this long forgotten speech marks a turning point in Lincoln’s career, that in its brief paragraphs the last echo of Lincoln the politician is lost in the reso- nance of the clearer note of Lincoln the statesman. The gradual development is reflected in his collected works; the particular events which influenced the evolution can be briefly summarized. At the time of its delivery Lincoln was within a few (| oO OTRAL a! | ee FRE RY TONE LST Daagmonths of his fiftieth birthday. From the day of his first debate with Douglas in the court house in Springfield on November 19, 1839, Lincoln and Douglas had opposed each other, in a keen and often bitter rivalry. In 1856 Lincoln summed up the results of his political endeavors: “Twenty-two years ago, Judge Douglas and I first became acquainted. We were both young then he a trifle young- er than I. Even then we were both ambitious,—I, perhaps, quite as much so as he. With me, the race of ambition has been a failure—a flat failure; with him, it has been one of splendid success.” Two years later Lincoln accepted the nomination of his party for Senator, with the declaration which startled his friends more than it disturbed his enemies: “A house divided against itself cannot stand. I believe this Government cannot endure permanently, half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved —I do not expect the house to fall—but I do expect it will cease to be divided.” Douglas opposed him and with issues so vital, it seemed then, that this contest must settle the question of supremacy between them, by the elimination of one or the other from the field of politics. With ambition rekindled, Lincoln challenged Douglas to meet him in joint debate. Of their meeting Isaac N. Arnold says, ‘““The whole Ameri- can people paused to watch the progress of the debates, and hung with intense interest on the words and movements of the champions.” Lincoln in that campaign made more than one hundred speeches and visited every part of the state, traveling in slow conveyances and living in crowded taverns. “After a hundred consecutive days 4of excitement, of intense mental strain, of unremitting bodily exer- tion, after speech-making and parades, music and bonfires,’”* he turned homeward for the “rally” at Springfield. But before his speech had been written he had learned that some of his former friends and associates were making a determined effort to defeat him. We can- not at this date complete the record of defections which were then known to him and referred to in his speech: “Myself, and those with whom I act have been constantly accused of a purpose to destroy the Union; and bespattered with every imaginable odious epithet; and some who were friends as it were, but yesterday, have made themselves most active in this.” But more disheartening to Lincoln than the “odious epithets” was the action of his old friend T. Lyle Dickey who secured a letter in praise of Douglas from Senator John J. Crittenden of Kentucky and caused it to be widely circulated in doubtful districts on the eve of the election. To Crittenden on November 4th, Lincoln wrote: ‘The emotions of defeat at the close of a struggle in which I felt more than a merely selfish interest, and to which defeat the use of your name contributed largely, are fresh upon me.” In the Chicago Daily Democrat of November 9, 1858, it was said: “Senator Crittenden is entitled to the credit of defeating Mr. Lincoln.” In a speech at Cincinnati in 1859 Lincoln said of Crittenden: “A Senator from Kentucky whom I have always loved with an affection as tender and endearing as I have ever loved any man * * * was writing letters to Illinois to secure the re- election of Douglas.” ‘Abraham Lincoln, by Nicolay and Hay. [2] — 7 pie eT oT : TET TL eT TOT a PA SAEED TLDS IIL SEELEY IGE PEAS as | nO iii BD eS ¥is expressed in his letter of That Lincoln anticipated his defeat November 19 to A. G. Henry: “You doubtless have seen ere this the result of the election Of course I wished, but I did not much expect, a and though I now sink out of view here. better result. and shall be forgotten, I believe I have made some marks which will tell for the cause of civil liberty long after | am gone.” Thus it was that Lincoln, worn by the exertions of his campaign, came to face his defeat, powerless to avert what seemed a certain and crushing end to his ambition. But a closing rally had been widely heralded—he must again speak before a gathering of vocif- erous Republicans, in