University of Virginia Library
F226.P4
ALD
Political history of Appalachi
YX 000 414 757
ALDWOR
LIQDARY
UNIVER D
VIRGINIA
CHARLOTTESVILLE, VIRGINIA
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA

Wen & Pendleton
POLITICAL HISTORY
OF
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
1776-1927
By
erit
WILLIAM C. PENDLETON
With Illustrations
PRINTED BY
The Shenandoah Press
Dayton, Virginia
1927
Virginiea
F
226
P4
093104
Copyright, 1927,
WILLIAM C. PENDLETON
DEDICATED
To the memory of
THOMAS JEFFERSON
The greatest exponent of popular government.
the world has ever known
PREFACE
My motive for writing this book was to outline as
distinctly as I possibly could, the political characteristics
and thought exercised by the people of Appalachian Vir-
ginia from the days of the pioneer settlers down to the pres-,
ent time. In executing this design I have endeavored to
show that the people of this section of Virginia eagerly im-
bibed and identified themselves with the principles of pop-
ular government expounded by Thomas Jefferson. And I
venture to affirm that they have consistently adhered to
those principles on all occasions, except when diverted
therefrom by crafty politicians, or when obstructed by un-
fair election methods.
In performing my undertaking I have found it neces-
sary to deal extensively with the political affairs of Vir-
ginia and the United States from the date of the organiza-
tion of their respective governments to the present day. It
is probable that in some instances, after relating important
political facts and incidents, my deductions therefrom are
so fervid that many persons will infer or assume that my
designs are purely partisan. I disclaim any such feeling
or intention. I am actuated by an earnest desire to have
Virginians return to Jeffersonian principles of government,
from which the existing major National political parties
have about completely separated themselves.
The threatened destruction-by the two major politi-
cal parties of the essential rights of the States and the
right of local self-government, I sincerely believe, if ac-
complished, will eventuate in the downfall of our repub-
lican form of government. There can be no denial of the
fact that our National, State and local governments have
been completely taken from the control of the people, and
that everywhere throughout the Union the various govern-
X
PREFACE
ments are dominated by partisan cliques and political
machines.
May it not be reasonably affirmed that the American
Republic is now in a more perilous situation or condition
than it was in the fifties of the last century, when the one-
moral question, Slavery, was threatening the life of the
Republic? The Union is not only dividing into sectional
groups, but its citizens are separating themselves into angry
factions on various isms and questions that may eventuate
in the disorganization of the Federal Government, unless
some fortunate means can be found to allay the passions
of the conflicting hostile factions.
Of the several disturbing questions that are now excit-
ing the public mind prohibition is possibly the most danger-
ous. It is purely a moral question, but it is arousing as
bitter feeling between the rival factions as was manifested
between the Abolitionists and the extreme Pro-Slavery
men toward each other prior to secession of the Southern
States.
Religious controversies have attained a very alarming
form in our country. The Catholic and Anti-Catholic
forces-led respectively by the Knights of Columbus and
the Ku Klux Klan are fighting each other with an intensity
which not only imperils the Christian religion but may
prove disastrous to society and republican government.
And the conflicting opinions found among the numerous
Protestant denominations over Fundamentalism and Mod-
ernism, involving evolution, has reached a stage as intense
as that which caused the separation of the Methodist
Episcopal Church over Slavery in 1844.
Other very disturbing issues are seen in the prevailing
racial antagonisms and the anti-foreign sentiment that is
rampant in certain sections of our country. Still another
danger exists in the conflict between capital and labor.
Then there is the unfortunate quarrel between the farmers
and the manufacturers. This prolonged dispute involves
the two most important classes of our citizenship and ap--
pears to be impossible of satisfactory adjustment.
PREFACE
XI
Possibly the most deadly peril that threatens our re-
publican government is political corruption. It is manifest
that dishonest politicians are exercising undue power in the
conduct of our National, State and local governments.
Politics have been so debauched that most elections are now
controlled by money and fraud.
A tidal crime wave is sweeping over the United States;
and inquiring minds are trying to discover a primal cause
for this desperately lawless condition. Some say that pro-
hibition and other restrictive laws are causing the trouble.
Others name the movies and still others the automobiles as
the cause. Each of these, no doubt, is a contributing cause;
but it is more than likely that the primal cause is corrupt-
ion of the electorate. The electorate of our Republic is the
source from which flows all and every authority for mak-
ing the laws-moral, social, economic, and political-of our
country. If the source is corrupted every drop that flows
from it will necessarily be polluted.
Verily the American Republic is facing a terrible
crisis. The voting electorate has become demoralized and
corrupted, and the non-voting electors are absenting them-
selves from the polls-provoked to do so either from in-
difference, disgust for sordid politics, or from denial of
their right to exercise the elective franchise. About half
of the eligible vote of the United States stands inert, and
more than eighty per cent of the eligible vote in Virginia
is not voting. These deplorable conditions have been in-
duced by corrupt politicians and fraudulent election meth-
ods.
Shall the rule of the people be re-established, or must
our governments be transmuted into materialistic despot-
isms? I believe there is one sure cure for the existing
evils, and that is a return to Jeffersonian principles of gov-
ernment and a consequent purification of the electorate.
My sincere thanks are due, and are hereby given, to
the following named gentlemen, who rendered me valuable
material assistance while I was writing this book and hav-
ing it published:
XII
PREFACE
Hon. James French Strother, Joseph M. Crockett,
Hon. C. B. Slemp, H. P. Brittain, Ancel D. Witten and
Henry B. Crockett.
September 15th. 1927.
WM. C. PENDLETON.
NOTE-This book has been published under very try-
ing circumstances. The printing has been carelessly done
and at intervals covering a period of nearly fourteen
months. Consequently numerous typographical and
mechanical errors will be found on its pages, and some ex-
amples of faulty language construction appear. The proof
reading was inadequate and corrections in some instances
not made. These errors will be easily detected and cor-
rected by the careful and intelligent reader, whose sym-
pathy and forbearance are invoked.
CONTENTS
Page
I. Description of Appalachian Virginia be-
fore advent of white men-The pur-
poses that brought the pioneer settlers
hither
II. Organization of Virginia Government
III. Federal Constitution framed and ratified.
IV. Organization of Federal Government—
Political battles between Jefferson and
Hamilton
1-28
29-35
36-44
45-97
V. Madison's and Monroe's administrations-
The War of 1812 and Monroe Doctrine 98-112
VI. Administrations of Andrew Jackson,
Martin Van Buren, William Henry
Harrison and John Tyler
VII. Treaty for Annexation of Texas-Polk's
administration-War with Mexico
VIII. Taylor and Fillmore administrations—
Virginia Constitutional Convention of
1850-1851
IX. Administration of Franklin Pierce-The
Know Nothing Movement-Henry A.
Wise elected Governor of Virginia
X. Buchanan's administration-Birth of
Republican Party-Whigs Unite with.
Know Nothings-Harper's Ferry In-
surrection-Disunion Sentiment pre-
valent in the South
XI. Abraham Lincoln elected President-
Southern States Secede from Union-
The Civil War an awful tragedy
115-150
151-182
183-199
200-211
212-240
241-273
XII. Reconstruction-Military Rule-Virginia
restored to the Union
274-289-
XIII. Great Readjuster Movement-Readjuster
XIV
CONTENTS
Party organized-Prolonged fight be-
tween Readjusters and Funders Rid-
dleberger Bill settles State debt-The
new Republican Party of Virginia call-
ed into existence
XIV. Benjamin Harrison's administration—
Mahone defeated for Governor-Cleve-
land again made President
XV. Great battle over gold and silver-Frau-
dulent ballots used by Democrats to
elect Congressmen and other officers in
Virginia-Walton Election Law the
starter of unfair election laws in the
State Virginia Democrats have fact-
ional fight
XVI. Constitutions of Virginia-Constitutional
Convention of 1901-1902 and some of
its accomplishments
XVII. Twenty years' reign of the Slemps, father
and son represent Ninth District suc-
cessively for twenty years-Roosevelt's
and Taft's administrations-National
Republicans divide into factions-Wil-
son elected President
XVIII. Presidential elections 1920 and 1924-
Election of Governor 1925-Byrd seeks
to "Revamp" Virginia's form of Gov-
ernment
Page
290-366
367-380
381-429
429-476
477-571
572-603
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Page
First gun fired at Battle of King's Mountain
27
Pistol taken from John Brown at Harper's Ferry
232
James Richard Witten
337
Philip Williams Strother
350
Col. Campbell Slemp
529
C. Bascom Slemp
554
Ancel D. Witten
Henry B. Crockett
576
589
Political History
of
Appalachian Virginia
CHAPTER I
DESCRIPTION OF REGION BEFORE ADVENT OF WHITE MEN-THE
PIONEER SETTLERS AND THE PURPOSES THAT BROUGHT
THEM HITHER.
"He is a freeman whom the truth makes free,
And all are slaves besides."
Two hundred years ago no white man had established a
permanent residence for his family in that part of Virginia west
of the Blue Ridge Mountains. Even after Governor Spottswood
discovered the Shenandoah Valley, this extensive trans-montane
country remained an unexplored, mysterious region until 1732.
It was in the year 1732 that the first permanent settlement in
the magnificent Appalachian territory of Virginia was made by
Joist Hite, a white man, in the great "Valley of Virginia," near
the site of the present city of Winchester.
One hundred and seventy-five years ago no white man with
his family had settled permanently in that portion of Virginia.
lying west of New River. This splendid section-now known
as Southwest Virginia-together with that part of West Vir-
ginia situated west of the Kanawha River, and all the present
State of Kentucky-was an unbroken wilderness. It had never
been visited by white men except by hunting parties, called the
"Long Hunters", who came here from Tidewater and Southside
Virginia, to kill, and did kill, thousands of fur-bearing animals
for their pelts. Occasionally other white men passed through
the New River and Holston valleys to trade with the Cherokee
Indians, who were then living in the present State of Tennessee
and Western North Carolina.
(1)
2
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
In the conduct of my investigations, I have found no satis-
factory evidence that the aborigines ever had any permanent
village in Southwest Virginia, west of the New River. And no
certain indications have been discovered, showing that any of
the fertile soil of this region was ever cultivated by the Indians.
From time immemorial, as evidenced by their traditions, the
various tribes of red men who asserted ownership of the pres-
ent Southwest Virginia had kept it reserved as a hunting
ground. It was a splendid hunting park-a veritable "Hunters'
Paradise" over and through which the buffalo had made trails,
as they traveled east from the Western plains in Spring and
Summer seasons to feed upon the wild pea vine and bluegrass
that grew in great abundance in this particular region. There
were two of these trails, made by the bison, and they were used
by the Indians when they came into this territory to hunt, or
to make war on rival tribes. One trail came out of Kentucky,
through Cumberland Gap, and followed the route which was
practically adopted when the State of Virginia built the Cum-
berland Gap and Fincastle Turnpike in the thirties of the last
century. This trail ran in an easterly course through the pres-
ent counties of Lee, Wise, Scott, Russell, Tazewell, Giles, Craig,
and to where the present city of Roanoke is now situated.
The other trail came through Tennessee, and crossed the
State line at or near where the city of Bristol is now located.
Thence, it extended on into Virginia, through the present coun-
ties of Washington, Smyth, Wythe, Pulaski, Montgomery, and
Roanoke, to the "Great Lick," where the beautiful city of Roa-
noke is now situated. This lick was one of the favorite resorts
of the Cherokee Indians; and the trail was used by the red men
when they traveled east in parties to hunt, or upon war intent.
The trail was also utilized by the pioneer settlers of the Roa-
noke, New River, and Holston valleys as a wagon road. It was
afterwards adopted for the location of the "Old Stage Road,"
and was traveled by Andrew Jackson, James K. Polk, Andrew
Johnson, Felix Grundy, Francis Preston, Alexander Smyth, and
other eminent citizens of Tennessee and Southwest Virginia as
they journeyed to and from the National Capitol at Washington.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
3
Certain sections of this trail-originally made by the buffalo-
are even now in use as a part of the splendid "Lee Highway"
that is being constructed as a memorial to the great and beloved
military chieftain, Robert E. Lee.
It would require the most vivid imagination of an inspired
poet, like Sir Walter Scott, to even faintly picture with words
the beauty and grandeure of this region, now called Southwest
Virginia, as it stood fashioned by the God of Nature. And, even
now since the greedy hands of white men have scarred and
marred so much of its primitive physical beauty-it delights
and awes tourists from other regions as they travel through its
confines.
The author can well remember when more than half of the
New River, Holston, and Clinch valleys, and all the crests and
sides of our towering mountains were covered with magnificent
virgin forests. In my "History of Tazewell County and South-
west Virginia," I endeavored to produce an imaginary picture
of this region as it appeared when the aborigines held dominion
here; and, in part, I wrote:
"The wondrous scenic beauty of Southwest Virginia, gener-
ally, and of Tazewell County in particular, has spread their
fame both far and wide. Here in primitive days the lofty moun-
tains and towering peaks, clothed with living green in summer
time, and clad with fleecy snow and icy pendants in winter sea-
son, stood as silent sentinels above and around the magnificent
forests of oak, poplar, walnut and sugar maple, that trans-
formed each mountain hollow and valley into a sylvan palace.
In these homes the nightingale, thrilled by the soft moonbeams,
warbled its liquid melodies; and the mockingbird, thrush and
oriole, screened from the scorching rays of the noonday sun by
the refreshing shade of the sugar tree, carrolled their richest
and sweetest songs.
And here Dinana and her companion
nymphs might have discovered thousands of crystal springs in
whose pellucid depths they could have seen their ravishingly
beautiful forms reflected as no highly polished hand-made mir-
ror could present them. If the fabled gods had once drunk of
4
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
these sweet, sparkling waters, they would have thrown aside
their cups of nectar and declined to quaff again their beverage
of distilled honey. Here, too, as natives of the soil, luxuriantly
grew the sweetest and most nutritious herbage for animals the
wide-world has ever known, the wild pea vine and nature's rich-
est pasturage, the bluegrass. Instinctively, from all regions,
east, west, north and south, came the ponderous buffalo, the
heavy-antlered elk, and the fleet-footed deer to feed and fatten
upon the suculent herbage that was of spontaneous growth in
this wonderful country."
To persons of calloused mind, or who have no vision for
sublime physical beauty, this imaginary description of primitive
Southwest Virginia may seem inept and too fanciful. But to
one who has been bred upon its soil, and who loves its rocks and
rills and wooded hills, as well as its many glorious traditions,
let us hope it will be pleasing and in a measure satisfactory.
It was in the summer of 1748 that the first surveying party
crossed New River with the intention of establishing settle-
ments west of that stream. Colonel James Patton, who had
obtained from the Crown a grant for 120,000 acres of land to be
located west of the Alleghany Mountains and north of the North
Carolina line, was the organizer and director of the expedition.
He had associated with him Dr. Thomas Walker, Colonel John
Buchanan, and Charles Campbell. The decendants of Dr. Wal-
ker, Colonel Buchanan, and Charles Campbell have ever since
been conspicuous in the civil and military affairs of Virginia,
and quite a number have attained distinction in National af-
fairs.
After they had crossed to the west side of New River, the
Patton party began to survey and locate extensive and valuable
boundaries of land. This was accomplished in the bounds of the
present counties of Pulaski, Wythe, Smyth and Washington.
When the party arrived at the head of what is now known as
the Middle Fork of Holston River (then called Indian River)
they came upon a man named Stephen Holston, who had tem-
porarily located there for the purpose of hunting, it is supposed.
From this man the splendid stream, that courses down and
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
5
through the historic Holston Valley and on into Tennessee-
finally finding its way into the "Father of Waters"-received
its name. Down this valley the Patton party industriously pro-
ceeded with its work, until it reached a point where the city of
Bristol is now located, and where a tract of land called "The
Saplings" was surveyed.
Returning, Colonel Patton and his companions crossed over
to the North Fork of Holston River and located a boundary of
330 acres in the basin where the town of Saltville is now situat-
ed. This tract was entered in the name of Charles Campbell and
was named "Buffalo Lick." In this basin then existed a salty
lake of considerable proportions, where buffalo, elk, and deer
congregated in large numbers, making it a favorite resort for
the Indians during the hunting season. And from the water
of this lake the pioneer settlers made their necessary supplies of
salt. From that point the Patton party proceeded up the North
Fork of Holston River and surveyed and entered large bound-
aries of the most fertile and valuable land that is now found in
Southwest Virginia. Thence they traveled to Burke's Garden,
in the present Tazewell County, under the guidance of James
Burke, from whom this wonderful basin, containing more than
twenty thousand acres of very fertile land, received its name.
The party remained in the Garden only one night. Being
forced to discontinue surveying by a heavy snowfall, they re-
turned to their several homes east of New River. Colonel Pat-
ton and his associates can well be termed "Republic Builders."
It was from their 1748 expedition that thousands of men, who
were searching for a country where they could secure unre-
stricted political and religious freedom, eventually found their
way into this great region now called Southwest Virginia. Here
the pioneer settlers laid the foundation for the erection of that
part of our mighty North American Republic which extends
from the Alleghany Mountains across the continent to the shores
of the Pacific Ocean. And very soon after the Patton expedi-
tion was concluded, settlers began to establish homes on the
west side of New River.
In 1750, Colonel Patton, Dr. Thomas Walker, and other
associates organized and incorporated what was known as the
6
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
"Loyal Company." They obtained from the English Crown a
grant for 800,000 acres of land to be located west of the Allegh-
any Mountains and north of the North Carolina line. On the
17th of March, 1750, Dr. Thomas Walker, as agent for the Loyal
Company, crossed to the west side of New River with an expedi-
tionary company. He came in contact with a small colony of
Dunkards who had located at a point on the west side of the
river two or three miles above the present city of Radford.
The place where this religious sect settled is still called "Dunk-
ard's Bottom." The object of the Walker expedition was to ex-
plore Kentucky and that section of Virginia situated east of
the Cumberland Mountain and west of the Kanawha River.
Kentucky and the other sections explored by Dr. Walker then
constituted a part of Augusta County, Virginia. He found that
settlers had established themselves on New River and its tribu-
taries and on the headwaters of the Middle Fork of Holston
River. The last settler he came in contact with was Samuel
Stalnaker, who was building his cabin at or near where the
present town of Marion, Smyth County, is situated.
In the same year, 1750, Colonel Patton and Colonel John
Buchanan came out with surveying parties and surveyed large
boundaries of land on Clinch River and in Abb's Valley and
Burke's Garden, in the present Tazewell County. These boun-
daries were located by and under authority of the grant from
the Crown to the Loyal Company for 800,000 acres of land.
Following the Patton expedition of 1748 and the Walker ex-
pedition of 1750, there was a steady movement of settlers into
the New River and Holston valleys. This movement continued
with augumented force until 1753, when the French and Indian
War was ushered in. That was a bloody struggle in which
France and England engaged for nine years to determine which
nation should have supreme control of the North American Con-
tinent. But it was not until 1755 that emigration to the west
side of New River was seriously interrupted. In that year the
Shawnee Indians, then the allies of the French, began their
murderous attacks upon the English settlers who had located
west of the Alleghanies.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
7
The first assault by the Indians was made upon the settle-
ment at Draper's Meadows, which was situated where the
Virginia Polytechnic Institute is now located, at Blacksburg.
It occurred on the 8th. of July, 1755, and was very disastrous to
this, the first settlement made by Virginians west of the Allegha-
ny Mountains. The settlement had been started by Colonel
Patton in 1748, and was practically destroyed by the savages.
Colonel James Patton, Mrs. George Draper, Casper Barrier and
an infant child of John Draper were killed; Mrs. John Draper
and James Cull were wounded; and Mrs. William Ingles, Thomas
Ingles, her son; Mrs. John Draper and Henry Lenard were
made captives. In October the same year, Mrs. Ingles, who
had been taken to the Shawnee towns in Ohio, made a thrill-
ing escape from the Indians and found her way back to her
husband at Dunkard's Bottom. Mrs. Draper, after six years
of painful captivity, was ransomed by her husband, John Dra-
per, and returned to the New River settlement. Thomas Ingles
was a captive for thirteen years and was then ransomed by his
father and brought back home.
The Indians continued to make hostile invasions into the
Holston and New River valleys throughout the Summer and
Fall of 1755, and in February and March 1756. A number of
persons were killed, wounded and captured on New River, Reed
Creek and the Holston River. A short time after the Draper's
Meadow massacre, the Shawnees invaded the Holston Valley.
They made an attack upon the home of Captain Samuel Stal-
naker, who was then living at or near where Marion, Smyth
County, now stands. Captain Stalnaker was made a prisoner
(but escaped while the Indians were taking him to Ohio); and
his wife, and son Adam, were killed by the savages.
The Shawnees and other hostile tribes from Ohio continued
their ferocious attacks upon the border settlements of the Hol-
ston, new River and Roanoke valleys; and, even, extended them
from the Holston Valley to the Potomac River-thereby invad-
ing all of the present Appalachian region of Virginia. These
incursions of the red men spread consternation amongst the set-
tlers on New River and its tributaries and on the Holston River,
causing many of them to flee with their families for safety to
8
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
1
the larger and better protected settlements east of New River.
Colonel William Preston, after the death of his uncle, Colonel
James Patton, became the guiding spirit of the Trans-Alleghany
Pioneers. On the 27th day of July, 1763, he wrote a letter to
Colonel George Washington from his home at Greenfield, in the
present Boutetourt County, in which he graphically related the
unhappy condition of the settlements along and west of New
River. In part, he wrote:
"Our situation at present is very different from what it
was when we had the pleasure of your company in this country.
All the valleys of Roanoke river and along the waters of the Mis-
sissippi are depopulated, except Captain English (Ingles) with
a few families on New River, who have built a fort, among
whom are Mr. Thompson and his family, alone remaining.
They intend to make a stand until assistance be sent them.
Seventy-five of the Bedford militia went out in order to pursue
the enemy, but I hear the officers and part of the men are gone
home and the rest gone to Reed Creek to help in the family of
James Davis and in two or three other families there that dare
not venture to travel."
Happily for the settlers, who had left their homes from
fear of the Indians, the war between France and England, that
had continued for nine years, was brought to a conclusion by a
treaty made at Paris on the 10th of February, 1763. Those who
had fled with their families to the better protected settlements
east of New River began to move back to their cabin homes in
the New River and Holston valleys. Then occurred an incident
which practically stopped for several years any further emigra-
tion to the country west of that stream. King George II sent
instructions to the Colonial Government of Virginia to issue no
more grants for lands on the Western waters-that is beyond
the Alleghany Mountains. And on the 7th of October, 1763,
the King issued a proclamation prohibiting all persons from
settling in the Virginia territory west of the Alleghanies. This
included what is now known as Southwest Virginia. And the
proclamation of the King even required the persons who had
already settled in this region to remove therefrom and take up
their residence in the interior. This action was taken by the
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
9
Royal Government to pacify the Ohio Indians and other western
tribes who had been the allies of the French in the recently end-
ed war. These Indians were bitterly resentful to the English
colonist who continued to make encroachments upon the terri-
tory of the red men.
•
In defiance of the prohibitive proclamation of the King of
England, in the year 1766 emigrants began to press across New
River and establish homes in the New River and Holston valleys;
and in 1767-1768 pioneer settlers made their way into the Clinch
Valley. The obstruction occasioned by the proclamation of
King George was, however, completely removed by a treaty
made with the Iroquois Nation at Fort Stanwix on the 28th of
October, 1768; and a treaty made with the Cherokee Nation at
Lochaber, South Carolina, on October 22, 1770. By virtue of
these treaties the Iroquois and Cherokees abandoned all their
claims to Virginia territory south of the Ohio River and east of
the Cumberland Mountains.
During a period of three years after the treaties were made
at Fort Stanwix and at Lochaber the settlers west of New River
were largely increased in number. They remained undisturbed
by the various tribes of red men that had previously made hos-
tile invasions into the Holston and New River settlements. In
October, 1773, Daniel Boone started with his first exploring
party to Kentucky. While he and his companions were encamp-
ed in Powell's Valley, in the present Lee County, Virginia,
James Boone, oldest son of Daniel, and Henry Russell, son of
Captain William Russell, were killed by a roving band of Chero-
kees. The young men were away from the camp hunting when
the Indians made an unprovoked attack upon them. Dis-
couraged and saddened by the horrible tragedy, Boone aban-
doned his trip to Kentucky and returned to Captain Russell's
fort in the lower Clinch settlements. There he remained
throughout the year 1774, and did splendid service while "Dun-
more's War" was in progress.
In the Spring of 1774, it became manifest to the pioneers
living on the extreme border of Virginia that the Shawnee, and
Wyandot, and the Ottowa tribes, and the great confederacy of
the Miami were preparing to make war on the border settle-
10
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
ments. White men who had been trading with the Indians at
their towns in Ohio came into the settlements and reported that
the savages were in a sullen mood, and that they had been going
to Detroit to trade their peltry for powder, bullets and toma-
hawks. This intelligence excited great dread along the border
and induced some of the settlers in the Clinch, Holston and New
River valleys to move their families to the better protected set-
tlements in Botetourt and Augusta counties. But the greater
number of the settlers in these valleys stood firmly where they
had established their homes, resolved to withstand the attacks
of the red men. Thwaites and Kellogg, in their Dunmore's
War, say:
"Rifles were taken down from their chimney pegs, and
carefully cleaned and refitted, long hunting-knives were sharp-
ened the bordermen were determined not to be taken un-
aware, when the opening of Spring made the valleys and their
streams passable for both white and savage forays."
The Ohio Indians were greatly angered by the repeated
outrages inflicted upon them; and the evident purpose of the
white men to encroach further upon the territory the red men
claimed as their hunting grounds, and that the whites were oc-
cupying as abiding places for their families. In the Spring of
1774 Colonel William Preston, county lieutenant and official sur-
veyor for Fincastle County, sent a surveying party to Ken-
tucky under the direction of John Floyd, who was a deputy sur-
veyor for the county. This action was taken at the suggestion
of George Washington and other Colonial officers and soldiers
who had served in the French and Indian War, and had been
given large grants of land for their service in that war.
Floyd with his party started from Smithfield (now Blacks-
burg), then the residence of Colonel Preston. They traveled
down the Kanawha River to a point where the Kanawha enters
into the Ohio. This point was destined a few months later to
be made the scene of the greatest battle ever fought by Virgin-
ians with the Indians, and to be historically known as "The Bat-
tle of Point Pleasant." Thence the party proceeded, partly in
boats and partly on land, down the Ohio River until they reach-
ed Kentucky.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
11
A few days after Floyd and his party left Point Pleasant
certain brutal and disorderly white men on the border began to
murder, without provocation, innocent men and women of the
red race. The most dastardly of these several outrages occur-
red near the mouth of Yellow Creek, an affluent of the Ohio
River, about fifty miles below Pittsburg, and at the house of a
man named Baker. It was there that the brother and sister of
Logan, the famous Mingo chief, were murdered. Governor
Dunmore in his report to Lord Dartmouth, secretary of state
for the colonies, dated: "Williamsburg 24th. December 1774,"
thus relates the occurrence:
"A party of Indians, with their women, happening to en-
camp on the side of the Ohio opposite the house of one Baker,
who, together with a man of the name of Gratehouse, called to
and invited the Indians to come over and drink with them;
two men and as many women came accordingly, and were, at
first, well received, but Baker and Gratehouse, who by this time
had collected other People, contrived to entoxicate the Indians
and they then murdered them. Soon after two more came over
from the Indian Party in search of their companions, and these
met with the same fate. The remainder of the Indian Party
growing uneasy at not seeing their friends return, five of them
got into a canoe to go over to the house, but they were soon
fired upon by Baker and Gratehouse, and two of the Indians
killed and the other three wounded."
This deplorable tragedy may safely be regarded as the cul-
minating incident that provoked Dunmore's War. It so infuri-
ated the Ohio and other Western Indians that they remained
the implacable foes of Virginians until the Revolutionary War
was begun and concluded, and practically until the War of 1812
was terminated.
Following the Yellow Creek Massacre, excitement became
intense along the entire frontier. The Mingos, as soon as they
learned of the murder of Logan's brother and sister and their
companions, sent runners to the Shawnees, Delawares, and
other tribes to inform them of the outrages inflicted by Baker,
Gratehouse, Cresap and other brutal white men. They implor-
ed their red brothers to join them in a war of vengeance against
the Virginians.
12
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
The alarming situation on the border was communicated to
Governor Dunmore and induced him to organize an expedition-
ary force to go to Ohio to attack and crush any large force of
Indians that purposed to invade the Virginia settlements. With
this in view, on July 12th, 1774, Dunmore wrote to Colonel An-
drew Lewis, who was then located at his fort, four miles west of
Salem, Virginia. In his letter of instructions to Colonel Lewis,
the governor said:
"All I can now say is to repeat what I have before said
which is to advise you by no means to wait any longer for them
to attack you, but to raise all the Men you think willing & Able
& go down immediately to the mouth of the great Kanhaway &
there build a Fort, and if you think you have forse enough (that
are willing to follow you) to proceed derectly to their Towns &
if possible destroy their Towns & Magazines and distress them
in every other Way that is possible."
After receiving the order from Governor Dunmore, Colonel
Lewis requested Colonel William Preston to enlist two hundred
and fifty men in Fincastle County to go with the expedition.
In compliance with this request, Colonel Preston had five com-
panies organized in the settlements west of New River. They
were commanded, respectively, by Captains William Campbell,
Evan Shelby and Walter Crockett, of the Holston Valley; Cap-
tain William Herbert, of the upper New River Valley; and Cap-
tain William Russell, of the Clinch Valley. These five com-
panies, composed of splendid Indian fighters, were marched to
the Greenbrier Levels, where Lewisburg, West Virginia, is now
situated; and there joined the other forces of Colonel Lewis.
The Holston and Clinch settlements were then easy of access to
the hostile Indians. It was a very courageous act on the part of
these pioneers to leave their homes and families and go on such
an extended military expedition. And it was knowledge of the
absence of these fearless fighting men that caused Logan, the
Mingo chief, to bring a murderous scalping band into the terri-
tory that now embraces the counties of Tazewell, Russell, Scott,
Washington and Smyth.
