. University of Virginia Library ete eet sr | book of American hist | WunsSERENE 3 tas + oem SAT ee tate bee er r APLS TER Pea eT a eager” Whi — smite Acie ta cia cnenadl alu DN an Se ESTES POP Tae oe hose Sel E yn Pel yey tangs > ew ee ar teas Wet . Py ag Sati to tel Jed dd ever td ry - rye ioe ee a ra PD b eh i ee ae Bo } oS ra eer. Be oe a el dk el LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF VIRGINIA prem ery pr eres saree te ee et tepals FROM THE BOOKS OF FRANCIS MARION WIGMORE 1872-1952 pote tebe TRA atts Sat eR hat SRSs toh MSU TSN TT TETAS EO fee ye eng i oseg “ , an f e —. =e hers * De CFP Taras or! erer ~ = i ra Aa: Tees pond + ms Lekekefotale fale fe Batmp-Setainletn tte EE a aca al on elena Serer Mae PE PG nee = —— eerie ee eee eee ar re toad Pe ne fe ae ae at iat 7 fe ePerea PO ee a a a aT a ak a ~ } j i ; ; ie i Py : f a by i : ; 3 te 1 : bis | ae he —e re seve epee aes Pa bs meeeOe ee eres Source Book of American History , i . Ni 1 H eee ee ee ey ae POPOTOOe Sm ee eee erasee ere : ‘ H ' { ‘ i ' i | } . ‘ t f i oe eh EE Ek a rn oe ee Ce ee raSs asEerany ES ES on a’ “The O- 9s THE MACMILLAN COMPANY NEW YORK - BOSTON - CHICAGO ATLANTA +» SAN FRANCISCO MACMILLAN & CO., LimitEp LONDON + BOMBAY + CALCUTTA MELBOURNE THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, Lr. TORONTO aii dah TEAOe ee eee | i to i i eee ee Po ed Ee te ee neThe Mayflower Compact: from Bradford's History o & a’ e > 8 exh si dk S| { -) is ei Se _ « 5 x & Rm & Fons bth RSS SS ery © HD * Ok SecC). 2 Nr Uae ~ ss Sena Ss CPR a \) {Sees aa SdKr uk TQ os £ KS KARAS * & a % Vy =, w u & S oS SENSE: » ~ ws San SNe ~ ‘ VS o 4, 3 x XY PON SESE P Eoce ies gl : ba 8S & ca) MEP DGG poet wae wy Y Dew S Se ee ee he Me SRE foyed deeds Fb By We CUT eee ef 19.5 4 & Ke yee ae OME oe te oe k & 1 eee ES SS aaa SieSy © am Sk Bue Saw ¢& By. Fok be ‘ sae eS conn rEg tt OES iets SRE ty 1S OS Oy ee Poosre Ss 2S 8 See S &o SR Roe er. 3 oat ey Sac Wie. oat enon ® yard 3 EAE Y uy Xv 34 ee “Sul SS OW YAS IN Se So ot FO v ee a, ee ee BERLE PEENS CEO? FUSE yD Ro eee: ero) Es Sek te PO OSES ESBE GES EE Be , o Oe ay ° “SNS ENS Sipe ho gas Fas wi eS, tk US Ue te Uae eee wag iind ceive STEERS See Pht Sy EE UE UES BIN vy N aN : » ee Ve U By f , SNS SES hg o Es BS get ON CU NG SS Ea, Ree ES tye KHEOS ES Ff FF SAMS Nek oS eS be ER OS Eas Ye 24, 2 SN SO Gide rc teen fe NS ED SSeS eee - Boh Ne eae Gy Ss Sg a We SSS ksSource Book of American History Edited for Schools and Readers BY EBERT BUSEIN RIE EVAR Paeb: PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN HARVARD UNIVERSITY WITH PRACTICAL INTRODUCTIONS REVISED EDITION New Work THE MACMILLAN COMPANY LONDON: MACMILLAN & CO., Lr. 1925 All rights reservedeat ead Fo PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA COPYRIGHT, 1899, 1925, By THE MACMILLAN COMPANY. Set up and electrotyped. Published June, 1899. Revised edition, March, 1925. if r oe Norwood Jpress J. 8. Cushing Co, — Berwick & Smith Co. Norwood, Mass., U.S.A. ~ ee tenner,P reface HIS little book is an attempt to do for the study of American history what the photographer does for the study of art, — to collect a brief series of illustrations which, without including a hun- dredth part of the whole field, may give examples of the things most important to know. Yet, as no sensible person expects to get a knowl- edge of art simply from seeing a series of lantern slides, so it is not expected that the history of the United States can be learned from a Source Book, without the intelligent use of a good textbook or narra- tive history to bring out the connection and to suggest the many great men, large events, and broad movements which in this small collection of reprints have no mention. What I hope is that these brief records may awaken interest in the books from which they came and in the men who wrote them; that a clearer idea of what our ancestors did and thought and suffered may be had from their own writings; that the book may serve as a part of the material necessary for topical study ; and, above all, that it may throw a human interest about the necessarily compact and factful statements of textbooks. In making up the texts I have taken some pains to give an object- lesson in the methods of using and citing books, by adopting the severe principles of scientific work in history; in every case I have sought for the earliest authentic edition of printed material ; every omission is indicated by periods (. . . ); the text is reprinted pre- cisely, necessary corrections or glosses being indicated by brackets or in the margin; and to every extract is appended an exact reference to the source from which it came. Acknowledgments of the use of materials are thus in every case made by reference to the editions used ; 1 am under much obligation to the owners of copyright material, VPORES art hd v1 Preface who have most fully and generously given their permission to reprint extracts. The facsimile illustrations are intended to suggest to young people the kind of manuscript and other material with which historians are familiar. For the frontispiece nothing more characteristic of Puritan sentiment, Puritan government, and Puritan handwriting could be found than the Mayflower Compact of 1620. The two pieces of Con- tinental currency show financial devices of the Revolution. Charles Carroll of Carrollton’s letter shows the businesslike methods of planters. The extracts from the final Proclamation of Emancipation chow Lincoln’s characteristic handwriting, as does the Roosevelt letter for that statesman. I make no excuse for reproducing the few documents exactly as they appear in the original editions, with any peculiarities of grammar or spelling which now would be errors. Pupils of the age of those for whom this book is intended will not find their own style affected by these obvious deviations from modern usage; and to reduce the quaint and wandering sentences of our an- cestors to order would be like putting Cotton Mather into the silk hat and plain black coat of modern society. After many printings from the original edition of 1899 it has seemed desirable to bring the Source Book down to date on the same lines as the original book. The two additional chapters, XXII and XXIII, include a period of great disturbance at home and abroad, and a literature of historical writings has sprung up covering that period. Out of this maze it has proved possible to select a brief number of extracts that fairly correspond to the temper and the point of view of the American people during the last quarter century. Throughout, the effort is to introduce to young minds living individual American people who speak for themselves about their lives, their interests, their standards, and their national ideas as to their country’s history. CAMBRIDGE, January I, 1925. fa ee ri TS tenes ie renee eee os a i aN Ays | Acard! DT. III. VE I, 2. 3. 4. 5: 6. 7 8. 9. 10. II, [2. Contents PRACTICAL INTRODUCTIONS The Use of Sources Materials for Source Study The Sources in Secondary Schools The Sources in Normal Schools Subjects for Topical Study from Sources , . 5 : ° CHAPTER I— DISCOVERIES Christopher Columbus: Discovery of the New World, 1492 Peter Martyr d’Anghiera: An English Voyage to North America, 1497 . : Francisco Vasquez Coronado: A Spanish Exploration, 1541 : ; : ° : ° Anonymous: An English Plundering Voyage, 1578-1579 Anonymous: The first English Exploration, 1607 Samuel Sieur de Champlain: A trench Exploration, 1615 CHAPTER II—CONDITIONS OF SETTLEMENT John Evelyn: Life in England, 1652-1668 Reverend William Castell: Reasons for Emigration, 1641 : ; : : : e Henry Spelman: Indian Life, 1609-1613 John Sadler: Requirements of an Emigrant, 1634 ; ° ‘ ° ‘ John Josselyn: Some Rarities of New England, 1663-1671 . ° : ¢ Thomas Ash : Praise of Indian Gorn, 1682 . ; . ; ° vii PAGE xvi XX xxiv XX1X XXXili 29 32| eS Melstsd O25 oe Py? east Hayes Fea 3 : Bae a . at yelpee ts i i sho ER RY 44 1 eae i nn mneme,_. | Vill Contents CHAPTER III—FIRST ERA OF COLONIZATION PAGE 13. Captain John Smith: Settlement of Virginia, 1607 . : ° ° . . ‘ « $38 14. Doctor William Barlow: The King and the Puritans, 1604 . ° ° ° . ° ° e 37 15. Governor William Bradford : Settlement of Plymouth, 1620 . ° ‘ ° ° ‘ ; . » Bay 16. Father Isaac Jogues: Settlement of New Amsterdam, 1615-1644 - ° ° e . « eZ 17. Governor Thomas Dudley: Planting of Massachusetts, 1627-1631. ‘ : ° ° : . AS 18, Jaspar Dankers and Peter Sluyter: Conditions of Maryland, 1632 7 ; : ; ; ° : < Mo 19. Henry Wolcott, Jr.: Foundation of Government in Connecticut, 1638 . . ; ° o BT 20. Secretary Nathaniel Morton: Foundation of Rhode Island, 1636. . ° : : : . '5e 21. Governor John Winthrop: Foundation of New Hampshire, 1637-1639 . ° ° ° ° « G5 CHAPTER IV—SECOND ERA OF COLONIZATION 22. Governor Sir Edmund Andros: An Account of New York, 1678 7 7 : ° ° ° . > 58 23. John Fenwick: New Jersey “a Healthy Pleasant, and Plentiful Country,” _ 1675 : : ° : ° . . , . - 62 24. Late Governor John Archdale: Description of Carolina, 1665-1695 7 ; ° : ° . NOR 25. Richard Townsend: Settlement of Pennsylvania, 1682 . ; : ; ;. ° e “07, 26. Reverend William Edmundson: A Journey through Delaware, 1676 : ° . . e ¢ o5 OG 27. General James Edward Oglethorpe (?): Progress of Georgia, 1733 : ; ; . s . ° . a ak CHAPTER V—COLONIAL LIFE IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY u iu i 4 ‘ A | 28. Governor John Winthrop: New England Life, 1630-1635 : s : ° ° . ‘ «e714 29. Thomas Lechford: Church Services, 1642 . ‘ ‘ ‘ s Ks x ‘ : o td EES Be i ae30. 32. 33: 35: 4l. 22; 43. 45. 46, 47. 1492-1766 William Robinson and Marmaduke Stevenson: A Quaker Warning, 1659. . . . . ° . ‘ ‘ Reverend Cotton Mather: A Witch Trial, 1692 . : ° ° . . ° ° . Ordinances of New Amsterdam: Life in New York, 1647-1658 ° < . . . . : Robert Holden: The Trade of the Colonies,1679 . ‘ . ° . ° . . Anonymous: Plantation Life in Virginia, 1648 . ‘ : . : . Virginia Assembly : Slavery in Virginia, 1667-1680 . ° . . . ° . CHAPTER VI—RIVALS FOR EMPIRE . Henry Sieur de Tonty: La Salle on the Mississippi, 1681-1682 . ; ° ° ° - . Anonymous: Destruction of Deerfield, 1704 ‘ ° ; ° ° e ; . Professor Peter Kalm: The French Trade with the Indians,1749 . . Colonel George Washington: Braddock’s Defeat, 1755 : : ° ° ° ° . . Francois Bigot: Capture of Quebec, 1759 ; . ° ° ; CHAPTER VII—COLONIAL LIFE IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY Colonel John Seymour: Discomforts of Colonial Life, 1708 , e ° . ° e ° Reverend George Whitefield: The Great Awakening in New England, 1740 : . : Ebenezer Cook : A Satire on Tobacco Planters, 1708 ‘ . ° . William Black : Social Life in Philadelphia, 1744 Professor Peter Kalm: The Town of New York, 1748 : : : ° Colonel William Byrd: A Southern Criticism of Slavery, 1736 . Alexander Graydon: A Colonial School-Boy, 1760-1766 ‘ ° , ‘ PAGE 80 82 85 88 9g! 92 96 98 100 103 105 108 109 111 115 117 119 I2255 Matai etoe nore ee TiS} gle itep ied ee sae iste ota Te eee e dat bisey on ~ rok i peiay eet traa nyt Ta ee ED poe) X Contents CHAPTER VIII—COLONIAL GOVERNMENT FAGE 48. James Earl of Stanhope: The English Council for Trade and Plantations, 1715 . ; ¢ . 24 49. Samuel Purviance, Jr.: How to Manage Elections,1705_ . : 3 : ; : : + 120 50. Professor Peter Kalm : The Governor and Assembly in New York, 1748 . : . 225 51. Agent Benjamin Franklin: Objections to Governing of Colonies by Instructions, 1772 . ; > sk 52. Boston Town Records: A Colonial Town-Meeting, 1729 . ; 2 ‘ : a . >» %32 CHAPTER IX —THE REVOLUTION 53. Deacon John Tudor: The Boston Tea-Farty, 1773 . : : ; : ; ; a) Xe? 54. Reverend John Witherspoon: “ Conduct of the British Ministry,” 1775 : flO 55. Reverend Andrew Burnaby: Undeniable Supremacy of Parliament, 1775 - 56. Anonymous: ‘“ The American Patriot’s Prayer,” 1776 . ; ‘ : : « 48 57. Reverend William Emerson: A H H f i i ; ‘ i | | } a i j j ; t 4 Battle of Lexington and Concord, 1775 - . ‘ - 144 58. Delegate John Adams: Drafting the Declaration of Independence, 1776. ; ‘ » I47 59. General George Washington: Report of the Battle of Princeton, 1777 . ; : ‘ - 49 60, Eliza Wilkinson: A Southern Lady’s Experience of War, 1780 . ° ‘ 5) XS 61. Captain Georg Pausch: Hard Fighting at Saratoga,1777 . : : . : : - 154 62. Robert Morton: The Baneful Influence of Paper Money, 1777 : : : ‘ «| LS7 Anonymous: A Sallad on Cornwallis, 1781 ; : - 63 CHAPTER X—THE CONFEDERATION AND THE CONSTITUTION 64. J. Hector St. John de Crévecceur: What is an American ? 1782 Judge Benjamin Huntington: Life in Congress, 1783 . ° ° ; ; ; . . ‘ < 3 5 They 65 . : ‘ : ; . 164 aes ee66. 67. 68. 69. 70. — 71. 02. 73: 74: 75: 76, 77: 78. 79: SI. $2. 83. 1715-1812 Jean Pierre Brissot de Warville : The West, 1788 . . : : ; : Reverend Manasseh Cutler: The Inner History of the Northwest Ordinance , 1787 Delegate George Mason: Objections to the Constitution, 1787 Colonel Jonathan B. Smith: The Political Harvest Time, 1788 Francis Hopkinson: “ The New Roof,” 1788 . CHAPTER XI—MAKING A GOVERNMENT, Senator William Maclay: A Democratic View of Washington, 1789-1790 Representative Fisher Ames: Speech on the Tariff, 1789 Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson: A Question of Compromise, 1790 Chief Justice John Jay: Maritime Grievances, 1794 . C. C. Pinckney, John Marshall, and Elbrid Be Genve “ The X Y Z Despatches,” 1797 : Richard Carter: A Case of Impressment, 1799 .« CHAPTER XII—JEFFERSON’S POLICY, Theodore Dwight : Election of Jefferson, 1801 President Thomas Jefferson: Acquisition of Louisiana, 1803 Midshipman Basil Hall: “ Blockading a Neutral Port,” 1804 . Patrick Gass: Lewis and Clark’s Oregon Expedition, 1804-1805 Representative Josiah Quincy: Effect of the Embargo, 1808 1801-1808 CHAPTER XIII—THE WAR OF 1812 Francis James Jackson: Impressions of America, 1810 ; . ; President James Madison: Causes of the War, 1812 - - ° ° ° 1789-1801 PAGE 166 169 172 175 181 183 186 188 1g! 194 197 200 202 206 212 214Seas REEL re Ta at Saaeen —— ne = OE a =a X11 Contents PAGE 84. Captain Isaac Hull: Capture of the Guerriére, 1812 ‘ ; e ° © ° ; - 26 85. Reverend George Robert Gleig: Capture of Washington, 1814 : ‘ 2 7 ; , 218 86. Major Arsene Lacarriére Latour: Battle of New Orleans, 1815 . : : . ; = 220 87. Commissioner Albert Gallatin: Discussion of the Peace, 1814 . : : : : ; eee CHAPTER XIV—CONDITIONS OF NATIONAL GROWTH, 1815-1830 88. John Melish: Boston and Neighboring Towns, 1806 . ; = e220 89. Colonel Thomas Jefferson Randolph: The Virginia Gentleman, 1801-1809 . : ; 228 90. Reverend Timothy Flint: Religious Life in the West, 1828 . . : : et 91. Secretary of State John Quincy Adams: Missouri Compromise, 1820 . : : ‘ : . 234 ; 92. Morris Birkbeck : ! A Settler in Illinois, 1817. : rea, i 93. Surgeon Henry Bradshaw Fearon: f Amusements in New Orleans, 1818 2 : ; - 240 CHAPTER XV—ABOLITIONISTS, 1835-1841 94. Reverend John Rankin: A Western Abolition Argument, 1824 . : : : ; . 242 95. Governor George McDuffe : A Southern Defence of Slavery, 1835 . : ; - 244 96. William Lloyd Garrison: An Anti-Abolitionist Mob, 1835 . : . 248 97. George William Featherstonhaugh: The Internal Slave- Trade, 1834 . ; ° : ae 25% 98. Charity Bowery: A Slave’s Narrative, 1844 . eres . ; ° ; aees5s 99. John Greenleaf Whittier: Farewell of a Slave Mother, 1838 : . ; . 258 100. Henry Box Brown: - A Fugitives Narrative, 1848 ° ‘ : ° . 260 IOI Salmon Portland Chase : A Political Abolitionist, 1845 is : ° c : 3 ZOs1812-1862 X11] CHAPTER XVI—TERRITORIAL DEVELOPMENT, 1841-1853 PAGE 102. Charles Augustus Davis: Jackson’s Responsibility, 1833 : ° . . ° : . . 266 103. Francis Parkman, Jr.: The Oregon Tratl, 1846 . : : : ° : : . 268 104. James Russell Lowell: A Satire on the Mexican War, 1846 . : . : : : 5 yh 105. Reverend Walter Colton : At the Gold Fields, 1848 ; 7 ° . ° ‘ ‘ ; 270 106. Senator Henry Clay: Compromise of 1850 . ; ; . ‘ ; : ; ‘ 279 CHAPTER XVII—SLAVERY CONTEST, 1851-1860 107. Richard Henry Dana, Jr.: The Rescue of Shadrach, 185% ‘ ; : : ; ‘ . 7 zo2 108. Representative Thomas Hart Benton: A Criticism of the Kansas-Nebraska Act, 1854 . : E . 284 109. Erastus D. Ladd: Troubles in Kansas, 1855 . : : : : : h 9207 110. Justice John McLean: The Dred Scott Decision, 1856 . : : ; : : + 1290 111. Senator Stephen A. Douglas: A Criticism of Lincoln, 1858 ; . ; ; é : - 2g! 112. Captain John Brown: John Brown’s Last Speech, 1859 . : : : : ; ; . 2o4 113. Alexander H. Stephens: Slavery the Corner-Stone of the Confederacy, 1861 : . 296 114. Captain Abner Doubleday: Attack on Fort Sumter, 1861 ; ; ; : . : : 200 CHAPTER XVIII— CIVIL WAR, 1861-1865 115. Reverend Morgan Dix: The Rousing of the North, 1861 . ; : ; : : ; « 308 116. Edmund Clarence Stedman: Battle of Bull Run, 1861. ° : 2 6305 117. George Cary Eggleston: The Southern Soldier, 1861-1865 : 308 118. Reverend Francis Nathan Peloubet and Rey rerend George flansine Taylor: Supplies for the Wounded, 1862 . 7 ° ° : ° 5 SB 119. Flag-Officer David Glasgow Farragut: Farragut at New Orleans, 1862 . , ‘ ° slsX1V 120, 121, 122. 123. 124. 125 126, 127. 128. 129. 133. 134. Contents Francis Bicknell Carpenter: Proclamation of Emancipation, 1862 . ; : ; Doctor Albert Gaillard Hart: In the Thick of the Fight, 1863. . : ; ° : SA Lady’”’: Cave Life in a Besteged City, 1863 ; ; , New York Tribune: Battle of Gettysburg, 1863. ‘ . ° President Abraham Lincoln: The War and Slavery, 1864 ° ° ‘ ° ° General Horace Porter: Surrender of Lee, 1865 ; . ° ° ‘ : James Russell Lowell: Abraham Lincoln, 1865 ; . . ° CHAPTER XIX— RECONSTRUCTION, 1865-1871 Sidney Andrews: Condition of the South, 1865 : : ; . : : Elizabeth Hyde Botume: A Negro School, 1862 General Robert E. Lee: A Southerner’s Advice on Reconstruction, 1865 Representative Thaddeus Stevens: Congressional Reconstruction, 1865 General Oliver Otis Howard: A Military Governor in Louisiana, 1865-1866 . Attorney-General Daniel Henry Chamberlain: Failure of Reconstruction, 1871 CHAPTER XX—UNION RESTORED, 1871-1885 Samuel Jones Tilden: Iniguities of the Tweed Ring, 1869-1871 . . ‘ Caleb Cushing: Treaty of Washington, 1871 . : . . John Greenleaf Whittier : “ Centennial Hymn,” 1876 . New York World: Resumption of Specte Payments, 1879 George William Curtis: Workings of Civil Service Reform, 1881 PAGE © 315 318 320 . 323 329 333 336 339 342 - 344 346 349 » 352 355 « 350 7 300 » 3631862-1923 XV PAGE 138. Thomas Jefferson Morgan: Our Treatment of the Indians, 1891. . ‘ . 366 139. James Bryce: Character of the Americans, 1888 : ; : : ‘ : 3 309 CHAPTER XXI— THE SPANISH WAR, 1895-1899 140. William J. Starks: Troubles in Cuba, 1867-1873 ‘ : ‘ . 5 38 141. Don Enrique José Varona: A Cuban Indictment of Spanish Rule, 1895 . : 370 142. Colonel Theodore Roosevelt: The Rough Riders at the Front, 1898 . : : ; ~ 380 143. General Francis Vinton Greene: The Conditions of the Philippines, 1898 . : : . : eZ OZ 144. President William McKinley: A Review of the Spanish War, 1898. : : . 2305 145. John Davis Long: The Future of the Republic, 1895 . : ; ; : : ; 7 390 CHAPTER XXII—NEW TASKS, 1900-1913 146. Alfred T. Mahan: How to Found Colonies, 1899 : : ; 7 . ; « 398 147. Clinton W. Gilbert: The Age of Roosevelt, 1901-1909 . : - 395 148. Anonymous: Presidential Election of 1912 : : : ; «3907 CHAPTER XXIII — WORLD WAR AND ITS OUTCOME, 1914-1923 149. Theodore Roosevelt : Fear God and Take Your Own Part, 1915 . ; . 401 150. William H. Taft: The Power of the President, 1916 . : ; : =. ; a 7403 151. William Cameron Forbes: Trust and Distrusts, 1921. : ; ; : ; : ; 7405 152. William Fletcher Johnson: How the War Broke Loose, i917 . : ‘ . 409 153. Mildred Aldrich: A Hilltop on the Marne, 1917 ; ‘ : ; : ; ‘ Ale 154. Sergeant Joyce Kilmer: The Woods Called Rouge- Bouquet, 1917 : : : . : aisj H / i ; i } t 1 i) } t r i] 1 , ; : ? sree oe bk ne ee ee ee ie ee XV1 1862-1923 155. Fullerton Leonard Waldo: In the Trenches, 1918 . : ‘ 156. Woodrow Wilson: The Fourteen Points of Peace, 1918 157. George B, Christian : The National Services of President Harding, 1921-1923 INDEX Illustrations The Mayflower Compact, 1620 . ; ; Specimens of Continental Currency, 1776. Letter on Fugitive Slaves, by Charles Carroll, 1826 Extracts from the Final Proclamation of Emancipation, by Lincoln, 1863 . : é ; ; Facsimile of a Letter, by Theodore Roosevelt . . : PAGE 419 Frontispiece Zo face D: 156 ee Abraham ‘ec 244 29 Oo > OoSource Book of American History PRACTICAL INTRODUCTIONS I. The Use of Sources ITH the use which investigators make of sources, as a basis for elaborate historical writing, this book has nothing to do, except to suggest that upon such materials, vast in amount and bewildering in variety, rest all that we really know about the history of times earlier than the memory of living men. Even the investigator nowadays does not necessarily examine for himself every record of the events with which he deals: he may accept, and almost always does accept, some statements of facts gathered for him by other writers who have them- selves examined the ground. It is not the conception of the editor that young and inexperienced boys and girls can find in this book material broad enough to serve as the sole basis for generalizations; or that they can construct a complete narrative for themselves out of any amount of material: the Source Book is meant to supplement, not to supplant, the textbook. In schools, and even in most college classes, the sources have a very different office: they are to act as adjuncts to historical narrative, by illustrating it, and making it vivid; as, by analyzing a few flowers, the young student of botany learns some plant structure and accepts the rest from the textbook, so the student of history, by intimate acquaint- ance with a few writers of contemporary books, finds his reading in secondary works easier to understand. Upon the subject of source study in schools there is as yet little in print. Charles W. Colby, in the Introduction to his Selections from the Sources of English History (1899), very suggestively discusses the uses of sources. In the Report of the Madison Conference, included in XV11} i t t j ‘ t t ) i i ps i ‘ Hy 5 f i XV111 Introductions the Report of the Committee [of Ten] on Secondary School Studies (1893), S§ 1s, 33, sources are treated incidentally in connection with topical study. The editor of this book has prefixed an essay on this subject to each of the volumes of American History told by Contemporaries. Almost the only general discussion of the subject 1s in one of the appendices to The Study of History in Schools, Report of the Committee of Seven (1899), printed also in Keport of the American Historical Association for 1808. The use of sources in secondary and normal schools is described below by experts; it is therefore necessary here only to allude to some of the general advantages of sources, and to suggest some cautions in their use. First of all, as reading matter, even brief sources have the advantage of lively narratives on interesting subjects ; and one cannot read extracts from men like John Evelyn, Captain John Smith, Cotton Mather. Lincoln, or Roosevelt, without desiring to know more about them and their times; but so much depends upon a writer’s character, his truthfulness, his opportunities, his prejudices, that it is not safe to take sources at haphazard, without some one to vouch for them. The use of sources enforces on the mind two fundamentals that ought to be familiar to every pupilin history: that the textbook grows out of source material, directly or at second hand; and that the knowledge of the writer of history goes no farther than the sum of his sources. On the Revolution, for instance, the pupil must realize that the books quote only a few out of hundreds of sources, and that general- ization from narrow bases is dangerous. Sources may very well furnish sufficient types of oft-repeated experi- ence: for instance, from the textbook the pupils get the impression of the number of voyages of discovery, and of the cross-relations of the Spanish, Portuguese, French, English, Dutch, and Swedes in the new world during two centuries. But the general aim and results of those voyages are well enough set forth in the seventeen pages of Chapter I, which includes one Spanish voyage and one Spanish land exploration, two English sea-voyages and one land exploration, and one French exploration. Since it is a common experience that the illustration fixes the principle in mind, and not the principle the illustration, it is fair to9 cere ET RE Materials for Source Study X1X expect that these illustrative voyages will serve to make vivid the con- secutive narrative of explorations in general. In the same way, colonial life has many phases, and it would take years of study in a large library of sources to get an idea of how our forefathers lived and thought; but the illustrative extracts in Chapter V, below, show in detail something of a few phases of social life, of church services, of witchcraft delusions, of trade, and of slave life; and they will serve to explain the general and necessarily sweeping statements of textbooks. History has two functions: to tell us what has happened, and to tell us why the men of old time let it so happen. Perhaps the most diffi- cult problem for the teacher is to bring home to the minds of pupils how differently other people have looked at things. Our own slavery contest is an example: freedom seems to us normal, and we can under- stand neither the South nor the North unless we let people who lived in the midst of slavery speak for themselves. One has only to take a suc- cession of statements of facts about the slavery contest out of the best textbooks, and then state the same thing out of the narratives of fugi- tives and the apologies of slaveholders, to see whether secondary narrative or source leaves the deeper impression on the mind. A combination of the two makes it possible to see more clearly both the significance and the relation of events. This book is not prepared with reference to any particular textbook ; wherever a good, straightforward, accurate, narrative history is used, which deals with what is really important in the history of the nation, the extracts in this volume may be brought in to supplement the accounts of special episodes, and to furnish a background of reality and personal character. II. Materials for Source Study NY well-chosen set of extracts, each long enough to be character- istic, and all together broad enough to cover the main episodes of American history, will serve to illuminate the study; but schools should have at least a small library of complete volumes, both to extend the interest that may be raised by extracts, and to give materialSee eon Aiea anual RDN —_—_———— — ee area nneneain, XX Introductions for topical work. Many people are startled at the idea that pupils can safely be trusted with “‘ original sources,” just as the same good people were startled at the idea of laboratories in chemistry or physics, or of sight reading in classics. There is nothing dangerous in sources if used for purposes which are within the abilities of pupils. Topics can well be prepared from secondary books which are fresh to the pupil ; but they can also be prepared from sources if you have them, and the quaintness and liveliness of much of this material make it more inter- esting to dig down through the crust of secondary works. The point of view must always be that the pupil’s result is incomplete, because he has not time, material, or judgment to come to any final conclusion ; but that he learns what, but for use of sources, neither he nor his friends could know. A pupil cannot be expected to weigh conflicting evidence or to reconcile disagreements, but he can state things as he finds them. However simple his work and small his result, however far it may be from “ original research,” it is nevertheless to him a voyage of discovery; and the statement of his results, if he really puts his mind upon it, is a creative act. To aid in such work a short list of desirable books may be suggested, containing only a few of the most important works in each field. A. Bibliographies of Sources Lists of select sources are to be found in various small books. Channing, Hart, and Turner’s Guide to the Study of American History (Boston, 1912) includes long classified lists of sources with exact titles. The editor of this book has prefixed lists of sources to each of the five volumes of American History told by Contemporaries. Sources are characterized by H. T. Tuckerman’s America and Her Commentators (New York, 1864), and Justin Winsor’s Narrative and Critical History of America (8 volumes, Boston, 1886-89). Sources may often be reached through footnotes and lists of works cited in standard secondary historians, especially Doyle, Bancroft (early edition), Channing, McMaster, Henry Adams, Rhodes, the 28 vol- umes of the American Nation a History, and in the more detailed biographies.ee nee de Sasa EG a Materials tor Source Study XX1 B. Collections of Reprints Available for Schools There are now various collections of related reprints in American history, besides several series of leaflets, obtainable in single numbers or in quantities. American History Leaflets. Edited by Albert Bushnell Hart and Edward Channing (New York, 1892-1913). — 36 numbers, chiefly documents; some complete, others made up of short related pieces. American History Told by Contemporaries. Edited by Albert Bushnell Hart (5 volumes, New York, 1897-1925). — Made up on the same general plan as the Source Book; the extracts are much longer and more numerous, and include many more subjects and authors. American Patriots and Statesmen. Edited by Albert Bushnell Hart (5 volumes, New York, 1916). Documentary Source Book of American History, 1606-1913. Edited by William MacDonald (new ed., New York, 1916). — Made up chiefly of constitutional and political documents. Library of American Literature from the Earliest Settlement to the Present Time. Edited by Edmund Clarence Stedman and Ellen Mackay Hutchinson (11 volumes, New York, 1888-90). — Extracts selected rather for their literary value than for their historical contents, but containing some of the choicest work of American statesmen and worthies; an excellent set for a school library. Old South Leaflets. Edited by Edwin D. Mead and others (Boston, 1883—-). — The earliest in the field; now about two hundred and twenty numbers; texts not carefully collated. Readings in American Constitutional History, 1776-1876. Edited by Allen Johnson (Boston, 1912). Readings in the Economic History of the United States. Edited by Ernest Ludlow Bogart and Charles Manfred Thompson (New York, Ig16). Sources and Documents Illustrating the American Revolution and the Formation of the Federal Constitution. Edited by Samuel Eliot Morison (New York, 1923).i 1 ( fl 7 : 4 iS ‘3 © P } fe y ¥ - ie P T nar ea XX1l Introduction C. Additional Sources Desirable for Schools To go beyond the sets of reprints leads one into a great mass of material, most of which is of so much interest and value that it is hard to discriminate and select. What any particular school can buy and profitably use depends on its means and its geographical situation. In making up a school library it is very desirable to have good sets of material on the local and State history, including the history of any colony of which the territory or the State was at any time a part. +. Local Records. — Printed town or city records, of the place in which the school is situated, and of the most important places in the State: where there are no local records, among the best of their kind are the Boston, Providence, New Amsterdam, New York City, Upland, Albany, Newark. >, State Records. —If none for the State in which the school 1s situated, the best for general use are those of Plymouth, Massachu- setts, New Hampshire, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Maryland, North Carolina: most useful of all are the Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New-York (15 vols.). 3. National Records. — Journals of the Continental Congress. On the Constitutional Conventions, Elliot’s Debates (5 vols.) is in- dispensable and easy to get. Max Farrand, Records of the Constitu- tional Convention (3 vols.) (1911) is the best recent compendium. Under the Constitutional government, at least one set of congressional documents for a Congress (two years) ; and any part of the printed de- bates is valuable, especially for the years 1789-93, 1797-99, 1811-13, 1819-21, 1835-37, 1849-51, 1853-55, 1859-61, 1863-65, 1867-60, 1895-97, 1913-17. A set or a partial set of the Statutes at Large 1s desirable. 4. Publications of Learned Societies. — Every school ought to have a set of the publications of its local and State historical societies if possible, or at least a partial set. The most valuable issues (nearly all relating to the period before 1861) are those of the societies of Maine, New Hampshire, Connecticut, New Haven, New York, New Jersey, Maryland, Virginia, South Carolina, Louisiana, Michigan,> : hrs sees aa ete Conte! fs Be ros 7 - E es a : +h (levee tty y ay ty : ee . aah = - - _ . —————— ————— — -—_— — = Secondary Schools XX111 Illinois, Minnesota, Iowa, Texas and especially of Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin. 5. Works of Public Men. — Out of hundreds of statesmen the most important are Franklin, John Adams, John Jay, Hamilton, Jefferson, Madison, Gallatin, Monroe, Jackson, Calhoun, Clay, Webster, Seward, Jefferson Davis, Blaine, Cleveland, McKinley, Hay, Taft, Wilson; especially Washington, Lincoln, and Roosevelt. 6. Autobiographies, Diaries, and Reminiscences. — Any local authority ; note especially Bradford, Winthrop, Samuel Sewall, Frank- lin, William Maclay, John Q. Adams, Van Buren, Polk, Welles, John and W. T. Sherman, George F. Hoar, U. S. Grant, John Bigelow, Andrew D. White, Carl Schurz. 7. Travels. — Especially those who have visited the locality or neighborhood; note W. Bartram, Burnaby, Chambers, Chastellux, Crevecour, James Hall; especially Josselyn, Kalm, Olmsted, Bryce. 8. Newspapers and Periodicals. — Newspapers are difficult to handle and early worn out, hence hardly suitable for a school library. The most serviceable for historical work are Niles’s Weekly Register, the National Intelligencer, the New York Tribune, the Nation, Liter- ary Digest, the New York Times and Current History, covering in succession the period from 1811 to date. The periodicals abound in interesting secondary and source materials, made available through the indexes. III. The Sources in Secondary Schools By RAY GREENE HULING, Sc.D. HEADMASTER OF THE CAMBRIDGE ENGLISH HIGH SCHOOL HE last decade has witnessed a marked change in the teaching of history in secondary schools. What before was characteristic of a few favored localities has now become widespread both in theoretic acceptance and in actual practice. In aims and in methods the advance, though later in point of time, has been quite comparable as to quality with the changes that have given our pupils “ originals ”’ in" a ma a reso OMe toy oy aed ul, a eh gt deka Seely Pevethte Sy oes lei el ple tas ylake phate pty Seep pig gety eT Serre yt et ervey esiy sata | eat) oe XX1V Introductions geometry, and have ‘ntroduced them to laboratory practice in the physical and biological sciences. The rapid growth of the movement is largely due to the open-mindedness of the teachers; for, seeing the superior value to their pupils of the more strenuous work, they have eagerly welcomed methods which materially add to their own labors. Therefore the newer conceptions have caused the growth of associa- tions of teachers; and by the initiative of college instructors in this field have taken form in new requirements for admission to college. The interest aroused has also produced a considerable body of litera- ture, and especially has led to a demand for more abundant and adequate material to be used in daily work. To this demand the present volume is a direct and competent response. The most important element in the change is doubtless the emphasis now laid on the disciplinary aims of the study of history. It has always been held, and is yet held, that a body of well selected historical facts should be acquired. It is now believed, however, that these facts are not really acquired by children and youth merely by reading and memoriter work, and that a more effective way to train both memory and reason is so to organize these facts in the process of acquisition as to set up in the pupils’ minds by repeated practice accu- rate and persistent intellectual habits, — in the secondary school the processes which are grouped under the terms, imagination, memory, judgment, and reasoning. It is also held that in these schools history should yield ethical ideals, stimulate right emotions, and thus train moral character; that by means of it the pupil should become more facile and precise with tongue and pen; and that when school ends for him, he should step forth the possessor of sufficient knowledge, sufficient interest, and sufficient power to warrant a continuance of historical study by private effort. It is hoped that the final outcome of the pursuit of history, even in the secondary schools, may be a constant application of the lessons of the past to the problems of the present, — the tendency to see all things in historical perspective. Certainly there are few richer gifts which these schools have to bestow. A natural result of this enlargement of purpose is a change to F) A fi du ri fi ‘ \ a c i gs se ae ee Te oe ane PY Sao fo ae iaSecondary Schools XXV methods more adequate and more varied. A text-book is used, as before, to give a thread of continuity to the whole work, but it is no longer the exclusive reliance. Collateral reading is added in some variety. Atlases and maps are studied and reproduced. Objective illustrations, — pictures, weapons, specimens of dress, household utensils, and other vealia, — are utilized as in the natural sciences. Then, in the classroom, tests are applied to determine the reaction of the pupil’s mind on this material: intelligent application is stimu- lated in a variety of ways, by requiring written summaries of assigned collateral reading, by calling for continuous oral statements of the course of events within a particular period, by short, sharp questions about definite facts, by impromptu or prepared discussions upon debatable questions. Skill in selection is trained by topical work, skill in judgment by instituting comparisons and searching for causes, skill in expression by the acceptance of none but well written papers or recitations made in correct form. Inasmuch as there are differences of mental power among children in the secondary school, ranging in age as they do from thirteen to nineteen years, some care must be taken to adapt our aims and methods to the order of mental growth established by nature; other- wise we shall be found demanding bricks without straw, or failing to utilize the full capacity of the learner. Obviously with the younger classes stress should be laid on the cultivation of the memory and the imagination, and with the older increasingly upon the logical processes ; but during the whole period an appeal can be made by a discriminating teacher with safety and with hope of profit to all the activities which have been mentioned. But the teacher who welcomes the enlarged hopes concerning the study of history and values aright the more modern methods, finds certain difficulties confronting him as soon as he essays the broader instruction. Not to enumerate them all, let us mention one that is obvious. A well selected working library should be provided, wherein quality is of even more importance than quantity, desirable as is the latter; and even a well chosen library is seen to be a bewildering field into which to turn boys and girls, to say nothing of some bewilderedrd ie} 5 e ed ’ A = bats eeadatrd Saas Case med eae ates ad EE Pah eed CS I PeP TS er eed eee Samer seed bey one tet Devise ave ay er wT Dad BGI a Ee eeT Tat ea Dada hed ek Fail dd Lanes SE oe = Se 2 aes Xxvl Introductions teachers. But so great is the advantage that may be derived from collateral reading, and from the ability to use books wisely as to con- tents and economically as to time, that no difficulties ought to be regarded as insurmountable until enough books of a suitable kind are obtained and efficient guides to their use have been found. Such a book and such a guide, combining a double office of helpful- ness, teachers of the history of our own land will henceforth have in this Source Book of American History. It isa compilation, to be sure, but the judgment displayed in the character, the length, the order, and the annotation of the selections reveals an unusual understanding of the needs of teachers and pupils in the secondary schools. The extracts are above all interesting in themselves, and for their liveliness will attract the attention of many who care more for literature than for history as such. They also throw a flood of light on the setting of historical episodes, helping us to see with the eyes of our forbears, and making the times of which they speak living scenes, almost visible before our faces. They come to our consciousness with the force of fresh testimony from eye-witnesses, and therefore embed themselves within the memory and move the emotions as no narrative at second hand can possibly do. The stories they have to tell are often quaint in style, but they are easy to comprehend, and never so long in any case as to be tedious. The hard thing, indeed, will be not to read them all at a sitting, and so to diminish the freshness of their force when we desire them, on closer study, to yield their full aid in mental discipline. They whet our appetite and at the same time point to laden tables, whither we may turn at our leisure, or our need, for ampler feasts. The antique form of the more ancient documents is retained for the sake of accuracy and of distinctness of impression; yet nothing is left obscure for lack of due explanation. Their range covers the whole period of our history ; their variety is as broad as the capacity of youth for appreciation; the marginal comments are terse and sensible. One can scarcely conceive of a more efficient or more timely gift to historical instruction in the secondary school. Let us turn now to some consideration of the uses of which this little volume is capable as a means of realizing the aims of modern historySecondary Schools XXVll work. We cannot, however, treat the matter exhaustively or other- wise than by the merest suggestion, which every teacher must amplify according to his judgment. Since school instruction is mainly through class work, and since ordi- narily all members of a class find it convenient to consult their most used books at one and the same time, there should be supplied as many copies of the Source Book as there are members of the class. A less number will be helpful, but will not yield the full service desirable. Among the younger pupils its first use is to minister to the stimulation of interest and the development of historical imagination. As ma- turity warrants, it may be employed in a search for motives, in com- parisons, and in the determination of logical relations. In classes of all ages, it may be made the means of illuminating the narrative of the textbook, of stimulating curiosity so as to lead students farther afield, and of cultivating intelligent reading and competent expression. An appropriate selection from this volume should be made a part of the assignment as reading collateral to the text or to the topic under con- sideration, and the definite time for its completion should be stated. When that time arrives, in connection with the ordinary recitation, the pupils should be led to reproduce the picture given in the selection read, to mention what new facts have been gleaned from it, to indicate what they like or especially dislike in the narrative, and otherwise to comment upon their reading. At times they should be asked to pre- sent written summaries of the incidents mentioned or the personal characteristics described. Later on this written work may take the form of comparisons and of inferences drawn from them. For in- stance, in the first selection, Columbus shows us the simple, credulous spirit of the West Indian natives, and their liberality toward the new- comers, whom they deemed “ beings of a celestial race.” In the sixth selection, Champlain recounts the cruelties practised on enemies by his savage allies, the Hurons. In the ninth, Spelman makes a third contribution to our knowledge of the customs of the natives. Later we have other pictures of them by the Sieur de Tonty, by an unknown Puritan, by Peter Kalm, by Patrick Gass, and by Commissioner Morgan. These varying accounts, as they come in due course, willernie PEER yey | XXVI111 Introductions lead to natural comparisons and discussion, all tending to make definite a composite portrait of the Aborigines, and to increase in- tellectual power. With somewhat older students, it will not be hard to stimulate a deeper search into the content of these pages. Many will be interested to see if they can find from the documents them- selves, without accepting any hints from the notes, whether the several authors of the nine selections numbered from 53 to 61 were in heart “for us” or “‘ against us ”’ in the Revolutionary War; and they will be glad to give reasons for their opinions. The admirable topics which appear in the first introduction will abundantly furnish sugges- tions for severer requirements. Yet after all the sight of this Source Book may elicit from some hard- worked teacher the frank objection, “‘ But it takes more time!” No better answer was ever made than by the late and lamented Mary Sheldon Barnes: ‘‘ Good friend, it does; and it takes more time to solve a problem in arithmetic than to read its answer; and more time to read a play of Shakespeare than to read that Shakespeare was the greatest dramatist of all the ages; and more time, finally, to read the American Constitution and the American newspaper, and make up your mind how to vote your own vote, than it does to be put into a ‘block of five.’ But what 1s time for? ” IV. The Sources in Normal Schools By PROFESSOR EMMA M. RIDLEY IOWA STATE NORMAL SCHOOL ERHAPS no subject has undergone a greater transformation in the last few years than history. This is without doubt due to an appreciation of the personal element in history, — to a realization of the fact that the makers of past history were human beings, men and women like ourselves, with the same mixture of good and bad impulses and motives, the same hopes and fears, the same ambitions and desires. We at last can say with Emerson: ‘‘ We sympathize in the—— —_ Denad ra ies BERS Rae EO. 24 oe ae Normal Schools XX1X great movements of history, in the great discoveries, the great resist- ances, the great prosperities of men, because their law was enacted, the sea was searched, the land was found, or the blow was struck for us, as we ourselves in that place would have done or applauded.” In the study of history, as in other subjects, two things are to be considered, — a mastery of the subject-matter and the development of the pupil’s mind. The bare facts and dates may perhaps be obtained and even the memory developed under the old textbook system, but it is impossible to get into the spirit of the period studied, or to develop the reason, judgment, imagination, by any such process. Some more stimulating influence is needed. Until very recently the stimulus of first-hand acquaintance with even a few sources was not possible for schools, even for Normal Schools, because it was a long and costly task to get together a sufficient library of sources to be really representative. Such books as this solve the problem: for they put into the hand of the individual pupil a body of material brief enough to be used in the time usually allotted, and yet full enough to preserve the continuity of American history from its beginning to the present time. The reader of the Source Book will at once be struck by the live- liness of American history. The accounts of the discoverers and explorers are not less exciting than the tales of the Arabian Nights. The effects of lives of struggle and adventure are seen in the reckless, adventurous class of immigrants who came to Virginia. The principle of state sovereignty becomes more intelligible to the pupil who traces it from the beginning in the foundation and rivalries of the separate colonies. How the practical side of Puritan character comes out in the plaint of Colonel Byrd: ‘ tho’ with Respect to Rum, the Saints of New England I fear will find out some trick to evade your Act of Parlia- ment.”” Slavery becomes a vital thing when the Virginia Assembly legislates on it, a governor of South Carolina defends it, William Lloyd Garrison is mobbed for it, Charity Bowery gives her experience of it, and John Brown goes to the scaffold defying it. And the real causes of the Civil War are shadowed forth in the speeches of Abraham Lin- coln and Alexander H. Stephens.peeiye iL Aye pee) a XXX Introductions Another advantage of the source method is the widening of one’s circle of friends. The pupil finds his heroes and heroines whose good points he henceforth consciously or unconsciously imitates and into whose place as makers of history he tries to put himself. Let no one suppose, however, that the method for which this book is planned is automatic. Good tools alone cannot insure a perfect piece of workmanship: the teacher must be a zealous and hard-working general manager, and the pupils must be earnest and faithful workmen. First the teacher must see that the extracts are in the hands of each pupil, with the understanding that they are to be studied, not merely read. Textbooks or good secondary histories, up-to-date narratives, should always be used in connection with the Source Book; for each supplements the other. To insure a thorough study of the extract the teacher should suggest some questions or ask for the development of some line of thought as the lesson is assigned. For example, if the study is Columbus (pp. I- 3), the pupil may be asked to form his opinion of the motives and character of Columbus from his own letter; his notions of the Indians, and his treatment of them; let him discover whether the descriptions are true to facts, later established ; and determine in his own mind how far Columbus deserves praise or censure from our modern standards. Broad generalization cannot be expected from brief extracts; what is to be sought is that the pupil may think about what he reads. The lessons should be short at first and very specific, because the method is new and the old English and spelling are hard to understand. The method must vary with the age and previous preparation of the pupil. Each extract should be regarded as a problem to be solved by honest study and thought on the part of the pupil. The result will be his opinion of the causes and results of the circumstances under consid- eration. The opinion must always be proved from the extract. This method takes more time for both pupil and teacher, but the gain in interest, in mental discipline, in citizenship, in manhood and womanhood is correspondingly great. The pupil may not know as many facts at the close of a term’s study, but he will have gained such an insight into human nature, such an appreciation of the relation ofNormal Schools XXX1 results to causes that life and his relations to it will have a better and deeper meaning tohim. History will then do its proper work of raising the standard of patriotism and civic virtue. This book will be especially appreciated by Normal Schools, for to them the source method appeals, not only because of the advantage to the student himself, but also because the Normal trained teacher should go out into the field well equipped with the newest and best methods. Notwithstanding the fact that it is the province of the Normal School to devote much of its time to the so-called common branches, there is always a tendency among the students to feel that since they have had these subjects in the grades, it is a waste of time “to take them again”; and hence they apply for test examinations. That this is often the case in United States history, cannot be wondered at, since these students usually feel that all of American history is com- prised within the covers of a brief and inaccurate textbook. Normal teachers will find that source study will greatly alleviate this difficulty, for source material never gets old and worn out. The teacher who has used this method learns that history does not consist in committing to memory statements found in some narrative text, but that it means mental development through contact with realities, and power to reach conclusions for oneself. Once accustomed to the method, one need not stop studying American history because a few facts have been acquired, any more than one drops mathematics when he has learned the multiplication table. Other Normals will find, as the Iowa State Normal has found, that under this method requests for anticipatory tests will decrease at least three fourths, because students become convinced that history by this method is not merely a review, but a serious subject demanding serious study ; that it will develop all his mental powers and enable him to see Ameri- can history in a new light. It must not be forgotten that the Normal students are to be teachers. Can any one be too well equipped, too well balanced for such work ? The great need to-day is for men and women who can think; for citizens capable of forming sound judgments in social and govern- mental matters. The opportunity for meeting this demand rests verya eer A A RR Teen eal) ii ae XXX11 Introductions largely with those teachers who have power in themselves to develop thought and call out originality in the pupils. The Normal trained teacher, who has himself had the advantage of the source method in history as well as the source or laboratory method in physics, chem- istry, or botany will most nearly meet the requirements. This volume, placed in the hands of a Normal student and studied as it should be, will not only put him more in sympathy with his own country than ever before, will not only develop his own reason and judgment, but will enable him to make history a power in the schoolroom. The effect of the use of such a book as this in the future teacher’s own grasp of the subject must not be forgotten: the careful reading of selected sources fills the mind with illustrations, and adds the lively details which make recitations interesting to the pupils and easy for the teacher. Of course for preparation for classroom work the teacher will go farther into source material, through such collections as are described in Introduction IV, below, and in the sidenotes throughout this book; and he will find useful the helps for teachers which appear in these introductions. The teacher who introduces the source method into a Normal School will constantly have the pleasure of hearing students testify that for the first time history has been interesting and profitable to them, be- cause it has made them thoughtful, critical, inquiring, and even original. History can do nothing for us, be nothing to us, unless it be vitalized. This book rightly used cannot fail to accomplish this, its purpose. V. Subjects for Topical Study from Sources HIS book is too brief to furnish much material for topical study, and hence references are made throughout to other collections. The advantages of written work are well known, in giving point and definiteness to the pupil’s knowledge, and in affording training in the use of books, in the analysis of material, and in stating things to other people; and discussions of various kinds of written work will be found ‘n the various treatises on the teachings of history. One of the prin-Subjects for Topics XXX111 cipal difficulties in such work is to find topics which are simple and definite enough for young pupils, upon which information may readily be obtained, and which are not complicated by contested questions. In many of the recent textbooks lists of such subjects will be found, as well as in Channing, Hart, and Turner’s Guide (topical heads in Parts II, III). ‘There are also several outlines and outline histories of the United States which are made up almost wholly of topics; a list of such will be found in the Guide, § 16 b. In the editor’s Manual of American History, Diplomacy,and Government (Cambridge, 1908) are about two thousand subjects of a more advanced character, in- tended primarily for college students. The following list is intended to include only subjects upon which interesting material can be found in comparatively small libraries of sources. A very large list might also be made of more special and minute questions, and of historical incidents. It is impossible to make them all equally difficult or equally interesting, but the asterisks mark especially likely topics; each of the subheads under the numbered headings is supposed to be a sufficient subject for a piece of written work, so that about a thousand topics are here suggested. 1. Discoveries 1. Physical conditions of America at the time of discovery: *wild animals; *forests; trees; birds; *tobacco; fruits; *Indian corn; fish; Indian sugar; metals. 2. Indians: houses; clothing; families; chiefs; *councils; weap- ons; journeys; worship; friendship for whites; *warpath. 3. What did one of the following Spanish discoverers find that was not known to Europeans? Columbus, first voyage; second voyage; third voyage; “fourth voyage; *Balboa; Pineda; Vespucci; *Ponce de Leon; De Ayllon; Cabeza de Vaca; *Coronado. 4. What did each of the following French explorers discover? *Ver- razano; *Cartier, first and second voyages; Cartier, third voyage ; *Father Jogues; *Champlain; Nicolet; *Marquette; Hennepin; *La Salle; Bienville; *Iberville.Preemie ri) ei ee Le eek ee XXX1V Introductions 5. What was actually discovered by the following English ex- plorers? John Cabot; Sebastian Cabot; *Sir Francis Drake; *Sir Walter Raleigh; John Rut; Sir Humphrey Gilbert; *Amadas and Barlow: Gosnold; Pring; Weymouth; *Captain John Smith. 6. What was discovered by one of the following Dutch explorers? *Henry Hudson; De Vries. 1. Conditions of Settlement ». Previous life in England of some early settlers: Bradford; *Winthrop; Vane; John Smith; Say and Sele. 8. Settlers: public buildings; *houses; blockhouses; *inland journeys; canoe voyages; “trading with Indians; weapons; food; crops; cattle. wi. First Era of Colonization 9. The great companies: *Plymouth Company; London Com- pany; Grand Council for New England; *Massachusetts Bay Com- pany. 10. Virginia: *boundaries ; *town of Jamestown ; town of Wilhams- burg ; John Smith as governor ; Edward Wingfield as governor; Dale as governor ; *first Assembly ; Sir William Berkeley ; *incidents of Bacon’s Rebellion; *first slaves. 11. Maryland: *boundaries ; territorial map ; first settlement ; quar- rels with Pennsylvania ; troubles with Clayborne; a Catholic family in Maryland; a Puritan family in Maryland; *tobacco culture. 12. The Carolinas: *boundaries; territorial maps; Puritans; a re- bellion; boundary quarrels with Virginia; Indians. 13. Plymouth: biography of some worthy, as *Bradford, Carver, Winslow, *Brewster, Robinson, Standish; life of a Pilgrim in Holland ; *account of an escape from England; *Hampton Court Conference ; *Archbishop Laud’s opinion of Puritans; James I’s opinion of Puri- tans; *what do we know about the “ Mayflower ” voyage? Plymouth fish trade; dealings with Indians; *early town meetings ; Plymouth patent; union with Massachusetts.Subjects for Topics XXXV 14. Massachusetts: *Merry Mount; *why did Boston become the chief town? relations with Indians; biography of some worthy, as *Winthrop, Endicott, Saltonstall, “Higginson, *Vane, Coddington, “Dudley; opinions expressed by Charles II; investigation by com- missioners; *Governor Andros; *revolution of 1689. 15. Rhode Island: *what did Anne Hutchinson teach? *Roger Wil- liams; first settlement at Providence; Gorton; first settlement at Newport; charter obtained; religious liberty. 16. Connecticut: *boundaries ; Dutch on the Connecticut ; *“emigra- tion from Cambridge; relations with Indians ; Pequod War; founding of New Haven; annexation of New Haven; “‘ Fundamental Orders”’ ; Governor Andros; *Charter Oak. 17. New Hampshire and Maine: boundaries; Mason claim ; *Gorges claim ; first settlements ; city of Agamenticus ; fishermen. 18. New England Confederation: *why formed? *account of a meeting; quarrels with Massachusetts ; quarrels with the Dutch; charitable work; *why did it break up? Iv. Second Era of Colonization 19. Dutch settlements: boundaries on the Delaware; *New Am- sterdam ; Fort Orange; Governor Stuyvesant; *Governor Kieft ; re- lations with Indians; account of a patroonate; Five Nations. 20. New York: why did the English wish New Amsterdam? *why could not the Dutch defend New Amsterdam? *“ Duke’s Laws 1664. and other places around Fort Amsterdam, which not only Fort Amster- prevents the cultivation of fine orchards and the improve- dam was - . es . a ; ey +e . 1 Als c ] c Cc aaa Ree ey ment of lots, but 1s also an Injury to many pris ate parties, the foot of Therefore wishing to remedy it, the Director General and Bowlin ~ ak : Council order, that henceforth no hogs or goats shall be Green. pastured or kept between Fort New Amsterdam and its vicinity and the Fresh Water, unless within the fences of the owners, so made, that the goats cannot jump over and dam- age any one... . We have learned by experience, that on New Years Day and Mayday the firing of guns, the planting of Maypoles and the intemperate drinking cause, besides the useless waste of powder, much drunkenness and other insolent practices with sad accidents of bodily injury[ ;] and to prevent this in the future the Director General and Council strictly forbid within the Province of New Netherland, the firing of guns on New Years and Mayday, the planting of Maypoles, the noisy beating of drums and the treating with wine, brandy or beer[ ;] and they do so, to prevent further About a mishaps, under a fine of 12 fl. [florins] for the first time, Poe double the amount for the second time and arbitrary cor- heavy fine. rection for the third offense, to be divided 4 to the officer, 1 to the poor and 4 for the informer. . : ‘ f i } ; 5 i A Se PE enh rr oan ny ae eT 8 tt a ete ae fies Pad gk an ce At this time Scotland was still a sepa- rate kingdom from Eng- land. A very early example of direct trade with the Indian Ocean. See above, No, 24. een Sen] EG eer gO Early Colonial Life [1679 toucheth taketh in coals or some slight goods, goes for Scot- land and there receives great quantities of linen & other Scotish goods what they think best to bring & coming here by her English clearings at the Ports &c. abovesaid passeth for current without farther inquisition. The French, Spanish & what Country else European trade in like nature passeth home under the pretence of French or Spanish salt &c. by which from France they import all that Country wares[,] as Linen, Wines, Rubans [ ribbons ], Silks &c. from Spaine wines, fruits, oyle [oil ;] Portugall the like goods &c. from hence transport as afores® [ aforesaid | under the notion of fish to all these places what will turn to account. Here is just now a ship returned from Madagascar[ ;]| by the way put severall Negroes on shore at Jamaica, she touched I hear at severall parts of East India & besides hath brought Elephant teeth where she got them knows not [is not known], she hath been a year & 3 out. For my part I have thought this my duty both to my King & yourselves[,] in that place [which] (under your favor) I enjoy, to advise that these irregular courses may be pre- vented & care taken as your wisdomes herein may appoint, without which not only many of His Ma’ Liege People will be oppressed ; But my Masters the Lords Proprietors of the County of Albemarle in the County of Carolina will through their interest of trade there be kept in faction & Rebellion as now it is and for severall yeare hath been & they [are] the cause wholy that their Lordships government cannot take place. I shall omitt no time nor paines in the execution of my office according to my capacity & wholy follow your Instruc- tions and Orders & indeavour to regulate [matters] within my power & by all opportunities give advice of all occurrences. William L. Saunders, editor, 7%e Colonial Records of North Carolina (Raleigh, 1886), I, 244-246 passzm.— = —ee nen No.34] Southern Plantations gI 34. Plantation Life in Virginia (1648) HE Governor Sz7x Wiliam, caused half a bushel of Rice (which he had procured) to be sowen [sown], and it prospered gallantly, and he had fifteen bushhels of it, excellent good Rice, so that all these fifteen bushels will be sowen again this yeer; and we doubt not in a short time to have Rice so plentiful as to afford it at 2° a pound if not cheaper, for we perceive the ground and Climate is very proper for it as our /Vegroes affirme, which in their Country is most of their food, and very healthful for our bodies. We have many thousand of Acres of cleer Land, I mean where the wood is all off it (for you must know all Virginia is full of trees) and we have now going neer upon a hun- dred and fifty Plowes, with many brave yoak of Oxen, and we sowe excellent Wheat, Barley, Rye, Beans, Pease, Oates ; and our increase is wonderful, and better Grain not in the world. One Captain Brocas, a Gentleman of the Counsel, a great Traveller, caused a Vineyard to be planted, and hath most excellent VVine made, and the Country, he saith, [is] as proper for Vines as any in Christendome, Vines indeed naturally growing over all the Country in abundance: only skilful men [are] wanting here. . . Worthy Captaine Matthews, an old Planter of above thirty yeers standing, one of the Counsell, and a most de- serving Common-wealths-man, I may not omit to let you know this Gentlemans industry. He hath a fine house, and all things answerable to it; he sowes yeerly store of Hempe and Flax, and causes it to be spun; he keeps Weavers, and hath a Zan-house, causes Leather to be dressed, hath eight Shoemakers employed in their trade, hath forty /Vegroe servants, brings them up to Zrades in his house: He yeerly sowes abundance of Wheat, ANONY- MOUS. From a letter writ- ten in 1648, and ap- pended toa description of Virginia sent to Eng- and “‘at the request ofa gentleman of worthy note, who desired to know the true state of Virginia as it now stands.” — For the life ofa Southern planter, see Contempora- ries, I, Nos. 61, 87, 88; IT, Nos, 82, 83, 108. “ Sir Wil- liam “= Sir William Berkeley. The Caro- linas later came to su- persede Vir- ginia asa rice-produc- ing district. The woods were cut by the settlers. A striking example of the Southern planter, who produced the necessaries for his own plantation. ‘ a ri 7 Ms P d 1 Pi ee ee eeeQ2 Early Colonial Life [x667-1680 Barley, &c, Zhe VVheat he selleth at four shillings the bushell; kills store of Beeves, and sells them to victuall the ships when they come thither: hath abundance of Kine, a brave Dairy, Swine great store, and Poltery [poultry] ; he married the Daughter of Sir Zo. Hin¢on, and in a word, keeps a good house, lives bravely, and [is] a true lover of Virginia ; he is worthy of much hononr[-our]. Our Spring begins the tenth of 7edvuwary, the trees bud, the grasse springs, and our Autume and fall of Leafe is in November, our VVinter short, and most yeers very gentle, Snow lies but little, yet Yce [ice] some yeers. See Gov- I may not forget to tell you we have a Free-Schoole, ee with two hundred Acres of Land, a fine house upon it, forty of1671,in milch Kine, and other accommodations to it: the Bene- which he ~ : . eiates that factor deserves perpetuall memory ; his name A/7. Benjamin there areno Syyes, worthy to be Chronicled; other petty Schools also free schools : : in Virginia, We have. but that the PR cic ; 5 - room: A ; 4 system is that VVe have most rare coloured Parraketoes [ parroquets ], followed in and one Bird we call the /ock-bird ; for he will imitate all pa ~= oT 150 Revolution (1777 expire Janu- runs through Trenton, at different places ; but, finding the ary1,1777- forts guarded, they halted, and kindled their fires. Wewere PSO UaSinL. drawn up on the other side of the creek. In this situation we remained till dark, cannonading the enemy, and receiv- ing the fire of their field-pieces, which did us but little damage. Having by this time discovered, that the enemy were greatly superior in number, and that their design was to surround us, I ordered all our baggage to be removed silently to Burlington soon after dark ; and at twelve o’clock after renewing our fires, and leaving guards at the bridge in Trenton, and other passes on the same stream above, marched by a roundabout road to Princeton, where I knew they could not have much force left, and might have stores. One thing I was certain of, that it would avoid the appearance of a retreat (which was of consequence, OF to run the hazard of the whole army being cut off), whilst we The British Might by a fortunate stroke withdraw General Howe from commander. Trenton, and give some reputation to our arms. Happily we succeeded. We found Princeton about sunrise, with only three regiments and three troops of light-horse in it, two of which were on their march to Trenton. ‘These three regiments, especially the two first, made a gallant resistance, and, in killed, wounded, and prisoners, must have lost five hundred men; upwards of one hundred of them were left dead on the field ; and, with what I have with me and what were taken in the pursuit and carried across the Delaware, there are near three hundred prisoners, fourteen of whom are peaked ee tt aL » f 1 i} i i t a r f officers, all British. ... _.. We took two brass field-pieces; but, for want of horses, could not bring them away. We also took some blankets, shoes, and a few other trifling articles, burned the hay, and destroyed such other things, as the shortness of the time would admit of... . The militia are taking spirits, and, | am told, are oP 7 ae Oe Sortesyntett> a a ate ys a cafe iaie kat Foebel Tok Ilo rae “ ta eer eeeNo. 60] A Lady’s Experience 151 coming in fast from this State [New Jersey]; but I fear those from Philadelphia will scarcely submit to the hardships of a winter campaign much longer, especially as they very unluckily sent their blankets with their baggage to Burlington. I must do them the justice however to add, that they have undergone more fatigue and hardship, than I expected militia, especially citizens, would have done at this inclem- ent season. Iam just moving to Morristown, where I shall endeavor to put them under the best cover Ican. Hitherto we have been without any; and many of our poor soldiers quite barefoot, and ill clad in other respects. George Washington, Writings (edited by Worthington Chaun- cey Ford, New York, etc., 1890), V, 146-151 passim. ee 60. A Southern Lady’s Experience of War (1780) HILE the officers were there discoursing, word was brought that a party of the enemy were at a neigh- boring plantation, not above two miles off, carrying pro- visions away. In an instant the men were under arms, formed and marched away to the place. We were dread- fully alarmed at the first information, but, upon seeing with what eagerness our friends marched off, and what high spirits they were in, we were more composed, but again relapsed into our fears when we heard the discharge of fire-arms ; they did not stay out long; but returned with seven pris- oners, four whites and three blacks. When they came to the door, we looked out, and saw two of M’Girth’s men with them, who had used us so ill; my heart relented at sight of them, and I could not forbear looking at them with an eye of pity. Ah! thought I, how fickle is fortune! but By ELIZA WILKINSON, a young and beautiful widow, at the time of the Revolution living on her father’s estate in South Carolina, Her narrative has the charm of the personal ele- ment and of local color, — For another picture of Revolution- ary events and condi- tions bya feminine hand, see Contempora- ries, II, No. 192.— On the campaign in the South,5 H | A i i i i i ' is Hs ij } 2 } i, H iF see Contem- poraries, Il, ch, XxXxlv. Daniel McGiurth, a South Caro- lina hunter and trapper, who had acted as scout to the American army, tilla flogging given him for some offence caused him to go over to the Tories. A short time before the events here recorded his men had ridden up to the home of the Wilkin- sons, but had refrained from frighten- ing or plun- dering the inmates, as a band of Brit- ish troops had done shortly before. prs Pes 1 nh Teeay 152 Revolution piesa two days ago these poor wretches were riding about as if they had nothing to fear, and terrifying the weak and help- less by their appearance ; now, what a humbled appearance do they make! But, basely as they have acted in taking up arms against their country, they have still some small sense left that they were once Americans, but now no longer so, for all who act as they do, forfeit that name ; and by adopt- ing the vices of those they join, become one with them ; but these poor creatures seem to have yet remaining some token of what they once were — else why did they, last Thursday, behave so much better to us than the Britons did, when we were equally as much in their power as we were in the others’? I will let them see I have not forgot it. I arose, and went out to them. “I am sorry, my friends, (1 could not help calling them /rzezds when they were in our power, ) to see you in this situation, you treated us with respect ; and I cannot but be sorry to see you in distress.” “It is the fortune of war, Madam, and soldiers must expect ite) Welle you need not make yourselves uneasy ; I hope Americans won’t treat their prisoners ill. Do, my friends, (to the sol- diers) use these men well—they were friendly to us. “Yes, Madam,” said they; “they shall be used well if it was only for that.” I asked if they would have any thing to drink. Yes, they would be glad of some water. I had some got, and as their hands were tied, I held the glass to their mouths ; they bowed, and were very thankful for it. I was so busy, I did not observe the officers in the house ; several of them were at the door and window, smiling at 3 me, which, when I perceived, I went in and told them how it was. They promised that the men should be favored for their behavior tous. ‘“ Madam,” said one, “ you would make a bad soldier ; however, if I was of the other party, and taken prisoner, I should like to fall into your hands.” I smiled a reply, and the conversation took another turn. . . A detachment of two or three hundred men, commandedwo:6o] A Lady's Experience 153 by Col. Malmady, were ordered on Father’s Island; they had a field-piece with them, and there they staid some time to command the river, which prevented the poor red coats from taking their accustomed airings. When they had been there a day or two, a company of horsemen rode up to the house we were in, and told us the General was coming along, and would be there presently; they had scarcely spoken, when three or four officers appeared in view. ‘They rode up ; (Colonel Roberts was with them, he and Father were old acquaintances.) He introduced one of the officers to Father. “General Lincoln, Sir!” Mother was at the door. She turned to us, “O girls, Gen. Lincoln !’? — We flew to the door, joy in our countenances! for we had heard such a character of the General, that we wanted to see him much. When he quitted his horse, and I saw him limp along, I can’t describe my feelings. The thought that his limping was occasioned by defending his country from the invasion of a cruel and unjust enemy, created in me the utmost veneration and tender concern for him. You never saw Gen. Lincoln, Mary?—TI think he has something exceeding grave, and even solemn, in his aspect ; not fordzddingly so neither, but a something in his countenance that commands respect, and He did not stay above an hour or two with us, and then proceeded on to camp. That night, two or three hundred men quartered at the plantation we were at. As many of the officers as could, slept in the hall, (the house being very small, and only in- tended for an overseer’s house). We wanted to have beds made for them. No, they would not have them on any account, — ‘beds were not for soldiers, the floor or the earth served them as well as anywhere else.” ‘And now,” said Major Moore, “1’ll show you how soon a soldier’s bed ” and, taking his surtout, spread it on the floor — “There,” said he, “I assure you I sleep as well on that hard lodging as ever I slept on a feather-bed.”” — ‘‘ You may say strikes assurance dumb. is made, General Benjamin Lincoln, On account of the depre- dations of the British, the family had been compelled ta leave their home and take refuge on another plantation,By CAPTAIN GEORG PAUSCH (1740-1796), Hessian officer, chief of the Hesse- Hanau artil- lery in the Burgoyne campaign. His journal is one of the most valu- able accounts that we have of the Ger- mans in the Revolution. Naturally he was some- what preju- diced against the rival Brit- ish troops. The follow- ing is an ex- tract from his description of the battle of Freeman's Farm, October 7, {777-— Revolution (1777 154 what you please, Major,” (said Miss Samuells,) “but I’m sure a soldier’s life is a life of hardships and sorrows.” “ In- deed, Madam, I think it the best life in the world ; it’s what I delight in.” ‘I wish all soldiers delighted in it at this juncture,”’ (said I,) “ because every thing they hold dear is at stake, and demands their presence and support in the field.” Eliza Wilkinson, Letters during the Invasion and Posses- ston of Charlestown, S.C. by the British in the Revolutionary War (edited by Caroline Gilman, New York, 1839), 62-78 passim. 