whose enthusiasm, the intuition of defeat found no lodgment. And so he came to write this speech, and it was penned in the shadow of defeat, a defeat encompassed by those whom he had loved and trusted, a defeat that extinguished the last spark of ambition for political preferment, but left him firm in the determination to carry on the contest against slavery. On November 19 Lincoln wrote again, this time to Henry Asbury: “The fight must go on. The cause of civil liberty must not be surrendered at the end of one or even one hundred defeats.” The fight did go on and the “marks” that Lincoln made became a record of human freedom. We cannot know if Lincoln foresaw the strain that was to come upon the Union from the cause he championed, but when it came he was ready to bear the burden. For him, was “the planting and the culture,” for humanity, “the harvest.” OLIveER R. BARRETT F 1@ |Sau aoa Ste Ne dean Cea aa Ha files ling Bit Ee one es aot ere CD eg ge Cho foe“ awe Oe ] eS ee Ae eS P4192 eh. VeS - tgs Sots PFC a) Coa 2 ne ee Fran on, OM fine Pray OS be CaSO LE Oo eer Pe Zo aoe a 7 2 ; 5 IE oe a | ia LaD a a ha IT. Za ne a oe se Bnet ON PF a Ae a Cia F© a frre DRALT ~~ CH CO Ee LE oy ate tA le oe ‘ UTA Qua a Cad her L120 Om 4S o> eo Le fo G i CDE CHAE Loo hey. c tp Re Gf & oe , AED , : 2 iS os aR fy & on pany Cen cm Poe ta, 4S fos HI Cm. 2 ES Vet RY Ia Did er e Bk 3S ce fe a paz EE 7 Gee pei — Patty HB Bn Aw (TEZ5 piles Paes Ses ae : ; J) Ace Ar TE 2 We o a nee ae = > oe Ww fe vi of oc Fe Coax “3 anyone ee CO AL ps Fe Tipe eee le (row bog Fe he eee tole za Pre % VEEN ee Se J ae Lif BT se Fy Crna Oh Fe 4.8 op 4 a frepret A Kove es Silg Puoee, ise ee La ERIN fh’ ne fa. z hot EE fe ae Se ey eee eee. AD oe , [o> ee S ten esy. arty TR Saws Pees i, ees Cn 3a LG ec ee 27 4 nen 5 $e FIST 2 ed tty eo on g P-fe Se ed folerecs LES Qa~ay a LAS yes, Go Cee a Ane FACSIMILE OF LINCOLN’S SPEECHee eet a ABRAHAM LINCOLN “T reverence the individual who understands distinctly what it is he wishes; who unweariedly advances; who knows _ the means conducive to his object, and can seize and use them.” ——— Gi OHA HEE, Y friends, today closes the discussions of this canvass. The planting and the culture are over; and there remains but the preparation, and the harvest. I stand here surrounded by friends—some political, all personal friends I trust. May I be indulged, in this closing scene, to say a few words of myself. I have borne a laborious, and, in some respects to myself, a painful part in the contest. Through all, I have neither assailed, nor wrestled with any part of the constitution. The legal right of the Southern people to reclaim their fugitives I have constantly admitted. The legal right of Congress to interfere with their institu- tion in the states, I have constantly denied. In resisting the spread of slavery to new territory, and with that, what appears to me to be a tend- ency to subvert the first principle of free government itself my whole effort has consisted. To the best of my judgment I have labored for. and not against the Union. As I have not felt, so I have not expressed any harsh sentiment towards our Southern brethren. I have constant- Por SEEN ened eea es x RES aig ae PEON ae 4 ) tT ae i. ly declared, as I really believed, the only difference between them and us, is the difference of circumstances. I have meant to assail the motives of no party, or individual; and if I have, in any instance (of which I am not conscious ) departed from my purpose, I regret it. I have said that in some respects the contest has been painful to me. Myself, and those with whom I act have been constantly accused of a purpose to destroy the Union; and bespattered with every imag- inable odious epithet; and some who were friends, as it were but yester- day have made themselves most active in this. I have cultivated patience, and made no attempt at a retort. Ambition has been ascribed to me. God knows how sincerely I prayed from the first that this field of ambition might not be opened. I claim no insensibility to political honors; but today could the Mis- souri restriction be restored, and the whole slavery question replaced on the old ground of “toleration” by necessity where it exists, with un- yielding hostility to the spread of it, on principle, I would, in consider- ation, gladly agree, that Judge Douglas should never be out, and I never in, an office, so long as we be both or either, live.i SILVER-WARE} 58 18 SPRINGEIEL JUARE, SOT OF ~