Colonel Lewis' army of a thousand men, was composed al-
most entirely of frontier hunters and skilled woodsmen. The
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
13
army arrived at the junction of the Great Kanawha and the
Ohio on the 6th day of October, 1774; and on the 10th, four days
later, the eventful battle of Point Pleasant was fought. The
white men won a substantial victory; but the Indians, led by
Cornstalk, the great Shawnee chief, fought with courage and
defiance that surpassed anything the old Indian fighters had
ever witnessed. The Indians were completely broken in spirit
and lost no time in making proposals for peace. Governor Dun-
more promptly made a treaty with them. The terms of the
treaty, as briefly reported by him to the secretary of state for
the colonies, were: "That the Indians should deliver up all pri-
soners without reserve that they should not hunt on our Side
the Ohio, nor molest any Boats passing thereupon; That they
should promise to agree to such regulations for their trade with
our People, as should be hereafter dictated by the Kings In-
structions, and that they Should deliver into our hands certain
hostages, to be Kept by us until we are convinced of their Sin-
cere intention to adhere to all these Articles. The Indians find-
ing, contrary to their expectation, no punishment likely to fol-
low, agreed to everything with the greatest alacrity, and gave
the most Solemn assurances of their quiet and peaceable deport-
ment for the future; and in return I have given them every
promise of protection and good treatment on our side."
This treaty was very faithfuly observed by both parties
thereto until the Revolution, when the Western Indians, by pro-
curement of the British Government, made numerous attacks
upon the frontier settlements of Virginia. The battle of Point.
Pleasant was won by the mountaineers of Appalachian Virginia;
and was an event of vast importance to the American Colonies.
Writing about the battle, in my History of Tazewell County and
Southwest Virginia, I said: "It not only furnished opportunity
for the permanent settlement of Kentucky and the Kanawha
Valley, but gave to George Rodgers Clark and his intrepid
followers inspiration to originate and consumate the expedition
that won for Virginia the extensive and valuable Northwestern
territory; and extended the northern boundary line of the
American Nation from Nova Scotia along the chain of inland
seas, and on to the Pacific Ocean. Eventually it gave the Unit-
14
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
ed States possession of the lower Mississippi Valley through
Thomas Jefferson's purchase of Louisiana in 1803; brought Tex-
as, the splendid Lone Star State, into the Union; and secured,
by conquest, the large territory ceded to the United States by
Mexico in 1848.
THE PIONEERS OF SOUTHWEST VIRGINIA
The two most important attributes of a normal human be-
ing are love of God and love of freedom. When the pioneers
came to this country, now known as Southwest Virginia, they
found existing here ample provision made by nature for com-
plete exercise and development of these inherent qualities of
man. Here opportunity was furnished to cultivate and enlarge
these inborn faculties, and mould them into a state of dominant
volition. The supreme physical beauty of this region-the tow-
ering mountains, magestic forests rich with fronds and matted
creepers, and crystal fountains and streams-proclaimed to men
the presence of a God of Creative Power and Perfect Love. And
the very atmosphere was vivifying and fragrant with the in-
cense of freedom. It had never been tainted with the unright-
eous social and political customs of monarchical or aristocratical
government. The wild red men who had roamed over this land
for many centuries looked "Through Nature up to Nature's
God," and embodied in their personality the purest type of in-
dividual freedom. And the spirit of this personal freedom was
apparently absorbed and appropriated by the pioneer settlers.
Here Nature's God seemingly said to man: "Cast aside your sor-
rows and be glad in your heart." It was to these mountain
fastnesses in the darkest period of the Revolution-George
Washington declared he would retire with his army and make
his last stand, if necessary, in defence of American freedom,
The author in his "History of Tazewell County and Southwest
Virginia, in part, wrote thus about the first settlers:
"Clearly it was the purpose of our pioneer ancestors to ex-
clude from the society they were founding in the wilderness the
old distinctions of caste and privileged classes; and to establish
among themselves a condition of wholesome social equality, de-
void of unrighteous individualism. They sought to form a com-
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
15
munity where popular freedom could be exercised on the widest
basis consistent with the general good; where each man could
say what he thought, unchecked by religious creeds, and un-
trammeled by despotical government. That they had any de-
sire to fashion a community that would be featured with un-
licensed freedom, or dominated by ruffianism, was negatived by
the excellent social and domestic order that was maintained in
the settlements before they were incorporated with and con-
ducted by the civil government of Virginia.
**********
"There were no aristocrats among the pioneer settlers; but
they were not illiterate boors, as some historians would have us
believe. They were intelligent and fairly well educated farmers
and artisans; and in many instances combined both occupations.
The common purposes, interests and duties of the pioneers in-
voked amongst them a state of social equality as nearly perfect
as it can be found in organized human society. Thus were they
and their sons prepared to receive, accept, assimilate and up-
hold the great social truths written into the Virginia Bill of
Rights: That all men are by nature equally free and indepen-
dent, and have certain inherent rights, of which, when they
enter into a state of society, they cannot, by any compact, de-
prive or divest their posterity; namely, the enjoyment of life
and liberty, with the means of acquiring and possessing prop-
erty, and pursuing and obtaining happiness and safety.""
That great historian Henry Thomas Buckle, in his History
of Civilization in England, declared that the physical agents by
which the human race is most influenced are: "Climate, Food,
Soil, and the General Aspect of Nature." When the pioneers
came here they found three of these essential physical agents
for the erection of a refined civilization abundantly supplied by
Nature Climate, Soil, and a General Aspect of Nature. The
climate was temperate, salubrious and invigorating, and cannot
be surpassed in these particulars in any part of the world. The
soil was very fertile, having been enriched during many thou-
sand past years by decayed vegetable matter and decomposed
limestone; and in some localities from deposits of marl.
And
16
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
the General Aspect of Nature was so imposing in its grandeur
that it must have inspired the pioneers with an inflexible de-
sire to accomplish the purposes that had brought them hither-
that was to erect homes for themselves and their posterity,
where they could enjoy, unrestricted, the blessings of political
and religious freedom.
To those heroically inclined, the pioneer life furnished all
the elements of adventure and the fascinations of danger. The
delightful climate and sublime aspect of nature were free to all
who dared to come and enjoy them. A heavy task, however,
was imposed upon each and every settler who purposed to pro-
vide cereal and vegetable food for himself and his dependant
ones, and to build a cabin for his family to dwell in. They had
to clear patches in the heavy forests where the ground was cov-
ered with trees of immense proportions; and afterwards enlarge
the patches into fields. The clearings were made by chopping
down the large trees surrounding the sites where houses were
to be erected and using the logs for the buildings. On the ad-
jacent ground the large trees were belted with axes to keep the
sap from rising in the spring, and thus cause the trees to die.
The saplings were cut down and the brush grubbed out; the
brush and saplings were then burned or removed and the loose,
rich soil was easily prepared for seeding.
The men and women who first came and fixed their homes
in the New River, Holston and Clinch valleys must have been
endowed with extraordinary courage and powers of endurance.
Otherwise, they could not have performed such arduous tasks;
nor met and conquered so successfully the many severe trials
and frightful dangers they were compelled to encounter. That
they succeeded in accomplishing these things was evidenced by
the excellent civil communities they organized and the comfort-
able homes they bequeathed to their decendants.
The battle of Point Pleasant has been pronounced by some
historians "the first battle of the American Revolution." This
pronouncement has been disputed by others who have written
of the event, though they have freely admitted that it was
purely an American soldiery that won the victory from Corn-
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
17
stalk and his thousand picked Indian braves. There were no
British troops or officers that participated in the engagement;
and it was fought on the American side by Virginia mountain-
eers, both officers and men in the ranks. A significant fact in
connection with the affair is that the victorious army, before it
was disbanded and left Ohio, formed itself into a society and
pledged their word of honor to each other to assist their breth-
ren of Boston in case hostilities should commence. From this
action on the part of the men who accompanied Lewis and Dun-
more on the Ohio expedition, it is made evident that the in-
habitants of Appalachian Virginia were anticipating an im-
mediate conflict with Great Britian. It also verified the opin-
ion expressed by Governor Dunmore to Lord Dartmouth that it
was the ultimate purpose of the Virginia mountaineers "to
form a set of Democratical Governments of their own, upon the
backs of the old Colonies."
Four days after the battle of Point Pleasant, the second
Continental Congress, then in session at Philadelphia, passed
strong and defiant resolutions, setting forth numerous griev-
ances the British Government had imposed upon the Colonies
and demanding redress therefor.
On the 20th of October, 1774, the Congress adopted certain
Articles of Association, fourteen in number, looking to the fu-
ture trade relations of Great Britain and her dependencies. The
first Article provided that after the first of December, 1774, no
goods, wares, or merchandise whatsoever should be imported in-
to the American Colonies from Great Britain, Ireland, or any of
Great Britain's dependencies. The importation of any goods
that had been exported to any other country from Great Britain
or her dependencies was alse prohibited. The fourth Article
provided that, if the obnoxious Acts and parts of Acts passed by
the British Parliament were not repealed by the 10th of Sep-
tember, 1775, "We (the Colonies) will not, directly or indirectly,
export any merchandise or commodity whatsoever, to Great
Britain, Ireland, or the West Indies, except via Europe", mean-
ing the neutral countries of Europe. The strict enforcement of
these two Articles would have entirely destroyed the trade rela-
tions between Great Britain and her American Colonies
18
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
Before adjourning, the Congress prepared a petition to
George III, an address to the several American Colonies, and a
memorial to the people of England, informing them of the act-
ion taken by the Congress; and declaring the future resolute
purposes of the Colonies. These proceedings only served to in-
tensify the hatred of King George and the British Ministry to-
ward the American Colonies, and Parliament was constrained
to give its assent to the oppressive policies of the Crown.
An ardent desire for American Independence had long been
lodged in the minds of the Colonists, and the announcement that
the British Government was resolved to continue its policy of
outrage and oppression, kindled the desire for American inde-
pendence into a living flame. In no section of the country had
the Democrátic spirit taken deeper root in the hearts and
minds of the people than with the hardy pioneers of Appalach-
ian Virginia. The address sent by the Continental Congress to
the several American Colonies had requested that "Committees
of Safety" be formed in all sections of the Colonies to have car-
ried into execution the purposes set forth in the Articles of As-
sociation. The very first to take action upon the address sent
by Congress to the Virginia Colony were the men of Fincastle
County. A meeting of the freeholders of that county was held
at the county seat (The Lead Mines, now in the present Wythe
County) on the 20th day of January, 1775. The first business
transacted at the meeting was the selection and organization of
a Committee of Safety, and the recorded proceedings were as
follows:
"In obedience to the resolve of the Continental Congress, a
meeting of the Freeholders of Fincastle County, in Virginia,
was held on the 20th day of January, 1775, who, after approv-
ing of the Association framed by that august body in behalf of
the Colonies, and subscribing thereto, proceeded to the election
of a Committee, to see the same carried punctually into execu-
tion, when the following gentlemen were nominated: The Rev-
erend Charles Cummings, Colonel William Preston, Colonel
William Christian, Captain Stephen Trigg, Major Arthur Camp-
bell, Major William Inglis, Captain Walter Crockett, Captain
John Montgomery, Captain James McGavock, Captain William
Campbell, Captain Thomas Madison, Captain Daniel Smith, Cap-.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
19
tain William Russell, Captain Evan Shelby and Lieutenant Will-
iam Edmondson. After the election the committee made choice
of Colonel William Christian for their chairman, and appointed
Mr. David Campbell to be clerk."
The other, and most important, proceeding taken at the
meeting of the Fincastle people was the issuance of an address.
It was directed to the distinguished men who represented Vir-
ginia in the Continental Congress, and who had assisted in the
preparation and promulgation of the "Articles of Association."
The address is as follows:
"To the Honorable PEYTON RANDOLPH, ESQUIRE, RICH-
ARD HENRY LEE, GEORGE WASHINGTON, PATRICK HEN-
RY, Junior. RICHARD BLAND, BENJAMIN HARRISON, and
EDMUND PENDELTON, Esquires, the Delegates from this Col-
ony, who attended the Continental Congress held at PHILA-
DELPHIA:
Gentlemen:-Had it not been for our remote situation and
the Indian War which we were lately engaged in to chastise
those cruel savage people for the many murders and depreda-
tions they have committed amongst us, now happily terminated
under the auspices of our present worthy Governor, His Excel-
lency the Right Honorable the Earl of Dunmore, we should be-
fore this time have made known to you our thankfulness for the
very important services you have rendered to your country, in
conjunction with the Worthy Delegates from the Other Provinc-
es. Your noble efforts for reconciling the mother country and
the Colonies, on rational and constitutional principles and your
pacifick, steady and uniform conduct in that arduous work en-
title you to the esteem of all British America, and will im-
mortalize you in the annals of your country. We heartily con-
cur in your resolutions, and shall, in every instance, strictly
and invariably adhere thereto.
We assure you, gentlemen, and all our countrymen, that we
are a people whose hearts overflow with love and duty to our
lawful Sovereign, George the Third, whose illustrious House for
several successive reigns have been the guardians of the rivil
and religious rights and liberties of British subjects, as settled
at the glorious Revolution; that we are willing to risk our lives
20
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
in the service of his Majesty for the support of the Protestant
religion and the rights and liberties of his subjects, as they have
been established by compact, law, and ancient charters. We
are heartily grieved at the differences which now subsist be-
tween the parent state and the Colonies, and most ardently
wish to see harmony restored on an equitable basis and by the
most lenient measures that can be devised by the heart of man.
Many of us and our forefathers left our native land, considering
it a kingdom subjected to inordinate power and greatly abridg-
ed of its liberties; we crossed the Atlantic, and explored this
then uncultivated wilderness bordering on many nations of
savages and surrounded by mountains almost inaccessible to
any but these very savages, who have incessantly been commit-
ting barbarities and depredations on us since our first seating
in the country. These fatigues and dangers we patiently en-
countered, supported by the pleasing hope of enjoying those
rights and liberties which had been granted to Virginians, and
were denied us in our native country, and of transmitting them
inviolate to our posterity; but even to these remote regions the
hand of unlimited and unconstitutional power hath pursued us,
to strip us of that liberty and property with which God, nature
and the rights of humanity have vested us. We are ready and
willing to contribute all in our power for the support of his
Majesty's government, if applied to constitutionally, and when
the grants are made by our own Representatives, but cannot
think of submitting our liberty or property to the power of a
venal British Parliament, or to the will of a corrupt Ministry.
We by no means desire to shake off our duty or allegiance to our
lawful sovereign, but, on the contrary, shall ever glory in being
the loyal subjects of a Protestant prince, descended from such
illustrious progenitors, so long as we can enjoy the free exercise
of our religion as Protestants, and our liberties and properties
as British Subjects.
But if no pacifick measures shall be proposed or adopted by
Great Britain, and our enemies will attempt to dragoon us out
of those inestimable privileges, which we are entitled to as sub-
jects, and to reduce us to a state of slavery, we declare that we
are deliberately and resolutely determined never to surrender
them to any power upon earth but at the expense of our lives.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
21
These are our real, though unpolished, sentiments of liberty
and loyalty, and in them we are resolved to live and die.
We are, gentlemen, with the most perfect esteem and re-
gard, your most obedient servants."
Tradition informs us that the address was written by Rev-
erend Charles Cummings. The phraseology of the paper shows
beyond dispute that it was prepared by a preacher, and not by
a soldier or a politician. The professions of love and duty for
George III. and his "illustrious House" indicate that the man.
who drafted the address was an extreme Protestant in religion;
and that he found one redeeming virtue in the otherwise repul-
sive character of King George-the adherence of the House of
Hanover to the cause of Protestanism in its terrible struggle
with Roman Catholicism. The love and duty which overflowed
the hearts of the men of Fincastle County were made a secon-
dary consideration when they realized that their civil and re-
ligious rights were being subverted by the British Government.
Hence their stern determination to defend those rights at any
cost, as written in a closing paragraph: "We declare that we are
deliberately and resolutely determined never to surrender them
to any power on earth but at the expense of our lives."
The citizens of Botetourt and Augusta counties-encour-
aged by the resolute stand of the men of Fincastle County for
American freedom-afterwards held meetings, and passed re-
solutions of similar import.
Thus will it be seen that the people of Appalachian Virginia
were resolved to free themselves from the fetters of monarchi-
cal government; and make good the charge of Lord Dunmore
that it was their intention "to form a Set of Democratical Gov-
ernments of their own". It may reasonably be asserted that
the men of Fincastle County were the first among the American
Colonists to write and promulgate a Declaration of Indepen-
dence; and that the first to follow them in this daring step were
the men of the two other great counties of Appalachian Vir-
ginia-Botetourt and Augusta. What has been called the
"Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence"-claimed to have
been made by the citizens of Mecklenburg County, North Caro-
lina-bore date the 20th of May, 1776. The Fincastle Declara-
22
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
tion was framed, adopted, and forwarded to the Delegates from
Virginia in the Continental Congress more than a year before
the Mecklenburg Declaration was written.
As soon as it became known in England that the Continen-
tal Congress had declared for the Colonies a policy of non-com-
mercial intercourse with Great Britian, Parliament retaliated
by ordering that the Colonies be forced into acceptance of the
obnoxious shipping bill and other oppressive laws. A campaign
of subjugation was then adopted by the British Government, and
fleets and armies were sent to America to carry out the scheme.
The first movement made in the policy of subjugation was di-
rected against the Massachusetts Colony, and provoked the bat-
tles of Lexington and Bunker Hill. These battles were fought,
respectively, on the 19th of April, 1775, and June 17th, 1775.
Following these engagements, the Massachusetts patriots re-
ceived assurances from Virginia and her other sister Colonies
that they would faithfully support them in their struggle to
preserve their rights as American freemen.
During the Spring, Summer and Fall of 1775, the authority
of the King of England was superseded by independent republi-
can government in all the Colonies; and in March of that year a
convention was held by Virginians in Old St. John's Church at
Richmond. In that convention Patrick Henry urged that an
army be raised in Virginia to repel British invasions. And it
was in support of this suggestion he made the famous speech
that has immortalized him as an orator and patriot.
The persistent hostile attitude of the Virginians and other
Colonists caused the British Government to send orders to all
the Colonial governors to place all military stores beyond the
reach of the American patriots. In compliance with these or-
ders, Governor Dunmore, on the 19th of April, 1775, secretly
removed the gunpowder from the magazine at Williamsburg,
and stored it in a British man-of-war that was anchored off
Yorktown. This act of Dunmore aroused such indignation
throughout the Colony that thousands of men armed themselves
and assembled at Fredericksburg. They offered their services
to march against Williamsburg and drive Dunmore from Vir-
ginia. Patrick Henry was the instigator and leader of the re-
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
23
volt; and Dunmore was so alarmed that he sent the King's re-
ceiver-general to Henry and paid him for the powder that had
been removed.
When the Committee of Safety for Fincastle County heard
of the gunpowder incident, they assembled at the county seat
and adopted the following resolutions:
"Resolved, that the spirited and meritorious conduct of Pat-
rick Henry, Esq., and the rest of the gentlemen volunteers at-
tending him on the occasion of the removal of the gunpowder
out of the magazine at Williamsburg, very justly merits the
very hearty approbation of this Committee, for which we re-
turn our thanks, with an assurance that we will, at the risk of
our lives and fortunes, support and justify them with regard to
the reprisals they made.
"Resolved, That the council of this Colony in advising and
co-operating with Lord Dunmore in issuing the proclamation of
the 3rd of May last, charging the people of this Colony with an
ungovernable spirit and licentious practices, is contrary to
many known matters of fact, and but justly shows to us that
those who ought to be mediators and guardians of our liberties
are become the abject tools of a detested administration.
"Resolved that it is the opinion of this committee that the
sanguinary attempt and preparation of the King's troops, in
the colony of Narragansett Bay, are truly alarming and irritat-
ing, and loudly call upon all, even the most distant and interior
parts of the Colonies, to prepare and be ready for the extreme
event, by a fixed resolution and a firm and manly resolve to
avert ministerial cruelty in defence of our reasonable rights
and liberties."
By reason of the various acts, before recited, the people of
Fincastle County had thoroughly identified themselves with the
cause of American independence. Governor Dunmore fled from
Williamsburg on the 8th of June, 1775, and by this and subse-
quent acts all official intercourse between him and the Virginia
General Assembly was terminated. On the 24th of July, 1775,
the Virginia Colonial Convention met at Williamsburg and,
among other things, made provision for the organization of two
regiments of soldiers to be commanded by Patrick Henry; and
to be used against any British forces that invaded the Colony.
24
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
Fincastle County promptly sent a company of splendid riflemen
to join the forces of Henry at Williamsburg. The company was
commanded by Captain William Campbell, and was composed of
veteran Indian fighters, most of them having participated in
the Ohio campaign and the battle at Point Pleasant. Botetourt,
Augusta, and Frederick counties, of Appalachian Virginia, also
sent ample contingents to aid their brother patriots of Tide-
water, Virginia. Dunmore had finally located with his forces
on Gwynn's Island, off the cost of the present Matthews Coun-
ty, Virginia. From that place, on the 9th of July, 1776, five
days after the Declaration of Independence was made by the
Continental Congress, he was driven for all time from Virginia
soil.
The forces that expelled Dunmore from Virginia were
commanded by General Andrew Lewis, and it must have been
a delightful privilege for the gallant frontiersman with his dar-
ing riflemen to chase the treacherous Scotch Royalist Governor
from the Old Dominion.
The convention which met at Richmond in 1775 provided
for a General Convention to be held for the purpose of organiz-
ing a constitutional government for Virginia. In due time
delegates were elected from all the counties; and Major Arthur
Campbell and Captain William Russell were the representatives
for Fincastle County. The General Convention assembled in
the Capitol at Williamsburg the 6th of May, 1776. On the 15th
the Convention adopted the following resolution:
"That the delegates appointed to represent this colony in
General Congress, be instructed to propose to that respectable
body, to declare the united colonies free and independent States,
absolved from all allegiance to, or dependence on the crown or
parliament of Great Britain; and that they give the assent of
this colony to such declaration, and whatever measures may be
thought necessary by Congress for forming alliances, and a con-
federation of the colonies, at such time, and in the manner that
to them shall seem best; provided, that the power of forming
governments for, and the regulations of the internal concerns
of each colony, be left to the colonial legislatures."
On the 12th day of June the "Declaration of Rights" was
unanimously adopted, without debate, by the convention. In
his History of Tazewell County and Southwest Virginia, the
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
25
author made the following assertion:
"It is admitted by all persons, who have an intelligent
knowledge of its provisions, that the Virginia Bill of Rights is
the most comprehensive, compact and perfect charter of human
liberty and popular government that has ever been written.
Constitutions may have to be made elastic and may need fre-
quent revisions; but the Virginia Bill of Rights requires noth-
ing more than honest interpretation and application to insure
for those persons who desire to live under its aegis the purest
and best form of Democratic Government."
Immediately following the adoption of the Bill of Rights
the convention began to frame a Constitution for the State of
Virginia. This very important work was accomplished in six-
teen days; and on the 29th of June, 1776, the first organic law
written on the American Continent was proclaimed. The Con-
stitution was imperfect in some particulars; but, with the ex-
cellent Bill of Rights as a foundation and guide, it was not only
possible but certain that succeeding Constitutional Conventions
would find little difficulty in correcting the imperfections. To
what extent this has been done, and not done, will be given at-
tention in succeeding chapters of this book.
Only a few days intervened between the adoption of the
Virginia Bill of Rights by the General Convention and the ad-
option of the Declaration of Independence by the Continental
Congress. That surpassingly great document, which declared
all the American Colonies were free of British misrule, was
drafted by Virginia's greatest citizen, Thomas Jefferson, and on
lines that correspond with the resolutions of the Virginia Con-
vention. The Declaration of Independence was adopted on the
4th day of July, 1776, was proclaimed on the 7th, and as
promptly as possible read to each Division of the Continental
Army; and transmitted to the governing authorities of each of
the Colonies. On the 29th of July it was proclaimed at the
Capitol, the court house and the palace at Williamsburg.
From that time onward war between the Americans and the
British was waged with a desperate fury, that did not cease un-
til the surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown. The men of Appa-
lachian Virginia not only did their part in the struggle, but were
eminently helpful in achieving freedom for the American people.
26
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
Daniel Morgan with his daring Appalachian riflemen secured
the victory for Gates over Burgoyne, at the battle of Saratoga.
They were armed with the deadly mountain rifles that General
Howe, a British general, named "the terrible guns of the
rebels". And General Morgan, with his Virginia mountain rifle-
men, gave a crushing defeat to the dashing Tarleton at the
battle of Cowpens, with a loss to the British of three hundred
killed and wounded, five hundred prisoners, and a large quan-
tity of ammunition and stores.
On his marvelous march to Vincennes, George Rodgers
Clark was accompanied by about two hundred brave mount-
aineers; and most of them were from the Appalachian region
of Virginia. They drove the British from the Northwestern
territory; and put Virginia in possession of the vast domain
which afterwards, at the instance of Thomas Jefferson, was
generously ceded by our State to the United States. Clark's
march to Vincennes has been related in history and fiction as
one of the marvels of the military world.
Among the most daring and eventful performances of the
Revolutionary War, was the march of four hundred men from
Washington County, Virginia, and four hundred and eighty men
from Tennessee to King's Mountain, and the battle fought and
won there. The men from Virginia were from the Holston and
Clinch valleys of Washington County, and were under the com-
mand of Colonel William Campbell. The men from Tennessee,
then North Carolina, were commanded by Colonel Isaac Shelby
and Colonel John Sevier. The entire force was from the Ap-
palachian region of the two States; and were pioneers and
trained Indian fighters. They assembled at Sycamore Shoals, at
the foot of the Yellow Mountain, on the Watauga River, three
miles below the present town of Elizabethton, Tennessee. On
the 26th of September, 1780, they began their march from Syca-
more Shoals to King's Mountain; and all of them were armed
with "the terrible guns of the rebels." Colonel William Camp-
bell was selected by a council of the field officers to command
the little army.
Colonel Patrick Ferguson, a brave but ruthless soldier, was
in command of the British army, which was composed of Regu-
lars and Tories. His army was about equal in number to that
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
27
of the attacking Americans, some nine hundred men.. He took
his position on the oblong hill or stony ridge now historically
famous as King's Mountain. On the afternoon of the 7th of
October the American army of nine hundred men, surrounded
the ridge and began to attack the British. The Virginians were
the first to enter the engagement, and the first shot of the bat-
tle was fired by Philip Greever, who was a neighbor of Colonel

The gun shown in the picture above is the rifle used by Philip
Greever when he fired the first gun and shot a Tory at the Battle of
King's Mountain, Oct. 7th, 1780. The rifle is now owned by Mrs.
E. L. Greever. She is a direct descendant of Philip Greever; and
she owns and occupies the beautiful farm where he lived and died,
at Chilhowie, Smyth County, Virginia. Mrs. Greever is the daugh-
ter of the late Gen. James S. Greever, and the wife of E. L.
Greever, who is also a direct descendant of Philip. The Confed-
erate Flag shown in the picture was made from the wedding dress
of Mrs. Arthur Cummings, of Abingdon, Virginia, and was presented
to Captain Greever by her when he organized his Company, the
Smyth Rifle Company, May 8th, 1861. Captain Greever was a gal-
lant officer and did faithful service for the Confederacy. After the
war he was prominent in the civil affairs of his State and section.
In 1869 he was elected to represent Washington and Smyth counties
in the State Senate, was re-elected in 1873, and elected to the Senate
again in 1883. Governor Walker appointed him Brigadier General
of the 20th Brigade, 5th Division of Virginia Militia.
He was an
honor graduate of Emory and Henry College, and he served as a
member of the Board of Trustees of that College from 1875 until
his death, which occurred Dec. 30th, 1895.
28
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
Campbell, and lived half a mile west of the present town of
Chillhowie, in Smyth County. Greever shot a Tory-who was
partly concealed behind a tree- through the thigh; and after
the battle was over administered to the comfort of the Tory by
carrying water to him and giving other attentions.
Though the Tennesseeans performed their part gallantly in
the engagement, the brunt of the battle was borne by the Vir-
ginians. Nearly half of the Americans killed in the battle, and
one-third of the wounded, were members of Campbell's regi-
ment, while thirteen of the fourteen killed were officers of that
regiment.
Colonel Patrick Ferguson, the British commander, was kill-
ed while trying to cut his way through the American lines,
after he saw he was surely defeated. His effort to escape was
prevented by six or eight bullets fired into his person by the
Virginia riflemen, one bullet crashing through his brain. The
total loss of the Brtish was, 157 killed, 153 wounded, and 706
prisoners.
The final official report, made by Colonel Campbell and his
associate officers, placed the Americans killed at twenty-eight
and the wounded at sixty-two-a total of ninety.
The battle
of King's Mountain has been conceded by various historians to
have turned the tide in favor of the American patriots in their
desperate struggle for freedom.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
29
CHAPTER II
ORGANIZATION OF VIRGINIA GOVERNMENT
THOMAS JEFFERSON FATHER OF
POPULAR GOVERNMENT.
The American Colonies had declared themselves a free and
independent people; the Revolution was upon them; and the
Colonies had entered into a desperate struggle, of uncertain
duration, with Great Britain, then the most powerful military
and naval nation in the world. The most important and event-
ful period in the life of the Colonies had been reached. An
American Nation had to be constructed and unified, and the
several Colonies had to form for themselves State and local gov-
ernments. The fathers, upon whom rested the responsibility of
effecting these things, were confronted with grave issues when
they undertook to develop a plan of democratic government for
themselves and their fellow-countrymen, and that would be
suited to the future generations of a great nation of freemen.
They had cut loose from the monarchical forms of government
under which they and their ancestors had for centuries been
held as subjects and denied the rights of free citizenship. Re-
luctantly they had severed the tender ties that bound them to
kindred and mother country, but they bravely accepted the
task, and nobly executed their work.
Virginia was the first among the Colonies to frame a writ-
ten constitution, and organize a permanent republican govern-
ment under its provisions: "thus taking the first great step in
those free institutions for securing civil liberty, which may be
denominated the American System." And upon Virginia was
placed the honor of giving to the American Nation the "Father
of His Country," in the person of George Washington; the
"Father of Popular Government," in the person of Thomas Jef-
ferson; and the "Father of the Constitution," in the person of
James Madison.
Thomas Jefferson was the proponent of nearly all the pure
principles of republicanism that were introduced into the organ-
ic and statute laws of Virginia. When the Commonwealth was
30
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
established he was at Philadelphia serving as a member of the
Continental Congress. And he was re-chosen a member of Con-
gress by the General Convention then in session at Williams-
burg. At the first election held under the Virginia Constitu-
tion the people of Albemarle County elected him to represent
them in the Virginia House of Delegates. He decided that his
duty to Virginia was paramount to that he owed the newly
organized Confederated States. After reaching this conclusion,
on the 2nd of September he resigned his seat in Congress, and
the next day started from Philadelphia to his home at Monti-
cello.
The House of Delegates assembled at Williamsburg on the
7th of October, 1776; and four days afterward Mr. Jefferson be-
gan to actively push for reforms in the civil system of Virginia
that were necessary to make it conform to his theories of true
republican government. In this laudable undertaking he had
associated with him three of the ablest and purest men Virginia
has ever produced; namely, George Mason, George Wythe, and
James Madison. But there were in the House other men of
equal ability and purity who did not subscribe to the radical re-
forms Mr. Jefferson proposed to make in the civil system of the
State. Among these he made special mention of Edmund Pen-
delton and Robert Carter Nicholas, as "our greatest opponents."