61. Hard Fighting at Saratoga CU) EANWHILE, work was still progressing on the en- trenchments of our two wings; and it took, by the way, 2 of an hour to march from one wing of our army to the other; during which march, not the least sign of the enemy was seen, nor were we molested by him in the least. Presently, by order of Major Williams of the English Artillery, the two 12 pound cannon were brought up and placed in front of the above named house, and after being made ready, they were loaded. ments meant; but I shortly afterward learned from Capt. Gen. Quarter-Master Gerlach, that it was intended to make a diversion at this point; and that the corps was for the protection of the general staff. At the same time, word was sent into the entrenchments of Breymann and Fraser, and the foragers ordered to cut down the corn-stalks yet stand- ing in our rear. (This is called “foraging.” ) An Eng- lish officer now arrived in haste, saying that there were no cannon on the flank of the left wing, and that I must immediately send one of mine. Against this I protested, No one knew what all these arrange-No. 61] Fight at Saratoga iss on the ground that I had but two cannon, and in case of complying with his wish I should only be able to serve one gun; that I desired, if it was a general order to march there either with both of the cannon or to give up neither—one cannon being no command for a subaltern, to say nothing of a captain ; and finally, that they had four 6 pound cannon of their own, of which one had but just gone past the left wing. ‘The officer at this made himself scarce and brought no other order; and I remained at the post which I had myself chosen and occupied. After the lapse of half an hour we noticed a few patrols in the woods, and on the height to the left of the wood ; and, at the same moment, the above mentioned two 12 pounders opened fire. Shortly after this, a large number of the enemy’s advance- guard, who were in the bushes, engaged our Yagers, Chas- seurs, and Volunteers. The action extended all along the front, the enemy appearing in force. During this time, and while both sides were thus contending, and I was serving my cannon, there marched out of the enemy’s entrenchment on their left wing, at a “ double quick” and in squares, two strong columns, one towards our right, and the other towards our left wing ; while, at the same moment, additional forces of the enemy poured down in troops to reinforce those who were already engaged with us, and advanced madly and blindly in the face of a furious fire. The attack began on the left wing with a terrific musketry fire, but, in a few minutes, the enemy repulsed it; while the cannon, sent there by the English Artillery, was captured by the enemy before a single shot had been fired from them. And now, the firing from cannon and small arms began to get very brisk on our right wing. At this junction, our left wing retreated in the greatest possible disorder, thereby causing a similar rout among our German command, which was stationed behind the fence in For the Hes: Slans, see Contempora- y2es. (I: ch. xx1x. — For the cam- paign, see Contempora- rites Li INo: 197. Yagers = light infantry chosen chiefly from foresters.William P, Smith, a lieutenant, later colonel in the Royal Artillery. HENRI ote 156 Revolution Gare line of battle. They retreated —or to speak more plainly — they left their position without informing me, although I was but fifty paces in advance of them. Each man for him- self, they made for the bushes. . . . In the mean time, on our right wing, there was stubborn fighting on both sides, our rear, meanwhile, being covered by a dense forest, which, just before had protected our right flank. The road by which we were to retreat lay through the woods and was already in the hands of the enemy, who accordingly inter- cepted us. Finding myself, therefore, finally in my first mentioned position —alone, isolated, and almost surrounded by the enemy, and with no way open but the one leading to the house where the two 12 pound cannon stood, dismounted and deserted —I had no alternative but to make my way along it with great difficulty . . . L presently came across a little earth-work, 18 feet long by 5 feet high. ‘This I at once made use of by posting my two cannon, one on the right, and the other on the left, and began a fire alternately with balls and with shells, with- out, however, being able to discriminate in favor of our men who were in the bushes; for the enemy, without troubling them, charged savagely upon my cannon, hoping to dis- mount and silence them. A brave English Lieutenant of Artillery, by the name of Schmidt and a sergeant were the only two who were willing to serve the cannon longer. He came to me and asked me to let him have ten artillery-men and one subaltern from my detachment to serve these cannon. But it was impossible for me to grant his request, no matter how well disposed I might have been towards it. Two of my men had been shot dead ; three or four were wounded ; a number had straggled off, and all the Infantry detailed for that purpose, either gone to the devil or run away. Moreover, all I had left, for the serving of each cannon, were four or five men and one subaltern. . . -ee 7 ~ ee Cre Bees TSE a St Se ae SR AF eee = Sy G2 = Ss ee SH ESS SSS mee AS ERY Rag: a Eighteen PENCE. 3%5 No. 996 aK i E ay HIS Bret by LAW thall pals current in 2) 3 l for Four Penny - 1783. + [J and Nine Grains of PATE. § Eighteen Pence. § | tj ly Ke Ho) } December 3 ob ot us y ws s Eee a5 Pe SP a, gaa Specimen of Colonial paper currency, 1763. Prate is for PLatE, fe. silver bullion. La Cristea ot FAN aD I CD) Rp ekee LS d Ree S TWO DOLLARS. W, Le Wa 3 Bill entitles the Bearer to receive TWO SPANISH MILL: IED DQLLARS, or the a Value thereof in GOLD f or SILVER, according tof a Refolution, of CON-} GRESS, pafled at MeN | ® ~ an ¢ 34 VW L ( aloe ee ae g © (4 D ladelphig, ad 9, 1776 ct Te w.0 + ye tif Ml/ldl Tz al @ | e i Specimen of Continental paper currency, 1776. TRIBULATIO DITAT means Trouble enriches. L via vt G Cee 3 A 5 ‘ i f jj } 4 f } : a i] ; } I. r ; i f f Hn A i ' ee eee — See Prt bed re re] Shaan, = Oe eee fe rt SET RSE Py JTPAS gsoe re No. 62] Paper Money D7 . . . Seeing that all was irretrievably lost, and that it was impossible to save anything, I called to my few remaining men to save themselves. I myself, took refuge through [behind] a fence, in a piece of dense underbrush on the right of the road, with the last [remaining] ammunition wagon, which, with the help of a gunner, I saved with the horses. Here I met all the different nationalities of our division running pell- mell — among them Capt. Schoel, with whom there was not a single man left of the Hanau Regiment. In this confused retreat, all made for our camp and our lines. The entrench- ment of Breymann was furiously assailed ; the camp in it set on fire and burned, and all the baggage-horses and baggage captured by the enemy. ‘The three 6 pound cannon of my brigade of Artillery were also taken, the artillery-men, Wach- ler and Fintzell, killed, and artillery-man Wall (under whose command were the cannon) severely, and others slightly, wounded. ‘The enemy occupied this entrenchment, and re- mained in it during the night... Captain [Georg] Pausch, /Jowrnal (translated by William L. Stone, Albany, 1886), 165-172 passzm. 8 62. ‘The Baneful Influence of Paper Money (7774) OV. 27th, 28th, 29th, 30th [1777].—These 4 days the fleet [has been] coming up in great numbers. Some part of the army have marched over Schuylkill, and reports are prevalent that the main part of the army will soon move off. The Americans are Gen’! Washington, it is said, is going to Virginia in a few weeks, and the command [is] to devolve upon Gen’] Gates. moving off their heavy cannon. Great exertions are Commander of the Ger- man Light Brigade, By Arnold, By ROBERT MORTON (1760-1786), son ofa Philadelphia merchant, During the British oceu- pation of Philadelphia, Morton, a boy of about seventeen, kept a diary, showing powers of observation and facility' { I. ir i i i vs Hs s ' f if H | ar of expression remarkable for So young aman. His account Is very trust- worthy and throws much light on the relations be- tween the British and the inhabit- ants during the occupa- tion. — For finances in the Revolu- tion, see Con- lemporartes, II, ch. xxxill. ‘‘ Legal paper currency” = not conti- nental but State notes. /.e. to sup- port paper money. 158 Revolution (1777 making, both by the men and women of this city, to sup- port the credit of the paper money legally issued. ‘The women are determined to purchase no goods with hard money. Some of those who agreed to receive paper money have refused it for their goods, and among the rest some of our Society [of Friends]. Dec. 1st, 2nd, 3rd.— Numbers of the Fleet [are] daily arriving. None of the large ships have yet come up. A contest has subsisted in this City since the arrival of the fleet, concerning the legal The English merchants that came in the fleet will not dispose of their goods without hard money, alleging that no bills are to be bought, no produce to be obtained, and no method can be Numbers of the most respectable inhabitants are using all their in- Paper Currency. adopted by which they can send remittances. fluence to support it, and numbers of others who have no regard for the public good, are giving out the hard money for what they want for immediate use, thus purchasing momentary gratifications at the expense of the Public, for if the circulation of this money should be stopt, many who have no legal money but paper, and have no means of obtaining gold and silver, will be reduced to beggary and want, and those who are so lost to every sense of honor, to the happiness of their fellow citizens, and eventually their own good, as to give out their hard money, either for the goods of those who are newcomers, or in the public market where it is now exacted for provisions, will, by their evil example, oblige those who possess hard money, to advance it and ruin the credit of the other money for the present. The consequence of which must be that we shall be shortly drained of our hard cash, the other money rendered useless, no trade by which we can get a fresh supply, our ruin must therefore be certain and inevitable. This depreciation of the Paper Currency will not only extend its baneful influence over this City, but over all the continent, as the friends ofNo. 63] Cornwallis’s Surrender Hb ONY) government and others have been collecting this legal tender for several mo’s [months] past, expecting that in those places in the possession of the British Army it will be of equal value with gold and silver. But from the enemies of the British constitution among ourselves, who give out their hard money for goods, from the almost universal pref- erence of private interest to the public good, and from a deficiency of public virtue, it is highly probable the paper money will fall, and those newcomers having extracted all our hard money, will leave us in a situation not long to sur- vive our Ruin. Diary of Robert Morton, in Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biograpny (Philadelphia, 1877), I, 31-33. 63. A Ballad on Cornwallis (1781) HEN British troops first landed here, With Howe commander o’er them, They thought they’d make us quake for fear, And carry all before them ; With thirty thousand men or more, And she without assistance, America must needs give o’er, And make no more resistance. But Washington, her glorious son, Of British hosts the terror, Soon, by repeated overthrows, Convine’d them of their error ; Let Princeton, and let Trenton tell, What gallant deeds he’s done, sir, And Monmouth’s plains where hundreds fell, Ana thousands more have run, sir. /.e. friends ol royal govern- ment. ANONY- MOUS. This is one among a number of songs com- posed to commemo- rate Corn- wallis’s sur- render at Yorktown. It was pub- lished soon after that event and sung to the air of ‘‘ Mag gie Lauder,” at that time very popular in both armies, — For York- town, see Contempora- ries, II, ch. XXxlv,The mastery of the seas, held for a short time by France, pre- vented the British from entering the Chesapeake to relieve Cornwallis. — See Con- temporartes, II, Nos. 199, 213. On the peace, see Contempora- 7tes, Ll, ch, XXXV, ee = ThE = EOE 100 r PHAR: tery Revolution [1781 Cornwallis, too, when he approach’d Virginia’s old dominion, Thought he would soon her conqu’ror be ; And so was North’s opinion. From State to State with rapid stride, His troops had march’d before, sir, Till quite elate with martial pride, He thought all dangers o’er, sir. But our allies, to his surprise, The Chesapeake had enter’d ; And now too late, he curs’d his fate, And wish’d he ne’er had ventur‘d, For Washington no sooner knew The visit h> had paid her, Than to his parent State he flew, To crush the bold invader. When he sat down before the town, His Lordship soon surrender’d ; His martial pride he laid aside, And cas’d the British standard ; Gods ! how this stroke will North provoke, And all his thoughts confuse, sir ! And how the Peers will hang their ears, When first they hear the news, sir. Be peace, the glorious end of war, By this event effected ; And be the name of Washington, To latest times respected ; Then let us toast America, And France in union with her ; And may Great Britain rue the day Her hostile bands came hither. Frank Moore, Sozgs and Ballads of the American Revolutioa (New York, 1856), 367-360.eee “i aa CHAPTER X—THE CONFEDERA- LION AND. 1 HEy CONSTI RU LION 64. What is an American? (1782) WISH I could be acquainted with the feelings and thoughts | which must agitate the heart and present themselves to the mind of an enlightened Englishman, when he first lands on this continent [America]... . Here he sees the industry of his native country displayed in a new manner Here he beholds fair cities, substantial villages, extensive fields, an immense country filled with decent houses, good roads, orchards, meadows, and bridges, where an hundred years ago all was wild, woody and uncultivated ! He is arrived on a new continent ; a modern society offers itself to his contemplation, different from what he had hitherto seen. It is not composed, as in Europe, of great lords who possess every thing, and of a herd of people who have noth- ing. Here are no aristocratical families, no courts, no kings, no bishops, no ecclesiastical dominion, no invisible power giving to a few a very visible one; no great manufacturers employing thousands, no great refinements of luxury. The rich and the poor are not so far removed from each other as they are in Europe. Some few towns excepted, we are all tillers of the earth, from Nova Scotia to West Florida. We are a people of cultivators, scattered over an immense terri- tory, communicating with each other by means of good roads and navigable rivers, united by the silken bands oc mild gov- ernment, all respecting the laws, without dreading their power, because they are equitable. We are all animated with the Mw 161 By J. HEC TOR ST. JOHN DE CREVE- CQsuUR (1731-1809 or 1813),a native of Normandy, land culti- vator in New York, later French con- sulin New York City. His Letters trom an American Farmer oc- casioned a large French immigration to Ohio. His laudations of America were perhaps a little over- drawn. — On American culture in 1782, see Contempora- vies, II], ch.1 Crévecceur overesti- mates the goodness of the roads; | { H ) i t ' is | } a ti Se ea on a er Ty ere G oe Forty years later these shores had a large popula- tion, , DG 162 Confederation tr7ee spirit of an industry which is unfettered and unrestrained, because each person works for himself. ... A pleasing uniformity of decent competence appears throughout our habitations. The meanest of our log-houses is a dry and comfortable habitation. Lawyer or merchant are the fairest titles our towns afford ; that of a farmer is the only appella- tion of the rural inhabitants of our country. ... Here man is free as he ought to be; nor is this pleasing equality so transitory as many others are. Many ages will not see the shores of our great lakes replenished with inland nations, nor the unknown bounds of North America entirely peopled. Who can tell how far it extends? Who can tell the millions of men whom it will feed and contain? for no European foot has as yet travelled half the extent of this mighty continent ! The next wish of this traveller will be to know whence came all these people? they are a mixture of English, Scotch, Irish, French, Dutch, Germans, and Swedes. From this promiscuous breed, that race now called Americans have arisen. . . . By what invisible power has this surprising metamor- phosis been performed? By that of the laws and that of their industry. The laws, the indulgent laws, protect them as they arrive, stamping on them the symbol of adoption ; they receive ample rewards for their labours ; these accumulated rewards procure them lands; those lands confer on them the title of freemen, and to that title every benefit is affixed which men can possibly require. ‘This is the great operation daily performed by our laws. From whence proceed these laws? From our government. Whence that government? It is derived from the original genius and strong desire of the people ratified and confirmed by the crown. ‘This is the great chain which links us all, this is the picture which every province exhibits. . . He is an American, who leaving behind him all his ancient prejudices and manners, receives new ones from theNo. 64] The American 163 new mode of life he has embraced, the new government he obeys, and the new rank he holds. He becomes an American by being received in the broad lap of our great A/ma Mater. Here individuals of all nations are melted into a newrace of men, whose labcurs and posterity will one day cause great changes in the world. Americans are the western pilgrims, who are carrying along with them that great mass of arts, sciences, vigour, and industry which began long since in the east ; they will finish the great circle. ‘The Americans were once scattered all over Europe; here they are incorporated into one of the finest systems of population which has ever appeared, and which will hereafter become distinct by the power of the different climates they inhabit. ‘The American ought therefore to love this country much better than that wherein either he or his forefathers were born. Here the rewards of his industry follow with equal steps the progress of his labour ; his labour is founded on the basis of nature, self-interest; can it want a stronger allurement? Wives and children, who before in vain demanded of him a morsel of bread, now, fat and frolicksome, gladly help their father to clear those fields whence exuberant crops are to arise to feed and to clothe them all; without any part being claimed, either by a despotic prince, a rich abbot, or a mighty lord. Here religion demands but little of him; a small voluntary salary to the minister, and gratitude to God; can he refuse these? The American is a new man, who acts upon new principles ; he must therefore entertain new ideas, and form new opinions. From involuntary idleness, servile depend- ence, penury, and useless labour, he has passed to toils of a very different nature, rewarded by ample subsistence. — This is an American. j. Hector St. John [de Crévecceur], Letters from an Americas farmer (London, 1782), 45-53 passim. Sz. “! ri | % PJ “4 gl WA *} =i H i. k \ i ' x a 1 it 5 H } fs , re ee ee ee By JUDGE BENJAMIN HUNTING- TON (1736- 1800), a Con- necticut pub- lic man and jurist, mem- ber of the Continental Congress and later of the first Con- gress under the Constitu- tion. His letters to his wife, from New York, Princeton, and Phila- delphia, throw much light on the life of the members and their surround- ings. — For Huntington, see Contem- poraries, Il, No. 163.— For the Con- tinental Con- gress, see Contempora- ries, IL, Nos. 141, 153, 155, 185, 189, 199, 209, 219; III. “Dutch Min- ister,” z.e. an envoy from Holland. The “ New Jersey mus- quitoes” were famous from the earliest history of the province. MEHRAII SE Sr 5 ln a nn — 164 Confederation [1783 65. Life in Congress (1783) PRINCETON Sept” 8th 1783 EAR MRS HUNTINGTON Since my Last Nothing Material has hapned a Dutch Minister is Dayly Expected to arrive in Philadelphia and it was Rumoured that Some of his furniture was arrived last Week This must be a Wonderful great Affair and what Congress can Do with this Great Personage in Princeton is more than Humane Wisdom can Divise [ devise] for there are not Buildings Sufficient to House more Dons [gentle- men } nor _ Indeed as many as are Already here Some are under Necessity to Go to Philadelphia once or Twice a fortnight to Breath in Polite Air. The Country so badly agrees with those Sublime & Delicate Constitutions that it s to be feared that many of them will Contract a Rusticity a Can never be wholly Purged off We have nothing here but the Necessaries and Comforts of Life and who can live so? The Agreeables of the City cannot be had in the Country I Expect no Business of Importance will be Done untill Congress Returns to that Sweet Paridice [paradise | from which they hastily took Flight in June last Since which Time an Awkward Rustication has been their Painful Situation on an Eminence in the Country w here they have no Musquitoes to Serenade them in bed and in the Day they have a Prospect of no more than 30 or 40 Miles to the High Lands on [or] the Sea Coast nor can they hear the musick of Carts and Waggons on the Pavements in the City nor See the motly Crowd of Beings in those Streets. This must be Truely Distressing to Gentlemen of Taste — The Ladies make less Complaint than the Gentlemen and the Gentlemen who have their Ladies here seem in some Degree Contented. The President of Congress who Belongs in the Jersy is obliged to leave his Lady in Philadelphia to Keep Possession but has the Promise of a Very Genteel HouseNo. 65] Congress TOs nere if he will take it but not Knowing whether Congress will abide in Princetown or not, he is at the utmost Loss what to Do, Whether it is best for him and his wife to live together as Peasants do in the Country or for her to be at Philad* as the Ladies do, and for him to Live as a Gentle- man Doing Business in the Country in hopes of Retiring to the Pleasures and amusements of the City when Business is over this Matter Requiring Great Deliberation Cannot (like the Emigration of Congress in June last) be hastily Determined ‘Thus you See we Great Folks are not without Trouble. I hope to become a small man in a few Weeks and Retire from the Embarrassments of Dignity to the Plain & Peaceful Possessions of a Private Life not Desiring to Live without Business but to do useful Business without ye Pangs & Vanity of this Wicked World All I have Wrote is not what I Designed when I began & Consequently have not yet advanced one Step toward any Design and having nothing to Write About am at a Great Loss what to Write because it Requires more Strength of Genius to Build on Hansom [an handsome] Fabrick with- out Materials than with—I am Spending Money very fast but not so fast as I Could with the Same Degree of Industery in Philadelphia & it is a Mortifying Consideration that my Cash is Spent for no better Purposes, but the Great & General Concerns of a Nation must [be] attended to and the Fashions & Customs of the World are Such as Require it to be Done with Expence — A new Fashion is among the Ladies here which is the Same as at Philad? The Roll is much less than formerly and is Raised to a Peak on their Forehead Frowzled and Powdered and they wear Men’s Beaver Hats with a Large Tye of Gauze like a Sash or Mourning Wead [weed] about the Crown & Decorated with Feathers & Plumes on the Top which makes a very Daring Appearance The Brim of the Hat is Loped before about as low as their Eyes and is a Kind of Riding Hat They Walk Abroad and Sit in Church in the Same. Some have The presi- dent of Con. gress was Elias Boudi- not; he was a man of large means, Congress sat at Princeton because it had been assaulted by mutineers at Philadelphia in June, 1783. On the fash- ions of the time, see Com lemporaries, Tile ichixits Lite chsFor docu- ments on the Confedera- tion, see American Histo ry Leaf- lets, No. 28. No. 66 is by JEAN PIERRE BRISSOT DE W ARVILLE (1754-1793), a famous French Re- publican. In 1788 he founded a society of “Friends of the Blacks,’ and in the commission of this body came to America to inquire into the condition of the negro. He partici- pated in the French Peers teu eis ies ba) 166 Confederation them in the Same Figure made of Paper and Covered with Silk with Deep Crowns as a Beaver Hat but as this is much out of the Line of Business I was sent here to do I have not been very Particular on the Subject I might also mention the Waistcoat and Long Sleaves much like the Riding habits our Ladies wore Twenty five years ago but as they Differ some from them & having no Right to be very Much in Observation upon the Ladies 1 am not able to say Much on the Subject Give my love in Particular to Every Child in our Family & Regards to Friends & Neighbors [1788 I am Dear Spouse your Most Affectionate BEeNnJ HUNTINGTON Mrs ANNE HUNTINGTON W.D. McCrackan, editor, Ze Huntington Letters (New York, 1897), 56-61. 66. The West (1788) HAVE not the time, my friend, to describe to you the new country of the West ; which, though at present unknown to the Europeans, must, from the nature of things, very soon merit the attention of every commercial and manufacturing nation. I shall lay before you at present only a general view of these astonishing settlements, and refer to another time the details which a speculative phi- losopher may be able to draw from them. At the foot of the Alleganies, whose summits, however, do not threaten the heavens, like those of the Andes and the Alps, begins an immense plain, intersected with hills of a gentle ascent, and watered every where with streams of all sizes; the soilThe West No. 66] I 6 Ti is from three to seven feet deep, and of an astonishing fertility : it is proper for every kind of culture, and it multi- plies cattle almost without the care of man. It is there that those establishments are formed, whose prosperity attracts so many emigrants; such as Kentucky, Frankland, Cumberland, Holston, Muskingum, and Scioto. The oldest and most flourishing of these is Kentucky, which began in 1775, had eight thousand inhabitants in 1782, fifty thousand in 1787, and seventy thousand in 1790. It will soon be a State. Cumberland, situated in the neighbourhood of Kentucky, contains 8000 inhabitants, Holston sooo, and Frankland 25,000. There is nothing to fear, that the danger from the savages will ever arrest the ardour of the Americans for extending their settlements. ‘They all expect that the navigation of the Missisippi becoming free, will soon open to them the markets of the islands, and the Spanish colonies, for the pro- ductions with which their country overflows. But the ques- tion to be solved is, whether the Spaniards will open this navigation willingly, or whether the Americans will force it. A kind of negociation has been carried on, without effect for four years ; and it is supposed, that certain States, fear- ing to lose their inhabitants by emigration to the West, have, in concert with the Spanish minister, opposed it - - . a number of reasons determine me to believe, that the present union will for ever subsist. A great part of the property of the Western land belongs to people of the East : the unceasing emigrations serve perpetually to strengthen their connexions ; and as it is for the interest both of the East and West, to open an extensive commerce with South- America, and to overleap the Missisippi ; they must, and will, remain united for the accomplishment of this object. The Western inhabitants are convinced that this naviga- tion cannot remain a long time closed. ‘They are deter- Revolution and became leader of the Girondists, Brissot was a sympathetic observer of American conditions and institu- tions. — For early Western settlements, see Contem- poraries, II, CNS; XX, Xxl1° III. Frankland, or Franklin, now eastern ‘Tennessee, Spain, by holding New Orleans, con- trolled the mouth of the Mississippi. Through bounty lands and land companies,ee ee Ts : spl stgtaccitlibedasan fe is phate eaeyetee tye Its Lah oe 168 Confederation [1788 mined to open it by good will or by force ; and it would not be in the power of Congress to moderate their ardour. Men who have shook off the yoke of Great-Britain, and who are masters of the Ohio and the Missisippi, cannot conceive that the insolence of a handful of Spaniards can think of shutting rivers and seas against a hundred thousand free Americans. The slightest quarrel will be sufficient to throw them into a flame; and if ever the Americans shall This predic- march towards New Orleans, it will infallibly fall into their tion was justi- seen soy! hanass 2... I transport myself sometimes in imagination to the suc- ceeding century. I see this whole extent of continent, from Ecuador. Canada to Quito, covered with cultivated fields, little vil- lages, and country houses. I see Happiness and Industry, smiling side by side, Beauty adorning the daughter of Nature, Liberty and Morals rendering almost useless the coercion of Government and Laws, and gentle Tolerance taking place of the ferocious Inquisition. I see Mexicans, Peruvians, men of the United States, Frenchmen, and Canadians, embracing each other, cursing tyrants, and bless- ing the reign of Liberty, which leads to universal harmony. But the mines, the slaves, what is to become of them? ‘The Not fulfilled mines will be closed, and the slaves will become the brothers entirely till d . ripe ees the emanci: Of their masters. . . beeen = Our speculators in Europe are far from imagining that 1888, two revolutions are preparing on this continent, which will totally overturn the ideas and the commerce of the old: the opening a canal of communication between the two oceans, and abandoning the mines of Peru. Let the imagination of the philosopher contemplate the consequences. They can- not but be happy for the human race. J. P. Brissot de Warville, Vew Travels in the United States of America. Performed in 1788 (translated, London, 1792), 474-483 passim.ee fies No.67] Northwest Ordinance 169 67. The Inner History of the Northwest Ordinance (1787) RIDAY, July 20 [1787]. This morning the Secre- tary of Congress furnished me with the Ordinance of yesterday, which states the conditions of a contract, Informed the Committee of Congress that I could not contract on the terms proposed ; should prefer purchasing lands of some of the States, who would give incomparably better terms, and therefore proposed to leave the City immediately. They appeared to be very sorry no better terms were offered, and insisted on my not thinking of leaving Congress until another attempt was made. I told them I saw no prospect of a con- tract, and wished to spend no more time and money on a business so unpromising. but on terms to which I shall by no means accede. They assured me I had many friends in Congress who would make every exertion in my favor ; that it was an object of great magnitude, and [1] must not expect to accomplish it in less than two or three months. If I desired it, they would take the matter up that day on different ground, and did not doubt they should still obtain terms agreeably to my wishes. . . Monday, July 23. My friends had made every exertion in private conversation to bring over my opposers in Con- gress. In order to get at some of them, so as to work powerfully on their minds, [we] were obliged to engage three or four persons before we could get at them. instances we engaged one person, who engaged a second, and he a third, and so on to a fourth, before we could effect our purpose. In these maneuvers I am much beholden to the assistance of Colonel Duer and Major Sargent. The matter was taken up this morning in Congress, and warmly debated until 3 o’clock, when another ordinance In some By REVEREND MANASSEH CUTLER (1742-1823), a New Eng- land clergy- man who served asa chaplain in the conti- nental army. He later be- came inter- ested in the formation of the Ohio Company, of which he was made agent. He drafted for Nathan Dane the famous ordi- nance ex- cluding slav- ery from the Northwest Territory, and furnish- ing a model for the colonial gov- ernments of the United States. The piece is also an illustration of the diffi- culties of business in the Congress of the Con- federation, — On the Ordi nance, see Contempora- r2és LTSieee erie ee Te ete Pe ee be fen eee Merete steht it ieee eee ee t fi H ) Ee eee ere ere rae tat Temple was British consul, LARNER Sa eas = ———— 17 Confederation [1787 was obtained. This was not to the minds of my friends, who were now considerably increased in Congress .. . Thursday, July 26. Dined with Sir John Temple. Several gentlemen in company. Immediately after dining took my leave and called on Dr. Holton. He told me that Congress had been warmly engaged on our business the whole day ; that the opposition was lessened, but our friends did not think it prudent to come to a vote, lest there should not be a majority in favor. I felt much discouraged, and told the Doctor I thought it in vain to wait longer, and should certainly leave the city the next day. He cried out on my impatience, said if I obtained my purpose in a month from that time I should be far more expeditious than was common in getting much smaller matters through Congress ; that it was of great magnitude, for it far exceeded any private contract ever made before in the United States ; that if I should fail now, I ought still to pursue the matter, for I should most certainly finally obtain the object I wished. To comfort me he assured me that it was impossible for him to conceive by what kind of address I had so soon and so warmly engaged the atten- tion of Congress, for since he had been a member of that body he assured me on his honor he never knew so much attention paid to any one person who made application to them on any kind of business, nor did he ever know them more pressing to bring it to a close. He could not have supposed that any three men from New England, even of the first character, could have accomplished so much in so short a time. This, I believe, was mere flattery, though it was delivered with a very serious air, but it gave me some consolation. I now learned very nearly who were for and who were against the terms. Bingham is come over, but Few and Kearney are stubborn. Unfortunately there are only eight states represented, and unless seven of them are in favor no ordinance can pass. Every moment of this even- ing until two o’clock was busily employed. A warm selgewo.67] Northwest Ordinance 171 was laid on Few and Kearney from different quarters, and if the point is not effectually carried the attack is to be renewed inthe morning. Duer, Sargent, and myself have also agreed, if we fail, that Sargent shall go on to Maryland, which is not at present represented, and prevail on the members to come on, and to interest them, if possible, in our plan. Iam to go on to Connecticut and Rhode Island, to solicit the mem- bers from these states to go on to New York, and to lay an anchor to the windward with them. As soon as those states are represented Sargent is to renew the application, and I have promised Duer, if it be found necessary, I will then come on to New York again. friday, July 27. I rose very early this morning, and, after adjusting my baggage for my return, for I was deter- m[in Jed to leave New York this day, I set out on a general morning visit, and paid my respects to all the members of Congress in the city, and informed them of my intention to leave the city that day. My expectations of obtaining a contract, I told them, were nearly at an end. I should, how- ever, wait the decision of Congress, and if the terms we had stated, and which I conceived to be exceedingly advantageous to Congress, considering the circumstances of that country, were not acceded to, we must turn our attention to some other part of the country. New York, Connecticut, and Massachusetts would sell us lands at half a dollar, and give us exclusive privileges beyond what we had asked of Con- gress. ... These and such like were the arguments I urged. ‘They seemed to be fully acceded to, but whether they will avail is very uncertain. Mr. R. H. Lee assured me he was prepared for one hour’s speech, and he hoped for success. All urged me not to leave the city so soon ; but I assumed the air of perfect indifference, and persisted in my determination, which had apparently the effect I wished. Passing the City Hall as the members were going in to Congress, Colonel Carrington told me he believed Few wasBy DELE- GATE GEORGE MASON (1725-1792), fourth of the name ina celebrated Virginia fam- ily. Among other things he drew up the Virginia Resolutions of 1769, and in 1776 drafted the Virginia Declaration of Rights. He was a member of the Constitu- tional Con- vention, but being very democratic and opposed to extending the powers of 172 Confederation [1787 secured, that little Kearney was left alone, and that he determined to make one trial of what he could do in Con- gress. Called at Sir John Temple’s for letters to Boston ; bid my friends good-by ; and, as it was my last day, Mr. Henderson insisted on my dining with him and a number of his friends whom he had invited. At half-past three, I was informed that an Ordinance had passed Congress on the terms stated in our letter, without the least variation, and that the Board of Treasury was directed to take Order and close the contract.... Manasseh Cutler, Zz/e, Journals, and Correspondence (edited by W. P. Cutler and Julia P. Cutler, Cincinnati, 1888), I, 294- 305 passim. 68. Objections to the Constitution (1787) HERE is no Declaration of Rights, and the laws of the general government being paramount to the laws and constitution of the several States, the Declarations of Rights in the separate States are no security. Nor are the people secured even in the enjoyment of the benefit of the common law. In the House of Representatives there is not the substance but the shadow only of representation; which can never produce proper information in the legislature, or inspire confidence in the people; the laws will therefore be gen- erally made by men little concerned in, and unacquainted with their effects and consequences. The Senate have the power of altering all money bills, and of originating appropriations of money, and the salaries of the officers of their own appointment, in conjunction with the president of the United States, although they are not the representatives of the people or amenable to them.ee ‘i zo No.68] Constitution Criticized 173 These with their other great powers, viz.: their power in the appointment of ambassadors and all public officers, in making treaties, and in trying all impeachments, their in- fluence upon and connection with the supreme Executive from these causes, their duration of office and their being a constantly existing body, almost continually sitting, joined with their being one complete branch of the legislature, will destroy any balance in the government, and enable them to accomplish what usurpations they please upon the rights and liberties of the people. The Judiciary of the United States is so constructed and extended, as to absorb and destroy the judiciaries of the several States; thereby rendering law as tedious, intricate and expensive, and justice as unattainable, by a great part of the community, as in England, and enabling the rich to oppress and ruin the poor. The President of the United States has no Constitutional Council, a thing unknown in any safe and regular govern- ment. He will therefore be unsupported by proper infor- mation and advice, and will generally be directed by minions and favorites ; or he will become a tool to the Senate — or a Council of State will grow out of the principal officers of the great departments ; the worst and most dangerous of all ingredients for such a Council in a free country. From this fatal defect has arisen the improper power of the Senate in the appointment of public officers, and the alarming de- pendence and connection between that branch of the legis- lature and the supreme Executive. Hence also sprung that unnecessary officer the Vice- President, who for want of other employment is made president of the Senate, thereby dangerously blending the executive and legislative powers, besides always giving to some one of the States an unnecessary and unjust pre- eminence over the others. The President of the United States has the unrestrained the executive and legisla- tive, he de- clined to sign the instru- ment framed. The extract is an example of numerous similar argu- ments. — For text of the Constitution, see American fiistory Leaf- lets, No. Soa For the Fed- eral Conven- tion, see Am. fiist. Studies, Nos. 5, 6; Contempora- ries, III, This objec- tion has been disproved by experience, Not well founded, This has not come to pass, The cabinet has not as- sumed this power, The word dangerous, as applied to anything re- lating to the vice-presi- dential office fi U u *. “ r] $ 0 is 4 CY “ Ny De a i) * ' i —s Sidi TeroSISters ay fi ‘ “4 ni a id os iu * , iu a i ; i } 1 1 causes a smile at the present day. The tariff laws were later a cause of complaint by the South. The “‘ neces- sary and proper ”’ clause, ever since much disputed. The lack ofa Bill of Rights was a fre- quent criti- cism, and led to the first ten amend- ments to the Constitution. eae ite Beal Pgh 174 Confederation hissy power of granting pardons for treason, which may be some- times exercised to screen from punishment those whom he had secretly instigated to commit the crime, and thereby prevent a discovery of his own guilt. By declaring all treaties supreme laws of the land, the Executive and the Senate have, in many cases, an exclusive power of legislation ; which might have been avoided by proper distinctions with respect to treaties, and requiring the assent of the House of Representatives, where it could be done with safety. By requiring only a majority to make all commercial and navigation laws, the five Southern States, whose produce and circumstances are totally different from that of the eight Northern and Eastern States, may be ruined, for such rigid and premature regulations may be made as will enable the merchants of the Northern and Eastern States not only to demand an exhorbitant freight, but to monopolize the pur- chase of the commodities at their own price, for many years, to the great injury of the landed interest, and impoverish- ment of the people; and the danger is the greater as the gain on one side will be in proportion to the loss on the other. Whereas requiring two-thirds of the members pres- ent in both Houses would have produced mutual moderation, promoted the general interest, and removed an insuperable objection to the adoption of this government. Under their own construction of the general clause, at the end of the enumerated powers, the Congress may grant monopolies in trade and commerce, constitute new crimes, inflict unusual and severe punishments, and extend their powers as far as they shall think proper; so that the State legislatures have no security for the powers now presumea to remain to them, or the people for their rights. There is no declaration of any kind, for preserving the liberty of the press, or the trial by jury. in civil causes ; nor against the danger of standing armies in time of peace.——————————— No.69] Constitution Criticized Wie The State legislatures are restrained from laying export duties on their own produce. Both the general legislature and the State legislature are expressly prohibited making ex fost facto laws; though there never was nor can be a legislature but must and will make such laws, when necessity and the public safety require them ; which will hereafter be a breach of all the constitu- tions in the Union, and afford precedents for other innova- tions. This government will set out a moderate aristocracy : it is at present impossible to foresee whether it will, in its opera- tion, produce a monarchy, or a corrupt, tyrannical aristoc- racy ; it will most probably vibrate some years between the two, and then terminate in the one or the other. The general legislature is restrained from prohibiting the further importation of slaves for twenty odd years ; though such importations render the United States weaker, more vulnerable, and less capable of defence. Draft of the original manuscript, in Kate Mason Rowland, The Life of George Mason (New York, etc., 1892), II, 387-390. 69. The Political Harvest Time (1788) ON. Mr. Smiry. Mr. President, I am a plain man and get my living by the plough. I am not used to speak in publick, but I beg your leave to say a few words to my brother plough-joggers in this house. I have lived ina part of the country where I have known the worth of good government by the want of it. There was a black cloud that rose in the east last winter, and spread over the west. (Here Mr. Widgery interrupted. Mr. President, I wish to know what the gentleman means by the east.) I mean, sir, Laws made after the offence is committed, Slave-trade prohibited in 1808, By COLONEL JONATHAN B. SMITH, a member of the Massa- chusetts con- vention of 1788, which ratified the Constitution of the United States. His speech is a good ex- ample of the common- sense argu-ment of the plain practi- cal man in favor of a national con- stitution, be- sides being a remarkable piece of good English. — For the State ratifying con- ventions, see Contempora- ries, III. The Shays's Rebellion of 1786-87. Adopted in 1780. 0 a Beis He 176 Confederation [1788 the county of Bristol ; the cloud rose there and burst upon us, and produced a dreadful effect. It brought on a state of anarchy, and that leads to “ranny. anarchy. People that used to live peaceably, and were before good neighbours, got distracted and took up arms against government. (//eve Mr. Kingsley called to order, and asked what had the history of last winter to do with the Constitution? Several gentlemen, and among the rest the Hon. Mr. Adams, said the gentleman was in order — let him I am a going, Mr. President, to I say it brought go on in his own way.) shew you, my brother farmers, what were the effects of anarchy, that you may see the reasons why I wish for good government. People, I say took up arms, and then if you went to speak to them, you had the musket of death pre- sented to your breast. ‘They would rob you of your property, threaten to burn your houses; oblige you to be on your guard night and day; alarms spread from town to town ; families were broke up ; the tender mother would cry, O my son is among them! What shall I do for my child! Some were taken captive, children taken out of their schools and carried away. Then we should hear of an acHon, and the poor prisoners were sez 771 the front, to be killed by their own friends. Our dis- tress was so great that we should have been glad to catch at any thing that looked like a government for protection. Had any person, that was able to protect us, come and set up his standard we should all have flocked to it, even if it had been a monarch, and that monarch might have proved a tyrant, so that you see that anarchy leads to tyranny, and better have ove tyrant than so many at once. Now, Mr. President, when I saw this Constitution, I found It was just such a How dreadful, how distressing was this ! that it was a cure for these disorders. thing as we wanted. I[ got a copy of it and read it over and over. I had been a member of the Convention to form our own state Constitution, and had learnt something of theNo.69) Constitution Advocated 177 checks and balances of power, and J found them all here. I did not go to any lawyer, to ask his opinion, we have no lawyer in our town, and we do well enough without. I formed my own opinion, and was pleased with this Consti- tution. My honourable old daddy there (pointing to Mr. Singletary) won’t think that I expect to be a Congress-man, and swallow up the liberties of the people. I never had any post, nor do I want one, and before I am done you will think that I don’t deserve one. But I don’t think the worse of the Constitution because lawyers, and men of learning and monied men, are fond of it. I don’t suspect that they want to get into Congress and abuse their power. I am not of such a jealous make; they that are honest men themselves are not apt to suspect other people. I don’t know why our constituents have not as good a right to be as jealous of us, as we seem to be of the Congress, and I think those gentle- men who are so very suspicious, that as soon as a man gets into power he turns rogue, had better look a¢ home. We are by this Constitution allowed to send ez members to Congress. Have we not more than that number fit to go? I dare say if we pick out ten, we shall have another ten left, and I hope ten times ten, and will not these be a check upon those that go; Will they go to Congress and abuse their power and do mischief, when they know that they must return and look the other ten in the face, and be called to account for their conduct? Some gentlemen think that our liberty and property is not safe in the hands of monied men, and men of learning, I am not of that mind. Brother farmers, let us suppose a case now — suppose you had a farm of soacres, and your title was disputed, and there was a farm of 5000 acres joined to you that belonged toa man of learning, and his title was involved in the same diffi- culty ; would not you be glad to have him for your friend, rather than to stand alone in the dispute? Well, the case is the same, these lawyers, these monied men, these men of NaS 178 Confederation [1788 learning, are all embarked in the same cause with us, and we must all swim or sink together ; and shall we throw the Con- stitution over-board, because it does not please us aliker Suppose two or three of you had been at the pains to break up a piece of rough land, and sow it with wheat — would you let it lay waste, because you could not agree what sort of a fence to make? would it not be better to put ap[up]a fence that did not please every one’s fancy rather than not fence it at all, or keep disputing about it, until the wild beast came in and devoured it. Some gentlemen say, don’t be in a hurry— take time to consider, and don’t take a leap in the dark.—I say take things in time — gather fruit when it is ripe. There isa time to sow and a time to reap; we sowed our seed when we sent men to the federal convention, now is the harvest, now is the time to reap the fruit of our labour, and if we don’t do it now I am afraid we never shall have another opportunity. Debates, Resolutions and other Proceedings, of the Convention of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, 1788 (reported by Ben- jamin Russell, Boston, 1788), 132-134. By FRANCIS 9 HOPKINSON 70. 6¢ The New Roof ( I 78 8) (1737-1791), \ signer of the Declaration ‘64 SONG FOR FEDERAL MECHANICS.” of Indepen- dence, one of the commit- J tee to draft nental Con- : : ; gress, and And plenty of pins of American pine: la t + ' , - E . . . eee For our roof we will raise, and our song still shall be, nia. Hewas Our government firm, and our citizens free. the Articles of Confed- OME muster, my lads, your mechanical tools, ri eration, Y ae qicy ‘ | i d les: | member of our saws and your axes, your hammers and rules ; | the Conti- Bring your mallets and planes, your level and line, tenes rece ae RSET Ror 5}-7 iesee = . The New Roof No. 70] Pg Il. CoE, up with “re plates, lay them firm on the wall, Like the people at large, they’re the ground work of all; Examine them well, and see that they’re sound, Let no rotten part in our building be found: for our roof we will raise, and our song still shall be A government firm, and our citizens free. DTT: Now hand up the gzvders, lay each in his place, Between them the ozs¢s, must divide all the space ; Like assemblymen //ese should lie level along, Like girders, our senate prove loyal and strong : for our roof we will raise, and our song still shall be A government firm over citizens free IV. THE rafters now frame; your &ing-posts and braces, And drive your pins home, to keep all in their places ; Let wisdom and strength in the fabric combine, And your pins be all made of American pine: Lor our roof we will raise, and our song still shall be, A government firm over citizens free. V. Our king-posts are judges ; how upright they stand, Supporting the dvaces ; the laws of the land: The laws of the land, which divide right from wrong, And strengthen the weak, by weak’ning the strong: for our roof we will raise, and our song still shall be, Laws equal and gust, for a people that’s free. one of the earliest American humorists, and besides wrote much in prose and verse to favor the cause of indepen- dence. The phrase “ New Roof” was popularly applied to the Constitu- tion. — For Hopkinson, see Contem- porartes, II, Nos. 96, 196. — For the going into effect of the Constitution, see Contem- porartes, IILPAS eea GH ea 180 Confederation [1788 Ale The exact Up! up! with the vafzers ; each frame is a state: daciohne How nobly they rise! their span, too, how great ! piece is in > ) ) ; 5 doubt, but From the north to the south, o’er the whole they extend, the allusion . E to “States” And rest on the walls, whilst the walls they defend : nee it ca For our roof we will raise, and our song still shall be written abou ‘ . Am > the time of Combined in strength, yet as citizens free. the Federal Convention. VII. Now enter the fu7/ins, and drive your pins through ; And see that your joints are drawn home and all true. The furtins will bind all the rafters together : The strength of the whole shall defy wind and weather : For our roof we will raise, and our song still shall be, United as states, but as citizens free. more ayepereneye VGLE: Come, raise up the /urve¢; our glory and pride ; In the centre it stands, o’er the whole to preside: The sons of Columbia shall view with delight Its pillar’s, and arches, and towering height : Our roof ts now rais’d, and our song still shall be, A federal head oer a people thats free. r Is [ k b t 3 } : IX. Huzza! my brave boys, our work is complete ; The world shall admire Columbia’s fair seat ; Its strength against tempest and time shall be proof, And thousands shall come to dwell under our roof: Whilst we drain the deep bowl, our toast still shall be Our government firm, and our citizens free. Francis Hopkinson, MWéscellaneous Essays and Occasional Writ: ings (Philadelphia, 1792), II, 320-322.ne . CHAPTER XI— MAKING A GOVERN- MENT, 1789-1801 A Democratic View of Washington (1789-1790) HE President advanced between the Senate and Representatives, bowing to each. He was placed in the chair by the Vice-President ; the Senate with their president on the right, the Speaker and the Representatives on his left. The Vice-President rose and addressed a short sentence to him. ‘The import of it was that-he should now take the oath of office as President. He seemed to have forgot half what he was to say, for he made a dead pause and stood for some time, to appearance, in a vacant mood. He finished with a formal bow, and the President was conducted out of the middle window into the gallery, and the oath was administered by the Chancellor. Notice that the business done was communicated to the crowd by proclamation, etc., who gave three cheers, and repeated it on the President’s bowing to them. As the company returned into the Senate chamber, the President took the chair and the Senators and Representa- tives their seats. He rose, and all arose also, and addressed them. ‘This great man was agitated and embarrassed more than ever he was by the leveled cannon or pointed musket. He trembled, and several times could scarce make out to read, though it must be supposed he had often read it before. He put part of the fingers of his left hand into the side of what I think the tailors call the fall of the breeches, chang- After some time he then TAM mg the paper into his left hand. 181 By SENATOR WILLIAM MACLAY (1737-1804), senator from Pennsylvania in 1789-01. He had served both in the French and Indian and in the Revolution- ary war. In Congress he was noted for extreme democratic views, and he soon became a leader of the opposition ta Washington, His journal presents a graphic picture of the social and political life of the period, enlivened though some: what dis- torted by the violent preju- dices of the author, It is the only ac- count that we have of the debates of the Senate dur- ing the First Congress,2 182 The New Government [1789-1790 foritsatin did the same with some of the fingers of his right hand. t ses- 7 5 ° sion. This When he came to the words a// the world, he made a flourish piece fst with his right hand, which left rather an ungainly impression. escribes 2 : a. ~ Washing- I sincerely, for my part, wished all set ceremony in the hands tons inausu- of the dancing-masters, and that this first of men had read ration, April 5 ’ 30,1789.—On off his address in the plainest manner, without ever taking Washington, seeabove, | his eyes from the paper, for U felt hurt that he was not first Beso oe in everything. He was dressed in deep brown, with metal ganization of buttons, with an eagle on them, white stockings, a bag, and the federal pete teat government, sword. a os maa [Aug. 27.] Senate adjourned early. Ata little after four l, 75-143; I called on Mr. Bassett, of the Delaware State. We went to eet oe the President’s to dinner. ... The President and Mrs. Washington sat opposite each other in the middle of the table ; the two secretaries, one at each end. It was a great dinner, and the best of the kind I ever was at. The room, however, was disagreeably warm. First was the soup ; fish roasted and boiled ; meats, gam- mon, fowls, etc. This was the dinner. The middle of the table was garnished in the usual tasty way, with small images, flowers (artificial), etc. The dessert was, first apple-pies, pudding, etc. ; then iced creams, jellies, etc. ; then water- melons, musk-melons, apples, peaches, nuts. It was the most solemn dinner ever I sat at. Nota health drank ; scarce a word said until the cloth was taken away. A usual cere- Then the President, filling a glass of wine, with great formal- mony at that ity drank to the health of every individual by name round the table. Everybody imitated him, charged glasses, and such a buzz of “health, sir,” and “health, madam,” and “ thank you, sir,” and “thank you, madam,” never had I heard be- fore. Indeed, I had liked to have been thrown out in the hurry ; but I got a little wine in my glass, and passed the ceremony. ‘The ladies sat a good while, and the bottles passed about; but there was a dead silence almost. Mrs. Washington at last withdrew with the ladies.No.72] President Washington 183 I expected the men would now begin, but the same still- ness remained. The President told of a New England clergyman who had lost a hat and wig in passing a river called the Brunks. He smiled, and everybody else laughed. He now and then said a sentence or two on some common subject, and what he said was not amiss. . The Presi- dent kept a fork in his hand, when the cloth was taken away, I thought for the purpose of picking nuts. He ate no nuts, however, but played with the fork, striking on the edge of the table with it. We did not sit long after the ladies re- tired. The President rose, went up-stairs to drink coffee ; the company followed. I took my hat and came home... . This was levee day, and I accordingly dressed and did the needful. It is an idle thing, but what is the life of men but folly ?— and this is perhaps as innocent as any of them, so far as respects the persons acting. The practice, how- ever, considered as a feature of royalty, is certainly anti- republican. ‘This certainly escapes nobody. The royalists glory in it as a point gained. Republicans are borne down by fashion and a fear of being charged with a want of respect to General Washington. If there is treason in the wish I retract it, but would to God this same General Washington were in heaven! We would not then have him brought for- ward as the constant cover to every unconstitutional and irrepublican act. William Maclay, Journal (edited by Edgar S. Maclay, New York, 1890), 8-351 passim. 72. Speech on the Tariff (1789) \ HEN it was asked, What is the occasion of a high duty ? it was answered, that it is necessary in order to come at the proper tax on rum; but I insist that there is Dec. 14, 1790 the Levee was the President's public recep- tion, Even Wash- ington did not escape calumny, By FISHER AMES (1758- 1808), a strong Fed- eralist, for eight years a member of Congress; i i 0 { / ! ; { ro a Sasa rer eteers: from Massa~ chusetts. This speech was made in a debate on what after- ward be- came the first tariff act. Massachu- setts opposed the taxing of hemp, flax, and molas- ses, the two former being used for ship cordage, the latter asa “raw mate- rial” in the manufacture of New Eng- land rum. — For Ames, see American Orations, I, 112 (another speech), 359. — On the tariff dis- cussion, see American Orations, PDT LV: Contempora- Fes ull DV American History Studies, No. II. HMMA HS 184 The New Government [7 no such necessity, while an excise is within our reach; and it is in this mode only that you can obtain any considerable revenue. The gentleman from Virginia has said that the manufacture of country rum is in no kind of danger from the duty on molasses. He has stated to the House the quantity made before the Revolution, and goes on to argue that as West India rum paid no duty, and molasses paid some, if the manufacture thrived under these disadvantages, why should it not continue to support itself in future? .. Mr. Speaker, we are not to consider molasses in the same light as if it were in the form of rum. We are not to taxa necessary of life in the same manner as we do a pernicious luxury. Iam sensible an attempt to draw a critical line of distinction in this case, between what is necessary and what is a luxury, will be attended with some difficulty ; but I con- ceive the distinction sufficient for our present purpose, if it prove molasses to be necessary for the subsistence of the people. No decent family can do without something by way of sweetening; whether this arises from custom or necessity of nature, is not worth the inquiry ; if it is admitted to be a requisite for the support of life, a tax on it will be the same as a tax on bread; it is repugnant to the first principles of policy to lay taxes of this nature in America. What is it that entitles the United States to take rank of all the nations in Europe, but because it is the best country for the poor to live in? and molasses, these advantages will not long continue to be It may be said that sugar is also a necessary of life: true, but molasses, inasmuch as it is cheaper, can be more easily obtained, and enters more into consumption, at least of the poor. They apply it to various uses; it is a substi- tute for malt, in making beer; and shall it be said that the General Government descends to small beer for its revenue, while strong beer remains duty free? Why shall this dif- ference be made between the common drink of one part of If we go on taxing such articles as salt ours.No. 72] The First Tariff 18 5 the continent and the other, unless it be with a view to drive the people to drinking simple water? The gentleman from Virginia contends that the consumers of eight pounds of sugar pay more than those who use eight pounds of molasses ; this may be true, but from the variety of ways in which molasses is used, eight pounds is sooner consumed than six or four pounds of sugar, which makes up the dif- ference. But do gentlemen mean that the poorest and weakest part of the community shall pay as much for what they use as the richer classes? Is this the reward of their toil and industry? The question is plainly reducible to this: Shall we tax a necessary of life in the same proportion as a luxury? Gen- tlemen will not contend for either the justice or policy of such a measure; but they say the necessity of the case obliges them ; they cannot come at the luxury but through the raw material. They say they cannot lay an excise. I ask, Why not? People may justly think it burden- some to raise all our supplies from impost. Much can be obtained from this source, to be sure, by touching every thing ; but I would recommend touching such things as are essential to subsistence lightly, and bring in the excise as a means of obtaining the deficiency; it will be the more cer- tain way of making country rum contribute its proportion. I am not against a duty in this shape; but if the hand of government is stretched out to oppress the various interests I have enumerated by an unequal and oppressive tax on the necessaries of life, I fear we shall destroy the fond hopes entertained by our constituents that this government would insure their rights, extend their commerce, and protect their manufactures. Mothers will tell their children, when they solicit their daily and accustomed nutriment, that the new laws forbid them the use of it; and they will grow up in a detestation of the hand which proscribes their innocent food, and the occupation of their fathers; the language of /.e. duty of the manu- facture of spirits. A curious bit of uncon- scious hu- mor. /.e. the occu- pation of dis- tilling rum.ee D i § H } 4 H i) { i‘ 5 b i Tse ess ES Eh mn am ee ee eee ee ou Ve ST eater By SECRE- TARY OF STATE THOMAS JEFFERSON later the third President of the United States. Alex- ander Hamil- ton was at this time Sec- retary of the ‘Treasury. The enmity between the two men had not reached that acute stage which later would have made any compro- mise between them impos- sible. The issue was the assumption LETT TP 186 The New Government hee. complaint will circulate universally, and change the favorable opinion now entertained to dislike and clamor. The House will not suppose we are actuated by local in terests in opposing a measure big with such dangerous con- sequences to the existence of the Union. They will admit we have reason for persisting in our opposition to a high duty, and may be inclined to join us in reducing it either to five per cent or at most to one cent per gallon. If the ap- prehensions we have expressed shall be realized, let it rest upon the advocates of the present measure ; we have done our duty, and it only remains for us to submit to that ruin in which the whole may be involved. Fisher Ames, Speeches (edited by Pelham W. Ames, Boston, 1871), 13-18 passim. es 73. A Question of Compromise (1790) HIS measure [the assumption of State debts] produced the most bitter & angry contests ever known in Con- gress, before or since the union of the states. I arrived in the midst of it. But a stranger to the ground, a stranger to the actors on it, so long absent as to have lost all familiarity with the subject, and as yet unaware of it’s object, I took no concern init. The great and trying question however was lost in the H. of Representatives. So high were the feuds excited by this subject, that on it’s rejection, business was suspended. Congress met and adjourned from day to day without doing any thing, the parties being too much out of temper to do business together. The Eastern members par- ticularly, who, with Smith from South Carolina, were the principal gamblers in these scenes, threatened a secession and dissolution. Hamilton was in despair. As I was going to the President’s one day, I met him in the street. HeNo.73] Assumption and Capital 187 walked me backwards & forwards before the President’s door for half an hour. He painted pathetically the temper into which the legislature had been wrought, the disgust of those who were called the Creditor states, the danger of the secession of their members, and the separation of the states. He observed that the members of the administration ought to act in concert, that tho’ this question was not of my de- partment, yet a common duty should make it a common concern ; that the President was the center on which all ad- ministrative questions ultimately rested, and that all of us should rally around him, and support with joint efforts measures approved by him; and that the question having been lost by a small majority only, it was probable that an appeal from me to the judgment and discretion of some of my friends might effect a change in the vote, and the machine of government, now suspended, might be again set into motion. I told him that I was really a stranger to the whole subject ; not having yet informed myself of the system of finances adopted, I knew not how far this was a necessary sequence ; that undoubtedly if it’s rejection endangered a dissolution of our union at this incipient stage, I should deem that the most unfortunate of all consequences, to avert which all partial and temporary evils should be yielded. I proposed to him however to dine with me the next day, and I would invite another friend or two, bring them into con- ference together, and I thought it impossible that reasonable men, consulting together coolly, could fail, by some mutual sacrifices of opinion, to form a compromise which was to save the union. ‘The discussion took place. I could take no part in it, but an exhortatory one, because I was a stranger to the circumstances which should govern it. But it was finally agreed that, whatever importance had been attached to the rejection of this proposition, the preservation of the union, & and of concord among the states was more important, and that therefore it would be better that the of twenty millions of State debts, desired by Northern capitalists, and the fixing of the Capital on the Poto- mac, desired by the South. The extract was written by Jefferson some time after the event, and may bea little colored by prejudice, He had just returnedfrom abroad. — On Jeffer- son, see American Orations, I, 366; Contem- poraries, III, ch. .— On the Capital and assump- tion of State debts, see Contempora- ries, III, Nos. So in the original, f f 5 5 \ P a ( " 4 i cf t 4 a 5 psAlexander White and Richard Bland Lee, of Virginia; Daniel Car- roll, of Mary- land, also changed his vote, By CHIEF JUSTICE JOHN JAY (1745-1829). Jay had had considerable diplomatic training, hav- ing been, in 1778, minis- ter to Spain, In 1783 one of the com- missioners to negotiate the Peace of Ver- sailles, and, TAT 188 The New Government finvog vote of rejection should be rescinded, to effect which some members should change their votes. But it was observed that this pill would be peculiarly bitter to the Southern States, and that some concomitant measure should be adopted to sweeten it a little to them. There had before been propositions to fix the seat of government either at Philadelphia, or at Georgetown on the Potomac ; and it was thought that by giving it to Philadelphia for ten years, and to Georgetown permanently afterwards, this might, as an anodyne, calm in some degree the ferment which might be excited by the other measure alone. So two of the Potomac members (White & Lee, but White with a revulsion of stomach almost convulsive) agreed to change their votes, & Hamilton undertook to carry the other point. In doing this the influence he had established over the Eastern members And so the as- sumption was passed, and twenty millions of stock divided among favored states... effected his side of the engagement. Thomas Jefferson, Ze Anas, in his Writings (edited by P. L. Ford, New York, etc., 1892), I, 162-164. 74. Maritime Grievances (1794) HE undersigned, envoy of the United States of Amer- ica, has the honour of representing to the Right Hon- orable Lord Grenville, his Britannic Majesty’s Secretary of State for the Department of Foreign Affairs : That a very considerable number: of American vessels have been irregularly captured, and as improperly con- demned by certain of his Majesty’s officers and judges. That, in various instances, these captures and condem- nations were so conducted, and the captured placed underNo. 74) Maritime Grievances 189 such unfavourable circumstances, as that, for want of the securities required, and other obstacles, no appeals were made in certain cases, nor any claims in others. The undersigned presumes that these facts will appear from the documents which he has had the honour of sub- mitting to his Lordship’s consideration ; and that it will not be deemed necessary, at presenz, to particularize these cases and their merits, or detail the circumstances which discrim- inate some from others. That great and extensive injuries having thus, under colour of his Majesty’s authority and commissions, been done to a numerous class of American merchants, the United States can, for reparation, have recourse only to the justice, author- ity, and interposition of his Majesty. That the vessels and property taken and condemned have been chiefly sold, and the proceeds divided among a great number of persons, of whom some are dead, some unable to make retribution, and others, from frequent remov- als and their particular circumstances, not easily reached by civil process. That as, for these losses and injuries, adequate compen- sation, by means of judicial proceedings, has become im- practicable, and, considering the causes which combined to produce them, the United States confide in his Majesty’s justice and magnanimity to cause such compensation to be made to these innocent sufferers as may be consistent with equity ; and the undersigned flatters himself that such prin- ciples may, without difficulty, be adopted, as will serve as rules whereby to ascertain the cases and the amount of compensation. So grievous are the expenses and delays attending litigated suits, to persons whose fortunes have been so materially affected, and so great is the distance of Great Britain from America, that the undersigned thinks he ought to express his anxiety that a mode of proceeding as summary and under the Confedera- tion, Secre- tary of Foreign Af- fairs, an office which he re- signed to be- come Chief Justice in 1789. In 1794 the country was on the brink of war with England, but the treaty which Jay negotiated with Lord Grenville, November Ig, 1794, averted war for some years. The piece is the full text of a memoran- dum laid by Jay before the British government; it does not include the grievances of the retention of the frontier posts by Eng- land, the carrying away of slaves, and the withhold- ing of trade with the West Indies. — For Jay, see Contem- poraries, III, No. For maritime grievances, see American Orations, I, 84-130; CommSe ee ee ee ey eee f { i iE | | t ‘ . i r f f at temporartes, III, ch. The most serious grievance down to 1812. — See below, No. 76. ery Pos) SAN ESS RSet hae 190 The New Government _ tr79 little expensive may be devised as circumstances and the peculiar hardship of these cases may appear to permit and require. And as (at least in some of these cases) it may be expe- dient and necessary, as well as just, that the sentences of the courts of vice-admiralty should be revised and corrected by the Court of Appeals here, the undersigned hopes it will appear reasonable to his Majesty to order that the captured in question (who have not already so done) be there ad- mitted to enter both their a@ppeads and their claims. The undersigned also finds it to be his duty to represent that the irregularities before mentioned extended not only to the capture and condemnation of American vessels and property, and to unusual personal severities, but even to the impressment of American citizens to serve on board of armed vessels. He forbears to dwell on the zmjuries done to the unfortunate individuals, or on the emotions which they must naturally excite, either in the breast of the nation to whom they belong, or of the just and humane of every country. His reliance on the justice and benevolence of his Majesty leads him to indulge a pleasing expectation that orders will be given that Americans so circumstanced be immediately liberated, and that persons honoured with his Majesty’s commissions do, in future, abstain from similar violences. It is with cordial satisfaction that the undersigned reflects on the impressions which such equitable and conciliatory measures would make on the minds of the United States, and how naturally they would inspire and cherish those sen- timents and dispositions which never fail to preserve, as well as to produce, respect, esteem, and friendship. JoHN Jay. LONDON, July 30, 1794. John Jay, Correspondence and Public Papers (edited by Henry P. Tohnston, New York, etc., [1893]), 1V, 38-41.No. 75] X Y Z Correspondence 191 7s sa liaci Xs Y, 7 Despatches ——_—_—_ 86. Battle of New Orleans (1815) LITTLE before daybreak, our outpost came in without noise, having perceived the enemy moving forward in great force.No.s6} Battle of New Orleans 2 2 At last the dawn of day discovered to us the enemy occupying two-thirds of the space between the wood and the Mississippi. Immediately a Congreve rocket went off from the skirt of the wood, in the direction of the river. This was the signal for the attack. At the same instant, the twelve-pounder of battery No. 6, whose gunners had per- ceived the enemy’s movement, discharged a shot. On this all his troops gave three cheers, formed in close column of about sixty men in front, in very good order, and advanced nearly in the direction of battery No. 7, the men shoulder- ing their muskets, and all carrying fascines, and some with ladders. A cloud of rockets preceded them, and continued to fall in showers during the whole attack. Batteries Nos. 6, 7 and 8, now opened an incessant fire on the column, which continued to advance in pretty good order, until, in a few minutes, the musketry of the troops of Tennessee and Kentucky, joining their fire with that of the artillery, began to make an impression on it, which soon threw it into con- fusion. - It was at that moment that was heard that constant rolling fire, whose tremendous noise resembled rattling peals of thunder. For some time the British officers succeeded in animating the courage of their troops, and making them advance, obliqueing to the left, to avoid the fire of battery No. 7, from which every discharge opened the column, and mowed down whole files, which were almost instantaneously replaced by new troops coming up close after the first: but these also shared the same fate, until at last, after twenty- five minutes continual firing, through which a few platoons advanced to the edge of the ditch, the column entirely broke, and part of the troops dispersed, and ran to take shelter among the bushes on the right. ‘The rest retired to the ditch where they had been when first perceived, rour hundred yards from our lines. There the officers with some difficulty rallied their troops, and again drew them up for a second attack, the soldiers good author ity regards Latour as “the only trustworthy contempo- rary historian of the Louisi- ana cam- paign.” By his position he was well qualified for his task, and he treated the subject in an unbiassed temper. The battle took place January 8, 1815.