Later on these two eminent men became devoted adherents of
Mr. Jefferson while he was engaged in his desperate struggles
with Alexander Hamilton and his Federalist followers.
Mr. Jefferson had attained such distinction in his State and
throughout the nation that he was immediately recognized by
his colleagues as the leading spirit of the General Assembly;
and he was made a member of all the important committees of
the House of Delegates. He deemed it best to first make a test
of "the strength of the general pulse of reformation" by attack-
ing in detail a few of the most "vicious points" that were promi-
nent in the laws in force while Virginia was ruled by a Colonial
Government. As soon as the Committees were organized he
asked for and obtained leave to introduce a bill for establishing
Courts of Justice throughout the Commonwealth. This reform
in the Judiciary System of the Commonwealth he succeeded in
accomplishing at that session of the General Assembly. The
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
31
following day-the 12th of October-he was granted leave to
report a bill, "To enable tenants in taille to convey their lands
in fee simple," and another, "For a revision of the laws." He
proceeded very rapidly with his reform measures; and on the
14th of October reported his bill intended to destroy the obnox-
ious law of entails and primogeniture. Randall, in his "Life of
Thomas Jefferson," speaks thus of the measure: "The effect of
such a change on the division of property and the social condi-
tion of Virginia, must needs be enormous. In all the lower
counties of the State a large portion of the lands was divided
into great estates, held from generation to generation by the
older sons, in the same way, and producing the same political
and social consequences, that are now witnessed, from the like
causes, in England and other European countries. The political
and social framework was essentially aristocratic, producing
the luxury, aesthetic culture, showy and apparently prosperous
appearances incidental to such a condition, and which are often
mistaken by superficial observers for the highest and best
national development. But the few controlled the many in
politics, lorded over them in society, monopolized what was
equally theirs by natural right, and finally, by holding more
than they could put to its best uses, diminished the aggregate
resources of the State."
Evidently it was the purpose of Mr. Jefferson to make
popular government a dominant feature in the new government
of Virginia; and to prevent the State, for all time, from pass-
ing under the domination of the aristocratic and wealthy class-
es. The destruction of the law of entails and primogeniture,
reinforced by the enactment of his other contemplated reform
measures, he believed would prove effectual.
Randall says:
"Such were, doubtless, hard and unpalatable doctrines to the
nurslings of luxury in Virginia, and to the monomaniacs on
the subject of family importance, who are to be found in all
aristocratic, if not other, communities. The day that Mr. Jef-
ferson brought his bill to abolish entails into the House of Dele-
gates, he banded for the first time against himself a numerous
and very influential body of enemies-a body of enemies who
never forgave him, or lost a good opportunity to wreak their
bitter hate on him."
32
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
The bill was stubbornly and adroitly resisted by some of
the ablest men in the House of Delegates; but on the 23rd of
October it was passed by that body-the title being changed to
"A bill declaring tenants of land or slaves in taille to hold the
same in fee simple"
On the 11th of October a Standing Committee "Of Religion"
was appointed and directed to meet and adjourn from day to
day, and "to take under their consideration all matters and
things relating to religion and morality." Urgent petitions
had been sent to the General Assembly by the several denomi-
nations that dissented from the creed and forms of the Anglican
Church. In these petitions the Presbyterians, Baptists, Luther-
ans, Quakers, and others, cried aloud for relief from the oppres-
sive laws imposed upon them while living under the royal gov-
ernments. All the dissenting religious denominations were rep-
resented on the Committee; but the Established Church had a
decided majority. Fortunately, Mr. Jefferson was a member
of it, and, supported by a zealous minority of the Committee,
began his struggle for Religious Freedom, as he had already be-
gun for Political Freedom, in Virginia. The principles he es-
poused were engrafted in his Bill for Religious Freedom, that
was later written into the statute laws of Virginia. Mr. Jef-
ferson had been appointed a member of the committee to revise
the laws of the State, and in that capacity wrote the bill for
Establishing Religious Freedom.
Mr. Jefferson inaugurated another movement that was of
momentous importance to the future welfare of the Common-
wealth of Virginia and the American Union-that was to free
the African Slaves, held in the State, by gradual emancipation.
Looking to this end, he and his associate Revisers of the Laws
prepared a bill to carry out the scheme; but failed to secure
its enactment by the General Assembly. Subsequently, when
writing about the course followed by the Revisers, Mr. Jeffer-
son said: "The Bill on the subject of slaves, was a mere digest
of the existing laws, without intimation of a plan for a future
and general emancipation. It was thought better that this
should be kept back, and attempted only by way of amendment,
whenever the bill should be brought on. The principles of the
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
33
amendment, however, were agreed on, that is to say, the free-
dom of all slaves born after a certain day, and deportation at a
certain age; but it was found that the public mind would not
yet bear the proposition, nor will it bear it even at this day.
Yet the day is not distant when it must bear and adopt it, or
worse will follow. Nothing is more certainly written in the
book of fate than that this people are to be free; nor is it less
certain that the two races, equally free, cannot live in the same
government. Nature, habit, opinion have drawn indelible lines.
of distinction between them. It is still in our power to direct
the process of emancipation and deportation, peaceably, and
in such slow degree, as that the evil will wear off insensibly, and
their place be pari passu, (with equal pace) filled up by free
white laborers. If, on the contrary, it is left to force itself on,
human nature must shudder at the prospect held up. We should
in vain look for an example in the Spanish deportation or dele-
tion of the Moors. This precedent would fall far short of our
case."
Mr. Jefferson seemed to have prophetic vision of the dire
calamity African Slavery would bring to the American Nation,
unless prompt and efficient steps were taken to avert it. He
foresaw that if the slaves were not voluntarily emancipated
that a frightful crisis would come, and their freedom be secured
by force. What a misfortune for our country and to civiliza-
tion that his advice was not heeded, and the four years of bloody
strife between the States prevented.
Determined to make the government of Virginia truly re-
publican both in form and performance, Mr. Jefferson's remark-
ably perceptive mind saw that to accomplish his desired pur-
pose the sovereign power of the Commonwealth must be lodged
in the people. To make this plan effective and efficient he knew
the masses of the people should be educated. Accordingly,
among the earliest of his numerous excellent conceptions for
the establishment of a popular government, was the introduct-
ion of a bill "For the more general distribution of Knowledge"
the object of which he declared was "to diffuse Knowledge more
generally through the mass of the people." In his "Notes on
Virginia," Mr. Jefferson says:
34
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
"This bill proposes to lay off every county into small dis-
tricts of five or six miles square, called hundreds, and each of
them to establish a school for teaching reading, writing and
arithmetic. The tutor to be supported by the hundred, and
every person in it entitled to send their children three years
gratis, and as much longer as they please, paying for it.*** The
ultimate result of the whole scheme of education would be the
teaching all the children of the State reading, writing, and com-
mon arithmetic: turning out ten annually, of superior genius,
well taught in Greek, Latin, Geography, and the higher branch-
es of arithmetic: turning out ten others annually, of still super-
ior parts, who to those branches of learning, shall have added
such of the sciences as their genius shall have lead them to ***
By that part of our plan which prescribes the selection of the
youths of genius from among the classes of the poor, we hope to
avail the State of those talents which nature has sown as liber-
ally among the poor as the rich, but which perish without use
if not sought for and cultivated. *** In every government on
earth is some trace of human weakness, some germ of corrupt-
ion and degeneracy, which cunning will discover, and wicked-
ness insensibly open, cultivate and improve. Every govern-
ment degenerates when trusted to the rulers of the people
alone. The people themselves are its only safe depositories.
And to render them even safe, their minds must be improved to
a certain degree. *** The influence over government must be
shared among all the people."
The Revisers of the Laws, Messrs. Jefferson, Wythe and
Pendelton, had embodied the educational bills in their report
to the General Assembly, but the wealthy men in that body con-
tinuously obstructed its passage. It was finally acted upon and
passed in a mutilated form by the Legislature in 1796. In his
Memoir, Mr. Jefferson thus speaks of the Free Common School
Act:
"These bills were not acted on until the same year, '96, and
then only so much of the first as provided for elementary
schools. *** And in the Elementary bill, they inserted a pro-
vision which completely defeated it; for they left it to the court
of each county to determine for itself, when this act should be
carried into execution, within their county. One provision of
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
35
the bill was, that the expenses of these schools should be borne
by the inhabitants of the county, every one in proportion to his
general tax rate. This would throw on wealth the education of
the poor; and the justices, being generally of the more wealthy
class, were unwilling to incur that burden, and I believe it was
not suffered to commence in a single county."
Thus was Mr. Jefferson's effort to effectively and perman-
ently establish a Public Free School System in Virginia ob-
structed and thwarted. And the wealthy and aristocratic class-
es of the State-in defiance of Mr. Jefferson's strenuous effort
to secure education for all the people, up to the time of his death
in 1826-continued to hold education of the masses in abeyance
until after the Civil War was ended. Following that war, and
while Virginia was still under military rule, a Constitutional
Convention was held. The Convention's membership was com-
posed largely of negroes and non-native white men. They
framed the much decried and then despised "Underwood Con-
stitution." This Convention had the distinction of writing into
a Virginia Constitution a provision for a Public Free School Sys-
tem that substantially accords with the system originated by
Thomas Jefferson in 1776.
Mr. Jefferson served in the General Assembly at the ses-
sions held during the years 1776, 1777 and 1778. And he ap-
plied himself diligently to procuring the enactment of his re-
form measures, that were intended to give to Virginia a per-
manent form of self-government by the people. His inflexible
purpose to prevent the erection of aristocratical forms of gov-
ernment-State and Federal-aroused the resentment of the
wealthy and aristocratic classes to such an extent that they be-
came his bitter foes until death removed him to a higher sphere.
36
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
CHAPTER III
THE REVOLUTION CONCLUDED FEDERAL CONSTITUTION
FRAMED AND RATIFIED BY THE STATES.
The War of the Revolution was virtually brought to a con-
clusion by the surrender of Lord Cornwallis with his army at
Yorktown on the 19th of October, 1781. The Americans had
wrested from the British all the territory of the States, save
the cities of New York, Charleston and Savannah and small
boundaries adjacent to those cities. Great Britain was forced
to abandon all hope of conquering the States and restoring them
as her Colonies. The Tory ministry in England was compelled
to resign; and the Whigs, who had been long urging that war
against the Colonies should cease, were placed in control of the
government. Negotiations for peace were soon begun. Five
commissioners-John Adams, John Jay, Benjamin Franklin,
Thomas Jefferson, and Henry Laurens-were appointed by the
United States, and five were appointed by the British Govern-
ment. They met at Paris, and on the 30th of November, 1782,
signed a provisional treaty of peace; and on the 19th of April,
1783, just eight years after the battle of Lexington was fought,
a cessation of hostilities was proclaimed by the two govern-
ments.
The people of all the States were filled with joy when they
realized that the cause of freedom had prevailed, and the inde-
pendence of the States had been won. But along with this
period of joy troubles arose which seriously threatened the life
of the Federated Republic. In his History of the United States,
Alexander H. Stephens, referring to these troubles, says:
"One of these troubles grew out of the state of the army,
and the destitute condition of the public treasury, as well as the
country generally. Congress was largely in arrears, not only
with the officers, but with the men; and they had no power under
the Constitution, as it was, to levy taxes directly upon the peo-
ple. Public credit was exhausted. Would the army consent to
be disbanded without a settlement of their dues? This was a
perplexing question.*****
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
37
"At this time, too, it is sad to relate, there were many rest-
less spirits in the army, such as all great or long wars usually
give rise to; men of ambitious views and projects, who even to
the most daring and gallant deeds, are often actuated much
more by selfish motives of personal distinction and fame, than
by a true love of liberty. Many of this class had been engaged
in behalf of the States from the beginning, but who had little
sympathy with the real cause for which arms had been taken
up-which was the right of self-government on the part of the
people of each colony.
**********
"Some of these restless spirits sought to make the patriotic
and self-sacrificing army of Washington the instrument of their
unhallowed purpose.
The wants and needs of the army the
destitution of the country, and the utter inability of Congress
to make immediate adequate provision for these wants, and
even to deal justly by them by making prompt, full payment
for past dues, were seized upon as the means to inflame the pas-
sions of the soldiers, in hopes, by appeals to their misguided im-
pulses, they might be prevailed upon not to disband, but, under
the claim and demand of their rights, to overthrow Congress
and all the civil authorities. These designing men hoped that
this course would lead to military government in which they
hoped to be the chief actors."
It became evident that the Articles of Confederation—
which had been adopted by Congress eight days after the adopt-
ion of the Declaration of Independence-were inadequate for
maintaining the public credit and the efficient management of
the Federal Government. The Congress, and Virginia and
others of the States, sought by legislative action to cure the
serious defects and make the Articles of Confederation more
efficacious.
On the 21st of January, 1786, at the instance of James
Madison, the Virginia Legislature inaugurated a movement to
amend the Articles in such manner as to vest in Congress all
the powers that had previously been proposed. A resolution
was passed inviting all the other States to appoint commission-
ers to meet with those appointed from Virginia, to take into
38
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
consideration the various proposed amendments. Only four of
the other States responded to the call, to-wit:
New York,
New Jersey, Pennsylvania and Delaware. The commissioners
from the five States met at Annapolis on the 11th of September,
1786. All they accomplished was making a report to the Legis-
latures that appointed them, in which they recommended the
calling of a general convention of all the States to meet at
Philadelphia on the second Monday in May, 1787, "to take into
consideration the situation of the United States, to devise such
further provisions as shall appear to them necessary to render
the Constitution of the Federal Government adequate to the
exigencies of the Union," etc. Copies of the report were
forwarded to the United States, in Congress assembled, and to
the governor of each of the States. In response thereto, the
Congress on the 21st of February, 1787, adopted the following
resolution:
"Resolved, That in the opinion of Congress, it is expedient
that, on the second Monday in May next, a convention of dele-
gates, who shall be appointed by the several states, be held at
Philadelphia, for the sole and express purpose of revising the
Articles of Confederation, and reporting to Congress and the
several Legislatures such alterations and provisions therein as
shall, when agreed to in Congress, and confirmed by the States,
render the Federal Constitution adequate to the exigencies of
the government and the preservation of the Union."
Rhode Island made no response to the call; but the other
twelve States of the Union responded, and named delegates to
the Convention. The delegates from Virginia, chosen by a joint
ballot of the Senate and House of Delegates, were: George
Washington, Patrick Henry, Edmund Randolph, John Blair,
James Madison, George Mason, and George Wythe. Strange to
say, Patrick Henry was violently opposed to the general objects
of the Convention, and, therefore, declined to participate in its
deliberations.
When the Convention convened at Philadelphia, Thomas
Jefferson was at Paris, having been made Minister to France
as the successor of Dr. Franklin. He had been informed of the
action of the several States in acceding to the proposition of the
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
39
Congress to have a delegated convention for revising the
Articles of Confederation. And he had heard of the failure of
the Annapolis meeting-which had been called for purely com-
mercial reasons-to accomplish anything in the way of curing
the defects found in the Articles of Confederation. Mr. Jeffer-
son was as intensely interested in forming the Federal Govern-
ment on as strictly republican lines as he had been in the crea-
tion of a plan of popular government for Virginia. On the 14th
of November, 1786, he wrote a letter to James Madison in which
he made the following allusions to the Annapolis Convention,
and the general convention that was to be held in Philadelphia
in May, 1787: "I find by the public papers that your commer-
cial convention failed in point of representation. If it should
produce a full meeting in May, and a broader reformation, it
will be well. To make us one nation as to foreign concerns, and
keep us distinct in domestic ones, gives the outline of the proper
division of the powers between the general and particular gov-
ernments. But to enable the federal head to exercise the pow-
ers given to it, to best advantage, it should be organized, as the
particular ones are, into legislative, executive and judiciary.
The first and last are already separated. The second should be.
When last with Congress, I often proposed to members to do
this, by making of the committee of the States an executive
committee during the recess of Congress, and during its ses-
sions, to appoint a committee to receive and dispatch all execu-
tive business, so that Congress itself should meddle only with
what should be legislative. But I question if any Congress
(much less all successively) can have self-denial enough to go
through with this distribution."
This letter to James Madison shows conclusively that it was
Mr. Jefferson's desire-in so far as he was able to accomplish it
-to have the Federal and State governments formed on similar
lines. And it is also apparent it was his judgment that the
powers and rights of the two governments should be so dis-
tinctly separated as to prevent encroachments by either on the
rights and powers of the other.
It was a splendid conception by the great champion of pop-
ular government; and, if properly carried out, would secure to
all the people the supreme right of local self-government.
40
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
The ever memorable General Convention for a revision of
the Articles of Union between the States met in Philadelphia
on the 14th of May, 1787. Stephens says: "It was unquestion-
ably the ablest body of jurists, legislators, and statesmen that
had ever assembled on the continent of America." The author
will venture to assert that no abler and more patriotic body of
men has since met on the American Continent, or in any other
country of the civilized world.
The most important period in our history as a Nation had
been reached when the General Convention met to assemble in
concrete form the principles that inspired the Colonies to revolt
against the mother country, and to establish for themselves a
free and independent government in which each citizen should
become an equal participant. A unique problem presented it-
self to the eminent patriots who had been selected to fashion.
the form and character of the National Government. Its citi-
zenship was entirely distinct from any that had ever been con-
structed into a nation since the beginning of recorded history.
George Washington was made President of the Convention
by a unanimous vote. At first there was a considerable diver-
sity of opinion amongst the delegates as to what action should
be taken by the body. Some favored only necessary amend-
ments to the Articles of Confederation, while others were for
framing an entirely new Constitution, and devising a new plan
for the Federal Government. Alexander Hamilton was the
persistent leader of this movement. His scheme was to form
a single National Government to be modeled after the British
Government-to be controlled by the wealthy and aristocratic
classes-instead of a Federal republic, to be controlled by the
people. His purpose was to make the Union a strong central-
ized government, but his plan was rejected; and the form sug-
gested by Mr. Jefferson to Mr. Madison, in a letter from Paris
on the 16th of December, 1786, was accepted and adopted by
the Convention.
During the deliberations of the Convention, Hamilton re-
peatedly declared he was in favor of modeling the American
Government after that of the British Government. He gave
utterance to opinions which proved he despised a democracy,
and favored a monarchical form of government to be dominated
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
41
politically by a nobility and an aristocracy. On the floor of the
Convention he said: "The British Government is the best in the
world; and that he doubted much whether anything short of it
would do in America. ********** "Their (the British) House
of Lords is a noble institution. Having nothing to hope by a
change, and a sufficient interest, by means of their property, in
being faithful to the national interest, they form a permanent
barrier against every pernicious innovation, whether attempted
on the part of the Crown or of the Commons."
"I believe the British Government forms the best model the
world ever produced; and such has been its progress in the
minds of many, that the truth gradually gains ground.*** The
voice of the people has been said to be the voice of God; and,
however generally this maxim has been quoted and believed,
it is not true in fact. The people are turbulent and changing;
they seldom judge or determine right. Give, therefore, to the
first class a distinct, permanent share of government."
These expressions clearly indicate that Alexander Hamilton
was an enthusiastic advocate of a monarchical form of govern-
ment for the American people; and ardently despised the demo-
cratic principles espoused by Thomas Jefferson. Though a
respectable number of the delegates were in accord with Hamil-
ton's scheme for making the government National in character
-even at the expense of the rights and powers of the States-
very few acceded to his monarchical and aristocratical theories.
He was compelled to abandon his first scheme, but resorted to
another that would have, if adopted, made the Federal Govern-
ment absurdly inefficient and would have effectually wiped out
the distinct rights and powers of the States. Randall in his
Life of Jefferson, says: "On the 18th of June, Colonel Alexander
Hamilton proposed in the Convention, a plan of government, by
which the Chief Magistrate and Senate were to be elected to
serve 'during good behavior;' the State Governments were to be
reduced to mere shadows, their Executives being appointed by
the National Executive, and having a veto on laws, and their
legislatures being allowed to enact nothing contrary to the Con-
stitution or laws of the United States; and besides a national
Judiciary, something on the basis of the existing one, the Na-
42
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
tional Legislature was to have powers to institute Courts in
each State, 'for the determination of all matters of general con-
cern.""
On the 17th of September, 1787, the Constitution was
adopted by the unanimous vote of the twelve States present in
the Convention. It was provided that: "The ratification of the
Conventions of nine States shall be sufficient for the establish-
ment of the Constitution between the States so ratifying the
same." And it was provided that, if so ratified, it should go
into effect on the first Wednesday in March, 1789.
The Constitution was ratified by the thirteen States in the
following order-Delaware, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Georgia,
Connecticut, Massachusetts, Maryland, South Carolina, New
Hampshire, Virginia, New York, North Carolina, Rhode Island.
The last mentioned State was the last of the thirteen to ratify
the Constitution.
The Virginia Ratification Convention met on the 2nd of
June, 1788. It was a splendid body of men, the most eminent
citizens of the State composing its membership.
Among the
notables present were: Patrick Henry, George Mason, Bushrod
Washington, Henry Lee, of Westmoreland, George Nicholas,
Edmund Pendelton, Edmund Randolph, James Monroe, James
Madison, and John Marshall. Alexander Stephens says: "A
brighter galaxy of talent, statesmanship and oratory was never
assembled in the Old Dominion. The debates fill a large volume
themselves."
Very bitter opposition to ratification of the New Constitu-
tion was manifest from the opening to the final closing of the
Virginia Convention. Patrick Henry, who was the leader of the
opposition, made impassioned speeches against ratification. Ad-
dressing the Convention, on one occasion, he said: "Make the
best of the new government-say it is composed of anything
but inspiration-you ought to be extremely cautious, watchful,
jealous of your liberty; for instead of securing your rights, you
may lose them forever."
This was a very extreme view of the possible danger of the
Constitution, expressed by the greatest orator America
ever produced; and in expressing it he enacted very
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
43
effectively the role of an alarmist. The rights of the American
people have been and may again be impaired by either the Ex-
ecutive, Legislative or Judiciary Departments of our Federal
or State governments; but the spirit of the American people can
not and will not be broken or subdued by any such possible im-
pairment.
George Mason, framer of the Virginia Bill of Rights and
who wanted a similar Bill of Rights added to the new Federal
Constitution, said: "The objection was, that too much power
was given to Congress-power that would finally destroy the
State governments more effectually by insiduous, underhand
means, than such as could be openly practiced."
This opinion of Mr. Mason was more reasonable and justly
founded than were the extreme anticipations of Patrick Henry.
There can be no denial of the fact, that Congress-in conjunct-
ion with the other Departments of the Federal Government and
sustained by the Legislative branches of the State governments
-has annulled various rights originally reserved to the States.
The Federal Government has-"by insidious, underhanded
means" been fashioned into a strong centralized government
along the lines advocated by Alexander Hamilton, and in con-
travention of the plans and principles upon which Thomas Jef-
ferson and his co-workers had established the governments of
Virginia and of the United States.
To the many objections to ratification urged by Patrick
Henry and his associates of the opposition, able replies were
made by James Madison, (Father of the Constitution), George
Nicholas, Edmund Pendelton, John Marshall, and others who
favored ratification. John Marshall, in reply to Mr. Henry,
said: "We are threatened with the loss of our liberties by the
possible abuse of power, notwithstanding the maxim, that those
who give may take away. It is the people that give, and can
take it back. What shall restrain them? They are the masters
who give it, and of whom their servants hold it."
Thus did the future great Chief Justice of the United States
accept and uphold the fundamental principle enunciated by
Thomas Jefferson, that in a truly republican government the
people are the source of all power, and are capable of exercising
it. Strange to relate, Judge Marshall later became the infatuated
44
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
disciple of Alexander Hamilton, who declared in the Constitu-
tional Convention: "The people are turbulent and changing;
they seldom judge or determine right. Their turbulant and
uncontrollable disposition requires checks."
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
45
CHAPTER IV
ORGANIZATION OF GOVERNMENT UNDER THE CONSTITUTION
POLITICAL BATTLES BETWEEN THOMAS JEFFERSON AND
ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
Ratification of the Constitution was reported to Congress,
and that body, on the 13th of September, 1788, adopted the fol-
lowing resolution:
"Resolved, that the first Wednesday in January next be the
day for appointing electors in the several States, which before
the said day, shall have ratified the said Constitution; that the
first Wednesday in February next be the day for the electors to
assemble in their respective states, and vote for a president;
and that the first Wednesday in March next be the time, and
the present seat of Congress (New York) the place, for com-
mencing the proceedings under the said constitution."
The several States appointed electors in accordance with
the foregoing resolution. They assembled at the designated
time for voting. George Washington, then the idol of his coun-
trymen, was chosen first President of the United States; and on
April 30th, 1789, took the oath of office in New York, where
Congress was then in session.
Under the provisions of the Articles of Confederation the
General Assembly of Virginia had been electing the State's
representatives in Congress. And at a session of the Legisla-
ture in 1777 an Act was passed: "For the annual apportionment
of members to the General Congress of the Confederation of
States. The apportionments were to be made by a joint ballot
of the two Houses. At least four of the members were to be in
attendance at each session of Congress. Any of the said dele-
gates were subject to removal at any time within the year by
the joint ballot of the Senate and the House of Delegates. The
General Congress continued to act as a government until it was
dissolved on the 1st of November, 1788, by the successive disap-
pearance of its members. And operation of the government,
under the Constitution of the United States was begun on the
first Wednesday in March, 1789.
46
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
The framers of the Constitution provided that representa-
tion in the National House of Representatives should be based
on population. And it was provided that for a basis of repre-
sentation 5 negro slaves should be rated as equal to 3 white per-
sons. By this rating Virginia secured ten members in the first
House of Representatives. The first apportionment into Con-
gressional Districts was made by the General Assembly on the
20th of November, 1788, by an Act which divided the State into
ten districts. The Third District was composed of the counties
of Botetourt, Rockbridge, Montgomery, Greenbrier, Washing-
ton, Russell, Rockingham, Augusta, and Pendelton. By this
apportionment the present Southwest Virginia-associated with
the five splendid counties of Botetourt, Rockbridge, Augusta,
Rockingham, Greenbrier, and Pendelton-became attached to
and identified with the Government of the United States of
America. There was a very interesting and excellent provision
written into the Act, as follows:
"IV. Any candidate, or other person in his behalf, who
shall directly or indirectly give any elector, or pretended elector,
money, meat, drink, or other reward, in order to be elected, or
having been elected, shall forfeit and pay five hundred pounds
for each offence, to be recovered with costs by action of debt,
to the use of any person who will sue for the same.
This provision of the Act was a very drastic one to prevent
the buying of votes; and indicates that even at that early day in
the history of the Republic self-seeking politicians were engaged
in the nefarious practice of corrupting the electorate.
The Act directed that an election should be held on Febru-
ary 2nd, 1789, and Andrew Moore, of Rockbridge County, was
elected to represent the Third District in the First Congress; but
before his second term was concluded the Third district was re-
apportioned in such manner as to place Mr. Moore in another
district. But he was elected from that district to the Third and
Fourth Congresses. Mr. Moore was born in Rockbridge County,
was the son of James and Jane Walker Moore; and was a brother
of Captain James Moore, who was massacred in Abb's Valley by
a band of Shawnee Indians in July, 1786.
Andrew Moore was a man of fine character and ability, and
represented Virginia in the United States Senate from Decem-
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
47
ber 17th, 1804, to March 3rd, 1809. He served in the Contin-
ental Army, and was with General Daniel Morgan at the battle
of Saratoga.
In May, 1784, Mr. Jefferson was appointed by Congress
minister plenipotentiary to Europe to assist John Adams and
Benjamin Franklin in negotiating treaties of commerce with
the several European powers, and in March, 1785, he was ap-
pointed minister to France to succeed Dr. Franklin. He con-
tinued to represent the United States at the French Court un-
til 1789, when he returned home on a leave of absence. A short
time after his arrival in Virginia, he received a letter from
President Washington, urgently requesting him to enter his
Cabinet as Secretary of State. Mr. Jefferson reluctantly con-
sented to accept the position; and on the 8th of March, 1790,
started to New York, and arrived there on the 21st of the
month. Upon his arrival, he discovered that the wealthy and
aristocratic families of New York were urging that the United
States Government should be monarchical in form. This senti-
ment was not confined to the wealthy and aristocratic families
of New York, but was being urged and upheld by such distin-
guished leaders as Alexander Hamilton, Fisher Ames, Governeur
Morris, and others. Mr. Jefferson afterwards wrote thus about
his observations: "Here, certainly, I found a state of things,
which, of all I had ever contemplated, I least expected. I had
left France in the first year of her revolution, in the fervor of
natural rights, and zeal for reformation. My conscientious de-
votion to these rights could not be heightened, but it had been
aroused and excited by a daily exercise. The President received
me cordially, and my colleagues and the circle of principal citi-
zens, apparently with welcome. The courtesies of dinner
parties given me, as a stranger newly arrived among them, plac-
ed me at once in their familiar society. But I can not describe
the wonder and mortification with which the table conversations
filled me.
Politics were the chief topic, and a preference of
Kingly over republican government, was evidently the favorite
sentiment. An apostate I could not be, nor yet a hypocrite;
and I found myself for the most part, the only advocate on the
republican side of the question, unless among the guests there
48
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
chanced to be some member of that party from the Legislative
Houses."
The election of George Washington for President and of the
men who were chosen representatives in the two Houses of Con-
gress from the States, was purely non-partisan. Loyalty to the
Union of States was the first, and possibly the most essential
qualification required of those who offered as candidates for
office. When Thomas Jefferson came upon the scene, a deter-
mined and eventful political struggle between himself and Alex-
ander Hamilton was ushered in. Hamilton became the brilliant
leader of those persons who still adhered to the belief that a
monarchial or aristocratical form of government would be best
suited to the American people. Jefferson became the champion
of the masses the common people and stood defiantly for
principles that have made him the greatest exponent of popular
government the world has ever known. From these conditions
two schools of political and social thought sprang immediately
into existence, and were the origin of two well defined political
parties that were widely separated on the fundamental princi-
ples of civil government. One of those schools, in the main,
taught the Jeffersonian creed of popular government, while the
other inculcated the Hamiltonian theories of a strong central-
ized government, to be conducted by a wealthy and high-born
class of citizens. It will not be amiss to here reveal that the
sturdy people of Appalachian Virginia aligned themselves be-
hind Mr. Jefferson, and remained his faithful political adherents
until the day of his death.
On the 26th of December, 1792, the Virginia General As-
sembly made the second apportionment of the Congressional
districts of the State. By that apportionment the Fourth Dis-
trict was composed of the counties of Wythe, Greenbrier, Kana-
wha, Lee, Russell, Montgomery, Grayson and Washington. The
act fixed the third Monday in March, 1793, as the date for hold-
ing the next Congressional elections. Abram Trigg of Mont-
gomery County, and Francis Preston of Washington County,
were rival candidates for representative from the Fourth Dis-
trict. From Summers' valuable History of Southwest Virginia
and Washington County, we take the following:
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
49
"Abraham Trigg was a Jeffersonian Republican, while Pres-
ton was a Washington Federalist, and the contest between the
candidates representing these diverse principles was bitter.
"The result was the election of Colonel Preston by a major-
ity of ten votes.
"Colonel Trigg was not satisfied with the result and con-
tested the election of Preston, and assigned the following
grounds to sustain his contest.
"First. That the Sheriff of Lee County closed the poll at
2 P. M. on the day of election, and refused to open the same.
"Second. That the Sheriff of Washington County adjourn-
ed the poll two days instead of one, as required by the law, and
that non-residents of the State voted for Colonel Preston in said.
election.
"Third. That Captain William Preston, a brother of Fran-
cis Preston, was stationed near Montgomery courthouse with
sixty or seventy Federal troops, and that on the day of election
Captain Preston's troops were marched three times around the
court-house and were paraded in front of and close to the door
thereof.
"Fourth. That said troops were polled in favor of Preston.
That a part of the troops stood at the door of the court-
house and refused to let the electors favoring Trigg enter the
house; and in one instance knocked down a magistrate who
sought admission, being an advocate of Colonel Trigg.
"The contest was as hotly fought before Congress as the
election had been before the people.
"The Election Committee of the House of Representatives
on the 17th day of April, 1794, reported in favor of unseating
Preston.
"This report was debated for many days, after which a vote
was taken, which resulted in the report of the committee being
rejected and Francis Preston was thereupon declared duly seat-
ed."
Mr. Summers has informed the author that the above recit-
ed facts were gleaned by him from the Congressional Records.
The grounds for the contest as set forth by the contestant, Col-
onel Trigg, must have been substantially true and accurately
50
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
proven otherwise, the Elections Committee, in a House of Re-
presentatives controlled by the party of which Colonel Preston
was then an adherent, would never have reported in favor of
unseating the contestee,
The election and seating of Colonel Preston were evidently
procured by force and fraud, two of the most objectionable ele-
ments that could possibly enter into elections held in a republic.
The employment of a military force at the polls was especially
obnoxious to true republican principles, in a Republic where
every man who was a citizen and a voter could and should exer-
cise his suffrage with unrestricted and unobstructed freedom.
It is a deplorable fact that this incident of fraud and force at
an election held in the Commonwealth was located in Appalach-
ian Virginia, where the pioneers had come seeking political and
religious freedom. And it is to be regretted that it was the first
occurrence to introduce unrighteous partisan politics in the Na-
tional House of Representatives.
The most objectionable method employed by Hamilton and
his Federalist followers was their effort to use President Wash-
ington as a personal issue in their political contest with Mr.
Jefferson. This scheme was artfully conceived to defeat Jef-
ferson's plan for making our form of government truly republi-
can. He said: "That government is the strongest of which
every man feels himself a part." However, the Federalists
succeeded in making a large number of the people believe
that Mr. Jefferson was not only hostile to the conservative Fed-
eralist views of Washington, but was, in fact, his personal
enemy. This unholy scheme of Hamilton was actively promot-
ed; and for a time made the relations strained between "The
Father of His Country" and the "Father of Popular Govern-
ment." And it also caused many persons who idolized Washing-
ton, but who were adverse to Hamilton's theories of govern-
· ment, to align themselves with the Federalist Party.
Colonel Francis Preston was elected to Congress in 1795
for a second term; but if he was then a Federalist he must have
been one of a very mild type-a follower of Washington, and
not an ultra-Federalist or follower of Hamilton. The people of
Appalachian Virginia had from their first entrance into Na-
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
51
tional politics favored a republican form of government, and
were the pronounced advocates of human freedom. As soon as
they properly understood the nature of the contest between Mr.
Jefferson and Colonel Hamilton, they readily accepted and clung
to the Jeffersonian theories of popular government; and have
ever since, when given fair opportunity, expressed their devo-
tion thereto. That these conclusions are correctly formed is evi-
denced by the fact, that Abraham Trigg was elected as a Jeffer-
sonian Republican in 1797 in the fifth congress to represent the
Fourth Virginia District. And he was re-elected to the Sixth,
Seventh, Eighth, Ninth and Tenth Congresses. He was the man
Colonel Preston defeated by such questionable means in 1793;
and served his people as a Jeffersonian Republican for twelve
years.
The political battle between Hamilton and Jefferson was
started in the first administration of Washington, was extend-
ed through his second administration, and was prolonged into
and through the administration of President John Adams.
Various plots, deep and dangerous to republican institutions,
were conceived and operated by Hamilton and his Federalist
co-workers; but they were met and resisted with unabated
zeal and very successfully by Mr. Jefferson and his Republican
associates. Possibly, the most perilous scheme of the Hamil-
tonians was their effort to plunge the United States into the
political affairs and wars of Europe.
It was during this period that the French Revolution as-
sumed its most abhorent form and the Napoleonic wars were
begun. Great Britian was engaged in a desperate struggle
with France, and was endeavoring to overthrow the French
Republic and restore the Bourbon Kings to the throne-from
which they had been driven by an oppressed and maddened
people. Hamilton, who was inflamed with desire to have the
government of the United States monarchical or aristocratical
in form, naturally sympathized with Great Britain, and sought
to make the American States the allies of England. Jefferson
was in sympathy with the people of France in their effort to
establish a republic, but insisted upon the United States main-
taining a position of neutrality in the wars then progressing
52
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
in Europe; and he was opposed to forming any entangling alli-
ances with European governments.
Early in the administration of President Adams the ultra-
Federalists, with Hamilton as their leader, strove to provoke
war between France and the United States. This they sought
to accomplish through a series of artfully contrived and vicious
schemes. Their first effort was directed to intensify the Presi-
dent's notorious hostility to France, although they knew he was
equally or but little less hostil to England. In this wicked
venture they were eminently successful. By false assertion
that France was preparing to invade the United States with an
army and bring a large naval force to our sea coast, a state of
alarm among the people was created and a dangerous crisis
set in motion. The President was induced to call an extra ses-
sion of Congress to take steps for handling the situation. Ran-
dall, in his Life of Thomas Jefferson, says:
"The President's speech at the opening of the special ses-
sion was warlike. It recommended the creation of a navy, the
fortification of harbors, the allowing merchant vessels to arm
in their own defence, the reorganization of the militia, etc."
At this time the Federalists had a decisive majority in
both Houses of Congress that was completely under the control
of Hamilton, and he was also secretly dominating the Cabinet
of President Adams. Mr. Jefferson was then Vice President,
and he and his Republican associates were laboring to have our
controversies with France settled by amicable negotiations
rather than by armed strife. On the 23rd of May, 1797, the
Senate adopted an answer to the President's address, respond-
ing to its sentiments, by a vote of seventeen to eleven.
The
seventeen affirmative votes were cast by Federalists and the
eleven negative votes by ten Republicans and one wavering
member of the Senate. Randall says: "The answer of the
House, drawn up in a violent strain, encountered a more for-
midable opposition. An amendment presented by Nicholas,
that an offer be made to place France on the same footing con-
ceded to Great Britain by the late treaty in regard to contra-
band and enemy's goods, and expressing the hope that this of-
fer might be satisfactory to France, was after a long and acri-
monious debate, defeated by a vote of fifty-two to forty-eight.'
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
53
The violence of the answer of the House provoked a great
reaction of public sentiment in the war spirit that had been
kindled by Hamilton, and the ultra-Federalists. Hamilton was
so alarmed that he wrote to Dayton, Speaker of the House, ex-
pressing disgust at the "irregular and violent spirit" of the
answer. In the meantime, the President received intelligence
from France that led him to believe the serious disputes be-
tween the two countries could be settled by peacable negotia-
tion. Thereupon, on May 30th, Jonathan Dayton, Federalist
Speaker of the House, introduced the following amendment to
the answer:
"We therefore receive with the utmost satisfaction your
information that a fresh attempt at negotiation will be insti-
tuted, and we cherish the hope that a mutual spirit of concili-
ation, and a disposition on the part of the United States to
place France on grounds as favorable as other countries in
their relation and connection with us, will produce an accom-
modation compatible with the engagements, rights, duties and
honor of our nation."
The amendment was amended by inserting after the words
"on the part of," the words "France to compensate for any in-
juries which may have been committed on our neutral rights."
The vote on the amended amendment was fifty-eight to
forty-one. And the address was then adopted by a vote of
sixty-two to thirty-six. Following this, Congress began to
legislate in conformity with the spirit of the answers to the
President's message; and war measures of various kinds were
introduced and put on their passage. But before any of the
proposed war measures were perfected, news was received
from Europe that greatly abated the ardor of Hamilton's party.
Napoleon Bonaparte and other French generals had been win-
ning tremendous victories over their Continental foes. Bona-
parte had invaded and subjugated Italy, and had then crossed
the Noric Alps and threatened Vienna. This had forced Aus-
tria to enter into a treaty with the French Republic that practi-
cally changed the map of Southern and Central Europe. Eng-
land was so startled by the marvelous accomplishments of the
French armies that she proposed very moderate terms for
peace to the French Republic. Contemporaneously there oc-
54
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
curred a dangerous mutiny in the English navy-the great Ir-
ish insurrection was in progress and the Bank of England
was compelled to suspend specie payments. These alarming
European conditions gave immediate check to the reckless
partisan spirit Hamilton had invoked among his infatuated
followers in the Cabinet and in the Congress. Caution took
the place that had been occupied by reckless daring, and only
a few very moderate war measures were passed by Congress.
Mr. Jefferson declared these measures would not have been
enacted but for the fact that the Federalists had gone too far
at the opening of the session of Congress to wholly abandon
the legislation mapped out by Hamilton. Jefferson had disap-
proved of the call for an extra session, asserting that "every-
thing pacific could have been done without Congress, and that
he hoped nothing was contemplated which was not pacific."
Happy over the failure of the war schemes of the Hamilton-
ians, he wrote Edward Rutledge:
"They went on with their frigates and fortifications, be-
cause they were going on with them before. They directed
eighty thousand of their militia to hold themselves in readiness
for service. But they rejected the proposition to raise cavalry,
artillery, and a provisional army, and to trust private ships
with arms in the present combustible state of things."
The President, who was a Federalist but not in sympathy
with the ultra-views of the Hamiltonians-whom Mr. Jefferson
had designated anglomen and monocrats-had appointed three
special commissioners to go to France and try to adjust our
troubles with that country in an amicable way. The commis-
sion was composed of Elbridge Gerry, of Massachusetts, John
Marshall, of Virginia, and Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, of
South Carolina. Gerry was a Republican of the Jeffersonian
type, but Marshall and Pinckney were Federalists and devoted
adherents of Hamilton. Hearing that Gerry was reluctant to
go upon a mission thus constituted, Mr. Jefferson wrote him.
to accept and perform the duty, saying in part, as follows:
"Our countrymen have divided themselves by such strong
affections, to the French and English, that nothing will secure
us internally but a divorce from both Nations; and this must
be the object of every real American, and its attainment is
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
55
But for this peace is
practicable without much self-denial.
necessary. Be assured of this, my dear sir, that if we engage
in a war during our present passions, and our present weak-
ness in some quarters, our Union runs the great risk of not
coming out of that war in the shape in which it enters it. My
reliance for our preservation is in your acceptance of the mis-
sion.
***
"You and I have formerly seen warm debates and high
political passions. But gentlemen of different politics would
then speak to each other, and separate the business of the Sen-
ate from that of society. It is not so now. Men who have been
intimate all their lives, cross the streets to avoid meeting, and
turn their heads another way, lest they should be obliged to
touch their hats. This may do for young men, but it is af-
flicting to peacable minds.
"We had, in 1793, the most respectable character in the
universe. What the neutral nations think of us now, I know
not; but we are low indeed with the belligerents. Their kicks
and cuffs prove their contempt. If we weather the present
storm, I hope we shall avail ourselves of the calm peace, to place
our foreign connections under a new and different arrange-
ment. We must make the interest of every nation stand sure-
ty for their justice, and their own loss to follow injury to us,
as effect follows its cause. As to everything except commerce,
we ought to divorce ourselves from them all."
The time for holding the regular session of Congress was
fixed for the 13th of November, 1797, but no quorum was pres-
ent until the 22nd of the month. Andrew Jackson, who after-
wards became famous in the military and civil affairs of the
Nation, took his seat in the House of Representatives as one of
the members from Tennessee. On the 3rd of January, 1789,
Mr. Jefferson wrote Mr. Madison informing him that "the Re-
publican interest had at present, on strong questions, a major-
ity of about half a dozen, as was conjectured, and there were
as many of their firmest men absent; not one of the anti-Re-
publicans was from his post."
Our relations with France still remained in a condition of
uncertainity. Gerry, Marshall, and Pinckney had gone to
Paris and were engaged in unsatisfactory negotiations with
56
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
the French Government, whose civil affairs and foreign rela-
tions were then being directed by the wiley and slippery Tal-
leyrand. The negotiations were conducted by the American
envoys in a most incapable manner; and they sent to their gov
ernment ill-advised dispatches that precipitated a dangerous
state of excitement in Congress, in government circles, and
among the people. Randall says: "Let us fight, if we are an-
nihilated, was the cry that went up from the very heart of a
gallant people! Party lines perished in a moment. The Re-
publicans were instantly reduced to a more feeble minority
throughout the nation than they had been any day before, since
their organization as a party. Some of the Republican mem-
bers of the House of Representatives instantly changed sides.
Others abandoned their posts." And Mr. Jefferson wrote Mr.
Madison: "Giles, Clopton, Cabell and Nicholas have gone, and
Clay goes tomorrow. He received news of the death of his
wife. Parker has completely gone over to the war party. In
this state of things they will carry what they please."
The situation must indeed have been appalling when men
like Giles, Clopton, Cabell, and Nicholas-all of them great and
good men, and patriots of the purest type-abandoned their
representative posts and returned to Virginia to await the out-
come of Hamilton's wicked programme. He furnished the
programme for the Federalists in Congress and also to his tool-
adherents in the Cabinet of President Adams. Bills for creat-
ing fleets and armies, and building fortifications were introduc-
ed and passed by Congress; and drastic Alien Laws and Sedi-
tion Laws were talked of and later enacted by the war party.
The war spirit was greatly intensified in this country by circu-
lating a false report that France was preparing to invade the
United States with a numerous armed force. At this stage of
the Federalist conspiracy, the President, unfortunately, sent
an inflamatory message to Congress, which gave the war spirit
increased momentum in that body. The President had al-
ready been authorized to expend large sums to enlarge the
navy, to build harbor fortifications, to purchase arms and am-
munition, and for the enlistment of a provisional army; and
Randall says:
"The next day after receiving the President's message
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
57
(June 22d), Congress authorized him to officer and arm the
provisional army. On the 25th, it authorized our merchant
vessels to forcibly resist 'any search, restraint, or seizure,' from
any vessel sailing under French colors, to capture the latter,
and make recaptures. On the 28th, the President was author-
ized to treat persons taken on board captured vessels as prison-
ers. On the 6th of July, it was enacted that thirty thousand
stands of arms be obtained and sold to the State governments.
On the 7th, the treaties between the United States and France
were declared annulled. On the 9th, the President was author-
ized to direct our navy to capture any armed vessels of France,
and to grant commissions to privateers to do the same. On
the 11th, he was authorized to raise a marine corps. On the
14th, a direct tax of two million dollars was imposed to meet
expenses. On the 16th, the President was empowered to raise
twelve regiments of infantry and six troops of light dra-
goons, and officer them; to borrow five millions of dollars for
the public service; and to borrow two millions more of the Bank
of the United States, on the credit of the direct tax."
These enactments were equivalent to a declaration of
war, and an unfriendly government would have so regarded
them. But happily for our country, as well as for France, war
was averted by the pacific course pursued by the French Gov-
ernment. Marshall and Pinckney, two of the American envoys
had left France and returned to the United States, with the
approval of the French Government as they were adherents of
Hamilton and recognized foes of the French Republic. Mr.
Gerry, our third envoy, had, at the earnest request of Talley-
rand remained at Paris; and the latter entered upon a diplo-
matic correspondence with Gerry. Talleyrand, who was then
minister of foreign affairs for France, declared his government
did not desire to break up the treaty between the United
States and Great Britain, and only demanded that France be
placed on as favorable terms as Great Britain had been by what
was known as the Jay treaty. He distinctly assured Gerry
that the Directory entertained no disposition to engage in war
with the United States. This was no unreasonable demand,
but Gerry had no authority to make any such concession.
Other pacific propositions were made by Talleyrand, none of
58
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
which Gerry was authorized to accept, and passports were giv-
en the American envoy. Thereupon the French Minister for-
warded an express and formal disavowal of any claim for rep-
aration for the President's speech, or for a loan which had
been one of the most serious contentions between the two gov-
ernments. And immediately after Gerry's departure from
France, the Directory passed several decrees that proved its
extreme anxiety to preserve peace between the two nations.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
59
CHAPTER V
THE ALIEN AND SEDITION LAWS
KENTUCKY AND VIRGINIA RESOLUTIONS
While negotiations were in progress at Paris between Ger-
ry and Talleyrand the war spirit was still raging in the Con-
gress of the United States. The passage of the armament bill
was quickly followed with the enactment of Alien Laws and
Sedition Laws. Their enactment, however, was preceded
by legislation against "interior foes;" and by which legislation
the term of residence requisite to naturalization was extended
to fourteen years, and five years previous declaration of inten-
tion and residence in the State made necessary. The act also
made other important alterations and additions to the then
existing naturalization laws of the United States.
On the 25th of June, 1798, an act was passed which gave
authority to the President to order "all such aliens as he should
judge dangerous to the peace and safety of the United States"
to leave the country within the time expressed in such order.
If the person so ordered to depart failed to comply therewith
the penalty was imprisonment for a term of three years. Un-
der the provisions of the act, the President was also empowered
to order the forcible removal of any alien, and if any such alien
voluntarily returned to the country after his removal he could
be imprisoned at the discretion of the President.
On the 6th of July an act was passed which empowered the
President in the event of invasion, or "predatory incursion"
made "or threatened" to have all natives or subjects of the
hostile power in the United States not naturalized, taken in
charge and removed from the country, or required to give se-
curity for their good behavior. The act gave other arbitrary
powers to the Chief Executive and the Federal Courts that
were repugnant to the fundamental principles of republican
government, upon which our State and Federal governments
had been established. These laws have been designated by
certain historical writers the famous "Alien Laws" of John
60
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
Adam's administration; but the application of the word "in-
famous" thereto is more appropriate when the purposes for
which they were enacted are taken into consideration. Ran-
dall says:
"It is a matter of both curiosity and justice, now, to ask
who and what were those aliens whom the President was
authorized to banish, imprison, or require surities of at his
pleasure.
"The French aliens in our country were but a handful, and
most of those who had ever attracted any notice politically, had
fled from apprehended severities before the passage of the
Alien Laws.
"The English were more numerous, but they were gener-
ally adherents of the Administration, and, indeed, most of
them, like Cobbett, were the warmest supporters of all its ex-
cesses and its strides towards monarchical power.
"The Irish unnaturalized emigrants exceeded all the others
taken together. The reasons for this and their political char-
acter, must be understood to catch the true tone and meaning
of our domestic factions at this remarkable epoch."
It was during the political battles of Hamilton and Jeffer-
son, and while France and England were engaged in war, that
the Irish insurgents rebelled against their cruel British op-
pressors. To meet this crisis the British Parliament passed
the notorious Insurrection Act. This step was followed by
suspension of the habeas corpus in Ireland and a proclamation
of martial law. It has been charged that this policy was ad-
opted by the British Government to force the malcontents into
a general insurrection, so that by extermination of the rebels
future insurrections would be made impossible. The most bru-
tal instruments-the sword, the gallows, starvation, and tor-
ture were used by the British to accomplish their fell design.
The insurrectionists were crushed into submission, and the
Emerald Isle was forced to lie under the iron hoof of Great
Britian for more than another century. Taylor, in his History
of Ireland, writing about the general result of the atrocities
practiced by the British, says:
"The utter demoralization of a great proportion of the
triumphant party, was the worst consequence of this lament-
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
61
able struggle. Men learned to take an infernal delight in the
tortures and sufferings of their fellow-creatures. Revenge,
bigotry, and all the dark passions that combine with both, were
permitted to have full sway. Perjury, and subornation of per-
jury were united to evidence obtained by torture. Robbery,
murder, and licentious crime, committed with impunity, de-
stroyed every virtuous tie, and every moral obligation."
After the British Government satiated its vengeance and
gorged itself with human blood, negotiations were commenced
between the Irish insurgents and the Irish Ministers, looking
to amnesty for the prisoners. They offered to go into exile if
amnesty was granted. The offer was accepted and the exiles
selected the United States as a place of refuge. At that time
Rufus King was the American Minister at the Court of St.
James. King was a Federalist and under the influence of Ham-
ilton. He protested against the Irish patriots being sent to
America and the arrangement was not carried out. The cor-
respondence that passed between King and Hamilton shows
clearly that they were in sympathy with Great Britain in her
cruel subjugation of the Irish people. Although the Irish re-
fugees were in this manner denied asylum in the United States,
a number fled here to take up their residence and become
American citizens. These, together with all the sons of Ireland
who had already become citizens, were, naturally, hostile to the
Hamiltonians and in sympathy with the Republicans. And it
was against the Irish refugees the Alien Laws were chiefly di-
rected.
Hamilton's programme of obnoxious legislation was fur-
ther extended by enactment of the odious Sedition Law. On
the 14th of July an act was passed making it unlawful for any
persons to conspire for opposing any measure of the United
States, or to prevent a public officer from executing his trust,
or "to procure any insurrection, riot, unlawful assembly, or
combination, whether such conspiracy, threatening, counsel,
advice, or attempt should have the proposed effect or not."
The penalty fixed for any violation of this section of the law
was a fine not exceeding $5,000, and imprisonment for a
term of not less than six months nor more than five years.
These provisions of the law were intended to prevent free
62
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
American citizens from assembling and protesting against
what they deemed unconstitutional and despotic legislation.
They were also intended to prevent Jefferson and the other
prominent leaders of the Republican party from counseling to-
gether and devising means to invalidate or obstruct the obnox-
ious measures then being passed by Congress.
The second section of the law was more alarmingly des-
potic than the first section. It provided: "That if any person
shall write, print, utter, or publish, or shall cause or procure
to be written, printed, uttered or published, or shall knowingly
and willingly assist or aid in writing, printing, uttering or pub-
lishing any false, scandalous, and malicious writings against
the Government of the United States, or either House of the
Congress of the United States, or the President of the United
States, with intent to defame the said Government, or either
House of the said Congress, or the said President, or to bring
them, or either of them, into contempt or disrepute; or to ex-
cite against them, or either or any of them, the hatred of the
good people of the United States, or to stir up sedition within
the United States, or to excite any unlawful combinations
therein, for opposing or resisting any law of the United States,
or any act of the President of the United States, done in pur-
suance of any such law, or the powers in him vested by the
Constitution of the United States, or to resist oppose, or defeat
any such law or act, or to aid, encourage or abet any hostile
designs of any foreign nation against the United States, their
people or Government, then such person, being thereof convict-
ed before any Court of the United States having jurisdiction
thereof, shall be punished by a fine not exceeding two thousand
dollars, and by imprisonment not exceeding two years."
On the 26th of June, three weeks preceding the enactment
of the Sedition Law, John Loyd, Maryland, asked leave to intro-
duce in the Senate "a bill to define more particularly the crime
of treason and punish the crime of sedition." Leave was giv-
en Lloyd, and the bill was immediately passed to its second
reading. The bill, as subsequently amended, declared the peo-
ple of France were enemies of the United States, and adher-
ence to them or giving aid to them was made punishable with
death. Hamilton became alarmed when he saw this.bill; and
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
63
he wrote to Oliver Wolcott, then Secretary of the Treasury
and one of his associate conspiritors, "Let us not establish a
tyranny." And in the letter declared it "might endanger
civil war;" and he further stated, "if we make no false step,
we shall be essentially united-but if we push things to an ex-
treme we shall then give to faction body and solidity." His
apologists have undertaken to show that Hamilton was not in
accord with his party in the violent measures they were forc-
ing through Congress, but Randall very appropriately says:
"The first expression (above quoted) has been much quoted,
and taken by itself has led to the inference that Hamilton dis-
approved of even those excesses of his party which passed into
the form of laws. So far from this, Mr. Adams imputed to him
the origination of the Alien Laws. We shall find Hamilton dis-
tinctly approving of both them and the Sedition Law, and bit-
terly complaining that they were not more rigourously execut-
ed. Out of the seething vortex of the capitol, he was not in-
sane enough to push on measures which would lead to a 'civil
war', for which no preparations were made."
From this time onward, the Hamiltonian programme be-
came more virulently intense. Persecutions and prosecutions
were fomented against both aliens and courageous Republicans
who dared to express disapproval of the violent measures of
the war party, or "Maratists," as Mr. Jefferson termed them.
In a letter addressed on August 22nd, 1798, to Samuel Smith
of Maryland, Mr. Jefferson said: "I only wish the real princi-
ples of those who censure mine were also known. But warring
against those of the people, the delusion of the people is nec-
essary to the dominant party. I see the extent to which that
delusion has already been carried, and I see there is no length
to which it may not be pushed by a party in possession of the
revenues and the legal authorities of the United States, for a
short time indeed, but yet long enough to admit much partic-
ular mischief. There is no event, therefore, however atro-
cious, which may not be expected. I have contemplated every
event which the Maratists of the day can perpetrate, and am
prepared to meet every one in such a way, as shall not be de-
rogatory either to the public liberty or my own personal hon-
or."
64
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
At about this time an army of twelve thousand men was
being enlisted. The act which authorized its enlistment-pass-
ed by Congress at the session of 1797-98-gave authority to
the President to nominate-subject to confirmation by the Sen-
ate its general officers. The President nominated General
Washington for Lieutenant General, and he accepted the posi-
tion, with the understanding that he should select the subordi-
nate generals. Accordingly he proposed to the President the
appointment of Hamilton for Inspector General, with rank of
Major General, and Charles Pinckney and General Henry Knox
for Major Generals. The latter was a veteran general of the
Revolutionary War, and as such was entitled to rank as second
in command, though Washington, it seems, intended that
Pinckney should hold that position. But the satellites of Ham-
ilton in the Cabinet immediately set in motion a scheme to have
him assigned the first place after Washington. They succeed-
ed in doing this, much to the displeasure of Washington, and
the humiliation of President Adams, who had begun to despise
Hamilton, because of his dishonorable intrigues and machina-
tions.
During the period of which we are writing, one of the
most nefarious plots that infracted the form and character of
the Government of the United States was participated in by
Alexander Hamilton. It was a deep laid scheme to form a
coalition between the revolutionary elements of the Spanish
American provinces and the governments of Great Britain and
the United States. The object of the alliance was to invade
with an armed force the American possessions of Spain. The
relations between Spain and France were then of such a char-
acter as to give assurance to Hamilton that an invasion of
Spain's American possessions would provoke the much desired
conflict with France.
The special promoters of this triangular conspiracy were:
Don Francisco de Miranda, a native of Venezuela and a soldier
of fortune; William Pitt, the British Prime Minister; and Alex-
ander Hamilton, the ambitious leader of the Federalist party.
Miranda and Pitt were in England, and Hamilton worked from
this end of the line through Rufus King, who was the American
Minister to Great Britain. The plan suggested, and, possibly,
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
65
agreed upon, was for Great Britain to send a fleet to American
waters; the United States to furnish the necessary land forces;
and the revolutionists in South America and the other Ameri-
can provinces of Spain to co-operate with the British fleet and
United States army. On August 22nd, 1789, Hamilton wrote
King:
"I have received several letters from General Miranda. I
have written an answer to some of them, which I send you to
deliver or not, according to your estimate of what is passing
in the scene where you are. Should you deem it expedient to
suppress my letter, you may do it, and say as much as you
think fit on my part in the nature of a communication through
you.
"With regard to the enterprise in question, I wish it much
to be undertaken, but I should be glad that the principal agen-
cy was in the United States, they to furnish the whole land force
if necessary. The command in this case would very naturally
fall upon me; and I hope I should disappoint no favorable antic-
ipations. ****
"Are we yet ready for this undertaking? Not quite. But
we ripen fast, and it may, I think, be rapidly brought to a ma-
turity, if an efficient negotiation for the purpose is at once set.
on foot on this ground. Great Britain can not alone insure
the accomplishment of the object. I have some time since ad-
vised certain preliminary steps to prepare the way consistently
with national character and justice. I was told they would
be pursued, but I am not informed whether they have been or
not."
If this despicable scheme had been successfully carried
out, our country would have suffered inseparable damage. All
the magnificint territory acquired later through the Louisiana
Purchase by Mr. Jefferson, and that ceded by Mexico in 1848,
under Polk's administration, would have been permanently sev-
ered from the United States. Our control of the Great Mississip-
pi Valley would have been rendered merely partial, as the ar-
rangement sought by Miranda was to have only the Spanish
possessions east of the Mississippi ceded to the United States.
We would also have been deprived of control of the Isthmus of
Panama and Lake Nicaragua, as Great Britain had obtained
66
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
guarantees that would have enabled her to dominate navigation
between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans by way of the Isthmus,
Though insulted and overwhelmed by the Hamiltonians in
the discussion of every issue that arose at the 1797-98 session
of Congress, the Republicans were firmly resolved to obstruct
and defeat as nearly as possible all the obnoxious legislation of
the Federalists. Mr. Jefferson, who had presided over the de-
liberations of the Senate during the session, following the ad-
journment of Congress, returned to his home at Monticello;
and his attitude of passivity was promptly exchanged for one
of active assistance. He was determined to meet with defiance
any effort to apply the Alien and Sedition Laws to citizens and
alien residents of Virginia. In this attitude of defiance he was
actively supported by many of Virginia's greatest patriots and
statesmen, Madison, Monroe, Giles, Nicholas, Mason, Tazewell,
and a brilliant band of younger men rallied to his standard of
defiance.
In the meantime the Alien and Sedition laws were being
vigorously enforced in some of the States by partisan Federal-
ist officers and judges. But no one dared to attempt their en-
forcement in Virginia, though hints were current that Mr.