— On the Southern campaign, see Contem- poraries, III, ch, Jackson had showed great energy in or- ganizing his defence, and had for- tified the nar- row space between the river anda swamp over which the British must pass, — On Jacneny see No. 102, below.sete dae Ne - : Ee 222 War of 1812 x8r5 having laid down their knapsacks at the edge of the ditch, that they might be less incumbered. And now, for the second time, the column, recruited with the troops that formed the rear, advanced. Again it was received with the same rolling fire of musketry and artillery, till, having ad- vanced without much order very near our lines, it at last broke again, and retired in the utmost confusion. The attack on our lines had hardly begun, when the British commander-in-chief, the honourable sir Edward Pakenham Packenham, fell a victim to his own intrepidity, while en- was one of ; : ; ; m 5 Wellington's @eavouring to animate his troops with ardour for the assault. eT Soon after his fall, two other generals, Keane and Gibbs, troops were were carried off the field of battle, dangerously wounded. Gentle visto A great number of officers of rank had fallen: the ground rious over over which the column had marched, was strewed with the Napoleon. ; > ee : dead and the wounded. Such slaughter on their side, with no loss on ours, spread consternation through their ranks, as they were now convinced of the impossibility of carrying our lines, and saw that even to advance was certaindeath. Ina word, notwithstanding the repeated efforts of some officers to make the troops form a third time, they would not advance, and all that could be obtained from them, was to draw them up in the ditch, where they passed the rest of the day. I deem it my indispensable duty to do justice to the intrepid bravery displayed in that attack by the British troops, especially by the officers. . . . The British soldiers showed, on this occasion, that it is not without reason they are said to be deficient in agility. The enormous load they had to carry contributed indeed not a little to the difficulty of their movement. Besides their knapsacks, usually weigh- ing nearly thirty pounds, and their musket, too heavy by at least one third, almost all of them had to carry a fascine from nine to ten inches in diameter, and four feet long, made of sugar-canes perfectly ripe, and consequently very heavy, or a ladder from ten to twelve feet long. H H H 1 i a ' f i t ig i ’ i Ps 'No. 87] Reace 2218 The duty of impartiality, incumbent on him who relates military events, obliges me to observe that the attack made on Jackson’s lines, by the British, on the 8th of January, must have been determined on by their generals, without any consideration of the ground, the weather, or the aiffi- culties to be surmounted, before they could storm lines, defended by militia indeed, but by militia whose valour they had already witnessed, with soldiers bending under the weight of their load, when a man, unincumbered and un- opposed, would that day have found it difficult to mount our breastwork at leisure and with circumspection, so ex- tremely slippery was the soil. . . Major A. Lacarriére Latour, Hzstorical Memoir of the War in West Florida and Loutstana in 1814-15 (translated by H. P. Nugent, Philadelphia, 1816), 154-161 passim. a 87. Discussion of the Peace (1814) GHENT, December 25, 1814. HE treaty of peace we signed yesterday with the British ministers is, in my opinion, as favorable as could be expected under existing circumstances, so far as they were known to us. ‘The attitude taken by the State of Massachusets, and the appearances in some of the neighboring States, had a most unfavorable effect. Of the probable result of the congress at Vienna we had no correct information. ‘The views of all the European powers were precisely known from day to day to the British Ministry. From neither of them did we in any shape receive any inti- mation of their intentions, of the general prospect of Europe, or of the interest they took in our contest with Great Britain. I have some reason to believe that all of them were desirous that it might continue. They did not intend to assist us; By ALBER1 GALLATIN (1761-1849), one of the five commis- sioners chosen to represent the United States in the peace negotiations at Ghent. His biogra- pher, Henry Adams, says, “The Treaty of Ghent was the special work and peculiar tri- umph of Mr. Gallatin,” Madison was forced to con- sent to the omission from theei treaty of the point of im- pressments., The follow- ing official letter, dis- cussing the results ob- tained, was written, on the day after the signing, to James Monroe, then Secretary of State. — On Gailatin, see American Orations, I, 84, 353-— On the peace of 1814, see Contempora- rzés. LX, ch. Massachu- setts opposed the war and joined in the Hartford Convention. Wellington gave it as his opinion that the Ameri- cans were very strong behind breastworks. The “ Indian article’’ was an agreement to make peace with the Western and South- ern Indians. oe HMR ae 224 War of 1812 [1814 they appeared indifferent about our difficulties; but they rejoiced at anything which might occupy and eventually weaken our enemy. ‘The manner in which the campaign has terminated, the evidence afforded by its events of our ability to resist alone the now very formidable military power of England, and our having been able, without any foreign assistance, and after she had made such an effort, to obtain peace on equal terms, will raise our character and This, joined with the naval vic- tories and the belief that we alone can fight the English on their element, will make us to be courted as much as we As to the people of Europe, public opinion was most decidedly in our favor. I have little to add to our public despatch on the subject of the terms of the treaty. I really think that there is nothing but nominal in the Indian article as adopted. . . You know that there was no alternative between breaking off the negotiations and accepting the article, and that we accepted it only as provisional and sub- ject to your approbation or rejection. The exception of Moose Island from the general restoration of territory is the only point on which it is possible that we might have obtained an alteration if we had adhered to our opposition toit. The British government had long fluctuated on the question of peace: . We thought it too hazardous to risk the peace on the question of the temporary possession of that small island, since the question of title was fully reserved, and it was therefore no cession of territory. On the subject of the fisheries within the jurisdiction of Great Britain, we have certainly done all that could be done. If, according to the construction of the treaty of 1783, which we assumed, the consequence in Europe. have been neglected by foreign governments. {fo Moose’ right was not abrogated by the war, it remains entire, since 3 Deeenia- we most explicitly refused to renounce it directly or indi- : quoddy Bay. rectly. In that case it is enly an unsettled subject of differ- A separate ence between the two countries. If the right must be con- ep Te ns cre tes hiatied \ a M Te is P is a 7No. 87] Peace 252) sidered as abrogated by the war, we cannot regain it without convention . 7 . 4s on this sub- an equivalent. We had none to give but the recognition of ject was their right to navigate the Mississippi, and we offered it on made inx816 this last supposition. ‘This right is also lost to them, and in a general point of view we have certainly lost nothing. But we have done all that was practicable in support of the right to those fisheries, 1, by the ground we assumed respecting the construction of the treaty of 1783; 2, by the offer to recognize the British right to the navigation of the Missis- sippi; 3, by refusing to accept from Great Britain both her implied renunciation to the right of that navigation and the convenient boundary of 49 degrees for the whole extent of our and her territories west of the Lake of the Woods, rather than to make an implied renunciation on our own part to the right of America to those particular fisheries. I believe that Great Britain is very desirous of obtaining the northern part of Maine, say from about 47 north latitude to the northern extremity of that district as claimed by us... . [On the question of] the foundation of their disputing our claim to the northern part of that territory . .. feeling that it is not very solid, I am apt to think that they will be disposed to offer the whole of Passamaquoddy Bay and the disputed fisheries as an equivalent for this portion of north- ern territory, which they want in order to connect New The United Brunswick and Quebec. This may account for their tenacity >@tes 4 hered to its with respect to the temporary possession of Moose Island, claims until : : ete aa ae 1842, when and for their refusing to accept the recognition of their right they were to the navigation of the Mississippi, provided they recog- Settled by a & 4 ; , compromis€ nized ours to the fisheries. ‘That northern territory is of no importance to us, and belongs to the United States, and not to Massachusetts . Albert Gallatin, Wrztzngs (edited by Henry Adams, Philadelphia, 1879), I, 645-647 passim. QBy JOHN MELISH (1771-1822), aScotchman, who travelled extensively in the United States and published ac- counts of his journeys. His state- ments are based on careful ob- servation,and his attitude is unpreju- diced, though he was very favorably disposed toward the United States and its insti- tutions. He regarded this country as the most favorable place for de- veloping British ideas of govern- ment un- ‘trammelled by traces of feudalism ; and, by reason of its resources and the character of its inhab- itants, as as- cae pe te peel = . — OOOO Hag ee CHAPTER XIV—CONDITIONS OF NATIONAL GROWTH, 1815-1830 88. Boston and Neighboring ‘Towns (1806) OSTON is built on a peninsula, at the head of Massa- chusetts Bay. A great part of the town lies low along the bay ; but the ground rises to a considerable eleva- tion in the middle, where the State-House is built, which gives it a very handsome appearance at a distance. The town partakes of the nature of the old towns in England, and is irregularly built, many of the streets being crooked and narrow; but the more modern part is regular, and the streets broad and well paved. . there are five public squares ; but none of them are of great extent, except the Mall, which is a very elegant piece of public ground, in front of the State-House. The number of dwelling-houses is above 3500, and, by the census of 1800, the inhabitants were 24,937; from the increase that has since taken place, it is presumed that the number is now upwards of 30,000. The greater part of the houses are built of brick, and many of them are spacious and elegant. The public buildings are the State-House, Court-House, Jail, Concert-Hall, Faneuil-Hall, Alms-House, Work-House, and Bridewell; the Museum, Library, Theatre, and nine congregational, three episcopal, and two baptist churches, with one each for Roman catholics, methodists, and univer- salists. The public buildings are in general very handsome, and the greater part of the churches are ornamented with spires. 220No. 28) New England 227 The markets of Boston are well supplied with every kind of country provisions, fruit, and fish. The prices are not materially different from those of New York. Flour is gen- erally a little higher; but cod-fish, which is the universal Saturday dinner, is lower... . - . . Public education is on an excellent footing. There are eight or nine public schools, supported at the expence of the town, which are accessible to all the members of the community, free of expence. They are managed by a com- mittee of twenty-one gentlemen, chosen annually, and are under good regulations. Besides these, there are a number of private seminaries, at which all the various branches of education are taught; and, upon the whole, I believe Bos- ton may challenge a competition on this branch with any city in Europe, Edinburgh, in Scotland, perhaps, excepted. The fruits of this attention to the improvement of the mind, and the cultivation of the benevolent affections, are very apparent in the deportment of the citizens of Boston, who are intelligent, sober, and industrious; and, though much attached to the subject of religion, they are more liberal, generally speaking, than any people I have yet been amongst. ‘The ladies of Boston are generally handsome, with fine complexions ; and, judging from the sample which I saw, they have a richness of intellect, and a cheerfulness of deportment, that makes them truly interestin~. Alto- gether, Boston is really a fine place. . . . . . I went to a number of the public places; among others, the State-House, from whence there is a most elegant view of the town, bay, shipping, neck, bridges, and the whole ceuntry round, to the distance of from twelve to fifteen miles, in each direction, presenting most picturesque scenery . . . The bridges of Boston merit particular attention, being works of great extent and utility, and constructed at a vast expence ; a proof of the sagacity and persevering industrv cf this people... . sured ota great social, economic, and political future. — On colonial Boston, see above, Nos, 7; 52, 53: a On the con- ditions of New Eng- land in 1815, see Contem- poraries, III Cc; j ; ; i i i f r | 5 F is i H i i ri 5 By COLONEL THOMAS JEFFERSON RANDOLPH (1792-1875), the eldest grandson of Jefferson. He was born at Monti- cello, and brought up in the house, and there- fore speaks from intimate personal 228 National Growth [ 1801-1809 . . . Lynnis a pretty little town, remarkable for its exten- sive manufacture of shoes. From thence we travelled to Salem, about seven miles, through a very rugged, stony country, but by an excellent turnpike road, made, I was in- formed, mostly by Irishmen. I may here take occasion to remark, that the Irish emigrants are exceedingly useful in this country, and a great portion of the most rugged labour in it is performed by them. ‘The lower orders of the Irish are generally strong, robust men, without money, and with a very slender education. Hence they are generally unfit for any kind of mercantile employment, and those who have not learned some mechanical profession get employment in va- rious branches of labour, for which they are well adapted ; and, getting good wages, they soon become independent and happy. Hence the Irish are remarkable for their attachment to the American government, while many other foreigners, particularly those engaged in commerce, are dis- contented and fretful. John Melish, Zravels in the United States of America, 1806-1815 (Philadelphia, 1812), 1, 89-94 Jasszm. 89. The Virginia Gentleman (1801-1809) IS [Jefferson’s] manners were of that polished school of the Colonial Government, so remarkable in its day— under no circumstances violating any of those minor conventional observances which constitute the well-bred gentleman, courteous and considerate to all persons. On riding out with him when a lad, we met a negro who bowed to us; he returned his bow; I did not. ‘Turning to me, he asked, “Do you permit a negro to be more of a gentleman thar yourself?”The South No. 89] 2 29 Mr. Jefferson’s hair, when young, was of a reddish cast ; sandy as he advanced in years ; his eye, hazel. Dying in his 84th year, he had not lost a tooth, nor had one defective ; his skin thin, peeling from his face on exposure to the sun, and giving it a tettered appearance; the superficial veins so weak, as upon the slightest blow to cause extensive suffu- sions of blood — in early life, upon standing to write for any length of time, bursting beneath the skin ; it, however, gave him no inconvenience. His countenance was mild and be- nignant, and attractive to strangers. While President, returning on horseback from Charlottes- ville with company whom he had invited to dinner, and who were, all but one or two, riding ahead of him, on reaching a stream over which there was no bridge, a man asked him to take him up behind him and carry him over. ‘Lhe gentle- men in the rear coming up just as Mr. Jefferson had put him down and ridden on, asked the man how it happened that he had permitted the others to pass without asking them? He replied, “From their looks, I did not like to ask them; the old gentleman looked as if he would do it, and I asked him.” He was very much surprised to hear that he had ridden behind the President of the United States. Mr. Jefferson’s stature was commanding — six feet two- and-a-half inches in height, well formed, indicating strength, activity, and robust health ; his carriage erect ; step firm and elastic, which he preserved to his death ; his temper, natu- rally strong, under perfect control; his courage cool and impassive. No one ever knew him exhibit trepidation. His moral courage of the highest order — his will firm and in- flexible — it was remarked of him that he never abandoned a plan, a principle, or a friend. A bold and fearless rider, you saw at a glance, from his easy and confident seat, that he was master of his horse, which was usually the fine blood-horse of Virginia. The knowledge. Owing, how. ever, to the very natural veneration which he had for his great relative, his characteriza- tion may hardly be held to cover the whole ground, — For other opinions of Jefferson, see above, No. 58 and ch. xi, — On the South, see Contempora- rzes, III, ch,230 National Growth [1801-1809 only impatience of temper he ever exhibited was with his horse, which he subdued to his will by a fearless application of the whip on the slightest manifestation of restiveness. He retained to the last his fondness for riding on horseback ; he rode within three weeks of his death, when, from disease, debility, and age, he mounted with difficulty. He rode with confidence, and never permitted a servant to accompany him ; he was fond of solitary rides and musing, and said that the presence of a servant annoyed him. He held in little esteem the education which made men ignorant and helpless as to the common necessities of life ; and he exemplified it by an incident which occurred to a young gentleman returned from Europe, where he had been educated. On riding out with his companions, the strap of his girth broke at the hole for the buckle; and they, perceiv- ing it an accident easily remedied, rode on and left him. A plain man coming up, and seeing that his horse had made a circular path in the road in his impatience to get on, asked if he could aid him. “Oh, sir,’’ replied the young man, “if you could only as- sist me to get it up to the next hole.” “Suppose you let it out a hole or two on the other side,” said the man. His habits were regular and systematic. He was a miser of his time, rose always at dawn, wrote and read until break- fast, breakfasted early, and dined from three to four. si retired at nine, and to bed from ten to eleven. He said, in his last illness, that the sun had not caught him in bed for fifty years. He always made his own fire. He drank water but once a day, a single glass, when he returned from his ride. He ate heartily, and much vegetable food, preferring French cook- ery, because it made the meats more tender. He never drank ardent spirits or strong wines. Such was his aversion to ardent spirits, that when, in his last illness, his physicianThe West No. go] 2 3 I desired him to use brandy as an astringent, he could not induce him to take it strong enough. Sarah N. Randolph, Zhe Domestic Life of Thomas Jefferson, (New York, Harper & Brothers, 1872), 337-339. —_—_>—_____ go. Religious Life in the West (1828) XCEPT among the Catholics, there are very few settled pastors, in the sense in which that phrase is understood in New England and the Atlantic cities. Most of the ministers, that are in some sense per- manent, discharge pastoral duties not only in their individ- ual societies, but in a wide district about them. of duties, the emolument, the estimation, and in fact the whole condition of a western pastor, are widely different from an Atlantic minister. A circulating phalanx of Methodists, Baptists and Cumberland Presbyterians, of At- lantic missionaries, and of young eleves of the Catholic theological seminaries, from the redundant mass of unoccu- pied ministers, both in the Protestant and Catholic countries, pervades this great valley with its numerous detachments, from Pittsburg, the mountains, the lakes, and the Missouri, to the gulf of Mexico. They all pursue the interests of their several denominations in their own way, and generally in profound peace. .. . . . . If we except Arkansas and Louisiana, there is every where else an abundance of some kind of preaching. The village papers on all sides contain printed notices, and writ- ten ones are affixed to the public places, notifying what are called ‘meetings.’ A traveller in a clerical dress does not fail to be asked, at the public houses, where he stops, if he is a preacher, and if he wishes to notify a meeting. The range By REVER- END TIMO- THY FLINT (1780-1840), a Massachus setts clergy- man, who spent some years aS a missionary in the Missis- sippi and Ohio valleys, The account from which this piece is taken, written about two years after his return, is an example of a contem- porary narra- tive, com- posed while the events de- scribed were fresh in mem- ory, but from a perspective sufficiently removed. As in colo- nia] times, re- ligious con- cerns were one of the chief inter- ests of the frontiersmen, — For other accounts of the West, see be F H i u i a) H a , } Bi i bd iY Hf i i bd by x saeContempora- ries, III, ch. “Bleves,’” 2.¢. pupils. ANAT aS 2D National Growth [1828 There are stationary preachers in the towns, particularly in Ohio. But in the rural congregations through the western country beyond Ohio, it is seldom that a minister is station- ary for more than a few months. A ministry of a year in one place may be considered beyond the common duration. Nine tenths of the religious instruction of the country 1s given by people, who itinerate, and who are, with very few exceptions, notwithstanding all that has been said to the contrary, men of great zeal and sanctity... . Travelling from month to month through dark forests, with such ample time and range for deep thought, as they amble slowly on horseback along their peregrinations, the men naturally ac- quire a pensive and romantic turn of thought and expression, as we think, favorable to eloquence. Hence the preaching is of a highly popular cast, and its first aim is to excite the feelings. — Hence, too, excitements, or in religious parlance ‘awakenings,’ are common in all this region. None, but one who has seen, can imagine the interest, excited in a district of country, perhaps, fifty miles in ex- tent, by the awaited approach of the time for a camp meet- ing; and none, but one who has seen, can imagine how profoundly the preachers have understood what produces effect, and how well they have practised upon it... . The notice has been circulated two or three months. On the appointed day, coaches, chaises, wagons, carts, people on horseback, and multitudes travelling from a distance on foot, wagons with provisions, mattresses, tents, and arrange- ments for the stay of a week, are seen hurrying from every point towards the central spot... . The ambitious and wealthy are there, because in this region opinion is all-powerful ; and they are there, either to extend their influence, or that their absence may not be noted, to diminish it. Aspirants for office are there, to electioneer, and gain popularity. Vast numbers are there from simple curiosity, and merely to enjoy a spectacle. ‘TheNo. 90] Frontier Religion 2.2% young and the beautiful are there, with mixed motives, which it were best not severely to scrutinize. Children are there, their young eyes glistening with the intense interest of eager curiosity. The middle aged fathers and mothers of families are there, with the sober views of people, whose plans in life are fixed, and waiting calmly to hear. Men and women of hoary hairs are there, with such thoughts, it may be hoped, as their years invite. —Such is the congregation con- sisting of thousands. The line of tents is pitched ; and the religious city grows up in a few hours under the trees, beside the stream. Lamps are hung in lines among the branches; and the effect of their glare upon the surrounding forest is, as of magic. ... Meantime the multitudes, with the highest excitement of social feeling added to the general enthusiasm of expectation, pass from tent to tent, and interchange apos- tolic greetings and embraces, and talk of the coming so- lemnities. . . . An old man, in a dress of the quaintest simplicity, ascends a platform, wipes the dust from his spectacles, and in a voice of suppressed emotion, gives out the hymn, of which the whole assembled multitude can re- cite the words, — and an air, in which every voice can join. The hoary orator talks of God, of eternity, a judgment to come, and all that is impressive beyond. He speaks of his ‘experiences,’ his toils and travels, his persecutions and welcomes, and how many he has seen in hope, in peace and triumph, gathered to their fathers; and when he speaks of the short space that remains to him, his only regret is, that he can no more proclaim, in the silence of death, the mercies of his crucified Redeemer. There is no need of the studied trick of oratory, to pro- duce in such a place the deepest movements of the heart. Whatever be the cause, the effect is certain, that through the state of Tennessee, parts of Mississippi, Missouri, Ken-i { 4 Us i i ys 4 i i 6 H ; b iN ae abete hel eiielep ete tate lat st tstcbehetens@d Late! Rit sewry ted t lta Nemeh 4 4 Se Pere tess pach etme peveg eter reyei ogists etpehiaisbs By SECRE- TARY OF STATE JOHN QUINCY ADAMS (1767-1848), under dates of February 24 and March 3, 1820. He went farther than his col- leagues in 234 National Growth [1820 tucky, Ohio, Indiana and Illinois, these excitements have produced a palpable change in the habits and manners of the people. The gambling and drinking shops are deserted ; and the people, that used to congregate there, now go to the religious meetings. The Methodists, too, have done great and incalculable good. ‘They are generally of a char- acter, education and training, that prepare them for the elements, upon which they are destined to operate. They speak the dialect, understand the interests, and enter into the feelings of their audience. They exert a prodigious and incalculable bearing upon the rough backwoods men ; and do good, where more polished, and trained ministers would preach without effect. That part of Pennsylvania and Virginia west of the moun- tains has a predominance of Presbyterians. The great state of Ohio is made up of such mixed elements, that it would be difficult to say, which of all the sects prevails. As a general characteristic, the people are strongly inclined to at- tend on some kind of religious worship. . . Methodists, Presbyterians and Catholics are the prevailing denomina- tions of the West. Timothy Flint, 4 Condensed Geography and History of the Western States, or the Mississippi Valley (Cincinnati, 1828), I, 217-224 passim. —— gt. Missouri Compromise (1820) HAD some conversation with Calhoun on the slave question pending in Congress. He said he did not think it would produce a dissolution of the Union, but, if it should, the South would be from necessity compelled to form an alliance, offensive and defensive, with Great Britain. I said that would be returning to the colonial state. He said, yes, pretty much, but it would be forced uponNo. 91] Slavery 235 them. I asked him whether he thought, if by the effect of this alliance, offensive and defensive, the population of the North should be cut off from its natural outlet upon the ocean, it would fall back upon its rocks bound hand and foot, to starve, or whether it would not retain its powers of locomotion to move southward by land. ‘Then, he said, they would find it necessary to make their communities all military. I pressed the conversation no further ; but if the dissolution of the Union should result from the slave ques- tion, it is as obvious as anything that can be foreseen of futurity, that it must shortly afterwards be followed by the universal emancipation of the slaves... . After this meeting, I walked home with Calhoun, who said that the principles which I had avowed were just and noble; but that in the Southern country, whenever they were mentioned, they were always understood as applying only to white men. Domestic labor was confined to the blacks, and such was the prejudice, that if he, who was the most popular man in his district, were to keep a white ser- vant in his house, his character and reputation would be irretrievably ruined. I said that this confounding of the ideas of servitude and labor was one of the bad effects of slavery ; but he thought it attended with many excellent consequences. It did not apply to all kinds of labor — not, for example, to farming. He himself had often held the plough; so had his father. Manufacturing and mechanical labor was not degrading. It was only manual labor—the proper work of slaves. No white person could descend to that. And it was the best guarantee to equality among the whites. It produced an unvarying level among them. It not only did not excite, but did not even admit of inequalities, by which one white man could domineer over another. I told Calhoun I could not see things in the same light. It is, in truth, all perverted sentiment — mistaking labor for the cabinet (who all agreed that Congress had the con- stitutional right to pro- hibit slavery in the Terri- tories), in asserting that that pre hibition applied not only to the Territory as such, but to all future States which might be carved out of it. The following is a striking illus- tration ofa practice which the Southern leaders had begun, of threatening secession whenever their wishes regarding the extension of slavery were opposed. The extract is from one of the most valuable of all the sources on American history, the journal of Adams. — On Adams, see American Orations, II, 115, 372; Contempora- ries, III, No. .— On the Compro-\ . \ 3 ' if : st) . % Q : . , 4 , a * oy iG iO pa ae ms a ae Pe * ATE ie ON a ten eho ae oe mise, see American Orations, II, 33-101; Con- temporaries, TIL ch: Adams's prophecy of civil war in the third paragraph was fulfilled in r86r. The “ meet- ing '’ men- tioned in the fourth para- graph was a cabinet meet- ing held March 3, 1820, to con- sider the Compromise bill. “ Double representa- tion” by the Federal or three-fifths ratio. HTH ae 236 National Growth [1820 slavery, and dominion for freedom. ‘The discussion of this Missouri question has betrayed the secret of their souls. In the abstract they admit that slavery is an evil, they disclaim all participation in the introduction of it, and cast it all upon the shoulder: of our old Grandam Britain. But when probed to the quick upon it, they show at the bottom of their souls pride and vainglory in their condition of masterdom. They fancy themselves more generous and noble-hearted than the plain freemen who labor for subsistence. ‘They look down upon the simplicity of a Yankee’s manners, because he has no habits of overbearing like theirs and cannot treat negroes like dogs. The impression produced upon my mind by the progress of this discussion is, that the bargain between freedom and slavery contained in the Constitution of the United States is morally and politically vicious, inconsistent with the principles upon which alone our Revolution can be justified ; cruel and oppressive, by riveting the chains of slavery, by pledging the faith of freedom to maintain and perpetuate the tyranny of the master; and grossly unequal and impolitic, by admitting that slaves are at once enemies to be kept in subjection, property to be secured or restored to their owners, and persons not to be represented them- selves, but for whom their masters are privileged with nearly a double share of representation. The consequence has been that this slave representation has governed the Union. Benjamin portioned above his brethren has ravined as a wolf. In the morning he has devoured the prey, and at night he has divided the spoil. It would be no difficult matter to prove, by reviewing the history of the Union under this Constitution, that almost everything which has contributed to the honor and welfare of the nation has been accomplished in despite of them or forced upon them, and that everything unpropitious and dishonorable, including the blunders and follies of their adversaries, may be traced to them. I have favored this Missouri compromise, believing— = = No.92] Missouri Compromise Oy) it to be all that could be effected under the present Consti- tution, ard from extreme unwillingness to put the Union at But perhaps it would have been a wiser as well as a bolder course to have persisted in the restriction upon Missouri, till it should have terminated in a convention of the States to revise and amend the Constitution. This would have produced a new Union of thirteen or fourteen States unpolluted with slavery, with a great and glorious object to effect, namely, that of rallying to their standard the other States by the universal emancipation of their slaves. If the Union must be dissolved, slavery is precisely the question upon which it ought to break. For the present, however, this contest is laid asleep. hazard. John Quincy Adams, Memoirs (edited by Charles Francis Adams, Philadelphia, 1875), IV, 530-531; V, 10-12 passim. ee A Settler in Illinois (1817) 92. AM now going to take you to ie: | shew you the very beginning of our settle- ment. Having fixed on the north-western portion of our prairie for our future residence and farm, the first act was building a cabin, about two hundred yards from the spot where the house is to stand. This cabin is built of round straight logs, about a foot in diameter, lying upon each other, and notched in at the corners, forming a room eighteen feet long by sixteen; the intervals between the logs “chunked,” that is, filled in with slips of wood; and “ mudded,” that is, daubed with a plaister of mud: a spacious chimney, built also of logs, stands like a bastion at one end: the roof is well covered with four hundred ‘clap boards ”’ of cleft oak, very much like the pales used in England for fencing parks. A hole is cut through the the prairies, to Not till 1836 did Adams awaken on this question. By MorRRIS BIRKBECK (+1832), an Englishman, who settled in Illinois and founded the town of New Albion. His account of the coun- try is very optimistic, and he ap- pears to have been some- what preju- diced against the land of his birth, whence he ad emi- grated to get more elbow- room. His book is madeup of letters to friends and others who had applied to him for information and advice relative to emigration. He presents his informa- tionina specific, sprightly, and interesting form. — On other English travellers, see above, Nos. 26, 55, 82. — On the West, see above, Nos. 66, 90; RA | 238 National Growth (x827 side, called, very properly, the “ door, (the through,” for which there is a “shutter,’’ made also of cleft oak, and hung on wooden hinges. All this has been executed by contract, and well executed, for twenty dollars. I have since added ten dollars to the cost, for the luxury of a floor and ceiling of sawn boards, and it is now a comfortable habitation. _. . We arrived in the evening, our horses heavily laden with our guns, and provisions, and cooking utensils, and blankets, not forgetting the all-important axe. This was immediately put in requisition, and we soon kindled a famous fire, before which we spread our pallets, and, after a hearty supper, soon forgot that besides ourselves, our horses and our dogs, the wild animals of the forest were the only ‘nhabitants of our wide domain. Our cabin stands at the Contempora- vies, III, ch. edge of the prairie, just within the wood, so as to be con. cealed from the view until you are at the very door. ‘Thirty paces to the east the prospect opens from a commanding eminence over the prairie, which extends four miles to the south and south-east, and over the woods beyond to a great distance ; whilst the high timber behind, and on each side, to the west, north, and east, forms a sheltered cove about five hundred yards in width. It is about the middle of this cove, two hundred and fifty yards from the wood each way, but open to the south, that we propose building our house. Well, having thus established myself as a resident pro- prietor, in the morning my boy and I (our friend having left us) sallied forth in quest of neighbours, having heard of two new settlements at no great distance. Our first visit was to Mr. Emberson, who had just established himself in a cabin similar to our own, at the edge of a small prairie two miles north-west of us. We found him a respectable young man, more farmer than kunter, surrounded by a numerous iamily, and making the most of a rainy day by mending the shoes of his household. We then proceeded to Mr. Wood- i 4 Seance pe SSIS Sires a Pee) ae rare’ — Te jer Sat 3 Pa, : a — ae : —— : nea : - Se Fy ; No. 92] A Frontiersman 239 land’s, about the same distance south-west: he is an inhab- itant of longer standing, for he arrived in April, Mr. E. in August. He has since built for us a second cabin, connected with the first by a covered roof or porch, which is very con- venient, forming together a commodious dwelling. . . . . - Our township is a square of six miles each side, or thirty-six square miles; and what may properly be called our neighbourhood, extends about six miles round this town- ship in every direction. Six miles to the north is the boundary of surveyed lands. . There are many other prairies, or natural meadows, of various dimensions and qualities, scattered over this surface, which consists of about two hundred square miles, contain- ing perhaps twelve human habitations, all erected, I believe, within one year of our first visit—-most of them within three months. At or near the mouth of the Bonpas, where it falls into the Big Wabash, we project a shipping port: a ridge of high land, without any intervening creek, will afford an easy communication with the river at that place. . There are no very good mill-seats on the streams in our neighbourhood, but our prairie affords a most eligible site for a windmill; we are therefore going to erect one imme- diately: the materials are in great forwardness, and we hope to have it in order to grind the fruits of the ensuing harvest. Two brothers, and the wife of one of them, started from the village of Puttenham, close to our old Wanborough, and English have made their way out to us: they are carpenters, and towns. are now very usefully employed in preparing the scantlings for the mill, and other purposes. You may suppose how cordially we received these good people. They landed at Philadelphia, not knowing where on this vast continent they should find us: from thence they were directed to Pitts- burg, a wearisome journey over the mountains of moreCm, ereyatermnecese. H f s \ } ) f ( SE Ee ea ae << Sra SS ———————— ee ee See ee By SURGEON HENRY BRADSHAW FEARON (born about 1770), a London sur- geon, sent to the United States in 1817 by a number of English families, for the purpose of ascertain- ing what part of the coun- try, if any, would be suitable for settlement. He writes from a some~ what un- friendly point of view and with a slight tendency toward hasti- ness and ex- aggeration. PHPANAN vied 24.0 National Growth [1818 than 300 miles; at Pittsburgh they bought a little boat for six or seven dollars, and came gently down the Ohio, 1,200 miles, to Shawnee-town ; from thence they proceeded on foot till they found us. By the first of March I nope to have two ploughs at work, and may possibly put in 100 acres of corn this spring. Early in May, I think, we shall be all settled in a convenient temporary dwelling, formed of a range of cabins of ten rooms, until we can accomplish our purpose of building a more substantial house. . . Morris Birkbeck, Letters from Iilinois (London, 1818), 30-35 passim. 93. Amusements in New Orleans (1818) HE French language is still predominant in New Orleans. The population is said to be 30,000; two thirds of which do not speak English. The appearance of the people too was French, and even the negroes evinced, by their antics, in rather a ludicrous manner, their previous connection with that nation. The general manners and habits are very relaxed. The first day of my residence here was Sunday, and I was not a little surprised to find in the United States the markets, shops, theatre, circus, and public ball-rooms open. Gam- bling houses /hrong the city : all coffee-houses, together with the exchange, are occupied from morning until night, by gamesters. It is said, that when the Kentuckians arrive at this place, they are in their glory, finding neither limit te, nor punishment of their excesses. The general style of living is luxurious. Houses are elegantly furnished. ‘The ball-room, at Davis’s hotel, I have never seen exceeded in splendour. Private dwellings partake of the same character :No. 93] Louisiana 241 and the ladies dress with expensive elegance. The sources of public amusement are numerous and varied ; among them I remark the following : “INTERESTING EXHIBITION. “On Sunday the gth inst. will be represented in the place where Fire-works are generally exhibited, near the Circus, an extraordinary fight of /wrzous Animals. The place where the animals will fight is a rotunda of 160 feet in circumference, with a railing 17 feet in height, and a circular gallery well condi- tioned and strong, inspected by the Mayor and surveyors by him appointed. “Ist /zeht— A strong Attakapas Bull, attacked and subdued by six of the strongest dogs of the country. “2d Fight — Six Bull-dogs against a Canadian Bear. “3d Aight—A beautiful Tiger against a black Bear. “ath /zght— Twelve dogs against a strong and furious Ope- loussas Bull. “Tf the Tiger is not vanquished in his fight with the Bear, he will be sent alone against the last Bull, and if the latter conquers all his enemies, several pieces of fire-works will be placed on his back, which will produce a very entertaining amusement. “In the Circus will be placed two Manakins, which, notwith- standing the efforts of the Bulls, to throw them down, will always rise again, whereby the animals will get furious. “The doors will be opened at three and the Exhibition begin at four o’clock precisely. “Admittance, one dollar for grown persons and 50 cents for children. “A military band will perform during the Exhibition. “Tf Mr. Renault is so happy as to amuse the spectators by that new spectacle, he will use every exertion to diversify and augment it, in order to prove to a generous public, whose patronage has been hitherto so kindly bestowed upon him, how anxious he is to please them.” Henry Bradshaw Fearon, Sketches of America. A Narrative of a Journey of Five Thousand Miles through the Eastern and Western States of America (London, 1818), 275-277. R In this piece he gives a vivid picture of certain as- pects of life in a South- western pio- neer town of the early days. There is no reason to doubt that the handbill was actually circulated. — For the Southwest, see Contem- poraries, I11, ch. W 4 bi 3 f RA x| i , f I if Ys Ls oer rns By REVER- END JOHN RANKIN (1793-1886), Presbyterian minister, and founder of an anti-slavery society In Carlisle, Kentucky, in 1818; later he removed to Ripley, Ohio, and became an anti-slav- ery leader ; he was mobbed as Many as twenty times, was a con- ductor on the Under- ground Rail- road, and as- sisted Eliza and her child, the originals of Uncle Tom's Cabin, to escape. About 1824 he addressed a series of let- ters to his brother in Virginia, to dissuade him from becom- ing a slave- owner, Ran- kin is a type PENRHYN CHAPTER XV—ABOLITIONISTS, 1835--1841 94. A Western Abolition Argument (1824) HESE difficulties, however, should be considered as so many arguments in favor of the work. If but a little good can be done, it is the more necessary that that little should be done. ‘That involuntary slavery is a very dangerous evil, and that our nation is involved in it, none can, with truth, deny. And that the safety of our govern- ment, and the happiness of its subjects, depend upon the extermination of this evil, must be obvious to every enlight- ened mind. Nor is it less evident, that it is the duty of every citizen, according to his station, talents and oppor- tunity, to use suitable exertions for the abolition of an evil which is pregnant with the growing principles of ruin. Surely, no station should be unimproved, no talent, however small, should be buried; nor should any opportunity of doing good be lost, when the safety of a vast nation, and the happiness of millions of the human family, demand prompt and powerful exertions. Every thing that can be done, either by fair discussion, or by any other lawful means, ought to be done, and done speedily, in order to avert the hastening ruin that must otherwise soon overtake us ! Let all the friends of justice and suffering humanity, do what little they can, in their several circles, and according to their various stations, capacities and opportunities ; and all their little streams of exertion will, in process of time, 242No.o4] A Western Argument 243 flow together, and constitute a mighty river that shall sweep away the yoke of oppression, and purge our nation from the abominations of slavery. . . . And here I must remark upon one main objection to the emancipation of slaves; it is that they are, in conse- quence of the want of informaticn, incapacitated for freedom, and that it is necessary to detain them in bondage until they may be better prepared for liberation; but from the preceding remarks it is abundantly evident that they are now better prepared with respect to information, for eman- cipation than they will be at any future period, and that less inconvenience and danger would attend their liberation at the present, than at any future time. It must be obvious to every one, capable of discernment, that the inconvenience and danger of emancipation will increase in proportion as slaves become more numerous. Indeed all the difficulties that attend emancipation are rapidly increasing ; and they must certainly be endured at some period, sooner or later ; for it is most absurd to imagine that such an immense body of people, most rapidly increasing, can always be retained in bondage ; and therefore it is much better to endure those difficulties now than it will be when they shall have grown to the most enormous size. . . Now take a view of the slave population in the United States, and you will see that a vast quantity of the very best talent is entirely suppressed by want of suitable means of improvement — it lies buried deeply in the wreck of liberty, and the cruel hand of oppression draws around it the dark shades of endless night. Thus brilliant talents, immortal powers, designed to enrich, illuminate and ag- grandize the world, lie dormant and useless beneath the grossest covering of unavoidable ignorance! and all that is noble and grand in our nature, wastes in the drudgery of a servile life! Were all the talent that is now suppressed by slavery, in all our slaveholding states, properly improved, of the West- ern abolition- ists who pre- ceded and later joined William Lloyd Garri- son; and this piece is an example of the abolition argument against slavy- ery.— On abolition, see above, Nos. 35, 46; bibliogra- phies in McDougall, Fugitive Slaves, and Siebert, Under- eround Ratl road; and extracts in American Orations, II (entirely devoted to slavery speeches), American History Studies, I, Nos. 6, 7; Contempora- ries, III, ch. IT, Nos. 2; 5i I. h ' i i] i ; a b ' : ——— SS —————— By GOv- ERNOR GEORGE MCDUFFIE (about 1788- 1851). McDuffie NHR Math 244 Slavery and Abolition (ss liberated, and brought into action, how vastly would it add to the strength, wealth, and intelligence of our nation ! We are commanded to ‘do justly and love mercy,’ and this we ought to do without delay, and leave the conse- quences attending it to the control of Him who gave the command. We ought also to remember that no excuse for disobedience will avail us any thing when he shall call us to judgment. If we refuse to do the Africans justice, we may expect the supreme Governor of the world to avenge their wrongs, and cause their own arm to make them free ! Hence, our own safety demands their liberation. Hold them in bondage, and you will inure them to hardship, and prepare them for the day of battle. You will also keep them together, increase their numbers, and enable them to over- power the nation. Their enormous increase, beyond that of the white population, is truly alarming. But liberate them, and their increase will become proportionate to the rest of the nation. They will scatter over this Union— many of them will emigrate to Hayti and Africa. Prepare them for citizenship, and give them the privileges of free men, and they will have no inducements to do us harm; but persist in oppressing them, and ruin will eventually burst upon our nation. The storm is gathering fast— dismal clouds al- ready begin to darken our horizon! A few more years, and the work of death will commence ! John Rankin, Letters on American Slavery (second edition, Newburyport, 1836), Preface, lii-iv, and 24-117 passim. 95. A Southern Defence of Slavery (1835) OR the institution of domestic slavery we hold our- selves responsible only to God, and it is utterly incompatible with the dignity and the safety of the State,_ pers ns eee Pert ee ee te oes art P a) fl e 4 5 Dy ‘| ca | “ \} ‘ A 4 B B AA “VO i | SX V ee. p ett d ; >< \Y) \ N XN + is Va Ne Sy . : SGN GASES 1X \ we 0 N/E NA 5 Ys : XY ‘ ( Ns \ GEE RAGS YS g 3! PR GY RIN RAS Lee : A i a N x 2 Q ne : v \ 3 yy { ENS ae wz, A-P—-Q ) VQ 7 IRS: a (7 D tele. Pe eT Lape 7 BEC le ha JteTW CTEN vee fee oP A UL? zt) 2 Z 2) a 472 Ve VE 777 ogi 2 } ae a Va CNN a ee ia ES fi Ve ? Ce ah ew we 4, fe de, CL ea QZ. *#t vs No ‘ a N , NX ' \ LANES REG Ss Nhe UE REALE REOS CAS I AYE SS Ge ETN, URN NMEA EN AS ENE CE ANS [> Sy RAE Ny > ti ay \ « | Pd SE NAS GS Woe \ \ \X Vas EX BA EXEP ERE Yaa Ae ote ZC rahe sect la THOS AAS 2I-e CF. LO ee ee tC OC oO ZA #tPAZ2 Ct PPL 44S AS EES, es cee fe, fr ee Petre ZF LhFnA aro as. s ie fee ek eer st ~C_ nr efn LL re (SAGO te oh we / a Ge EO TF o— 07 ie f LE ME€ gone LYS 2G OLF_OD oe aT 4 OC a LOA GOALS. Sn OFilos Por, o LE This hitherto unpublished letter, by the last surviving signer of the Declaration of Independence, throws an The original is the property interesting light on the matter-of-fact treatment of slaves even by kind masters. of Mr. Charles E. Grinnell of Roxbury, Mass.Aer g Deno cores i f ‘ ) F is Lk f f i f See ee PO — Sires BS mr =e Ser - aA Southern Defence No. 95] 24.5 to permit any foreign authority to question our right to maintain it. It may nevertheless be appropriate, as a vol- untary token of our respect for the opinions of our confed- erate brethren, to present some views to their consideration on this subject, calculated to disabuse their minds of false opinions and pernicious prejudices. No human institution, in my opinion, is more manifestly consistent with the will of God, than domestic slavery, and no one of his ordinances is written in more legible characters than that which consigns the African race to this condition, as more conducive to their own happiness, than any other of which they are susceptible. Whether we consult the sacred Scriptures, or the lights of nature and reason, we shall find these truths as abundantly apparent, as if written with a sunbeam in the heavens. Under both the Jewish and Chris- tian dispensations of our religion, domestic slavery existed with the unequivocal sanction of its prophets, its apostles and finally its great Author. The patriarchs themselves, those chosen instruments of God, were slave-holders. In fact the divine sanction of this institution is so plainly written that 1 9) ‘““he who runs may read”’ it, and those over-righteous pre- tenders and Pharisees, who effect to be scandalized by its existence among us, would do well to inquire how much more nearly they walk in the ways of Godliness, than did Abraham, Isaac and Jacob. ‘That the African negro is des- tined by Providence to occupy this condition of servile dependence, is not less manifest. It is marked on. the face, stamped on the skin, and evinced by the intellectual infe- riority and natural improvidence of this race. They have all the qualities that fit them for slaves, and not one of those that would fit them to be freemen. ‘They are utterly un- qualified not only for rational freedom, but for self-govern- ment of any kind.— ‘They are, in all respects, physical, moral and political, inferior to millions of the human race, who have for consecutive ages, dragged out a wretched was a sup- porter of Andrew Jackson, until the rela< tions between the govern- ment and South Caro- lina became strained after 1828, when he resigned from the Senate and was elected governor of his State, remaining in office from 1834 to 1836. He regarded nullification not as a con- stitutional, but as a just revolution- ary measure. The message from which the piece is taken was sent to the South Caro- lina legis- lature In 1835. On slavery and the other cur- rent issues of which it treats, it ex- presses the views of the extremists among the contempora- neous South- ern leaders. — For the full message, see American History Leaflets, No. 10.— For other South-ern defences of slavery, see Nos. 9I above and 113 below; Contempora- ries, IYI, ch. All this argu- ment was disproved by the 1esult of the Civil War, Scripture authority was a favorite argument down to 1861. a peit biel tabla ca ts 246 Slavery and Abolition t1835 existence under a grinding political despotism, and who are doomed to this hopeless condition by the very qualities which unfit them for a better. It is utterly astonishing that any enlightened American, after contemplating all the mani- fold forms in which even the white race of mankind are doomed to slavery and oppression, should suppose it possi- ble to reclaim the African race from their destiny. The capacity to enjoy freedom is an attribute not to be com- municated by human power. It is an endowment of God, and one of the rarest which it has pleased his inscrutable wisdom to bestow upon the nations of the earth. It is con- ferred as the reward of merit, and only upon those who are qualified to enjoy it. Until the ‘Ethiopian can change his skin,’’ it will be vain to attempt, by any human power, to make freemen of those whom God has doomed to be slaves, by all their attributes. Let not, therefore, the misguided and designing inter- meddlers who seek to destroy our peace, imagine that they are serving the cause of God by practically arraigning the decrees of his Providence. Indeed it would scarcely excite surprise, if with the impious audacity of those who projected the tower of Babel, they should attempt to scale the battle- ments of Heaven, and remonstrate with the God of wisdom for having put the mark of Cain and the curse of Ham upon the African race, instead of the European... . It is perfectly evident that the destiny of the Negro race is, either the worst possible form of political slavery, or else domestic servitude as it exists in the slaveholding States. The advantage of domestic slavery over the most favorable condition of political slavery, does not admit of a question. It is the obvious interest of the master, not less than his duty, to provide comfortable food and clothing for his slaves ; and whatever false and exaggerated stories may be propa- gated by mercenary travellers, who make a trade of exchang- ing calumny for hospitality, the peasantry and operatives ofvo.95) A Southern Defence 247 no country in the world are better provided for, in these respects, than the slaves of our country. ... They habitually labor from two to four hours a day less than the operatives in other countries, and it has been truly remarked, by some writer, that a negro cannot be made to injure himself by excessive labor. It may be safely affirmed that they usually eat as much wholesome and substantial food in one day, as English operatives or Irish peasants eat in two. And as it regards concern for the future, their con- dition may well be envied even by their masters. ‘There is not upon the face of the earth, any class of people, high or low, so perfectly free from care and anxiety. They know that their masters will provide for them, under all circum- stances, and that in the extremity of old age, instead of being driven to beggary or to seek public charity in a poor- house, they will be comfortably accommodated and kindly treated among their relatives and associates. In a word, our slaves are cheerful, contented and happy, much beyond the general condition of the human race, except where those foreign intruders and fatal ministers of mischief, the emancipationists, like their arch-prototype in the Garden of Eden, and actuated by no less envy, have tempted them to aspire above the condition to which they have been assigned in the order of Providence. Nor can it be admitted, as some of our own statesmen have affirmed, in a mischievous and misguided spirit of sickly sentimentality, that our system of domestic slavery is a curse to the white population — a moral and political evil, much to be deplored, but incapable of being eradicated. Let the tree be judged by its fruit. ... . . . where the menial offices and dependent employ- ments of society are performed by domestic slaves, a class well defined by their color and entirely separated from the political body, the rights of property are perfectly secure, without the establishment of artificial barriers. In a word, The testi- mony of travellers contradicts this state- ment. Calhoun elaborated the argument that “slavery was a posi- tive good,” See Ameri-Or ree } i { t : B i. K can Orations, IY, 123. See Ste- phens, be- iow, No. 113. By WILLIAM LLOYD GAR- RISON (1805-1879), a colleague of Benjamin Lundy in publishing the Genius of Universal Emancipa- tion in Boston in 1828. On Jan. I, 1831, Garrison founded the DL Ta tas ba lie < j 248 Slavery and Abolition [ss the institution of domestic slavery supercedes the necessity of an order of nobility, and all the other appendages of a hereditary system of government. Domestic slavery, therefore, instead of being a political evil, is the corner stone of our republican edifice. No patriot who justly estimates our privileges will tolerate the idea of emancipation, at any period, however remote, or on any conditions of pecuniary advantage, however favorable[ . | I would as soon think of opening a negociation for selling the liberty of the State at once, as for making any stipula- tions for the ultimate emancipation of our slaves. So deep is my conviction on this subject, that if 1 were doomed to die immediately after recording these sentiments, I could say in all sincerity and under all the sanctions of christianity and patriotism, “God forbid that my descendants, in the remotest generations, should live in any other than a com- munity having the institution of domestic slavery, as it ex- isted among the patriarchs of the primitive Church and in all the free states of antiquity.” Journal of the General Assembly of South Car olina, 1835 Ce pended to Acts and Resolutions of the General Assembly... passed in December, 1836, Columbia, 1837), 5-8 fasszm. ——— g6. An Anti-Abolitionist Mob (1835) HE sign being demolished, the cry for “ Garrison !” was renewed, more loudly than ever. It was now apparent that the multitude would not disperse until I had left the building; and as egress out of the front door was impossible, the Mayor and his assistants, as well as some of my friends, earnestly besought me to effect my escape in the rear of the building. Preceded by my faithful and beloved friend Mr. J——No. 96] Garrison Riot 24.9 R C——.,, I dropped from a back window on to a shed, and narrowly escaped falling headlong to the ground. We entered into a carpenter’s shop, through which we attempted to get into Wilson’s Lane, but found our retreat cut off by the mob. but the workmen promptly closed the door of the shop, kept They raised a shout as soon as we came in sight, them at bay for a time, and thus kindly afforded me an opportunity to find some other passage. I told Mr. C. it would be futile to attempt to escape —I would go out to the mob, and let them deal with me as they might elect ; but he thought it was my duty to avoid them as long as pos- sible. corner of the room, I got into it, and he and a young lad piled up some boards in front of me to shield me from observation. the chamber, who seized Mr. C. in a rough manner, and led him out to the view of the mob, saying, “This is not Gar- rison, but Garrison’s and Thompson’s friend, and he says he knows where Garrison is, but won’t tell.’’ exultation was raised by the mob, and what became of him I do not know; though, as I was immediately discovered, I presume he escaped without material injury. On seeing me, three or four of the rioters, uttering a yell, furiously dragged me to the window. with the intention of hurling me from that height to the ground ; but one of them relented and said —‘“ Don’t let us kill him outright.’ So they drew me back, and coiled a rope about my body — probably to drag me through the streets. I bowed to the mob, and, requesting them to wait patiently until I could descend, went down upon a ladder that was raised for that purpose. I fortunately extricated myself from the rope, and was seized by two or three powerful men, to whose firmness, policy and muscular energy I am probably indebted for my preservation. They led me along bareheaded, (for I had lost my hat), through a mighty crowd, ever and anon shout- We then went up stairs, and, finding a vacancy in one In a few minutes several ruffians broke into Then a shout of Liberator in 30oston, and continued to publish it for thirty-five years, until the abolition of slavery was finally secured. ‘The incident described below illus- trates the kind of perse- cution to which he and men like him were exposed during this period, ‘The Boston mob was occa- sioned by a meeting of the Boston Female Anti- Slavery So- ciety, on Oct. 21, 1835, at which it was rumored that the Eng- lish aboli- tionist, Thompson, was to speak, Garrison’s account is a good sample of his vigor- ous style of writing. — For Garri- son, see Life of Garrison by his Chil- adren(4 vols.). — For anti- abolition mobs, see Contempora- r2éS Lc: The sign“ Anti-Slav- ery Rooms,”’ exciting the fury of the mob, was at their demand promptly given them by the mayor, and was in- stantly broken into fragments. UR Oae = John Reid Campbell. Garrison always re- sented the report that the rope was about his neck, i THEY Pp aie 250 Slavery and Abolition [183s You shan’t hurt him! Don’t This seemed to excite sympathy among many in the crowd, and they re- iterated the cry, ‘‘ He shan’t be hurt!” Iwas thus conducted through Wilson’s Lane into State Street, in the rear of the City Hall, over the ground that was stained with the blood of the first martyrs in the cause of Liserty and INDEPEN- and upon ing, “‘He shan’t be hurt! hurt him! He is an American,” &c., &c. DENCE, by the memorable massacre of 1770 which was proudly unfurled, only a few years since, with joyous acclamations, the beautiful banner presented to the gallant Poles by the young men of Boston! Orders were now given to carry me to the Mayor’s office in the City Hall. As we approached the south door, the Mayor attempted to protect me by his presence ; but as he was unassisted by any show of authority or force, he was quickly thrust aside — and now came a tremendous rush on the part of the mob to prevent my entering the Hall. For a moment, the conflict was dubious — but my sturdy sup- porters carried me safely up to the Mayor’s room. . - . Having had my clothes rent asunder, one individual kindly lent me a pair of pantaloons — another, a coat—a third, a stock — a fourth, a cap as a substitute for my lost hat. After a consultation of fifteen or twenty minutes, the Mayor and his advisers came to the singular conclusion, that the building would be endangered by my continuing in it, and that the preservation of my life depended upon committing me to jail, ostensibly as a disturber of the peace!! A hack was got in readiness at the door to receive me and, supported by Sheriff Parkman and Ebenezer Bailey, Esq. (the Mayor leading the way), I succeeded in getting into it without much difficulty, as I was not readily identified in my new garb. Now came a scene that baffles the power of descrip- tion. As the ocean, lashed into fury by the spirit of the storm, seeks to whelm the adventurous bark beneath its mountain waves—so did the mob, enraged by a series ofNotoyi Garrison Riot 251 disappointments, rush like a whirlwind upon the frail vehicle in which I sat, and endeavor to drag me out of it. Escape seemed a physical impossibility. They clung to the wheels — dashed open the doors —seized hold of the horses — and tried to upset the carriage. They were, however, vigorously repulsed by the police —a constable sprang in by my side — the doors were closed—and the driver, lustily using his whip upon the bodies of his horses and the heads of the rioters, happily made an opening through the crowd, and drove at a tremendous speed for Leverett Street. But many of the rioters followed even with superior swiftness, and repeatedly attempted to arrest the progress of the horses. 10 reach the jail by a direct course was found impracticable ; and after going in a circuitous direction, and encountering many “ hair-breadth ’scapes,”’ we drove up to this new and last refuge of liberty and life, when another bold attempt was made to seize me by the mob — but in vain. Ina few moments I was locked up in a cell, safe from my persecutors, accompanied by two delightful associates, a good conscience and a cheerful mind.” ... [Wendell Phillips Garrison and Francis Jackson Garrison, edi- tors,] Walliam Lloyd Garrison. 1805-1879. The Story of his Life told by his Children (New York, 1885), II, 18-27 Dassim. 97. The Internal Slave-Trade (1834) UST as we reached New River, in the early grey of the morning, we came up with a singular spectacle, the most striking one of the kind I have ever witnessed. It was a camp of negro slave-drivers, just packing up to start ; they had about three hundred slaves with them, who had biv- ouacked the preceding night 7” chains in the woods; these By GEORGE WILLIAM FEATHER- STONHAUGH (1780-1866), an English- man, who spent many years of his early life in North America. Owing to his; i H C i E { j extended knowledge of the country, the British government made him one of the commission- ers to settle the bounda- ries of the United States under the Ashbur- ton Treaty. In 1844 he published the book from which this extract 1s taken, in which he freely dis- cusses the in- stitution of slavery. His judgments, though se- vere, are fair- minded and discriminat- ing. — For English trav- ellers, see Tuckerman, America and her Cammen- tators.— On the external slave-trade, see DuBols, Suppr ession of the Slave- Trade. —— On the internal slave-trade, see Contem- poraries, III, No. “New River,” 4 name given to the Great Kanawha in the upper THEA as 252 Slavery and Abolition ese they were conducting to Natchez, upon the Mississippi River, to work upon the sugar plantations in Louisiana... . they had a caravan of nine waggons and single-horse car- riages, for the purpose of conducting the white people, and any of the blacks that should fall lame, to which they were now putting the horses to pursue their march. The female slaves were, some of them, sitting on logs of wood, whiist others were standing, and a great many little black children were warming themselves at the fires of the bivouac. In front of them all, and prepared for the march, stood, double files, about two hundred male slaves, manacled ae chained to cach other. had never seen so revolting a sight before! Black men in fetters, torn from the lands where they were born, from the ties they had formed, and from the comparatively easy condition which agricultural labour affords, and driven by white men, with liberty and equality in their mouths, to a distant and unhealthy country, to perish in the sugar-mills of Louisiana, w here the duration of life for a sugar-mill slave does not exceed seven years! ‘To make this spectacle still more disgusting and hideous, some of the principal white slave-drivers, who were tolerably well dressed. and had broad-brimmed white hats on, w7¢h black crape round them, were standing near, laughing and smoking GIPalSe o « It was an interesting, but a melancholy spectacle, to see them effect the passage of the river: first, a man on horse- back selected a shallow place in the ford for the male slaves ; then followed a waggon and four horses, attended by another man on horseback. ‘The other waggons contained the chil- dren and some that were lame, whilst the scows, or flat- boats, crossed the women and some of the people belonging to the caravan. There was much method and vigilance observed, for this was one of the situations where the gangs always watchful to obtain their liberty — often show a dis- position to mutiny, knowing that if one or two of them couldHOTA T ET Coon to hee ee bo No. 97] Internal ‘Trade Dee wrench their manacles off, they could soon free the rest, and either disperse themselves or overpower and slay their sordid keepers, and fly to the Free States. The slave-drivers, aware of this disposition in the unfortunate negroes, en- deavour to mitigate their discontent by feeding them well on the march, and by encouraging them to sing “Old Virginia never tire,” to the banjo. . . these gangs are accompanied by other negroes trained by the slave-dealers to drive the rest, whom they amuse by lively stories, boasting of the fine warm climate they are going to, and of the oranges and sugar which are there to be had for nothing: in proportion as they recede from the Free States, the danger of revolt diminishes, for in the Southern Slave-States all men have an interest in pro- tecting this infernal trade of slave-driving, which, to the negro, is a greater curse than slavery itself, since it too often dissevers for ever those affecting natural ties which even a slave can form, by tearing, without an instant’s notice, the husband from the wife, and the children from their parents ; sending the one to the sugar plantations of Louisiana, an- other to the cotton-lands of Arkansas, and the rest to Mexas.ey 3% The uncompromising obloquy which has been cast at the Southern planters, by their not too scrupulous adversaries, is . . . not deserved by them; and it is but fair to consider them as only indirectly responsible for such scenes as arise out of the revolting traffic which is carried on by these sor- did, illiterate, and vulgar slave-drivers — men who can have nothing whatever in common with the gentlemen of the Southern states. This land traffic, in fact, has grown out of the wide-spreading population of the United States, the an- nexation of Louisiana, and the increased cultivation of cotton and sugar. ‘The fertile lowlands of that territory can only be worked by blacks, and are almost of illimitable extent. Hence negroes have risen greatly in price, from 500 to 1000 part of its course, The slave- trader was despised by the slave- holder,They rose to $1400 and upwards between 1850 and 1860. 254 Slavery and Abolition [res dollars, according to their capacity. Slaves being thus in demand, a detestable branch of business —where sometimes a great deal of money is made—has very naturally arisen in a country filled with speculators. The soil of Virginia has gradually become exhausted with repeated crops of tobacco and Indian corn; and when to this is added the constant subdivision of property which has overtaken every family since the abolition of entails, it follows of course that many of the small proprietors, in their efforts to keep up appear- ances, have become embarrassed in their circumstances, and, when they are pinched, are compelled to sell a negro or two. The wealthier proprietors also have frequently frac- tious and bad slaves, which, when they cannot be reclaimed, are either put into jail, or into those depots which exist in all the large towns for the reception of slaves who are sold, until they can be removed. All this is very well known to the slave-driver, one of whose associates goes annually to the Southwestern States, to make his contracts with those planters there who are in want of slaves for the next season. These fellows then scour the country to make purchases. Those who are bought out of jail are always put in fetters, as well as any of those whom they may suspect of an inten- tion to escape. The women and grown-up girls are usually sold into the cotton-growing States, the men and the boys to the rice and sugar plantations. Persons with large capital are actively concerned in this trade, some of whom have amassed considerable fortunes. But occasionally these deal- ers in men are made to pay fearfully the penalty of their nefarious occupation. I was told that only two or three months before I passed this way a “ gang” had surprised their conductors when off their guard, and had killed some of them with axes. G. W. Featherstonhaugh, Excursion through the Slave States (New York, 1844), 36-38 Dasszm.PL No. 98] A Slave’s Narrative 25 g8. A Slave’s Narrative (1844) AM about sixty-five years old. I was born near Eden- ton, North Carolina. My master was very kind to his slaves. If an overseer whipped them, he turned him away. He used to whip them himself sometimes, with hickory switches as large as my little finger. My mother nursed all his children. She was reckoned a very good servant ; and our mistress made it a point to give one of my mother’s children to each of her own. I fell to the lot of Elizabeth, her second daughter. It was my business to wait upon her. Oh, my old mistress was a kind woman. She was all the same as a mother to poor Charity. If Charity wanted to learn to spin, she let her learn; if Charity wanted to learn to knit, she let her learn; if Charity wanted to learn to weave, she let her learn. I had a wedding when I was married ; for mistress didn’t like to have ey people take up with one another, without any minister to marry them. When my dear good mistress died, she charged her children never to separate me and my husband; “ For,” said she, “if ever there was a match made in heaven, it was Charity and her husband.” My husband was a nice good man; and mistress knew we set stores by one another. Her children promised they never would separate me from my husband and children. Indeed, they used to tell me they would never sell me at all; and I am sure they meant what they said. But my young master got into trouble. He used to come home and sit leaning his head on his hand by the hour together, without speaking to any body. I see something was the matter; and I begged of him to tell me what made him look so worried. He told me he owed seventeen hundred dollars, that he could not pay ; and he was afraid he should have to go to prison. I degged him to sell me and my children, rather than to go to jail. I see By CHARITY BOWERY (born 1779). This narra- tive ofaslave woman, who had been freed by the will of her master and had after- ward come North,givesa fairly typical, and not over- drawn, picture of the condition of a slave in the second quar- ter of this century. The narrative is simple and bears inter- nal marks of sincerity. — See a bibli- ography of slave narra- tives in Sie- bert, Under- ground Rail road.— Other narra- tives below, No. 100; Contempora- ries. III, Nos,epee peers ; Ne ae erage ec a In most cases the wives and daughters of large planters took a kindly interest in the slaves. 256 Slavery and Abolition (rs the tears come into his eyes. “I don’t know, Charity,” said he; “I'll see what can be done. One thing you may feel easy about; I will never separate you from your hus- band and children, let what will come.” Two or three days after, he come to me, and says hey “Charity, how should you like to be sold to Mr. Kinmore?”’ I told him I would rather be sold to him than to any body else, because my husband belonged to him. My husband was a nice good man, and we set stores by one another. Mr. Kinmore agreed to buy us; and so I and my children went there to live. He was a kind master; but as for mistress Kinmore, she was a divil! Mr. Kinmore died a few years after he bought us; and in his Will he give me and my husband free; but I never know ed anything about it, for years afterward. I don’t know how they managed it. My poor husband died, and zever know ed that he was free. But it’s all the same now. He’s among the ransomed. Sixteen children I’ve had, first and last; and twelve fibye nursed for my mistress. From the time my first baby was born, I always set my heart upon buying freedom for some of my children. I thought it was of more consequence to them, than to me; for I was old, and used to being a slave But mistress Kinmore wouldn’t let me have my children. One after another — one after another — she sold ’em away from me. Oh, how many times that woman’s broke my heart ! I tried every way I could, to lay up a copper to buy my children ; but I found it pretty hard ; for mistress kept me at work all the time. It was “Charity! Charity! Charity!” from morning till night. I used to do the washings of the family ; and large wash- ings they were. The public road run right by my little hut ; and I thought to myself, while I stood there at the ache tub, I might, just as well as not, be earning something to buy my children. So I set up a little oyster-board ; andwo.o8} A Slave’s Narrative’ 257 when anybody come along, that wanted a few oysters and a cracker, I left my wash-tub and waited upon him. When I got a little money laid up, I went to my mistress and tried to buy one of my children. She knew how long my heart had been set upon it, and how hard I had worked for it. But she wouldn’t let me have one ! — She wouldn't let me have one! So, I went to work again; and set up late o’ nights, in hopes I could earn enough to tempt her. When I had two hundred dollars, I went to her again; but she thought she could find a better market, and she wouldn't let me have one. At last, what do you think that woman did? She sold me and five of my children to the speculators ! Oh, how I dd feel, when I heard my children was sold to the speculators! ... Surely, ma’am, there’s always some good comes of being kind to folks. While I kept my oyster-board, there was a thin, peaked-looking man, used to come and buy of me. Sometimes he would say, “ Aunt Charity, (he always called me Aunt Charity,) you must fix me up a nice little mess, for I feel poorly to-day.” I always made something good for him; and if he didn’t happen to have any change, I always trusted him. He liked my messes mighty well. — Now, who do you think that should turn out to be, but the very speculator that bought me! He come to me, and says he, “ Aunt Charity (he always called me Awnz¢ Charity, ) you’ve been very good to me, and fixed me up many a nice little mess, when I’ve been poorly ; and now you shall have your freedom for it, and I'll give you your youngest Childiy ayy Well . . . after that I concluded I’d come to the Free States. . ... Here I have taken in washing ; and my daughter is smart at her needle ; and we get a very comfortable living. L{ydia] Maria Child, Letters from New-York (Second Series, New York, etc., 1845), 48-53 passim. cPy 5 tea pte de tet glade tate bapezae , : ze , eee i Meester ys] ED ba 258 Slavery and Abolition {183 By JOHN 9g. Farewell of a Slave Mother (1838) GREENLEAF ‘ A 4 i j i rae =e a A eR PHS IPSS Sirs Searsersser, WHITTIER (1807-1892). Probably his youthful friendship with Garrl- son drew him early into the anti-slavery movement, in which, through both verse and prose, his pen did valiant service for the cause. In 1836 he became sec- retary of the American Anti-Slavery Society ; from 1847 to 1859 he con- tributed edi- torials to the anti-slavery National £ra,in which Oncle Tom's Cabin was first printed. Whittier was interested in practical politics, and had much to do with the formation of the new Re- publican party in 1854. His burning verses hada wonderful effect on Northern public opinion, — See other anti-slavery ONE, gone — sold and gone, To the rice-swamp dank and lone. Where the slave-whip ceaseless swings, Where the noisome insect stings, Where the fever demon strews Poison with the falling dews, Where the sickly sunbeams glare Through the hot and misty air,— Gone, gone — sold and gone, To the rice-swamp dank and lone, From Virginia’s hills and waters, — Woe is me, my stolen daughters ! Gone, gone — sold and gone, To the rice-swamp dank and lone. There no mother’s eye is near them, There no mother’s ear can hear them ; Never, when the torturing lash Seams their back with many a gash, Shall a mother’s kindness bless them, Or a mother’s arms caress them. Gone, gone — sold and gone, To the rice-swamp dank and lone, From Virginia’s hills and waters, — Woe is me, my stolen daughters ! Gone, gone — sold and gone, To the rice-swamp dank and lone. Oh, when weary, sad, and slow, From the fields at night they go, Faint with toil, and racked with pain, To their cheerless homes again —No. 99] 9 A Slave’s Farewell 2,50 There no brother’s voice shall greet them — poems in There no father’s welcome meet them. Coe aaa Gone, gone — sold and gone, Nos. To the rice-swamp dank and lone, From Virginia’s hills and waters, — Woe is me, my stolen daughters ! Gone, gone — sold and gone, The rice m Sf ye plantations To the rice-swamp dank and lone. E cca temo From the tree whose shadow lay unbean ; ; ; oO the On their childhood’s place of play — laces of From the cool spring where they drank — slave labor. Rock, and hill, and rivulet bank — From the solemn house of prayer, And the holy counsels there — Gone, gone — sold and gone, To the rice-swamp dank and lone, From Virginia’s hills and waters, — Woe is me, my stolen daughters ! Gone, gone — sold and gone, To the rice-swamp dank and lone— Toiling through the weary day, And at night the spoiler’s prey. Oh, that they had earlier died, Sleeping calmly, side by side, Where the tyrant’s power is 0’er, And the fetter galls no more ! Gone, gone — sold and gone, To the rice-swamp dank and lone, From Virginia’s hills and waters, — Woe is me, my stolen daughters ! Gone, gone — sold and gone, To the rice-swamp dank and lone.By HENRY Box BROWN (born 1816), the phra- seology of whose natra- tive was undoubtedly refined by the person who wrote down his story for him. ‘This is one of the most thrilling incidents in the annals of fugitive- slave history. The expedi- ent was not entirely new, however, for as early as 1620 the cele- brated Hugo Grotius was got out of prison ina similar way. — Other cases are LMT 2 60 [1848 Slavery and Abolition By the holy love He beareth — By the bruised reed He spareth — Oh, may He, to whom alone All their cruel wrongs are known, Still their hope and refuge prove, With a more than a mother’s love. Gone, gone — sold and gone, To the rice-swamp dank and lone, From Virginia’s hills and waters, — Woe is me, my stolen daughters ! John G. Whittier, Poems (Boston, 1849), 163-165. 100. A Fugitive’s Narrative (1848) FTER searching for assistance for some time, I at length was so fortunate as to find a friend, who promised to assist me, for one half the money I had about me, which was one hundred and sixty-six dollars. I gave him eighty-six, and he was to do his best in forwarding my scheme. At length, after praying earnestly to Him, who seeth afar off, for assistance, in my difficulty, suddenly, as if from above, there darted into my mind these words, ‘‘ Go and get a box, and put yourself in it.” I pondered the words over in my mind. ‘Geta box?” thought I; “what can this meanP”’ 3ut I was “not disobedient unto the heavenly vision,” and I determined to put into practice this direction, as I consid- ered it, from my heavenly Father. I went to the depot, and there noticed the size of the largest boxes, which commonly were sent by the cars, and returned with their dimensions. I then repaired to a carpenter, and induced him to make me a box of such a description as I wished, informing himee oboei be eee ee No. 100] A Fugitive 2 6 I of the use I intended to make of it. He assured me I could not live in it; but as it was dear liberty I was in pursuit of, I thought it best to make the trial. When the box was finished, I carried it, and placed it before my friend, who had promised to assist me, who asked 1?” J replied that it He was aston- me if that was to “ put my clothes 1 was not, but to “put Henry Brown in!” ished at my temerity ; but I insisted upon his placing me in it, and nailing me up, and he finally consented. After corresponding with a friend in Philadelphia, arrange- ments were made for my departure, and I took my place in this narrow prison, with a mind full of uncertainty I laid me down in my darkened home of three feet by two, and like one about to be guillotined, resigned myself to my fate. so; and contented himself with sending a telegraph message to his correspondent in Philadelphia, that such a box was on My friend was to accompany me, but he failed to do its way to his care. I took with me a bladder filled with water to bathe my neck with, in case of too great heat ; and with no access to the. fresh air, excepting three small gimblet holes, I started on my perilous cruise. I was first carried to the express office, the box being placed on its end, so that I started with my head downwards, although the box was directed, “ this side up with care.” From the express office, I was carried to the depot, and from thence tumbled roughly into the baggage car, where I happened to fall “right side up,” but no thanks to my transporters. But after a while the cars stopped, and I was put aboard a steamboat, and placed on my head. In this dreadful position, I remained the space of an hour and a half, it seemed to me, when I began to feel of my eyes and head, and found to my dismay, that my eyes were almost swollen out of their sockets, and the veins on my temple seemed ready to burst. I made no noise however, determining to obtain “wctory or death,” but endured the cited in McDougall, Fugitive Slaves, and Siebert, Under- ground Rail- road, = Other narra- tives are in Contempora- ries, ILI, . iNOS,262 Slavery and Abolition [1848 terrible pain, as well as I could, sustained under the whole by the thoughts of sweet liberty. About half an hour after- wards, I attempted again to lift my hands to my face, but I found I was not able to move them. A cold sweat now covered me from head to foot. Death seemed my inevit- able fate, and every moment I expected to feel the blood flowing over me, which had burst from my veins. One half hour longer and my sufferings would have ended in that fate, which I preferred to slavery; but I lifted up my heart to God in prayer, believing that he would yet deliver me, when to my joy, I overheard two men say, “ We have been here two hours and have travelled twenty miles, now let us sit down, and rest ourselves.’’? They suited the action to the word, and turned the box over, containing my soul and body, thus delivering me from the power of the grim messenger of death, who a few moments previously, had aimed his fatal shaft at my head, and had placed his icy hands on my throbbing heart... . Soon after this fortunate event, we arrived at Washington, where I was thrown from the wagon and again as my luck would have it, fell on my head. I was then rolled down a declivity, until I reached the platform from which the cars were to start. During this short but rapid journey, my neck came very near being dislocated, as I felt it crack, as if it had snapped asunder. Pretty soon, I heard some one say, “there is no room for this box, it will have to remain be- hind.” I then again applied to the Lord, my help in all my difficulties, and in a few minutes I heard a gentleman direct the hands to place it aboard, as “it came with the mail and must go on with it.” I was then tumbled into the car, my head downwards again, as I seemed to be destined to escape on my head; a sign probably, of the opinion of American people respecting such bold adventurers as my- self; that our heads should be held downwards, whenever we attempt to benefit ourselves. Not the only instance ofNo. ror] A Fugitive 26 3 this propensity, on the part of the American people, towards the colored race. We had not proceeded far, however, be- fore more baggage was placed in the car, at a stopping place, and I was again turned to my proper position. No farther difficulty occurred until my arrival at Philadelphia. I reached this place at three o’clock in the morning, and re- mained in the depot until six o’clock, a.M., at which time, a waggon drove up, and a person inquired for a box directed to such a place, “right side up.”’ I was soon placed on this waggon, and carried to the house of my friend’s correspon- dent, where quite a number of persons were waiting to receive me. They appeared to be some afraid to open the box at first, but at length one of them rapped upon it, and with a trembling voice, asked, “Is all right within?” to which I replied, “ All right.”” The joy of these friends was excessive, and like the ancient Jews, who repaired to the re- building of Jerusalem, each one seized hold of some tool, and commenced opening my grave. At length the cover was removed, and I arose, and shook myself from the leth- argy into which I had fallen; but exhausted nature proved too much for my frame, and I swooned away. Charles Stearns, Varrative of Henry Box Brown... written Jrom a statement of facts made by himself (Boston [1849]), 58-62 passim. 101. A Political Abolitionist (1845) To ALL FRIENDS OF LIBERTY, AND OF OUR COUNTRY’S BEST INTERESTS. INALLY, we ask all true friends of liberty, of impartial, universal liberty, to be firm and steadfast. ‘The little handful of voters, who, in 1840, wearied of compromising expediency, and despairing of anti-slavery action by pro- By SALMON PORTLAND CHASE (1808-1873) one of the founders of the Liberty party, author of the plat- form of that party in 1843, and of many other anti-PY ene eT ee ; | f z f slavery ad- dresses; leading spirit in the Free- Soil conven- tion of 1848; senator from Ohio, 1849- 1855; gOv- ernor of Ohio, 1856- 1860; Secre- tary of the Treasury, 1861-1864 ; Chief Justice, 1865-1873. Chase was the most dis- tinguished of the numer- ous Western and Eastern abolitionists who declined to follow Garrison's lead, and used their votes to ac- complish their ends. The piece is one of many ringing polit- ical ad- dresses of the period. — On Chase, see Ameri- can Orations, III, 3, 333; Contempora- ries, 1V, No. .— On the political movement against slav- ery, see American Orations, II, 3-32, T15- 340; Con- temporaries, IV, ch. MT Asan} 3 Ee = 264 Slavery and Abolition (1845 slavery parties, raised anew the standard of the Declaration, and manfully resolved to vote right then and vote for free- dom, has already swelled to a GreaT Party, strong enough, numerically, to decide the issue of any national contest, and stronger far in the power of its pure and elevating principles. And if these principles be sound, which we doubt not, and if the question of slavery be, as we verily believe it is, the GREAT QUESTION of our day and nation, it is a libel upon the intelligence, the patriotism, and the virtue of the American people to say that there is no hope that a majority will not array themselves under our banner. Let it not be said that we are factious or impracticable. We adhere to our views because we believe them to be sound, practicable and vitally important. We have already said that we are ready to prove our devotion to our principles by co-operation with either of the other two great American Parties, which will openly and honestly, in State and National Conventions, avow our doc- trines and adopt our measures, until slavery shall be over- thrown. We do not, indeed, expect any such adoption and avowal by either of those parties, because we are well aware that they fear more, at present, from the loss of slaveholding support than from the loss of anti-slavery co-operation. But we can be satisfied with nothing less, for we will compromise no longer; and, therefore, must of necessity maintain our separate organization as the true Democratic Party of the country, and trust our cause to the patronage of the people and the blessing of God! Carry then, friends of freedom and free labour, your prin- ciples to the ballot-box. Let no difficulties discourage. no dangers daunt, no delays dishearten you. Your solemn vow that slavery must perish is registered in heaven. Renew that vow! Think of the martyrs of truth and freedom ; think of the millions of the enslaved ; think of the other millions of the oppressed and degraded free ; and renew that vow! Be not tempted from the path of political duty.No: 1017 Political Abolition 265 Vote for no man, act with no party politically connected with the supporters of slavery. Vote for no man, act with no party unwilling to adopt and carry out the principles which we have set forth in this address. To compromise for any partial or temporary advantage is ruin to our cause. To act with any party, or to vote for the candidates of any party, which recognises the friends and supporters of slavery as members in full standing, because in particular places or under particular circumstances, it may make large profes- sions of anti-slavery zeal, is to commit political suicide. Unswerving fidelity to our principles; unalterable determi- nation to carry those principles to the ballot-box at every election ; inflexible and unanimous support of those, and only those, who are true to those principles, are the condi- tions of our ultimate triumph. Let these conditions be ful- filled, and our triumph is certain. The indications of its coming multiply on every hand. ‘The clarion trump of free- dom breaks already the gloomy silence of slavery in Ken- tucky, and its echoes are heard throughout the land. A spirit of inquiry and of action is awakened everywhere. The assemblage of the convention, whose voice we utter, is itself an auspicious omen. Gathered from the North and the South, and the East and West, we here unite our coun- sels, and consolidate our action. We are resolved to go for- ward, knowing that our cause is just, trusting in God. We ask you to go forward with us, invoking His blessing who sent his Son to redeem mankind. With Him are the issues of all events. He can and He will disappoint all the devices of oppression. He can, and we trust He will, make our instrumentality efficient for the redemption of our land from slavery, and for the fulfilment of our fathers’ pledge in behalf of freedom, before Him and before the world. [Salmon P. Chase,] Zhe Address of the Southern and Western Liberty Convention held at Cincinnati, June rr & 12, 1845 [no title-page; Philadelphia, 1845], 15.By CHARLES AUGUSTUS DAVIS (1795-1867), a New York merchant, who wrote cleverly on commercial and financial questions. His Major Fack Down- ing Letters first ap- peared in the Commercial Advertiser 1n 1834, and at once became very popular. Its humor, though keen, is never biting; Jack- son himself liked to readit. The passage here given well takes off Jackson's autocratic temper in his relations to the Bank, of which Nicho- las Biddle was presi- dent, and is at the same time an illus- tration of the newspaper MERIT ri CHAPTER XVI— TERRITORIAL DEVELOPMENT, 1841-1353 102. Jackson's Responsibility (1833) ¢ UT there is one thing, Major,’ says the Gineral, ‘that I don’t see how Biddle can git round; and that is, how he dares to take upon himself to do what only could be done by the Directors. Look at the Charter ; there it is as plain as A. B.C. He has no right to do a single thing, unless the Directors are all present, and agree to it.’ ‘Well,’ says I, ‘ Gineral, that is a puzzler; and yet all the Bank folks say he does right; and its more their business than ourn. And,’ says I, ‘ Gineral, come to think on’t, and the notion never struck me before, but I begin now to believe that Squire Biddle is a rale Jackson man.’ ‘Why,’ says he, ‘ Major, you are as crazy as a mad rooster — how can you make that out?’ ‘Why,’ says I, ‘I do raly believe when the Squire did any thing without the Directors, he said, 7 take the responsibility. The Gineral got up, stamp’d round a spell; and, says he, ‘ Major, you beat all natur.’ But this tickled the Gineral considerable. ‘ Well,’ says he, ‘ Major, if I only knew he said so, I’d put all the deposits back again in the Bank to-morrow ; for I do like a man who aint afraid of responsibility.’ We come nigh havin a pretty considerable riot here last night. I and the Gineral had been to bed about two hours, and had jest got threw talkin over matters, and got into a kinder doze, when we was startled by the tarnalest racket you ever hear tell on. The Gineral jump’d right on eend, 266No. 102] Jackson’s Responsibility 267 and run and got his hickory, and I arter him, with the only thing I could get hold on handily —‘Never mind your Regimentals and Corderoys, Major,’ says he, and down stairs we went, side by side, and I a leetle ahead on him; — for I always like to lead into scrapes, and out of scrapes. There is a long room where the most of our folks git together, to talk over matters every night, and eat supper ; and sometimes they git into a kinder squabble, but keep quiet. But this time some how they was in a terrible takin and smashin things. ‘They was all at it, Editors, and Auditors, and Secretaries’ Clerks, and under Post Masters, and Contractors, jawin and poundin one another, and Amos among the thickestonem. ‘The Gineral look’d on for about a minit, and, says he, ‘ Major, shall I go in, or will you? I don’t like to do it,’ says he, ‘ for they have all done us much sarvice, but we cant let this riot go on.’ ‘Well,’ says I, ‘Gineral, do you give me your Hickory,’ and, says I, ‘ I’ll go at ’em, and make short work.’ ‘Take care, Major,’ says he, ‘how you hit, and who you hit.’ ‘ Never mind,’ says I, “Gineral, I’ll take the responsibility.’ ‘ Will you,’ says he ; ‘well, here’s my Hickory ;— for,’ says he, ‘ Major, tho’ I dare do eny most any thing, I must confess I dare not take that responsibility.’ And with that he went to bed, and I went at ’em, and such a time I never had. ‘The first clip I made was at Amos, — but he dodged it, and I hit one of the Editors of the Globe, and nocked him about into the middle of next week. — One fellow got a fryin pan and made fight, but it was no use, for in less than a minit I cleared ’em all. As soon as they come to know who it was, they kinder tried to curry favor; and one said one thing, and one another ; and every one tried to shuffle off upon the others ; it was a considerable spell before I could get the cause on’t; and then it turn’d out that the dispute began about the public deposits, and the next President, and a new Bank, and Mr. Duane and Squire Biddle, and Mr. Van Buren, — and all sqnibs of the day. ‘‘ Major Jack Down- ing "’ is sup- posed to have been a good- humored caricature of Major Lewis, Jackson’s in- timate friend and political adviser, — On Jackson, see Contem- poraries, III, ch, .—On the Bank, see American History Leaf- lets, No. 24; American History Studies, No, Il; Contem- poraries, III, Nose A phrase used by Jack- son ina State paper. Amos Ken- dall, Post- master- General, The Globe was thena Jackson organ, Duane, former Sec- retary of the ‘Treasury,; A ; ; i 1 ‘ i t .H , bi py Hh ° rf f t i ' } yy F y f i Vice- President. By FRANCIS PARKMAN, JR. (1823- 1893), great- est of Ameri- can histori- ans. In spite of the constant suf- fering attend- ant upon a long and wearying ill- ness ended only by death, Park- CERN NTH ote 268 Territorial [1846 mixed up so, I couldn’t make head nor tail on’t. ‘ Now,’ says I, ‘my boys, make an eend on’t:’ and with that I slap’d the old Hickory down on the table, and I made their teeth chatter. ‘My dander is up,’ says I; ‘and one word What,’ says I, ‘a riot here at midnight — aint it glory enuff for you,’ says I, ‘to sarve under the Gineral? If it ain’t,’ says I, ‘then I’m mistaken, and Mr. Van Buren too, —for he thinks it 1s, — and I think so too. and I left them ; and when I got back to the Gineral, I found him in a terrible takin; and it was nigh upon day light afore we could git to sleep. He was all the while talkin about Amos Kindle, and the rest on ‘em; and I do raly believe the Gineral would never have gone to sleep, unless I tell’d him I would stick by him; and whenever the folks about us got into a snarl, if he would only lend me his Hickory, ‘I’d take the responsibility.’ more and I’m down upon you. And now,’ says I, ‘no more jawin’ Yours to Sarve, J. Down1ne, Major, Downingville Militia, 2d Brigade. [Charles Augustus Davis,] Letters of J. Downing, Major (New York, 1834), 103-107. 103. The Oregon Trail (1846) E were now arrived at the close of our solitary jour- neyings along the St. Joseph’s Trail, = On the evening of the twenty-third of May we encamped near its junction with the old legitimate trail of the Oregon emi- As we lay around the fire after supper, a low and distant sound, strange enough amid the loneliness of the prairie, reached our ears— peals of laughter, and the For eight days we had grants... . faint voices of men and women.No. 103] Oregon Trail 269 not encountered a human being, and this singular warning of their vicinity had an effect extremely wild and impressive. About dark a sallow-faced fellow descended the hill on horseback, and splashing through the pool, rode up to the tents. He was enveloped in a huge cloak, and his broad felt-hat was weeping about his ears with the drizzling moisture of the evening. Another followed, a stout, square- built, intelligent-looking man, who announced himself as leader of an emigrant party, encamped a mile in advance of us. About twenty wagons, he said, were with him; the rest of his party were on the other side of the Big Blue. These were the first emigrants that we had overtaken, although we had found abundant and melancholy traces of their progress throughout the whoie course of the journey. Sometimes we passed the grave of one who had sickened and died on the way. The earth was usually torn up, and covered thickly with wolf-tracks. Some had escaped this violation. One morning, a piece of plank, standing upright on the summit of a grassy hill, attracted our notice, and riding up to it, we found the following words very roughly traced upon it, apparently by a red-hot piece of iron: DIED MAY 7th, 1845. AGED TWO MONTHS. Such tokens were of common occurrence... . We were late in breaking up our camp on the following morning, and scarcely had we ridden a mile when we saw, far in advance of us, drawn against the horizon, a line of objects stretching at regular intervals along the level edge of the prairie. An intervening swell soon hid them from sight, until, ascending it a quarter of an hour after, we saw close before us the emigrant caravan, with its heavy white wagons man com- pleted his task of de- scribing the French occu- pation of America, and the struggles with the Eng- lish. His ex- ploring trip to the Rocky Mountains gave hima singular in- sight into Indian char- acter. The piece is a re- markable bit of first-hand description by a master, —See Parkman's autobiogra- phy, in Con- ltemporartes, IV, No. — On Ore- gon, see above, No. 80; Contem- poraries, III, ch. Big Blue, a tributary of the Kansas,Overland emigration to Oregon began about 1842. Three Eng- lish tourists who had joined Park- man and his friend. Tr Pn ao Math 270 Territorial [1846 creeping on in their slow procession, and a large drove of cattle following behind. Half a dozen yellow-visaged Mis- sourians, mounted on horseback, were cursing and shouting among them ; their lank angular proportions, enveloped in brown homespun, evidently cut and adjusted by the hands of a domestic female tailor. As we approached, they ereeted us with the polished salutation : ‘How are yé, boys? Are ye for Oregon or California ? ’ As we pushed rapidly past the wagons, children’s faces were thrust out from the white coverings to look at us; while the care-worn, thin-featured matron, or the buxom girl, seated in front, suspended the knitting on which most of them were engaged to stare at us with wondering curl- osity. By the side of each wagon stalked the proprietor, urging on his patient oxen, who shouldered heavily along, inch by inch, on their interminable journey. It was easy to see that fear and dissension prevailed among them ; some of the men — but these, with one exception, were bachelors — looked wistfully upon us as we rode lightly and swiftly past, and then impatiently at their own lumbering wagons and heavy-gaited oxen. Others were unwilling to advance at all, until the party they had left behind should have re- joined them. Many were murmuring against the leader they had chosen, and wished to depose him; and this dis- content was fomented by some ambitious spirits, who had hopes of succeeding in his place. The women were divided between regrets for the homes they had left and apprehen sion of the deserts and the savages before them. We soon left them far behind, and fondly hoped that we had taken a final leave; but unluckily our companions wagon stuck so long in a deep muddy ditch, that before it was extricated the van of the emigrant caravan appeared again, descending a ridge close at hand. Wagon after wagon plunged through the mud; and as it was nearly noon, and the place promised shade and water, we sawNo. 104] Mexican War 271 with much gratification that they were resolved to encamp. Soon the wagons were wheeled into a circle ; the cattle were grazing over the meadow, and the men, with sour, sul- len faces, were looking about for wood and water. They seemed to meet with but indifferent success. As we left the ground, I saw a tall slouching fellow, with the nasal accent of “down east,’ contemplating the contents of his tin cup, which he had just filled with water. “Look here, you,’ said he ; ‘it’s chock full of animals !’ The cup, as he held it out, exhibited in fact an extraor- dinary variety and profusion of animal and vegetable life. Francis Parkman, Jr., The California and Oregon Trail (New York, etc., 1849), 70-73 passim. ee 104. A Satire on the Mexican War (1846) HRASH away, you ’Il kez to rattle On them kittle drums o’ yourn, — "Taint a knowin’ kind o’ cattle Thet is ketched with mouldy corn ; Put in stiff, you fifer feller, Let folks see how spry you be, — Guess you ’Il toot till you are yeller ’Fore you git ahold o’ me! Thet air flag ’s a leetle rotten, Hope it aint your Sunday’s best i— Fact! it takes a sight o’ cotton To stuff out a soger’s chest Sence we farmers hey to pay fer ’t, Ef you must wear humps like these, Sposin’ you should try salt hay fer ’t, It would du ez slick ez grease. By JAMES RUSSELL LOWELL (1819-1891), Lowell's Marriage in 1844 to Maria White, an earnest abo- litionist, probably ac- centuated whatever leanings he may previ- ously have had toward anti-slavery. The Biglow Papers originally ap- peared in the Boston Courter dur- ing the years 1846-1848, Itisa series of poems writ- ten in theYankee dia- lect by “Mr. Hosea Big- low,” edited with an ‘‘in- troduction, notes, glos- sary, and copious index, by Homer Wil- bur, A.M.” It was directed mainly against sla- very and the Mexican war, though it reflected incidentally on many other exist- ing abuses. Its influ- ence on the anti-slavery movement was incalcu- lably great.— For Lowell, see below, No. 126; Contempor a- ries, IV, No. .— On the Mexican war, see Contempora- ries, LV, ch. Northern anti-slavery men strongly opposed the annexation of Texas and the Mexican war. 272 : baa ty et ~ a RRR a his Rea Territorial [1846 'T would n’t suit them Southern fellers, They ’re a dreffle graspin’ set, We must ollers blow the bellers Wen they want their irons het ; May be it ’s all right ez preachin’, But my narves it kind o’ grates, Wen I see the overreachin’ ©’ them nigger-drivin’ States. Them thet rule us, them slave-traders, Haint they cut a thunderin’ swarth, (Helped by Yankee renegaders, ) Thru the vartu o’ the North! We begin to think it ’s To take sarse an’ not be riled ;— nater Who ’d expect to see a tater All on eend at bein’ biled? Ez fer war, I call it murder, — There you hey it plain an’ flat ; I don’t want to go no furder Than my Testyment fer that ; God hez sed so plump an’ fairly, It ’s ez long ez it is broad, An’ you ’ve gut to git up airly Ef you want to take in God. 'Taint your eppyletts an’ feathers Make the thing a grain more right ; ’Taint afollerin’ your bell-wethers Will excuse ye in His sight ; Ef you take a sword an’ dror it, An’ go stick a feller thru, Guv’ment aint to answer for it, God ’ll send the bill to you.No. 104] Mexican War 27.2 Wut ’s the use o’ meetin-goin’ Every Sabbath, wet or dry, Ef it ’s right to go amowin’ Feller-men like oats an’ rye? I dunno but wut it ’s pooty Trainin’ round in bobtail coats, — But it ’s curus Christian dooty This ere cuttin’ folks’s throats. They may talk o’ Freedom’s airy Tell they ’re pupple in the face, — It’s a grand gret cemetary Fer the barthrights of our race ; They jest want this Californy See below, So ’s to lug new slave-states in No. 106, To abuse ye, an’ to scorn ye, An’ to plunder ye like sin. Aint it cute to see a Yankee Take sech everlastin’ pains, All to git the Devil’s thankee, Helpin’ on ’em weld their chains? Wy, it ’s jest ez clear ez figgers, Clear ez one an’ one make two, Chaps thet make black slaves o’ niggers Want to make wite slaves o’ you. Tell ye jest the eend I ’ve come to Arter cipherin’ plaguy smart, An’ it makes a handy sum, tu, Any gump could larn by heart ; Laborin’ man an’ laborin’ woman Hev one glory an’ one shame, Fv’y thin’ thet ’s done inhuman Injers all on ’em the same.27 4 Territorial [1846 'Taint by turnin’ out to hack folks You ’re agoin’ to git your right, Nor by lookin’ down on black folks Coz you ’re put upon by wite ; Slavery aint o’ nary color, 'Taint the hide thet makes it wus, All it keers fer in a feller 'S jest to make him fill its pus. Want to tackle me in, du ye? I expect you ’Il hev to wait ; Wen cold lead puts daylight thru ye You ’ll begin to kal’late ; ’Spose the crows wun't fall to pickin’ All the carkiss from your bones, Coz you helped to give a lickin’ To them poor half-Spanish drones ? Jest go home an’ ask our Nancy Wether I ’d be sech a goose Ez to jine ye, — guess you ’d fancy The etarnal bung wuz loose ! She wants me fer home consumption, Let alone the hay ’s to mow, — Ef you ’re arter folks 0’ gumption, You ’ve a darned long row to hoe. Take them editors thet ’s crowin’ Like a cockerel three months old, — Don’t ketch any on’em goin’, Though they Ze so blasted bold ; Aint they a prime set 0’ fellers ? ’Fore they think on ’t they will sprout, (Like a peach thet ’s got the yellers,) With the meanness bustin’ out.No. 104] Mexican War 275 Wal, go ’long to help ’em stealin’ Bigger pens to cram with slaves, Help the men thet ’s ollers dealin’ Insults on your fathers’ graves ; Help the strong to grind the feeble, Help the many agin the few, Help the men thet call your people Witewashed slaves an’ peddlin’ crew! Massachusetts, God forgive her, She ’s akneelin’ with the rest, She, thet ough’ to ha’ clung fer ever In her grand old eagle-nest ; She thet ough’ to stand so fearless Wile the wracks are round her hurled, Holdin’ up a beacon peerless To the oppressed of all the world! Haint they sold your colored seamen? By “envoys” 1 r , Pwe wiz? Lowell refers Haint they made your env’ys wizi io aon Wut ll make ye act like freemen? Hoar's mis- t Wut ll git your dander riz? Charleston Come, I ’Il tell ye wut I’m thinkin’ 1844. Is our dooty in this fix, They ’d ha’ done ’t ez quick ez winkin’ In the days o’ seventy-six. Clang the bells in every steeple, Call all true men to disown The tradoocers of our people, The enslavers o’ their own ; Let our dear old Bay State proudly Put the trumpet to her mouth, Let her ring this messidge loudly In the ears of all the Soutn: —Many of the New England abolitionists thought a division of the Union the only way to free the North from responsibility for slavery. By REVER- END WAL- TER COLTON (1797-1851), a clergyman who later took up jour- nalistic work. In 1830 he Was ap- pointed a chaplain in the navy. In 1845 his ship was Or- dered to Cali- fornia, and Colton be- came alcalde of Monterey, 276 AP ATA ite Territorial [1848 «Tll return ye good fer evil Much ez we frail mortils can, But I wun’t go help the Devil Makin’ man the cus 0’ man; Call me coward, call me traiter, Jest ez suits your mean idees, — Here I stand a tyrant-hater, An’ the friend o’ God an’ Peace!” Ef I ’d my way I hed ruther We should go to work an’ part, — They take one way, we take t’other, — Guess it would n’t break my heart ; Man hed ough’ to put asunder Them thet God has noways jined ; An’ I should n’t gretly wonder Ef there ’s thousands o’ my mind. [James Russell Lowell, | The Biglow Papers (Cambridge, 1848) 3-II. tos. At the Gold Fields (1848) \ day, on their return from the mines, and a more forlorn looking group never knocked at the gate of a pauper asylum. ‘They were most of them dismounted, with rags fastened round their blistered feet, and with clubs in their hands, with which they were trying to force on their skeleton animals. ‘They inquired for bread and meat: we had but little of either, but shared it with them. They took from one of their packs a large bag of gold, and began to shell out a pound or two in payment. We told them they were welcome ; still they seemed anxious to pay, and we were E met a company of Californians about mid-Gold Fields No. 105] ATT obliged to be positive in our refusal. This company, as I afterwards ascertained, had with them over a hundred thou- sand dollars in grain gold. . . SunDay, Ocr. 1. Another Sabbath, and our first in the mines. But here and there a digger has resumed his work. With most it is a day of rest, not so much perhaps from re- ligious scruples, as a conviction that the system requires and must have repose. Monpay, Ocr. 2. I went among the gold-diggers ; found half a dozen at the bottom of the ravine, tearing up the bogs, and up to their knees in mud. Beneath these bogs lay a bed of clay, sprinkled in spots with gold. These de- posits, and the earth mixed with them, were shovelled into bowls, taken to a pool near by, and washed out. The bowl, in working, is held in both hands, whirled violently back and forth through half a circle, and pitched this way and that sufficiently to throw off the earth and water, while the gold settles to the bottom. The process is extremely laborious, and taxes the entire muscles of the frame. In its effect it is more like swinging a scythe than any work I ever attempted. . . There are about seventy persons at work in this ravine, and all within a few yards of each other. They average about one ounce per diem each. They who get less are dis- contented, and they who get more are not satisfied. Every day brings in some fresh report of richer discoveries in some quarter not far remote, and the diggers are consequently kept in a state of feverish excitement. One woman, a Sonoranian, who was washing here, finding at the bottom of her bowl only the amount of half a dollar or so, hurled it back again into the water, and straightening herself up to her full height, strode off with the indignant air of one who feels himself insulted. . . WEDNESDAY, Oct. 4. Our camping-ground is in a broad ravine through which a rivulet wanders, and which is dotted building the first school- house and establishing the first news: paper in Cali- fornia. Ina letter to the North Amer- zcan he made the first pub- lic announce- ment of the discovery of gold in that region, His is a most realistic ac- count of the conditions of life at the gold fields in the early days.— On California, see Contem- poraries, IV ch, A native of Sonora, a town about ninety miles southeast of Sacramento.MMI ae 278 Territorial [1848 with the frequent tents of gold-diggers. The sounds of the crowbar and pick, as they shake or shiver the rock, are echoed from a thousand cliffs... If you want to find men prepared to storm the burning threshold of the infernal prison, go among gold-diggers. The provisions with which we left San José are gone, and we have been obliged to supply ourselves here. We pay at the rate of four hundred dollars a barrel for flour; four dollars a pound for poor brown sugar, and four dollars a pound for indifferent coffee. And as for meat, there is none to be got except jerked-beef, which is the flesh of the bullock cut into strings and hung up in the sun to dry, and which has about as much juice in it as a strip of bark dangling in the wind from a dead tree. Still, when moistened and toasted, it will do something towards sustaining life ; so also will the sole of your shoe. And yet lI have seen men set and grind it as if it were nutritious and sweetly flavored... . Tuurspay, Ocr. 5. The rivulet, which waters the ravine, collects here and there into deep pools. Over one of these a low limb had thrown itself, upon which I ventured out with an apparatus for scooping up the sand at the bottom. But just as I had lowered my dipper the limb broke, and down I went to the chin in water. It was some minutes before I could extricate myself, and when I did there was nota dry thread on my body. The chill of the stream reduced the gold fever in me very considerably. I had brought no out- ward garments but those in which I stood; I wrung out the water and hung them up in the sun to dry, and wound my- self, like an Indian, in my blanket. But I was not more savage in my aspect than in my feelings. This, however, soon passed off, and I could laugh with others at the gold plunge. But nothing is a novelty here for more than a minute ; were a man to cast his skin or lose his head, no one would stop to inquire if he had recovered either, unless they suspected foul play, and then they would arraign andNo.6] Compromise of 1850 279 execute the culprit before one of our lawyers could pen an indictment. Fripay, Ocr. 6. The most efficient gold-washer here is the cradle, which resembles in shape that appendage of the nursery, from which it takes its name. It is nine or ten feet long, open at one end and closed at the other. At the end which is closed, a sheet-iron pan, four inches deep, and six- teen over, and perforated in the bottom with holes, is let in even with the sides of the cradle. The earth is thrown into the pan, water turned on it, and the cradle, which is on an inclined plane, set in motion. The earth and water pass through the pan, and then down the cradle, while the gold, Owing to its specific gravity, is caught by cleets fastened across the bottom. Very little escapes; it generally lodges before it reaches the last cleet. It requires four or five men to supply the earth and water to work such a machine to ad- vantage. The quantity of gold washed out must depend on the relative proportion of gold in the earth. The one worked in this ravine yields a hundred dollars a day; but this is considered a slender result. Most of the diggers use the bowl or pan; its lightness never embarrasses their rov- ing habits; and it can be put in motion wherever they may find a stream or spring. It can be purchased now in the mines for five or six dollars; a few months since it cost an ounce — sixteen dollars for a wooden bowl! But I have seen twenty-four dollars paid for a box of seidlitz-powders, and forty dollars for as many drops of laudanum. Reverend Walter Colton, Zhree Years in California (New York, etc., 1852), 271-281 passim. —<_—_____ 106. Compromise of 1850 BELIEVE that the crisis of the crisis has ar- rived ; and the fate of the measures which have been reported by the committee will, in my humble By SENATOR HENRY CLAY (1777- 1852). On January 29, 1850, Clay brought for- ward in theee eens A FE i i H L ; f Senate his “ compre- hensive scheme of compro- mise,” which included seven pro- visions ; April 18, 1850, it was referred to a special com- mittee, of which Clay was made chairman. This com- mittee re- ported three bills, one of them being the cele- brated ‘‘Om- nibus Bill.” This latter was de- feated; but after an ardu- ous struggle the substance of Clay's pro- posal was embodied in successive single acts, which taken together are known as the “ Compro- mise of 1850.” — On Clay, see American Orations, I, 376; Contem- poraries, 1V, No. .— On the Com- promise, see below, No. 108; Ameri- can Orations, II, 123-218; Contempora- ries, 1V, ch. - Ameri- tbl He iw 280 Territorial 1880 judgment, determine the fate of the harmony or continued distraction of this country. _, I think, if the President had at this time to make a recommendation to Congress, with all the lights that have been shed upon the subject since the commencement of the present session of Congress, nearly five months ago, he would not limit himself to a recommendation merely for the admission of California, leaving the territories to shift for themselves as they could or might. He tells us in one of these messages that he had reason to believe that one of these territories, at least New Mexico, might possibly form a State government for herself, and might come here with an application for admission during the progress of this session. But we have no evidence that such an event is about to happen; and if it did, could New Mexico be ad- mitted as a State? .. . the committee recommend the union of these three measures. a bill for the admission of California ; 3. bill establishing a territorial government in Utah ; a bill establishing a territorial government for New Mexico ; and, what is indispensable, if we give her a government, a bill providing what shall be her boundary, provided Texas shall accede to the liberal proposal made to her? Is there any- thing, I ask, incongruous in all this? Where is it? What is the incongruity? . Amongst other limitations, it declares “ that the ter- ritorial legislature shall have no power to pass any lay [law] in respect to African slavery.” . My opinion is, that the law of Mexico, in all the variety of forms in which legislation can take place — that is to say, by the edict of a dictator, by the constitution of the people of Mexico, by the act of the legislative authority of Mexico — by all these modes of legis- lation, slavery has been abolished there. I am aware that some other Senators entertain a different opinion; but... - I feel authorized to say that the opinion of a vast majoritycern — No. x06} Compromise of 1850 281 of the people of the United States, of a vast majority of the jurists of the United States, is in coincidence with that which I entertain; that is to say, that at this moment, by law and in fact, there is no slavery there. . The next subject upon which the committee acted was that of fugitive slaves. The committee have proposed two amendments to be offered to the bill introduced by the Senator from Virginia, whenever that bill is taken up. The first of these amendments provides that the owner of a fugi- tive slave, when leaving his own State, and whenever it is practicable . . . shall carry with him a record from the State from which the fugitive has fled ; which record shall contain an adjudication of two facts, first, the fact of slavery, and secondly the fact of an elopement; and, in the third place, such a general description of the slave as the court shall be enabled to give upon such testimony as shall be brought before it . . . . The other amendment provides, that when the owner of a slave shall arrest his property in a non-slave-holding State, and shall take him before the proper functionary to obtain a certificate to authorize the return of that property to the State from which he fled, if he [z.e. the fugitive] de- clares to that functionary at the time that he is a free man and not a slave, what does the provision require the officer to do? Why, to take a bond from the agent or owner, without surety, that he will carry the black person back to the county of the State from which he fled; and that at the first court which may sit after his return, he [the alleged slave | shall be carried there, if he again assert the right to his freedom ; the court shall afford, and the owner shall afford to him all the facilities which are requisite to enable him to establish his right to freedom. . . Appendix to the Congressional Globe, 31 Cong., I sess. (Wash- ington, 1850), XXII, Part I, 567-572 passim. can History Studies, II, The Presi- dent was Zachary Taylor. Clay argues that, since New Mexico is free, the new terri- tories will be free. James M, Mason. fe. a judicial statement. This was intended ta meet the ob- jection that there was no trial by jury to ascertain whether a negro claimed was really a fugitive,By RICHARD HENRY DANA, JR. (1815-1882), one of the early Free- Soilers and “ Conscience Whigs,” and an original Republican. He lent his professional skill to the anti-slavery cause, later defending the fugitives Thomas Sims and Anthony Burns, and the rescuers of Shadrach, who escaped to Canada. The follow- ing extract from his diary tells the story of the rescue, Dana lost social pres- tige by thus taking up the cause of the slave. — For fugitives, see above, No. 100; Contem- poraries, 1V, ch. GHAP ER OV Il —— SLAVERY CONTEST: 1851-1860 107. The Rescue of Shadrach (1851) yo. ec in my office at about 10.30 A.M. [Feb. 15, 1851], Charles Davis, Parker, and others came in and told me that the marshal had a fugitive slave in custody, in the United States court room before Mr. George T. Curtis as commissioner. I went im- mediately over to the court-house. Mr. Curtis was on the bench, actually occupying the judge’s seat ; Pat. Riley, the deputy marshal, with his two regular deputies and two con- stables, sworn in as special deputies, were in charge of the room ; a good-looking black fellow, sitting between the two subs, was the arrested fugitive. The arrest had been so sudden and unexpected that few knew it, and it was half an hour before the crowd assembled, but it was increasing every minute, and there was great excitement. I went to the marshal’s office and prepared a writ of de homine reple- giando and a petition for a habeas corpus addressed to Chief Justice Shaw. . . . With this petition I called on the Chief Justice, and stated to him that it was a case of an alleged fugitive slave, and that our object was to test the consti- tutional power of the commissioner to issue a warrant. The Chief Justice read the petition, and said in a most ungracious manner, “‘ This won’t do. I can’t do anything on this,” and laid it upon the table, and turned away to engage in some- thing else. (This interview was in the lobby of the supreme court room.) I asked him to be so good as to tell me what the defects were, saying that I had taken pains to conform 282Rescue of Shadrach No. 107] 28 3 to the statute. He seemed unwilling to notice it, and de- sirous of getting rid of it; in short, he attempted to bluff me off. . . . I felt that all these objections were frivolous and invalid, but seeing the temper which the Chief Justice was in, and his evident determination to get rid of the peti- tion, I left him for the purpose of either procuring the evi- dence he required, or of going before another judge. On reaching the court-room, I found that the commissioner was just adjourning the court to Tuesday, at ten a.m. As this gave us an abundance of time, we determined to consult upon the matter in the afternoon, and no further proceedings were had on the subject of the Aadeas corpus. The prisoner remained in his seat, between two constables, and Pat. Riley was making the most absurd exhibition of pomposity in ordering people about, and clearing the court- room, and Mr. Curtis, dressed in a little brief authority, was swelling into the dignity of an arbiter of life and death, with a pomposity as ludicrous as that of Riley. At the order of the marshal all left the court-room quietly, except the officers and counsel, and when I left there were none else in the room, and the crowd in the entries and stairways and outside, though large and chiefly negroes, was perfectly peaceable. I returned to my office and was planning with a friend the probable next proceedings, when we heard a shout from the court-house, continued into a yell of triumph, and in an instant after down the steps came two huge negroes bearing the prisoner between them with his clothes half torn off, and so stupefied by the sudden rescue and the violence of his dragging off that he sat almost dumb, and I thought had fainted ; but the men seized him, and being powerful fellows hurried him through the square into Court Street, where he found the use of his feet, and they went off toward Cam- bridge, like a black squall, the crowd driving along with them and cheering as they went. It was all done in an in- stant, too quick to be believed, and so successful was it that Dana's office was at 30 Court Street, opposite the Court House. De homine replegiando, a writ by which a per- son may be bailed out of the custody of another. Habeas corpus, a writ requiring the body of the person to be brought into court. Shadrach, alias Frederick Jenkins.Je. the Fugi- tive-Slave Act of 1850. On the trial of Shad- rach’s rescu- ers, the jury failed to agree, one of them being the man who had carried Shadrach across the line into Canada. By THOMAS HART BENTON (1782-1858), from a speech in the House of Representa- tives, April 25, 1854. TARA 284 Slavery Contest [1854 not only was no negro arrested, but no attempt was made at pursuit. The sympathy of the masses was with the successful rescue, though here and there was an old hunker, or a young dandy, or would-be-chivalry-man, who expressed anger at the failure of the ‘‘ Peace Measures.” It seems that none of the officers were injured, except by being crowded into corners and held fast, and the sword of justice which Mr. Riley had displayed on his desk was carried off by an old negro. How can any right-minded man do else than rejoice at the rescue of a man from the hopeless, endless slavery to which a recovered fugitive is always doomed. If the law were constitutional, which I firmly believe it is not, it would be the duty of a citizen not to resist it by force, unless he was prepared for revolution and civil war ; but we rejoice in the escape of a victim of an unjust law, as we would in the escape of an ill-treated captive deer or bird. The conduct of the Chief Justice, his evident disinclination to act, the frivolous nature of his objections, and his insult- ing manner to me, have troubled me more than any other manifestation. It shows how deeply seated, so as to affect, unconsciously I doubt not, good men like him, is this selfish hunkerism of the property interest on the slave question. Charles Francis Adams, Richard Henry Dana (Boston, etc., 1890), I, 179-183 passim. ———— 108. A Criticism of the Kansas-Nebraska Act (1854) HE bill, or bills before us, undertake to ac- complish their object without professing it — upon reasons which are contradictory and unfounded — inKansas-Nebraska No. 103] 285 terms which are ambiguous and inconsistent — and by throw- ing on others the responsibility of its own act. It professes not to interfere with the sovereign right of the people to legislate for themselves ; and the very first line of this solemn profession throws upon them a horse-load of law, which they have no right to refuse, or time to read, or money to pur- chase, or ability to understand. It throws upon them all the laws of the United States which are not locally imappli- cable ; and that comprehends all that are not specially made for other places: also, it gives them the Constitution of the United States, but without the privilege of voting at presi- dential or congressional elections, or of making their own judiciary. This is non-interference with a vengeance. Sir, it is the crooked, insidious, and pusillanimous way of effecting the repeal of the Missouri compromise line. It in- cludes all law for the sake of leaving out one law; and effects a repeal by an omission, and legislates by an exception. It is a new way of repealing a law, and a bungling attempt to smuggle slavery into the Territory, and all the country out to the Canada line and up the Rocky Mountains. ‘The crooked line of this smuggling process is this: ‘‘abolish the compromise line, and extend the Constitution over the country: the Constitution recognizes slavery: therefore, slavery is established as soon as the line is abolished, and the Constitution extended: and being put there by the Constitution, it cannot be legislated out.” This is the Eng- lish of this smuggling process .. . And what is all this hotch-potch for? It is to establish a principle, they say —the principle of non-intervention — of squatter sovereignty. Sir, there is no such principle. ‘The Territories are the children of the States. ‘They are minors under twenty-one years of age ; and it is the business of the States, through their delegations in Congress, to take care of these minors until they are of age — until they are ripe for State government —then give them that government, and admit Benton had lost his seat in the Senate in 1850 be- cause not a thick-and- thin slavery man, Although a Southern man anda supporter of the candi- dacy of James Buchanan against his own son-in- law, John C, Frémont, Benton was a strong Ooppo- nent of the Kansas- Nebraska Bill. His speech on the measure was a most important one, by the effect on pub- lic opinion of the honest protest ofa Southern man, Some of the more striking ex- pressions have been often quoted by contem- porary speakers, and later by standard his< torians, — On Benton, see Contem- poraries, III, No. .—On the Kansas- Nebraska ill, see AmericanHistory Leaf- lets, No. 17; Contempor a- ries, 1V, ch. American History Studies, II, No. 8. The bill as- serted that the Missouri Compromise (see above, No. 91) had been re- pealed by the Compromise of 1850 (see above, No. 106). Northwest Ordinance of 1787. 1820. 1848. 1850. 1850. 1849. Mr bss 1 286 Slavery Contest [1854 them to an equality with their fathers. That is the law, and the sense of the case ; and has been so acknowledged since the first ordinance in 1784, by all authorities, Federal and State, legislative, judicial, and executive... . I object to this shilly-shally, willy-won’ty, don’ty-can’ty style of legislation. It is not legislative. It is not parlia- mentary. Itis not manly. It isnot womanly. No woman would talk that way. No shilly-shally ina woman. Nothing of the female gender was ever born young enough, or lived long enough to get befogged in such a quandary as this. It is one thing or the other with them ; and what they say they stick to. No breaking bargains with them. . And now what is the excuse for all this disturbance of the country ; this breaking up of ancient compromises ; array- ing one half of the Union against the other, and destroying the temper and business of Congress? What is the excuse for all this turmoil and mischief? We are told it is to keep the question of slavery out of Congress! ‘To keep slavery out of Congress ! It was out of Congress! completely, entirely, and forever out of Congress, unless Congress dragged it in by breaking down the sacred laws which settled it. The question was settled, and done with. There was not an inch square of territory in the Union on which it could be raised without a breach of a compromise. ‘The ordinance of ’89 settled it in all the remaining part of the Northwest Territory beyond Wisconsin: the compromise line of 36° 30! settled it in all country north and west of Missouri to the British line, and up to the Rocky Mountains - the organic act: of Oregon, made by the people, and sanc- tioned by Congress, settled it in all that region: the acts for the government of Utah and New Mexico settled it in those two Territories: the compact with Texas, determining the number of slave States to be formed out of that State, settled it there: and California settled it for herself. Now, where was there an inch square of territory within the UnitedNoro] Election in Kansas 287 States on which the question could be raised? Nowhere ! Not an inch! The question was settled everywhere, not merely by law, but by fact. The work was done, and there was no way to get at the question but by undoing the work ! No way for Congress to get the question in, for the purpose of keeping it out, but to break down compromises which kept it out. Appendix to the Congressional Globe, 33 Cong., 1 sess. (New Series, Washington, 1854), XXXI, 559-560 passim. 10g. Troubles in Kansas (1855) CAME into this Territory late in September, 1854, and have ever since resided in this town and district. I was here on the 30th of March, at the legislative election. On the day previous to the election a number of teams and wagons loaded with armed men, and men on horse- back, came into town. They were strangers here; they came in from the south and south-west, and were preceded by two or three men, one of whom was subsequently called or passed as Colonel Samuel Young, of Missouri, who ap- peared to be the chief in command. I think “colonel”’ was his designation. They proceeded through the town, down on the bank of the river, and looked around for a time with the intention, as they stated, of encamping there that night. They had tents, and were armed; I saw private arms, and | saw rifles and other arms of that kind, double-barrelled shot- guns, revolvers, and knives. I saw them encamped, and partaking of their provisions or refreshments ; but whether they brought them with them or not I do not know. The strangers continued to come in during the evening, and next morning there had been a very large addition made to their number. By ERASTUS D. LADD, a candidate on the Free- State ticket in many of the disputed elections in Kansas. He later served his State in many public offices of trust. This piece is from his evidence before a con- gressional committee of investiga- tion, April 25, 1856, and is valuable asa temperate account from an eye- witness of what actually took place on March 30, 1855, memor- able as the date of the election which began the struggle between thees " cE i i i ' i » i i ‘ i a Deererotraritsss: SPP ec ctee el Li ee ee ieee anti-slavery and pro- slavery par- ties for the control of Kansas. — On Kansas, see American Orations, III, 88; Con- temporaries, IV, ch. The issue was the choice of a territorial legislature. HONEY 288 Slavery Contest [1855 I went to the place of voting in the morning, and was there at the opening of the polls, and remained all day, ex- cept time for dinner. A very large company came from the camp in the ravine to the place of voting and surrounded it. There was some difficulty in the organization of the board, and delay in commencing the voting. Mr. Abbott, one of the judges, resigned. A vote was offered, which I saw, and a question of the legality of the vote was raised and was discussed some time. During the discussion Colonel Young said he would settle the matter. He crowded up to the front, the place being thronged with people. The other vote was then withdrawn and he offered his vote. The question was raised as to the legality of his vote. He said he was ready to swear that he was a resident of the Terri- tory. He took such an oath, but refused the oath prescribed by the governor. But one of the judges appointed by the governor was then acting. His oath was received. He then mounted the window-sill and proclaimed to the crowd around that the matter was all settled and they could vote. I cannot repeat his exact words, but that was the senti- ment; and they proceeded to vote. R.A. Cummins was appointed in the place of Abbott. At noon I went to their camp, and passed along the ravine from one extremity to the other, and counted the number of wagons and convey- ances of different kinds then on the ground and in sight. They had then commenced leaving. I counted very near one hundred conveyances, such as wagons and carriages. There were, besides, a large number of saddle horses. I es- timate that there were then on the ground about seven hun- dred of the party; in the estimate I do not include those who had left for other places or for home. . . . . . L heard a conversation a short distance from where I stood, and approached pretty nearly. I stepped up ona small rise of ground and saw quite a violent contest going on, of which Mr. Stearns of this place was the object. ItHo.109) Hlection in Kansas 289 was a contest of words and threats but not of blows or force ; while it was going on, I heard some one cry out “There is the Lawrence bully.’’ A rush was immediately made in an- other direction, towards Mr. Bond of this town, and a cry was raised to shoot him ... He ran for the bank of the river, and the crowd followed him. During the running I think one or two shots were fired. When he got to the bank of the river, he sprang off out of sight. They rushed to the bank, and guns were pointed at him while below. But the cry was raised to let him go, and he was permitted to go on without being fired at. Another circumstance occurred in the latter part of the day. Mr. Willis, who was then a resident of this town, was on the ground, and a cry was raised that he was one of the men concerned in abducting a black woman about which there had been some difficulty in the town a short time previous. Several men raised the cry to hang him. Some were on horseback, and some were on foot. Movements were made towards him by strangers armed with rifles and smaller arms. The cry was repeated by a large number of persons to “hang him,” “get a rope,” &c. At the sugges- tion of some friends he left the ground. . . In frequent conversations which I had with different per- sons of the party during the day, they claimed to have a legal right to vote in the Territory, and that they were resi- dents by virtue of their being then in the Territory. They said they were free to confess that they came from Missouri ; that they lived in Missouri, and voted as Missourians. Some claimed that they had been in the Territory and made claims, and therefore had a right to vote. But they did not claim to be residents in the Territory, except that they had a resi- dence here from being at that moment in the Territory. House of Representatives, Report of the Special Committee ap- pointed to investigate the Troubles in Kansas (Report No. 200, Washington, 1856), 114-116 passim. BBy JUSTICX JOHN MCLEAN of Ohio (1785-1861), appointed associate jus- tice of the Supreme Court by Andrew Jackson. His most celebrated opinion, from which selections are given below, is that in which he dissents from Chief Justice Taney’s de- cision on the Dred Scott case. The issue was the question of the freedom of a slave, Dred Scott, taken by his master into Illinois and the Louisi- ana cession above 36° 30’ (after 1820), and then taken back to Missouri. ‘The court veld that Scott could not sue be- fore it, be- cause a negro could not be a citl- zen; and also that the Missourl Compro- mise was no 290 Slavery Contest [1856 The Dred Scott Decision (1856) IO: F the great and fundamental principles of our Government are never to be settled, there can be no lasting pros- perity. The Constitution will become a floating waif on the billows of popular excitement. The prohibition of slavery north of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes, and of the State of Missouri, contained in the act admitting that State into the Union, was passed by a vote of 134, in the House of Representatives, to 42. Before Mr. Monroe signed the act, it was submitted by him to his Cab- inet, and they held the restriction of slavery in a Territory to be within the constitutional powers of Congress. It would be singular, if in r804 Congress had power to prohibit the introduction of slaves in Orleans Territory from any other part of the Union, under the penalty of freedom to the slave, if the same power, embodied in the Missouri compromise, could not be exercised in 1820. But this law of Congress, which prohibits slavery north of Missouri and of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes, is declared to have been null and void by my brethren. And this opinion is founded mainly, as I understand, on the distinction drawn between the ordinance of 1787 and the Missouri compromise line. In what does the distinction consist? The ordinance, it is said, was a compact entered into by the confederated States before the adoption of the Constitution ; and that in the cession of territory authority was given to establish a Territorial Government. It is said the Territories are common property of the States, and that every man has a right to go there with his property. This is not controverted. But the court say a slave is not property beyond the operation of the local law which makes him such. Never was a truth more authoritatively and justly uttered by man. Suppose a master of a slave in a Britisheco Dred Scott 291 island owned a million of property in England ; would that authorize him to take his slaves with him to England? ‘The Constitution, in express terms, recognises the sazws of slavery as founded on the municipal law: ‘‘No person held to service or labor in one State, wader the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall,” &c. Now, unless the fugitive escape from a place where, by the municipal law, he is held to labor, this provision affords no remedy to the master. What can be more conclusive than this? Suppose a slave escape from a Territory where slavery is not authorized by law, can he be reclaimed ? In this case, a majority of the court have said that a slave may be taken by his master into a Territory of the United States, the same as a horse, or any other kind of property. [It is true, this was said by the court, as also many other things, which are of no authority. Nothing that has been said by them, which has not a direct bearing on the jurisdic- tion of the court, against which they decided, can be con- sidered as authority. I shall certainly not regard it as such. The question of jurisdiction, being before the court, was ilecided by them authoritatively, but nothing beyond that question. A slave is not a mere chattel. He bears the im- press of his Maker, and is amenable to the laws of God and man ; and he is destined to an endless existence. Benjamin C. Howard, Refort of the Decision of the Supreme Court of the United States . . . (Washington, 1857), 152-156 passzm. ——— 111. A Criticism of Lincoln (1858) INCOLN now takes his stand and proclaims his Abolition doctrines. Let me read a part of them. In his speech at Springfield to the Convention, which nominated him for the Senate, he said : es ee Se ps bar, because it had always been uncon- stitutional. — On the Dred Scott case, see American History Leaf- lets, No. 23; Contempora- ries, LV, No. By SENATOR STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS (1813-1861). Douglas is one of the most interest: ing men inthe history of this period: a notable de- bater, a popular leader, strong, bold, and coarse, he made him- self feared and hated; and he hada wonderful gift of ex- plaining away his own record. The author of the Kansas- Nebraska Bill (above, No. 108), he was greatly incensed at the coming- in of a Free- Soil majority in Kansas (above, No. 109); and the Dred Scott deci- sion (above, No. IIo) destroyed his popular- sovereignty doctrine by denying the power of any- body to pro- hibit slavery except ina State. In 1858, Doug- las broke with Bu- chanan on the question of forcing the slave Le- compton constitution on Kansas, The Repub- licans tried pes Rainy Gag TES ba Ne Slavery Contest [1858 2Q2 “In my opinion it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. ‘A house divided against itself cannot stand.’ I believe this government cannot endure permanently half Slave and half Free. 1 do not expect the Union to be dissolved —I do not expect the house to fall — but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief shat zt is in the course of ultimate extinction: or its advocates wll push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States — old as well as new, North as well as South.” [Cries of “good,” “good,” and cheers. | I am delighted to hear you Black Republicans say “ good.” I have no doubt that doctrine expresses your sentiments, and I will prove to you now, if you will listen to me, that it is revolutionary and destructive of the existence of this Gov- ernment. Mr. Lincoln, in the extract from which I have read, says that this Government cannot endure permanently in the same condition in which it was made by its framers — divided into free and slave States. He says that it has existed for about seventy years thus divided, and yet he tells you that it cannot endure permanently on the same princi- ples and in the same relative condition in which our fathers made it. Why can it not exist divided into free and slave States? Washington, Jefferson, Franklin, Madison, Hamil- ton, Jay, and the great men of that day, made this Govern- ment divided into free States and slave States, and left each State perfectly free to do as it pleased on the subject of Why can it not exist on the same principles on They knew when they framed slavery. which our fathers made it? the Constitution that in a country as wide and broad as this, with such a variety of climate, production and interest, the people necessarily required different laws and institutions in different localities. They knew that the laws and regulationsLincoln Criticized Wo. 111] 2 9 3 which would suit the granite hills of New Hampshire would be unsuited to the rice plantations of South Carolina, and they, therefore, provided that each State should retain its own Legislature and its own sovereignty, with the full and complete power to do as it pleased within its own limits, in all that was local and not national. One of the reserved rights of the States, was the right to regulate the relations between Master and Servant, on the slavery question. At the time the Constitution was framed, there were thirteen States in the Union, twelve of which were slaveholding States and one a free State. Suppose this doctrine of uniformity preached by Mr. Lincoln, that the States should all be free or all be slave had prevailed, and what would have been the result? Of course, the twelve slaveholding States would have overruled the one free State, and slavery would have been fastened by a Constitutional provision on every inch of the American Republic, instead of being left as our fathers wisely left it, to each State to decide for itself. Here I assert that uniformity in the local laws and institutions of the different States is neither possible or desirable. If uniformity had been adopted when the Government was established, it must inevitably have been the uniformity of slavery everywhere, or else the uniformity of negro citizenship and negro equality everywhere. We are told by Lincoln that he is utterly opposed to the Dred Scott decision, and will not submit to it, for the reason that he says it deprives the negro of the rights and privileges of citizenship. ‘That is the first and main reason which he assigns for his warfare on the Supreme Court of the United States and its decision. I ask you, are you in favor of con- ferring upon the negro the rights and privileges of citizen- ship? Do you desire to strike out of our State Constitution that clause which keeps slaves and free negroes out of the State, and allow the free negroes to flow in, and cover your prairies with black settlements? Do you desire to turn this to prevent his reélection to the Senate by putting for- ward Abra- ham Lincoln as their can- didate in 1858; and this rivalry led to the famous joint debate be- tween these two men, from which this speech is an extract,— On Douglas, see American Orations, III, 50, 345. —On the joint debate, see Contem- porartes, III, Nos.Tors een sates As 4 Tek i 1 i / i 4 1 { } v " HH ; f hi 4 i a i+ a By CAPTAIN JOHN BROWN “ of Osawato- mie” (1800- 1859). He was very early identi- fied with anti- slavery enter- prises, hav- ing formed in 1850 the ‘“‘ League of Gilead- ites,” pledged to the rescue of fugitives. He took a leading part 294 Slavery Contest [1859 beautiful State into a free negro colony, in order that when Missouri abolishes slavery she can send one hundred thou- sand emancipated slaves into Illinois, to become citizens and voters, on an equality with yourselves? If you desire negro citizenship, if you desire to allow them to come into the State and settle with the white man, if you desire them to vote on an equality with yourselves, and to make them eligible to office, to serve on juries, and to adjudge your rights, then support Mr. Lincoln and the Black Republican party, who are in favor of the citizenship of the negro. For one, I am opposed to negro citizenship in any and every form. I be- lieve this Government was made on the white basis. I believe it was made by white men, for the benefit of white men and their posterity for ever, and I am in favor of confining citi- zenship to white men, men of European birth and descent, instead of conferring it upon negroes, Indians, and other inferior races. Political Debates between Hon. Abraham Lincoln and Hon. Stephen A. Douglas, in . . . 