Jefferson-Vice President of the United States,-might be
tried for treason under the drastic provisions of the Sedition
Law. Archibald Hamilton Rowan, the celebrated Irish patriot,
who had taken refuge in the United States, wrote to Mr. Jef-
ferson, expressing apprehension that he (Rowan) would be
made a victim of the Alien Laws; and on the 20th of Septem-
ber, 1798, Mr. Jefferson wrote Rowan as follows:
"In this State, the delusion has not prevailed. They (the
people of Virginia) are sufficiently on their guard to have jus-
tified the assurance, that should you choose it for your asylum,
the laws of the land, administered by upright judges would
protect you from any exercise of power unauthorized by the
Constitution of the United States. The Habeas Corpus secures
every man here, alien or citizen, against everything which is
not law, whatever shape it may assume. Should this, or any
other circumstance, draw your footsteps this way, I shall be
happy to be among those who may have an opportunity of tes-
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
67
tifying, by every attention in our power, the sentiments of es-
teem and respect which the circumstances of your history have
inspired, and which are peculiarly felt by, sir, your most obedi-
ent and most humble servant.”
Later on, the "Sage of Monticello" furnished ample evi-
dence, by various acts, of his resolute purpose to defeat the
Hamiltonians in their efforts to violate the Constitution and
destroy the true intent of the Federal Compact. In the latter
part of October, 1798, George and Wilson C. Nicholas paid a
visit to Mr. Jefferson at Monticello for the purpose of confer-
ring with him upon the threatening situation. George Nichol-
as was then representative in Congress from Kentucky, and
Wilson C. was one of the representatives from Virginia in that
body. The two brothers were ardent Republicans; and they
were heartily disgusted with the way in which they and other
Republican members had been brow-beaten and overwhelmed
by the bold and unscrupulous majority of Federalists at the re-
cent session of the National Legislature. And they had deter-
mined to withdraw from Congress and enter the Legislature
of their respective states and there take a stand against their
opponents' "enterprises against the Constitution." While in
this state of mind, they urged Mr. Jefferson to prepare a set of
resolutions to be presented in the Kentucky and Virginia
Legislatures. He assented to their proposition, and wrote the
resolutions which became known to fame as the "Kentucky Re-
solutions." The resolutions, in a slightly modified form, were
presented in November in the Kentucky Legislature and, al-
most unanimously, were passed by that body. In his life of
Thomas Jefferson, Randall says:
"On the 24th of December, 1798, the Virginia Legislature,
by an overwhelming majority, passed a series of resolutions
(offered by John Taylor, of Caroline) responsive to those of
Kentucky. They were drafted by Mr. Madison, as he avowed
in his later correspondence. They were as decided in their es-
sence as those passed by Kentucky, but were drawn up with
more deliberation, and with more studied avoidance of phrase-
ology that could be made the subject of misconstruction. They
expressed a deep regret at a spirit in sundry instances mani-
fested by the Federal Government to enlarge its powers by
68
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
forced constructions of the Constitutional Charter and so to
consolidate the States by degrees into one sovereignty, the
obvious tendency and inevitable result of which, would be to
transpose the present Republican system of the United States
into an absolute, or, at best, a mixed monarchy. They protest-
ed against the Alien and Sedition Laws as 'palpable and alarm-
ing infractions of the Constitution,' and called upon each of
the States to take the necessary and proper measures for co-
operating in maintaining the authorities rights and liberties
reserved to the States, respectively, or to the people.""
In the preparation of the Virginia Resolutions, the "Fath-
er of the Constitution"-who was the best qualified of all men
to the "Constitutional Charter" as was held at that time by
himself and the Jeffersonian Republicans. And to this inter-
pretation all who were sincerely, or even professedly, Jeffer-
sonian Democrats adhered tenaciously until very recent years.
They sternly and successfully resisted the consolidating and
centralizing theories of Alexander Hamilton and his then and
subsequent Federalists followers, until "the authorities, rights,
and liberties reserved to the States, respectively, or to the peo-
ple" were impaired and overthrown by the time-serving politi-
cans of the modern political parties.
While the foregoing events were transpiring, Hamilton
prepared a programme of legislation to be carried out at the
1798-99 session of Congress. He placed it in the hands of Jona-
than Dayton, of New Jersey, who was Federalist Speaker of the
House of Representatives. Dayton was expected to force it
through the House by similar steam-roller methods that had
been used for the enactment of the Alien and Sedition Laws.
The purpose of the intended legislation was to more effectually
consolidate the authority of the Federal Government and effacé
the reserved rights of the States. The first suggestion was the
extension of the Federal judiciary system. This suggestion
is so bold and radical in character that it will be quoted as it
came from the pen of Hamilton. It is as follows:
"The extension of the judiciary system ought to embrace
two objects: One, the subdivision of each State into small dis-
tricts (suppose Connecticut into four, and so on in proportion),
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
69
assigning to each a judge with a moderate salary. The other,
the appointment in each county of conservators or justices of
the peace, with only ministerial functions, and with no other
compensation than the fees for the services they are to per-
form. This measure is necessary to give efficacy to the laws,
the execution of which is obstructed by the want of similar or-
gans and by the indisposition of the local magistrates in some
States. The Constitution requires that judges shall have fixed
salaries; but this does not apply to mere justices of the peace
without judicial powers.
Both those descriptions of persons
are essential, as well to the energetic execution of the laws as
to the purpose of salutary patronage."
If this proposal had been enacted into a statute by Con-
gress, it would have turned loose an army of Federal officers
in Virginia to perform detective and police duties that had
been heretofore properly entrusted to State and county offi-
cers. And it would have seriously conflicted with the judiciary
system of Virginia and the other States of the Union. The in-
tention of the proposed law was to suppress by judicial proce-
dure, backed by armed force, all opposition to the rigid enforce-
ment of the Alien and Sedition Laws. These facts are disclosed
by utterances of Hamilton in his letter to Dayton. He said:
"The late attempt of Virginia and Kentucky to unite the State
legislatures in a direct resistance to certain laws of the Union
can be considered in no other light than an attempt to change
the Government." And he further said to Dayton: "It is
stated, in addition, that the opposition party in Virginia, the
head-quarters of the faction, have followed up the hostile de-
clarations which are to be found in the resolutions of their Gen-
eral Assembly by an actual preparation of the means of sup-
porting them by force, etc. **** Amidst such serious indi-
cations of hostility, the safety and the duty of the supporters
of the Government call upon them to adopt vigorous measures
of counteraction. It will be wise in them to act upon the hy-
pothesis, that the opposers of the Government are resolved, if
it shall be practicable, to make its existence a question of
force."
The suggested "vigorous measures of counteraction" were
the extension of the Federal judiciary system, the organiza-
70
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
tion of a large provisional army, and a large increase of mili-
tary supplies and armament. On the 28th of December, 1798,
while Congress was in session, Hamilton wrote General Gunn,
a member of the Senate "will it not likewise be proper to re-
new and extend the idea of a provisional army? The force
which has been contemplated as sufficient in any event, is
40,000 infantry of the line, 2,000 riflemen, and 4,000 artillery,
making the whole an army of 50,000. Why should not the
provisional army go to the extent of the difference between
that number and the actual army? I think this ought to be
the case, and that the President ought to be authorized im-
mediately to nominate the officers, to remain without pay until
called into service."
Apologists for Hamilton may claim that his proposed ex-
tensive military preparation was intended to be used only in
the event of a war between the United States and France,
which Hamilton's war party had been industriously laboring
to provoke. But this conclusion is contravened by other ut-
terances made by him. Randall says:
"Harrison Gray Otis, chairman of the Committee, in the
House of Representatives, appointed to consider the policy of
extending our internal means of defence, wrote to Hamilton
for his instructions. The latter, December 27th, replied that
'any reduction of the actual force' was inexpedient; that "he
thought the act respecting the 80,000 militia ought to be re-
vived; that "good policy" did not require extensive appropria-
tions for fortifications at the present juncture," that 'money
could be more usefully employed in other ways."
This letter to Otis refutes the idea that Hamilton was urg-
ing the organization of a large military force to be used exclus-
ively in a war with France. His declaration, that "good policy"
did not "require extensive appropriations for fortifications at
the present juncture" indicates that he had his attention fixed
upon the exciting internal conditions existing in the United
States, rather than upon the apprehended war with France.
He wanted to provide means for suppressing by force, if neces-
sary, the determined opposition of Virginia and Kentucky to
the Alien and Sedition Laws and other obnoxious measures of
the Federalist party.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
71
During the 1798-99 session of Congress, the President at
last was aroused by the malevolent plottings of Hamilton and
his coadjutors to involve our country in a war with France.
Much to their discomfiture, President Adams, on the 18th of
February, 1799, nominated to the Senate William Vans Mur-
ray, Minister Plentipotentiary to the French Republic. His
intended nomination had been kept secret by the President
from the Federalists in both Houses, and when made spread
consternation in their ranks. Theodore Sedgwick, Senator
from Massachusetts, wrote to Hamilton for advice and declared
that, "had the foulest heart and the ablest head in the world
been permitted to select the most embarrassing and ruinous
measure, perhaps it would have been precisely the one which
had been adopted." Timothy Pickering, the Secretary of State,
but who all the while in the Cabinet had been an abject tool of
Hamilton, and traitor to the President, wrote to his political
boss: "We have all been shocked and grieved at the nomination
of a minister to negotiate with France.*** Pains have been
taken to ameliorate the measure by throwing it into a commis-
sion. But the President is fixed. The Senate must approve
or negative the nomination. In the latter event, perhaps, he
will name commissioners. I beg you to be assured, it is wholly
his own act." Mr. Jefferson wrote to Mr. Madison to notify
him of the President's action and how it had affected the situa-
tion. He closed his letter with the following significant dec-
laration: "However, it silences all arguments against the sin-
cerity of France, and renders desperate every further effort
for war."
The Committee of the Senate to whom had been referred
the nomination of Murray, waited on the President and raised
such objection to Murray's appointment that the Chief Execu-
tive decided to name three commissioners instead of one Minis-
ter. And on the 25th of February, 1799, he nominated "Oliver
Ellsworth, Esquire, Chief Justice of the United States, Patrick
Henry, Esquire, late Governor of Virginia, and William Vans
Murray, our Minister resident at the Hague, to be Envoys and
Ministers Plentipoteniary to the French Republic, with full
powers to discuss and settle, by a treaty, all controversies be-
tween the United States and France." Patrick Henry, on ac-
72
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
count of ill health, declined to serve, and Governor William R.
Davie, of North Carolina, was appointed to fill the vacancy.
The appointment of the new commission checked further
action on the principal army bills that had been introduced in
Congress; and that body adjourned on the 3rd of March. On
the 11th of the month the President and his family left for his
home at Quincy, where they intended to spend the summer
months. Then the Secretary of State and the other adherents
of Hamilton in the President's Cabinet began to formulate and
execute a scheme to delay, and possibly suspend, the departure
of the Commissioners to France. The scheme was operated so
secretly that it did not attract the attention of President Ad-
ams until about the middle of September. He returned
promptly to Philadelphia, prepared instructions for the envoys
and requested them to embark for France as soon as possible.
Again Hamilton and his associate conspirators were foiled in
their mischievous designs. Ellsworth and Davie promptly ac-
ceded to the request of the President. They sailed from New-
port, Rhode Island, on the 3rd of November, and arrived at Lis-
bon, Portugal, on the 27th, of the month. There they heard
of the revolution that had occurred at Paris on the 10th of No-
vember and which had overthrown the French Directory. Be-
cause of this intelligence they delayed their journey and did
not reach Paris until March 2nd, 1800, where they joined Mur-
ray, who had arrived from the Hague the day before. They
found Bonaparte then installed and exercising full authority
as First Consul. He promptly gave the American envoys an
audience; and appointed Joseph Bonaparte, Fleurieu, and
Roederer as plenipotentiaries to negotiate with them. The
plenipotentiaries representing the two countries met on the
2nd day of April, and negotiations were begun. So many difficult
questions had to be considered and settled that the negotiations
were greatly prolonged, and an acceptable treaty was not con-
cluded until after Mr. Jefferson became President of the United
States. The "Lousiana Purchase" was included in the treaty,
and Hamilton's cherished scheme for involving our country in
a war with France was permanently thwarted by friendly ne-
gotiations.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
73
The Hamiltonians, after the President had appointed a
new commission to France, apprehended they might be defeat-
ed in their scheme to cripple Republican sentiment in the United
States by provoking war between the American and French
Republics. This apprehension induced them to try another
plan for effecting their purpose. Under the direction of Ham-
ilton, a scheme was projected for crushing the Republican
party in Virginia, in which State he had previously declared
"the head-quarters of the faction" were located. The election
for members of Congress and members of the General Assem-
bly in Virginia in the spring of 1799 was the political magnet
that attracted the attention of the Federalists. They conclud-
ed that if they could win a sufficient majority in the Virginia
General Assembly to have the "Virginia Resolutions" rescinded
by that body, they would break the power of the Republicans
in the State; and thus check the growing influence of Jefferson,
Madison, and their political associates throughout the Union.
While Hamilton and his Federalist followers were formu-
lating plans for their new attack, Jefferson, Madison, Monroe,
Giles, Nicholas, Taylor, Mason, Tazewell, and a host of younger
but able men were industriously exerting themselves to ad-
vance the cause of popular government in their own State and
in the Union. John Marshall, who two years later was made
Chief Justice of the United States, and General Henry Lee,
father of Robert E. Lee, were the most ardent and aggressive
supporters of the Hamiltonians in Virginia. Marshall was an
uncompromising partisan politically and an infatuated follower
of Hamilton. He had co-operated with him and other ultra-
Federalists in their struggle to destroy our friendly relations
with France. Fearing that these two great leaders would not
have sufficient power to cope successfully with the galaxy of
patriots and statesmen who were directing the fortunes of the
Republican party in Virginia, Hamilton played his strongest
card in the game. This card was the inducement of General
Washington to take an active part in the campaign. The step
was taken, perhaps, at the instance of John Marshall, who was
a devoted admirer of Washington, and who believed that Jef-
ferson and Madison were not only opposed to "The Father of
his Country" politically, but were as well his personal enemies.
74
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
Employing him as an instrument, they also induced Patrick
Henry to take a part in their scheme to have the Virginia Re-
solutions rescinded. On the 15th of January, 1799, General
Washington wrote Mr. Henry:
"Unfortunately, and extremely do I regret it, the State of
Virginia has taken the lead in this opposition. I have said the
State, because the conduct of its Legislature in the eyes of the
world will authorize the expression, and because it is an incon-
trovertable fact, that the principal leaders of the opposition
dwell in it, and that with the help of the chiefs in other States
all the plans are arranged and systematically pursued by their
followers in other parts of the Union; though in no State ex-
cept Kentucky, that I have heard of, has the legislative coun-
tenance been obtained beyond Virginia.
"Your weight of character, and influence in the House of
Representatives would be a bulwark against such dangerous
sentiments as are delivered there at present. It would be a
rallying point for the timid, and an attraction for the waver-
ing. In a word, I conceive it to be of immense importance at
this crisis that you should be there; and I would fain hope, that
all minor considerations will be made to yield to the measure."
Mr. Henry yielded to Washington's earnest appeal, and an-
nounced himself a candidate to represent Charlotte County as
State Senator in the General Assembly. By so doing, he re-
versed his previous splendid record as the advocate of the sov-
ereign rights of the States and the bitter foe of a strong con-
solidated Federal Government. He had been elected a delegate
from Virginia to the Constitutional Convention of 1787, that
framed the Constitution of the United States, but refused to
serve in that body, because of his apprehension that a constitu-
tion would be made that would, in effect, transfer to the Na-
tional Government all of the most precious sovereign rights of
the State of Virginia. And as a member of the Virginia Con-
vention that ratified the Federal Constitution, he vehemently
opposed its ratification, and, among the reasons for his opposi-
tion asserted: "If the States be not the agents of this compact,
it must be one great, consolidated, National government of all
the States." He subsequently said: "This Constitution is
said to have beautiful features, but when I come to examine
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
75
these features, sir, they appear to me horribly frightful!
Among other deformities, it has an awful squinting; it squints
toward monarchy; and does not this raise indignation in the
breast of every true American?"
It was a pitiful spectacle to behold this grand old patriot
renounce his previous convictions and align himself with Ham-
ilton, Fisher Ames, Governeur Morris, and other Federalists,
who stood first for a monarchical form of government for the
American people; and as a alternative for a government to be
exclusively controlled by the aristocratic and wealthy classes of
the people. In his campaign to represent Charlotte, Mr. Hen-
ry-who had indulged in eloquent diatribes against ratification.
of the Federal Constitution, because it too strongly favored
consolidation-advocated the pernicious doctrine that "Vir-
ginia was to the Union, only what Charlotte County was to
Virginia." He pronounced the Alien and Sedition Laws "good
and proper" and depicted "Washington at the head of a num-
erous and well appointed army inflicting military execution"
on the people of Virginia, if they persisted in their adherence
to the Resolutions, prepared by James Madison, "Father of the
Constitution," and passed by the General Assembly in 1788.
Mr. Henry was elected by the people of Charlotte, but fortun-
ately for the preservation of his former splendid record, he
died before the General Assembly convened. William Wirt,
his admiring biographer, thus speaks of the pathetic event,
and his probable humiliation had he lived to serve in the Leg-
islature:
"His intention having been generally known for sometime
before the period of the State elections, the most formidable
preparations were made to oppose him in the Assembly. Mr.
Madison (the late President of the United States), Mr. Giles of
Amelia, Mr. Taylor of Caroline, Mr. Nicholas of Albemarle, and
a host of young men of shining talents from every part of the
State were arrayed in the adverse rank, and commanded an
adverse majority in the House. But heaven in its mercy sav-
ed him from the unequal conflict. The disease which had been
preying on him for two years now hastened to its crisis, and
on the 6th of June, 1799, this friend of liberty and of man was
no more."
76
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
CHAPTER VI
VIRGINIA RESOLUTIONS NOT RESCINDED-VIRGINIA AND KENTUCKY
RENEW PROTESTS AGAINST ALIEN AND SEDITION
LAWS JEFFERSON ELECTED AND
INAUGURATED PRESIDENT.
Despite the machinations of Alexander Hamilton and his
zealot followers in Virginia-strengthened though they were
by the earnest support of the venerated Washington and
Patrick Henry-the Republicans won a sweeping victory at the
election for members of the General Assembly in the spring of
1799. By this achievement the Federalists were not only
thwarted in their avowed purpose to have the Virginia Reso-
lutions rescinded, but were confronted more defiantly in sup-
port thereof by a glorious band of patriots, under the leader-
ship of Jefferson and Madison. However, the Federalists scored
heavily at the Congressional election in February by elect-
ing John Marshall to Congress from the Richmond district, and
General Henry Lee from the Westmoreland district. Marshall
on his entrance into the National House of Representatives be-
came the most potential leader of the Federalists in that body,
and he remained throughout his life the bitter foe of Jefferson,
and an exponent of the centralization principles of government
he had imbibed from Hamilton.
The counties that now compose Appalachian Virginia sent
to the House of Delegates for the session of 1799-1800 a practi-
cally solid Republican delegation. The representatives from
these counties were: Lee-Charles Cocke and Moses Cockerell;
Russell Simon Cockerell and James McFarlane; Washington-
Samuel Meek and James Dysart; Wythe Samuel Crockett and
John Evans; Grayson-Philip Gaines and Greenberry G. Mc-
Kenzie; Montgomery-James Craig and Daniel Hoge; Bote-
tourt--James Breckenridge and John Miller; Rockbridge-An-
drew Moore and John Bowyer; Augusta-Robert Doake and
Andrew Anderson; Bath-Samuel Blackburn and Samuel
Vance; Rockingham-Benjamin Harrison and George Huston;
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
77
1
Shenandoah-William Dulaney and John Gatewood; Frederick
-Archibald Magill and George Eskridge.
The present State of West Virginia then constituted a part
of Appalachian Virginia, and there were then existent in its
bounds eleven counties, to-wit: Berkley, Brooke, Greenbrier,
Hampshire, Hardy, Harrison, Kanawha, Monongalia, Ohio, Pen-
delton, and Randolph. These eleven counties had, combined,
twenty-four representatives in the Virginia House of Dele-
gates at the session: December 2, 1799-January 28, 1800; and
they were about solidly adherents of Thomas Jefferson. In
1799 there were twenty-four counties in Virginia situated
west of the Blue Ridge Mountains. And these twenty-four
counties had fifty representatives in the House of Delegates at
the 1799-1800 session. They unitedly supported Jefferson and
Madison in their struggles with the Federalists, and to these
mountain men was largely due the honor of preserving true
republican principles in Virginia.
At the suggestion of Mr. Jefferson the Legislatures of Vir-
ginia and Kentucky renewed their protests against the consti-
tutionality of the Alien and Sedition Laws. Mr. Madison pre-
pared a lengthy and able written report which he submitted
to the General Assembly, and in which he declared the Vir-
ginia Resolutions were "founded in truth, consonant with the
Constitution and conducive to its preservation." The report
was adopted, and Virginia once more hurled defiance at the
enemies of self-government.
In the fall of 1799, Hamilton and his confidential Federal
associates became more inflamed against President Adams, be-
cause of his changed attitude toward France. The President
had discovered that Hamilton and certain members of his Cabi-
net were in a measure as hostile to him as they were to Mr.
Jefferson. The Hamiltonians had determined to not make Mr.
Adams their candidate for a second term, but were planning
to use General Washington as their candidate for the Presi-
dency in 1800. They indulged the hope that with Washington
as their candidate they would be able to crushingly defeat Jef-
ferson, who was then looming up as the candidate of the Re-
publicans at the ensuing Presidential election. A conference
of the Federalist leaders, under the direction of Hamilton, was
78
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
held in New York; and promptly following the conference,
Governeur Morris wrote General Washington, informing him
of their intentions, and urging him to acquiesce. But before
the letter from Morris reached Mount Vernon, General Wash-
ington was stricken with bronchial pneumonia, and died the
14th of December, 1799. It may be that death saved him from
becoming the instrument of Hamilton to negative the will of
the people of Virginia; and, possibly, from humiliation by de-
feat throughout the Union.
It is evident that General Washington was grossly deceived
by Hamilton and his band of conspirators as to their plans and
purposes. He was never informed that the large army called
for was not to meet a threatened French invasion, but was to
be used for invading the possessions of a friendly nation. He
never was told that the band of schemers had engaged in secret
correspondence with the British Cabinet, for the purpose of
effecting a military alliance with Great Britain to invade Mexi-
co and the South American provinces of Spain. Would Wash-
ington have given his assent to such projects so soon after pro-
mulgating his immortal Farewell Address to the American
people, in which he warned his countrymen to avoid alliances
with foreign powers and to engage in no wars of aggression.
Randall says:
"Washington's coaction with partisan federalism was inci-
dental and did not make him a Federalist. His true position
in principle we have already attempted to exhibit. It was a
middle one between the two parties. He was a conservative
republican-representing that class of our population in both
parties which most nearly approached each other, and which
was, respectively, fartherest removed from absolute monarch-
ism and absolute democracy."
Washington's death was deeply deplored by the masses who
composed the rank and file of the Republican party.
One of
these, writing about the unhappy incident, said: "When the
children, of which the number was considerable in proportion
to the population, were put to bed, the little ones soothed to
rest in sap-troughs and hollow logs for cradles-When the dis-
mal howl of the marauding wolf broke round the dwelling,
and the rifle and axe hung within the hand's grasp for instant
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
79
action, the lulaby of the infant foresters was a lament for
Washington!" And no where in the land was his death more
sincerely lamented than in the cabin homes of the brave moun-
taineers of Appalachian Virginia.
The death of General Washington had truly spread sorrow
in the ranks of the Republicans; but had provoked consterna-
tion in the ranks of the Federalists. And the modified atti-
tude of President Adams towards France, and the defiant posi-
tion maintained by Virginia and Kentucky in relation to the
Alien and Sedition Laws engendered factional confusion among
the Federalists. On the 5th of January, 1800, Hamilton wrote
to Rufus King, then Minister to England and one of Hamilton's
fellow-conspirators:
"At home, everything is in the main well, except as to the
perversness and capriciousness of one (President Adams) and
the spirit of faction of many.
"Our measures from the first cause are too much the effect
of momentary impulse, vanity and jealousy exclude all coun-
sel. Passion wrests the helm from reason.
"The irreparable loss of an inestimable man removes a
control which was felt, and was very salutary.
"The leading friends of the Government are in a sad dil-
ema. Shall they risk a serious schism by an attempt to change?
or shall they annihilate themselves and hazard their cause by
continuing to uphold those who suspect and hate them, and
who are likely to pursue a course for no better reason than be-
cause it is contrary to that which they approve?
"The spirit of faction is abated nowhere. In Virginia it is
more violent than ever. It seems demonstrated that the lead-
ers there, who possess completely all the powers of the local
government, are resolved to possess those of the national, by
the most dangerous combinations; and, if they cannot effect
this, to resort to the employment of physical force. The want
of disposition in the people to second them, will be the only
preventive. It is believed that it will be an effectual one.
"In the two houses of Congress we have a decided major-
ity. But the dread of unpopularity is likely to parylize it, and
to prevent the erection of additional buttresses to the Constitu-
80
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
tion, a fabric which can scarcely be stationary, and which will
retrograde if it cannot be made to advance."
The above first quoted paragraph shows that General Ham-
ilton considered President Adams perverse and capricious, be-
cause he did not accede to the Hamiltonian scheme to overthrow
popular government in the United States by perverting the
Constitution. In the second paragraph he admits that the
councils of his party are dominated by vanity, jealousy and
passion, thereby demonstrating its unfitness to conduct the
government of a free and independent people. The third.
paragraph concisely refers to the death of General Washington
as "the irreparable loss of an inestimable man," whose "control
was felt and was very salutary." But the people of Virginia,
at a recent election, had emphatically affirmed that an effort
to use this control in behalf of Hamilton's theories of govern-
ment was not conducive to the public welfare.
In the fourth paragraph he confesses that "the leading
friends of the Government (his coterie of confidential follow-
ers) are in a sad dilemma;" but he appeared unable to suggest
any definite plan for the rescue of his party from its condition
of confusion and demoralization. In the fifth paragraph he at-
tempted to minimize the great fight that Jefferson, Madison,
and their worthy associates, were making in Virginia for pres-
ervation of the sovereign rights of the States, by terming it
"the spirit of faction." But he discredited his very small esti-
mate of the magnitude of the movement of the Virginia patri-
ots when he admitted that, if they could not effect their pur-
pose by peaceful means they would employ armed force to pro-
tect the personal and political rights of the people of the Com-
monwealth. The most important admission, however, is that:
"The want of disposition in the people to second them will be
the only preventive." In this latter confession we find a very
decided alteration in Hamilton's estimate of the worth and
power of the people. On the 18th of June, 1787, in a speech
delivered in the Constitutional Convention, he said: "The voice-
of the people has been said to be the voice of God; and, how-
ever generally this maxim has been quoted and believed, it is
not true in fact. The people are turbulent and changing; they
seldom judge or determine right."
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
81
The sixth paragraph-the last one quoted from Hamilton's
letter to King-discloses the reason for his changed opinion as
to the power possessed by the people in functioning the gov-
ernment. After declaring that the Federalists had a decided
majority in the two houses of Congress, he, no doubt, reluct-
antly, admitted: "But the dread of unpopularity is likely to
paralyze it." And this paralysis he realized would render
abortive all his previous schemes to "advance" the Constitution
far enough to consolidate all power in the Federal Government.
The people of New York, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Ver-
mont, and other States had been enraged by the prosecutions
(really persecutions) of some of their best citizens under the
provisions of the Sedition Law. Mathew Lyon, a member of
Congress from Vermont, a Lieutenant in the "Green Moun-
tain Boys," of Revolutionary fame, and afterwards distinguish-
ed in the military and civil affairs of the Nation, was charged
with libeling the President by a letter he published in a Ver-
mont newspaper. In the letter he said: "every consideration
of the public welfare was swallowed up in a continual grasp of
power, an unbounded thirst for ridiculous pomp, foolish adula-
tion and selfish avarice." There were other similar so-called
libelous statements made by Lyon. He was tried by a judge
of the Supreme Court, found guilty, sentenced to imprisonment
for four months, and fined $1,000. While in prison he was
re-chosen by his constituents a member of Congress. Judge
Jared Peck, a Christian gentlemen, and a senator in the Legis-
lature of New York, circulated a petition among his neighbors
for the repeal of the odious Alien and Sedition Laws. For this
offense he was indicted and arrested on a bench warrant, and
taken to New York for trial; but his arrest so inflamed public
sentiment, that it was found expedient to discharge him from
custody. Thomas Peck was tried and convicted for "charging
the President with unbecoming and unnecessary violence in
his official communications," Cooper was found guilty, sentenc-
ed to imprisonment for six months and to a fine of $400.00.
James T. Collender was tried for libeling the President. His
counsel raised the question of the constitutionality of the Sedi-
tion Law, but the presiding judge rudely refused to hear them
on the question. Thereupon the lawyers threw up their briefs
82
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
and left the court. Cooper was sent to prison for nine months
and required to pay a fine of $200.00. Mr. Baldwin, of New
Jersey, was indicted, tried, convicted, and made to pay a fine
of $100.00 for making a humerous but coarse remark about the
President when he was passing through Newark. These are
only a few of the number of outrageous prosecutions that were
instituted under the provisions of the Sedition Law, at a time
when our country was at peace with all other nations. And
it was against the enforcement of this odious law that the
liberty-loving sons of Virginia resolved, if necessary, to employ
armed force.
When the Congress assembled for the session of 1799-1800
the Federalists were in great confusion. It was apparent that
enforcement of the Alien and Sedition Laws and the Internal
Tax Law had intensely angered the people in all sections of
the Union. The more conservative Federalists were disgusted
with Hamilton's assumption of supreme authority, and the
more timorous were intimidated by the growing resentment of
the masses of the people. Hamilton's Judiciary Bill and his
Militia and Military Bills were postponed until the next ses-
sion of Congress. An Election Law, conceived by Hamilton,
was introduced by Senator Ross, who had recently been defeat-
ed as the Federalist candidate for Governor of Pennsylvania.
It passed in the Senate but failed of enactment in the House.
This bill "provided that in elections for President and Vice Presi-
dent a joint committee of the two houses should be chosen by
ballot to decide on the validity of the objections to any of the
electoral votes. If the bill had become a law it would have vir-
tually invested the Committee with authority to choose the
President of the United States and to subvert popular govern-
ment; and it was intended for special use at the ensuing presi-
dential election. That the malign influence of Hamilton sup-
erinduced this and all the proposed and accepted legislation of
the Federal Congress is evidenced by a letter he wrote Sedg-
wick on February 27th, 1800, as follows:
"When will Congress probably adjourn? Will anything
be settled as to a certain election? Will my presence be requi-
site as to this or any other purpose, and when? I observe,
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
83
more and more, that by the jealousy and envy of some, the
miserliness of others, and the concurring influence of all for-
eign powers, America, if she attains to greatness, must creep
to it. Will it be so? Slow and sure is no bad maxim? Snails
are a wise generation.