1858 (Columbus, 1860), 70-71. —__—_—<»————_ 112. John Brown's Last Speech (1859) HAVE, may it please the Court, a few words to say. In the first place, I deny every thing but what I have all along admitted—the design on my part to free the slaves. I intended certainly to have made a clear thing of that matter, as I did last winter, when I went into Missouri, and there took slaves without the snapping of a gun on either side, moved them through the country, and finally left them in Canada. I designed to have done the same thing again, on a larger scale. That was all I intended. I never did intend murder, or treason, or the destruction of property, or to excite or incite slaves to rebellion, or to make insurrection.Nowaen John Brown 29 5 I have another objection: and that is, it is unjust that I should suffer such a penalty. Had I interfered in the man- ner which I admit, and which I admit has been fairly proved — (for I admire the truthfulness and candor of the greater portion of the witnesses who have testified in this case) — had I so interfered in behalf of the rich, the powerful, the intelligent, the so-called great, or in behalf of any of their friends, either father, mother, brother, sister, wife, or chil- dren, or any of that class, and suffered and sacrificed what I have in this interference, it would have been all right, and every man in this Court would have deemed it an act worthy of reward rather than punishment. This Court acknowledges, as I suppose, the validity of the Law of God. I see a book kissed here which I suppose to be the Bible, or, at least, the New Testament. That teaches me that all things “‘ whatsoever I would that men should do unto me I should do even so to them.” It teaches me further, to “remember them that are in bonds as bound with them.” I endeavored to act up to that instruction. I say, I am yet toc young to understand that God is any respecter of per- sons. I believe that to have interfered as I have done, as I have always freely admitted I have done, in behalf of His despised poor, was not wrong, but right. Now, if it is decmed necessary that I should forfeit my life for the further- ance of the ends of justice, and mingle my blood further with the blood of my children, and with the blood of millions in this slave country whose rights are disregarded by wicked, cruel, and unjust enactments —I submit: so let it be done. Let me say one word further. I feel entirely satisfied with the treatment I have received on my trial. Considering all the circumstances, it has been more generous than | expected. But I feel no conscious- ness of guilt. I have stated from the first what was my intention and what was not. I never had any design against the life of any person, nor any disposition to commit treason. in the strug- gles in Kan- sas (see above, No. Iog), and his efforts culmi- nated in the seizure of the United States arsenal at Harper's Ferry, Octo- ber 16, 1859. He was cap- tured, tried, and exe- cuted. This speech was made at the close of the trial, Novem- ber I, 1859, in answer to the customary question of the judge to the prisoner as to whether he had any- thing to say why sentence of death should not be passed upon him. It gives the best in- sight that we have into the motives of this strange, noble- minded man, half fanatic, half martyred hero. — On John Brown, see Contem- poraries, IV. No,a f r ig i ‘ r i By ALEX- ANDER HAMILTON STEPHENS (1812-1883), vice-presi- dent of the Confederacy. Stephens was extremely slow in adopting the doctrine of States’ rights; in 1850 he op- posed the secession movement in the South; and in 1860 he supported Stephen A. Douglas (see above, No. II1) as presi- dential can- JEN 296 Slavery Contest [1861 or excite slaves to rebel, or make any general insurrection. I never encouraged any man to do so, but always discour- aged any idea of that kind. Let me say, also, a word in regard to the statements made by some of those connected with me. I hear it has been stated by some of them that I have induced them to join me. But the contrary is true. I do not say this to injure them, but as regretting their weakness. There is not one of them but joined me of his own accord, and the greater part at their own expense. A number of them I never saw, and never had a word of conversation with, till the day they came to me, and that was for the purpose I have stated. Now I have done. James Redpath, 7he Public Life of Capt. John Brown (Boston, 1860), 340-342. 113. Slavery the Corner-Stone of the Confederacy (1861) HE new constitution has put at rest, forever, all the agitating questions relating to our peculiar institution — African slavery as it exists amongst us —the proper s/a/ws of the negro in our form of civilization. This was the immediate cause of the late rupture and present revolution. Jefferson in his forecast, had anticipated this, as the “rock upon which the old Union would split.” He was right. What was conjecture with him, is now a realized fact. But whether he fully comprehended the great truth upon which that rock stood and stands, may be doubted. The prevailing ideas entertained by him and most of the leading statesmen at the time of the formation of the old constitution, were that the enslavement of the African was in violation of the laws of nature ; that it was wrong in p777-- = vey ty No. 113] Corner-Stone 297 ciple, socially, morally, and politically. It was an evil they knew not well how to deal with, but the general opinion of the men of that day was that, somehow or other in the order of Providence, the institution would be evanescent and pass away... Those ideas, however, were funda- mentally wrong. They rested upon the assumption of the equality of races. This was an error. It was a sandy foun- dation, and the government built upon it fell when the “storm came and the wind blew.” Our new government is founded upon exactly the opposite idea ; its foundations are laid, its corner-stone rests upon the great truth, that the negro is not equal to the white man ; that slavery —subordination to the superior race — is his natural and normal condition. This, our new government, is the first, in the history of the world, based upon this great physical, philosophical, and moral truth. This truth has been slow in the process of its development, like all other truths in the various departments of science. It has been so even amongst us. Many who hear me, perhaps, can recollect well, that this truth was not generally admitted, even within their day. The errors of the past generation still clung to many as late as twenty years ago. Those at the North, who still cling to these errors, with a zeal above knowledge, we justly denominate fanatics. All fanaticism springs from an aberration of the mind — from a defect in reasoning. It is a species of in- sanity. One of the most striking characteristics of insanity, in many instances, is forming correct conclusions from fan- cied or erroneous premises ; so with the anti-slavery fanatics ; their conclusions are right if their premises were. They assume that the negro is equal, and hence conclude that he is entitled to equal privileges and rights with the white man. If their premises were correct, their conclusions would be logical and just — but their premise being wrong, their whole argument fails... . didate against John C, Breckin- ridge, the professed ex- ponent of States’ rights. In the speech of March 21, 1861, quoted below, he lays down a doctrine con- cerning sla- very fully as advanced as that of McDuffie (see above, No. 95).— On Stephens, see Ameri- can Orations, IV, 39, 428; Contempora- ries, 1V, No. . — On se- cession, see American Orations, ILT, Part Vi- IV, Part VII; American History Leaf: lets, No. 12; Contempora- r2és5. IV, chToward the end of the Civil War the South began to Taise negro soldiers. 298 Slavery Contest [1861 ... May we not, therefore, look with confidence to the ultimate universal ackowledgment of the truths upon which our system rests? It is the first government ever instituted upon the principles in strict conformity to nature, and the ordination of Providence, in furnishing the materials of human society. Many governments have been founded upon the principle of the subordination and serfdom of cer- tain classes of the same race ; such were and are in violation of the laws of nature. Our system commits no such viola- tion of nature’s laws. With us, all of the white race, how- ever high or low, rich or poor, are equal in the eye of the law. Not so with the negro. Subordination is his place. He, by nature, or by the curse against Canaan, is fitted for that condition which he occupies in our system. The archi- tect, in the construction of buildings, lays the foundation with the proper material — the granite ; then comes the brick or the marble. The substratum of our society is made of the material fitted by nature for it, and by experience we know that it is best, not only for the superior, but for the inferior race, that it should be so. It is, indeed, in con- formity with the ordinance of the Creator. It is not for us to inquire into the wisdom of his ordinances, or to question them. For his own purposes, he has made one race to differ from another, as he has made “ one star to differ from another star in glory.” The great objects of humanity are best attained when there is conformity to his laws and decrees, in the formation of governments as well as in all things else. Our confed- eracy is founded upon principles in strict conformity with these laws. This stone which was rejected by the first build- ers “is become the chief of the corner” —the real ‘ corner- stone’? —in our new-edifice. [Applause. | I have been asked, what of the future? It has been apprehended by some that we would have arrayed against us the civilized world. I care not who or how many theyNo: 134] Fort Sumter 20K, may be against us, when we stand upon the eternal principles of truth, if we are true to ourselves and the principles for which we contend, we are obliged to, and must triumph. [Immense applause. | Henry Cleveland, Alexander H. Stephens, in Public and Private (Philadelphia, [1867] ), 721-723 passim. 114. Attack on Fort Sumter (1861) S soon as the outline of our fort could be distinguished, the enemy carried out their programme. It had been arranged, as a special compliment to the venerable Edmund Ruffin, who might almost be called the father of secession, that he should fire the first shot against us. Almost immediately afterward a ball from Cummings Point lodged in the magazine wall, and by the sound seemed to bury itself in the masonry about a foot from my head, in very unpleasant proximity to my right ear. ‘This is the one that probably came with Mr. Ruffin’s compliments. Ina moment the firing burst forth in one continuous roar, and large patches of both the exterior and interior masonry be- gan to crumble and fall in all directions. The place where I was had been used for the manufacture of cartridges, and there was still a good deal of powder there, some packed and some loose. A shell soon struck near the ventilator, and a puff of dense smoke entered the room, giving me a strong impression that there would be an immediate explosion. Fortunately, no sparks had penetrated inside. Nineteen batteries were now hammering at us, and the balls and shells from the ten-inch columbiads, accompanied * Copyright, 1875. By ABNER DOUBLE- DAY,* thena captain, later a general in the service of the United States. Doubleday was in Fort Sumter from the transfer from Fort Moultrie (December 26, 1860) to the surrender (April 13, 1861). The issue which led to the at- tack was the secession of South Caro- lina, which had ceded to the United States the ground on which Sum- ter stood, but now claimed that the ces- sion had ceased to have force, This was almost the} H | ba aie rs ans PA SESS ers only fort within the Confederate States still held by gov- ernment troops, and Lincoln re- fused to give it up, and at- tempted to reinforce it. Hence the first shot upon it was accepted as the begin- ning of civil war. — For the contro- versy over Sumter, see Nicolay and Hay, Adra- ham Lincoln, III, ch. xxiii— IV, ch. iil; Contempora- rzes, LV, ch. These bat- teries hac been con- structed under the guns of Sum- ter, as An- derson had no orders from either Buchanan or Lincoln to prevent them, Marre Yeti is 03s [eens ba oo 300 Slavery Contest [1861 by shells from the thirteen-inch mortars which constantly bombarded us, made us feel as if the war had commenced in earnest. . . . As I was the ranking officer, I took the first detach- ment, and marched them to the casemates, which looked out upon the powerful iron-clad battery of Cummings Point. In aiming the first gun fired against the rebellion I had no feeling of self-reproach, for I fully believed that the contest was inevitable and was not of our seeking. The United States was called upon not only to defend its sovereignty, but its right to exist as a nation. ‘The only alternative was to submit to a powerful oligarchy who were determined to make freedom forever subordinate to slavery. ‘To me it was simply a contest, politically speaking, as to whether virtue or vice should rule. My first shot bounded off from the sloping roof of the battery opposite without producing any apparent effect. It seemed useless to attempt to silence the guns there; for our metal was not heavy enough to batter the work down, and every ball glanced harmlessly off, except one, which appeared to enter an embrasure and twist the iron shutter, so as to stop the firing of that particular gun... . Our firing now became regular, and was answered from the rebel guns which encircled us on the four sides of the pentagon upon which the fort was built. The other side faced the open sea. Showers of balls from ten-inch colum- biads and forty-two-pounders, and shells from thirteen-inch mortars poured into the fort in one incessant stream, caus- ing great flakes of masonry to fall in all directions. When the immense mortar shells, after sailing high in the air, came down in a vertical direction, and buried themselves in the parade-ground, their explosion shook the fort like an earth- quaker... After three hours’ firing, my men became exhausted, and Captain Seymour came, with a fresh detachment, to relieveNo: 114] Fort Sumter 301 us. He has a great deal of humor in his composition, and said, jocosely, ‘“‘ Doubleday, what in the world is the matter here, and what is all this uproar about ?”’ I replied, ‘There is a trifling difference of opinion be- tween us and our neighbors opposite, and we are trying to settle it.” “Very well,” he said ; “‘do you wish me to take a hand?” I said, ‘‘ Yes, I would like to have you go in.” “All right,’ he said. ‘‘What is your elevation, and range?” I replied, “ Five degrees, and twelve hundred yards.” “Well,” he said, “here goes!’ And he went to work with a will. Part of the fleet was visible outside the bar about half- past ten A.M. It exchanged salutes with us, but did not attempt to enter the harbor, or take part in the battle. In fact, it would have had considerable difficulty in finding the channel, as the marks and buoys had all been taken up. . . On the morning of the 13th, we took our breakfast — or, rather, our pork and water —at the usual hour, and marched the men to the guns when the meal was over. From 4 to 64 A.M. the enemy’s fire was very spirited. From 7 to 8 A.M. a rain-storm came on, and there was a lull in the cannonading. About 8 a.m. the officers’ quarters were ignited by one of Ripley’s incendiary shells, or by shot heated in the furnaces at Fort Moultrie. ‘The fire was put out; but at 10 A.M. a mortar shell passed through the roof, and lodged in the flooring of the second story, where it burst, and started the flames afresh. ‘This, too, was ex- tinguished ; but the hot shot soon followed each other so rapidly that it was impossible for us to contend with them any longer. It became evident that the entire block, being built with wooden partitions, floors, and roofing, must be consumed, and that the magazine, containing three hundred barrels of powder, would be endangered; for, even after This fleet had been dispatched by Lincoln with pro- visions for the fort, but was de- layed and could render no ald. Roswell S. Ripley, for- merly an offi« cer in the Northern army, but now serving with the Com federates,The flag was raised again, but the fort was shortly obliged to surrender. 302 Slavery Contest [1861 closing the metallic door, sparks might penetrate through the ventilator. The floor was covered with loose powder, where a detail of men had been at work manufacturing cartridge-bags out of old shirts, woolen blankets, etc. .. . By 11 A.M. the conflagration was terrible and disastrous. One-fifth of the fort was on fire, and the wind drove the smoke in dense masses into the angle where we had all taken refuge. It seemed impossible to escape suffocation. Some lay down close to the ground, with handkerchiefs over their mouths, and others posted themselves near the embrasures, where the smoke was somewhat lessened by the draught of ine. The scene at this time was really terrific. The roaring and crackling of the flames, the dense masses of whirling smoke, the bursting of the enemy’s shells, and our own which were exploding in the burning rooms, the crashing of the shot, and the sound of masonry falling in every direction, made the fort a pandemonium. When at last nothing was left of the building but the blackened walls and smoldering embers, it became painfully evident that an immense amount of damage had been done. There was a tower at each angle of the fort. One of these, containing great quantities of shells, upon which we had relied, was almost completely shattered by successive explosions. The massive wooden gates, studded with iron nails, were burned, and the wall built behind them was now a mere heap of débris, so that the main entrance was wide open for an assaulting party. The sally-ports were in a similar condition, and the numerous windows on the gorge side, which had been planked up, had now become all open entrances. About 12.48 p.m. the end of the flag-staff was shot down, and the flag fell::. . . From Doubleday’s Reminiscences of Fort Sumter and Fort Moultrie, Copyright, 1875, by Harper & Brothers.CHAPTER XVIII—CIVIL WAR 1861-1865 115. The Rousing of the North (1861) N Sunday, April 14 [1861], the fact became known that Fort Sumter had surrendered. The excitement created by the bombardment of that fortress and its mag- nificent defence by Anderson was prodigious. The outrage on the Government of the United States thus perpetrated by the authorities of South Carolina sealed the fate of the new- born Confederacy and the institution of slavery. Intelligent Southerners at the North were well aware of the conse- quences which must follow. In the city of New York a number of prominent gentlemen devoted to the interests of the South, and desirous to obtain a bloodless dissolution of the Union, were seated together in anxious conference, studying with intense solicitude the means of preserving the peace. A messenger entered the room in breathless haste with the news: ‘ General Beauregard has opened fire on Fort Sumter!’’ The persons whom he thus addressed re- mained a while in dead silence, looking into each other’s pale faces; then one of them, with uplifted hands, cried, in a voice of anguish, ‘‘ My God, we are ruined!” The North rose as one man. The question had been asked by those who were watching events, ‘ How will New York go?” There were sinister hopes in certain quarters of a strong sympathy with the secession movements; dreams that New York might decide on cutting off from the rest of the country and becoming a free-city. These hopes and * Copyright, 1883. 393 By REVER- END MOR- GAN DIx* (1827—-__), rector of Trinity Church, New York City, from his memoirs of his father, jonn Adams ix, pub- lished in 1883. This piece isa most graphic picture by an eye-witness of the state of things in our largest city at the moment of the outbreak of the Re- bellion, and is alsoa remarkable piece of up- lifting de- scription. — On the out- break of war, see Ameri- can Orations, IV, 3-81. — On the Civil War in gen- eral, Amert- can Orations, IV, Part VII; American History Leaf:“a b ; i ' ti t i i f F H lets, Nos. 18, 26: Ameri- cam Alistory Studies, No. 9; Contem- poraries, 1V, Part For the at- tack on Sum- ter, see above, No. 114. PO PDUET EAD ESD PERPSw Ebr) baa Civil War 304 [1861 dreams vanished in a day. The reply to the question how New York would go was given with an energy worthy of herself. The 15th of that month brought President Lincoln’s proc- lamation and the call for 75,000 men —a bagatelle, as it proved, compared with the number required ; but the figures seemed enormous to the popular eye, and the demand set the whole city in a blaze. Never to my dying day shall I forget a scene witnessed on Thursday of that week. A regi- ment had arrived from Massachusetts on the way to Wash- ington, via Baltimore. They came in at night ; and it was understood that, after breakfasting at the Astor House, the march would be resumed. By nine o’clock in the morning an immense crowd had assembled about the hotel: Broad- way, from Barclay to Fulton Street, and the lower end of Park Row, were occupied by a dense mass of human beings, all watching the front entrance, at which the regiment was to file out. From side to side, from wall to wall, extended that innumerable host, silent as the grave, expectant, some- thing unspeakable in the faces. It was the dead, deep hush before the thunder-storm. At last a low murmur was heard ; it sounded somewhat like a gasp of men in suspense; and the cause was, that the soldiers had appeared, their leading files descending the steps. By the twinkle of their bayonets above the heads of the crowd their course could be traced out into the open street in front. Formed, at last, in column, they stood, the band at the head ; and the word was given, “March!” Still dead silence prevailed. Then the drums rolled out the time —the regiment was in motion. And then the band, bursting into full volume, struck up — what other tune could the Massachusetts men have chosen? — “Yankee Doodle.” I caught about two bars and a half of the old music, not more. For instantly there arose a sound such as many a man never heard in all his life and never will hear; such as is never heard more than once ipNorth Aroused No. 116] 305 a lifetime. Not more awful is the thunder of heaven as, with sudden peal, it smites into silence all lesser sounds, and, rolling through the vault above us, fills earth and sky with the shock of its terrible voice. One terrific roar burst from the multitude, leaving nothing audible save its own reverberation. We saw the heads of armed men, the gleam of their weapons, the regimental colors, all moving on, pageant-like ; but naught could we hear save that hoarse, heavy surge —one general acclaim, one wild shout of joy and hope, one endless cheer, rolling up and down, from side to side, above, below, to right, to left: the voice of ap- proval, of consent, of unity in act and will. No one who saw and heard could doubt how New York was going. After that came events the account of which fills volumes of records of our national history. ‘The ebb of the tide was over; the waters were coming in with the steadiness and momentum of a flood which bears everything before it. Morgan Dix, Memoirs of John Adams Dix (New York, Harper & Brothers, 1883), II, g-11. ——— 116. Battle of Bull Run (1861) ] )Y the time I reached the top of the hill, the retreat, the panic, the hideous headlong confusion, were now be- yond a hope. I was near the rear of the movement, with the brave Capt. Alexander, who endeavored by the most gallant but unavailable exertions to check the onward tumult. It was difficult to believe in the reality of our sudden reverse. “What does it all mean?” I asked Alexander. ‘It means defeat,” was his reply. ‘‘We are beaten; it is a shameful, a cowardly retreat! Hold up, men!” he shouted, ‘“ don’t be such infernal cowards!” and he rode backwards and for- wards, placing his horse across the road and vainly trying to x By EDMUND CLARENCE STEDMAN (1833> then a corre- spondent of a New York daily (from which he re- printed this account), latera banket and poet. His report tallies with other accounts of correspond- ents and civilians,ap-yrpatq= i ae eee tl Oe Sw Bis i f LE i The cause of the rout (July 21, 1861) was the inexperi- ence of the troops and the lack of acquaintance with their field officers. The actual Federal loss in the fight was not in proportion to the terror, — 460 killed, 1124 wounded, and 1312 missing, out of 18,572 troops en- gaged. The effect was to make clear to the North the real diffi- culty of the suppression of the Rebel- lion. —On Bull Run, see Contempora- ries, lV, Nos. One of this party was A. G. Riddle, who has a spirited ac- count in his Recollections of War Times. NARS 3 06 Civil War [1861 rally the running troops. The teams and wagons confused and dismembered every corps. We were now cut off from the advance body by the enemy’s infantry, who had rushed on the slope just left by us, surrounded the guns and sutlers’ wagons, and were apparently pressing up against us. “It’s no use, Alexander,” I said, “you must leave with the rest.” “Tl be d—d if I will,” was his sullen reply, and the splendid fellow rode back to make his way as best he could. Mean- time I saw officers with leaves and eagles on their shoulder- straps, majors and colonels, who had deserted their com- mands, pass me galloping as if for dear life. No enemy pursued just then; but I suppose all were afraid that his guns would be trained down the long, narrow avenue, and mow the retreating thousands, and batter to pieces army wagons and everything else which crowded it. Only one field officer, so far as my observation extended, seemed to have remembered his duty. Lieut-Col. Speidel, a foreigner attached to a Connecticut regiment, strove against the cur- rent for a league. I positively declare that, with the two exceptions mentioned, all efforts made to check the panic before Centreville was reached, were confined to civilians. I saw a man in citizen’s dress, who had thrown off his coat, seized a musket, and was trying to rally the soldiers who came by at the point of the bayonet. Ina reply to a request for his name, he said it was Washburne, and I learned he was the member by that name from Illinois. The Hon. Mr. Kellogg made a similar effort. Both these Congressmen bravely stood their ground till the last moment, and were serviceable at Centreville in assisting the halt there ultimately made. And other civilians did what they could. But what a scene! and how terrific the onset of that tumultuous retreat. For three miles, hosts of federal troops —all detached from their regiments, all mingled in one disorderly rout—vwere fleeing along the road, but mostly through the lots on either side. Army wagons, sutlers'No. 116] Bull Run 307 teams, and private carriages, choked the passage, tumbling against each other, amid clouds of dust, and sickening sights and sounds. Hacks, containing unlucky spectators of the late affray, were smashed like glass, and the occupants were lost sight of in the debris. Horses, flying wildly from the battle-field, many of them in death agony, galloped at ran- dom forward, joining in the stampede. ‘Those on foot who could catch them rode them bare-back, as much to save themselves from being run over, as to make quicker time. Wounded men, lying along the banks — the few neither left on the field nor taken to the captured hospitals — appealed with raised hands to those who rode horses, begging to be lifted behind, but few regarded such petitions. Then the artillery, such as was saved, came thundering along, smash- ing and overpowering everything. The regular cavalry, I record it to their shame, joined in the melée, adding to its terrors, for they rode down footmen without mercy. One of the great guns was overturned and lay amid the ruins of a caisson, as I passed it. I saw an artillery-man running between the ponderous fore and after-wheels of his gun-car- riage, hanging on with both hands, and vainly striving to jump upon the ordnance. ‘The drivers were spurring the horses ; he could not cling much longer, and a more agon- ized expression never fixed the features of a drowning man. The carriage bounded from the roughness of a steep hill leading to a creek, he lost his hold, fell, and in an instant the great wheels had crushed the life out of him. Who ever saw such a flight? Could the retreat at Borodino have ex- ceeded it in confusion and tumult? I think not. It did not slack in the least until Centreville was reached. ‘There the sight of the reserve — Miles’s Brigade — formed in order on the hill, seemed somewhat to reassure the van. But still the teams and foot soldiers pushed on, passing their own camps and heading swiftly for the distant Potomac, until for ten miles the road over which the grand army had so lately Caisson = the after-part of an artillery bunker, con- taining the ammunition, Borodino, place of the defeat of the Russians by Napoleon in I8I2,W. H. Rus- sell, corre- spondent of the Loudon Times, wrote an account of the battle which was then thought to be over- stated, but agrees sub- stantially with this. By GEORGE CARY EG- GLESTON (1839-_ ), who served as a private in the Con- tederate army and saw active service from Bull Run to Appomat- tox. Since UREA vhs 2a 308 Civil War [1861-1865 passed southward, gay with unstained banners, and flushed with surety of strength, was covered with the fragments of its retreating forces, shattered and panic-stricken in a single day. From the branch route the trains attached to Hunter’s Division had caught the contagion of the flight, and poured into its already swollen current another turbid freshet of con- fusion and dismay. Who ever saw a more shameful aban- donment of munitions gathered at such vast expense? ‘The teamsters, many of them, cut the traces of their horses, and galloped from the wagons. Others threw out their loads to accelerate their flight, and grain, picks, and shovels, and provisions of every kind lay trampled in the dust for leagues. Thousands of muskets strewed the route, and when some of us succeeded in rallying a body of fugitives, and forming them in a line across the road, hardly one but had thrown away his arms. If the enemy had brought up his artillery and.served it upon the retreating train, or had intercepted our progress with five hundred of his cavalry, he might have captured enough supplies for a week’s feast of thanksgiving. As it was, enough was left behind to tell the story of the panic. The rout of the federal army seemed complete. Edmund C. Stedman, 7%e Battle of Bull Run (New York, 1861), 33-37: 117. The Southern Soldier (1861-1865) UR ideas of the life and business of a soldier were drawn chiefly from the adventures of Ivanhoe and Charles O’Malley, two worthies with whose personal history almost every man in the army was familiar[.] The men who volunteered went to war of their own accord, and were wholly unaccustomed to acting on any other than their own motion. They were hardy lovers of field sports, accustomedNo. 117] Southern Soldier 309 to out-door life, and in all physical respects excellent mate- rial of which to make an army. But they were not used to control of any sort, and were not disposed to obey anybody except for good and sufficient reason given. While actually on drill they obeyed the word of command, not so much by reason of its being proper to obey a command, as because obedience was in that case necessary to the successful issue of a pretty performance in which they were interested. Off drill they did as they pleased, holding themselves gentlemen, and as such bound to consult only their own wills. Their officers were of themselves, chosen by election, and subject, by custom, to enforced resignation upon petition of the men. With troops of this kind, the reader will readily under- stand, a feeling of very democratic equality prevailed, so far at least as military rank had anything to do with it. Officers were no better than men, and so officers and men messed and slept together on terms of entire equality, quarreling and even fighting now and then, in a gentlemanly way, but with- out a thought of allowing differences of military rank to have any influence in the matter. The theory was that the officers were the creatures of the men, chosen by election to repre- sent their constituency in the performance of certain duties, and that only during good behavior. And to this theory the officers themselves gave in their adhesion in a hundred ways. Indeed, they could do nothing else, inasmuch as they knew no way of quelling a mutiny... . In the camp of instruction at Ashland, where the various cavalry companies existing in Virginia were sent to be made into soldiers, it was a very common thing indeed for men who grew tired of camp fare to take their meals at the hotel, and one or two of them rented cottages and brought their families there, excusing themselves from attendance upon unreasonably early roll-calls, by pleading the distance from their cottages to the parade-ground. Whenever a detail was the war, Mr. Eggleston has been en- gaged in journalistic and literary work. In 1874 he con- tributed to the Aflantic Monthly a series of papers called “A Rebel’s Rec- ollections,’”’ which later appeared in book form. These papers throw much light on the internal con- dition of the Confederate army. — See Contempora- ries, 1V, No310 Civil War (1861-1865 made for the purpose of cleaning the camp-ground, the men detailed regarded themselves as responsible for the proper performance of the task by their servants, and uncomplain- ingly took upon themselves the duty of sitting on the fence and superintending the work. ‘The two or three men of the overseer class who were to be found in nearly every company turned some nimble quarters by standing other men’s turns of guard-duty at twenty-five cents an hour; and one young gentleman of my own company, finding himself assigned to a picket rope post, where his only duty was to guard the horses and prevent them, in their untrained exuberance of spirit, from becoming entangled in each other’s heels and halters, coolly called his servant and turned the matter over to him, with a rather informal but decidedly pointed in- junction not to let those horses get themselves into trouble if he valued his hide. It was in this undisciplined state that the men who after- wards made up the army under Lee were sent to the field to meet the enemy at Bull Run and elsewhere, and the only wonder is that they were ever able to fight at all. They were certainly not soldiers. ‘They were as ignorant of the alphabet of obedience as their officers were of the art of commanding. And yet they acquitted themselves reason- ably well, a fact which can be explained only by reference to the causes of their insubordination in camp. These men were the people of the South, and the war was their own ; wherefore they fought to win it of their own accord, and not at all because their officers commanded them to do so. Their personal spirit and their intelligence were their sole elements of strength. Death has few terrors for such men, as compared with dishonor, and so they needed no officers at all, and no discipline, to insure their personal good con- duct on the field of battle. ‘The same elements of character, too, made them accept hardship with the utmost cheerful- ness, as soon as hardship became a necessary condition toes var Th The Wounded No. 118] 3 Il the successful prosecution of a war that every man of them regarded as his own. In camp, at Richmond or Ashland, they had shunned all unnecessary privation and all distaste- ful duty, because they then saw no occasion to endure avoid- able discomfort. But in the field they showed themselves great, stalwart men in spirit as well as in bodily frame, and endured cheerfully the hardships of campaigning precisely as they would have borne the fatigues of a hunt, as incidents encountered in the prosecution of their purposes. George Cary Eggleston, A Redel’s Recollections (New York, 1875), 31-39 passim. ———————>_——. 118. Supplies for the Wounded (1862) HE first two days after Brother Cushing and myself reached here [Washington], we were busy with the wounded on the steamboats coming from Acquia Creek, giving them soft bread and apple-sauce, and helping them to the ambulances. Thursday morning, as we were by the boats, some one came to us and said, that on one of the boats was a man who had eaten nothing for three days. With bread in our hands, and brandy and wine in our canteens, and hymn- books in the pocket, we crossed over two steamboats to one where nothing had been eaten for twenty-four hours. They had been out in the cold all night,— had lain four hours at Acquia Creek on the cars in the cold, and now, waiting hours before they could be taken from the boat’s deck (3000 wounded had come in that night), they were as patient as if Job had been the father of every one. But they were glad for something to eat, and of the hot coffee which came along soon. One man laughed as he took his bread. laughing at?’’ asked another. “What are you The first of these extracts is from a let- ter written to the Christian Commission by REVER- END FRAN- CIS NATHAN PELOUBET (1837-3). the second from one by REVEREND GEORGE LANSING TAYLOR (1835- chaplain o the Eighth Michigan regiment. They convey a good idea of the man- ner in which the wounded were cared for during the war, and of the work of the volunteer Christian Commission. ),312 Civil War [1862 “ Who wouldn’t laugh to see a piece of bread?” “This looks like home,’”’— ‘‘ This reminds me of home,” was the expression of some. The regular Government boats are nicely fitted up, and have all the needful arrangements for the comfortable trans- portation of the wounded. But the other boats used for this purpose have neither food nor medicines, and a weary time would they have had but for the Christian Commis- sion. . .. One remarked, as we were leaving, ‘I shall never forget that fur cap (Cushing’s) wherever I meet it.” “Nor I,” “Nor I,” was the echo; my own less d@stingue chapeau getting but a dimmer fame. . We had a large number of men convalescent and suffer- ing of want of appetite, and were wasting away before the “hardtack and bean soup of the army fare,” but receiving at your hands some soft bread, soft crackers, and sweet butter, I mounted my horse, and galloped to my camp. I succeeded in getting to the hospital tent, AtFalmouth, just as the nurse entered with the bean soup for dinner, Virginia, ee . : and before which many of the pale faces turned paler, but no sooner did they behold the palatable food I had, than every countenance lighted up with such an unutterable look of gratitude, that it must really be seen by any one to be realized. The next day I spread the crackers with butter, and then added a third layer of apple-butter, from the can you gave me, which was received with an equal amount of gratitude by all. . . . in the characteristic manner of the soldier, and as no other man can utter the word, one of them exclaimed, “ Bully for such a chaplain as you.” My dear sir, could but the ladies and kind friends who sustain you come and witness a few of these cases, they would really believe that no one could bestow even a cup of cold water, but would receive their reward. ... fi ; ‘ u 4 ) BY } ‘ ( i" United States Christian Commission, /7zrst Annual Refori (Philadelphia, 1863), 35-39 passim. SS fe 8 ie nate yo ie any ete! A. HMRI ke eeNo. 119] New Orleans Se 119. Farragut at New Orleans (1862) E then proceeded up to New Orleans, leaving the Wissahicon and Kineo to protect the landing of the general’s troops. Owing to the slowness of some of the ves- sels, and our want of knowledge of the river, we did not reach the English Turn until about 10.30 A.M. on the 25th ; but all the morning I had seen abundant evidence of the panic which had seized the people in New Orleans. Cotton- loaded ships on fire came floating down, and working imple- ments of every kind, such as are used in ship-yards. The destruction of property was awful. We soon descried the new earthwork forts on the old lines on both shores. We now formed and advanced in the same order, two lines, each line taking its respective work. Captain Bailey was still far in advance, not having noticed my signal for close order, which was to enable the slow vessels to come up. ‘They opened on him a galling fire, which caused us to run up to his rescue ; this gave them the advantage of a raking fire on us for upwards of a mile with some twenty guns, while we had but two g-inch guns on our forecastle to reply to them. It was not long, however, before we were enabled to bear away and give the forts a broadside of shells, shrapnell, and grape, the Pensacola at the same time passing up and giving a tremendous broadside of the same kind to the starboard fort ; and by the time we could reload, the Brooklyn, Cap- tain Craven, passed handsomely between us and the battery and delivered her broadside, and shut us out. By this time the other vessels had gotten up, and ranged in one after another, delivering their broadsides in spiteful revenge for their [z.¢. the enemies’ | ill-trea[t]ment of the little Cayuga. The forts were silenced, and those who could run were running in every direction. We now passed up to the city and anchored immediately in front of it, and I sent Captain By DAVID GLASGOW FARRAGUT (1801-1870), February 2, 1862, Far- ragut sailed from Hamp- ton Roads With orders to take New Orleans. February 20, a land force was sent from Fortress Monroe, under Gen- eral Butler, to cooperate with him and to garrison the city after its capture, April 25, 1862, the mayor of New Orleans surrendered the city to Farragut, as flag-officer, who handed it over to General Butler on May 1. This event gave the Union army the control of the mouth of the Mississippi, and also, it is worthy of note, caused the Emperor Napoleon III to recon- sider his design of recognizin the Confede eracy andraising the blockade. Shrapnell = shells filled with bullets and a small bursting charge. The “ Ca- yuga’’ was Captain Bailey's ves- sel. Levee = embank- ment along the river. Forts Jack- son and St, Philip. Civil War 314 [1862 Bailey on shore to demand the surrender of it from the authorities, to which the mayor replied that the city was under martial law, and that he had no authority. General Lovell, who was present, stated that he should deliver up nothing, but in order to free the city from embarrassment he would restore the city authorities, and retire with his troops, which he did... . The levee of New Orleans was one scene of desolation. Ships, steamers, cotton, coal, &c., were all in one common blaze, and our ingenuity was much taxed to avoid the float- ing conflagration. ... I next went above the city eight miles, to Carrolton, where I learned there were two other forts, but the panic had gone before me. I found the guns spiked, and the gun-carriages in flames. The first work, on the right, reaches from the Mississippi nearly over to Pontchartrain, and has 29 gums ; the one on the left had six guns, from which Commander Lee took some fifty barrels of powder, and completed the destruction of the gun-carriages, &c. A mile higher up there were two other earthworks, but not yet armed. On the evening of the 29th Captain Bailey arrived from below, with the gratifying intelligence that the forts had sur- rendered to Commander Porter, and had delivered up all public property, and were being paroled, and that the navy had been made to surrender unconditionally, as they had conducted themselves with bad faith, burning and sinking their vessels while a flag of truce was flying, and the forts negotiating for their surrender, and the Louisiana, their great iron-clad battery, blown up almost alongside of the vessel where they were negotiating ; hence their officers were not paroled, but sent home to be treated according to the judg- ment of the government. General Butler came up the same day, and arrangements were made for bringing up his troops. I sent on shore and hoisted the American flag on the cus:No. 120) Emancipation 35 tom-house, and hauled down the Louisiana State flag from the city hall, as the mayor had avowed that there was no man in New Orleans who dared to hal it down; and my own convictions are that if such an individual could have been found he would have been assassinated. Secretary of the Navy, Report, 1862 (Washington, 1863), 279- 281 passim. —_—_—_>—__—. 120. Proclamation of Emancipation (1862) HE appointed hour found me at the well-remembered door of the official chamber, — that door watched daily, with so many conflicting emotions of hope and fear, by the anxious throng regularly gathered there. The Presi- dent had preceded me, and was already deep in Acts of Congress, with which the writing-desk was strewed, awaiting his signature. He received me pleasantly, giving me a seat near his own arm-chair; and after having read Mr. Love- joy’s note, he took off his spectacles, and said, ‘‘ Well, Mr. C , we will turn you in loose here, and try to give you a good chance to work out your idea.” ‘Then, without pay- ing much attention to the enthusiastic expression of my ambitious desire and purpose, he proceeded to give me a detailed account of the history and issue of the great proclamation. “Tt had got to be,” said he, “ midsummer, 1862. Things had gone on from bad to worse, until I felt that we had reached the end of our rope on the plan of operations we had been pursuing ; that we had about played our last card, and must change our tactics, or lose the game: _ I now de- termined upon the adoption of the emancipation policy ; and, without consultation with, or the knowledge of the Cabinet, I prepared the original draft of the proclamation, pe By FRANCIS BICKNELL CARPENTER (1830- ), a portrait- painter, who has had many distin- guished sit- ters. In 1864 he painted a large histori- cal picture representing the signing of the eman- cipation proclama- tion on Janu- ary I, 1863. During the execution of this task, he was thrown into confi- dential per- sonal contact with the President, and gained thereby much knowl- edge of his character and policy; he afterward threw his re- membrances together into the bookfrom which this extract is taken. — On Lincoln, see above, No. III, and be- low, No. 124. — On eman- cipation, see Contempora- ries, LV, ch. The meeting was held July 22. (hase has left an ac- count in his diary (printed in R. B. War- den's biogra- phy). Seward was Secretary of State. Civil War 3 I 6 [1862 and, after muca anxious thought, called a Cabinet meeting upon the subject. This was the last of July, or the first part of the month of August, 1862.” (The exact date he did not remember.) “This Cabinet meeting took place, I think, upon a Saturday. All were present, excepting Mr. Blair, the Post- master-General, who was absent at the opening of the dis- cussion, but came in subsequently. I said to the Cabinet that I had resolved upon this step, and had not called them together to ask their advice, but to lay the subject-matter ofa proclamation before them ; suggestions as to which would be in order, after they had heard it read. Mr. Lovejoy,” said he, “was in error when he informed you that it excited no comment, excepting on the part of Secretary Seward. Various suggestions were offered. Secretary Chase wished the language stronger in reference to the arming of the blacks. Mr. Blair, after he came in, deprecated the policy, on the ground that it would cost the Administration the fall elections. Nothing, however, was offered that I had not al- ready fully anticipated and settled in my own mind, until Secretary Seward spoke. He said in substance : ‘ Mr. Presi- dent, I approve of the proclamation, but I question the ex- pediency of its issue at this juncture. The depression of the public mind, consequent upon our repeated reverses, is so great that I fear the effect of so important a step. It may be viewed as the last measure of an exhausted govern- ment, a cry for help; the government stretching forth its hands to Ethiopia, instead of Ethiopia stretching forth her hands to the government.’ His idea,” said the President, “was that it would be considered our last svzek, on the re- treat.” (This was his precdse expression.) “ ‘Now,’ con- tinued Mr. Seward, ‘ while I approve the measure, I suggest, sir, that you postpone its issue, until you can give it to the country supported by military success, instead of issuing it, as would be the case now, upon the greatest disasters of the war!’” Mr. Lincoln continued: “The wisdom of the viewNo. 120] Emancipation 207 of the Secretary of State struck me with very great force. It was an aspect of the case that, in all my thought upon the subject, I had entirely overlooked. The result was that I put the draft of the proclamation aside, as you do your sketch for a picture, waiting for a victory. From time to time I added or changed a line, touching it up here and there, anxiously watching the progress of events. Well, the next news we had was of Pope’s disaster, at Bull Run. Things looked darker than ever. Finally, came the week of the battle of Antietam. I determined to wait no longer. The news came, I think, on Wednesday, that the advantage was on our side. I was then staying at the Soldiers’ Home, (three miles out of Washington.) Here I finished writing the second draft of the preliminary proclamation ; came up on Saturday ; called the Cabinet together to hear it, and it was published the following Monday.” At the final meeting of September zoth, another interest- ing incident occurred in connection with Secretary Seward. The President had written the important part of the procla- mation in these words : — “That, on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all per- sons held as slaves within any State or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, and forever FREE; and the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will vecog- nize the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom.” ‘ When I finished reading this paragraph,” resumed Mr. Lincoln, ‘“‘ Mr. Seward stopped me, and said, ‘I think, Mr. President, that you should insert after the word “recognize,” in that sentence, the words “and maintain.’ J replied that I had already fully con- sidered the import of that expression in this connection, August 30 September 16, 17.By Dr. AL- BERT GAIL- LARD HART (1821- )s long a prac- tising physi- cjan in western Pennsylva- nia, a volun- teer of 1861, and a soldier of three years’ service in the Civil War as sur- geon of the Civil War 3138 [1863 but I had not introduced it, because it was not my way to promise what I was not entirely swve that I could perform, and I was not prepared to say that I thought we were ex- actly able to ‘ maintain’ this.” ‘“‘But,”’ said he, ‘‘ Seward insisted that we ought to take this ground ; and the words finally went in!” “Tt is a somewhat remarkable fact,” he subsequently re- marked, “‘ that there were just one hundred days between the dates of the two proclamations issued upon the 22d of September and the 1st of January. I had not made the calculation at the time.”’ Having concluded this interesting statement, the President then proceeded to show me the various positions occupied by himself and the different members of the Cabinet, on the occasion of the first meeting. “As nearly as I remem- ber,” said he, “I sat near the head of the table; the Sec- retary of the Treasury and the Secretary of War were here, at my right hand ; the others were grouped at the left.” F[rancis] B[icknell] Carpenter, Sz Months at the White Flouse with Abraham Lincoln (New York, 1866), 20-24. ———— ram inthe Thick of the hicht (863) HOspPITAL 41ST REGIMENT O. V. I. AT DIvIsION HOSPITAL SECOND DIVISION, CRITTENDEN’S CORPS, THREE MILES NORTH OF MURPHYSBOROUGH, TENNESSEE, JANUARY 7TH, 1863. Y dearest wife ; You will have ere this some account of the battle of Murphysborough, or Stone River. The great battle was fought on the 31st of December. ‘The rebel forces attacked our right wing, General Mack Cook’s corps, and took us entirely by surprise. Their left line extended much beyondNoten Murfreesboro 319 our right and as. they came near us they wheeled their extreme left, which brought them in a position to rake us or fire along our line. No command can long stand up under such a fire, and ours broke back in utter rout, and carried with them as in a mighty reflex wave division after division, Jeff C. Davis, Johnson, Sheridan, and Negley’s divisions, and the right of our own Palmer’s. By noon our line had been driven so far back as to be nearly at a right angle co the position which we had occupied at 8 o’clock in the morning. At my standpoint, this hospital nearly two miles in the rear, a cloud of fugitives numbering thousands were seen flying toward the rear, not an army, but a cloud of helpless, terror- stricken, totally disorganized and disbanded men, followed by a few hundred rebel cavalry, who shot down or captured the men at pleasure. Our Division Hospital fell into their hands and a mile or two of the transportation along the pike, on which we were advancing. Our left at the same time was turned by the rebel cavalry. Fortunately our cavalry coming up re-took our hospital a half hour after the rebels had taken possession of it, and I saw my first cavalry fight between our own and rebel cavalry. For a time it seemed as if the day was hopelessly lost. Still many of the regiments kept their men in the rallying distance, and fell back in partial order. They formed at last, after Rousseau’s reserves had come into line, and aided to save the day. Still back and back came our right, and all that could be done was to change our front so as to face the rebels as they came surging up. Artillery discharges at the rate of 60 per minute could not leave a field long contested. Every brigade yielded in the fatal tide. Two brigades of our division wheeled into the same line; the 1gth, our own, is next and the last. ‘The right of our brigade necessarily falls back to take line with that which adjoins it. Will our left too give back? ‘The 41st is on the extreme left to the left of the pike. At the left of our regiment the 41st Ohio Volunteer Infantry. He made the selection for this work out of three hundred of his war let- ters now pre- served. Murphys- borough = Murfrees- boro. “ Mack Cook” was Gen. A, McD. Mc- Cook, one of “the fighting McCooks,” Surgeons were seluom carried away as prisoners.rstyer A. B. Hazen, then colonel of the 4tst, later a major- general, This is a ter- rible percent- age of loss for a single fight. By “A LADY.” The account from which this extract is taken is by an anony- MERE ITH rote J Civil War 320 [1863 retreat ceases, and on it, as on a pivot, the brigade swings round and rests. Five times the rebels poured a sheet of flame, and a cloud of musketry and artillery upon us. Supported by Cockerel’s battery we hold our ground successfully. Too much credit cannot be given Colonel Hazen com- Few men could have held troops under so galling a fire. Our loss is double that of regiments on the right wing, as thousands threw away their muskets, manding our brigade. and did not fire a round. Our complete return of killed and wounded is, killed 16, wounded 94, 110 out of 413 men engaged. Two days after the battle the rebels under General Breck- enridge came down on our left wing with 10,000 men mostly Kentuckians. As they descended the slope toward Stone River, Van Cleve’s Division, which was lying opposite where they emerged from the woods, were driven out like a flock of sheep. Most fortunately and providentially for us Gen- eral Rosecrans had caused to be parked 52 pieces of artil- lery directly opposite their point of attack. Every piece was opened upon them and according to the rebel account when they went back in 40 minutes they left 2,000 men dead and wounded upon the field. You will know that the rebels have evacuated Murphys- borough and are in full march for the South. From MS. letters communicated for this volume by Dr. Hart. 122. Cave Life in a Besieged City (1863) O constantly dropped the shells around the city, that the inhabitants all made preparations to live under tne ground during the siege. M sent over and had a caveNo.122) Siege of Vicksburg 321 made in a hill near by. We seized the opportunity one evening, when the gunners were probably at their supper, for we had a few moments of quiet, to go over and take possession. We were under the care of a friend of M ; who was paymaster on the staff of the same General with whom M was Adjutant. We had neighbors on both sides of us; and it would have been an amusing sight to a spectator to witness the domestic scenes presented without by the number of servants preparing the meals under the high bank containing the caves. Our dining, breakfasting, and supper hours were quite irregular. When the shells were falling fast, the servants came in for safety, and our meals waited for completion some little time ; again they would fall slowly, with the lapse of many minutes between, and out would start the cooks to their work. Some families had light bread made in large quantities, and subsisted on it with milk (provided their cows were not killed from one milking time to another), without any more cooking, until called on to replenish. Though most of us lived on corn bread and bacon, served three times a day, the only luxury of the meal consisting in its warmth, I had some flour, and frequently had some hard, tough biscuit made from it, there being no soda or yeast to be procured. At this time we could, also, procure beef. . . And so I went regularly to work, keeping house under ground. Our new habitation was an excavation made in the earth, and branching six feet from the entrance, forming a cave in the shape of a T. In one of the wings my bed fitted ; the other I used as a kind of a dressing room ; in this the earth had been cut down a foot or two below the floor of the main cave ; I could stand erect here ; and when tired of sitting in other portions of my residence, I bowed myself into it, and stood impassively resting at full height — one of the varia- tions in the still shell-expectant life. M ’s servant Y mous hand, It appeared in 1864, and faithfully pictures the conditions in Vicksburg during the siege by Grant's army. It is an ex- ample of the picturesque- ness ofa personal nar- rative, — Compare above, Nos. 60, 84, 86, II4, 116, I2I. — Onthe Vicksburg campaign, see Contem- poraries, 1, ch, “ M ” was the hug band of the narrator,322 Civil War [1863 cooked for us under protection of the hill. Our quarters were close, indeed; yet I was more comfortable than I expected I could have been made under the earth in that fashion. We were safe at least from fragments of shell— and they were flying in all directions ; though no one seemed to think our cave any protection, should a mortar shell happen to fall directly on top of the ground above us... . And so the weary days went on— the long, weary days — when we could not tell in what terrible form death might come to us before the sun went down. Another fear that troubled M was, that our provisions might not last us during the siege. He would frequently urge me to husband all that I had, for troublesome times were probably in store for us; told me of the soldiers in the intrenchments, who would have gladly eaten the bread that was left from our meals, for they were suffering every privation, and that our servants lived far better than these men who were defending the city. Soon the pea meal became an article of food for us also, and a very unpalatable article it proved. To make it of proper consistency, we were obliged to mix some corn meal with it, which cooked so much faster than the pea meal, that it burned before the bread was half done. The taste was peculiar and disagreeable... . Still, we had nothing to complain of in comparison with the soldiers: many of them were sick and wounded in a hospital in the most exposed parts of the city, with shells falling and exploding all around them. .. . Even the very animals seemed to share the general fear of a sudden and frightful death. The dogs would be seen in the midst of the noise to gallop up the street, and then to return, as if fear had maddened them. On hearing the descent of a shell, they would dart aside —then, as it ex- ploded, sit down and howl in the most pitiful manner. There were many walking the street, apparently without HOMES) © « a———— eS No. 123] Gettysburg 21038 In the midst of other miserable thoughts, it came into my Vicksburg mind one day, that these dogs through hunger might become was nae as much to be dreaded as wolves. Groundless was this to Grant, : : July 4, 1863. anxiety, for in the course of a week or two they had almost disappeared. A Lady, My Cave Life in Vicksburg (New York, etc., 1864), 58-78 passim. (Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1864, by D. Appleton and Company.) 123. Battle of Gettysburg (1863) spondent of the NEW YORK Mie GREAI WV lGlORY: TRIBUNE. lls account of one of the The Rebel Army Totally greatest bat- tles of the Defeated. war, from the pages ofa : leading ITS REMAINS DRIVEN INTO ee THE MOUNTAINS. serve to con- vey an idea of how the people were It is There Surrounded Fentin and Hemmed in. formed of what was going on at the front. — Its Retreat Across the Potomac On the cam- River Cut Off. paign of Get tysburg, see Contemp ora- ries, 1V, Na TWENTY THOUSAND PRISONERS CAPTURED One Hundred and Eighteen Guns Taken. The Rebel General Longstreet Killed | iP | ai it a bd & f ra *) Poy —ri 5 H i : r i. i ' i i i r i : i ol ol ee ee Lee had crossed the Potomac and penetrated into Pennsyl- vania, Meee bid) Fab aD beeen a 324 Civil War [1863 DETAILS OF THE THREE DAYS’ FIGHTING. The Most Terrific Combat on Record Desperate Charges by the Rebel Troops Massed. OUR TROOPS STAND FIRM AS A _ ROCK, The Rebel Assaults Repeatedly Repulsed. Their Solid Ranks Dashed into Fragments. STILL THE UNION ARMY STAND FIRM. The Rebels Pause — Waver— Break and Scatter. A great and Glorious Victory for the Potomac Army. . ° . o ° . ESTERDAY, the third day’s struggle of the Army of the Potomac, brought another triumph to our army, and last night another sun set over a victorious but bloody- fought battle-field. ‘The flower of the Southern army threw itself in one gigantic death-struggle upon our army, its Generals swearing to pierce our center or go down before the valor of our troops. The onset was fierce and bloody, and cost us many brave men, but the repulse of the invaders was complete, and thousands of slaughtered Rebels lay strewn along the ground, while thousands fell into our hands as prisoners. Many battle-flags have been taken. Four thousand Rebels captured yesterday are on their way to Baltimore, and several thousand are in camp guarded by our men,No. 123] Gettysburg 225 Gen. Meade has now the admiration of the whole army. His daring acts and military strategy in placing in position his victorious army increase confidence in his generalship. He has fought as no one ever fought the Potomac army beforeaeaonc The following details of the battle were taken by your correspondent from Gen. Hancock, who commanded the Second Corps during the fight till evening, when a Rebel bullet compelled him to fall to the rear. As the firing ceased on Thursday night and our army, flushed, with victory, covered the enemy’s ground, it held command of the bloody battle field of the day. The Rebel flag of truce was denied, and Friday morning found our army re-enforced by the reserves of the Sixth Corps, Gen. Sedgwick, and Twelfth Corps, Gen. Slocum. Holding the field, our army was in line of battle along the Emmettsburg Turnpike and along the Taneytown Road. Several rifle pits on the extreme right were left in possession of the enemy on Thursday night. On Friday morning the ball was opened by Gen. Geary, who moved upon the enemy to retake these rifle pits. Firing now became general, and continued without damage to us until eleven o’clock, the rifle-pits falling into our possession. From 11 till 1 o’clock the firing slackened, but as 1 o’clock arrived, there were indications of another clash of arms more bloody than the historian of the war has yet recorded. ‘The Rebels under Gen. Ewell now made a con- centration of all their artillery, and opened a terrible artillery fire on our left center. Battery after battery roared, shaking the surrounding hills, and shot and shell rained death and destruction upon our lines. The Second Corps occupied the center, and the position which withstood the last convulsive attack of the Rebels was commanded by Gen. Hayes. The enemy followed their artillery with a tremendous infantry assault under the Rebel Thursday was the sec ond day of fighting. The third day's fight. This was one of the most terrible cannonades of the war.| ‘i i i f id i if i ' : i) s Hy b 5 General Pickett was really in command, Lee was still able to hold his army to- gether and recross the Potomac, but it was the last campaign in the North. Civil War 326 [1863 Gen. Anderson, coming up in masses, sometimes in close column by division. Our men stood like serried hosts, and on came the enemy, crowding, shouting, and rushing toward our guns like infuriated demons. There was no waver in our lines. On came the Rebels, while the canister from batteries told fearfully among their dying ranks. Now they are within twenty yards of our guns, and volley after volley of shot and shell and whizzing bullets go crashing down among them, dealing death and scattering the motley ranks to die or surrender. The slaughter was fearful, and there were a few men of the enemy who did not find even a grave near our guns. The Third and Fifth Corps now joined in the fight. Gen. Hill’s division alone took ten battle flags as this last move of the enemy burst upon our center. A panic seemed to seize them. Men laid down on the ground to escape our fire and lying there they supplicatingly held up white pieces of paper in token of surrender. In this repulse we took several thousand prisoners, and crowds of Rebel stragglers came into our lines giving themselves up in despair. Gen. Hancock’s corps now flanked the field, when crowds of disorganized Rebels threw up their arms and surrendered, while the field strewn with Rebel wounded, battle flags and arms fell into our possession. The result amounted to a rout. Cavalry has been sent out to harvest the straggle[r]s. Gen. Hayes is said to have covered himself with glory. General Doubleday fell fight- ing gallantly, saying, as a ball pierced his head, “I’m killed ! I’m killed!” Gen. Hancock thinks he is not killed, but seriously wounded. And thus night has drawn her mantle over another bloody day, but a day so bright with deeds of heroism and grand results, with patriotic devotion and sublime death, that the page of History shall glitter with thatglicht... .) This is universally allowed to have been the most des:ie fi Fay Toa EAT bed 6 F rks Pateress: No.4} Lincoln and Slavery S27, perate battle of the war. The 20th Massachusetts went into action with two hundred and fifty and came out with NINETY-FIVE. .. . New-York Tribune, July 6, 1863, p. I. =< —__—_ 124. The War and Slavery (1864) / AM naturally antislavery. If slavery is not wrong, noth- ing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel, and yet I have never understood that the presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted nght to act officially upon this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it my view that I might take an oath to get power and break the oath in using the power. I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times, and in many ways. And I aver that, to this day, I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, how- ever, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government — that nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation and yet preserve the Constitution ? By general law, life and limb must be protected, yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life; but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures otherwise unconstitutional might become lawful by becoming indis- By ABRA- HAM LIN- COLN (1809- 1865). This is a very cleat presentation of President Lincoln’s at- titude on the two problems placed in his hands for so- lution on his assumption of the office of chief mag- istrate; it is also a clear enunciation of the rea- sons induc- ing him to proclaim military emancipa- tion and to arm the blacks, with a fair-minded estimate of the results of that step. — For Lincoln's views on slavery, see above, Nos. III, 120.— For slavery, see ch. xv, above. — For slavery in the Civil War,see Nicolay and Hay, Abraham Lincoln, a History (10 vols.) ; R, B. Warden, Salmon P, Chase; E. L. Pierce, Charles Sum- ner (4 vols.) ; Garrisons, Life of William Lloyd Garri- son told by his Children (4 vols.). Frémont'’s attempt, August 30, 1861; Cam- eron’s, De- cember I, 1861; Hunt- er’s, May 9, 1862, her ti tl ao 4 EAS ETD PELE ar Civil War 32 8 [1864 pensable to the preservation of the Constitution through the Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that, to the best of my ability, I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery or any minor matter, I should permit the preservation of the nation. wreck of government, country, and Constitution all together. When, early in the war, General Frémont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I again forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come unless averted by that measure. They declined the propo- sition, and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alter- native of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored ele- ment. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this, | was not entirely con- fident. More than a y ar of trial now shows no loss by it in our foreign relatio ,, none in our home popular senti- ment, none in ourv .te military force —no loss by it any- how or anywhere. n the contrary it shows a gain of quite a hundred and thirty thousand soldiers, seamen, and labot- ers. These are palpable facts, about which, as facts, there can be no caviling. We have the men; and we could not have had them without the measure. And now let any Union man who complains of the meas- ure test himself by writing down in one line that he is for subduing the rebellion by force of arms; and in the next,Aro boy rts of Pho frre, 0r00 for Heo prorporo aff ON, JA PROCLAMATION OF EMANCIPATI ACT FROM THE EXTR NUARY 1, a4 pleves with pgartov ole mryraden ) AAAS, Arner fat of SAL, ax grey tence forwe~cv phete bo fas, Oner foArno J fhe cleckars Anov (rah (now AD grek fastens of Pwatls Conotitind the Slares fa gorrson fora, portions, MOS ancy ofa sey, LOY. Hefencn, Brod S pecommerou bo fers (tae tw al c2ses Whew ablrrreny Kha, Letoy fartlyits [hae Qrov 8 han lrernels of ole pos ew fenrov fevshow Oct af pettees, wenenTace by Pho Cn ADLrg for, Pe Dre of mantener ance (ha process favo gH. Omighy Gav. fie Nutech Leake? Dente, Lael nse Sa bctaids/ ee wn (# fi Het forsled eee Legh b hides atl Supfg Hite, and Nadhug@r, owrole C1 or the , UWA ' i H 1 i i . H h J H ie ! x i ie i r i ! i A 1 i: { eS ee ro ye Rares ry atc every Sete, \ : Ser Pt SS AE United PPD EAR RES Ey Emancipation, is repro- The above extract, including the essential parts of the final Proclamation of duced, by permission of the Century Company, og o Z2 + & A 3 me DB) cet Ses at a) I =) So N= Seward. from Hay and Nicolay’s Abraham paragraphs and the attestation are in the hand writing of William H. by President Lincoln.caine NoWTS Surrender of Lee a9 that he is for taking these hundred and thirty thousand men from the Union side, and placing them where they would be but for the measure he condemns. If he cannot face his case so stated, it is only because he cannot face the truth. . .. In telling this tale I attempt no compliment to my own sagacity. I claim not to have controlled events, but confess plainly that events have controlled me. Now, at the end of three years’ struggle, the nation’s condition is not what either party, or any man, devised or expected. God alone can claim it. Whither it is tending seems plain. If God now wills the removal of a great wrong, and wills also that we of the North, as well as you of the South, shall pay fairly for our complicity in that wrong, impartial history will find therein new cause to attest and revere the justice and goodness of God. Abraham Lincoln, Complete Works (edited by John G. Nicolay and John Hay, New York, 1894), II, 508-509 passim. 125. Surrender of Lee (1865) ENERAL GRANT began the conversation by saying : ““T met you once before, General Lee, while we were serving in Mexico, when you came over from General Scott’s headquarters to visit Garland’s brigade, to which I then be- longed. I have always remembered your appearance, and I think I should have recognized you anywhere.” ‘ Yes,” re- plied General Lee, ‘I know I met you on that occasion, and I have often thought of it and tried to recollect how you looked, but I have never been able to recall a single feature.” After some further mention of Mexico, General Lee said: “I suppose, General Grant, that the object of our present meeting is fully understood. I asked to see you to By HORACE PORTER (1837- } who was on the staff of General McClellan and served with the Army of the Potomac till after the bat- tle of Antie- tam. He went through the Chicka- mauga cam- paign with the Army of the Cumber- land. Com.ears ing East as an aid-de-camp on Grant's staff, he ac- companied him through the Wilder- ness cam- paign, the siege of Richmond and Peters- burg, and was present at the siege of Appomat- tox. He came out brevet briga- dier-general. His is an eye- witness's story of the closing event in the Civil War. — On the surren- der, see Con- cemporaries, IV, No. tI Rt A Civil War 330 [1865 ascertain upon what terms you would receive the surrender of my army.” General Grant replied: “The terms I pro- pose are those stated substantially in my letter of yesterday, — that is, the officers and men surrendered to be paroled and disqualified from taking up arms again until properly exchanged, and all arms, ammunition, and supplies to be delivered up as captured property.’’ Lee nodded an assent, and said: ‘Those are about the conditions which I ex- pected would be proposed.” General Grant then continued : “Yes, I think our correspondence indicated pretty clearly the action that would be taken at our meeting; and I hope it may lead to a general suspension of hostilities and be the means of preventing any further loss of life.” Lee inclined his head as indicating his accord with this wish, and General Grant then went on to talk at some length in a very pleasant vein about the prospects of peace. Lee was evidently anxious to proceed to the formal work of the surrender, and he brought the subject up again by saying: “T presume, General Grant, we have both carefully con- sidered the proper steps to be taken, and I would suggest that you commit to writing the terms you have proposed, so that they may be formally acted upon.” “Very well,” replied General Grant, “I will write them out.” And calling for his manifold order-book, he opened it on the table before him and proceeded to write the terms. The leaves had been so prepared that three impressions of the writing were made. He wrote very rapidly, and did not pause until he had finished the sentence ending with “ offi- cers appointed by me to receive them.” ‘Then he looked toward Lee, and his eyes seemed to be resting on the handsome sword that hung at that officer’s side. He said afterward that this set him to thinking that it would be an unnecessary humiliation to require the officers to surrender their swords, and a great hardship to deprive them of their personal baggage and horses, and after a short pause he wroteNo.125] Surrender of Lee 331 the sentence: “This will not embrace the side-arms of the officers, nor their private horses or baggage.” ... When this had been done, he handed the book to General Lee and asked him to read over the letter. . . . When Lee came to the sentence about the officers’ side-arms, private horses, and baggage, he showed for the first time during the reading of the letter a slight change of countenance, and was evidently touched by this act of gen- erosity. It was doubtless the condition mentioned to which he particularly alluded when he looked toward General Grant as he finished reading and said with some degree of warmth in his manner: “This will have a very happy effect upon my army.” General Grant then said: “Unless you have some sug- gestions to make in regard to the form in which I have stated the terms, I will have a copy of the letter made in ink and sign it.” “There is one thing I would like to mention,” Lee replied after a short pause. ‘The cavalrymen and artillerists own their own horses in our army. Its organization in this re- spect differs from that of the United States.’’ This expres- sion attracted the notice of our officers present, as showing how firmly the conviction was grounded in his mind that we were two distinct countries. He continued: “I would like to understand whether these men will be permitted to retain their horses?” “You will find that the terms as written do not allow this,” General Grant replied ; “only the officers are permitted to take their private property.” Lee read over the second page of the letter again, and then said : “No, I see the terms do not allow it ; that is clear.” His face showed plainly that he was quite anxious to have this concession made, and Grant said very promptly and without giving Lee time to make a direct request :PTs PASTA ob 332 Civil War [1865 “Well, the subject is quite new to me. Of course I did not know that any private soldiers owned their animals, but I think this will be the last battle of the war—I sincerely hope so—and that the surrender of this army will be fol- lowed soon by that of all the others, and I take it that most of the men in the ranks are small farmers, and as the country has been so raided by the two armies, it is doubtful whether they will be able to put in a crop to carry themselves and their families through the next winter without the aid of the horses they are now riding, and I will arrange it in this way: I will not change the terms as now written, but I will instruct the officers I shall appoint to receive the paroles to let all the men who claim to own a horse or mule take the animals home with them to work their little farms.” (This expres- sion has been quoted in various forms and has been the sub- ject of some dispute. I give the exact words used.) ... _. . General Lee now took the initiative again in leading the conversation back into business channels. He said : “JT have a thousand or more of your men as prisoners, General Grant, a number of them officers whom we have required to march along with us for several days. I shall be glad to send them into your lines as soon as it can be arranged, for I have no provisions for them. I have, indeed, nothing for my own men. They have been living for the last few days principally upon parched corn, and we are badly in need of both rations and forage. _. . General Grant replied: “I should like to have our men sent within our lines as soon as possible. I will take steps at once to have your army supplied with rations, but I am sorry we have no forage for the aniimalssivie ins _. . Ata little before 4 o’clock General Lee shook hands with General Grant, bowed to the other officers, and with Colonel Marshall left the room. One after another we fol- lowed, and passed out to the porch. Lee signaled to his orderly to bring up his horse, and while the animal was being pe eeNo.126] “The First American” 333 bridled the general stood on the lowest step and gazed sadly in the direction of the valley beyond where his army lay — now an army of prisoners. He smote his hands together a number of times in an absent sort of a way; seemed not to see the group of Union officers in the yard who rose respect- fully at his approach, and appeared unconscious of everything about him. All appreciated the sadness that overwhelmed him, and he had the personal sympathy of every one who beheld him at this supreme moment of trial. The approach of his horse seemed to recall him from his reverie, and he at once mounted. General Grant now stepped down from the porch, and, moving toward him, saluted him by raising his hat. He was followed in this act of courtesy by all our officers present; Lee raised his hat respectfully, and rode off to break the sad news to the brave fellows whom he had so long commanded. Robert Underwood Johnson and Clarence Clough Buel, editors, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War (Century Company, New York, 1889), IV, 737-743 passim. ———— 126. Abraham Lincoln (1865) V. IFE may be given in many ways, And loyalty to Truth be sealed As bravely in the closet as the field, So generous is Fate ; But then to stand beside her When craven churls deride her, To front a lie in arms and not to yield, — This shows, methinks, God’s plan And measure of a stalwart man, By JAMES RUSSELL LOWELL, for whom see above, No. 104. — This is a great tribute to the preatest man in our coux trys history, o r f ( v4 er * 7 a S mM 4 a + i ry a - aE a be ‘| mt ‘A gex334 Civil War [1865 Limbed like the old heroic breeds, Who stands self-poised on manhood’s solid earth, Not forced to frame excuses for his birth, Fed from within with all the strength he needs. VI. Such was he, our Martyr-chief, Whom late the Nation he had led, With ashes on her head, Wept with the passion of an angry grief: Forgive me if from present things I turn To speak what in my heart will beat and burn, And hang my wreath on his world-honored urn. Nature, they say, doth dote, And cannot make a man Save on some worn-out plan, Repeating us by rote ; For him her Old-World mould aside she threw, And, choosing sweet clay from the breast Of the unexhausted West, With stuff untainted shaped a hero new, Wise, steadfast in the strength of God, and true. How beautiful to see Once more a shepherd of mankind indeed Who loved his charge, but never loved to lead, One whose meek flock the people joyed to be, Not lured by any cheat of birth, But by his clear-grained human worth, And brave old wisdom of sincerity ! They knew that outward grace 1s dust, They could not choose but trust In that sure-footed mind’s unfaltering skill, And supple-tempered will That bent like perfect steel to spring again and thrust The lines en- [His was no lonely mountain-peak of mind,No.126]) ** Lhe First American” ae Thrusting to thin air o’er our cloudy bars, closed in E P ; ae s = . brackets are A sea-mark now, now lost in vapors blind , not in the Broad prairie rather, genial, level-lined, one) 1865 edition, Fruitful and friendly for all human kind, Yet also nigh to heaven and loved of loftiest stars. | Nothing of Europe here, Or, then, of Europe fronting mornward still, Ere any names of Serf and Peer Could Nature’s equal scheme deface ; [And thwart her genial will ;] Here was a type of the true elder race, And one of Plutarch’s men talked with us face to face. I praise him not, it were too late ; And some innative weakness there must be In him who condescends to victory Such as the Present gives, and cannot wait, Safe in himself as in a fate. So always firmly he ; He knew to bide his time And can his fame abide, Still patient in his simple faith sublime, Till the wise years decide ; Great captains, with their guns and drums, Disturb our judgment for the hour ; But at last silence comes ; These all are gone, and, standing like a tower, Our children shall behold his fame, The kindly-earnest, brave, foreseeing man, Sagacious, patient, dreading praise, not blame, New birth of our new soil, the first American. James Russell Lowell, Ode recited at the Commemoration of the Living and Dead Soldters of Harvard University, July 21, 1865 (Cambridge, 1865), 15-18.By SIDNEY ANDREWS, who spent the months of Septem- ber, October, and Novem- ber, 1865, in the States of North Caro- lina, South Carolina,and Georgia, as correspond- ent of the Boston Ad- vertiser and the Chicago Tribune. His letters to those papers were pub- lished in book form during the spring of the next year. He observed closely and commented intelligently on what he saw.— On the negro, see Contem- poraries, IV, ch, — On re- construction, see American Orations, IV, 3-15, 125- 188; Amert- can History Studies, CHAPTER XIX — RECONSTRUCTION, 1865-1871 127. Condition of the South (1865) CITY of ruins, of desolation, of vacant houses, of widowed women, of rotting wharves, of deserted warehouses, of weed-wild gardens, of miles of grass-grown streets, of acres of pitiful and voiceful barrenness, — that is Charleston, wherein Rebellion loftily reared its head five years ago, on whose beautiful promenade the fairest of cultured women gathered with passionate hearts to applaud the assault of ten thousand upon the little garrison of Fort Sumter! ... We never again can have the Charleston of the decade previous to the war. The beauty and pride of the city are as dead as the glories of Athens. Five millions of dollars could not restore the ruin of these four past years; and that sum is so far beyond the command of the city as to seem the boundless measure of immeasurable wealth. Yet, after all, Charleston was Charleston because of the hearts of its people. St. Michael’s Church, they held, was the centre of the universe ; and the aristocracy of the city were the very elect of God’s children on earth. One marks now how few young men there are, how generally the young women are dressed in black. The flower of their proud aristocracy 1s buried on scores of battle-fields. If it were possible to restore the broad acres of crumbling ruins to their foretime style and uses, there would even then be but the dead body of Charleston... . Of Massachusetts men, some are already in business here, 336No 127} Southern Conditions 337 and others came on to “see the lay of the land,’’ as one of them said. ‘“That’s all right,’ observed an ex-Rebel captain in one of our after-dinner chats, — “ that’s all right ; let’s have Massachusetts and South Carolina brought together, for they are the only two States that amount to anything.” ... There are many Northern men here already, though one cannot say that there is much Northern society, for the men are either without families or have left them at home. Walking out yesterday with a former Charlestonian, —a man who left here in the first year of the war and returned soon after our occupation of the city, — he pointed out to me the various “‘ Northern houses” ; and I shall not exaggerate if I say that this classification appeared to include at least half the stores on each of the principal streets. “The presence of these men,’ said he, “was at first very distasteful to our people, and they are not liked any too well now; but we know they are doing a good work for the city.” I fell into some talk with him concerning the political situation, and found him of bitter spirit toward what he was pleased to denominate “the infernal radicals.’ When I asked him what should be done, he answered: ‘You Northern people are making a great mistake in your treat- ment of the South. We are thoroughly whipped ; we give up slavery forever ; and now we want you to quit reproaching us. Let us back into the Union, and then come down here and help us build up the country.” ... Business is reviving slowly, though perhaps the more surely. The resident merchants are mostly at the bottom of the ladder of prosperity. They have idled away the summer in vain regrets for vanished hopes, and most of them are only just now beginning to wake to the new life. Some have already been North for goods, but more are preparing to go; not heeding that, while they vacillate with laggard time, Northern men are springing in with hands swift to catcb z No.9; Con- lemporartes, IiVesch: See above, Nos. 35, 94- IOI, 116, 11q, 124,“ March to the Sea,” 1864. Rhee Reconstruction [1865 opportunity. It pains me to see the apathy and indifference that so generally prevails; but the worst feature of the situation is, that so many young men are not only idle, but give no promise of being otherwise in the immediate future. Many of the stores were more or less injured by the shelling. A few of these have been already repaired, and are now occupied,—very likely by Northern men. A couple of dozen, great and small, are now in process of repair; and scores stand with closed shutters or gaping doors and windows. .. . Rents of eligible store-rooms are at least from one fourth to one third higher than before the war, and resident business men say only Northern men who intend staying but a short time can afford to pay present prices. It would seem that it is not clearly understood how thoroughly Sherman's army destroyed everything in its line of march, — destroyed it without questioning who suffered by the action. That this wholesale destruction was often without orders, and often against most positive orders, does not change the fact of destruction. The Rebel leaders were, too, in their way, even more wanton, and just as thorough as our army in destroying property. They did not burn houses and barns and fences as we did ; but, during the last three months of the war, they burned immense quantities of cotton and rosin. The action of the two armies put it out of the power of men to pay their debts. The values and the bases of value were nearly all destroyed. Money lost about everything it had saved. Thousands of men who were honest in purpose have lost everything but honor. The cotton with which they meant to pay their debts has been burned, and they are without other means. What is the part of wisdom in respect to such men? It certainly cannot be to strip them of the Jast remnant. Many of them will pay in whole or in part, if proper consideration be shown them. It is no questionNo. 128] A Negro School 339 of favor to any one as a favor, but a pure question of business, — how shall the commercial relations of the two sections be re-established? In determining it, the actual and exceptional. condition of the State with respect to property should be constantly borne in mind... . That Rebellion sapped the foundations of commercial integrity in the State is beyond question. That much of the Northern indebtedness will never be paid is also beyond question ee", .. The city is udder thorough military rule; but the iron hand rests very lightly. Soldiers do police duty, and there is some nine-o’clock regulation; but, so far as I can learn, anybody goes anywhere at all hours of the night without molestation. “ ‘There never was such good order here before,”’ said an old colored man to me. The main street is swept twice a week, and all garbage is removed at sun- rise. “If the Yankees was to stay here always and keep the city so clean, I don’t reckon we’d have ‘yellow jack here any more,” was a remark I overheard on the street. “ Now is de fust time sence I can ’mem’er when brack men was safe in dc street af’er nightfall,” stated the negro tailor in whose shop I sat an hour yesterday. Sidney Andrews, The South since the War (Boston, 1866), 1-8 passim. ene 128. A Negro School (1862) NE bright November morning I started to take pos- session of my contraband school. .. . The schoolhouse to which I was appointed was a rough, wooden building standing on palmetto posts two or three feet from the ground, with an open piazza on one side. When I first came in sight of this building, the piazza was crowded with children, all screaming and chattering like a By ELIZA- BETH HYD# BOTUME, one of the first teachers of the negro on the Caro- lina coast, and one who knows the South from personal ac- quaintanceboth before and after the war. Her narrative shows her to be a keen ob- server and an accurate re- porter, It deals with the contra- bands, chiefly the women and children, telling of their escape from the war and of the attempts to educate them. Though marked by some confu- sion of ar- rangement, it seems to be founded on a contempo- rary journal. — On the negroes in reconstruc- tion,see Con- temporarves, IV, ch. Rees rn creme eee Reconstruction [1862 340 flock of jays and blackbirds in a quarrel. But as soon as they saw me they all gave a whoop and a bound and disappeared. When I reached the door there was no living thing to be seen; all was literally “as still as a mouse ;”’ so I inspected my new quarters while waiting for my forces. There was one good sized room without partitions ; it was not ceiled, but besides the usual heavy board shutters its six windows were glazed. This was a luxury which belonged to but few of the school-buildings. Indeed, these glazed windows had been held up to me as a marked feature in my new location. The furniture consisted of a few wooden benches, a tall pine desk with a high office stool, one narrow blackboard leaning against a post, and a huge box stove large enough to warm a Puritan meeting-house in the olden times. The pipe of the stove was put through one window. ... 1 believe this was the first building ever erected exclusively for a colored school. ... All the “contraband schools” were at that time kept in churches, or cotton-barns, or old kitchens. Some teachers had their classes in tents. Inspection over, I vigorously rang a little cracked hand- bell which I found on the desk. Then I saw several pairs of bright eyes peering in at the open door. But going towards them, there was a general scampering, and I could only see a head or a foot disappearing under the house. Again I rang the bell, with the same result, until I began to despair of getting my scholars together. When I turned my back they all came out. When I faced about they darted off. In time, however, I succeeded in capturing one small urchin, who howled vociferously, ““O Lord! O Lord!” This brought out the others, who seemed a little scared and much amused. I soon reassured my captive, so the rest came in. Then I tried to “seat” them, which was about as easy as keeping so many marbles in place on a smooth floor. Going towards half a dozen little fellows huddledNo. 128] A Negro School 341 together on one bench, they simultaneously darted down under the seat, and scampered off on their hands and feet to a corner of the room, looking very much like a family of frightened kittens. ... I‘‘halted” the rest, and got them on to their feet and into their seats. Then I looked them OKI Got All these children were black as ink and as shy as wild animals. ... I tried in vain to fix upon some distinguish- ing mark by which I might know one from another. Some of these children had been in a school before, but they were afraid of white people, and especially of strangers. As they said of a teacher on a subsequent occasion, “‘ Us ain’t know she ike . . . In time, after some more skirmishing, the little gang before me was brought into a degree of order. They listened, apparently, with open mouths and staring eyes to what I had to say. But I soon discovered my words were like an unknown tongue to them. I must first know something of their dialect in order that we might understand each other. Now I wished to take down the names of these children ; so I turned to the girl nearest me and said, ‘‘ What 1s your name?” “Tt is Phyllis, ma’am.” “ But what is your other name?” “Only Phyllis, ma’am.” I then explained that we all have two names; but she still replied, ‘ Nothing but Phyllis, ma’am.”’ Upon this an older girl started up and exclaimed, “ Pshaw, gal! What’s you’m title?”’ whereupon she gave the name of her old master. After this each child gave two names, most of them funny combinations. Sometimes they would tell me one thing, and when asked to repeat it, would say something quite different. ... ” .By ROBERT EDWARD LEE (1807- 1870), com- manding general of the armies of the Confederacy. After the war Lee retired to private life, taking a posi- tion as presi- 34.2 Reconstruction [1865 I thought of Adam’s naming the animals, and wondered if he had been as much puzzled as I. Certainly he gave out the names at first hand, and had no conflicting incongruities to puzzle him. In time I enrolled fifteen names, the number present. The next morning I called the roll, but no one answered, so I was obliged to go around again and make out a new list. I could not distinguish one from another. They looked like so many peas ina pod. The woolly heads of the girls and boys looked just alike. All wore indiscriminately any cast- off garments given them, so it was not easy to tell ‘ which was which.” Were there twenty-five new scholars, or only ten? The third morning it was the same work over again. There were forty children present, many of them large boys and girls. I had already a list of over forty names. Amongst these were most of the months of the year and days of the week, besides a number of Pompeys, Cudjos, Sambos, and Rhinas, and Rosas and Floras. I now wrote down forty new names, and I began to despair of ever getting regulated... . Elizabeth Hyde Botume, Fzrst Days amongst the Contrabands (Boston, 1893), 41-47 passzm. ————e 129. A Southerner’s Advice on Reconstruction (1865) HAVE received your letter of the 23d ult. [ August, 1865], and in reply will state the course I have pursued under circumstances similar to your own, and will leave you to judge of its propriety. Like yourself, I have, since the cessation of hostilities, advised ° *No.129] A Southerner’s Advice 343 all with whom I have conversed on the subject, who come within the terms of the President’s proclamations, to take the oath of allegiance, and accept in good faith the amnesty offered. But I have gone further, and have recommended to those who were excluded from their benefits, to make application under the proviso of the proclamation of the 29th of May, to be embraced in its provisions. Both classes, in order to be restored to their former rights and privileges, were required to perform a certain act, and I do not see that an acknowledgment of fault is expressed in one more than the other. ‘The war being at an end, the Southern States having laid down their arms, and the questions at issue between them and the Northern States having been decided, I believe it to be the duty of every one to unite in the restoration of the country, and the reestablishment of peace and harmony. ‘These considerations governed me in the counsels I gave to others, and induced me on the 13th of June to make application to be included in the terms of the amnesty proclamation. I have not received an answer, and cannot inform you what has been the decision of the President. But, whatever that may be, I do not see how the course I have recommended and practised can prove detrimental to the former President of the Confederate States. It appears to me that the allayment of passion, the dissipation of prejudice, and the restoration of reason, will alone enable the people of the country to acquire a true knowledge and form a correct judgment of the events of the past four years. It will, I think, be admitted that Mr. Davis has done nothing more than all the citizens of the Southern States, and should not be held accountable for acts performed by them in the exercise of what had been considered by them unquestionable right. I have too exalted an opinion of the American people to believe that they will consent to injustice ; and it is only necessary, in my opinion, that truth should be known, for the rights of every one to be dent of Washington College at Lexington, Virginia, now Wash- ington and Lee Uni- versity, and lent his influ ence to the work of rec- onciling the South to the new situa- tion. This letter, written to a private person, throws the best light on the attitude which he had adopted and which he sought to in- duce others to adopt. — On Lee, see Contempora- vies, IV, No. -— Onthe condition of the Southern whites, see Contempora- vies, IV, ch.(Entered, according to Act of Con- gress, in the year 1874, by D. Appleton and Com- pany.) By THAD- DEUS STE- VENS (1792- 1868). From March, 1859, to his death in August, 1868, he was one of the Jeaders of the most ad- vanced wing of the Repub- licans in the national House of Representa- tives. He initiated and had a large share in the adoption of the Four- teenth Amendment, and, as chair- man of the House Coms mittee on Re- construction, reported the bill dividing theSouthinto five military districts until it should adopt consti- tutions grant- ing suffrage and equal rights to negroes. In} a speech of February 24, Reconstruction [1865 34-4 secured. I know of no surer way of eliciting the truth than by burying contention with the war.... Reverend J. William Jones, Personal Reminiscences, Anecdotes, and Letters of Gen. Robert E. Lee (New York, 1875), 205-206. I 30. Congressional Reconstruction (1865) ra. | O one doubts, that the late rebel States have J lost their constitutional relations to the Union, and are incapable of representation in Congress, except by permission of the Government. It matters but little, with this admission, whether you call them States out of the Union, and now conquered territories, or assert that because the Constitution forbids them to do what they did do, that they are therefore only dead as to all national and political action, and will remain so until the Government shall breathe into them the breath of life anew and permit them to occupy their former position. In other words, that they are not out of the Union, but are only dead carcasses lying within the Union. In either case, it is very plain that it requires the action of Congress to enable them to form a State govern- ment and send representatives to Congress. Nobody, I believe, pretends that with their old constitutions and frames of government they can be permitted to claim their old rights under the Constitution. They have torn their con- stitutional States into atoms, and built on their foundations fabrics of a totally different character. Dead men cannot raise themselves. Dead States cannot restore their own existence ‘(as it was.” Whose especial duty is it to do it? In whom does the Constitution place the power? Not in the judicial branch of Government, for it only adjudicates and does not prescribe laws. Not in the Executive, for he only executes and cannot make laws. Not in the Commander:Sy tt oR re, Gene ees| i : No. 130) By Congress 345 in-Chief of the armies, for he can only hold them under military rule until the sovereign legislative power of the conqueror shall give them law. .. . Congress alone can do it. But Congress does not mean the Senaté, or the House of Representatives, and President, all acting severally. Their joint action constitutes Con- gress. ... Congress must create States and declare when they are entitled to be represented. ‘Then each House must judge whether the members presenting themselves from a recognized State possess the requisite qualifications of age, residence, and citizenship ; and whether the election and returns are according to law. The Houses, separately, can judge of nothing else. It seems amazing that any man of legal education could give it any larger meaning. It is obvious from all this that the first duty of Congress is to pass a law declaring the condition of these outside or defunct States, and providing proper civil governments for them. Since the conquest they have been governed by martial law. Military rule is necessarily despotic, and ought not to exist longer than is absolutely necessary. As there are no symptoms that the people of these provinces will be prepared to participate in constitutional government for some years, I know of no arrangement so proper for them as territorial governments. ‘There they can learn the princi- ples of freedom and eat the fruit of foul rebellion. Under such governments, while electing members to the Territorial Legislatures, they will necessarily mingle with those to whom Congress shall extend the right of suffrage. In Territories Congress fixes the qualifications of electors ; and I know of no better place nor better occasion for the conquered rebels and the conqueror to practice justice to all men, and accus- tom themselves to make and obey equal laws... . According to my judgment they ought never to be recog- nized as capable of acting in the Union, or of being counted as valid States, until the Constitution shall have been so 1868, he pro» posed the \mpeach- ment of Johnson, was one of the committee of seven to pre- pare the arti- cles, and was chairman of the board of managers appointed to conduct the trial. This extract, from a speech of December 18, 1865, well illustrates his extreme Re- publican the- ory.— On Stevens, see Americar Orations, LV, 458.— On congres- sional recon- struction, see No. 127 above,iu A ri i | i ae Clare Seis: —fse Te ss ered By GENERAL OLIVER OTIS How- ARD (1830- ), who served with distinction during the war, and after its close, from May, 34.6 Reconstruction [1865-1866 amended as to make it what its framers intended; and so as to secure perpetual ascendency to the party of the Union ; and so as to render our republican Government firm and stable forever. The first of those amendments is to change the basis of representation among the States from Federal numbers to actual voters. But this is not all that we ought to do before these invet- erate rebels are invited to participate in our legislation. We have turned, or are about to turn, loose four million slaves without a hut to shelter them or a cent in their pockets. ‘The infernal laws of slavery have prevented them from acquiring an education, understanding the commonest laws of contract, or of managing the ordinary business of life. This Congress is bound to provide for them until they can take care of themselves. If we do not furnish them with homesteads, and hedge them around with protective laws ; if we leave them to the legislation of their late masters, we had better have left them in bondage. Their condition would be worse than that of our prisoners at Anderson- ville. If we fail in this great duty now, when we have the power, we shall deserve and receive the execration of history and of all future ages. Congressional Globe, 39 Cong., 1 sess. (Washington, 1866), Part I, 72-74 passin. 131. A Military Governor in Louisiana (1865-1866) N no other State have there arisen so many difficult l questions with reference to labor, the status of the freedmen, and the power of military authorities. ‘The assist- ant commissioner of the State has been able to give generalbaie bent ea PUM es ee ree ree No. 131] Louisiana ota satisfaction to the whites and freedmen, and aid in the resto- ration of law and order. Harmonious relations have existed between the State officials and bureau officers, which has materially aided the administration of the bureau. I am sorry to report a lack of hearty co-operation on the part of the municipal authorities of New Orleans with the plans of General Baird for the employment, protection, and educa- tion of the freedmen. Much that is to be regretted with reference to the present condition of colored people of New Orleans can be traced to this cause. A large amount of abandoned property was held by the bureau officer during the year 1865, but was restored as rapidly as claimants could present proper proofs of owner- ship and loyalty. This property, consisting of large planta- tions and city property, furnished all the funds necessary to carry on the affairs of the bureau[.] As nearly all of this property was restored prior to January 1, 1866, this source of revenue has ceased. . . General Baird reports that “outrages upon freedmen reported from the distant parishes of the State remain uncorrected for want of adequate military force to make arrests. This condition of affairs can only be remedied by force. The perpetrators of the outrages are lawless and irresponsible men, the terror of property holders and labor- ers. They are countenanced by the community, either through sympathy or fear.” General Sheridan says: “Homicides are frequent in some localities ; sometimes they are investigated by a coroner’s jury, which justifies the act and releases the perpetrator ; in other instances, when the proof comes to the knowledge of an agent of the bureau, the parties are held to bail in a nominal sum, for appearance at the next term of court, but the trial of a white man for the killing of a freedman can, in the existing state of society in this State, be nothing more or less than a farce.” 1865, to July, 1874, was commis- sioner of the Freedman’s Bureau at Washington. General Sheridan, whom he largely quotes in his report, had a low opinion of the politi- cians of Lou- islana and Texas, and was in favor of strong measures, From July 17 to August I5, 1866, Sheri- dan was in charge of the military divi- sion of the Gulf, and later, by the act of March 2, 1867, di- viding the ten Southern States into five military districts, he was put in ~ command of the fifth dis- trict, which included Louisiana and Texas, Baird was asststant commis- sioner of Louisiana, oem348 Reconstruction —_—_ (1865-1866 I regret that the reports of officers of the bureau reveal such a bad state of society. It will be impossible for the military authorities to restore order and remedy the evils complained of by General Sheridan without an increase of the number of troops in the State... . General Baird says: “ The ‘civil rights bill’ has gone into operation in this State, and is having a good effect, restrain- ing those who are disposed to set United States laws at defiance or to treat them with contempt. Several magistrates are under arrest for violating its provisions. The machinery for the execution of the law is yet in a very imperfect con- dition.” General Sheridan reports: ‘‘ That the location of home- steads by the freedmen is progressing favorably, but it is a question whether they will be allowed to remain peaceably upon the lands selected.” The agent for the location of homesteads reports depredations on the public lands, such as cutting timber, &c., by white citizens. Circumstances beyond the control of the bureau have greatly injured the once prosperous schools of this State. Enemies of the bureau and its officers have made a general attack upon the school administration. General Baird, being without money, was obliged to suspend all the public schools, promising that as soon as possible they should commence again. The colored people seeing their public schools closed did not abandon the education of their children, but opened a large number of private schools. A tax system was devised by which the people were to support their own education. For many reasons this tax became oppressive, and was never popular. The schools rapidly decreased, and a chaotic state ensued from which it took time to recover. General Sheridan reports, under date of September 30, a great increase of interest, and the prospect of flourishing schools this autumn and winter. The present number of schools is 73 ; teachers, 90; scholars, 3,389.No. 132] Failure 349 The number of irregular and private schools cannot at present be ascertained, but they are numerous. General Sheridan reports that the total suspension of the issue of rations will cause much distress among the people that most need aid, viz, widows and families of soldiers killed in the army, and that the cotton and corn crop is tnearly an entire failure in some parishes. He has found it impossible to induce [t]he State authorities to provide for either white or black paupers. The number of rations issued in this State from June 1, 1865, to September 1, 1866, (one year and three months, ) was as follows: Aggregate, 612,788 —to whites, 157,491 ; to freedmen, 455,290; average rations per month, 40,852 ; average freedmen and refugees assisted daily, 1,362. Report of the Secretary of War, House Executive Documents, 39 Cong., 2 sess. No. 1 (Washington, 1867), III, 742-744 passim. en 132. Failure of Reconstruction (1871) PROPOSE to lay aside all partisanship, and simply to state facts as I conceive them to exist. Let us look at our State when the reconstruction acts first took effect in 1868. A social revolution had been accomplished —an entite reversal of the political relations of most of our people had ensued. The class which formerly held all the political power of our State were stripped of all. The class which had formerly been less than citizens, with no political power or social position, were made the sole depositaries of the political power of the State. I refer now to practical results, not to theories. The numerical relations of the two races here were such that one race, Tnearly = nearly; bya printer's error in the original, the “t” evidently slipped from its proper place in the word ‘‘the” below, By DANIEL HENRY CHAMBER- LAIN (1835~ a Massachu- setts man who served in the Union army, and after the war, in 1866, re- moved to South Caro- linaand | becameacot- ton planter. From 1868 to 1872 he was attorney-gens eral of South Carolina, and in 1875 was electedgovernor of the State. Iiis testi- mony is very interesting, coming as it does from one who, if he were in- clined to be partial, would lean rather to the side of the na- tional gov- ernment, 2150 Reconstruction [187s under the new laws, held absolute political control of the State. The attitude and action of both races under these new conditions, while not unnatural, was, as I must think, unwise and unfortunate. One race stood aloft and haughtily re- fused to seek the confidence of the race which was just entering on its new powers; while the other race quickly grasped all the political power which the new order of things had placed within their reach. From the nature of the case, the one race were devoid of political experience, of all or nearly all education, and de- pended mainly for all these qualities upon those who, for the most part, chanced to have drifted here from other States, or who, in very rare instances, being former resi- dents of the State, now allied themselves with the other race. No man of common prudence, or who was even slightly familiar with the working of social forces, could have then failed to see that the elements which went to compose the now dominant party were not of the kind which produce public virtue and honor, or which could long secure even public order and peace. I make all just allowance for exceptional cases of indi- vidual character, but I say that the result to be expected, from the very nature of the situation in 1868, was that a scramble for office would ensue among the members of the party in power, which, again, from the nature of the case, must result in filling the offices of the State, local and gen- eral, with men of no capacity and little honesty or desire to really serve the public. The nation had approved the reconstruction measures, not because they seemed to be free of danger, nor because they were blind to the very grave possibilities of future evils, but in the hope that the one race, wearing its new laurels and using its new powers with modesty and forbearance, would gradually remove the prejudices and enlist the sym-No. 132] Failure 351 pathies and coéperation of the other race, until a fair degree of political homogeneity should be reached, and race lines should cease to mark the limits of political parties. Three years have passed, and the result is—what? | In- competency, dishonesty, corruption in all its forms, have “advanced their miscreated fronts,” have put to flight the small remnant that opposed them, and now rules the party which rules the State. You may imagine the chagrin with which I make this statement. ‘Truth alone compels it. My eyes see it—all my senses testify to the startling and sad fact. I can never be indifferent to anything which touches the fair fame of that great national party to which all my deepest convictions attach me, and I repel the libel which the party bearing that name in this State is daily pouring upon us. I am a repub- lican by habit, by conviction, by association, but my repub- licanism is not, I trust, composed solely of equal parts of ignorance and rapacity. Such is the plain statement of the present condition of the dominant party of our State. What is the remedy? That a change will come, and come speedily, let no man doubt. Corruption breeds its own kind. Ignorance rushes to its downfall. Close behind any political party which tolerates such qualities in its public representa- tives stalks the headsman. If the result is merely political disruption, let us be profoundly thankful. Let us make haste to prevent it from being social disruption — the sundering of all the bonds which make society and government possible. Charleston Daily Republican, May 8, 1871; quoted in Zestimony taken by the Joint Select Committee to inquire into the Condt- tion of Affairs in the Late Insurrectionary States. — South Carolina, Part II (Washington, 1872), 1V, Appendix iv, 1250- 1251 (This is the same as Senate Report, 42 Cong., 2 seés.; No. 41, pt. 4.) Error in originalPee arr neers te ; 6 4 i By SAMUEL JONEs TIL- DEN (1814- 1886).* By 1868 Tilden had come to be recog- nized as the leader of the Democratic party in New York State. The cele- brated ex- posure of the ‘* Tweed Ring” ap- peared in the New York Times in pur 1871; ut Tilden had takena stand against this corrupt faction a year earlier through his decided op- position to the ‘‘ Tweed charter.” He also de- nounced the “‘ side-part- ners” of Tweed, who, with the aid of the courts, were plun- dering the stock-holders of the Erie Railroad, — CHAPTER XX—UNION RESTORED, 1871-1885 Li: Iniquities of the Tweed Ring (1869-1871) HE Ring had its origin in the Board of Supervisors. That body was created by an Act passed in 1857 in connection with the charter of that year. The Act pro- vided that but six persons should be voted for by each elector, and twelve should be chosen. In other words, the nominees of the Republican and Democratic party caucuses should be elected. At the next session the term was ex- tended to six years. So we had a body composed of six Republicans and six Democrats, to change a majority of which you must control the primaries of both of the great National and State parties for four years in succession. Not an easy job, certainly! ... The Ring was doubly a Ring; it was a Ring between the six Republican and the six Democratic supervisors. It soon grew to a Ring between the Republican majority in Albany arid the half-and-half supervisors, and a few Democratic officials of this city. The very definition of a Ring is-that it encircles enough influential men in the organization of each party to control the action of both party machines,— men who in public push to extremes the abstract ideas of their respective parties, while they secretly join their hands in schemes for personal power and profit. The Republican partners had the superior power. They * Copyright, 1885. 35204743) The Tweed Ring 2158 could create such-institutions as the Board of Supervisors, and could abolish them at will. They could éxtinguish offices and substitute others; change the laws which fix their duration, functions, and responsibilities; and nearly always could invoke the executive power of removal. The Democratic members, who in some city offices represented the “firm’’ to the supposed prejudices of a local Demo- cratic majority, were under the necessity of submitting to whatever terms the Albany legislators imposed; and at length fovnd out by experience, what they had not intel- lect to foresee, — that all real power was in Albany. They began to go there in person to share it. The lucrative city offices — subordinate appointments, which each head of department could create at pleasure, with salaries in his dis- cretion, distributed among the friends of the legislators ; contracts ; money contributed by city officials, assessed on their subordinates, raised by jobs under the departments, and sometimes taken from the city treasury—were the pabulum of corrupt influence which shaped and controlled all legislation. Every year the system grew worse as a gov- ernmental institution, and became more powerful and more corrupt. The executive departments gradually swallowed up all local powers, and themselves were mere deputies of legislators at Albany, on whom alone they were dependent, The Mayor and Common Council ceased to have much legal authority, and lost all practical influence. There was nobody to represent the people of the city ; there was no discussion, there was no publicity. Cunning and deceptive provisions of law concocted in the secrecy of the departments, com- missions, and bureaus, agreed upon in the lobbies at Albany between the city officials and the legislators or their go- betweens, appeared on the statute book after every session. In this manner all institutions of government, all taxation, all appropriations of money for our million of people were formed. For many years there was no time when a vote 2A Se SS On the Tweed Ring, see Contem- porartes, 1V, No; | 4.00 the period, American Orations, LV, I9I-420; Contempora- ries, 1V, ch.254) Union Restored {1869-1871 at a city election would in any practical degree or manne1 affect the city government. The Ring became completely organized and matured on the 1st of January, 1869, when Mr. A. Oakey Hall became mayor. Mr. Connolly had been comptroller two years earlier. Its power had already become great, but was as nothing compared with what it acquired on the 5th of April, 1870, by an Act which was a mere legislative grant of the offices, giving the powers of lqcal government to individuals of the Ring for long periods, and freed from all accounta- bility, as if their names had been mentioned as grantees in the Bill. Its duration was through 1869, 1870, and 1871, until its overthrow at the election of November, when it lost most of the senators and assemblymen from this city, and was shaken in its hold on the legislative power of the State... . In 1870, for the first time in four and twenty years, the Democrats had the law-making power. They had in the Senate just one vote, and in the Assembly seven votes, more than were necessary to pass a Bill, —if so rare a thing should happen as that every member: was present and all should agree. This result brought more dismay than joy to the Ring. They had intrenched themselves in the legislative bodies against the people of this city. But the Democratic party was bound by countless pledges to restore local gov- ernment to the voting power of the people of the city. The Ring could trade in the lobbies at Albany, or with the half- and-half Supervisors in the mysterious chambers of that Board. They might even risk a popular vote on mayor, if secure in the departments which had all the pa ronage and which could usually elect their own candidate. But they had no stomach for a free fight over the whole government, at a separate election. Their motives were obvious, on a general view of human nature. None but the Ring then knew that in the secret recesses of the Supervisors, and other similar bureaus, were 0 f iy it 4 t ‘ ‘ i | D m " id | 4 Gi ro F } if # i t " feNo. 134) The Tweed Ring 255 hidden ten millions of bills largely fraudulent, and that, in the perspective, were eighteen other millions, nearly all fraudulent. ... - . - Lweed was in his office until April, 1874 ; Connolly until 1875, and Sweeney until 1875. They, with the mayor, were vested with the exclusive legal power of appropriating all moneys raised by taxes or by loans, and an indefinite authority to borrow. Practically, they held all power of municipal legislation and all power of expending as well as of appropriating moneys. . They wielded the enormous patronage of offices and con- tracts ; they swayed all the institutions of local government, — the local judiciary, the unhappily localized portion of the State judiciary, which includes the Circuit Courts, the Oyer and Terminers, the Special Terms and the General Terms, — in a word, everything below the Court of Appeals. They also controlled the whole machinery of elections. New York city, with its million of people, with its concentration of vast interests of individuals in other States and in foreign countries, with its conspicuous position before the world, had practically no power of self-government. It was ruled, and was to be ruled so long as the terms of these offices continued, — from four to eight years, —as if it were a con- quered province. The central source of all this power was Albany. The system emanated from Albany ; it could only be changed at Albany... . Samuel J. Tilden, Writings and Speeches (edited by John Bige- low, New York, Harper & Brothers, 1885), I, 560-582 passim. —<—___ 134. Treaty of Washington (1871) HE TREATY OF WASHINGTON, whether it be regarded in the light of its general spirit and object, of its particular stipulations, or of its relation to the high con- Tilden was the leading spirit in im- peachment proceedings against Judges Car- dozo and Barnard, tools of the Ring. By CALEB CUSHING (1800-1879). Cushing had had consid- erable diplo- matic experk |ence, AS American commis- sioner in China in 1844, he ne- gotiated the first treaty between that country and the United States, and was later our Chinese min- ister. In 1868 he was sent by the government to Bogota on a diplematic mission. In 1872 he was one of the council for the United States at the Geneva con- ference for the settle- ment of the Alabama claims. From 1874 to 1877 he was minister to Spain. His Treaty of Washington was pub- lished in 1877. This extract is an example of a careful work written by a participant in a negotiation, — On the relations with England, see Contempora- ries, LV, ch, Union Restored [18971 350 tracting parties, constitutes one of the most notable and interesting of all the great diplomatic acts of the present age. It disposes, in forty-three articles, of five different sub- jects of controversy between Great Britain and the United States, two of them European or imperial, three American or colonial, and some of them of such nature as most im- minently to imperil the precicus peace of the two great English-speaking nations. Indeed, several of these objects of controversy are ques- tions coeval with the national existence of the United States, and which, if lost sight of occasionally in the midst of other pre-occupations of peace or war, yet continually came to the surface again from time to time to vex and disturb the good understanding of both Governments. Others of the questions, although of more modern date, incidents of our late Civil War, were all the more irritating, as being fresh wounds to the sensibility of the people of the United States. If, to all these considerations, be added the fact that negotiation after negotiation respecting these questions had failed to resolve them in a satisfactory manner, it will be readily seen how great was the diplomatic triumph achieved by the Treaty of Washington. It required peculiar inducements and agencies to accom- plish this great result. Prominent among the inducements were the pacific spirit of the President of the United States and the Queen of Great Britain, and of their respective Cabinets, and the sincere and heartfelt desire of a great majority of the people of both countries that no shadow of offense should be allowed any longer to linger on the face of their international relations. Great Britain, it is but just to her to say, if not confessedly conscious of wrong, yet, as being the party to whom wrong was imputed, did honorably and wisely make the decisiveNo.134] Treaty of Washington 357 advance toward reconciliation, by consenting to dispatch five Commissioners to Washington, there, under the eye of the President, to treat with five Commissioners on behalf of the United States. ... On the part.of the United States were five persons, — Hamilton Fish, Robert C. Schenck, Samuel Nelson, Eben- ezer Rockwood Hoar, and George H. Williams, — eminently fit representatives of the diplomacy, the bench, the bar, and the legislature of the United States: on the part of Great Britain, Earl De Grey and Ripon, President of the Queen’s Council; Sir Stafford Northcote, ex-Minister and actual Member of the House of Commons ; Sir Edward Thornton, the universally respected British Minister at Washington ; Sir John Macdonald, the able and eloquent Premier of, the Canadian Dominion ; and, in revival of the good old time, when learning was équal to any other title of public honor, the Universities in the person of. Professor Mountague Bernards. <= In the face of many difficulties, the Commissioners, on the 8th of May, 1871, completed a treaty, which received the prompt approval of their respective Governments ; which has passed unscathed through the severest ordeal of a temporary misunderstanding between the two Govern- ments respecting the construction of some of its provisions ; which has already attained the dignity of a monumental act in the estimation of mankind; and which is destined to occupy hereafter a lofty place in the history of the diplomacy and the international jurisprudence of Europe and America. Coming now to the analysis of this treaty, we find that Articles I. to XI. inclusive make provisions for the settle- ment by arbitration of the injuries alleged to have been suffered by the United States in consequence of the fitting out, arming, or equipping, in the ports of Great Britain, of Confederate cruisers to make war on the United States. Articles XII. to XVII. inclusive make provision to settle,358 Union Restored [1876 by means of a mixed Commission, all claims on either-side for injuries by either Government to the citizens of the ‘other during the late Civil War, other than claims growing out of the acts of Confederate cruisers disposed of by the previous articles of the Treaty. Articles XVIII. to XXV. inclusive contain provisions for the permanent regulation of the coast fisheries on the Atlantic shores of the United States and of the British Provinces of Quebec, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick, and the Colony of Prince Edward’s Island (including the Colony of Newfoundland by Article XXXII.). Articles XXVI. to XXXIII. inclusive provide for the reciprocal free navigation of certain rivers, including the River St. Lawrence; for the common use of certain canals in the Canadian Dominion and in the United States; for the free navigation of Lake Michigan; for reciprocal free transit across the territory either of the United States or of the Canadian Dominion, as the case may be: the whole, subject to legislative provisions hereafter to be enacted by the several Governments. Articles XXXIV. to XLII. provide for determining by arbitration which of two different channels between Van- couver’s Island and the main-land constitutes the true boundary-line in that region of the territories of the United States and Great Britain. Caleb Cushing, 7%e Treaty of Washington (New York, Harper & Brothers, 1873), 9-14 passin. ; {. D ' : ps t p 4 i Hl a - > By JOHN 126. ‘Centennial Hymn 1876 Crt ine 35 y ( 7 ) WHITTIER, for whom see I. above, No. 99. This was UR fathers’ God! from out whose hand erent The centuries fall like grains of sand, of the Inter- We meet to-day, united, free,No. 135] ‘¢ Centennial Hymn” 359 And loyal to our land and Thee, national Ex- hibition at To thank Thee for the era done, Philadelphia, And trust Thee for the opening one. May Io, 1876, to celebrate the centenary II of American : indepen- i ; dence. The Here, where of old, by Thy design, musi¢ for the. ‘ = TL: hymn, which The fathers spake that word of Thine may be found Whose echo is the glad refrain in ihe Ae f : : tc Monthly Of rended bolt and falling chain, for June, To grace our festal time, from all 1876, Was composed by The zones of earth our guests we call. Professor John K. Paine of TUTE Harvard University. Be with us while the New World greets The Old World thronging all its streets, Unveiling all the triumphs won By art or toil beneath the sun ; And unto common good ordain This rivalship of hand and brain. IV. Thou, who hast here in concord furled The war flags of a gathered world, Beneath our Western skies fulfil The Orient’s mission of good-will, And, freighted with love’s Golden Fleece, send back its Argonauts of peace. We For art and labor met in truce, For beauty made the bride of use, We thank Thee; but, withal, we crave The austere virtues strong to save,P Fae Fe od if F 7 i‘ b oi ; ' . , P Ee b : . a 5 i i i + i ih TOIT Spay erect From the NEW YORK WORLD. This 1s an example of casual news- paper reports used as a source; they give, with many inaccu- racies of de- tail, a picture of the actual workings of public affairs not to be had from official documents. The United States ceased to redeem its notes in gold Jan. x, 1862, and had never re- sumed till Jan. 1, 1879. — On 360 Union Restored [1879 The honor proof to place or gold, The manhood never bought nor sold ! VI. Oh make Thou us, through centuries long, In peace secure, in justice strong ; Around our gift of freedom draw The safeguards of Thy righteous law: And, cast in some diviner mould, Let the new cycle shame the old ! John Greenleaf Whittier, Complete Poetical Works (Household Edition, Boston, 1879), 409. —__<————— 136. Resumption of Specie Payments (1879) THE DAY OF RESUMPTION. MUCH MORE GOLD RECEIVED THAN PAID OUT AT THE SUB- TREASURY — THE FLAGS UP. DUTIES PAID IN PAPER AND THE BANKS HANDING ALMOST NO COIN OVER THEIR COUNTERS. -yEFORE the bankers and merchants had left their breakfast tables yesterday [Jan. 2, 1879] the city down town was in holiday attire. The national flag floated from every bank, from the Government buildings and the insurance buildings and hung in the windows or over the doors of private banking offices. The only exception to the general rule was at the Stock Exchange, whose bare flag pole poked up into the snow-storm until 2 p.m. ThisNo. 136] Resumption 361 neglect was noticed and criticised, and finally an enterpris- ing official of the Exchange ordered the flag hoisted, and hoisted it was. The flags were about the only outward and visible sign of Resumption Day. It had been fancied that at the opening of the Sub- Treasury rather an animated demand for gold would be developed, but it wasn’t. The opening at ro A.M. was greeted with a salute from the Navy-Yard. Every prepara- tion had been made to redeem United States notes in gold, but up to 10.30 only one solitary individual had come for gold and he wanted only $210. Up to 1.30 P.M., $10,000 had been disbursed and this included the payment to one person of $5,000. He was a burly good-natured man, who was so glad to see gold again that he gave his bag an enthu- siastic whirl in the air and losing his balance let it drop on the stone floor. The cord that held the bag snapped and from its golden throat the eagles rolled helter-skelter. He picked them up with some concern, and counting his pile over again went up to the counter and said: ‘I guess you had better give me something with less ring in it, that doesn’t roll so much.” ‘The cashier accommodated him with $5,000 in crisp legal-tender notes and cancelled that transaction. On coin obligations falling due most of the applicants preferred to be paid in currency. Up to 3 P.M. there had been redeemed in gold $130,000 of United States notes, and $400,000 in gold had been taken in and paid for in United States notes, so thoroughly has gold resumed its old position. The associated banks deposited $300,000 in gold certificates and received in exchange that amount in Clearing-House certificates, representing hitherto legal tenders specially deposited in the vaults of the Sub-Treasury. An order was received from the Secretary of the Treasury discontinuing the redemption of called bonds at the Sub- Treasury. This restores the former order of things, the privilege of redeeming called bonds at the Sub-Treasury finances, see American Orations, IV, 191-366; Contempora- ries, LV, ch.262 Union Restored [1879 having been enforced only when a recent attempt was made by speculators to lock up gold and disturb the money mar- ket. For the future called bonds will have to be sent to Washington for redemption. The Treasury officials were inclined to think that the Government will find great diffi- culty in getting rid of its gold coin. At the Clearing-House the clearances were unusually large, but in accordance with a recent resolution the gold exchanges were dropped. The Gold Room was open only for the closing of con- tracts entcred into on December 31. The clerk shut the indicator which had gone to sleep at “100,” locked his desk at noon, and announced “This shop is closed henceforward.” Not a transaction was placed upon the record book all day. The gold clearances were made for the last time at the Bank of the State of New York and included only the unsettled transactions of the Gold Room on December 31. At the Custom-House the first payment of duties made was made in three $1,000 legal-tender notes. The Custom- House officials will continue to take gold and silver cer- tificates until all which are outstanding are in. They will continue to make up their accounts in detail, giving the amount received in gold and silver certificates, gold and silver coin and legal-tender notes. Only one wagon was required to take the coin received yesterday to the Sub- Treasury —usually five have been needed. ‘The total re- ceipts for duties reached $194,000, distributed as follows: Gold certificates $30,000 ; silver certificates $26,000; gold coin $35,000 ; silver coin $1,000; and United States notes $102,000... . SOME GRUMBLING IN WASHINGTON, « « « Quite a number of people came with greenbacks expect- ing that they would get the gold for them, ignorant of theNo. 137] Civil Service 363 fact that the Government would redeem its notes only in New York. A member of Congress from the West planked down a fifty-dollar bill and said: ‘Give me fifty one-dollar gold pieces.” His attention was called to the law, which says that the Treasury shall redeem its notes in sums of fifty dollars and upwards at the sub-Treasury in New York. “Don’t you resume everywhere?” he asked in aston: ishment. “We do not,” said the teller. “You ought to,” he asserted authoritatively. ‘As soon as Congress reassembles I will see to it that the necessary legislation is enacted that will compel Mr. Sherman to redeem United States notes whenever presented at any branch of the Department.” Wew York World, January 3, 1879, p. I. 7 Workings of Civil Service Reform (1881) VITAL and enduring reform in administra- tive methods, although it be but a return to the constitutional intention, can be accomplished only by the commanding impulse of public opinion. Permanence is secured by law, not by individual pleasure.: But in this country law is only formulated public opinion. Reform of the Civil Service does not contemplate an invasion of the constitutional prerogative of the President and the Senate, nor does it propose to change the Constitution by statute. The whole system of the Civil Service proceeds, as I said, from the President, and the object of the reform movement is to enable him to fulfil the intention of the Constitution by revealing to him the desire of the country through the action ° e e By GEORGE WILLIAM CURTIS (1824-1892). Although Curtis was editor ofa political magazine, Harper's Weekly, and took an active inter- est in current issues, he never sought political office. He was placed by General Grant ona commission to draw up rules for the regulation of the civil\ & F 4 f 4M i f { Syoiperayoerstrscete ye Rr ee \ service, and under his guidance the national Civil Service Reform League was established in 1881. — On Curtis, see American Orations, lV, 478.— Onthe reform, see American Orations, 1V, 400-420 ; Contempora- ries, IV, No. Union Restored [1881 34 of its authorized representatives. When the ground-swell of public opinion lifts Congress from the rocks, the President will gladly float with it into the deep water of wise and patriotic action. The root of the complex evil . . . is personal favoritism. This produces congressional dictation, senatorial usurpation, arbitrary removals, interference in elections, political assess- ments, and all the consequent corruption, degradation, and danger that experience has disclosed. The method of reform, therefore, must be a plan of selection for appoint- ment which makes favoritism impossible. The general feel- ing undoubtedly is that this can be accomplished by a fixed limited term. But the terms of most of the offices to which the President and the Senate appoint, and upon which the myriad minor places in the service depend, have been fixed and limited for sixty years, yet it is during that very period that the chief evils of personal patronage have appeared. ... If, then, legitimate cause for removal ought to be de- termined in public as in private business by the respon- sible appointing power, it is of the highest public necessity that the exercise of that power should be made as absolutely honest and independent as possible. But how can it be made honest and independent if it is not protected so far as practicable from the constant bribery of selfish interest and the illicit solicitation of personal influence? The experience of our large public patronage offices proves conclusively that the cause of the larger number of removals is not dishonesty Or incompetency ; it is the desire to make vacancies to fill. This is the actual cause, whatever cause may be assigned. The removals would not be made except for the pressure of politicians, But those politicians would not press for removals if they could not secure the appointment of their favorites. Make it impossible for them to secure appoint- ment, and the pressure would instantly disappear and arbitrary removal cease.No. 137] Civil Service 365 So long, therefore, as we permit minor appointments to be made by mere personal influence and favor, a fixed limited term and removal during that term for cause only would not remedy the evil, because the incumbents would still be seeking influence to secure reappointment, and the aspirants doing the same to replace them. Removal under plea of good cause would be as wanton and arbitrary as it is now, unless the power to remove were intrusted to some other discretion than that of the superior officer, and in that case the struggle for reappointment and the knowledge that removal for the term was practically impossible would totally demoralize the service. To make sure, then, that removals shall be made for legitimate cause only, we must provide that appointment shall be made only for legitimate cause. . . . . . The reform .. . is essentially the people’s reform. With the instinct of robbers who run with the crowd and lustily cry “Stop thief!’ those who would make the public service the monopoly of a few favorites denounce the deter- mination to open that service to the whole people as a plan to establish an aristocracy. The huge ogre of patronage, gnawing at the character, the honor, and the life of the country, grimly sneers that the people cannot help them- selves and that nothing can be done. But much greater things have been done. Slavery was the Giant Despair of many good men of the last generation, but slavery was over- thrown. If the spoils system, a monster only less threaten- ing than slavery, be unconquerable, it is because the country has lost its convictions, its courage, and its common-sense. ‘“T expect,” said the Yankee as he surveyed a stout antago- nist, “I expect that you’re pretty ugly, but I cal’late I’m a darned sight uglier.’’ I know that patronage is strong, but I believe that the American people are very much stronger. George William Curtis, Ovations and Addresses (edited by Charles Eliot Norton, New York, Harper & Brothers, 1894), II, 186-196 passim.f i 1 ; { i \ bs i } i f iF t i ) ii 4 ) r t 3 h F By THOMAS JEFFERSON MORGAN (1839- ) Commis- sioner of Indian Af- fairs under President Harrison (1889-1893). The Indian question has been a Serl- ous and diffi- cult problem ever Since the beginnings of civilization (see above, Nos. 9, 38, 80). This is a summary of the matter by a man who had every oppor- tunity of knowing about it. — On the Indi- ans, see Con- temporaries, IV, ch. 366 Union Restored [1891 138. Our Treatment of the Indians (1891) HERE are certain things which the people of the United States will do well to remember. First, —The people of this country during the past hun- dred years have spent enormous sums of money in Indian wars. These wars have ¢ost us vast quantities of treasure and multitudes of valuable lives, besides greatly hindering the development of the country, have destroyed great numbers of Indians, and have wrought upon them incalcu- lable disaster. The record which the nation has made for itself in this sanguinary conflict is not one to be proud of. Second. —So long as the Indians remain in their present condition, the possibility of other wars, costly and dreadful, hangs over us as a perpetual menace. The recent events have shown us how easy it is to spread alarm throughout our entire borders, and what fearful possibilities there are in store for us. Third. — Indian wars are unnecessary, and if we will but take proper precautions, they may be entirely avoided in the future. Justice, firmness, kindness, and wisdom will not only prevent future wars, but will promote the prosperity and welfare of the Indians, as well as of the entire common- wealth. Fourth. — We should remember that the circumstances surrounding the Indians are constantly, in many cases, aggra- vating the difficulties in the way of their procuring a proper supply of food ; and that unless wise precautions are taken at once to assist them in the development of the resources of the lands upon which they are compelled to live, they will be confronted more and more with the dread spectre of hunger, and we with that of war. We are called upon not so much to feed them, as we are to make it possible for them to feed themselves. a ¥ a7 Fa if kT Ba Ett aate | No. 138] Indians 367 fifth. — The only possible solution of our Indian troubles lies in the suitable education of the rising generation. So long as the Indians remain among us aliens, speaking foreign languages, unable to communicate with us except through the uncertain and often misleading medium of interpreters, so long as they are ignorant of our ways, are superstitious and fanatical. they will remain handicapped 1n the struggle for existence, will be an easy prey to the medicine man and the false prophet, and will be easily induced, by reason of real or imaginary wrongs, to go upon the war-path. An education that will give them the mastery of the English language, train their hands to useful industnes, awaken within them ambition for civilized ways, and develop a con- sciousness of power to achieve honorable places for them- selves, and that arouses within them an earnest and abiding patriotism, will make of them American citizens, and render future conflicts between them and the Government 1m- possible. Sixth. — Let it be especially remembered thac the recent troubles, deplorable as they have been, have been very small and insignificant compared with what they might have been, and that this has been brought about largely by the influence exerted upon the Indians through the schools of learning which have been established, and have already accomplished so much for their enlightenment and elevation. The influence for good exerted by the great school at Car- lisle alone, throughout the whole country, has been beyond estimate, and has repaid the Government many times over every dollar that has been put into that institution. Seventh. —It should be remembered that the time for making provision for the education of the entire body of Indian youth is now, and that any delay or postponement in the matter is hazardous and unwise. Eighth.—In our judgment of the Indians and of the difficulties of the Indian question, we should remember that368 Union Restored [1891 the most perplexing element in the problem is not the In- dian, but the white man. The white man furnishes the Indians with arms and ammunition ; the white man provides him with whiskey; the white man encroaches upon his reservation, robs him of his stock, defrauds him of his prop- erty, invades the sanctity of his home, and treats him with contempt, thus arousing within the Indian’s breast those feelings of a sense of wrong, and dishonor, and wounded manhood that prepares him to vindicate his honor and avenge his wrongs. In the late troubles in Dakota, the wrongs and outrages inflicted upon the Indians have vastly exceeded those in- flicted by them upon the whites. Ninth. — We should not forget that the prime object to be aimed at is the civilization of the Indians and their absorp- tion into our national life, and that the agencies for the accomplishment of this work are not bayonets, but books. A school-house will do vastly more for the Indians than a fort. It is better to teach the Indian to farm than to teach him to fight. Civil policemen are in every way to be pre- ferred to Indian scouts, and we can much better afford to spend money in the employment of the Indians in useful industries, than to enroll them as soldiers in the army. Tenth. — Finally, let us not forget what progress has already been made in this work of civilization; how potent are the forces now at work in preparing them for citizenship ; how hopeful is the outlook if we, as a people, simply do our duty. Let us keep our faith with the Indian; protect him in his rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness ; provide for all his children a suitable English and industrial education ; throw upon them the responsibilities of citizen- ship, and welcome them to all the privileges of American freemen. The end at which we aim is that the American Indians shall become as speedily as possible Indian-Americans ; thatAmericans 369 the savage shall become a citizen; that the nomad shall cease to wander, and become a resident in a fixed habitation ; that hunting shall cease to be a necessity, and become a pastime ; that the smouldering fires of war shall become extinguished , that tribal animosities shall end; that the Indians, no longer joining in the “Sun Dance,” or the “Ghost Dance,” or other ceremonies in which they recount their wrongs and glory in the deeds of blood of their an- cestors, shall gather at their firesides to talk of the memory of their days in school, and assemble in their places of wor- ship to thank the Great Father above for the blessings of a Christian civilization vouchsafed to them in common with us all. No. 139] Thomas J. Morgan, Zhe Present Phase of the Indian Question (Boston, 1891), 18-21. 139. Character of the Americans (1888) HE Americans are a good-natured people, kindly, helpful to one another, disposed to take a charitable view even of wrongdoers. ‘Their anger sometimes flames up, but the fire is soon extinct. Nowhere is cruelty more abhorred. Even a mob lynching a horse thief in the West has consideration for the criminal, and will give him a good drink of whisky before he is strung up. Cruelty to slaves was unusual while slavery lasted, the best proof of which is the quietness of the slaves during the war when all the men and many of the boys of the South were serving in the Confed- erate armies. As everybody knows, juries are more lenient to offences of all kinds but one, offences against women, than they are anywhere in Europe. The Southern “ rebels”’ were soon forgiven; and though civil wars are proverbially bitter, there have been few struggles in which the comba- 28 By JAMES BRYCE (1838- ). Mr, Bryce, a member of , Parliament, and in the ministry, of Great Britain under Glad- stone, has been a repeated traveller in the United States, and is universally acknowl- edged to be the sanest and most appreciative foreign observer of American government The extract370 Union Restored [1888 is a peed tants did so many little friendly acts for one another, few in example oO . . ° . ° the ed which even the vanquished have so quickly buried their Bence AS resentments. It is true that newspapers and public speak- man who has ers say hard things of their opponents ; but this is a part of seen things “e Lay rae ie Bag . . for himself. the game, and 1S besides a way of relieving their feelings . —Forearlier the bark is sometimes the louder in order that a bite may critics, see Se ae acy bis : : above Nos, not follow. Vindictiveness shown by a public man excites 64, 82.