"P. S. Unless for indispensible reasons, I had rather not
come."
Was there ever living a more self-important egotist than
the alien-born Hamilton? He assumed to believe that Ameri-
ca's future greatness depended upon the adoption of his plans
and policies; and that the acceptance of the theories of govern-
ment propounded by such native-born "snails" as Jefferson and
Madison would inevitably bring ruin to the American Nation.
But the "snails" were well satisfied with the situation, because
they could see that complete triumph for their cause was not
far distant. Mr. Jefferson was highly elated, and on the 7th
of April, 1800, wrote P. N. Nicholas: "It is too early to think
of a declaratory act as yet, but the time is approaching and
not distant. Two elections more will give us a solid majority
in the House, and a sufficient one in the Senate. As soon as it
can be depended on, we must have a 'Declaration of the princi-
ples of the Constitution,' in nature of a Declaration of Rights,
in all the points in which it has been violated. The people in
the middle states are almost rallied to Virginia already; and
the eastern states are commencing the vibration. North Caro-
lina is at present the most dangerous state."
Once more Hamilton had been thwarted in the execution
of his wicked schemes. It was then evident that Mr. Jefferson
would be the candidate of the Republicans for President m
1800, and Aaron Burr their candidate for Vice President. And
the results of the recent State elections in Pennsylvania and
New York gave assurance that the Republican candidates
would be elected, unless prevented by some cunning scheme on
the part of the Federalists. President Adams had at last real-
ized that he was being made a victim of personal and official
treachery by members of his Cabinet, who were under the in-
fluence of Hamilton. This knowledge induced him to call for
the resignation of McHenry, Secretary of War, and of Picker-
ing, Secretary of State. McHenry resigned promptly, but
84
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
Pickering reluctantly gave up his post. John Marshall, of Vir-
ginia, was appointed Secretary of State, and Samuel Dexter,
of Massachusetts, was placed in charge of the War Depart-
ment. Both of these gentlemen were uncompromising Federal-
ists, but they were men of honor. Hamilton was so enraged
at the President that he wrote Sedgewick: For my individual
part my mind is made up. I will never more be responsible
for him (Adams) by my direct support, even though the con-
sequences should be the election of Jefferson. If we must
have an enemy at the head of the Government, let it be one
whom we can oppose, and for whom we are not responsible,
who will not involve our party in the disgrace of his foolish-
ness and bad measures. Under Adams, as under Jefferson, the
Government will sink." Was there ever exhibited a more unrea-
sonable and arrant display of arrogance by any political leader
than by this one who essayed to plan the form of government
for a people who were to be evolved into the greatest nation on
earth?
The first Congressional Caucus to nominate candidates for
President and Vice President was held by the Republicans in
Philadelphia early in 1800. The caucus nominated Mr. Jef-
ferson for President and Aaron Burr for Vice President. Fol-
lowing this, the Federalists, by a similar caucus, selected Mr.
Adams as their candidate for President and Charles C. Pinkney,
of South Carolina, for Vice President.
On May 7th, Hamilton wrote to Governor Jay, revealing
to him and requesting his co-operation in a plan to throw out
the electoral vote of Pennsylvania and by a gross fraud to pro-
cure the electoral vote of New York for the Federalists' candi-
dates at the approaching Presidential election. He still con-
trolled the United States army as its commanding General; and
it was evidently his purpose to provoke a civil war and by use
of his military power bring about a change in our form of gov-
ernment. This conclusion is warranted by an utterance of
Governeur Morris, made some months after Morris delivered
the funeral oration over Hamilton's remains. Morris said: "He
(Hamilton) knew that his favorite form was inadvisable, un-
less as the result of civil war; and I suspect that his belief in
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
85
that which he called an approaching crisis arose from a convic-
tion that the kind of government most suitable in his opinion
to this extensive country, could be established in no other way."
Morris also said that "General Hamilton hated republican gov-
ernment," and that "He never failed on every occasion to ad-
vocate the excellence of, and avow his attachment to, monarch-
ical government." Governor Jay declined to co-operate with
Hamilton in his fraudulent scheme; and again he was thwarted
in his traitorous designs to overthrow republican government.
Having failed to secure the passage by Congress of his
Election Law, and to procure the co-operation of Governor Jay
in his fraudulent scheme to control the electoral votes of Penn-
sylvania and New York, General Hamilton conceived another
plan by which he hoped to defeat both Jefferson and Adams for
President. This was to be accomplished by procuring a ma-
jority of the electoral votes of the States for Pinkney-the can-
didate of the Federal party for Vice President.
At that time the candidate who received a majority of the
electoral votes of the States-whether he was the candidate of
his party for President or Vice President-became President.
This method was then prescribed by the Constitution. Hamil-
ton's idea was to give Pinkney a larger number of electoral
votes than Adams from the New England States, and he made
a tour of that section with that end in view. He was hopeful
that Pinkney's popularity in the South would secure him the
electoral votes of the two Carolinas. The scheme, however,
failed of success, and Hamilton was again a looser.
THOMAS JEFFERSON ELECTED AND INAUGURATED PRESIDENT.
The result of the Presidential election in 1800 was an ap-
palling disaster to Hamilton. The great Republican leader and
proponent of Popular Government, Thomas Jefferson-with
whom he had been in active conflict for the preceding ten
years had been placed by the American people in charge of
the Executive Department of their government. But some of
his most zealous Federalist enemies conspired by questionable
methods to prevent the induction of Mr. Jefferson to the Execu-
tive Chair. Among these was John Marshall of Virginia, much
to his own shame and the indignation of the mass of the people
of his own State. Jefferson and Burr had received a majority
86
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
and an equal number (73) of the votes in the Electoral College,
while Adams had received 65 and Pinkney 64 of the electoral
votes. The Constitution provided that when two candidates
obtained a majority and a tie vote of the electors, the House of
Representatives-when officially informed thereof-"Shall im-
mediately chuse by Ballot one of them for President." As
soon as they were unofficially informed of the tie vote, John
Marshall and other Federalist leaders put in motion a plan to
elect Burr over Jefferson. A Federal caucus was held and it
was decided by a large majority of those present that the sup-
port of the party should be thrown to Burr in the House of
Representatives. The nefarious scheme would, no doubt, have
been carried into execution but for the interposition of Alexan-
der Hamilton. He appealed to Mr. Marshall to prevent the
election of Burr, and Marshall hearkened unto him. Hamilton
was induced to take this course, not because he hated Jefferson
less but because he hated Burr more. A spirit of rivalry-
political, social and professional-had been growing up between
Burr and Hamilton. Events that occurred in the Presidential
campaign intensified the rivalry, and kindled it into a flame
of bitter personal hate that ultimately caused the death of
Hamilton in a duel with Burr.
On the 11th of February, 1801, the two Houses of Congress
met in the Senate Chamber; and, as required by the Constitu-
tion, the certificates of the electors from the sixteen States
were opened by the Vice President. The certificates were de-
livered to tellers, appointed for the purpose, and they counted
and announced the number of votes given to each of the candi-
dates. Jefferson and Burr had each received 73 votes, Adams
65 and Pinkney 64 votes. Rhode Island had given one vote for
John Jay for Vice President. The Constitution provided that,
"the Votes shall be taken by States, the Representation from
each State having one Vote, and a Majority of all the States
shall be necessary to a Choice."
The House proceeded to vote for either Jefferson or Burr
and the result of the first ballot was, eight States for Jefferson,
six for Burr and two-Vermont and Maryland-divided. The
Federalists had a majority of members and, with the exception
of Mr. Huger of South Carolina, they voted solidly for Burr.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
87
This shows how bitterly partisan was the hatred of the Federal-
ists for Mr. Jefferson. This hostility to Jefferson was occasion-
ed by his devoted adherence to democratic principles and ex-
treme dislike for the aristocratic doctrines of the Federalists.
The balloting was continued at intervals, with like results, un-
til the 17th of February. On the thirty-sixth ballot Thomas
Jefferson received the votes of ten States, and was declared
duly elected President of the United States of America. This
recognition of the will and power of the people was accomplish-
ed by the four Federalist members from Maryland depositing
blanks in the box of that State, and Mr. Morris, Federalist from
Vermont, leaving his seat-thereby giving the votes of those
two States to Jefferson. It also placed the Executive Depart-
ment of the Government in the hands of the Republicans for
an unbroken period of forty years. It will not be amiss to here
state the seat of Government had been removed from Phila-
delphia to Washington in the month of June, 1800. Therefore,
the above related interesting struggle between the Federalists
and Republicans took place on Capitol Hill, where many more
eventful political battles have since been waged between the
representatives of rival political parties.
Mr. Jefferson was inaugurated President on the 4th of
March, 1801. At his request, the inaugural ceremonies were
of the simplest form. An Englishman who was present thus
describes his appearance and conduct when he went to the
Capitol: "His dress was of plain cloth, and he road on horse-
back to the Capitol without a single guard or even a servant
in his train, dismounted without assistance, and hitched the
bridle of his horse to the palisades."
The President's inaugural address, delivered before the
two Houses of Congress that had been controlled by a hostile
majority, was replete with expressions of devotion to the Con-
stitution and the welfare of all the people of the Nation. Re-
ferring to the trying conflicts of opinion that had obtained be-
tween the rival political parties, he said: "During the contest
of opinion, through which we have passed, the animation of
discussion and of exertions has sometimes worn an aspect which
might impose on strangers unused to think freely and to speak
and write that which they think; but this being decided now
88
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
by the voice of the nation, announced according to the rules of
the Constitution, all will, of course, arrange themselves under
the will of the law, and unite in common efforts for the com-
mon good. All, too, will bear in mind this sacred principle,
that though the will of the majority is in all cases to prevail,
that will, to be rightful, must be reasonable; that the minority
possess their equal rights, which equal laws must protect, and
to violate which would be oppression. Let us, then, fellow-
citizens, unite with one heart and one mind. Let us restore
to social intercourse that harmony and affection without which
liberty and even life itself are but dreary things. And let us
reflect that having banished from our land that religious intol-
erance under which mankind so long bled and suffered, we
have yet gained little if we countenance a political intolerance
as despotic, as wicked, and capable of as bitter and bloody per-
secutions." The "Father of Popular Government" in America
thus inpressively preclaimed the positive rights of a political
minority in terms that are not only reasonable but undeniable.
But the greatest passage in this celebrated State paper is that
in which he defined what he deemed "the essential principles
of our government, and consequently those which ought to
shape its administration:" It is as follows:
"Equal and exact justice to all men, of whatsoever state
or persuasion, religious or political; peace, commerce, and hon-
est friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none;
the support of the State Governments in all their rights, as
the most competent administrations of our domestic concerns,
and the surest bulwarks against anti-republican tendencies;
the preservation of the general government in its whole con-
stitutional vigour; a jealous care of the right of election by the
people, a mild and safe corrective of abuses which are lopped
by the sword of revolution where peaceable remedies are un-
provided; absolute acquiescence in the decision of the majority,
the vital principle of republics, from which there is no appeal
but to force, the vital principle and immediate parent of des-
potism; a well-disciplined militia, our best reliance in peace,
and for the first moments of war, till regulars may relieve
them; the supremacy of the civil over the military authority;
economy in the public expense, that labour may be lightly bur-
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
89
dened; the honest payment of our debts and sacred preserva-
tion of the public faith; encouragement of agriculture, and of
commerce as its handmaid; the diffusion of information, and
arraignment of all abuses at the bar of public reason; freedom
of religion; freedom of the press; and freedom of the person,
under the protection of the habeas corpus; and trial by juries
impartially selected. These are the essential principles of our
government, and those which ought to shape its administration.
These form the bright constellation, which has gone before us
and guided our steps through an age of revolution and reform-
ation. The wisdom of our sages and blood of our heroes have
been devoted to their attainment: they should be the creed of
our political faith, the text of civic instruction, the touchstone
by which to try the services of those we trust; and should we
wander from them in moments of error and alarm, let us has-
ten to retrace our steps, and to regain the road which leads to
peace, liberty and safety."
Who will now dare to say that Jefferson's exposition of the
essential principles upon which our republic was founded is
not true? Or who will have the temerity to say that these es-
sential principles are unsound? His interpretation of them
has the semblance of a spiritual revelation, sent through the
reason of an intellectually superman, to save the soul of the
Nation from the quagmire of materialism, into which Hamilton
and his Federalists sought to plunge it.
On the 5th of March, the day after his inauguration, he
began to select his Cabinet. He nominated James Madison, of
Virginia, Secretary of State; Henry Dearborn, of Massachus-
etts, Secretary of War; Levy Lincoln, of Massachusetts, Attor-
ney General,
They were confirmed by the Senate the same
day. During the recess of the Senate, Albert Gallatin, of
Pennsylvania, was appointed Secretary of the Treasury, Sam-
uel Smith, of Maryland, acted as Secretary of the Navy from
April the 1st to the 15th of July, and was then succeeded by
Robert Smith, of the same State. On the 28th of November,
Gideon Granger, of Connecticut, was appointed Postmaster
General. All of these latter nominations were confirmed by
the Senate on the 26th of January, 1802.
When Congress met on the 7th of December, 1801, it was
90
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
known that the Republicans had a large majority in that body.
Large accessions had been gained in the Middle States, and the
representation from the Southern and Western States. Vir-
ginia sent but one Federalist member; and Clopton, Republican,
who had been defeated by John Marshall by a scant seven ma-
jority in 1799, was returned as the representative of the Rich-
mond district. The State elections had also greatly increased
the power of the Republicans. Two of the New England States
had joined the Republican column; and outside of that section,
not a governor or legislature remained to the Federalists, ex-
cept in Delaware.
President Jefferson did not follow the custom set by Wash-
ington and Adams by appearing in person before and opening
Congress with a formal speech, but sent a written message to
the two Houses. In the message he recommended the abolition
of all internal taxes, and the repeal of various laws that had
been enacted by the Federalists. Congress began forth with
to act upon the President's recommendations. One of its first
acts was the passage of a bill to reorganize the Judiciary De-
partment. Frost in his History of the United States says:
"Immediately preceding his retirement from office, Mr. Adams
had appointed twelve new judges, in pursuance of a recent law
of Congress. These were called the midnight judiciary, from
the alleged fact they were appointed at twelve o'clock on the
last night of the President's term of office. One of the first
acts of Congress was the passage of a bill reorganizing the
judiciary department, in pursuance of a recommendation from
the President. By this bill, the lately appointed members of
the judiciary were deprived of their offices."
The purpose of President Adams to pack the United States:
Courts with Federalist judges on the eve of his retirement from
office was, to say the least, very unbecoming. The people had
spoken in no uncertain terms in condemnation of the principles
of his party and the policies of his administration. He had al-
ready forestalled Mr. Jefferson by the appointment of an un-
compromising Federalist as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court.
On the 31st of January, 1801, John Marshall was commissioned
Chief Justice. He was then Secretary of State, and continued
to act as such until the term of Mr. Adams was ended. For the
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
16
91
accomplishment of this questionable scheme, Mr. Dexter, Sec-
retary of War, was appointed Secretary of State, pro hac vice,
to make out and sign Marshall's commission as Chief Justice.
And Judge Marshall filled both positions until President Adams.
retired from office. He presided as Chief Justice from the 4th
to the 9th of February, 1801. Thus did the future great Chief
Justice, inspired by his intense hatred for Thomas Jefferson
and esteem for centralized government, become party to a
transaction that would even in these degenerate days be term-
ed unclean politics.
The superb inaugural address of the President was receiv-
ed with great favor by the people in all sections of the Union.
And its mild tone, together with his forcible presentation of
the "essential principles" upon which our government had
been established and should be continued, caused such heavy
desertions from the Federalist party, that it was never again
potential in national affairs. The President's first annual mes-
sage to Congress contained a number of suggestions and recom-
mendations for legislation by that body that conflicted entirely
with the enactments procured by Hamilton from the Federal-
ists. The message provoked him to a stage of fury and caused
him to resume the use of his venomous pen. He published a
series of eighteen articles, called the "Examination," and sign-
ed Lucius Crassus. In these articles "he manifested the same
prodigality of sarcasms, of insulting imputations, and of van-
corous invective, that distinguished his attacks on Jefferson
ten years earlier when they were members of the same Cabi-
net."
Referring to certain positions taken by the President in
his message, Lucius Crassus remarks: "Who could restrain the
laugh of derision at positions so preposterous, were it not for
the reflection that, in the first magistrate of our country, they
cast a blemish on our national character."
How preposterous for Hamilton-alien by birth, alien in
thought, and arrogantly alien in motive to everything truly
American-to thus assail the character and the principles and
policies of government espoused by Jefferson. The Father of
Popular Government and Religious Freedom was earnestly en-
deavoring to efface the "blemish on our national character'
92
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
that had already been placed there by the Hamiltonians. This
was the cause that provoked the wrath of Hamilton and stimu-
lated the scurrilous attacks of the Federal press upon the
administration of Jefferson.
Harmonious relations between the President and his Cabi-
net were immediately established, and the same relations pre-
vailed toward each other among the able and discreet men
who composed his official family. And the relations between
the Republican majority in Congress and the President and
Cabinet were equally as cordial. In an effort to destroy this
condition the Federalists employed the since frequently used
charge that Congress was being bossed by the President. This
effort, however, proved abortive. The Republican majority
well knew that Jeffersonian principles were concurred in by
their constituents and the great body of the American people.
And they cordially deferred to the opinions of the President
and of the true and tried statesmen of his Cabinet. Realizing
that the Executive and Legislative Departments were in per-
fect accord, and were promptly adopting and carrying into ef-
fect Republican principles of government-and that they were
receiving the enthusiastic approval of the people-Hamilton
despaired of further achievement on his line, and on the 27th
of February, 1802, wrote Governeur Morris:
"Mine is an odd destiny. Perhaps no man in the United
States has sacrificed more for the present Constitution than
myself; and contrary to all my anticipations of its fate, as you
know from the very beginning. I am still laboring to prop the
frail and worthless fabric. Yet I have the murmers of its
friends no less than the curses of its foes for my reward. What
can I do better than withdraw from the scene? Every day
proves to me more and more, this American world was not made
for me."
An analysis of this despairing confession of Alexander
Hamilton reveals a man of prodigious insincerity, abnormal
ambition, and excessive vanity. The only sacrifice he had made
for the Constitution was persistent effort to pervert "the frail
and worthless thing" into an instrument for the development
and application of his own theories of government. However, he
uttered two truths in his letter to Morris. One was: "What
APPALACHIAN
93
VIRGINIA
can I do better than withdraw from the scene?" Surely this
would have been the better course for him to follow. If he
had resumed his station as a British subject, and as a resident
of the West Indian Island of his nativity, he would have escap-
ed an inglorious death at the hands of Aaron Burr, whom he
had so recently denounced as "the Catiline of America." The
other truth was uttered in the sentence: "Every day proves to
me more and more, this American world was not made for me."
Certainly it was not. It was made for a great nation of Ameri-
can freemen, who were.to live and thrive under a government
that was established upon principles of enlightened republican
democracy. That the foregoing conclusions are not extrava-
gently drawn is evidenced by a letter written by Governeur
Morris to Aaron Ogden, after Hamilton's death, dated Decem-
ber 28th, 1804, in which Morris said:
"Our poor friend, Hamilton, bestrode his hobby to the
great annoyance of his friends, and not without injury to him-
self. More a theoretic than a practical man, he was not con-
vinced that a system may be good in itself, and bad in relation
to particular circumstances. He well knew that his favorite
form was inadmissable, unless as the result of civil war; and I
suspect that his belief in that which he called an approaching
crisis arose from a conviction that the kind of government
most suitable, in his opinion, to this extensive country could be
established in no other way. When our population shall have
reached a certain extent, his system may be proper, and the
people may then be disposed to adopt it; but under present
circumstances they will not, neither will it answer any valu-
able purpose."
In another letter written by Morris to Robert Walsh, on
the 5th of February, 1811, Morris said: "General Hamilton had
little share in forming the Constitution. He disliked it, be-
lieving all republican government radically defective. *** Gen-
eral Hamilton hated republican government, because he con-
founded it with democratical government, and he detested the
latter, because he believed it must end in despotism, and, be
in the meantime, destructive to public morality. ** One mark-
ed trait of the General's character was the pertinacious ad-
herence to opinions he had once formed. *** He never failed on
94
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
every occasion to advocate the excellence of, and avow his at-
tachment to monarchical government."
Mr. Morris and General Hamilton both were members of
the convention that framed the Federal Constitution, and were
intimately associated as members of the Federalist party. They
were agreed in bitter hostility to a democratical party and
popular government. Hamilton favored a monarchical plan,
while Morris stood for a republican government, to be abso-
lutely controlled by the wealthy and aristocratic classes, There-
fore, Morris was qualified in every particular to testify as to
the convictions and purposes of Hamilton. And from the testi-
mony of Morris, coupled with Hamilton's repeated declarations
in the Constitutional Convention and frequent expressions of
opinion in his correspondence with friends, it is reasonable to
conclude that Hamilton's solicitude for perpetuating the Con-
stitution was pretense, and his attitude toward our republican
government was sinister.
From the beginning of his administration of the affairs
of the Union, President Jefferson adhered to principles and
policies that were, in the main, directly adverse to Hamiltonian
and Federalist theories of government. In doing this, his ac-
complishments not only refuted the predictions of Hamilton
that ruin and disaster would certainly follow Jefferson's eleva-
tion to the Presidency, but brought peace, prosperity and hap-
piness to all sections of the country. Before Congress adjourn-
ed in March, 1804, a Republican caucus was held and Mr. Jef-
ferson was unanimously renominated for President; and George
Clinton, of New York, was made the candidate of the party for
Vice President.
On the 11th of July, 1804, Alexander Hamilton was mortal-
ly wounded in a duel with Aaron Burr, then Vice President of
the United States, and died the following day. Thus perished
one of the most gifted men that ever appeared in the arena of
American politics, but whose greatest weakness was inability
to comprehend the spirit of freedom that animated the minds
and hearts of the American people. Randall writing about the
unfortunate incident says: "Let us in justice record that the
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
95
last public letter ever written by this statesman (addressed to
Theodore Sedgwick, July 10th, 1804) was to discourage a New
England project for a 'dismemberment of our empire,' which
sprung up on the acquisition of Louisiana."
At the 1802-1803 session of Congress an amendment to the
Constitution was proposed which is now embodied in that in-
strument as the Twelfth Amendment. The amendment now
regulates the election of President and Vice President; and re-
quires the electors in the several colleges to designate the per-
son voted for as President and the one for Vice President. This
was done to prevent a recurrence of the trouble that arose
when Mr. Jefferson and Aaron Burr were voted for in the
House of Representatives in 1801. The amendment was op-
posed by the Federal leaders, but was passed in both Houses of
Congress by the necessary two-thirds vote; and it was promptly
ratified by all the States, except Connecticut, Delaware and
Massachusetts.
The Presidential election of 1804 clearly demonstrated that
public sentiment throughout the Union was about solidly for
Mr. Jefferson. The Federalists had selected Charles C. Pinck-
ney as their candidate for President and Rufus King for Vice-
President. They fought the Republicans with the rage of
despair, and assailed the character of Mr. Jefferson more ven-
omously than they had done in the campaign of 1800. Their
newspapers and political pulpits made the most indecent and
intemperate charges against the President. But their vicious
charges were repelled by the people; and the election was more
unanimous in its pronouncement than any that has ever taken
place in the Union. One hundred and sixty-two electoral votes
were given to Jefferson and Clinton, and only fourteen to
Pinckney and King. By States the vote was fifteen for the
Republican candidates and two for the Federal candidates.
These two states were Connecticut and Delaware. Mr. Jeffer-
son's second administration was even more successful in its ac-
complishments than his first. The principles he advocated and
the policies he introduced and carried out so completely won
the confidence of the masses of the people that they were
practically adopted in the conduct of the Government for the
succeeding sixty years.
96
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
The genesis of the struggle that has continued for more
than a century in this country-between the advocates of the
right of local self-government and the devotees of a centralized
Federal Government can be traced to the political battles be-
tween Jefferson and Hamilton during the administrations of
Washington and Adams. From the very beginning of his acti-
vity in public life, Mr. Jefferson had but one end in view, and
that was the founding of a republic that would be a worthy
exemplar of the highest type of democratic government. In
the pursuit of this exalted purpose he was sometimes permit-
ted to see his goal through the prism of happiness, sometimes
by the torch of his splendid philosophy, but not infrequently
he was forced to grope his way through the shades of misfor-
tune.
The closing year of Mr. Jefferson's last administration
brought to him enthusiastic demonstrations of approval of his
conduct of the Government. Addresses were sent him from
all sections of the Union, expressing approbation of various im-
portant measures that Congress had passed at his suggestion.
The Legislatures of Massachusetts, Vermont, Rhode Island,
New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, New Jersey, North Caro-
lina, Orleans Territory, New Hampshire, and South Carolina.
forwarded addresses to him. Similar communications were
sent him from large meetings of citizens, or political organiza-
tions, in Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Washington, Pitts-
burgh, and other cities. He also received similar addresses
from various religious bodies. These came principally from
the Baptists and Quakers, but a considerable number were sent
by Methodists. None were sent by the Episcopalians--the suc-
cessors of the Anglican Church in the United States. That
Church had not forgiven Mr. Jefferson for securing religious
freedom for the other religious denominations in Virginia.
The Legislatures of Massachusetts, Vermont, Rhode Island,
New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, New Jersey, and North
Carolina, passed resolutions urging him to become a candidate
for a third term. The Legislatures of other States would, no
doubt, have taken similar action, but for Mr. Jefferson's reply
to those that had already solicited him to continue in office. His
answer to each of the addresses proved that he had not sought
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
97
and accepted office to gratify his personal ambition, but to help
further the cause of human freedom. It also confirmed a subse-
quent declaration of Martin Van Buren, who pronounced Mr.
Jefferson: "My beau ideal of thorough patriotism and accom-
plished statesmanship." The reply of Mr. Jefferson was as
follows: "That I should lay down my charge at a proper period,
is as much a duty as to have borne it faithfully. If some ter-
mination to the services of the chief magistrate be not fixed by
the Constitution, or supplied by practice, his office, nominally
for years, will in fact, become for life; and history shows how
easily that degenerates into inheritance. Believing that a
representative government, responsible at short periods of
election, is that which produces the sum of greatest happiness
to mankind, I feel it a duty to do no act which shall essentially
impair that principle; and I should unwillingly be the person
who, disregarding the sound precedent set by an illustrious
predecessor, should furnish the first example of prolongation
beyond the second term of office.
"Truth, also, requires me to add, that I am sensible of that
decline which advancing years bring on; and feeling their phy-
sical, I ought not to doubt their mental effect. Happy if I am
the first to perceive and to obey this admonition of nature, and
to solicit a retreat from cares too great for the wearied facul-
ties of age."
Some of the readers of this book may ask themselves, "Why
has the author devoted so much time and space to a discussion
of the political battles between Jefferson and Hamilton, that
covered a period of twelve years following the organization of
the Federal Government?" His answer is that these battles
were waged to detremine whether the form of our government
should be a republic with sovereign power lodged in and exer-
cised by all the people; or whether it should be a monarchy, or
a republic controlled by a select class of the people. Jefferson
strove for the first named form of government; and Hamilton
contended for a monarchical form, or, at best, for a republic
to be dominated by the wealthy and aristocratic classes. A
further purpose of the author is to show, that the people of
Appalachian Virginia, almost en masse, aligned themselves be-
98
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
hind Thomas Jefferson; and that they were not only an impor-
tant factor in the victory he won for popular government, but
that their devotion to human freedom helped to inspire his
heart and nerve his mind for the mighty struggle. Further-
more, the people of Appalachian Virginia have, from that pe-
riod up to the present time, faithfully adhered to the principle
of popular government, except on occasions when diverted
therefrom by artful politicians, or when prevented from exercis-
ing their political faith by the operation of unfair suffrage and
election laws.
In a preceding chapter it has been noted that the second ap-
portionment for Congressmen from Virginia, under the Federal
Constitution, was made by the General Assembly on the 26th
of December, 1792. By this apportionment the Third Congres-
sional District was composed of the counties of Wythe, Green-
brier, Kanawha, Lee, Russell, Montgomery, Grayson, and Wash-
ington. At the election held on March 3rd, 1793, Colonel Fran-
cis Preston was elected as first representative from the district
as then constituted. It has been claimed that Colonel Preston
was elected as a Federalist. If this be a fact, he was surely
not one of the Hamiltonian type. Very early thereafter he
was an active and zealous Republican. As early as 1793 the two
schools of political thought founded by Jefferson and Hamilton,
respectively, had not been brought to the attention of the peo-
ple of this section of Virginia. The only political sentiment
that had been developed here was anti-British and pro-Wash-
ington. Therefore, it is reasonable to conclude that Colonel
Preston was devotedly attached to General Washington, as were
all true Americans, and for that reason he was pronounced a
Federalist.
When the close of Mr. Jefferson's second term was ap-
proaching, on January 23, 1808, a Republican Congressional
Caucus was held in the Senate Chamber to select a candidate
for President at the ensuing Presidential election. An unfor-
tunate rivalry had sprung up between the friends of Mr. Madi-
son and of Mr. Monroe. The Virginia Legislature, which had
a potential influence over the question, had failed to reach an
agreement as to which of the favorite sons should be made the
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
99
candidate. And the Congressional Caucus was called and held
primarily to decide upon the relative claims of Madison and
Monroe for the succession. Eighty-nine of the 136 Republican
members of Congress attended and voted in the caucus. For
the Presidential nomination, Madison received eigthy-three
votes, Clinton three and Monroe three. Clinton and Monroe
and their friends refused to acquiesce in the decision of the
caucus; and on March 7th, a protest was issued, signed by sev-
enteen members, including the Quids. The latter will be re-
ferred to later on. This resulted in the independent candidacy
of both Monroe and Clinton in opposition to Mr. Madison. The
Presidential election of 1808 was very hotly contested, especial-
ly in the New England States. There were three Republican
candidates in the race, and that so divided the Republican vote
that three New England States, New Hampshire, Massachus-
etts, and Rhode Island-that had been won by Mr. Jefferson-
were restored to the Federalists. The Federalists supported
Charles C. Pinckney for President, and Rufus King for Vice
President. Mr. Madison, however, was triumphantly elected.
Of the vote in the electoral college, Madison received 122 votes,
Pinckney 47, and Clinton 6. For Vice President Clinton got
113 votes, King 47, Madison 3 and Monroe 3.
Daniel Sheffey was elected at the Presidential election in
1808 to represent the Fifth District in Congress, and repre-
sented it continuously until March 3rd, 1817. Mr. Sheffey was
born at Frederick, Maryland, and was a full-blooded German,
or Dutchman, as he was pleased to style himself. His father
was a shoemaker, and Daniel learned the trade at his father's
shop, but became self-educated, as did Benjamin Franklin while
he followed the trade of a printer. In his early manhood, Shef-
fey came to Southwest Virginia and located at Abingdon, where
for a time he worked as a shoemaker. Tradition says that he
journeyed here on foot from Maryland and carried the tools of
his trade in a pack. He studied law with General Alexander
Smyth and became eminent in the profession.
It has been claimed that Mr. Sheffey was a Federalist. If
this be true, he must have been a political trimmer, or a Fed-
eralist of a very mild type. The people of the Fifth District
were then almost solidly Republican in politics; and Mr. Madi-
100
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
son carried every county and, possibly, every precinct in the
district by large majorities at the 1808 election, when Sheffey
was first elected to Congress. It may be possible that Mr. Shef-
fey was designated a Federalist from co-operation with a small
faction of Republicans in Congress called the "Quids". This
faction had its origin in a clash of sentiment that arose in the
settlement of our controversies with Spain after the purchase
of the Louisiana Territory. President Jefferson sent a mes-
sage to Congress relative to our controversies with Spain, in
which he said: "The present crisis in Europe is favorable for
pressing a settlement, and not a moment should be lost in
availing ourselves of it. Should it pass unimproved, our situa-
tion would become much more difficult. Formal war is not
necessary; it is not probable it will follow." the primary object
of the message was to obtain an appropriation from Congress
to purchase from Spain the Floridas and a part of Texas, to
which she was asserting ownership.
John Randolph, of Virginia, was then the leader of the Re-
publicans in the House of Representatives, and the President's
message was referred to a committee of which Randolph was
chairman. On the 3rd of January, 1805, the committee report-
ed, declaring that Spain had given "ample cause for a formal
declaration of war;" but on account of the debts of our country
and other reasons, peace was recommended, if it could be main-
tained compatibly with the honor and interests of the country.
The report was concluded with the following resolution:
"Resolved, That such number of troops (not exceeding
-) as the President of the United States shall deem
sufficient to protect the southern frontiers of the United States
from Spanish inroad and insult, and to chastise the same, be
immediately raised."
This resolution, if adopted, would have been equivalent to
a declaration of war against Spain. Mr. Bidwell, a member of
the committee, offered a substitute for the Randolph resolu-
tion. The substitute provided for an appropriation to enable
the President to defray any extraordinary expenses that might
arise in our intercourse with foreign countries. And the ob-
ject of the resolution was to provide the President with funds
to purchase Florida from Spain. The two resolutions provoked
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
101
!
a heated debate that continued for several days during the ses-
sions of the House, and the Federalist members joined their
forces to Randolph and his little band of kickers. On the 11th
of January, six days after its introduction in the House, the
original resolution was defeated by a vote of seventy-two to
fifty-eight. The Bidwell resolution, after a protracted and bit-
ter contest, was passed; and two million dollars was appropriat-
ed to be used by the President in his negotiations with Spain
for the purchase of Florida. The eccentric statesman, Jonn
Randolph, was infuriated by the defeat of his resolution; and
thereafter as ardently hated Mr. Jefferson as he had formerly
professed to esteem him. From four to six or eight Republi-
cans followed his alliance with the Federalists throughout
Jefferson's second administration. In the foregoing related
incident is found the origin of the "Quids," the handful of Re-
publicans who followed John Randolph in his antagonisms to
Jefferson, Madison, and even Monroe, though he championed
the latter in his contest with Madison for the Presidency in
1808.
On the 1st of June, 1812, President Madison recommended
to Congress that war be declared against Great Britain, and the
declaration was made on the 8th of that month. Mr. Jefferson,
on the 25th of the month, wrote to Mr. Maury, an Englishman
friend: "Our two countries are to be at war, but not you and I.
Surely the world will acquit our Government from having
sought it. Never has there been an instance of a nation's
bearing so much as we have borne. Two items alone in our
catalogue of wrongs will forever acquit us of being the aggres-
sors: the impressment of our seamen, and the excluding us
from the ocean. ******* I think the war will not be short, be-
cause the object of England, long obvious, is to claim the ocean
as her domain and to exact transit duties from every vessel
traversing it. He also wrote Kosciusko, the great Polish gen-
eral and patriot, then residing in France, and who had served
with distinction in the American war for independence, that
"our present enemy would have the sea to herself, while we
should be equally predominant at land, and should strip her of
all her possessions on this continent."
In May, 1812, the Republicans held a Congressional Caucus
102
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
at Washington and nominated Mr. Madison for re-election; and
the caucus nominated Elbridge Gerry for Vice President. And
in September of the same year, a convention of the Opposition
representing eleven States, was held in the city of New York.
The convention nominated DeWitt Clinton, of New York, for
President, and Jared Ingersoll, of Pennsylvania, for Vice Presi-
dent. The candidates on both tickets were Republicans, and the
Clinton-Ingersoll ticket was supported by the Federals. Despite
the unfortunate division in the Republican party, Mr. Madison
was re-chosen to the Presidency at the election in November,
1812. He received one hundred and twenty-eight electoral
votes to eighty-nine cast for DeWitt Clinton. Elbridge Gerry
received one hundred and thirty-one electoral votes for Vice
President to eighty-four that were given to Jared Ingersoll.
About all of the counties of Appalachian Virginia gave majori-
ties for the Madison Electoral Ticket; and every county in the
then Fifth Congressional District including Giles County stood
firmly for Mr. Madison, as is indicated by the following tabulat-
ed vote of the several counties:
Clinton
Washington
Lee
Montgomery
Wythe
Russell
Giles
Grayson
Tazewell
Madison
355
80
67
00
181
58
129
19
126
00
60
04
73
45
At this election Daniel Sheffey was again elected to repre-
sent the Fifth District in the House of Representatives. He
was opposed by Edward Campbell of Washington County, who
received seventeen majority over Sheffey in that county. It is
evident that Mr. Sheffey did not run as a Federalist at that
election. If he had offered as a Federalist he could not have
been elected in a district that was overwhelmingly Republican
and so unitedly supported Mr. Madison. In his History of
Southwest Virginia and Washington County, L. P. Summers
relates an incident that clearly confirms the conclusion, pre-
viously expressed in this volume, that Mr. Sheffey had co-oper-
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
103
ated with John Randolph and the Federalist members of Con-
gress in antgonizing the policies of President Madison; and
thereby made his political standing doubtful.
From Summers we glean, that early in the year 1812, after
the declaration of war against Great Britain, the patriotism of
the people of Washington County was unbounded. And that
the Fourth of July, 1812, was celebrated "at Abingdon in a
manner in accord with the sentiments of the people." Sum-
mers says: "This day was celebrated by Captain Dixon's Com-
pany of Volunteer Riflemen and a number of the citizens of the
town with their accustomed conviviality and mirth. *********
Captain Mayo's company of infantry were invited by the rifle-
men to join in the entertainment of the day, in which they dis-
played an equal degree of patriotic ardor and love of country.
**** After mustering through the town and performing sev-
eral evolutions and firing, which occupied until one o'clock,
they were marched to the camping ground at Piper's Spring,
where they partook of an elegant dinner furnished by Mr. R.
Soule." Colonel Francis Preston presided over the meeting
that was held after the dinner; and a number of toasts were
offered and drunk." From these toasts we quote the follow-
ing:
"1st. The Day. May its celebration only cease with our
national existence.
"2nd. The President.
May he continue to deserve the
confidence of a free, enlightened people.
"3rd. Congress. In declaring war against Great Britain,
they have echoed the voice of the people.
"15th. John Randolph, D. Sheffey, &c. May their con-
stituents furnish them with a suit of Tory uniform, tar and
feathers! Rogues March!
"By Colonel Francis Preston-God bless these United
States May he who attempts their disunion meet with the
fate of Percival.
"By Mr. Isaac Whitaker-Randolph, Sheffey &c.-May
they be compelled to eat the crumbs that fall from republican
tables."
The above quoted toasts are very significant. From the
sentiments expressed in the 1st., 2nd., and 3rd. toasts, it is evi-
104
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
dent that the people of this glorious mountain region were in-
bued with the same spirit of freedom that inspired Thomas
Jefferson to write the Declaration of Independence; that they
had full confidence in the integrity of James Madison-the
Father of the Constitution to give proper interpretation to
the written charter of their government; and that they had the
ability to successfully direct the affairs of a free and enlighten-
ed people; and that they most heartily approved the action of
Congress in declaring war against Great Britain.
The 15th toast and the one proposed by Mr. Isaac Whitaker
associated Randolph and Sheffey as political offenders, thereby
proving that Sheffey was not a Federalist. He was simply,
like Randolph, an offending Republican: Hence he must "be
compelled to eat the crumbs that fall from republican tables,"
as a condition precedent to sitting at the regular party table.
It is likely he had opposed the war with Great Britain and ob-
jected to other policies of the Administration, and thus invoked
the displeasure of his constituency. He very wisely decided to
make his future performance conform to the will and wishes
of his constituents, and thereby regained their confidence. At
the election which took place four months after the Fourth of
July celebration, Mr. Sheffey was re-elected to represent the
Fifth District in Congress.
Colonel Francis Preston, who was the most conspicuous
figure at this Fourth of July Celebration, had represented the
district in Congress from 1793 to 1797, He has also been re-
corded as a Federalist; but if he had ever held Hamiltonian
theories of government, his conduct at the celebration showed
that the taint had been thoroughly removed. As a further
evidence of his adherence to Jeffersonian doctrines, he, as one
of the commissioners appointed to hold the Presidential election
in Washington County in November, 1812, joined in issuing
the following notice:
"To the Freeholders of the County of Washington.
Citizens: You are hereby notified to attend at your
court-house, on the first Monday in November next; for the
purpose of voting for twenty-five electors to Choose A Presi-
dent And Vice President of the United States. At this impor-
tant crisis of our affairs, it is hoped that no citizen of Washing-
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
105
ton will show the smallest backwardness in coming forward on
that day with a determination of supporting our Republican
ticket.
Francis Preston,
Henry St. John Dixon,
Robert Preston,
Commissioners.
September 19, 1812."
The citizens of the upper end of Washington County also
celebrated the Fourth of July at Seven Mile Ford, now in the
present Smyth County. This location is upon the splendid
Aspinvale estate which was owned by General William Camp-
bell; and where he and Colonel Francis Preston are buried.
Captain John M. Preston, a grandson of Colonel Francis Pres-
ton, and great-grandson of General Campbell, now owns and
occupies the Seven Mile Ford tract.
Celebration at that place, after dinner
patriotic toasts were given and drunk.
most notable were given in honor of the Father of His Country.
and the Father of Popular Government. They are as follows:
At the Fourth of July
was over, a number of
Of these toasts the two
"By Mr. Robert Beattie The Memory of General Wash-
ington-May his courage and patriotism be an example to our
generals of the present day.
"By Mr. A. K. Love-Thomas Jefferson-May his virtues
be an example to his countrymen, and may his patriotic ser-
vices be held in grateful remembrance."
War had been declared against Great Britain four months.
previous to Mr. Madison's second election to the Presidency,
and three months prior thereto the conflict had actually begun.
Though the declaration of war was a Republican measure, it
did not receive the united support of the Republican members
of Congress. A faction, under the leadership of John Randolph,
in union with the Federalist members from New England,
strenuously opposed the war policy of the Administration.
Randolph, however, ceased his opposition after British emisa-
ries were sent into Virginia to arm the negro slaves and incite
them to insurrection. The war continued for two and a half
years, with varying results to the two nations engaged therein.
106
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
A treaty of peace was negotiated at Ghent and signed by the
American and British commissioners on December 24th, 1814.
In those days it required several weeks to transmit across the
Atlantic Ocean information both of important and unimportant
character; and, comparatively, equally as much time was need-
ed to convey from the Government at Washington information
to armed forces operating on territory distant from the Capital.
Consequently, the most important battle of the war was fought
and the most brilliant victory for the Americans was won fif-
teen days after the treaty of peace was made at Ghent. The
battle of New Orleans was fought the 8th of December, 1814.
The British army was composed of twelve thousand veteran
troops that had been trained in the wars with Napoleon, and
was commanded by Sir Edward Packenham. The American
forces were not more than half the number of their British
foes, and were volunteers and militia, and were commanded by
General Andrew Jackson. Two thousand British soldiers, led
in charges against the American breast works, were left dead
or wounded on the battle field, General Packenham was killed
and General Gibbs mortally wounded. Jackson's loss was only
seven killed and six wounded. This splendid victory made.
Andrew Jackson not only famous as a military chieftain, but so
endeared him to the American people that they made him their
President in 1828. The counties of Appalachian Virginia stood
steadfastly to President Madison in the War of 1812, and sent
their full quota of men into the service.
The Congressional districts of Virginia were reapportioned
by an act passed by the General Assembly on April 6th, 1813.
By this act the counties of Washington, Wythe, Grayson, Rus-
sell, Tazewell, and Lee were formed into the Sixth District.
The county of Montgomery was detached from the foregoing
named counties with which it had been associated from 1792,
and was attached to the New Fifth District. The Fifth Dis-
trict was, by the act of 1813, composed of the counties of Potc-
tourt, Rockbridge, Montgomery, and Giles. The county o
Giles was erected in 1806, and was never connected by Congres
sional apportionment with the counties that now constitute the
Ninth Congressional District until 1870. At the Congressional
election held in November, 1814, Daniel Sheffey was again elect-
ed as the representative of the Sixth District.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
107
JAMES MONROE'S ADMINISTRATION.
In 1816-following the precedent set by Washington and
Jefferson-Mr. Madison declined to stand as a candidate for a
third term. A Republican Congressional Caucus was held at
Washington which nominated James Monroe for President; and
Governor Daniel Tompkins, of New York, for Vice President.
The Opposition, or Federalists, nominated Rufus King, of New
York, for President, and John Eager Howard, of Maryland, for
Vice President. There had been considerable divisions among
the Republicans during the two administrations of Mr. Madi-
son, caused primarily by the War of 1812; but the nomination
of Monroe seems to have healed all these differences. Monroe
and Tompkins were elected overwhelmingly. The result of
the vote of the Electoral Colleges was 183 for Mr. Monroe and
34 for Mr. King; 183 for Governor Tompkins, and 22 for Mr
Howard. The vote of the States between the Republican and
Federal ticket stood: 16 for the Republicans and 3 for the
Federals. After that election the Federals never again funct-
ioned as a national party.
At the election held in 1816, General Alexander Smyth, of
Wythe County, was elected to represent the Sixth District in
Congress, defeating Benjamin Estill by a vote of 1,443 to 711.
He was born on the Island of Roublin, Ireland, but when a boy
ten years old his father emigrated to America and settled in
Botetourt County, Virginia. There he received an academic
education and grew up to manhood. He studied law, was ad-
mitted to the bar in 1789, and began the practice of his profes-
sion in 1789 at Abingdon, Virginia. In 1792 he removed to
Wythe County, and afterwards became distinguished in the
civil and military service of his country. General Smyth has
peen classed as a Federalist in politics; but if he was such, he
must have been one of a very mild or doubtful type. Other-
wise, he could not have been elected to represent a Congres-
sional district that had been uniformly and strongly Republi-
can in Presidential elections-for Jefferson, Madison and Mon-
roe in succession.
THE SLAVERY QUESTION.
Very early in President Monroe's first administration, slav
ery as a disturbing question was first injected into the politics
108
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
of the United States. And from its introduction it progressed
steadily until fatal divisions were made in the Republican
party founded by Jefferson, and its successor, the Democratic
party. In his History of Tazewell County and Southwest Vir-
ginia, the author wrote as follows about this question: "It was
in December, 1818, that the "Missouri Question," as it was then
called, made its appearance through the introduction in Con-
gress of a bill for the admission of Missouri to the Union as a
slave state. While Missouri had been a Territory, large num-
bers of slaveholders from the Southern States had moved into
the Territory and taken their slaves with them. When the bill
for its admission to the Union as a slave state came before the
House of Representatives, James Tallmadge, Jr., of New York,
moved to amend it by providing that the further introduction
of slavery be prohibited in said State of Missouri, and that all
children (negroes) born in the State after its admission to the
Union shall be free at the age of twenty-five years.' The dis-
cussion of the bill, as amended, was marked with great ability
and much acrimony. Of course, the members from the South,
with Henry Clay as their leader, were violently opposed to the
Tallmadge amendment. But the ability of Mr. Clay and the
stubborn resistance of the Southern members could not stem
the swelling tide of anti-slavery sentiment that was sweeping
over the North and Middle West. The bill, as amended by Tall-
madge, was passed by the House, but when it went to the Sen-
ate the anti-slavery amendment was bitterly opposed by the
Southern Senators, and the amendment was rejected. Then
the House refused to recede; and for a time Missouri was de-
nied admission to the Union."
The admission of Missouri to the Union as a slave State was
effected at the 1819-1920 session of Congress by the adoption of
a compromise measure introduced by Senator Jesse B. Thomas,
of Illinois, which was afterwards known as the "Missouri Com-
promise." This compromise measure forever prohibited slav-
ery north of 36 degrees and 30 minutes in all the territory that
President Jefferson purchased from France in 1803, by what
has since been known, and shown on maps, as the "Louisiana
Purchase". Thomas Jefferson and the older statesmen then
living, the men who had helped to carry the Colonies success-
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
109
fully through the Revolution and establish American indepen-
dence, were greatly distressed and alarmed by the course the
Missouri Question had taken. The Compromise had establish-
ed a geographical line between the Free and Slave States and
they believed this would eventually generate bitter sectional
feeling and bring disaster to the Union. In these gloomy ap-
prehensions they were not mistaken. While the Compromise
measure was pending in Congress, Mr. Jefferson gave expres-
sion to his fears in a letter written to a member of the House
of Representatives. He said:
"The Missouri question is the most portentous one which
has ever threatened the Union. In the gloomiest hour of the
Revolutionary War I never had any apprehensions equal to
those which I feel from this source."
Mr. Monroe's conduct of the affairs of our government was
so satisfactory that he was re-elected President in 1820 without
opposition. In fact, the Federal party had about become pow-
erless and was on the eve of passing out of existence as a politi-
cal organization. Hamiltonian theories of government had
been utterly rejected by the people of the United States, and
Jeffersonian principles reigned supreme. At the election in
November, 1820, General Alexander Smyth, who had been elect-
ed for a second term in 1818, was again elected to represent
the Sixth District in Congress. The Congressional districts of
Virginia were reapportioned by an act passed by the General
Assembly on January 24, 1823. By this apportionment the
Sixth District was composed of the counties of Washington,
Wythe, Grayson, Russell, Tazewell, Lee and Scott. Smyth
County was created by an act of the General Assembly at its
session of 1831-1832 and was attached to the Sixth District.
THE MONROE DOCTRINE.
In 1823 a momentous event in our history as a nation oc-
curred. It was the promulgation by President Monroe of what
has since been named the "Monroe Doctrine." After the
downfall of Napoleon, the sovereign rulers of Russia, Austria
and Prussia formed a league which they called the Holy Alli-
ance. The pretended purpose of the league was to regulate
the states of Christendom by the principles of Christian Charity
and for maintaining peace between Christian nations. But
110
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
the real purpose of the league was to preserve the power and
influence of the dynasties then reigning in Europe and to up-
hold absolute monarchy. The treaty establishing the league
was formally presented to the world by publication in the
Frankfort Journal on February 2nd, 1816; and most of the
European rulers joined the league. It was by authority of the
Holy Alliance that Austria, in 1821, invaded Italy and suppress-
ed the revolution in Naples and Piedmont, and that France re-
stored absolute monarchy in Spain. At this juncture Presi-
dent Monroe wrote to Mr. Jefferson and consulted him as to the
attitude the United States ought to assume on the interference
of the Allied Powers in the affairs of Spain. On the 11th of
June, 1823, Mr. Jefferson replied:
"On the question you propose, whether we can, in any
form, take a bolder attitude than formerly in favor of liberty,
I can give you but commonplace ideas. They will be but the
widow's mite, and offered only because requested. The matter
which now embroils Europe, the presumption of dictating to an
independent nation the form of its government, is so arrogant,
so atrocious, that indignation, as well as moral sentiment en-
lists all our partialities and prayers in favor of one, and our
execrations against the other. I do not know, indeed, whether
all nations do not owe to one another a bold declaration of their
sympathies with the one party, and their detestation of the
conduct of the other. But further than this we are not bound
to go; and indeed, for the sake of the world, we ought not to
increase the jealousies, or draw on ourselves the power, of this
formidable confederacy. I have ever deemed it fundamental
for the United States, never to take active part in the quarrels
of Europe."
In October, 1823, the South American question assumed
such shape as to provoke the earnest attention of President
Monroe. It was reported and believed, both in England and
the United States, that the Holy Alliance, having restored ab-
solutism in Spain was proposing to interfere in the revolting
Spanish American provinces, and impose similar conditions up-
on them. England had joined the league; but became alarmed
at the disposition of the Holy Alliance to dominate the affairs of
both Europe and America. Mr. Canning, then Prime Minister
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
111
1
!
of Great Britain, called upon the United States to interpose in
the South American matter, and promised England's support
in any needed action. President Monroe immediately submit-"
ted the question to Mr. Jefferson for his advisement, and the
"Sage of Monticello" promptly replied thereto. But for the
necessity of economizing space, we would reproduce the entire
letter in which Mr. Jefferson replied to the momentous ques-
tion submitted by President Monroe. As it is, we will use
sufficient excerpts to prove that the aged statesman still stood
first among his cotemporaries in ability to give interpretation
to the fundamentals upon which the American Republic was
erected: In part he wrote:
"The question presented by the letters you have sent me,
is the most momentous which has ever been offered to my con-
templation since that of Independence.
That made us a na-
tion, this sets our compass and points the course which we are
to steer through the ocean of time opening on us.
And never
could we embark on it under circumstances more auspicious.
Our first and fundamental maxim should be, never to entangle
ourselves in the broils of Europe. Our second-never to suffer
Europe to intermeddle with cis-Atlantic affairs. America,
North and South, has a set of interests distinct from those of
Europe, and peculiarly her own. She should, therefore, have a
system of her own, separate and apart from that of Europe.*
***
Great Britain is the nation that can do us the most harm of any
one, or all on earth; and with her on our side, we need not fear
the world. With her, then, we should most sedulously cherish
friendship; and nothing would tend more to knit our affections
than to be fighting once more, side by side, in the same cause.
Not that I would purchase even her amity at the price of tak-
ing part in her war. But the war in which the present propo-
sition might engage us, should that be its consequence, is not
her war, but ours. Its object is to introduce and establish the
American system, of keeping out of our land all foreign powers,
of never permitting those of Europe to intermeddle with the
affairs of our nations.
**************
"I have been so long weaned from political subjects, and
have so long ceased to take interest in them, that I am sensible
112
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
I am not qualified to offer opinions on them worthy of any at-
tention. But the question now proposed involves consequences
so lasting, and effects so decisive of our future destinies, as to
rekindle all the interest I have heretofore felt on such occasions,
and to induce me to the hazard of opinions, which will prove only
my wish to contribute still my mite towards anything which
may be useful to our country. And praying you to accept it
at only what it is worth, I add the assurance of my constant
and affectionate friendship and respect."
No wonder Martin Van Buren pronounced Thomas Jeffer-
son "My beau Ideal of thorough patriotism and accomplished
statesmanship." Even at the age of four score years his mind
scintillated with devotion for the cause of human freedom; and
his heart throbbed with love for his native land. And his men-
tality remained so strong that he could conceive and deliver to
his countrymen a political doctrine that has safely guided our
Ship of State for a hundred years. The doctrine was so thor-
oughly founded on reason that its vitality was not impaired by
the artful attacks made upon it at the conclusion of the recent
World War. The Monroe Doctrine was proposed to President
Monroe by Mr. Jefferson five or six weeks before the President
embodied it in a message to Congress. The message was sent
to Congress on December 2nd, 1823.
In 1824 the Federal party had been placed upon a scrap-
heap, and the Republican party had become dissatisfied with
having its Presidential candidates selected by a Congressional
Caucus. A large majority of the Republican members of Con-
gress refused to participate in such a gathering, or to be con-
trolled by its decision. However, a caucus was called and at-
tended by the friends of Wm. H. Crawford, of Georgia.
that time Congress was composed of 261 members, 216 were
Republicans, yet, only 66 responded when the roll was called in
the caucus, 64 of whom voted for Mr. Crawford as the Republi-
can nominee for President.
At
The candidacy of Crawford was so extensively repudiated
by the Republicans throughout the Union, that three more can-
didates were brought into the field by legislative endorsement
or other machinery. The additional candidates were, General
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
113
Andrew Jackson, Henry Clay, and John Quincy Adams, all of
whom were republicans. Mr. Adams, however, should have
been classed as a Republican with decided Federalist proclivi-
ties. The result of this famous "free for all", or "scrub race"
was that neither candidate was elected by the people. General
Jackson receiving 99 electoral votes, Mr. Adams 82, Mr. Craw-
ford 41, and Mr. Clay 37. The election of a President then de-
volved upon the House of Representatives. On the 9th of Feb-
ruary, 1825, the House elected John Quincy Adams President,
the votes by States being thirteen for John Quincy Adams,
seven for Andrew Jackson, and four for Wm. H. Crawford.
Though General Jackson had at the general election received
the largest number of both electoral and popular votes, and
had carried more States than either of the other candidates, he
was defeated in the House of Representatives by political trick-
ery. This defeat of General Jackson produced great discontent
among the masses of the people throughout the country, and so
seriously affected the popularity of Henry Clay that his ambi-
tion to be made President was never gratified. The election
of Mr. Adams was attributed to Clay's jealousy of General
Jackson. As a reward for his service, President Adams placed
Mr. Clay in his Cabinet as Secretary of State.
At the Presidential election in 1824, the people of the coun-
ties of Appalachian Virginia were strong supporters of Andrew
Jackson, as he was known to be a disciple of Thomas Jefferson.
This region was to a certain extent an ideal land of freedom,
and was a source of inspiration for Mr. Jefferson in the crea-
tion and development of his political theories. John Fiske, in
his Old Virginia and Her Neighbors, says:
"Jefferson is often called the father of modern American
democracy; in a certain sense the Shenandoah Valley and its
adjacent Appalachian regions may be called its cradle. In that
rude frontier society, life assumed many new aspects, old cus-
toms were forgotten, old distinctions abolished, social equality
acquired even more importance than unchecked individualism.
The notions, sometimes crude and noxious, sometimes just and
wholesome, which characterized Jacksonian democracy, flourish-
ed greatly on the frontier and have thence been propagated
eastward through the older communities, affecting their legis-
114
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
lation and their politics more or less according to frequency of
contact and intercourse." This Jeffersonian democracy, that
had its cradle in Appalachian Virginia, was scattered by the
descendants of the pioneer settlers throughout the West and
Northwest. And in the middle of the last century it was giv-
en added impulse by Abraham Lincoln, when he declared this:
"A government of the people, by the people and for the peo-
ple." The people of the Sixth Virginia District at the election
in 1824 elected Benjamin Estill of Washington County, as their
representative in Congress; and he was a staunch Republican.
The 4th of July, 1826, was the semi-centenial anniversary
of the Declaration of Independence; and it was made more mem-
orable by the death on that day of two of the most distinguish-
ed men connected with the movement for independence of the
American States. Thomas Jefferson, died on that day at Monti-
cello, in the 84th year of his age; and John Adams died at Quin-
cy, Massachusetts, in his 91st year. The news of their death
brought deep sorrow to the people of all classes and filled the
country with mourning. In every city, town, and village me-
morial services were held, and funeral orations pronounced in
memory of the two of the greatest figures in the most impor-
tant event of American history.
At the Congressional election in 1826, General Alexander
Smyth was again elected to represent the Sixth District in the
House of Representatives. He was then surely a Republican,
as there were no Federalists then left in Virginia. Most of the
politicians were straightout Republicans, while others posed
as National Republicans. General Smyth may possibly have
belonged to the latter class.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
115
}
CHAPTER VII
ANDREW JACKSON ELECTED PRESIDENT AND ELECTED FOR SECOND
TERM. HIS TWO ADMINISTRATIONS AMONG THE MOST INTEREST-
ING IN THE HISTORY OF OUR COUNTRY.
The outcome of the election in 1824 was the abandonment
of "King Caucus" as a means for selecting Presidential candi-
dates. And the trial of a free-for-all or scrub race had proven
more unsatisfactory than the caucus method. The convention
system for nominating candidates had not then been used by
any political party; and the friends of General Jackson deter-
mined to adopt a new plan for placing him as a candidate for
President in 1828. Immediately following his unrighteous de-
feat in the House of Representatives, the Legislature of Tenn-
essee placed General Jackson in nomination for President at
the ensuing election. This was followed by similar action in
the other States, and resulted in his unanimous acceptance by
the Republicans as their Presidential candidate in 1828. John
C. Calhoun was made the candidate for Vice President on the
Jackson ticket. The Opposition, who styled themselves "Na-
tional Republicans,," selected John Quincy Adams as their can-
didate for President and Richard Rush, of Pennsylvania, for
Vice President.
By this time the Federal party as a National organization
had completely disintegrated; and the Republican party,
founded by Jefferson and Madison, was in a disorganized state,
occasioned by the rivalries and jealousies of its leaders. Henry
Clay and Andrew Jackson, who had both been disciples of Mr.
Jefferson, were separated by intense political and personal ha-
tred, that had been inflamed by Clay's conduct at the last Presi-
dential election. From these causes two new political organi-
zations were brought into existence. One of these for the time
being was named the "National Republican Party" but later
on was evolved into the "Whig Party". Its membership was
composed of former Federalists and anti-slavery men of the
Northern and Western states, and a rebellious element of the
116
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
Republican party. Mr. Clay became the leader of the National
Republicans and retained that position when the organization
assumed the name of the Whig Party. The other organiza-
tion was constituted almost entirely of men who remained
faithful to the principles and policies of Jefferson and Madison.
General Jackson was constituted leader of the organization that
thereafter was known as the Democratic Party; and he remain-
ed its potential leader until the day of his death, June 8th, 1845.