—For general disapproval, and the maxim of letting bygones be discussions : of American bygones is pushed so far that an offender’s misdeeds are eens, often forgotten when they ought to be remembered against poraries,1V, him. as All the world knows that they are a humorous people. They are as conspicuously the puweyors of humour to the nineteenth century as the French were the purveyors of wit to the eighteenth. Nor is this sense of the ludicrous side of things confined to a few brilliant writers. It is diffused among the whole people , it colours their ordinary life, and gives to their talk that distinctively new flavour which a European palate enjoys. They are a hopeful people. Whether or no they are right in calling themselves a new people, they certainly seem to feel in their veins the bounding pulse of youth. They see a long vista of years stretching out before them, in which they will have time enough to cure all their faults, to overcome all the obstacles that block their path. They look at their enormous territory with its still only half- explored sources of wealth, they reckon up the growth of their population and their products, they contrast the com: fort and intelligence of their labouring classes with the con- dition of the masses in the Old World. They remember the dangers that so long threatened the Union from the slave power, and the rebellion it raised, and see peace and har- mony now restored, the South more prosperous and con- tented than at any previous epoch, perfect good feeling between all sections of the country. It is natural for them be BN j i ‘ a i i 3 F hi I is y n 3 f 3 A ki ei Re Py “a 5if ‘ et Piper a Eo TE No. 139] Americans 371 to believe in their star. And this sanguine temper makes them tolerant of evils which they regard as transitory, re- movable as soon as time can be found to root them up. They have unbounded faith in what they call the People and in a democratic system of government. The great States of the European continent are distracted by the con- tests of Republicans and Monarchists, and of rich and poor, —contests which go down to the foundations of govern- ment, and in France are further embittered by religious passions. Even in England the ancient Constitution is always under repair, and while many think it is being ruined by changes, others hold that still greater changes are needed to make it tolerable. No such questions trouble native American minds, for nearly everybody believes, and every- body declares, that the frame of government is in its main lines so excellent that such reforms as seem called for need not touch those lines, but are required only to protect the Constitution from being perverted by the parties. Hence a further confidence that the people are sure to decide right in the long run, a confidence inevitable and essential in a government which refers every question to the arbitrament of numbers. Religion apart, they are an unreverential people. I do not mean irreverent, — far from it, nor do J mean that they have not a great capacity for hero-worship, as .they have many a time shown. I mean that they are little dis- posed, especially in public questions — political, economi- cal, or social—to defer to the opinions of those who are wiser or better instructed than themselves. Everything tends to make the individual independent and self-reliant. He goes early into the world; he is left to make his way alone ; he tries one occupation after another, if the first or second venture does not prosper; he gets to think that each man is his own best helper and adviser. Thus he 1s led, I will not say to form his own opinions, for even in Americaa7 2 Union Restored [1888 few are those who do that, but to fancy that he has formed them, and to feel little need of aid from others towards cor recting them. . . They are a changeful people. Not fickle, for they are if anything too tenacious of ideas once adopted, too fast bound by party ties, too willing to pardon the errors of a cherished leader. But they have what chemists call low specific heat , they grow warm suddenly and cool as suddenly; they are liable to swift and vehement outbursts of feeling which rush like wildfire across the country, gaining glow, like the wheel of a railway car, by the accelerated motion. ‘The very simi- larity of ideas and equality of conditions which makes them hard to convince at first makes a conviction once implanted run its course the more triumphantly. They seem all to take flame at once, because what has told upon one, has told in the same way upon all the rest, and the obstructing and separating barriers which exist in Europe scarcely exist here. Nowhere is the saying so applicable that nothing suc- ceeds like success. The native American or so-called Know- nothing party had in two years from its foundation become a tremendous force, running, and seeming for a time likely to carry, its own presidential candidate. In three years more it was dead without hope of revival. . . . . . . The Americans are at bottom a conservative people, in virtue both of the deep instincts of their race and of that practical shrewdness which recognizes the value of perma- nence and solidity in institutions. They are conservative in their fundamental beliefs, in the structure of their govern- ments, in their social and domestic usages. They are like a tree whose pendulous shoots quiver and rustle with the lightest breeze, while its roots enfold the rock with a grasp which storms cannot loosen. James Bryce, Zhe American Commonwealth (third edition, New York, etc., 1895), II, 281-292 passim.CHAPTER XXI—THE SPANISH WAR, 1895-1899 140. Troubles in Cuba (1867-1873) [* 1867 the Spanish government instituted a new and onerous system of taxation, which created so great dissatisfaction among both Cubans and Spaniards in the central and eastern departments, that some of the more sanguine revolutionary leaders believed that a combination could be formed between the two classes, by which the representatives of Spain could be easily driven out and the autonomy established. .. . The more important military operations of the insurrec- tion commenced in 1870, and their history is soon told. De Rodas, accustomed only to the European method of warfare, determined to concentrate his forces and crush the insurgents at once. During the latter part of December, 1869, three thousand men under Gen. Puello, a native of San Domingo, moved from Puerto Principe to Nuevitas and thence took up the line of march for Guaimaro. On the first of January they encountered the Cubans under the American General Jordan, were sadly beaten and compelled to return with great loss to the coast. Soon afterward, a still larger Spanish force, numbering forty-five hundred men under Brigadier Goyeneche, moved directly on Guaimaro. The want of arms and ammunition, and especially of artil- lery, prevented the Cubans from opposing successful resist- ance to their march, and they reached their objective point 373 By WILLIAM J STARKS, a contributor to Scribner's Monthly. Puerto Prin- cipe is an in land city, 36 miles from its port Nuevi- tas, which is on the north- east coast, Guaimaro in the moun- tains, south of Nuevitas.Around Puerto Prin- cipe. 374. Spanish War [1867-1873 to find the seat of the republican government abandoned and partially destroyed. . . The extent of country occupied by the insurgents is very great, and it is not probable that any Spanish force that can be sent against them can bring them into submission. In the remote localities occupied by them, the Cubans have manufactories of various kinds. Powder in small quantities has been manufactured, but under difficulties owing to the want of material. In the mountains of Camaguey are to be found the head- quarters of Cespedes and those of the republican army, and here too the Cuban House of Representatives holds its sessions when occasion demands. ‘The patriot army is sub- divided into divisions, with headquarters at such localities in the respective departments as the exigencies of the service will permit. The policy of the Cubans is the same as that adopted by the Dominicans upon the last invasion of their island by the Spaniards and by the Mexican Liberals under Juarez during the French intervention; that is, of keeping out of the way of their enemy and allowing him to wear himself out in a hostile cuuntry, and in a climate deadly to Europeans. But though the insurgents adopt this course in the main, they are constantly attacking the Spanish columns when opportunity offers, and often inflict heavy loss upon them. The plan of operating with small detachments, adopted by the Spaniards after the futile march of Goyeneche upon Guaimaro, has been continued for two years ; military posts have been established at various points throughout the departments, and expeditionary columns have been sent out. These have given the war its peculiarly bloody and desolating character. The orders are to kill every man in the country, whether armed or otherwise. When an igno- rant peasant, a Chinaman, or a negro is captured, he is brought into the presence of the commanding officer, whoCuban Troubles 375 questions him in reference to the whereabouts of the insur- gents, and then gives a signal to an officer in attendance, who takes the victim out in advance of the column and shoots him, leaving the body to the vultures. If the pris- oner is of any prominence, he is taken to Havana, there to perish on the garrote for the delectation of the volunteers, as in the case of Goicuria, the brothers Aguero and Ayestu- ran. The women and children, when captured, are sent to the cities, where they are ostensibly provided for, but are in reality exposed to the greatest suffering. Every house is burned, fruits and growing crops destroyed, cattle and horses driven off, all small stock killed, and, in a word, the country over which the troops are operating is rendered a desert, bare of animal life and of aught that can contribute to sustain it, ... . . - In consequence of that conservative tendency which No. 140] is the natural consequence of authority, Valmaseda, like his predecessor, opposed those sanguinary and radical meas- ures which found their advocacy in the Casino Espanol or Spanish Club of Habana. Additional troops were sent to him from Spain as they could be spared for that purpose, but still the insurrection continued, a fact which was attrib- uted to his leniency. The murmurs became louder and deeper as the months passed on, and it was not long before the once favorite Count followed De Rodas to Spain. His successor distinguished his accession by an attempt to bring the volunteers into submission. As he succeeds or fails in this, so is his government likely to. prove a success or a fauluresvars To the credit of the Great Republic be it said, that she at one time interested herself to change the character of the warfare in Cuba and to stop the horrible barbarities which were disgracing civilization. Under date of August roth, 1869, General Sickles, American Minister in Madrid, was instructed solemnly to protest in the name of the President This policy” of dealing with the so-called “reconcen- trados " was repeated in 1895-98, and greatly shocked the people of the nited States. Valmaseda succeeded De Rodas in 1870-71. J.¢. Havana, Campos,0 1 “= a ea eee os MorerSrey ees, [n 1873 the United States again remonstrated against the continuance of a devastat- ing and inetf- fectual war, and in 1878 the Spanish, through Gen- eral Campos, offered terms OI peace, which were iccepted, By DON ENRIQUE JOSE VARONA, previously a Cuban deputy to the Spanish Cortes. The extract Is taken from a pamphlet submitted to the Secretary of State by T. Estrada Palma, ‘‘au- thorized rep- resentative of the Cubans 376 Spanish War [1895 against any longer prosecuting the war in Cuba in this bar- barous manner. . The protest was apparently received in a proper spirit, and response was made that orders had been -given to prevent such scenes of cruelty in the future. Doubtless in this reply the statesmen of Spain were influ- enced by that sentiment of humanity which they professed, and by that advanced liberalism upon which the revolution of 1868, to which they owed their position, was based, but the cruelties and barbarities continue. To-day Cuba, in its independent relations an outlaw among the nations, stands alone. Maintaining a heroic struggle amid every obstacle, she is confident, as were our forefathers, of that good time coming when victory shall perch on her banners and liberty belong to her people. William J. Starks, Cuda and the Cuban Tusurrection, in Scrib- ners Monthly, May, 1873 (New York, 1873), VI, 12-21 passe. 141. A Cuban Indictment of Spanish Rule (1895) N exchange for all that Spain withholds from us they I say that it has given us liberties. This is a mockery. The liberties are written in the constitution but obliterated in its practical application. Before and after its promulga- tion the public press has been rigorously persecuted in Cuba. Many journalists, such as Sefores Cepeda and Lopes Brifias, have been banished from the country without the formality of a trial. The official organ of the home-rule party, El Pais, named before El Triunfo, has undergone more than one trial for having pointed in measured terms to same infractions of the law on the partpelreshs Oto) Fit CRP b ee ok Nowra Spanish Rule 277 of officials, naming the transgressors. In 1887 that period- ical was subjected to criminal proceedings simply because it had stated that a son of the president of the Havana “audiencia” was holding a certain office contrary to law. They say that in Cuba the people are at liberty to hold public meetings, but every time the inhabitants assemble, previous notification must be given to the authorities, and a functionary is appointed to be present, with power to suspend the meeting whenever he deems such a measure advisable. The meetings of the “ Circulo de Trabajadores” (an association of workingmen) were forbidden by the authorities under the pretex[t] that the building where they were to be held was not sufficiently safe. Last year the members of the “ Circulo de Hacendados”’ (association of planters) invited their fellow-members throughout the coun- try to get up a great demonstration to demand a remedy which the critical state of their affairs required. The Government found means to prevent their meeting. The work of preparation was already far advanced when a friend of the Government, Sefior Rodriguez Correa, stated that the Governor-General looked with displeasure upon and forbade the holding of the great meeting. ‘This was sufficient to frighten the ‘“Circulo” and to secure the failure of the project. It is then evident that the inhabitants of Cuba can have meetings only when the Government thinks it advisable to permit them. Against this political régime, which is a sarcasm and in which deception is added to the most absoiute contempt for right, the Cubans have unceasingly protested since it was implanted in 1878. It would be difficult to enumerate the representations made in Spain, the protests voiced by the representatives of Cuba, the commissions that have crossed the ocean to try to impress upon the exploiters of Cuba what the fatal consequences of their obstinacy would be. The exasperation prevailing in the country was such in arms.” is dated October 23, 1895, and well states the defects of Spanish rule. ItJ.¢. those who, etc. 378 Spanish War [1895 that the “junta central’’ of the home-rule party issued in 1892 a manifesto in which it foreshadowed that the moment might shortly arrive when the country would resort to “extreme measures, the responsibility of which would fall on those who, led by arrogance and priding themselves on their power, hold prudence in contempt, worship force, and shield themselves with their impunity.” This manifesto, which foreboded the mournful hours of the present war, was unheeded by Spain, and not until a division took place in the Spanish party, which threatened to turn into an armed struggle, did the statesmen of Spain think that the moment had arrived to try a new farce, and to make a false show of reform in the administrative regime of Cuba. This project, to which the Spaniards have endeavored to give capital importance in order to condemn the revolution as the work of impatience and anarchism, leaves intact the political régime of Cuba. It does not alter the electoral law. It does not curtail the power of the bureaucracy. It increases the power of the general Government. It leaves the same burdens upon the Cuban taxpayer, and does not give him the right to participate in the information of the budgets. The reform is confined to the changing of the council of administration (now in existence in the island, and the members of which are appointed by the Govern- ment) into a partially elective body. One-half of its members are to be appointed by the Government and the other half to be elected by the qualified electors — that is, who assessed and pay for a certain amount of taxes. The Governor-General has the right to veto all its resolutions and to suspend at will the elective members. This council is to’‘make up a kind of special budget embracing the items included now in the general budget of Cuba under the head of ““Fomento.” The State reserves for itself all the rest. Thus the council can dispose of 2.75 per cent of theNosrat] Spanish Rule 379 revenues of Cuba, while the Government distributes, as at present, 97.25 per cent for its expenses, in the form we have explained. ‘The general budget will, as heretofore, be made up in Spain; the tariff laws will be enacted by Spain. The debt, militarism, and bureaucracy will continue to devour Cuba, and the Cubans will continue to be treated as a sub- jugated people. All power is to continue in the hands of the Spanish Government and its delegates in Cuba, and all the influence with the Spanish residents. ‘This is the self- government which Spain has promised to Cuba, and which it is announcing to the world, The Cubans would have been wanting not only in self- respect but even in the instincts of self-preservation if they could have endured such a degrading and destructive régime. Their grievances are of such a nature that no people, no human community capable of valuing its honor and of aspiring to better its condition, could bear them without degrading and condemning itself to utter nullity and anni- hilation. Spain denies to the Cubans all effective powers in their own country. Spain condemns the Cubans to a political inferiority in the land where they are born. Spain confiscates the product of the Cuban’s labor without giving them in return either safety, prosperity, or education. Spain has shown itself utterly incapable of governing Cuba. Spain exploits, impoverishes, and demoralizes Cuba. To maintain by force of arms this monstrous régime, which brings ruin on a country rich by nature and degrades a vigorous and intelligent population, a population filled with noble aspirations, is what Spain calls to defend its honor and preserve the prestige of its social functions as a civilizing power of America. Senate Reports, 55 Cong., 2 sess., No. 885, pp. 28-29 fassim.By COLONEL THEODORE ROOSEVELT (1858- ), former As- sistant Secre- tary of War, and later governor of New York; second in .command of the First United States Volunteer Cavalry, commonly called the “ Rough Riders.” The horses of the regi- ment were not taken to Cuba,’and the troops fought in front. Land- ing in Cuba on June 22, 1898, they began their march on the 23d, and this fight oc- curred on the 24th at Las Guasimas. Wood was at this time golonel of the regi- ment, and for gallantry here and at San Juan was later pro- moted to be a general, 350 [1898 Spanish War 142. The Rough Riders at the Front (1898) HAD not seen Wood since the beginning of the skir- mish, when he hurried forward. When the firing opened some of the men began to curse. ‘ Don’t swear — shoot !” growled Wood, as he strode along the path leading his horse, and everyone laughed and became cool again. The Spanish outposts were very near our advance guard, and some minutes of the hottest kind of firing followed befcre they were driven back and slipped off through the jungle to their main lines in the rear. When I came to the front I found the men spread out in a very thin skirmish line, advancing through comparatively open ground, each man taking advantage of what cover he could, while Wood strolled about leading his horse, Brodie being close at hand. How Wood escaped being hit, I do not see, and still less how his horse escaped. I had left mine at the beginning of the action, and was only regretting that I had not left my sword with it, as it kept getting between my legs when I was tearing my way through the jungle. I never wore it again in action. Lieutenant Rivers was with Wood, also leading his horse. Smedburg had been sent off on the by no means pleasant task of establishing communications with Young. Very soon after I reached the front, . . . I noticed Good- rich, of Houston’s troop, tramping along behind his men, absorbed in making them keep at good intervals from one another and fire slowly with careful aim. As I came close up to the edge of the troop, he caught a glimpse of me, mistook me for one of his own skirmishers who was crowd- i ‘ ‘ H tr i . 5 mT A a “ Pt u A iu iu } ui a ing in too closely, and called out, ‘“‘ Keep your interval, sir ; keep your interval, and go forward.” A perfect hail of bullets was sweeping over us as we Le era Stree ers rs . Fe ree .No. 142] Rough Riders 381 advanced. Once I vot a glimpse of some Spaniards, appar- ently retreating, far in the front, and to our right, and we fired a couple of rounds after them. Then I became con- vinced, after much anxious study, that we were being fired at from some large red-tiled buildings, part of a ranch on our front. Smokeless powder, and the thick cover in our front, continued to puzzle us, and I more than once con- sulted anxiously the officers as to the exact whereabouts of our opponents. I took a rifle from a wounded man and began to try shots with it myself. It was very hot and the men were getting exhausted, though at this particular time we were not suffering heavily from bullets, the Spanish fire going high. As we advanced, the cover became a little thicker and I lost touch of the main body under Wood ; so I halted and we fired industriously at the ranch buildings ahead of us, some five hundred yards off. Then we heard cheering on the right, and I supposed that this meant a charge on the part of Wood’s men, so I sprang up and ordered the men to rush the buildings ahead of us. They came forward with a will. There was a moment’s heavy firing from the Spaniards, which all went over our heads, and then it ceased entirely. When we arrived at the build- ings, panting and out of breath, they contained nothing but heaps of empty cartridge-shells and two dead Spaniards, shot through the head. The country all around us was thickly forested, so that it was very difficult to see any distance in any direction. The firing had now died out, but I was still entirely uncertain as to exactly what had happened. I did not know whether the enemy had been driven back or whether it was merely a lull in the fight, and we might be attacked again; nor did I know what had happened in any other part of the line, while as I occupied the extreme left, I was not sure whether or not my flank was in danger. At this moment one of our men who had dropped out, arrived with the informationWritten under date of August 27, 1898, by GENERAL FRANCIS VINTON GREENE (1850- ), 382 Spanish War [1898 (fortunately false) that Wood was dead. Of course, this meant that the command devolved upon me, and I hastily set about taking charge of the regiment. I had been par- ticularly struck by the coolness and courage shown by Ser- geants Dame and Mcllhenny, and sent them out with small pickets to keep watch in front and to the left of the left wing. I sent other men to fill the canteens with water, and threw the rest out in a long line in a disused sunken road, which gave them cover, putting two or three wounded men, who had hitherto kept up with the fighting-line, and a dozen men who were suffering from heat exhaustion — for the fight- ing and running under that blazing sun through the thick dry jungle was heart-breaking —into the ranch buildings. Then I started over toward the main body, but to my delight encountered Wood himself, who told me the fight was over and the Spaniards had retreated. .. . The Rough Riders had lost eight men killed and thirty- four wounded ... The First Cavalry, white, lost seven men killed and eight wounded ; the Tenth Cavalry, colored, one man killed and ten wounded; so, out of 964 men engaged on our side, 16 were killed and 52 wounded. The Spaniards were under General Rubin, with, as second in command, Colonel Alcarez. They had two guns, and eleven companies of about a hundred men each... . Theodore Roosevelt, 7he Rough Riders, in Scribner's Magazine, March, 1899 (New York, 1899), XXV, 272-274 passin. —_—_—_.——___ 143. The Conditions of the Philippines (1808) F the United States evacuate these islands, anarchy and civil war will immediately ensue and lead to foreign intervention. The insurgents were furnished arms and theHe Fn 2] ft G eee No. 143) Philippines 383 moral support of the Navy prior to our arrival, and we can not ignore obligations, either to the insurgents or to foreign nations, which our own acts have imposed upon us. The Spanish Government is completely demoralized, and Spanish power is dead beyond possibility of resurrection. Spain would be unable to govern these islands if we surrendered them. Spaniards individually stand in great fear of the insurgents. The Spanish Government is disorganized and their treasury bankrupt, with a large floating debt. The loss of property has been great. On the other hand, the Filipinos can not govern the country without the support of some strong nation. They acknowledge this themselves, and say their desire is for independence under American protection ; but they have only vague ideas as to what our relative positions would be — what part we should take in collecting and expending the revenue and administering the government. The hatred between the Spanish and natives is very in- tense and can not be eradicated. The natives are all Roman Catholics and devoted to the church, but have bitter hatred for monastic orders — Dominican, Franciscan, and Recollects. They insist that these be sent out of the coun- try or they will murder them. These friars own the greater part of the land, and have grown rich by oppressing the native husbandmen. Aguinaldo’s army numbers 10,000 to 15,000 men in vicinity of Manila, who have arms and am- munition, but no regular organization. They receive no pay, and are held together by hope of booty when they enter Manila. They are composed largely of young men and boys from surrounding country, who have no property and nothing to lose in a civil war. Aguinaldo has two or three ships, and is sending armed men to the northern por- tions of Luzon and to other islands. ‘The Spaniards there, being cut off from communication with Manila and Spain, can not be reenforced. for the use of the Ameri- can commis- sion for the negotiation of a peace at Paris. Gen- eral Greene was In com- mand of the Second Bri- gade, Second Division, Eighth Army Corps, in the Philippines.Provinces of Turkey, forcibly seized by Austria in 1878-79. A native re- volt in Egypt was sup- pressed by England in 1882. [1898 384 Spanish War The result will be an extension of the civil war and further destruction of property. There are in Manila itself nearly 200,000 native Filipinos, among whom are large numbers with more or less Spanish and Chinese blood who are men of character, education, ability, and wealth. They hate the Spanish, are unfriendly toward other nations, and look only to America for assistance. They are not altogether in sympathy with Aguinaldo, fearing the entry of his army into Manila almost as much as the Spaniards fear it. They say Aguinaldo is not fitted either by ability or experience to be the head of a native government, and doubt if he would be elected President in an honest election. Principal foreign interests here are British, and their feeling is unanimous in They have already forwarded a memorial to their Government asking for it as the only way to protect life and property. Altogether the situation here is somewhat similar to Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1878, and Egypt in 1882, and the only practicable solution seems to be on lines somewhat similar to those adopted in those cases. The length of our occupation would depend on circumstances as developed in the future, but should be determined solely in our discretion without obligation to or consultation with other powers. This plan can only be worked out by careful study by the Paris Commission, and they should have advice and full information from some one who has been here during our occupation and thoroughly understands the situation. It is not understood in America, and unless properly dealt with at Paris will inevitably lead to future complications and possibly war. The currency of the country is silver. The Mexican dollar is preferred, and worth about 47 cents gold, but the gold dollar will not buy in labor or merchandise any more than the Mexican dollar, and any attempt to establish a gold basis for currency would ruin any business in the islands. favor of American occupation.Beginning 385 The total revenue is about $17,000,000 Mexican, derived about 35 per cent from customs, 50 per cent from internal taxes, and rs per cent from state lottery and sale of monop- olies. More than two-thirds of the internal revenue comes from poll tax or cedula, which is very unpopular. The country was self-supporting and free of debt until the insur- rection broke out about two years ago, but the expenses of the civil war have disorganized finances. There is a bonded debt, Series A, $15,000,000 Mexican, held in Spain, for which the colony never received any consideration, and another debt, Series B, same amount, which was forced on the people here, and the validity of which is open to question. Both debts are secured by first liens on custom-house re- ceipts, but this does not appear to have been respected. No. 144] Senate Executive Documents, 55 Cong., 2 374-375: sess., No. 52, Part II, ——_———<>——- 144. A Review of the Spanish War (1898) HE first encounter of the war in point of date took place April 27th, when a detachment of the block- ading squadron made a reconnaissance in force at Matanzas, shelled the harbor forts, and demolished several new works in construction. The next engagement was destined to mark a memorable epoch in maritime warfare. The Pacific fleet, under Com- modore George Dewey, had lain for some weeks at Hong- Kong. Upon the colonial proclamation of neutrality being issued and the customary twenty-four hours’ notice being given, it repaired to Mirs Bay, near Hong-Kong, whence it proceeded to the Philippine Islands under telegraphed orders to capture or destroy the formidable Spanish fleet then assembled at Manila. At daybreak on the rst of May the American force entered Manila Bay and after a few 2C From the annual mes- sage of PRESIDENT WILLIAM McKINLEY (1844- );, December 5, 1898. Presi- dent McKin- ley was a soldier in the Civil War, member of Congress from 1877 to I8gI, gov- ernor of Ohio from 1891 to 1895, and was inaugurated as President on March 4, 1897. — For accounts of the eventsleading to war, see the Annual Cyclopedia for 1898; Contempora- rtes, LV, ch. Matanzas is on the north- ern coast of Cuba, next to Havana in commercial importance, Cavite is ten miles southwest of Manila. On the northern coast of Cuba, ashort distance east of Matanzas. Second city of Cuba, capital of the eastern divi- Loa A ES 386 Spanish War [1898 hours’ engagement effected the total destruction of the Spanish fleet, consisting of ten warships and a transport, besides capturing the naval station and forts at Cavite, thus annihilating the Spanish naval power in the Pacific Ocean and completely controlling the Bay of Manila, with the ability to take the city at will. Not a life was lost on our ships, the wounded only numbering seven, while not a vessel was materially injured. For this gallant achievement the Congress, upon my recommendation, fitly bestowed upon the actors preferment and substantial reward. .. . Following the comprehensive scheme of general attack, powerful forces were assembled at various points on our coast to invade Cuba and Porto Rico. Meanwhile naval demonstrations were made at several exposed points. On May r1th the cruiser Widmington and torpedo boat Winslow were unsuccessful in an attempt to silence the batteries at Cardenas, a gallant ensign, Worth Bagley, and four seamen falling. These grievous fatalities were strangely enough among the very few which occurred during our naval opera- tions in this extraordinary conflict. Meanwhile the Spanish naval preparations had been pushed with great vigor. A powerful squadron under Admiral Cervera, which had assembled at the Cape Verde Islands before the outbreak of hostilities, had crossed the ocean, and by its erratic movements in the Caribbean Sea delayed our military plans while baffling the pursuit of our fleets. For a time fears were felt lest the Oregon and Marietta, then nearing home after their long voyage from San Francisco of over 15,000 miles, might be surprised by Admiral Cervera’s fleet, but their fortunate arrival dispelled these apprehensions and lent much needed reinforcement. Not until Admiral Cervera took refuge in the harbor of Santiago de Cuba, about May roth, was it practicable to plan a systematic naval and military attack upon the Antillean possessions of Spain.No. 144] Hostilities 387 Several demonstrations occurred on the coasts of Cuba and Porto Rico in preparation for the larger event. On May 13th the North Atlantic Squadron shelled San Juan de Porto Rico. On May 30th Commodore Schley’s squadron bombarded the forts guarding the mouth of Santiago har- bor. Neither attack had any material result. It was evident that well-ordered land operations were indispensable to achieve a decisive advantage. The next act in the war thrilled not alone the hearts of our countrymen but the world by its exceptional heroism. On the night of June 3d, Lieutenant Hobson, aided by seven devoted volunteers, blocked the narrow outlet from Santiago harbor by sinking the collier Merrimac in the channel, under a fierce fire from the shore batteries, escaping with their lives as by a miracle, but falling into the hands of the Spaniards. It is a most gratifying incident of the war that the bravery of this little band of heroes was cordially appreciated by the Spanish admiral, who sent a flag of truce to notify Admiral Sampson of their safety and to compliment them on their daring act. ‘They were subsequently ex- changed July 7th. By June 7th the cutting of the last Cuban cable isolated the Island. Thereafter the invasion was vigorously prose- cuted. On June roth, under a heavy protecting fire, a landing of 600 marines from the Oregon, Marblehead, and Yankee was effected in Guantanamo Bay, where it had been determined to establish a naval station. This important and essential port was taken from the enemy after severe fighting by the marines, who were the first organized force of the United States to land in Cuba. The position so won was held despite desperate attempts to dislodge our forces. By June 16th additional forces were landed and strongly intrenched. On June 22d the advance of the invading army under Major-General Shafter landed at Daiquiri, about 15 miles east of Santiago. ‘This was accom- sion, six miles from the southern coast, Principal city of Porto Rico, off the northern coast, On the southern coast of Cuba.El Caney is a little north- east of Santiago. 388 Spanish War [1808 plished under great difficulties but with marvelous dispatch. On June 23d the movement against Santiago was begun. On the 24th the first serious engagement took place, in which the First and Tenth Cavalry and the First United States Volunteer Cavalry, General Young’s brigade of General Wheeler’s division, participated, losing heavily. By night- fall, however, ground within 5 miles of Santiago was won. The advantage was steadily increased. On July 1st a severe battle took place, our forces gaining the outworks of San- tiago ; on the 2d El Caney and San Juan were taken after a desperate charge, and the investment of the city was completed. The Navy cooperated by shelling the town and the coast forts. On the day following this brilliant achievement of our land forces, the 3d of July, occurred the decisive naval combat of the war. The Spanish fleet, attempting to leave the harbor, was met by the American squadron under command of Commodore Sampson. In less than three hours all the Spanish ships were destroyed, the two torpedo boats being sunk, and the Maria Teresa, Almirante Oquendo, Vizcaya, and Cristébal Colon driven ashore. The Spanish admiral and over 1,300 men were taken prisoners, while the enemy’s loss of life was deplorably large, some 600 perishing. On our side but one man was killed, on the Brooklyn, and one man seriously wounded. Although our ships were repeatedly struck, not one was seriously injured. Where all so con- spicuously distinguished themselves, from the commanders to the gunners and the unnamed heroes in the boiler rooms, each and all contributing toward the achievement of this astounding victory, for which neither ancient nor modern history affords a parallel in the completeness of the event and the marvelous disproportion of casualties, it would be invidious to single out any for especial honor. Deserved promotion has rewarded the more conspicuous actors — the nation’s profoundest gratitude is due to all of these braveNo. 144] Conclusion 389 men who by their skill and devotion in a few short hours crushed the sea power of Spain and wrought a triumph whose decisiveness and far-reaching consequences can scarcely be measured. Nor can we be unmindful of the achievements of our builders, mechanics, and artisans for their skill in the construction of our warships. With the catastrophe of Santiago Spain’s effort upon the ocean virtually ceased. The capitulation of Santiago followed. The city was closely besieged by land, while the entrance of our ships into the harbor cut off all relief on that side. After a truce to allow of the removal of noncombatants protracted nego- tiations continued from July 3d until July r5th, when, under menace of immediate assault, the preliminaries of surrender were agreed upon. On the 17th General Shafter occupied the city. The capitulation embraced the entire eastern end offCubay 22 With the fall of Santiago the occupation of Porto Rico became the next strategic necessity. General Miles had previously been assigned to organize an expedition for that purpose. Fortunately he was already at Santiago, where he had arrived on the 11th of July with reinforcements for General Shafter’s army. With these troops, consisting of 3,415 infantry and artillery, two companies of engineers, and one company of the Signal Corps, General Miles left Guantanamo on July 21st, having nine transports convoyed by the fleet under Captain Higginson with the Wassachusetts (flagship), Dixie, Glouces- ter, Columbia, and Yale, the two latter carrying troops. The expedition landed at Guanica July 25th, which port was entered with little opposition. On July 27th he entered Ponce, one of the most impor- tant ports in the island, from which he thereafter directed operations for the capture of the island. With the exception of encounters with the enemy at On the south west coast ol Porto Rico. Near the southern coast.r i A f H Ht b i : } % is k H In the south- ern part of the island. No. 145 is by JOHN DAVIS LONG (1838- ), gov- ernor of Massachu- setts from 1880 to 1882, and Secre- tary of the Navy since 1897. The extract is from an address de- livered be- fore the City Council and citizens of Boston, July 4, 1882. 390 Spanish War [1895 Guayama, Hormigueros, Coamo, and Yauco, and an attack on a force landed at Cape San Juan, there was no serious resistance. The campaign was prosecuted with great vigor, and by the 12th of August much of the island was in our possession . The last scene of tne war was enacted at Manila, its start- ing place. On August 15, after a brief assault upon the works by the land forces, in which the squadron assisted, the capital surrendered unconditionally. The casualties were comparatively few. By this the conquest of the Philip- pine Islands, virtually accomplished when the Spanish capac- ity for resistance was destroyed by Admiral Dewey’s victory of the 1st of May, was formally sealed. ‘To General Merritt, his officers and men for their uncomplaining and devoted service and for their gallantry in action the nation is sincerely grateful. Their long voyage was made with singular success, and the soldierly conduct of the men, most of whom were without previous experience in the military service, deserves unmeasured praise. The total casualties in killed and wounded in the Army during the war with Spain were: Officers killed, 23 ; enlisted men killed, 257 ; total, 280; officers wounded, 113 ; enlisted men wounded, 1,464; total, 1,577. Of the Navy: Killed, 17; wounded, 67; died as result of wounds, 1; invalided from service, 6; total, 91. [William McKinley], Message .. . communicated to the two Houses of Congress at the beginning of the Third Sesston of the Fifty fifth Congress (Washington, 1898), 10-15 passim. —EE— 145. The Future of the Republic (1895) UR beloved country is more than a hundred years old. A century has come and has gone. It is indeed but as a day; yet what a day! Not the shortNo. 145] A Retrospect SOF and sullen day of the winter solstice, but the long, glorious, and prolific summer day of June. It rose in the twilight glimmerings of the dawn of Lexington, and its rays, falling on the mingled dew and gore of that greensward, and a little later across the rebel gun-barrels of Bunker Hill, and then tenderly lingering on the dead, upturned face of Warren, broke in the full splendor of the first Fourth of July, and lay warm upon the bell in the tower of Independence Hall, as it rang out upon the air the cry of a free nation newly born. Its morning sun, now radiant and now obscured, shone over the battlefields of the Revolution, over the ice of the Delaware, and over the ramparts at Yorktown swept by the onslaught of the chivalrous Lafayette. It looked down upon the calm figure of Washington inaugurating the new government under the Constitution. It saw the slow but steady consolidation of the Union. It saw the marvelous stride with which, in the early years of the present century, the republic grew in wealth and population, sending its ships into every sea, and its pioneers into the wilds of the Oregon and to the lakes of the North. It burst through the clouds of the War of 1812, and saw the navy of the young nation triumph in encounters as romantic as those of armed knights In tournament. It heard the arguments of Madison, Ham- ilton, Marshal, Story, and Webster, determining the scope of the Constitution, and establishing forever the theory of its powers and restrictions. It beheld the overthrow of the de- lusion which regarded the United States as a league and not a nation, and that would have sapped it with the poison of nullification and secession. It saw an era of literature begin, distinguished by the stately achievements of the historian, the thought of the philosopher, the grace of oratory, the sweet pure verse of the American poets, — poets of nature and the heart. It brought the tender ministry of uncon- sciousness to human pain. It caught the song of machinery, the thunder of the locomotive, the first click of the telegraph. See above, No. 57. See Contem. poraries, Il, No. 192. See above, No. 58. See above, Nos. 59, 63. See above, No. 71. See above, No. 80, See above, ch, xlil. See above, Nos, 68, 69. See above, Nos. 70, 99, 103, 104, 124 135.See above, Nos. 90, 92, 103. See above, No, 105. See above, No. 104. See above, chs, Xvili, xix. 392 Spanish War [1895 It saw the measureless West unfold its prairies into great activities of life and product and wealth. It saw the virtue and culture and thrift of New England flow broad across the Mississippi, over the Rocky Mountains, and down the Pacific slope, expanding into a civilization so magnificent that its power and grandeur and influence to-day overshadow indeed the fount from which they sprang. It saw America, first wrenching liberty for itself from the hand of European tyranny, share it free as the air with the oppressed and cramped peoples of Europe, carrying food to them in their starvation, offering them an asylum, welcoming their cooper- ation in the development and enjoyment of the generous culture and freedom and opportunity of the New World, and setting them, from the first even till now, an example of free institutions and local popular government, which every intelligent and self-respecting people must follow. Its afternoon was indeed overcast with shameful assault made on an unoffending neighbor to strengthen the hold of slavery upon the misguided interests of the country ; and there came the fiery tempest of civil war : the heart of the nation mourned the slaughter of its patriots, and the treason and folly of its children of the South, yet welcomed them back to their place in the family circle. And now eventide has come ; the storm is over ; the long day has drawn to its close in the magnificent irradiation that betokens a glorious morning. We gather at our thresholds and hold sweet neighborly converse. Our chil- dren are about us in pleasant homes ; our flocks are safe ; ou! fields are ripening with the harvest. We recall the day, anc pray that the God of the pilgrim and the patriot will make the morrow of our republic even brighter and better... . John D. Long, After-Dinner and other Speeches (Boston, etc, 1895), 221-223.CHAPTER XXII—NEW TASKS, 1900-1913 146. How to Found Colonies (1899) EA power, as a national interest, commercial and mili- tary, rests not upon fleets only, but also upon local territorial bases in distant commercial regions. It rests upon them most securely when they are extensive, and when they have a numerous population bound to the sovereign country by those ties of interest which rest upon the beneficence of the ruler; of which beneficence power to protect is not the least factor. Mere just dealing and protection, however, do not exhaust the demands of be- neficence towards alien subjects still in race childhood. The firm but judicious remedying of evils, the opportuni- ties for fuller and happier lives, which local industries and local development afford, these also are a part of the duty of the sovereign power. Above all there must be con- stant recognition that self-interest and beneficence alike demand that the local welfare be first taken into account. It is possible, of course, that it may at times have to yield to the necessities of the whole body; but it should be first considered. The task is great; who is sufficient for it? The writer believes firmly in the ultimate power of ideas. Napoleon is reported to have said: ‘Imagination rules the world.” If this be generally so, how much more the true imagina- tions which are worthy to be called ideas! There is a nobility in man which welcomes the appeal to beneficence. May it find its way quickly now to the heads and hearts 393 By ALFRED T. MAHAN (1840-1914), Admiral in the United States Navy, first head of the Naval War College. Author of Sea Power in History, and other works on naval strategy that have altered the policy of all naval nations. This article was written while the United States was working on the prob- lem of bring- ing Porto Rico, Hawaii and the Philippine Islands under American government.India is still in an uncer- tain condi- tion; and Egypt has been allowed by Great Britain to be- come an in- dependent state. That is, the naval profession. This is the main doc- trine of Ma- han’s books — first de- stroy your enemy’s navy; then pick up his colonies and possessions at your convenience. New ‘Tasks 3 9 4 [ 1900-1913 of the American people, before less worthy ambitions fill them; and, above all, to the kings of men, in thought and in action, under whose leadership our land makes its giant strides. There is in this no Quixotism. Materially, the interest of the nation is one with its beneficence; but if the ideas get inverted, and the nation sees in its new responsibilities, first of all, markets and profits, with incidental resultant benefit to the natives, it will go wrong. Through such mistakes Great Britain passed. She lost the United States; she suffered bitter anguish in India; but India and Egypt testify to-day to the nobility of her repentance. Spain repented not. The examples are before us. Which shall we follow? And is there not stimulus to our imagination, and to high ambition, to read, as we easily may, how the oppressed have been freed, and the degraded lifted, in India and Egypt, not only by political sagacity and courage, but by administrative capacity directing the great engineering enterprises, which change the face of a land and increase a hundredfold the opportunities for life and happiness ? The profession of the writer, and the subject consequently of his writing, stands for organized force, which, if duly developed, is the concrete expression of the nation’s strength. But while he has never concealed his opinion that the endurance of civilization, during a future far beyond our present foresight, depends ultimately upon due organization of force, he has ever held, and striven to say, that such force is but the means to an end, which end is durable peace and progress, and therefore be- neficence. The triumphs and the sufferings of the past months have drawn men’s eyes to the necessity for increase of force, not merely to sustain over-sea dominion, but also to ensure timely use, in action, of the latent military andNo. 147] Age of Roosevelt 395 naval strength which the nation possesses. The speedy and inevitable submission of Spain has demonstrated beyond contradiction the primacy of navies in deter- mining the issue of transmarine wars; for after Cavité and Santiago had crippled hopelessly the enemy’s navy, the end could not be averted, though it might have been postponed. On the other hand, the numerical inade- quacy of the troops sent to Santiago, and their apparently inadequate equipment, have shown the necessity for greater and more skilfully organized land forces. The deficiency of the United States in this respect would have permitted a prolonged resistance by the enemy’s army in Cuba, —a course which, though sure ultimately to fail, appealed strongly to military punctilio. When all this has been admitted and provided for, it still remains that force is but the minister, under whose guardianship industry does its work and enjoys peaceably the fruits of its labor. To the mechanical industries of the country, in their multifold forms, our new responsi- bilities propound the questions, not merely of naval and military protection, but of material development, which, first beneficent to the inhabitants and to the land, gives also, and thereby, those firm foundations of a numerous and contented population, and of ample local resources, upon which alone military power can securely rest. Alfred T. Mahan, Lessons of the War with Spain (Boston, 1899), 249-253; The Age of Roosevelt (1901-1909) L R. ROOT] turned to it [public life] late, after he had 147. made his success in the profession of his choice, and he carried over into it the habits of the law. He al- Santiago, Cuba, sur- rendered to the Ameri- cans July 17, 1898. This is a sig- nificant statement — that the army and navy exist for protection of the nation, not for aggression. Published anony- mously, but known to be by Clinton W. Gilbert (r371—)); a newspaper man inWashington, correspond- ent of the Philadelphia Ledger. Mr. Root was Senator from New York; and Secretary of War and Secretary of State under President Roosevelt. Wood was a surgeon who became a reg- ular army officer, Miuili- tary Gover- nor of Cuba and Gover- nor General of the Philip- pines. The Tennis Cabinet was a group of young men — most of them holding public office — through whom Roose- velt kept in touch with what was go- ing on. New Tasks 39 6 [1900-1913 ways seemed to be taking cases for the public. For a few years Mr. Roosevelt made public life interesting to Mr. Root, who, it looked then, might devote the rest of his career to national affairs. It was a sparkling period for America. We have never had an “age” in the his- tory of this country like the age of Elizabeth or the age of Louis XIV, or the age of Lorenzo, the Magnificent ; time is too short and democracy too rigid for such splen- dors; but the nearest equivalent to one was the “age,” let us call it that, of Theodore Roosevelt. There was the central figure — an age must havea central figure — a buoyant personality with a Renaissance zest for life, and a Renaissance curiosity about all things known and un- known, and a boundless capacity for vitalizing everyone and everything with which he came in contact. Dull moments were unknown. Knighthood was once more in flower, wearing frock coats and high hats and reading all about itself in the daily press. Lances were tilted at malefactors of great wealth, in jousts where few were unhorsed and no blood spilled. Fair maidens of popular rights were rescued; great deeds of valor done. Legends were created, the legend of Leonard Wood, . . the legend of the Tennis Cabinet, with its Garfields, and its Pinchots, now to be read about only in the black-letter books of the early twentieth century, and the legend of Elihu Root, still supported in a measure by the evidences of his highly acute intelligence, but still, like everything else of those bright days, largely a legend. Roosevelt, the Magnificent, made men great with a word, and his words were many. His great were many likewise, great statesmen, great public servants, great writers, great magazine editors, great cowboys from the West, great saints and great sinners, great combinations of wealth and great laws to curb them; everything in scale and that a great scale. Mr. Root acquired his tasteNo.148] Presidential Election 3) 7) for public life in that “‘age”’ just as Mr. Hoover, Mr. Baruch and a dozen others did theirs in the moving period of the Great War. It is easy to understand how. Like all remarkable ages this age was preceded by dis- coveries. The United States had just fought a war which had ended in a great victory over Spain. The American people were elated by their achievement, aware of their greatness, talked much and surely of “destiny,” the period in Washington being but a reflection of their own mood. Their mental horizon had been immensely widened by the possession, gained in the war, of some islands in the Pacific whose existence we had never heard of before. c Anonymous, The Mirrors of Washington (New York, 1921), 168-170 passim. ae 148. Presidential Election of 1912 HIS is what happened. With two more States this year than in 1908, with the women voting in two States in which they did not vote in 1908, and with an increase in population of about six and one-half millions since 1908 (which means over one million additional voters), we went to the polls last month and cast just about as many votes for all candi- dates as were cast in 1908, — that is to say, about fifteen millions. Of these fifteen millions, Wilson received about 6,200,000, or about 41 per cent.; and Roosevelt about 4,200,000, or 28 per cent.; and Taft about 3,500,000, or 23 per cent. The rest of the votes, more than a million, were cast for Debs and Chafin. There is no doubt about three things: (1) that Wilson goes into office as a minority President; (2) that Roosevelt polled at least half a million votes more than Taft; (3) that Debs doubled his vote of four years ago. There was no landslide, what- Herbert C. Hoover, (1870- ),a Californian, a noted engi- neer. Secretary of Commerce under Presi- dents Hard- ing and Coolidge. Bernard M. Baruch, a business man of success and large wealth, who was chair- man of the War Indus- tries Board during the World War. Anonymous. The Editor of Current Lit- erature in IQI2 was EDWARD J. WHEELER.These figures are very near those of the final count, which are: Taft: 3,483,923 ; Roosevelt : 4,126,020; Wilson: 6,280,244; Debs: 897,000. It proved that 2 of California’s 13 votes went to Wilson. bhi hb Mey bar 398 New ‘Tasks [1900-1913 ever, the headliners have been saying. The vote for Wilson was not appreciably larger than Bryan polled in any of the three campaigns in which he ran for President. The combined vote of Taft and Roosevelt seems to be about the same as Taft polled four years ago and Roosevelt eight years ago. ... That vote emphasizes an anomaly that has always existed in our electoral sys- tem. For instance, Debs, with nearly a million votes . will not receive even one vote in the electoral college. Taft with about three and a half million votes will receive only eight electoral votes (Utah and Vermont). Roose- velt with something over four million votes receives 88 electoral yotes from six States: California, 13 [see note]; Michigan, 15; Minnesota, 12; Pennsylvania, 38; South Dakota, 5; Washington, 7. ... Wilson with less than six and a quarter million votes out of fifteen millions re- celves 433 electoral votes not counting California. In other words, Wilson, with 41 per cent. of the popular vote, obtains 83 per cent. of the electoral vote; and Roosevelt and Taft together receive 51 per cent. of the popular vote, but only about 16 per cent. of the electoral vote. This disparity between the popular and electoral vote is, of course, due to the fact that a plurality of roo in New York State, for instance, carries with it the 45 electoral votes of that State just as surely as a plurality of 500,000 would carry them. No one is entitled to complain. It is the rule of our political game, and a very necessary rule if we are to preserve the balance of power as adjusted in the beginning between the large and small States. It is a notable thing that with all this ferment in the land, involving more or less directly constitutional changes of fundamental importance, about two million less votes than were expected were cast. Perhaps, with the long fight before conventions and the triangular contest after conventions, the American people were overtrained andNo.148] Presidential Election 399 ‘‘went stale” by the time the battle culminated. Even business failed to show any signs of excitement. The Democratic majority in the lower house of Congress was increased to something over 150 and a small Demo- cratic majority in the Senate seems to be assured as soon as the newly elected legislatures make their choice. The party division in the Senate seems likely to be 52 Demo- crats, 38 Republicans and 6 Progressives. With a Democratic President and a Congress Demo- cratic in both houses, the Democratic party faces a measure of responsibility which it has had but once before in more than half a century. There are nearly 400,000 officers and employees under the federal government. About 230,000 of these are subject under the present laws to com- petitive examination, leaving 170,000 “political appoint- ments.’ In addition, a large number of the civil service appointments are such by executive decrees that may be rescinded by the new President. There is already a movement on foot to have these decrees suspended on the ground that thousands of these offices are now filled by Republican political appointees, transferred from the unclassified service and constituting a Republican politi- cal machine. . . . Then there are platform promises to be fulfilled. Already the Philippine Assembly has unani- mously adopted a resolution requesting the President- elect to see to it that the Democratic promises of Philip- pine independence be immediately fulfilled. Says the New York Tribune: ra i rH G i Ps a ¥ } 5 4 i a i i iu fs \ 7 4 i) 5 y ; As for Mr. Wilson, he has large if indefinite promises to re- deem. He is to reduce the cost of living without reducing the stream of individual incomes. He is radically to cut down the tariff without injuring business. He is to abolish trusts and restore general competition. He is to carry out as a sacred pledge the radical platform which Mr. Bryan made for him at Baltimore.Referring to Roosevelt in 1900. 400 New Tasks [1900-1913 The report current in Washington is that Mr. Bryan “ig even now preparing for 1916,” and that the plank in the Democratic platform in favor of a single term for President was a part of that preparation. In any event, Mr. Bryan is not expected to go hunting in South Africa at this particular juncture. Current Literature LIII (December, 1912), 603-605 passim.ae ee eee ee es ee me es jaya labelafejefelote!mie és - = ninemaatinaviagnie bean i] i oni oleh Ao ted Lemigehn nella fotet rte! eM ne} 5 ry t f i r F es PS fe ehen lp eael Se ee ee ener ae yt eS eee ee OE ey ON ee rene ye Spry ae ee ih 3 baiCHAPTER XXIII—WORLD WAR AND ITS OUTCOME, 1914-1923 Fear God and Take Your Own Part (1915) EAR God; and take your own part! Fear God, in the true sense of the word, means love God, re- spect God, honor God; and all of this can only be done by loving our neighbor, treating him justly and mercifully, and in all ways endeavoring to protect him from injustice and cruelty; thus obeying, as far as our human frailty will permit, the great and immutable law of righteousness. We fear God when we do justice to and demand justice for the men within our own borders. We are false to the teachings of righteousness if we do not do such justice and demand such justice. We must do it to the weak, and we must do it to the strong. We must apply the same standard of conduct alike to man and to woman, to rich man and to poor man, to employer and employee. We must organize our social and industrial life so as to secure a reasonable equality of opportunity for all men to show the stuff that is in them and a reasonable division among those engaged in industrial work of the reward for that industrial work. . . Outside of our own borders we must treat other nations as we would wish to be treated in return, judging each in any given crisis as we ourselves ought to be judged — that is, by our conduct in that crisis. If they do ill, we show that we fear God when we sternly bear testimony against them and oppose them. When we sit idly 401 149. By THEO- DORE ROOSE- VELT (1858-1919) ; Member of New York Assembly ; Member of National Civil Service Commission ; Police Com- missioner of New York City ; Assist- ant Secre- tary of the Navy; Colonel in the Spanish War; Gover- nor of New York; Vice President ; and Presi- dent of the United States. A great writer on many sub- jects. This article was written while he was a pri- vate citizen, in the first year of the World War.‘\ " * . ee A hide Bren ee al) Seite oa a % ol . ' ¥ i in es iG : ‘ a 5 “4 ‘ a 0 y/ « u a : 0 a TNS 8 8 Se Sade een Sunk by a German submarine May 15, IQIS. 402 World War [1914-1923 by while Belgium is being overwhelmed, and rolling up our eyes prattle with unctuous self-righteousness about “the duty of neutrality,” we show that we do not really fear God, on the contrary we show an odious fear of the devil, and a mean readiness to serve him. But in addition to fearing God, it is necessary that we should be able and ready to take our own part.... A nation that cannot take its own part is at times almost as fertile a source of mischief in the world at large as is a nation which does wrong to others, for its very existence puts a premium on such wrongdoing. Therefore, a na- tion must fit itself to defend its honor and interest against outside aggression; and this necessarily means that in a free democracy every man fit for citizenship must be trained so that he can do his full duty to the nation in war no less than in peace. The United States can accomplish little for mankind, save in so far as within its borders it develops an intense spirit of Americanism. Patriotism is as much a duty in time of war as in time of peace, and it is most of all a duty in any and every great crisis. To commit folly or do evil, to act inconsiderately and hastily or wantonly and viciously, in the name of patriotism, represents not patriotism at all, but a use of the name to cloak an attack upon the thing... . But patriotism itself is not only in place on every occasion and at every time, but is peculiarly the feeling which should be stirred to its deepest depths at every serious crisis. . . . Patriotism, so far from being incompatible with per- formance of duty to other nations, is an indispensable prerequisite to doing one’s duty toward other nations. Fear God; and take your own part! If this nation had feared God it would have stood up for the Belgians and Armenians; if it had been able and willing to take its own part, there would have been no murderous assault on the Lusitania, no outrages on our men and women inNo.150] Power of the President 403 Mexico. True patriotism carries with it not hostility to other nations but a quickened sense of responsible good- will toward other nations, a good-will of acts and not merely of words. The nation that in actual practice fears God is the na- tion which does not wrong its neighbors, which does so far as possible help its neighbors, and which never promises what it cannot or will not or ought not to perform. The professional pacifists in and out of office who at peace congresses pass silly resolutions which cannot be, and ought not to be, lived up to, and enter into silly treaties which ought not to be, and cannot be, kept, are not serving God but Baal. They are not doing anything for anybody. Peace is not the end. Righteousness is the end. At that moment peace could have been obtained readily enough by the simple process of keeping quiet in the presence of wrong. But instead of preserving peace at the expense of righteousness, the Saviour armed him- self with a scourge of cords and drove the money-changers from the Temple. Righteousness is the end, and peace, a means to the end, and sometimes it is not peace, but war which is the proper means to achieve the end. Righteous- ness should breed valor and strength. When it does breed them, it is triumphant; and when triumphant, it necessarily brings peace. Roosevelt, Fear God and Take Your Own Part (New York, 1916), I5=18, I9, 20, 21-22, 206. a 150. The Power of the President (1916) HERE is little danger to the public weal from the tyranny or reckless character of a President who is not sustained by the people. The absence of popular support will certainly in the course of two years withdraw By WILLIAM Isl, A Nigar (7357s) > lawyer ; Solicitor- General ofthe United States, Judge of the United States Courts ; Gov- ernor Gen- eral of the Philippines ; Secretary of War; Presi- dent of the United States, 1909- 1913; Chief Justice of the United States ; notable pub- lic speaker ; author of several books. Probably re- ferring to Presidents Jackson, Grant, and Roosevelt. World War 404 [ 1914-1923 from him the sympathetic action of at least one House of Congress, and by the control that that House has over appropriations, the Executive arm can be paralyzed, un- less he resorts to a coup d’état, which means impeachment, conviction, and deposition. The only danger in the ac- tion of the Executive under the present limitations and lack of limitation of his powers is when his popularity is such that he can be sure of the support of the electorate and therefore of Congress, and when the majority in the legislative halls respond with alacrity and sycophancy to his will. This condition cannot probably be long con- tinued. We have had Presidents who felt the public pulse with accuracy, who played their parts upon the political stage with histrionic genius and commanded the people almost as if they were an army and the President their Commander-in-Chief. Yet in all these cases, the good sense of the people has ultimately prevailed and no danger has been done to our political structure and the reign of law has continued. In such times when the Executive power seems to be all prevailing, there have always been men in this free and intelligent people of ours, who apparently courting political humiliation and disaster have registered protest against this undue Execu- tive domination and this use of the Executive power and popular support to perpetuate itself. The cry of Executive domination is often entirely un- justified, as when the President’s commanding influence only grows out of a proper cohesion of a party and its recognition of the necessity for political leadership; but the fact that Executive domination is regarded as a use- ful ground for attack upon a successful administration, even when there is no ground for it, is itself proof of the dependence we may properly place upon the sanity and clear perceptions of the people in avoiding its baneful effects when there is real danger. Even if a vicious prec-No.15t) Trusts and Distrusts 405 edent is set by the Executive, and injustice done, it does not have the same effect that an improper precedent of a court may have, for one President does not consider him- self bound by the policies or constitutional views of his predecessors. The Constitution does give the President wide discre- tion and great power, andit ought to doso. It calls from him activity and energy to see that within his proper sphere he does what his great responsibilities and oppor- tunities require. He is no figurehead, and it is entirely proper that an energetic and active clear-sighted people, who, when they have work to do, wish it done well, should be willing to rely upon their judgment in selecting their Chief Agent, and having selected him, should entrust to him all the power needed to carry out their governmental purpose, great as it may be. William H. Taft, Our Chief Magistrate and His Powers (New York, 1916), 156-157. 151. Trusts and Distrusts (1921) S civilization has progressed, capital has reached the enormous proportions of the present day. It is not the service of a simple community that we are now considering, but the service of a whole nation whose corporations send some of their products over the seas to serve other far-flung peoples. But the magnitude of the operations does not change the underlying principles one little bit. The power is there, and the same possi- bility to use it for good or evil. Nobody . can fail to realize that these operations have resulted in great good. We get a great deal more and better quality of the things we need for infinitely less money. The whole story of our business development, By WILLIAM CAMERON FORBES (1870-_), member of a famous ship- owning fam- ily ; Governor General of the Philip- pine Islands from 1909 to 1913; Com- missioner to the Philip- pines, 1921; business man.4.06 World War mega which reads like the magic of a fairy tale, brings it to pass that things which, almost within the memory of living men, were once luxuries reserved only for the occasional use of kings, such as many of our imported articles, es- pecially sugar, coffee, and fruits grown in far countries, have become so easily obtained, and at such a moderate price, that they have come to be regarded as necessary for people of even the most moderate means. But there is also, simultaneously, a great power for evil. This power for evil is similar to that held by the man who had in his hands the food-supply and tried to abuse his powers and work injury upon his neighbors. So with our big corporations, while in the main their service has been great and they have made our civiliza- tion and our growth possible, yet we have to admit re- gretfully that some of their actions were unwise, some were unfair, and some absolutely improper. Some companies used undue influence, and even money, to secure legislation favorable to them, but not favorable to the public. Capital became arrogant and inconsid- erate of the rights of others, and far too many corporations adopted an attitude expressed in the words, “The public be damned,” used by a railroad president of so little vision that he had not grasped the real significance of the duty of the railroad, which is to be a faithful servant of the public. But the worst failure of capital and its most serlous offense against the rules of fair play are to be found in its treatment of labor. Capital profited largely and big fortunes were accumu- lated, but many companies were operated with an un- scrupulous disregard of the public welfare, and there were far too many instances of unfair treatment of employees. The laborers were often underpaid; care was not even taken that they should be properly fed; they were com- pelled to work an excessive number of hours and in sur-ee ey Pte nt Ce eRe ee cot No.151] | rusts and Distrusts 4.07 roundings so unsanitary as not only to be injurious to their health, but sometimes greatly to shorten their lives; they were often laid off at the worst time of the year; and, having no share in the profits of the enterprise, they naturally came to look upon some of the large corporations with hostility and distrust. As a result of all this there grew up among the laboring people a grave distrust of the great combinations of capi- tal that came to be known as trusts, and the public at large — the storekeepers, clerks and laborers— all of them came to feel that corporations were huge and soulless ogres whose main object was to suck the lifeblood of the people and fatten at the expense of the community. I think most fair-minded people realize now that, un- less regulated, these trusts are a real menace to our in- stitutions. People are also coming to realize the great service the trusts, properly controlled, render to the com- munity. We should bend our efforts to minimize the evil possibilities and help along the good. In response to the public clamor the Governments have tried to do this by various ways of regulating them, of which some are wise and some have not worked out well in practice. It will probably be many years before these problems are solved in an entirely satisfactory manner, but all efforts to choke the trusts off have been fruitless, and it is lucky that this is so, as the good they do greatly exceeds the harm. When capital made things its laborers used, the laborers also benefited from the reduced price, but the managers should have said to themselves: ‘‘The first use we shall make of this money is to see that labor gets what President Roosevelt called ‘a square deal.’” It is no wonder that laborers working for insufficient wages under bad conditions should have become resentful toward the owners and managers of the enterprises whom The princi- pal federal acts to regu- late trusts are the Inter- state Com- merce Act (1887) ; Sherman Anti-trust Act (1890) ; Hepburn Act (1906); Fed- eral Trade Commission and Clayton Acts (1914).408 World War [1914-1923 they saw indulging themselves with the profits in which the workmen who made them possible did not share. The natural result of all this could easily have been foreseen. The laborers combined to protect themselves and formed trades-unions. Unfortunately labor has not used its new-found power any more wisely than capital did in its turn, and the labor leaders have also failed to realize the essential need of the partnership between capital and labor. Now what has labor done? Having formed its unions, representing at first only the employees of given com- panies, the men elected officers, and then went to their employers and said they would not work unless condi- tions were made more favorable. So far it seems to me they did just the right thing. I do not see how they could have done otherwise. They insisted upon and received better wages, better living conditions, shorter hours, and other privileges, and worked for the abolition of child labor. But now we come to the other side of the picture. Soon the different unions joined themselves together into great numbers of laborers. Surprised and delighted with their new-found power, the labor leaders did not confine them- selves to wise and far-sighted action, but became in cer- tain respects just as unwise and unfair in their demands as capital had been. Instead of teaching that the inter- ests of capital and labor are really identical, and that anything that hurts one hurts the other, they have spread broadcast the same feeling of distrust and dislike of capi- tal that we have seen growing throughout the whole community; they have made the laborer feel that capital is his natural enemy ; instead of tending toward the settle- ment of disputes by fair consideration, they have asked for things that were beyond the power of capital to grant and still live; they have not only ordered strikes — thatwo.152] Hfow War Broke Loose 409 is, stopped work themselves — but have, by force and intimidation, prevented others from working; and they have gone so far in anger as to smash up machinery, burn buildings, and bomb and destroy the structures of the very concerns from which they derived their bread and upon whose existence and prosperity their livelihoods depend. Our industries are competing against those of other countries and can succeed only if their costs are held down. Each strike increases these costs. W. Cameron Forbes, The Romance of Business (Boston, 1921), 199—- 213 passim. 152. How the War Broke Loose (1917) T was the latest April in our history, in the year of our era 1917, and the second day of the month. Wood- row Wilson had less than a month before been installed as President of the United States for a second term. He had severed diplomatic relations with the German Em- pire, because of its atrocious and intolerable disregard of our rights and of the rights of humanity in the war which for two and a half years had been convulsing the continent of Europe; and he had called the newly elected Congress together in special session to consider what fur- ther steps were necessary for the safeguarding of American citizens and the vindication of the honor of the nation. Washington was thronged with interested citizens of eminence and influence from all parts of the country. The streets were crowded with spectators as the President, accompanied by a glittering cavalcade of guards, passed from the White House to the Capitol on one of the most momentous errands ever undertaken by an American Chief of State. The great hall of the House of Representatives By WILLIs FLETCHER JOHNSON (x857—"); President of New Jersey State Civil Service Com- mission; lit- erary editor of the New York Trib- une; Con- tributing Edi- tor of North American Review ; au- thor of many books on American history and biography.410 World War [1914-1923 was thronged with a brilliant company — the two Houses of Congress on the floor and diplomats, officials of civil and military service, and citizens, in the galleries — as at half-past eight the President stepped upon the Speaker’s platform, and voiced the demand of the American nation for a war for the freedom of the world. This address was received with extraordinary ex- pressions of approval by the members of Congress present and by the occupants of the galleries. The press and public of America, with almost unprecedented unanimity, hailed it with grateful satisfaction. It was similarly received in Great Britain, France, and the other allied nations of Europe, and also in South America, where Brazil and other powers immediately began considering the question of following the example of the United States in declaring war against the archfoe of democracy and of humanity. In Germany the full text of the address was withheld by the censorship from general circulation. Among the government officials it caused a mingling of rage and fear, the latter passion being but ill-concealed. ‘There was at first an attempt made to pretend that it did not matter, that the United States would be a negligible quantity in the war; but such words rang hollow, and the real thought of official Germany was that fearful odds were being cast against the Central Powers by the entrance of America into the fray. Immediately upon the conclusion of the Presi- dent’s address a resolution declaring war against Germany, or rather accepting the war which Germany had already begun against the United States, was introduced into both Houses of Congress. Brief debates followed, in which very few members ventured to oppose what was known to be the overwhelming will of the people. In the Senate one day’s delay was caused by the oppositionNo. 152} How War Broke Loose 411 of Senator La Follette, of Wisconsin, but late on the eve- ning of April 4th the resolution was adopted by a vote of 82 to 6. The next day the House took it up, and before morning of April 6th adopted it by a vote of 373 to 50. At eleven minutes after one o’clock on the afternoon of April 6th— Good Friday —the President affixed his signature to the resolution, and that moment marked the official entrance of the United States into the World Ware. . The resolution declaring the war which Germany had forced upon us was as follows: WHEREAS, The Imperial German Government has com- mitted repeated acts of war against the government and the people of the United States of America ; therefore, be it RESOLVED, By the Senate and House of Representa- tives of the United States of America, in Congress as- sembled, that the state of war between the United States and the Imperial German Government, which has thus been thrust upon the United States is hereby formally declared; and that the President be, and he is hereby authorized and directed to employ the entire naval and military forces of the United States and the resources of the government to carry on war against the Imperial German Government; and to bring the conflict to a suc- cessful termination all of the resources of the country are hereby pledged by the Congress of the United States. Immediately after affixing his signature to the war res- olution, the President issued a proclamation announcing the same, calling upon all American citizens to give their loyal support to the government and the laws, and pre- scribing and establishing various rules and regulations concerning the conduct and disposition of alien enemies found within the jurisdiction of the United States. Willis Fletcher Johnson, America and the Great War for Humanity and Freedom (Philadelphia, 1917), 18, 19, 29, 30.By MILpRED ALDRICH, who was living in France, near the Marne, when the Germans invaded France. peel ba 412 World War Prgreereen 153. A Hilltop on the Marne (1914) VER since the 4th of August all our crossroads have been guarded, all our railway gates closed, and also guarded — guarded by men whose only sign of being soldiers is a cap and gun, men in blouses with a mobiliza- tion badge on their left arms, often in patched trousers and sabots, with stern faces and determined eyes, and one thought — “The country is in danger.” There is a crossroad just above my house, which com- mands the valley on either side, and leads to a little ham- let on the route nationale from Couilly to Meaux, and is called “La Demi-Lune’” — why “Half-Moon” I don’t know. It was there, on the 6th, that I saw, for the first time, an armed barricade. The gate at the railway cross- ing had been opened to let a cart pass, when an automobile dashed through Saint-Germain, which is on the other side of the track. The guard raised his bayonet in the air, to command the car to stop and show its papers, but it flew by him and dashed up the hill. The poor guard — it was his first experience of that sort — stood staring after the car; but the idea that he ought to fire at it did not occur to him until it was too late. By the time it occurred to him, and he could telephone to the Demi-Lune, it had passed that guard in the same way — and disappeared. It did not pass Meaux. It simply disappeared. It is still known as the “Phantom Car.’ Within half an hour there was a barricade at the Demi-Lune mounted by armed men — too late, of course. However, it was not really fruitless, — that barricade, —as the very next day they caught three Germans there, disguised as Sisters of Charity — papers all in order — and who would have got by, after they were detected by a little boy’s calling attention to their ungloved hands, if it had not been for the number of armed old men on the barricade.wo. 153] A Hilltop on the Marne 413 What makes things especially serious here, so near the frontier, and where the military movements must be made, is the presence of so many Germans, and the bitter feeling there is against them. On the night of August 2, just when the troops were beginning to move east, an attempt was made to blow up the railroad bridge at Ile de Villenoy, between here and Meaux. The three Germans were caught with the dynamite on them — so the story goes — and are now in the barracks at Meaux. But tke most absolute secrecy is preserved about all such things. Not only is all France under martial law: the censorship of the press is absolute. Everyone has to carry his papers, and be provided with a passport for which he is liable to be asked in simply crossing a road. Meaux is full of Germans. The biggest department shop there is a German enterprise. Even Couilly has a German or two, and we had one in our little hamlet. But they’ve got to get out. One case is rather pathetic. He was a nice chap, employed in a big fur house in Paris. He came to France when he was fifteen, has never been back, consequently has never done his military service there. Oddly enough, for some reason, he never took out his naturalization papers, so never did his service here. He has no relatives in Germany — that is to say, none with whom he has kept up any correspondence, he says. He earns a good salary, and has always been one of the most generous men in the commune, but circumstances are against him. Even though he is an intimate friend of our mayor, the commune preferred to be rid of him. He begged not to be sent back to Germany, so he went sadly enough to a concentration camp, pretty well con- vinced that his career here was over. Still, the French do forget easily. Couilly had two Germans. One of them — the barber — got out quick. The other didnot. But he was quietly414 World War [1914-1923 informed by some of his neighbors — with pistols in their hands — that his room was better than his company. The barber occupied a shop in the one principal street in the village, which is, by the way, a comparatively rich place. He had a front shop, which was a café, with a well-fitted-up bar. The back, with a well-dressed window on the street, full of toilette articles, was the barber-and hairdressing-room, very neatly arranged, with modern set bowls and mirrors, cabinets full of towels, well-filled shelves of all the things that make such a place profitable. You should see it now. Its broken windows and doors stand open to the weather. The entire interior has been “efficiently”’ wrecked. It is as systematic a work of destruction as I have ever seen. Not a thing was stolen, but not an article was spared. All the bottles full of things to drink and all the glasses to drink out of are smashed, so are counters, tables, chairs, and shelving. In the barber shop there is a litter of broken porcelain, broken combs, and smashed-up chairs and boxes among a wreck of hair dyes, perfumes, brilliantine, and torn towels, and an odor of apéritifs and cologne over it all. Every one pretends not to know when it happened. They say, “It was found like that one morning.”’ Every one goes to look at it—no one enters, no one touches anything. They simply say with a smile of scorn, “Good — and so well done.”’ Mildred Aldrich, A Hilltop on the Marne (Boston, 1915), 60-65.Wo. 1541 Rouge-Bouquet 415 154. The Woods Called Rouge-Bouquet (1918) I In the woods they call Rouge-Bouquet There is a new-made grave today, Built by never a spade or pick, Yet covered by earth ten metres thick. There lie many fighting men, Dead in their youthful prime, Never to laugh or live again Or taste of the summer time; For death came flying through the air And stopped his flight at the dugout stair, Touched his prey — And left them there — Clay to clay, He hid their bodies stealthily In the soil of the land they sought to free, And fled away. Now over the grave abrupt and clear, Three volleys ring ; And perhaps their brave young spirits hear: Go to sleep — Go to sleep — (Taps sounding in distance.) aT: There is on earth no worthier grave To hold the bodies of the brave Than this spot of pain and pride Where they nobly fought and nobly died. By SER- GEANT JOYCE KILMER (1886-1918). “Dedicated to the mem- ory of nine- teen members of Co. E, 165th In- fantry, who made the su- preme sacri- fice at Rouge- Bouquet, Forest of Parroy, France, March 7; read by the chaplain at the funeral, the refrain echoing the music of taps from a dis- tant grove; written by Sergeant Joyce Kil- mer, poet and news- paper man, killed in ac- tion near the Ourcgq, July 30. Ser- geant Kilmer had volun- teered his services to the major of the foremost battalion, be- cause his own battalion would not be in the lead that day.”41 6 World War [1914-1923 Never fear but in the skies Saints and angels stand, Smiling with their holy eyes On this new-come band. St. Michael’s sword darts through the air And touches the arrival on his hair, As he sees them standing there, His stalwart sons ; And Patrick, Bridget, and Columnkill Rejoice that in veins of warriors still The Gael’s blood runs. And up to Heaven’s doorway floats, From the woods called Rouge-Bouquet, A delicate sound of bugle notes That softly say: Farewell — Farewell — (Taps sounding in distance.) L’ENVOI Comrades true, Born anew, Peace to you; Your souls shall be where the heroes are, And your memory shine like the morning star, Brave and dear, Shield us here — Farewell ! The Stars and Stripes (Official Newspaper of the A. E. F.), dated “France, Friday, August 16, 1918.”nl —. — cai No. 155] In the Trenches wh 155. In the Trenches (1918) HERE was a last outpost far out in a field between our trenches and those of the enemy. To reach it we had to make a long detour. As we came to a clearing, a bullet whizzed past the head of a man a few feet behind me. What was the old Latin saying about being safest if one walks in the middle? It was disproved in this instance. Suppose somebody is lurking in ambush for a file of men. The first of the file advertises the fact that there is an approach, singular or plural. By the time a second or third man is passing, the location may be fairly well determined. The last man has a chance to drop in his tracks or to retreat. We went on. We came to high grass, two feet above our heads. We jumped over a trench and threaded a maze of wire, barbed and plain. We were now between the lines, and we lay down and slid along the ground like serpents. There were gaps in a hedge at the left on the German side of us. The Germans were making the night beautiful with star-shells and rockets. How the Boche loves his pyrotechnics! Then we came to a bush, and found the men we had come to visit. There was a bearded Frenchman with them, who had no gas-mask, and who carried one of those slender French bayonets as a rapier. All Frenchmen were supposed to have withdrawn from the sector, but old Reliable, who called himself ‘‘ Papa,” was still playing guide, philosopher and friend to the outpost. We crawled away from the bush into the open field. Then a German star-shell burst, directly overhead, and we clung to the soil like frozen lizards. The shell lit up the field for acres with a greenish light not unlike that of a mercury vacuum lamp. In the woods behind us the siren of a gas alarm lifted its uncanny song. We whipped —— ba ______ By FULLERTON LEONARD WALDO (18779). A traveler through Eu- rope and the Near East in IQI5 and 1917-18, who studied life on troop- ships and at the British Front; also the Red Cross, Y. M. C. A. and other such agencies, Star shells were meant to light up the field, so as to reveal movements of troops. Poison gas, first used by the Germans, then by all the combatants,41 8 World War [1914-1923 out our gas masks and adjusted them. Perspiration made the pincers slide off my nose. Fifty yards to the German wires! I began to polish up my German lest Ruheleben be my address for the duration of the war. But the gas alarm apparently was meant for folk at a distance, for when we resumed our march presently, the wind settling away from us toward the Germans, there was no mischief in the air. We slid away quickly in the dark. I took to my blankets amid the squealing of the rats in the dugout a little after two and was out again at three for the stand-to. The dark and chilly hour around the dawn is the time beloved of the Boche for launching an assault. The psychologists he used to read when he was a reading man have told him that spirit and flesh are furthest below par in the wee small hours. When the full morning sunlight came I descended past little cemeteries of unexploded shells, which demand re- spectful attention, to a deserted village which the Germans are shelling sporadically. As I entered the door of the ruined church, the wooden, life-size figure of the Christ leaned against the altar facing me, the blood from the crown of thorns upon His shoulder. It was as solemnly wonderful an apparition as I have seen anywhere. It was as if He stood there still, defending His church against unhallowed intrusion. In a corner was a German gas- shell breathing phosgene. I went up into the bell-tower. At any moment it might fall, especially if it were struck by another ros5-centimeter shell. There was a church clock, the dial still intact, and when someone the other day changed the hands one hour it drew a terrific on- slaught. When I crept from the wooden ladder into the belfry to survey a German ammunition dump across the road below me, I had to be careful to avoid slipping on the rubble on the platform and falling through the holeNo. 156] Fourteen Points of Peace 419 through which the bell-rope used to hang. The hole was partly covered by a lid of boards. As I stepped aside my steel helmet clashed against the bell. I will confess that my heart stood still for an instant, and if you saw the great fragments of shell that lay amid the wreckage down below you would understand. I took one look from the window toward the ammuni- tion dump, and descended with more haste than dignity. Again the luck and the wind were with me. The phosgene breathed its curse in vain as I left the doorway, for the figure of the Christ was standing at the altar with a benediction. F. L. Waldo, America at the Front (New York, 1918), 92-95. ——— The Fourteen Points of Peace (1918) T will be our wish and purpose that the processes of peace, when they are begun, shall be absolutely open and that they shall involve and permit henceforth no secret understandings of any kind. The day of conquest and aggrandizement is gone by; so is also the day of secret covenants entered into in the interest of particular governments and likely at some unlooked-for moment to upset the peace of the world. It is this happy fact, now clear to the view of every public man whose thoughts do not still linger in an age that is dead and gone, which makes it possible for every nation whose purposes are consistent with justice and peace of the world to avow now or at any time the objects it has in view. We entered this war because violations of right had oc- curred which touched us to the quick and made the life of our own people impossible unless they were corrected and 156. By Woop- ROW WILSON (1856-1924, christened Thomas Woodrow Wilson) ; Professor in several col- leges, Presi- dent of Princeton University ; author of History of the American People, and other books; Governor of New Jersey; President of the United States from 1913 to 192I, including the World War period. The 14 Points somewhat enlarged byG D 5 G a] . rr] be! C Py iy A : a a President Wilson, were put forward as the proper foundation of peace. The Ger- mans have insisted that when they accepted the armistice (Nov. I1, 1918) they expected the 14 Points to be applied to them. World War 420 [1914-1923 the world secured once for all against their recurrence. What we demand in this war, therefore, is nothing peculiar to ourselves. It is that the world be made fit and safe to live in; and particularly that it be made safe for every peace-loving nation which, like our own, wishes to live its own life, determine its own institutions, be assured of justice and fair dealing by the other peoples of the world as against force and selfish aggression. All the peoples of the world are in effect partners in this interest, and for our own part we see very clearly that unless justice be done to others it will not be done to us. The programme of the world’s peace, therefore, is our programme; and that programme, the only possible programme, as we see it, is this: I. Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at, after which there shall be no secret international undertakings of any kind but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly and in the public view. II. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas, out- side territorial waters, alike in peace and in war, except as the seas may be closed in whole or in part by international action for the enforcement of international covenants. IIIf. The removal, so far as possible, of all economic barriers and the establishment of an equality of trade conditions among all the nations consenting to the peace and associating themselves for its maintenance. IV. Adequate guarantees given and taken that national armaments will be reduced to the lowest point consistent with domestic safety. V. A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims, based upon a strict ob- servance of the principle that in determining all such ques- tions of sovereignty the interests of the populations con- cerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims ES et warden ord of the government whose title is to be determined. tae oT ete eee neNo. 156] Fourteen Points of Peace 421 VI. The evacuation of all Russian territory and such a settlement of all questions affecting Russia as will secure the best and freest codperation of the other nations of the world in obtaining for her an unhampered and unembar- rassed opportunity for the independent determination of her own political development and national policy and assure her of a sincere welcome into the society of free nations under institutions of her own choosing ; and, more than a welcome, assistance also of every kind that she may need and may herself desire. The treatment accorded Russia by her sister nations in the months to come will be the acid test of their good will, of their comprehension of her needs as distinguished from their own interests, and of their intelligent and unselfish sympathy. VII. Belgium, the whole world will agree, must be evacuated and restored, without any attempt to limit the sovereignty which she enjoys in common with all other free nations. No other single act will serve as this will serve to restore confidence among the nations in the laws which they have themselves set and determined for the government of their relations with one another. Without this healing act the whole nature and validity of inter- national law is forever impaired. VIII. All French territory should be freed and the invaded portions restored, and the wrong done to France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter of Aleace: Lorraine, which has unsettled ‘ihe peace of the world for nearly fifty years, should be righted, in order that peace may once more be made secure in the interest of all. IX. A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be effected along clearly recognizable lines of nationality. X. The peoples of Austria- Hungary, whose place among the nations we wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be accorded the freest opportunity of autonomous development.~~ Se LES ES wt Sada ¥ ' f f 4 ; AN i] fy q rr] 4 * A : ‘ RP Reaper This is the famous ‘doctrine of self- determina- tion.” By GEORGE B. CHRISTIAN, JR. ( I 873- Private Secretary President Harding. )s to 422 World War [1914-1923 XI. Rumania, Serbia, and Montenegro should be evac- uated; occupied territories restored; Serbia accorded free and secure access to the sea; and the relations of the several Balkan states to one another determined by friendly counsel along historically established lines of al- legiance and nationality; and international guarantees of the political and economic independence and territorial in- tegrity of the several Balkan states should be entered into. XII. The Turkish portions of the present Ottoman Empire should be assured a secure sovereignty, but the other nationalities which are now under Turkish rule should be assured an undoubted security of life and an absolutely unmolested opportunity of autonomous devel- opment, and the Dardanelles should be permanently opened as a free passage to the ships and commerce of all nations under international guarantees. XIII. An independent Polish state should be erected which should include the territories inhabited by indis- putably Polish populations, which should be assured a free and secure access to the sea, and whose political and economic independence and territorial integrity should be guaranteed by international covenant. XIV. A general association of nations must be formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mu- tual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike. Public Address to both Houses of Congress, January 8, 1918. SSS 157. The National Services of President Harding (1921-1923) O one who, like myself, lived for more than a third of a century in intimate association with Mr. Hard- ing, and for nearly nine years served as his secretary, itNo. 157] President Harding 423 is extremely gratifying to record as perhaps his outstand- ing achievements while President : 1. The Limitation of Arms Conference, resulting in a really substantial reduction of appropriations for military establishments by the leading nations of the world; and what is even more important, the blazing of a trail, the formulation of a method for the curtailment of military expenditures which is certain to be turned to for relief by overburdened taxpayers, not only in the immediate future, but for centuries to come. 2. The Four-Power Treaty, by the terms of which were settled a number of difficult and delicate Pacific problems, obviating what had threatened to become seri- ous friction with Japan over the Trans-Pacific cable. 3. The establishment of the budget system, under which there is ensured a business administration of our Government departments, a program of expenditures having relation to receipts, and actually accomplishing a great reduction in Federal Government expenses. 4. The refunding of our national debt upon a basis resulting in a substantial reduction in the amount of in- terest which the taxpayers of the country are called upon annually to meet. 5: The handling of the very delicate coal strike and railroad strike situation in 1922, which threatened national calamity. 6. The extraordinary courageous prevention of a strike by the four railroad brotherhoods in the first year of President Harding’s Administration. During that year this country was threatened with a nation-wide rail- road strike, conducted by what are probably the four most efficient trade unions of the world. President Hard- ing sent for the executive heads of those brotherhoods and vigorously pointed out to them that the advantage intended .. . must yield to the general public welfare. Warren Gamaliel Harding (1865-1923) was a news- paper editor and _ proprie- tor; Lieuten- ant Gover- nor of Ohio; U.S. Senator from Ohio; President of the United States, 1921- 1923. This Confer- ence, held in 1921, brought an agreement between the United States, Great Bri- tain, and Japan, not to keep up a race for building the biggest navy.A similar bill was carried over President Coolidge’s veto in 1924. 424 World War [1914-1923 7. The two revisions of the tariff for the protection of American industries. In this connection the peculiar achievement of the President was the obtaining of the inclusion in the last general tariff law of the so-called flexible tariff provision, by which there is more nearly obtained scientific administration of the protective tariff principle than ever hitherto accomplished. 8. The submission to Congress of the proposed legislation for the permanent rehabilitation of the Ameri- can merchant marine. President Harding’s recommenda- tion to Congress reduced to concrete form a real American merchant marine policy. 9g. The abolition of the excess profit taxes, by which business was shackled when President Harding was in- augurated. It was with genuine courage, and complete freedom from considerations of political expediency, in the face of demagogic opposition, that Mr. Harding pressed for this legislation. to. The veto of the Soldier’s Bonus bill. Classing this as an achievement might be questioned but, although perhaps negative in character, it nevertheless was a distinct achievement of the late President’s Administration. No man had greater admiration or greater sympathy for our ex-service men than President Harding. He believed, however, that the interests of the country required at least a postponement of bonus legislation, and that what was for the interests of the country was for the interests of the men who had served that country in the World War. Irreconcilable and entirely honest differences of opinion exist as to whether the United States should become a member of the so-called World Court. But there can be none as regards Mr. Harding’s courage in his advocacy of entrance into that court. From his sickroom in San Francisco he directed the release of his so-called ‘World Court” speech in the home State of one of the ablest andNo.157] President Harding 425 most outspoken opponents of Mr. Harding’s views on that subject. Courage was a predominant characteristic of Mr. Hard- ing, and with it was a firm and consistent determination never to sacrifice what he believed to be right to considera- tions of political expediency. Carefully he studied, and long he pondered over the great questions which came before him as President of the United States; always he sought the right conclusion; ever he took his stand in accordance with what he determined to be right and re- gardless of the effect that stand might have upon his own political fortunes. Mr. Harding was, in the truest sense of the much used phrase, “a born orator.” Of commanding presence, splendid voice, and extensive vocabulary and easy de- livery, he always held the interest of his numberless audi- ences. He was elected twice to the Ohio State Senate, served one term as Lieutenant Governor of his native State, and was selected in 1914 under the new primary law and therefore elected to the United States Senate. He suffered but one political defeat, and that was when he was a candidate for Governor of Ohio. When President Harding called for “less Government in business, and more business in Government,” he had no intention of merely phrasing an epigram, but he was sounding a policy which he actually later put into prac- tice. The American people had viewed with justifiable alarm the gradual drawing into the hands of the President of practically all of the powers of Government. The most difficult of my duties as secretary to the President of the United States was that connected with my daily endeavor to lessen the demands on the President’s time and vitality, and this difficulty was greatly increased by Mr. Harding’s temperament. His was an excessively friendly nature, and, despite the unbearable tax upon his42 6 World War [1914-1923 physical resources, he wanted to see all who came to the White House or the executive offices. He tackled each day’s task with an energy that was remarkable; he wrote in longhand practically all his speeches and his entire messages to Congress. When tired and overworked he seemed to find rest in meeting the long lines of people who came almost daily to his offices. It was no unusual thing for President Harding day after day to greet from 1000 to 2000 visitors at the White House, after having attended to enough work during the morning to tire even an extraordinary man. The hospitality always lavished by the President and Mrs. Harding created a gracious impression that will long be remembered in the nation’s capital. President Harding was a very, very tired man during his last trip westward. When compelled by illness to take to his bed in San Francisco, his chief complaint was “T am so tired.”’ It was a tired President who, on the evening of Aug. 2, 1923, as he asked his devoted wife to “read some more, go on,”’ fell quietly into the sleep from which there is no earthly awakening. Current History (New York, New York Times Co., September, 1923), 903-908.ri Fes = INDEX [The names of the authors of extracts are in boldface. SMALL CAPITALS. A BOLITIONISTS, topics, xxxvii, xliii : A western argument, 242; southern de- fence, 246 ; in Boston, 248 ; poem, 258 ; political, 263 ; Lincoln, 291 ; Stephens on, 297.—See also Emancipation, Slavery. Adams, C. F., Richard Henry Dana, 284. Adams, John, DECLARATION oF INDE- PENDENCE, 147 ; Works, 149. Adams, John Quincy, Mzrssourr PROMISE, 234; Memoirs, 237. Admiralty Court, at Halifax, 204. Admission of new States, topics, xli. Aguinaldo, forces, 383. Albany, description, 44 ; 60; politics at, 355. Com- Indian trade, Aldrich, Mildred, Hitttop oN THE MARNE, 412; Hilltop on the Marne, 414. Allegiance, Lee on oath, 343. Alligators, on the Mississippi, 97. Alsace-Lorraine, return, 421. Amendment, of Constitution proposed, 202. America, discovery, 1; charges against, 141; Crévecceur describes, 161; fu- ture, 168, 390; Jackson’s impressions, 212; character of Americans, 369. — See also Colonies, Congress, Revolution, United States, and Table of Contents. America and her Commentators, xxi. American Antiquarian Society, Transac- tions and Collections, 14. American Colonial Tracts, xxi. American Historical Association, Report, XVili. The titles of the pieces are in The titles of the books cited are in ifalics.] American History Leaflets, xxi. American History Studies, xviii, xxi. American History told by Contemporaries, XVlll, XXi. American Orations, xxi. American State Papers, 194, 196. Ames, Fisher, ON THE TARIFF, 183; Speeches, 186. Anabaptists, in New Amsterdam, 43; Roger Williams, 53. Andrews, Sidney, Tue South since the War, 330. Andros, Sir Edmund, New YORK, 58. Anghiera, Peter Martyr, ENGLISH Vovy- AGE, 4. Annexations, topics, xli. Anonymous, ENGLIisH PLUNDERING Voy- AGE, 9; First ENGLIsH EXPLORATION, II; PLANTATION LIFE IN VIRGINIA, 91 ; DESTRUCTION OF DEERFIELD, 08 . AMERICAN PATRIOT’S PRAYER, 143; A BALLARD ON CORNWALLIS, 159; CAVE LIFE IN VICKSBURG, 320; AGE OF ROOSEVELT, 305 ; PRESIDENTIAL ELEC- TION OF IQI2, 397. Antietam, effect on emancipation, 317. SOUTH, 336; Anti-slavery.— See Abolitionists, Slay- ery. Appointments.— See Patronage. Appomattox, surrender, 330. Aquiday, settled, 56. Arbitration, with Great Britain, 358.— See also League of Nations, World Court. Archdale, John, Description or CArRo- LINA, 65 ; governor of Carolina, 67. 427 ee a eee : 4 ci 4 i A i ‘ 'fa TS Site et QeyT SIT Se nee i i iB i ib ‘ * fi * % Py 5 « u 428 Arkansas, religion, 231. Armaments, reduction, 420 ; Washington Conference, 423. Army, American, Revolution, xxxix ; land bounties, topics, xl ; list of Index Bath Archives, 213. Battles, topics, xlv, xlvi.— See also Army, Navy, War. topics, | Baynton, Sir Edward, English gentleman, 20. battles, xlv ; Civil War, topics, xlv ; | Beauregard, Gen., fires on Sumter, 303. minutemen at Lexington, 145; militia, | Beer, made from Indian corn, 32. 150 ; regulars, 151 ; in South Carolina, 153 ; at Bull Run, 305 ; wounded, 311 ; Murfreesboro, 318; Gettysburg, 324 ; destruction by, 338; Bonus Bill, 424. | — See also Indians, Preparedness, Revo- lution, War. Army, British, at Concord, 145; Hessians, 154; at Saratoga, 155 ; at Philadelphia, 158; at New Orleans, 222. Army, Confederate, former U. S. officers, 301; conditions, 308; Gettysburg, 326; destruction by, 338.— See also Civil War. Articles of Confederation. — See Confed- eration. Ash, Thomas, INDIAN CorRN, 32; Caro- lina, 32. Ashland, Confederate camp, 309. Assemblies, troubles with governors, 128. Assistants, in Massachusetts, 47. Associations of Colleges and Preparatory Schools, xviil. Assumption, of State debts, 186. Astoria, founded, 209. Austria-Hungary, peace adjustment, 421. Autobiographies and reminiscences, xxlil. ACCALLAOS, Cabot’s discovery, 4. Baird, Gen., in New Orleans, 347. Balch, Thomas, Letters and Papers, 128. Balkans, peace adjustment, 422. Baltimore, Cecil, Lord.— See Maryland. Baptists, in Rhode Island, 54; in the West, 231. Barlow, William, KING AND THE PurRI- TANS, 37; Conference at Hampton Court, 39. Barnes, Mary Sheldon, “‘ What is time for,” Xxviii. Baruch, Bernard M., public life, 397. Belcher, Jonathan, governor of Massa- chusetts, 110. Belgium subjugation, 402; restoration, 421. |Benton, Thomas Hart, KANSAS-NE- BRASKA, 284. Berkeley, Sir William, governor of Vir- ginia, ot. Berlin Decree, 214. Besse, Joseph, Sufferings of the People called Quakers, 82. Bibliographies, of sources, xx. Bigot, Francois, CAPTURE OF QUEBEC, IOS. Billynge, E., proprietor of Jersey, 63. Birds, in West Indies, 2. Birkbeck, Morris, SETTLER IN ILLINOIS, 237; Letters, 240. Black, William, SocraAt LIFE IN PHILA- DELPHIA, IIS. Bladensburg, battle, 2109. Board of Trade. — See Trade and Planta- tions. Bonus Bill, 424. Border States, emancipation in, 328. Boston, Josselyn at, 29; named, 46; religious disturbances, 55, 80; disease, 74; traders, 88; CoLoniaAL Town- MEETING, 132; Records, 136 ; meeting in Faneuil Hall, 137; in 1806, 226; character of inhabitants, 227; anti- abolitionist mob, 249. Botume, Elizabeth Hyde, Necro SCHOOL, 3390; First Days amongst the Contra- bands, 342. Boudinot, Elias, President of Congress, 165. Bowen, Abel, Naval Monument, 218. Bowery, Charity, SLAVE’S NARRATIVE, 255. Braddock, Gen., defeated, 103.qe if i I tr ists eT: Index Bradford, William, SETTLEMENT OF PLYMOUTH, 39; History, 41. Breckinridge, John C., candidate for presi- dency, 297. Brewster, William, kindness, 41 ; as to Roger Williams, 52. Brissot de Warville, Jean Pierre, WEsT, 166; New Travels, 168. Brown, Henry Box, FUuGITIVE’s TIVE, 260. Brown, John, Last SPEECH, cuted, 205. Bruce, John (editor), Vernay Family, 29. Bryan, William J., and Wilson, 399, 400. Bryce, James, CHARACTER OF THE AMERICANS, 3690; American Common- wealth, 372. Budget system, 423. Buffaloes, Coronado finds, 6. Bull-fights, at New Orleans, 241. Bull Run, battle, 305, 310; Pope’s defeat, advice THE NARRA- 2043 exe- 317- Burnaby, Andrew, SUPREMACY OF PaAR- LIAMENT, 141 ; Travels, 143. Business. — See Labor, Trusts. Butler, Gen., arrives in New Orleans, 314. Byrd, William, CRITICISM OF SLAVERY, 119. ABINET (Lincoln’s), emancipation, 316. Cabot, Sebastian, discoveries, 4. Calhoun, John C., on the Union, 234. California, topics, xliv; Drake in, 11; immigration, 270; gold-mining, 270 ; admission, 280 ; prohibits slavery, 280. Calvin, John, influence on government, so. Calvinists, in New Amsterdam, 42. Cambridge (Mass.), founded, 47. Camp-meeting, description, 232. Campos, Gen., commands in Cuba, 375. Canada, topics, xxxvii; captives in, 100 ; fur trade, 100; Canadian soldiers, 107. — See also French, Indians. Canal, between Atlantic and Pacific, 168. Canary Islands, trade, 89. Cape Cod, whale found at, 76. Cape Rouge, English anchored at, 105. Capital, located on the Potomac, 188. topics, xlv; on 4.29 Cardenas, fight, 386. Carhagouha, Champlain in, 15. Carolinas, topics, xxxiv; Ash describes, 2; government, 65; war against the Kussoes, 66; toleration, 66; land- holding, 67.— See also North Carolina, South Carolina. Carpenter, F. B., EMANCIPATION, 315 White House, 318. Carter, Richard, CASE OF IQ4. Carver, John, governor of Plymouth, 41. Castell, William, REASONS FOR EmM- GRATION, 21. Cathay, supposed discovery, I. Catholics, in New Amsterdam, 43; im West, 231, 234 ; in Philippines, 383 ‘“ CENTENNIAL Hymn,” 358. Cervera, Admiral, movements, 386 5 courtesy, 387. Chamberlain, D. H., FAILURE OF RECON- STRUCTION, 340. Champlain, Samuel, as an_ illustration, XXVllil ; FRENCH EXPLORATION, I14. Charleston (S. C.), after the war, newspaper, 351. Charlestown (Mass.), SCUIVY, 74. Charters, granted by the See also Colonies. Chase, S. P., Po.LiticAL 263; Address of the Western Liberty Convention, emancipation, 310. Chester (Pa.), Quakers at, 70. Chicago River, La Salle on, 96. Child, Lydia Maria, Letters from York, 257. Chili, Drake off coast, o. Christian, George B., NATIONAL SERVICES OF HARDING, 422. Christiania, Swedes at, 43. Christmas, not observed in England, 19 ; Lewis and Clark’s, 207. Church of England, 50, 62; 77; in New Netherland, also Religion. PROCLAMATION OF Six Months at the IMPRESSMENT, 330 5 founded, 46 ; king. Ate ABOLITIONIST, Southern and 265; on New formation, 87. — See pvieke ieletelelielele ic i ‘ 4 : ¢ r ‘ v s 5 ‘ a c t & yi ‘ i » A) | a} i SS Py Oe See ee ee ee eteUJ ‘ iH 1 ; h ) i i I i fs : A f 430 Index Cibola, Coronado in, 8. Cities and towns, topics, xlii. Civil service, topics, xlvi; Curtis on work- ing, 363; Wilson and, 399.— See also Patronage. Civil War, topics, xlv; causes, 244-302 ; outbreak, 303; battles, 305, 313, 318, 323; soldiers, 308; wounded, 311; slavery, 315, 327; slege, 320; sur- render, 329; commercial effects, 334; diplomatic complications, 358.— See also Secession. Class-room, work in, xxv; with sources, XXVll, XXXI. Clay, Henry, ComMpRoOMISE OF 1850, 270. Cleveland, Henry, Alexander H. Stephens, 200. Cod fish, discovered, 5. Colchester, founded, 57. Colonies, topics on conditions, xxxiv; on government, xxxvill; discoveries, I- 17; conditions, 18-32; first era, 33- 57; second era, 58-73; seventeenth century life, 74-95; French wars, 98—- 107; eighteenth century life, 108-1232 ; government, 124-136; Revolution, 137-160 ; American problem, 3093, 305; English example, 304; and preparedness, 3904; World War adjust- ment, 420. — See also Table of Contents and colonies by name. Colton, Walter, At THE GoLD FIELDs, 276 * Three Years in California, 270. Columbia River, Lewis and Clark on, 200. Columbus, Christopher, reference to, XXVIili ; DISCOVERY OF THE NEW Wor.p, 1; Select Letters, 3 Committee of Seven, Study of History in Schools, xviii. Committee of Ten, Report on Secondary Schools, xviii. Companies, topics, xxili.— See also com- panies by name. Compromise of 1850, topics, xliv; Clay on, 270. Compromises of the Constitution, topics, xli. — See also Constitution. Concord, fight, 145. Confederate States of America, topics, xlv.— See also Civil War, Secession, Slavery, South. Confederation, Articles, xl; topics, xl; Congress, 164; Northwest Ordinance, 169; criticism, 172.—See also Con- stitution. Congress, Continental, 147; Confedera- tion, 164; Northwest Ordinance, 1609 ; in 1789, 183, 186; embargo, 209; War of 1812, 214; Missouri Compromise, 234; Compromise of 41850, 279; Kansas-Nebraska Act, 284; Recon- struction, 344; civil service reform, 363; complexion (1913), 399; war on Germany, 409-4II. Congressional Globe, extracts, 281, 287, 340. Connecticut, topics, xxxv; foundation of government, er prosperity, 59; Northwest Ordinance, 171; and Jef- ferson, 190. Connecticut Historical Society, Collec- tions, 52. Constitution, topics, xl; topics on ratifi- cation, xl; objections, 172; scope, 174; advocated, 175; poem on, 178; in danger, 199; amendment, 202; slavery compromise, 236; Lincoln on, 327; affection for, 371.—See also Union, United States. Constitution (ship), captures Guerriére, 217. Continental Congress.—See Confedera- tion, Congress. Conventicles, in New Netherland, 87. Cook, Ebenezer, Topacco PLANTERS, III ; Sot-Weed Factor, 115. Copper, found in Blue Ridge, 14. Corn. — See Indian Corn. Cornwallis, Lord, ballad on, 1509. Coronado, SPANISH EXPLORATION, 206. Cotton plantations. — See Slavery. Crévecceur, WHAT IS AN AMERICAN? 161 ; American Farmer, 163. Cromwell, Oliver, 18. Cuba, topics, xliv;- discovered, 1; firstIndex insurrection, 373 ; Cubans, 374; Span- jards, 375; press, 376; public meet- ings, 377; politics, 378; Spanish re- forms, 378 ; war, 380, 385. Currency, topics, xxxvili, xl; wampum, 70, 103 ; regulated in Massachusetts, 76; in Pennsylvania, 105; paper money, 157; resumption of specie payments, 360. Current History, 426. Current Literature, 400. Curtis, George William, Crivit SERVICE REFORM, 363; Orations and Addresses, 365. Cushing, Caleb, TREATY OF WASHINGTON, 355-358. Cutler, Manasseh, NortTHWEST ORDI- NANCE, 160. Cutler, W. P. and Julia P., Manassek Cutler, 172. |[)eSoes Indian troubles, 368. Dana, Richard Henry, RESCUE OF SHADRACH, 282. Dankers, Jasper, MARYLAND, 48; Voyage to New York, 51. Davis, Charles Augustus, JACKSON’s RE- SPONSIBILITY, 266; Letters of J. Down- ing, Major, 268. Debates, topics for, xli. Debs, Eugene V., candidacy, 398. Deerfield, destruction, 08. Delaware, governed from New York, 70 ; part of Pennsylvania, 7o. Delaware River, Washington crosses, 140. Delaware Town, description, 70. De Rodas, policy in Cuba, 373. Dewey, George, at Cavité, 385. Discoveries, topics, xxxiii, xxxiv; ac- counts, I-17, 33, 39, 42.— See also Table of Contents. Diseases, in New England, 30, 74. Dix, Morgan, RousiInGc oF THE NorTH, 303; Memoirs of John Adams Dix, 305. Dorchester (Eng.), emigration, 4s. Dorchester (Mass.), féunded, 47. 431 Doubleday, Abner, ATTACK ON ForRT SUMTER, 299; Reminiscences, 302; killed at Gettysburg, 326. Douglas, Stephen A., Kansas-Nebraska Act, 284; CRITICISM oF LINCOLN, 291; Political Debates (with Lincoln), 294; candidate for presidency, 2096. Downing, Major Jack. — See Davis, C. A. Doyle, J. A., English in America, xxi. Drake, Sir Francis, voyage, 9. Dred Scott Decision, McLean, 290; dicta, 291; Lincoln on, 293. Drunkenness, 72. — See also Temperance. Dudley, Thomas, MassAcHUSETTS, 45; Letter to the Countess of Lincoln, 48. Dutch, discoverers, topics, xxxiv; settle- ments, topics, xxxv; Indians, 15; ships to Virginia, 23; trade with New Eng- land, 46; in Delaware, 70; coasting trade, 75; minister at Princeton, 164; loan, 192. Dwight, Theodore, ELECTION OF JEFFER- SON, 197; Oration at New Haven, 200. 4AST INDIA, trade, 90; tea shipped, 137. Easton, Nicholas, teaching, 56. Edmundson, William, JouRNEY THROUGH DELAWARE, 69; Journal, 71. Education, topics, Xxxvi, xxxviil. — See also Schools. Edwards, Jonathan, Whitefield’s visit, IIO. Eggleston, George Cary, SOUTHERN SOL- DIER, 308; Rebel’s Recollections, 311. Egypt, English control, 394. El Caney, taken, 388. Election, 1801, topics, xli; 1860, topics, xliv; management of colonial, 126; in Kansas, 287; of 1912, 397-400. — See also Government. Emancipation, J. Q. Adams foresees, 235; Douglas on, 293; proclamation, 315; military, 328; in Border States, 328. — See also Abolitionists, Slavery. Embargo, effects, 209; constitutionality, 211. Emerson, R. W., on history, xxix. ' ‘ ' i % j d . { : / J} i i i f ; , ed earl Aa than +i" 432 Index Emerson, William, LEXINGTON AND Con- CORD, 144; killed at Ticonderoga, 144. Emigration, cost of colonial, 26; from Germany, 68; from Wales, 68; of Quakers, 70; to West, 167; from Eng- land, 239; to Oregon, 269. Fisheries, in Treaty of Ghent, 224; in Treaty of Washington, 358. | Fletcher, Francis, World Encom passed, 11. Flint, Timothy, ReLticious LIFE IN THE WEST, 231; The Mississippi Valley, 234. Floridas, value, 201; our title, 202. Endicott, John, plants in New England, | Flowers, in South Carolina, 32. 45. England. — See Colonies, English, Parlia- ment, Revolution, Treaty, United States, War, and Table of Contents. English, in America, topics, xxxiv; dis- coveries, 4, 9; exploration, 11, 34; life, 18; over-population, 21; in New Netherland, 43; ignorance on colo- nies, 140; interests in Philippines, 384; colonial example, 394. Erskine, negotiates in America, 212. Espanola, discovered, 2. Evelyn, John, LIFE IN ENGLAND, 18; typical English gentleman, 20; Mem- Ors, 21. Excess profit tax, abolition, 424. Exeter (N. H.), foundation, 57. Exploration. — See separate nations, and Table of Contents. ARRAGUT, DAVID GLASGOW, Far- RAGUT AT NEW ORLEANS, 313. Fearon, H.B., AMUSEMENTS IN NEW ORLEANS, 240; Sketches of America, 241. Featherstonhaugh, G. W., INTERNAL SLAVE-TRADE, 251; Excursion, 254. Federal Convention, topics, xl. — See Constitution. Federalists, principles, 181-196; and Jef- ferson, 197; and Sir Francis Jackson, 213. Fenwick, John, NEw JERSEY, 62; a Salem, 7o. Ferdinand and Isabella. — See Spain. Fernow, Berthold, Records of New Amster- dam, 88. Filipinos. — See Philippines. Finances, topics, xl, xlvi. — See also Cur- rency, Public debt. Finns, in Delaware, 70. oe Forbes, William Cameron, Trusts AND DistTRUSTS, 405; Romance of Business, 409. Foreign relations, topics, xli, xlvi; rival voyages, I-17; maritime grievances, 188; X Y Z, 191; impressment, 194; Louisiana, 200; Oregon, 206; em- bargo, 209; Peace of Ghent, 223; Mexican War, 271; Treaty of Wash- ington, 355; Cuban troubles, 373-392; justice, 401, 403; and patriotism, 402; open diplomacy, 419, 420; Washing- ton Conference, 423; World Court, 424. — See also Dutch, English, French, Peace, War. Fort Duquesne, fight, 104. Fort Moultrie, firing from, 302. Fort Orange. — See Albany. Fort Sumter, attack, 299. Four Power Treaty, 423. Fourteen Points, 419-422. ~] h France. — See French, World War. Frankfort Advice, vote, 147. Frankland, population, 167. — See also Tennessee. Franklin, Benjamin, on taxation, 126; GOVERNING OF COLONIES, 130; Works, on Declaration of Independence, 132; 148. Freedmen. — See Negroes. Free-schools. — See Schools. Frémont, Gen., military emancipation, 328. French, B. J., Historical Collections of Louisiana, 08. French, discoverers, topics, xxxiv; rela- tions with English, topics, xxxvii; Champlain, 14; Iroquois, 15; trade with Indians, 59, 809, 100; La Salle, 96; destruction of Deerfield, 098; Montcalm, 106; KX Y Z affair, 192; sell Louisiana, 200; conduct in 1812, 214.Index Friends. — See Quakers. Fruits, West Indies, 2; Kansas, 7; Vir- ginia, 12. Fugitive slaves. — See Slavery. ALLATIN, ALBERT, DISCUSSION OF THE PEACE, 223; Writings, 225. Gaming, in England, 21. Garfield, James R., Tennis Cabinet, 396. Garrison, William Lloyd, ANTI-ABOLI- TIONIST Mos, 248; arrested, 250. Garrison, W. P. and F. J., Wiliam Lloyd Garrison, 251. Gass, Patrick, Lewis AND CLARK’S ORE- GON EXPEDITION, 206; Journal, 209. Geary, Gen., at Gettysburg, 325. George III, question of instructions, 131; relations to Revolution, 138-142: John Adams on, 148. Georgia, topics, Xxxv1; thorpe, 71. Germans, immigrants, 68. Germany. — See World War. Gerry, Elbridge, X Y Z DESPATCHES, I01. Gettysburg, battle, 323. Ghent, Treaty of, 223. Gilbert, Clinton W., AGE oF ROOSEVELT, 395; Mirrors of Washington, 397. Gileadites, League of, 294. Gleig, George Robert, CAPTURE OF WASH- INGTON, 218; Narrative, 220. founded by Ogle- Gold, West Indies, 2; not found in Kansas, 7; California, 276. — See also Currency. Government, topics, colonial and Revolu tionary, xxxviii, xxxix; in Connecticut, 51; colonies in general, 124-136; in- structions, 130; Revolutionary, 147, 157; Confederation, 164; federal, 181— 187; Jackson’s, 266; Kansas, 287; Civil War, 315, 333; Reconstruction, 336-351; Tweed Ring, 352; civil serv- ice, 363; prophecy, 390; Age of Roosevelt, 395-397. — See also Colo- nies, colonies by name, Congress, Elec- tions, English, President. Governors, Massachusetts, 74; New York, 128;. salaries, 129. — See also | ao) 3 colonies and governors by name, and Instructions. Grant, U. S., Lee’s surrender, 329. Graydon, Alexander, COLONIAL SCHOOL- BOY, 122; Memoirs, 123. Greene, Francis Vinton, PHILIPPINES, 382. Guaimaro, Cuban capital, 373. Guanahani, landfall at, r. Guantanamo Bay, landing, 387. Guasimas, battle, 380. Guerriére, captured, 216. ADLEY (town), relieves Deerfield, 99. Halifax, Admiralty Court, 204. Hall, Basil, ““ BLocKADING A NEUTRAL Port,” 202; Voyages and Travels, 206. Hamilton, Alexander, on assumption, 186; hostility to Jefferson, 186. Hampton (Va.), site, 34. Hancock, Gen., at Gettysburg, 325. Harding, Warren G., services as president, 422-425; traits, 425, 426; death, 426. Hart, Albert Gaillard, IN THE THICK OF THE FicuT, 318: MS. letters, 320. Harvard, Whitefield visits, 110. Hayes, Gen., at Gettysburg, 325. Hening, W. W., Statutes of OS: Henry VII, of England, 5. Hessians, at Saratoga, 1206. History, founded on sources, xvil; source functions, Xix; source purposes, XXIV, XXV, Virginia, study, xviil; materials, xx; xxix; in secondary schools, xxiv—xxvill; compared with science, xxv; in nor- mal schools, xxix—xxxil; topics, Xxxili— xlvi. Hoar, Samuel, in Charleston, 275. Hobson, Lieut., heroism, 387. Holden, Robert, TRADE OF THE COLO- NIES, 88. Holland. — See Dutch. Holston, population, 167. Hooker, Thomas, GOVERNMENT IN CON- NECTICUT, 51. Hoover, Herbert C., public life, 397. Hopkinson, Francis, NEw Roor, 178; Miscellaneous Essays, 180. ae ee ee Senne Ee te ae eee Peer ae Se ee ee oe : g : ‘ i i r i) 4 a . A ni ' 1 f t ' i ns r ; ' p i i | i i St 434 Index House of Representatives, Report of Kan- sas Committee, 289. — See also Con- gress. Howard, Benjamin C., Decision of the Supreme Court, 201. Howard, Oliver Otis, Mirirary Govy- ERNOR IN LOUISIANA, 346. Hudson River, Dutch settlements, 42, 43. Huling, Ray Greene, Sources IN SECOND- ARY SCHOOLS, xXXiv. Hull, Isaac, CAPTURE OF THE GUERRIERE, 210. Hunter, Gen., attempts military emanci- pation, 328. Euntington, Benjamin, Lire In Con- GRESS, 164. Hurons, French relations, 15. Hutchinson, Anne, settles Aquiday, 55, 56. eee RIVER, boundary of Louisiana, 201. Illinois, La Salle in, 96; settlements, 237. Illustrations, use, xxv. Imperialism. — See Colonies, Sea power. Impressment, Jay on, 190; case, 195. Independence, declared, 147. — See also Congress, Revolution, Union, United States. India, supposed discovery, 1; as colony, 304. Indian corn, ways of cooking, 32; drinks from, 32; in Maryland, so. Indians, as illustrations, xxviii; topics on, XXXili, xlvi; in Cuba, 1; dress, 7, 8; in Virginia, 12; war-path, 17, 25; rela- tions with English, 23, 67; worship, 23, 25; villages, 24; houses, 24; chiefs, 24; recreation, 24, 26, 103; boats, 25; relation with French, 28, roo; right to the land, 57; small-pox, 75: domestic animals, 97; on the Mississippi, 97; firearms sold to, ror; western, 207; treatment, 366; education, 367. Industries, topics, xxxviii.— See also Labor, Trusts. Instructions, of governors, 125; Franklin on, 130; of town representatives, 134. — See also Government, Governors. Ireland, trade, 80. | [reton, Henry, funeral, 18. | Irish, character as emigrants, 228. | Iroquois, topics, xxxvii; cruelty, 15; and French, 16. — See also Indians. Italy, frontier readjustment, 421. | | ACKSON, ANDREW, topics, xliii; at New Orleans, 221; criticism, 266; responsibility, 266. Jackson, Francis James, IMPRESSIONS OF AMERICA, 212. Jacobins, Jeffersonian Republicans, 197. James I, and Puritans, 37. James River, exploration, 12. Jamestown, site, 33; rebuilt, 3s. Japan, Washington Conference, 425. Jay, John, MariTIME GRIEVANCES, 188; in England, 189; Correspondence, 100. Jefferson, Thomas, topics, xli; Decla- ration of Independence, 147; QUESTION OF COMPROMISE, 186; Writings, 188, 202; criticism, 197; ACQUISITION OF LOUISIANA, 200; characterized, 228; appearance, 228. Jogues, Isaac, NEw AMSTERDAM, 42; Papers, 44. Johnson, Willis Fletcher, How THE War BROKE LOOSE, 409; America and the Great War, 411. Johnson and Buel, editors, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, 333. Jones, J. William, Personal Reminis- cences of Robert E. Lee, 344. Josselyn, John, Rarities oF NEw ENG- LAND, 29; Two Voyages, 31. ALM, PETER, FrReENcH TRADE WITH THE INDIANS, 100; TowN oF NEW YORK, 117; GOVERNOR AND ASSEMBLY, 128; Travels tnto North America, 103, IIQ, 130. Kansas, topics, xliv; Coronado in, 7; election, 287. Kansas-Nebraska Act, topics, xliv; Benton on, 284; repeals Missouri Compromise, 284; author, 292. — See also Slavery, Territories.Index Kentucky, population, 167; trade with New Orleans, 240; abolition, 26s. Kilmer, Joyce, Woops CALLED ROUGE- BouQqueET, 415. Kings. — See English, George III, Henry VII, James I. ABOR, social justice, 401; and trusts, 406-408 ; results of unionism, 408 ; Harding and strikes, 423.— See also Servants, Slavery. Ladd, Erastus D., TRouBLES IN KAN- SAS, 287. Lady, A., CAVE LIFE IN A BESIEGED CIrTy, 320; My Cave Life in Vicksburg, 3 La Follette, Robert M., and World All. Lake Michigan, navigation, 358. Lake of the Woods, boundary, 201, 225. Land-holding, topics, xl; New Jersey, 64; Carolinas, common, 76. — See also Emigration, Government. La Salle, explorations, 96; character, Q7- Latour, Arsene, BATTLE OF NEW OR- LEANS, 220; Historical Memoir, 223. League of Nations, in 14 Points, 422. Leander, frigate, 204. Lechford, Thomas, CHURCH 77 > Plain Dealing, 709. Lee, Robert E., at Gettysburg, 326; sur- render, 329 ; ADVICE ON RECONSTRUC- TION, 342. Levee, Washington’s, 183. Lewis and Clark, expedition to Oregon, 200. Lexington, battle, 145. Leyden, Pilgrims at, 709. Liberator, newspaper, 2409. Liberty Bell Leaflets, xxii. Libraries, use for schools, xxvl. Library of American Literature, xxii. Limitation of Arms Conference, 423. Lincoln, Abraham, topics, xlv ; criticism, 201 ; Political Debates (with Douglas), 294; calls for men, 304 ; on emancipa- tion, 315; WAR AND SLAVERY, 327; Complete Works, 329 ; Lowell on, 333. 23. War, 65 ; SERVICES, a) Lincoln, Benjamin, in South Carolina, 153- Literature, colonial, topics, xxxvi. Long, John Davis, FUTURE OF THE RE- PUBLIC, 390; Speeches, 392. Lords of Trade. — See Trade and Plan- tations. Louisiana, topics, XXxvll; acquisition, 100 ; boundary, 201 ; population, 202 ; disposal, 202; religion, amuse- ments, 240 ; slave-trade, 252 ; after the war, 340. Lowell, James Russell, MEXICAN WAR, 231; 271; Biglow Papers, 276; ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 333; Commemoration Ode, 335. Lundy, Benjamin, abolitionist, 248. Lusitania, sinking, 402. Lutherans, in New Amsterdam, 43. Lynn, shoe manufacture, 228. D., Huntington McCRACKAN, W. ~ Letters, 166. McDuffie, George, DEFENCE OF SLAVERY, 244. McKinley, William, SPANISH WAR, 385 ; Message to Congress, 390. Maclay, William, View oF WASHINGTON, 181 ; Journal, 183. McLean, John, Drep Scott DECISION, 20900. Madagascar, trade, 90. Madeiras, trade, 80. Madison, James, CAUSES OF THE WAR, 214; Writings, 216; at Bladensburg, 210. Magellan Straits, Drake at, o. Mahan, Alfred T., How to Founp COLo- NIES, 393; Lessons of the War with Spain, 395. Maine, boundary, 225. Maize. — See Indian Corn. Manhattan. — See New Amsterdam, New York. Manila, Aguinaldo threatens, 383 ; render, 390. Marshal, John, X Y Z DESPATCHES, I9Q!. Martin, Susanna, trial, 82. sur-{ i : is i : ! 5 “ i t 4 r F H ie ¢ 0 i 3 : Kea 4.360 Index Martyr, Peter, Decades of the Newe Worlde, 6. Maryland, topics, xxxiv ; description, 48 ; unpopular, 49 ; prosperity, 59 ; losses, 108 ; satire, 111; food, 114; North-| west Ordinance, 171. Mason, George, OBJECTIONS TO THE CONSTITUTION, 172. Massachusetts, topics, xxxv ; first plant- ing, 45; boundary, 45; question of appeal, 56; settlement, 74; religion, 77: persecution, 80; Proceedings of the Convention, 178; on Treaty of Ghent, 223 in Mexican War, 275; en secession, 304 ; on South Carolina. 336. Matanzas, Spanish War, 38s. Mather, Cotton, Witcw Tria, 82; Wonders of the Invisible World, 8s. Maverick, Samuel, note on, 75 ; buries In- dians, 75 ; bail for Indians, 76. Mayday, observances, 74, 86. Meade, George G., Gettysburg, 325. Medford, founded, 46. Medicine, early New England, 31; in Philadelphia, 116. Meeting-house, description, 70. Melish, John, Boston, 226; Travels, 228. Mennonites, name, 43; in politics, 127. Merchant marine, rehabilitation, 424. Merrimac River, settlements, Whe Merrimac (ship), sunk by Hobson, 387. Merritt, Wesley, in Philippines, 300. Merrymount, Morton at, 74. Methodists, in West, 231, 234. Mexico, topics on war, xliv ; Lowell on war, 271 ; abolition of slavery, 280. Miles, Nelson, at Porto Rico, 380. Military. — See Army, Battles, War. Militia. — See Army. Ministers, religious, in New York, 61 elected in New England, 77; in West. 231 ; itinerant, 232. Minutemen. — See Army. Mirrors of Washington, 307. Mississippi River, La Salle on, 96; de- scription of upper, 98, navigation, 167, 225; value, 2o1 ; slave-trade, 252, 2 Missouri, emigration to Oregon, 270; Missourians vote in Kansas, 280. Missouri Compromise, topics, xii ; TO: Adams on, 234, 236; constitutionality, 290. — See also Kansas-Nebraska Act. Missouri River, La Salle discovers, 96. Molasses, duty, 184. Monastic orders, in Philippines, 383. Monongahela River, Braddock at, 104. Monroe Doctrine, topics, xlii. Montcalm, Marquis de, at Quebec, 106. Moore, Frank, Songs and Ballads of the Revolution, 160. Moose Island, ceded to Great Britain, 224. | Morgan, Thomas Jefferson, TREATMENT OF THE INDIANS, 366; Present Phase of the Indian Question, 360. Morton, Joseph, governor of Carolina, 66. Morton, Nathaniel, Ruopr IsLanp, 52% New- Englands Memoriall, 54. Morton, Robert, Paper Money, rS7: Diary, 150. Morton, Thomas, note on, 74. Mosquitoes, in New Jersey, 164. Murfreesboro, battle, 318. Muskingum, prosperity, 167. Mystic River, settlements, 46, 74. | NATCHEZ, slave-trade, 352. Nation. — See Union. Naturalization, in Pennsylvania, 127. Navigation Acts, in New York, 61. — See also Trade. Navy, topics, xlii, xlv ; maritime discover- ies, I-6; Drake, 9; at Quebec, 10s; grievances, 188; impressment, 194 ; blockade, 202; in War of 1812, 216; at New Orleans, 313 ; at Manila, 385 ; at Santiago, 386; basis of sea power, 393 ; and peace, 394, 395; limitations conference, 425.— See .also Dutch, English, French, War. Negroes, topics, xlv ; as slave-holders, 94 ; capacity, 243; destiny, 245; citizen- ship, 293 ; proper status, 296 ; arming, 328; education, 339, 348; effect of war, 346; franchise, 349.— See also Abolitionists, Slavery.Index Neutral trade, topics, xli ; vexation, 204 ; rights, 215, 420. New Amsterdam, description, 42; Ordi- nmances, 85; life, 85; streets, 88 ; government, 88. — See also Dutch, New Netherland, New York. New Ceserea. — See New Jersey. New England, Josselyn’s description, 29 ; rents, 43; planting, 45; early town- meetings, 47; difficulties, 47 ; life, 48, 74 ; motives for settling, 48 ; Quakers, 80; opinion of Jefferson, — See also Colonies, and States by name. New England Confederation, topics, xxxv. IQQ. New Hampshire, topics, xxxv ; founda- tion, 55. New Holland. — See New Netherland. New Jersey, topics, xxxv ; land system, 63 ; communistic tendencies, 64 ; gov- | ernment, 64; militia, 151; mosqui- toes, 164. New Mexico, territorial government, 280, 286. — See also Mexico, Spain. New Netherland, situation, 42; religion, 42, 87; settlement, 43; climate, 43 ; fur-trade, 44 ; government, 86; popu- lation, 89.—See also Dutch, New Amsterdam, New York. New Orleans, to become American, 168 ; battle, 220; amusements, 240; cap- ture, 313. — See also Louisiana. Newport, Christopher, note, 11 ; enter- tained by Indians, 12 ; arrival, 35. “NEw Roor,”’ 178. Newspapers, as sources, XXili, 360. Newtowne. — See Cambridge. New Year’s Day, in New Netherland, 86. New York, topics, xxxv; courts, 58; statutes, 58; government, 58, 128; militia, 58; fortification, 59; boundary, 59; trade, 60, 203; population, 61, 118; religion, 62 ; taxes, 62; descrip- tion by Kalm, 117; buildings, 118; blockade, 202; on secession, 304. — See also Colonies, New Amsterdam, New Netherland. New York City. — See New York. aM New York Historical Society, Jogues Papers, 44. Nipissings, lake, 14. Normal Schools, sources in, xxix. North. — See Civil War, Secession, Slav- ery, States by name, Territories, Union. North Carolina, inducements to immi- grants, 108; exemption from debts, 108. — See also Carolinas, South. North River. — See Hudson. North Wales, in Pennsylvania, 68. Northwest Ordinance, inner history, 169 ; passes, 172 ; effect, 280 ; and Missouri Compromise, 290. Nullification, McDufhe on, 245. — See also Secession. "CALLAGHAN, E. B., Documents relative to New York, 62, 107. Ogilby, John, America, 63. Oglethorpe, J. E., PRoGRESS OF GEORGIA, mT, Ohio Company, before Congress, 169. Ohio River, La Salle on, 97. Old South Church, mentioned, 137. Old South Leaflets, xxii. Orders in Council. — See Neutral Trade. Ordinance of 1787.—See Northwest Ordinance. Oregon, topics, xliii; Drake off coast, 1x1; Lewis and Clark in, 209; trail, 268 ; immigration, 270. Oregon (ship), remarkable voyage, 386. Oxford, examinations, 20. Oysters, in Virginia, 34. ACIFIC. OCEAN, Lewis and Clark at, 209 ; problems, 423. Pacifists, condemned, 403. : Paine, Thomas, poem attributed to, 143 ; Additions to Common Sense, 144. Pakenham, Sir Edward, killed, 222. Papal bull, English opinion, 22. Paper money. — See Currency. Parkman, Francis, OREGON TRAIL, California and Oregon Trail, 271. 268 ; Se eee ee eee ee eee ee Oe ee eee oleate atelajade gteleseteeta tadet els: H \ i i F L a es LAPP re Reap 7 TTT eke Terriers: eet 4.38 Index Parliament, petition, 23 ; claims, 138 ;| Pocahontas, note on, 34. colonial measures, 138; supremacy, | Poland, restoration, 422. 161. — See also England. Parroquets, in Virginia, 92. | Politics. — See Colonies, Election, Gov- ernment, Union. Passamaquoddy Bay, in Peace of Ghent, | Ponce, Gen. Miles occupies, 380. 225. | Porter, David D., at New Orleans, 314. Patriotism, duty, 402; and foreign rela- | Porter, Horace, SURRENDER oF LEE, 320. tions, 402. Patronage, removals by Jefferson, 1098 ; | used by Tweed Ring, 355 ; conduct of national, 363, 364.—See also Civil | service. Patroon system, in New Netherland, 44. Pausch, Georg, AT SARATOGA. 154; Journal, 157. Peace, and preparedness, 394, 395; and| righteousness, 403; 14 Points, 410—- 422. — See also Treaties. Peloubet, F. N., Supplies FOR THE WOUNDED, 311. Penn, William, and Fenwick, 63; pro- prietor of Pennsylvania, 68 ; treatment of Indians, 68. Pennsylvania, topics, xxxvi; settlement, 67; religion, 67; industry, 68; im- migration from Germany, 68 ; growth, 69. Pennsylvania Magazine, 65, 150. Perfect Description of Virginia, 92. Petition of W. C., 23. Petitions, to Parliament, 23 ; to James I, 37; right of colonists, 142. Philadelphia, growth, 69 ; social life, 115 ; markets, 115; Christ Church, 116; militia, 351; under British, 158; Centennial Exposition, 359. — See also Pennsylvania. Philippines, topics, xlvi ; conditions, 382 ; and independence, 399.—See also Colonies. Pilgrims. — See Plymouth. Pinchot, Gifford, Tennis Cabinet, 306. Pinckney, C.C., X Y Z DESPATCHES, 1o1. Piscataqua River, settlement, 56. Plantations, life, 50, 91, 111. — See also Slavery. Plymouth, topics, xxxv ; settlement, 39 ; Roger Williams in, 52. | Porto Rico, Gen. Miles occupies, 380. Potomac River. — See Army, Civil War. Poultry, in New England, 31. Powhatan, and Newport, 13 ; and Smith, 34. Preparedness, and peace, 394, 395; and national honor, 402. Re Presbyterians, James I on, 38; in col- onies, 234. Prescott, Samuel, alarms Concord, 144. President, position and power, 173, 363, 403-405. Princeton, battle, 149 ; Congress at, 164. Proprietors, Maryland, 49 ; Carolina, 65, 90; Pennsylvania, 68. Proud, Robert, History of Pennsylvania, 69. Providence, founded, 54.— See _ also Rhode Island. | Provincetown, Mayflower at, 40. Public debt, refunding, 423. Public opinion and power of president, 403-405. Puritans, character, xxx ; in New Amster- dam, 43.— See also Massachusetts, Plymouth, Religion. Purviance, Samuel, How To MANAGE ELECTIONS, 1206. UAKERS, topics, xxxvi; character- x istics, 20; in Pennsylvania, 67 ; per- secuted in Massachusetts, 80 ; meeting, 117. — See also Religion. Quebec, founded, 14; captured, 105. — See also Canada, French. Quincy, Josiah, Errecr oF THE EM- BARGO, 2090; Speeches, 211. Quivira, Coronado in, 7. RANDOLPH, SARAH N., Domestic Life of Thomas Jefferson, 231.Index Randolph, Thomas, VIRGINIA GENTLE- MAN, 228. Rankin, John, American Slavery, 244. Ratification. — See Constitution. Reading, in schools, xxv; in classes, XXVIi. Recollect Fathers, noté on, 15. Reconcentrados, note on, 375. Reconstruction, topics, xlv ; Lee on, 342 ; proclamation of May 29, 1865, 343; congressional, 344 ; in Louisiana, 346 ; failure, 340. Redpath, James, John Brown, 206. Reform. — See Civil service, Patronage. Religion, topics, xxxvi ; prophesying, 37 ; superstition in New England, 75; Puritan doctrine, 77 ; Quaker doctrine, 80. — See also colonies by name and sects by name. Removals. — See Patronage. Rensselaers, colony, 44. Reorganization, topics, xlii. Republic. — See Union. Republican party, on reconstruction, 344. Resumption, of specie payments, 360. — See also Currency. Revolution, illustrations, xxviii ; topics, Xxxlx, xl; Boston Tea-Party, 137; colonists’ case, 138 ; English case, 141 ; “ Patriot’s Prayer,” 143 ; battles, 144, 149, I5I, 154; government, 147, 181; finances, 157. — See also Army, colonies by name, English, Government, Union, War. Rhode Island, topics, xxxv ; founded, 52. — See also Williams (Roger). Rice, in Virginia, 91 ; slavery on planta- tions, 254, 258. Richmond, site, 13. Righteousness, as end, 403. Rio del Norte, boundary, 2or. Rio Perdita, boundary, 2o1. Riots, in elections, 127, 289; anti-aboli- tionist, 248. Robinson, William, QuAKER WARNING, 80. Roman Catholics. — See Catholics. Roosevelt, Theodore, RoucH RIDERS, oo age, 398 ; 380; at Guasimas, 380; candidacy (1912), 397, Gop, 401 ; Fear God, 403. Root, Elihu, public life, 395—397. Rosecrans, Gen., at Murfreesboro, 320. Rouge-Bouquet, poem, 41s. Rough Riders, at the front, 380. Roxbury, founded, 47. Russell, W. H., account of Bull Run, 308. Russia, Wilson and, 42r. 396 ; FEAR ABBATH. — See Sunday. Sadler, John, REQUIREMENTS OF AN EMIGRANT, 26. Saint Gabriel. — See Carhagouha. St. Lawrence River, Champlain on, 14; navigation, 358. Salem (Del.), visit, 70. Salem (Mass.), Puritans, Williams, 52. Sampson, Admiral, at Santiago, 388. Sanchez, Raphael, letter to, 1. San Domingo, discovered, 2. San Francisco Bay, Drake, rr. San Juan (Cuba), battle, 388. San Juan (Porto Rico), shelled, 387. San Salvador, discovered, 1. Santiago de Cuba, Cervera in, 386; shelled, 387 ; capitulates, 389. Saratoga, battle, 154. Saunders, William L., Records of North Carolina, 90, 109. Savannah, founded, 72; site, 73. Schley, Commodore, at Santiago, 387. Schools, secondary, sources in, xxiv; at Oxford, 20; in Virginia, 92; colonial, 122; flogging, 123 ; school-committee, 134; in Boston, 227 ; for contrabands, 339; in Louisiana, 348. Scioto, prosperity, 167. Scotch-Irish, in America, 138. Scotland, peace, 22 ; trade, 80. Scott, Dred. — See Dred Scott. Scribner's Magazine, 382. Scrooby, Pilgrims from, 30. Sea power, bases, 393-3905. Search, right. — See Neutral trade. 46; Roger‘ i Hi 4 H | ‘ r p } ' i : r 3 ; i j j ISIS rete asa! ‘ ST Pepys pre mAs efi he te bottnstik shes ie Thin learitne belsjawaba teh eicpens tnd p< eT ee anes i titatwman tog syey Feed tet ot oe LT TEA Eee 44.0 Secession, topics, xliv; causes, 282-206 : corner-stone, 296; attack on Fort Sumter, 299; effect, 336.— See also Civil War, Slavery, South. Secondary schools, sources in, xxiv—xxviii. Secretary of the Navy, Report, 315. Secretary of War, Report, 340. Self-determination, in 14 Points, 421, 422. Senate Executive Documents, 385. Senate Reports, 370. Servants (white), topics, xxxvii; cost, 26; needed in Virginia, 26; sold in Maryland, 50; in New Jersey, 63; Vir- ginia laws, 93. — See also Industries, Slavery. Settlement, topics, xxxiv; conditions, 18— 32; first era, 33-57; second era, 58-73. — See also Colonies, and the colonies by name, Territories, West. Seventeenth century, topics, xxxvi. Seward, William H., on emancipation, 316. Seymour, John, Discomrorts or CoLo- NIAL LIFE, 108. Shadrach, rescue, 282. Shafter, Major-Gen., paign, 387-380. Shays’s Rebellion, effects, 176. Sheldon, George, History of Deerfield, too. Sheridan, P. H., in Louisiana, 347. Sherman, Roger, in Congress, 148. Sioux, country, 98. — See also Indians. Six Nations. — See Indians, Iroquois. Slafter, E. F., Voyages of Champlain, 17. Slavery, general topics, xxxvi, xl, xliv: arguments against, topics, xliii; argu- ments against, extracts, 235, 242, 263, 271, 323; defence, topics, xliii; defence, extracts, 245, 247, 296; episodes, topics, xlili; episodes, extract, 255: life of slaves, topics, xlili; life of slaves, narra- tive, 246; fugitive slaves, topics, xliv; fugitive slaves, narratives, 253, 260; fugitive slaves, legislation, 93, 281: colonial legislation, 92; baptism, 93; numbers, 120, 244; dangers, 120, 243; English government on, M215) price; 254; Sugar plantations, 254; private Santiago cam- Index Missouri Compromise, 286; in terri- tories, 290, 291; in Confederacy, 296; emancipation, 315. — See also colonies and States by name, and Negroes, Slave- trade, Squatter sovereignty. Slave-trade, international, topics, xliii; interstate, topics, xliii; interstate, con- duct, 251; slave-drivers, 253. Sluyter, Peter, MARYLAND, 48; Voyage to New York, 51. Smith, John, SETTLEMENT OF VIRGINIA, 33; exertions, 36; Generall Historie, 37: Smith, Jonathan B., PoriticAat Harvest TIME, 175. Smithfield, woman burned, 18. Smuggling, South Carolina, 89. — See also Trade. Smyth, Thomas, governor of Carolina, 67. Social justice. — See Labor. Social life, topics, xxxvi, xxxvii. — See also Table of Contents. Sources, use, xvii; materials for source study, xx; bibliographies, xx; _ re- prints, xxi; additional, xxii; in sec- ondary schools, xxiv; in normal schools, XXIx; topics, XXXili. South, topics, xlv; policy before the war, 271; spirit, 310; reconstruction, 336; political corruption after the war, 351. — See also Civil War, Reconstruction, Secession, Slavery, Territories, States by name. South America, trade, 167. South Carolina, description, 65; govern- ment, 65; nobility, 65; history, 66; aids Georgia, 73; war in, 151; slavery, 245; begins Civil War, 303: recon- struction, 336.— See also Carolinas, Civil War, Colonies, Slavery, South. Southwest, life, 240. — See also the States and territories by name. Spain, discoverers, topics, xxxiv; accounts, 1, 6; claims Virginia, 22; trade, 89, 167; on the Mississippi, 167; in Florida, 201; rule in Cuba, 373; war policy in Cuba, 374; rule in Philippines, 383. — See earnings, 257; rice plantations, 258; also Spanish War.ep iett POE rR eh peat tate Index Spanish War, topics, xlvi; review, 385; naval preparations, 386; destruction of Spanish fleet, 388; results, 390; and national outlook, 397. — See also Army, Cuba, Spain, War. Spelman, Henry, Inp1IAN LIFE, 23; Rela- tion of Virginia, 26. Squatter sovereignty, Benton on, 285; Douglas on, 291; Dred Scott Decision, 292.—See also Slavery, ‘Territories. Stamp Act, topics, xxxix. Standish, Miles, character, 41. Stanhope, Earl of, Councit or TRADE, 124. Starks, William J., TRouBLEs IN CuBa, 37/3: Stars and Stripes, 416. States, records as sources, xxiii; land claims, xl; constitutions, xl; ratifica- tion, xl; admissions, xli; secession, xliv. — See also Secession, Union, and States by name. Stearns, Charles, Henry Box Brown, 263. Stedman, E. C., Burt Run, 305; Battle of Bull Run, 308. Stephens, A. H., CoRNER-STONE OF THE CONFEDERACY, 2096. Stevens, Thaddeus, CoNGRESSIONAL RE- CONSTRUCTION, 344. Stevenson, Marmaduke, QuaKER WARN- ING, 80. Stone River. — See Murfreesboro. Strikes. — See Labor. Sunday, observance in New England, 79; in New Amsterdam, 85; in New Orleans, 240. — See also Religion. Swedes, settlement, 43; receive Quakers, 67; in Delaware, 70. Symes, Benjamin, free-school, 92. AFT, WILLIAM H., candidacy (1912), 397, 398; POWER OF THE PRESIDENT, 403; Our Chief Magistrate, 405. Talleyrand, in X Y Z affair, ror. Tariff, illustrated, xxx; danger to Union, 174; first tariff debate, 184; act of 1921, 424. Taxation, after World War, 424. 44.1 Taylor, George L., SupPLIES FOR THE WOUNDED, 311. Taylor, Zachary, on Compromise, 280. Teaching, reforms, xxiv; with sources, XX1V—Xxxii; normal training, xxxii, xxxlii. Tea-party, Boston, 137. Temperance, in South Carolina, 72; Massachusetts, 74; need, 121. Temple, Sir John, at Philadelphia, 170. Tennis Cabinet, 396. Territories, topics, xlili, xliv; rival claims to America, 1-17; Northwest Ordi- nance, 169; Louisiana, 200, 240; Ore- gon, 206; Missouri Compromise, 234; western settlements, 237; Mexican War, 271; California, 276; Compro- mise of 1850, 279; Kansas-Nebraska, in 284; Kansas, 287; Dred Scott, 290; Cuba, 373; Philippines, 382. — See also Colonies, States and territories by name, Slavery, West. Texas, topics, xliv; title, 202; annexa- tion, 272; slavery, 280, 286. Text-books, use, xxv, xxx. — See also Class-room. Thanksgiving, in Georgia, 72; in Massa- chusetts, 74. Tilden, Samuel Jones, TWEED RING, 352; Writings and Speeches, 355. Tobacco, in Virginia, 28; in Maryland, 49; in North Carolina, 89. Toleration, in England, 39; in Maryland, 50; in Rhode Island, 54; in Carolinas, 66; Quakers claim, 82.— See also Puritans, Religion. Tonty, Henry, Sieur de, LA SALLE ON THE MISSISSIPPI, 96. Town life, topics, xxxvi. — See also towns and cities by name. Town-meeting, description, 132; con- duct, 132; officers, 132; summons, 133. Townsend, Richard, SETTLEMENT OF PENNSYLVANIA, 67. Trade, topics, xxxvili, xlii; colonial, 88; fur, 101; Indian, tor; international barriers, 420.— See also Industries, Merchant marine, Neutral trade, and colonies, towns, and nations by name.; A i if j L i t F ( 13 i; ’ i eee ere ste eee 442 Index Trade and Plantations, Lords of, letter to, | 108; duties, 124; activity, 131. Travel, topics, xxxvi, XXXVili. Treaties, topics, xl, xlii, xlvi; Jay’s, 1094; Ghent, 223; Washington, 355. — See also War. Trees, in West Indies, 2; in New England, 29; in Virginia, or. Tribune, New York, BATTLE oF GETTYS- BURG, 323. Trusts, good results, 405; evil actions and distrust, 406, 407; regulation, 407; and labor unions, 408. Tudor, John, Boston TEA-PARTY, 137. Tudor, William, Deacon Tudor’s Diary, 137. Turkey, peace adjustment, 422. Turkeys, in Virginia, 12 ; in Pennsylvania, 68. Tweed Ring, Tilden on, 352. NION, topics, xlii, xlvi; New York Tories, 140; Declaration of Inde- pendence, 147; Articles of Confedera- tion, 164; Federal Constitution, 172-— 180; organization, 181-188; Calhoun on, 234; J. Q. Adams on, 237; Lowell on, 276; and uniformity, 292; and slavery, 296; effect of the war on, 344; future, 390. — See also Congress, Con- stitution, Government, Revolution. Unions. — See Labor. United States. —See Army, Cabinet, Civil War, Colonies, Confederation, Congress, Constitution, Cuba, Foreign Relations, Government, Indians, Navy, Revolution, Secession, Slavery, Terri- tories, Union, West, World War, and Table of Contents. United States Christian Commission, First Annual Report, 312. University of Pennsylvania, Graydon at, 122. Uplands. — See Chester. Utah, territorial government, 280, 286. ALMASEDA, commander in Cuba, Vancouver Island, arbitration, 358. Varona, Enrique José, CuBAN INDIctT- MENT OF SPANISH RULE, 376. Verney, Lady, letter to, 26. Vicksburg, siege, 320; life, 322. Virginia, character, xxix; topics, xxxiv; resources, 21; danger from Spain, 22; voyage to, 23; Dutch in, 23; troubles y with Indians, 33; Smith in, 33; ne- glect, 35; exports, 35, 75; climate, 92; schools, 92; Cornwallis in, 160; ex- haustion of soil, 254; slave-trade, 254. Virginia Assembly, SLAVERY IN VIRGINIA, 92. Virginia Company, note on, 35. Visitations, archdeaconal, 37. Voting, slackers, 308. ALDO, FULLERTON LEONARD, IN THE TRENCHES, 417; America at the Front, 419. Wales, emigration, 68. Wampum. — See Currency. War, Revolutionary, topics, xxxix; ac- count, 137-160; of 1812, topics, xlii; account, 212-225; Mexican, topics, xliv; satirized, 271; Civil, topics, xlv; Spanish, topics, account, 303-335; 373-392; World, ac- xlvi; account, count, 401-422. Washington, George, BRADDOCK’s DE- FEAT, 103; Writings, 105, 151; RE- PORT OF THE BATTLE OF PRINCETON, 149; praise, 159; Democratic view, 181; jnauguration, 181. | Washington, city, capture, 218; during Civil War, 311. Washington Conference, 423. Washington Treaty, 355-358. Waterfalls, in Virginia, 13. Watertown, founded, 47; dam, 75. Wellington, Duke of, on peace of 1814, 224. West, topics, xxxix; frontier life, topics, xlii; pilgrims, 163; description, 166; land-holding, 167; Northwest Ordi- nance, 169; religious life, 231; farm 375: life, 237; abolition, 242; politicalWest (Continued) abolition, 263; Oregon Trail, 268; Cal- ifornia, 276; Kansas, 287; Lincoln, 291; soldiers, 318; Indians, 366. — See also Colonies, French, Indians, Terri- tories, and States by name. West Indies, Columbus in, r. Whale, found at Cape Cod, 76. Wheeler, Edward J., PRESIDENTIAL ELEc- TION, 3097. Wheelwright, John, note on, 55; troubles Massachusetts, 55; appeals to the king, 56; banished, 57; goes to Exeter, 57. Whiskey, from Indian corn, 32. Whitefield, George, GREAT AWAKENING, 109; visits Harvard, 110; Continua- tion of Journal, 111. Whitehead, W. A., Documents relating to the Colonial History of New Jersey, 126. White Mountains, noticed by Josselyn, 20. Whitney, J. L., Literature of the Nineteenth of April, 146. Whittier, John Greenleaf, FAREWELL OF A SLAVE MOTHER, 258; as abolitionist, 258; Poems, 260, 360; ‘‘ CENTEN- NIAL Hymn,” 358. Wilkinson, Eliza, SouTHERN EXPERIENCE, 151; Letters, 154. Williams, Roger, doctrine, 53; banished, 54; founds Providence, 54; establishes toleration, 54. Wilson, John, anecdote, 75. Wilson, Woodrow, election (1912), 397— LADY’S 399; problems, 399, 400; war mes- |. sage, 400, 410; FOURTEEN POINTS OF PEACE, 410. Wine, trade, 89; in Virginia, or. Winship, George Parker, Coronado Ex- pedition, 8. Winthrop, Fitz-John, papers, 08. Winthrop, John, goes to New England, 45; NEw HAMPSHIRE, 55; History of New England, 57, 76; NEw ENGLAND LIFE, 74. Witchcraft, topics, xxxvi; trial, 82. Witherspoon, John, ConDuct oF THE BRITISH MINISTRY, 138; Miscellaneous Works, 140. Wolves, in Salem, 74; in Maryland, r1x3. Women, dress, 20; encourage emigrants, 26; at Plymouth, 40; Anne Hutchin- son, 55; in New England churches, 77, 78; witch trials, 82; in New Nether- land, 87; slaves, 93; at Deerfield, 99; proper bride, 111; white servant, 113: pretty creatures, 115, 116; Eliza Wil- kinson, 151; fashions, 165; camp- meeting, 233; in New Orleans, 241; abolitionists, 249; Charity Bowery, 255; slave mother, 258; crossing the plains, 270; lady at Vicksburg, 320; Yankee negro teacher, 3309. Wood, Leonard, legend, 396. World, New York, RESuMPTION, 360. World Court, Harding and, 424. World War, account, 401-422; war message, 400, 410; ration, 410, 411; outbreak in France, 412-414; American poem, 415; front line, 417-419; Wilson’s 14 Points, 419— 421; American objective, 4109. Writing schools. — See Schools. Written work, from sources, xx, xxvii. Wilson’s American decla- ETN GIL: 4% 304. 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