The friends of the Administration, with Henry Clay-em-
bittered and malignant-as their leader used every possible
means to prevent the election of Andrew Jackson; but their
efforts were unavailing. The result of the vote of the Electoral
College was, 178 for Jackson, and 83 for Adams. John C. Cal-
houn received 173 electoral votes for Vice President and Rich-
ard Rush 83. Seven of the electoral votes of Georgia were cast
for William Smith of South Carolina, for Vice President. The
vote for President by States stood: 15 for Jackson, and 9 for
Adams. The fifteen States that voted for Jackson were: New
York, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina,
Georgia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Ohio, Louisiana, Indiana, Miss-
issippi, Illinois, Alabama, and Missouri; and the nine that voted
for Adams were: Maine, New Hampshire, Massachusetts,
Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New Jersey, Delaware,
and Maryland. From the date of this election the political
parties were distinctively known as Democratic and National
Republican.
The political battle between Adams and Jackson is one of
the most memorable that has ever taken place in the United
States. On the one side was arrayed all the forces that sup-
ported the policies of the Adams Administration, including the
aristocratic element that had been nurtured upon the theories
of Hamilton and his associate Federalists. On the other was
found in battle line all the elements who opposed the Adminis-
tration policies, including the most vital force of the body poli-
tic-the plain people who had imbibed and assimilated the ex-
cellent doctrines of Thomas Jefferson. The result of the elect-
ion was humiliating and shocking to Henry Clay. His adopted
State, Kentucky, and his native State, Virginia, and all the
States south of the Potomac, and of the West had stood firmly
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
117
for "Old Hickory", Clay's most hated and formidable foe. It is
needless to say that the counties of Appalachian Virginia stood
almost a unit for Jackson. To illustrate this fact, the vote of
the counties west of New River-all except Grayson now in-
cluded in the Ninth Congressional District is given below:
Jackson
Giles,
Washington,
Wythe,
Lee,
Russell,
Scott,
Tazewell,
Grayson,
Total
Adams
292
40
564
16
382
20
275
33
229
15
217
4
304
3
289
17
2552
148
The Presidential campaign and election of 1828 was the
most notable in feature and results that had ever taken place
in the United States, and, possibly, that has ever occured in
any country. Claude G. Bowers, in his splendid historical
work, "The Party Battles of The Jackson Period," says: "With
the election of 1828, a new era dawned in American politics.
Up to this time the election of Presidents and the determina-
tion of policies had been a matter of manipulation among the
congressional politicians. The possessors of property and the
aristocrats of intellect had been the only classes with whom
the politicians had concerned themselves. The Virginia Dyn-
asty and the Secretarial Succession died on the day that the
rising of the masses raised to the Presidency a man who had
never served in the Cabinet, distinguished himself in Congress,
or appealed to the 'aristocracy of intellect and culture.' To
the politicians, office-holders, and society leaders in Washing-
ton, the election of Andrew Jackson was something more than
a shock-it was an affront. In the campaign he had been op-
posed by two-thirds of the newspapers, four fifths of the
preachers, practically all the manufacturers, and seven eighths
of the banking capital. Respectability sternly set itself against
the presumptious ambitions of what it conceived to be a rough,
illiterate representative of the 'mob' ".
The most reprehensible aspect of the campaign was the
118
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
scurrility and vilification with which it was featured. The at-
tacks made upon General Jackson were disgraceful and infam-
ous, and were even extended to his beloved wife, Rachel. Bow-
ers says: "He was pictured as a usurper, an adulterer, a gam-
bler, a cockfighter, a drunkard, and a murderer. The good
name of Mrs. Jackson, of the purest of women, was wantonly
maligned; and in the drawing-rooms of the intellectually elect
she was not spared by the ladies who were shocked at the 'vul-
garity' of her husband. The Adams organs stooped to the at-
tack and while the 'National Intelligencer,' under the editorship
of Joseph Gales, refused thus to pollute its columns, the 'Na-
tional Journal', under the editorial management of Peter Force,
and specially favored by the Adams Administration, specializ-
ed on the slander of an excellent woman. A little later an at-
tempt was made to justify the infamy of this proceeding by
charging that Mrs. Adams had been assailed, but the extent of
the assault was the charge that she was an English woman
with little sympathy for American institutions."
Mr. Adams afterwards denied the charge that he had per-
sonally sanctioned the vile attacks upon Mrs. Jackson, but the
National Central Committee of his party actively engaged in
the circulation of the scandalous literature. Be it said to his
credit, Thurlow Weed, who was then publishing the Albany
Evening Journal and supporting Mr. Adams-and who was
afterwards despised at the South because he was an Abolition-
ist-refused to participate in the vile attacks upon General
and Mrs. Jackson. For this he was denounced as a traitor to
the Administration.
If there had been any previous doubt that Andrew Jackson
was truly the chosen servant of the people, that doubt was dis-
sipated when he was inaugurated as President on the 4th of
March, 1829. The Administration circle, and what was deemed
aristocratic society in Washington, who had looked forward to
the inauguration with a mingled feeling of derision and abhor-
rence, were not to be disappointed in their expectations as to
the character of the inaugural ceremonies. The "old warrior"
had resolved that there should be no pomp upon his advent to
the Capital, nor any display at the inauguration. So, he enter-
ed Washington four hours earlier than he was expected; and
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
119
thus forestalled plans of certain ardent friends to give him a
pompous reception. The President-elect upon his arrival in
the Capital City went to Gadsby's hotel; and there he remained
in conference with friends and advisers until the appointed
hour for his inauguration. Then he came forth, and was greet-
ed by a multitude of his people, who proclaimed him "Our
President." They had come from the mountains, the plains,
the seashore, the farms, the villages, and the cities to express
their devotion to their fearless leader. Daniel Webster wrote
his brother: "I have never seen such a crowd before. Persons
have come five hundred miles to see General Jackson, and they
really seem to think that the country has been rescued from
some dreadful danger." It may be that Mr. Webster was de-
luded in opinion, and that the people had been guided to the
truth. For it has been written into history that through the
election of Andrew Jackson, "the people first assumed control
of the governmental machinery which had been held in trust
for them since 1789." Indeed, it was the first Presidential
election at which the people had been furnished opportunity
to freely and fully exercise the rights that inhered to them as
the depositary of the sovereign power of the Nation.
The inauguration of Andrew Jackson was not as informal
as that of Thomas Jefferson; nor was it featured with the show
and glitter that were displayed at the official ceremonials ar-
ranged by Alexander Hamilton for President Washington; but
it was hilariously democratic and truly American in simplicity.
The inaugural parade was unique and is thus described by Bow-
ers:
"Down the Avenue the good-natured mob fought its way,
the splendid Baronet and the stately coaches splashed by the
wagons and the carts, women and children in exquisite finery
crowded by women and children in homespun and in rags,
statesmen jostled by uncouth frontiersmen, the laborer brush-
ing inconsiderately, and perhaps a little arrogantly, against
the banker for it was the People's Day. When, at eleven
o'clock, the aristocratic Mrs. Smith set forth with her company,
she found the Avenue one living mass, flowing sluggishly east-
ward, with every terrace and portico and balcony packed, and
with all the windows of the Capitol crowded, some to observe
120
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
the approach on the west, and others to witness the ceremony
on the east. When the mob caught sight of Jackson and his
party walking from Gadsby's in democratic fashion, it pressed
upon him, impeding his approach, but seeming in nowise to
challenge his displeasure, for he alone of his party walked with
bared head. The spectators on the south terrace thrilled to
the scene--an American King going to his coronation, acclaim-
ed and accompanied by the plain people. The ceremonies over,
he fought his way to his waiting horse and down the Avenue
he rode, followed by the most picturesque cortege that ever
trailed a conquerer-gentlemen of society and backwoodsmen,
scholars and the illiterate, white and black, the old hobbling on
crutches and canes and children clinging to their mothers'
gowns, walking and riding in carriages and wagons and carts-
following to the People's House."
Mr. Bowers has very vividly and, no doubt, accurately des-
cribed the conditions and appearance of the mass of people who
pressed upon and followed President Jackson to and from the
Capitol. But we apprehend that he has adopted too nearly the
standard of the aristocratic Whigs in his estimate of the quality
of the people who thronged about General Jackson, when he
called them in other lines, a "motley crowd" and "the unwieldy
mob". This conclusion is, in a measure, substantiated by Mr.
Bowers' quotation of remarks made by certain aristocrats about
the crowd. He says that Justice Story wrote: "I never saw such
a mixture. The reign of King Mob seemed triumphant;" and
"the aristocratic Mrs. Smith" writing of her experiences said:
"The noisy and disorderly rabble brought to my mind descrip-
tions I have read of the mobs in the Tuiliries and Versailles."
The aristocratic Whigs had inherited from Hamilton and his
Federal associates profound contempt for the masses, whom
they had been taught to believe were unfit-morally, socially
and intellectually to have any part in the conduct of the gov-
ernment, much less to control it.
Surely the vast throng of the plain people who journeyed
to Washington to see and acclaim their hero and leader was not
a mob. The true definition of the word "mob" is, "A collection
of people for some riotous or unlawful purpose." The crowd
in question did not assemble for a riotous or unlawful purpose;
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
121
nor to see "an American King" going to his coronation; but
they went thither to come in contact with a free American
citizen whom they desired to honor as their servant and deliver-
er. And his administration of the affairs of the Nation proved
that the plain people had chosen well; for he served them faith-
fully and effectively. Throughout his eight years' service as Chief
Magistrate his policies were opposed by the "Immortal Trio"-
Henry Clay, John C. Calhoun, and Daniel Webster-but he de-
feated them in every struggle, and blasted the overweening de-
sire of each of these great men to be made President of the
United States. In no part of the United States did Andrew
Jackson have a more faithful and devoted following than among
the people of Appalachian Virginia.
122
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
CHAPTER VIII
VIRGINIA CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION OF 1829-FIRST
NATIONAL POLITICAL CONVENTION--JACKSON'S SECOND
ADMINISTRATION.
In the year 1829 a very important event occurred in Vir-
ginia-the holding of a convention to provide a new Constitu-
tion for the State. The Constitution framed in 1776 was hast-
ily drawn and intended to meet a present emergency; and was
soon found ill-suited and inadequate in several essential parti-
culars to our present form of popular government.
Of its
numerous defects, the most serious were found it its provision
for the exercise of suffrage and apportionment of legislative
representation. Under its provisions none but freeholders
were permitted to vote; and legislative representation was bas-
ed upon population, negro slaves being counted in the same
proportion as provided in the Federal Constitution for the
election of members of Congress. These provisions of the
Constitution of 1776 resulted in withholding the exercise of
suffrage from a very large portion of the white citizens; and
gave to the slaveholding sections of the State a large and un-
fair controlling majority in both Houses of the General Assem-
bly.
In 1782 the House of Delegates was composed of 149 mem-
bers and the State Senate of 24 members. Of these, Tidewater
Virginia, that portion of the State between the sea coast and
falls of the rivers, had 71 members of the House, only four less
than the majority; and 12 members of the Senate, one half of
that body. The section of the State situated between the falls
of the rivers and the Blue Ridge Mountains, known as Piedmont
Virginia, had 46 members of the House and 8 in the Senate.
The magnificent region known as Appalachian Virginia-em-
bracing the Valley of Virginia, Southwest Virginia, and all of
the present West Virginia-was apportioned 32 members in
the House and 4 members in the Senate. From this showing
it will be seen, that the portion of Virginia lying east of the
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
123
Blue Ridge had 117 members of the House and 20 members of
the Senate; and that Appalachian Virginia had but 32 members
of the House and 4 members of the Senate. This inequality of
representation and the unfair suffrage provisions aroused the
attention of Thomas Jefferson; and as early as 1782 he began
to urge an alteration of the Constitution of 1776 for the re-
moval of these and other lesser defects. He then compiled and
placed in his Notes on Virginia the figures used above to illus-
trate the existing inequality of legislative representation in
Virginia. And in discussing the Constitution of 1776, he said,
in part:
"This Constitution was formed when we were new and un-
experienced in the science of government. It was the first too
which was formed in the whole United States. No wonder
then that time and trial have discovered very capital defects
in it. The majority of the men, who pay and fight for its sup-
port, are unrepresented in the legislature, the roll of those en-
titled to vote not including generally the half of those on the
roll of the militia, or of the tax-gatherers. Among those who
share the representation, the shares are very unequal. Thus
the county of Warwick with only 100 fighting men, has an equal
representation with the county of Loudon, which has 1746."
From the time Mr. Jefferson published his Notes on Vir-
ginia, his objections to the Constitution provoked a constant
demand for a revision of that instrument; but the counties east
of the Blue Ridge with their dominating majority in the Gen-
eral Assembly-prevented the calling of a convention to effect
the needed revision until after he died. The counties west of
the Blue Ridge continued to protest against the suffrage and
apportionment clauses; and the General Assembly on the 31st
of January, 1828, passed an act submitting to the people the
question, "Shall there be a Convention to amend the Constitu-
tion?" The question was voted upon by the people and the re-
sult was 21,896 for and 16,646 against a convention. On the
10th of February, 1829, the General Assembly passed an act
providing for the election of members of the convention and fix-
ing a date for its assembly. The State was then divided into
twenty-four Senatorial districts, and the act provided that each
of the districts should be represented in the convention by four
124
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
members. Nine of the Senatorial districts were situated west
of the Blue Ridge, and fifteen east of that mountain. This ap-
portionment of the membership of the convention left its con-
trol absolutely with the eastern counties. The act also provid-
ed that the amended constitution should be submitted to the
people for ratification or rejection.
Five of the Senatorial districts were composed of counties
that either in part or as a whole are now located in the present
Appalachian portion of Virginia; and the other four districts
were in the bounds of the present State of West Virginia. Those
still in part or as a whole in the bounds of Virginia were:
Fourth District-Shenandoah and Rockingham-members:
Peachy Harrison, Jacob Williamson, William Anderson, and Sam-
uel Coffman. Fifth District-Augusta, Rockbridge, and Pen-
delton-Members: Briscoe G. Baldwin, Chapman Johnson, Will-
iam McCoy and Samuel Mc'D. Moore. Sixth District---Monroe,
Greenbrier, Bath, Botetourt, Alleghany, Pocahontas, and Nich-
olas Members: Andrew Beirn, William Smith, Fleming B. Mil-
ler and John Baxter. Eleventh District-Frederick and Jef-
ferson-Members: John R. Cooke, Alfred H. Powell, Hierome L.
Opie, and Thomas Griggs, Jr. Thirteenth District-Washing-
ton, Lee, Scott, Russell and Tazewell-Members: John B.
George, Andrew McMillan, Edward Campbell, and William
Byars. Fifteenth District-Wythe, Montgomery, Grayson and
Giles Members: Gordon Cloyd, Henley Chapman, John P. Math-
ews and William Oglesby.
The convention assembled at Richmond on the 5th of Oct-
ober, 1829. James Monroe was elected President, but on ac-
count of ill health resigned his seat in the convention on the
12th of December, and Philip P. Barbour, of Orange County,
was made President of the body. On the 24th of October the
Committee on the Legislative Department reported the follow-
ing resolution: "Resolved, That in the apportionment of repre-
sentation in the House of Delegates, regard should be had to
the white population exclusively." Thereupon, John W. Green,
of Culpeper, moved to strike out the word "exclusively," and
insert in lieu thereof the words, "and taxation combined." And
on the 31st of October, John Scott, of Fauquier, offered an
amendment to the resolution as amended by Mr. Green, which
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
125
་
read as follows: "Resolved, That in the apportionment of re-
presentation in the House of Delegates, regard should be had
to the white population and taxation combined, and in the Sen-
ate to white population exclusively."
The debate on the original resolution and the amendments
thereto was begun on the 27th of October. It was opened by
Judge Abel Upshur, of Northampton County, and in support of
the resolution as amended by Mr. Green. Philip Doddridge, of
Brooke County, followed Judge Upshur in advocacy of the ori-
ginal resolution. The debate which has been considered one
of the ablest and most ardent that has even taken place in a
deliberative body in Virginia-was continued for three weeks.
Then, Benjamin Watkins Leigh, of Chesterfield County, offered
a substitute which proposed to keep in force the compound
basis of apportionment, called the Federal number, consisting
of the free whites and three-fifths of the slaves. Mr. Leigh's
substitute was rejected by a vote of 49 to 47. A pretty close
vote but it was hailed as a victory by the advocates of the white
basis. Following this the Green and Scott amendments were
rejected. A vote was taken on the original resolution on the
20th day of December and it was defeated by a tie vote, 48 to
48. On the same day the convention, by a vote of 55 to 41 ad-
opted the following as a compromise:
"Resolved, That the representation in the Senate and House
of Delegates of Virginia, shall be apportioned as follows:
"There shall be thirteen senators west of the Blue Ridge
Mountains, and nineteen east of those mountains.
"There shall be in the House of Delegates one hundred and
twenty-seven members, of whom twenty-nine shall be elected
from the district west of the Alleghany Mountains; twenty-
four from the Valley between the Alleghany and Blue Ridge;
forty from the Blue Ridge to the head of tide-water, and thirty-
four thence below."
By the adoption of this compromise, the western counties
were defeated in their fight for an apportionment based on the
white population. And it still left the counties east of the Blue
Ridge in complete control of both houses of the General Assem-
bly.
The compromise measure gave the eastern counties a
majority of six in the Senate and twenty-one in the House of
126
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
Delegates. These majorities were obtained by use of the negro
slaves as a basis for representation. The negroes have ever
since even up to the present time-been used by the eastern
counties as a means for depriving the great white counties west
of the Blue Ridge of their equal share of representation.
The suffrage question was regarded by the people of the
mountain regions of Virginia quite as vital in importance as
that of equality of representation. They had sent to the con-
vention a delegation that was practically solid for manhood
suffrage. On the other hand the people who lived east of the
Blue Ridge and whose wealth consisted largely of slaves-
wanted to limit suffrage to persons who were freeholders. They
did not want the white men of the working class to share with
them the right to vote. When the suffrage question came up
in the convention it was debated with as much force and fervor
as was the apportionment question. The members from the
western counties, who desired to make good citizenship the
only requisite to the exercise of suffrage, were again defeated
by the aristocrats of the eastern counties.
The freehold qualification for voting was retained and suff-
rage extended to embrace reversioners and remaindermen of
freehold estates, and leaseholders for a term of not less than
five years. And the right to vote was extended to every white
citizen aged 21 years or upwards, "Who for twelve months
next preceding has been a house-keeper and head of a family
within the county, city, town, borough or election district when
he may offer to vote, and shall have been assessed with a part
of the revenue of the Commonwealth within the preceding
year, and actually paid the same and no other persons shall
be allowed to vote for the members of the General Assembly,
etc."
Another section of the Constitution provided, that: "In all
elections in this Commonwealth, to any office or place of trust,
honour or profit, the vote shall be given openly, or viva voce,
and not by ballot. The convention adjourned sine die on the
15th of January, 1830. At the April election in that year the
Constitution framed by this convention was submitted to the
people for ratification or rejection, and 26,055 votes were cast
for the Constitution, and 15,563 were cast against it. The
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
127
people of the counties west of the Blue Ridge were very hostile
to the new Constitution, because of failure to secure represen-
tation on the white basis, and the unsatisfactory suffrage provi-
sions; and they voted against its adoption overwhelmingly. Of
the 15,563 votes against its adoption, 13,337 were cast by the
people who lived west of the Blue Ridge Mountains.
On the 17th of April, 1830, General Alexander Smyth, who
had been elected in 1828 to represent the Sixth District in Con-
gress, died in Washington City.
FIRST NATIONAL POLITICAL CONVENTION-
ANTI-MASONIC CONVENTION.
In September, 1830, the first National Political Convention
that ever assembled in the United States was held in Philadel-
phia. It was named the United States Anti-Masonic Conven-
tion. Ninety-six delegates were present, representing the
eleven States north of the Potomac River and the Territory of
Michigan. The convention passed a resolution recommending
that the people of the United States opposed to secret societies
should meet in convention at Baltimore on the 26th of Septem-
ber, 1831, "to make nominations of suitable candidates for the
office of President and Vice President, to be supported at the
next election, and for the transaction of such other business as
the cause of Anti-Masonry may require." In compliance with
this call, a National Anti-Masonic Convention was held at Balti-
more in September, 1831; and nominated William Wirt, of Mary-
land, for President, and Amos Ellmaker, of Pennsylvania, for
Vice President. The convention was composed of 112 dele-
gates, representing the States of Maine, New Hampshire, Ver-
mont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York,
New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Delaware, and Mary-
land. None of the States south of the Potomac or Ohio rivers
participated in the convention. The convention did not pro-
mulgate a distinct platform, but issued an Address to the peo-
ple, in which the Masonic Order was severely criticized and de-
nounced. Wirt and Ellmaker accepted the respective nomina-
tions.
The Anti-Masonic party found its origin in the disappear-
ance, or alleged murder, of one William Morgan, an apostate
Freemason. Morgan was a Virginian by birth and a very dis-
128
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
reputable character; and he was undertaking to publish a book
to reveal the secrets of Freemasonry-an Order of which
George Washington had been a most devoted member, and of
which Governor DeWitt Clinton, of New York, was then an emi-
nent member. On the 11th of September, 1826, at Batavia,
New York, a few overzealous Masons seized Morgan, just after
he was discharged from jail, and bribed him to go to Canada
and never return to the United States. Thereupon, it was al-
leged by the enemies of Freemasonry that Morgan had been
murdered by the Masons. This grave charge produced great
excitement in New York and in adjacent States. Certain as-
piring politicians availed themselves of this excitement with
the expectation of advancing their political interests. The most
prominent of these were: William H. Seward, Thurlow Weed,
Millard Fillmore, William Wirt, and John Quincy Adams. This
party founded upon a single and utterly false principle was
very short-lived as it was consigned to oblivion at the Presiden-
tial election in 1832.
The second political convention held in the United States
was by the National Republicans in Baltimore on December
12th, 1831. Seventeen States and the District of Columbia
were represented by 157 delegates; and a unanimous vote was
cast for Henry Clay of Kentucky, for President, and John Sar-
gent, of Pennsylvania, for Vice President. No formal plat-
form was adopted by the convention; but an address was issued
severely critical of the Administration of General Jackson. The
assaults upon the various policies of President Jackson were in-
tensely vituperative and vindictive, especially for the removal
of officers who were hostile to him, and his internal and tariff
policies. A resolution was adopted recommending to the young
men of the National Republican Party that they should hold a
convention in the city of Washington the following May. Such
a convention was held on May 11th, 1832, at which the follow-
ing resolutions were adopted:
"Resolved, That an adequate Protection to American In-
dustry is indispensible to the prosperity of the country; and
that an abandonment of the policy at this period would be at-
tended with consequences ruinous to the best interests of the
Nation.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
129
"Resolved, that a uniform system of Internal Improve-
ment, sustained and supported by the General Government, is
calculated to secure, in the highest degree, the harmony, the
strength and permanency of the Republic.
"Resolved, That the indiscriminate removal of public offi-
cers, for a mere difference of political opinion, is a gross abuse
of power; and that the doctrine lately preached in the United
States Senate, that 'to the victors belong the spoils of the van-
quished,' is detrimental to the interest, corrupting to the mor-
als, and dangerous to the liberties of the people of this coun-
try."
The foregoing brief resolutions projected the Tariff as a
party question into the politics of the country, and it has re-
mained there to the present day. Ever since "Protection" be-
came a party or political issue many of the leading and best
citizens have thought that the tariff question should be non-
partisan, and this view of the question will possibly be adopted
by all political parties in the near future.
Despite the antagonisms of John C. Calhoun to the policies
of President Jackson, no opposition was developed to his nomi-
nation by the Democratic party for a second term. There was,
so much dissatisfaction in the party with Mr. Calhoun's con-
duct that it was determined to not re-nominate him for Vice
President. The first National Democratic Convention was call-
ed for that purpose; and was held in Baltimore in May, 1832.
Every State in the Union had delegates in attendance; but be-
fore nominating a candidate for Vice President the following
resolution was passed by the convention:
"Resolved, That each State be entitled, in the nomination
for the Vice-Presidency, to a number of votes equal to the num-
ber to which they will be entitled in the electoral colleges, un-
der the new apportionment in voting for President and Vice-
President; and that two-thirds of the whole number of the votes
in the convention shall be necessary to constitute a choice."
This resolution introduced the famous "two-third's" rule
which has since controlled all National Conventions of the De-
mocratic party. And it has served to prevent the nomination
of a number of able men, who had a majority vote in a conven-
130
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
tion, but could not secure the two-thirds majority. In 1912,
Hon. Champ Clark was defeated at Baltimore, by the shrewd
use of the two-thirds' rule; and Mr. McAdoo lost the nomina-
tion at San Francisco in 1920 through its operation. It is cer-
tain that it was first adopted to overcome the Calhoun strength
at the convention in 1832.
From the commencement of his first Presidential term to
the close of his second term, General Jackson was involved in
fierce struggles with two of the ablest and most ambitious men
that have ever been prominent in the public life of the Union.
These two were Henry Clay, then the dominant figure in the
National Republican Party; and John C. Calhoun, who had been
elected Vice President on the Jackson ticket in 1828. The re-
lations between Jackson and Clay had been embittered by cir-
cumstances connected with the Presidential election of 1824,
and succeeding struggles served to intensify their personal and
political hatred for each other. Calhoun's enmity for Jackson
was occasioned in part by jealousy-by his failure to control
the President in the selection of members of his Cabinet-and
by Calhoun's steadily growing disposition to provoke sectional
feeling upon the tariff question and slavery.
In his first message to Congress, President Jackson made a
mild but unfriendly attack upon the Bank of the United States
-indicating his purpose to prevent the re-chartering of the
Bank-its charter being due to expire in 1836. Mr. Clay, who
had twenty years before made a fervid speech against it when
the first Bank applied for a re-charter, very suddenly reversed
his position and became the leading champion of the institution.
The campaign of 1832 was conducted by the opponents of
President Jackson with extreme bitterness and malignancy.
The wiley Clay strove to rally to his standard the Anti-Masonic
forces that had named William Wirt as their candidate; and the
latter, owing to his hatred for Jackson, tried to accomplish that
purpose, but failed to do so effectively. Mr. Clay did succeed
in effecting a coalition with John C. Calhoun and his nullifier
followers. But the great mass of the American people express-
ed their continued confidence in the President and his policies,
by re-electing him with a decisive majority. When the returns
from all the States were counted, it was found that General
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
131
I
Jackson had received 219 electoral votes, and Mr. Clay only 49.
South Carolina gave her 11 votes to John Floyd, of Virginia;
and Vermont cast her 7 votes for William Wirt, the Anti-Mas-
onic candidate. Mr. Van Buren received only 189 votes for
Vice President, as South Carolina cast her 11 votes for Henry
Lee, of Massachusetts, and Pennsylvania gave her 30 votes to
William Wilkins. Though John Tyler and other prominent
Republicans in Virginia had become hostile to President Jack-
son and heartily supported Mr. Clay, the Old Dominion gave
its popular and electoral vote to "Old Hickory."
This was
brought about by the heavy majorities he got in the counties
west of the Blue Ridge Mountains.
Henry Clay was still intoxicated with the hope that he
might yet reach the goal of his ambition-the Presidency of
the United States. John C. Calhoun had despaired of ever be-
coming President; and resolved to destroy the Union by the
nullifiers movement, if necessary, to crush his despised foe,
Andrew Jackson. The prurient Presidential desire of Clay and
Calhoun's bitter hatred for Jackson provoked an unholy alli-
ance between the two great statesmen-an alliance that was
destined to bring further disappointments to each of them.
The "Tripple Alliance," as it was called, was composed of Henry
Clay and his Protective Tariff followers, John C. Calhoun and
his nullifiers, and Nicholas Biddle, President of the Bank of the
United States. The combination was a formidable one; and the
official and political friends of the President were greatly dis-
turbed as to the outcome of the struggle he was compelled to
enter. But the President was not alarmed, and proceeded to
crush the Nullifiers' movement of which John C. Calhoun was
the originator and desperate leader. This was done by insuing
on the 10th of December, 1832, his celebrated Nullification Pro-
clamation. And in September, 1833, he struck a fatal blow to
the Bank of the United States of which Henry Clay was the
ablest champion-by ordering the removal of the deposits of
the public funds from that Bank and depositing them in the
State Banks. These defeats of Clay and Calhoun, however,
only served to aggravate their hatred for the President; and
they violently assailed him in the halls of Congress and on the
hustings until he retired from office. Nor was the old General's
132
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
dislike for his two foes less intense than theirs for him.. In
the afternoon of the day before he left Washington for his home
at the Hermitage, in a conversation with three of his friends,
he declared his two principle regrets were, "that he had never
had an opportunity to shoot Clay or to hang Calhoun."
During the last year of President Jackson's Administration
a very important event occurred in the history of the Nation.
On the 6th of July, 1835, Chief Justice Marshall died, in the
eightieth year of his age; and Roger B. Taney was appointed
to succeed him in office. Chief Justice Taney was afterwards
made famous by his opinion in the Dred Scott case. At the
election in 1836 the people of the Sixth Virginia District elect-
ed John H. Fulton as their representative in Congress.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
133
b
!
CHAPTER IX
MARTIN VAN BUREN ELECTED PRESIDENT IN 1836
AND WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON ELECTED IN 1840
THEIR ADMINISTRATIONS.
In May, 1835, the Democrats assembled in a National Con-
vention at Baltimore to nominate candidates for President and
Vice President, to be voted for at the election in 1836. This
early action was taken to check a growing disturbance in the
party over the choice of a successor to General Jackson; and
for the further purpose of making certain the selection of men
who were steadfast supporters of the Jackson Administration.
Martin Van Buren was unanimously nominated by the conven-
tion for President, and Richard M. Johnson, of Kentucky, for
Vice President. The Opposition party, which had been very
formidable at one time to the Jackson Administration, had been
so thoroughly routed and demoralized that they found it im-
possible to concentrate their forces on a regular candidate; and,
therefore, they held no National Convention. However, the
Whigs of Pennsylvania held a State Convention in 1835 at Har-
risburg and nominated General William Henry Harrison, of
Ohio, for President; and he was also nominated by a Democratic
Anti-Masonic Convention, held at the same place. A State
Whig Convention in Maryland also nominated General Harrison
for President, and John Tyler, of Virginia, for Vice President.
General Harrison also received nominations in New York and
other States. The Legislature of Tennessee and Alabama
nominated Hugh L. White, of Tennessee for President. At the
election following these nominations, Mr. Van Buren received
170 of the electoral votes of the States, General Harrison 73,
and Mr. White 26, and Mr. Webster 14.
On the 4th of March, 1837, Martin Van Buren was inaugu-
rated eighth President of the United States. He was accom-
panied to the Capitol for the inaugural ceremonies by his ven-
erable predecessor. They were seated side by side in a beauti-
ful phaeton, made from the wood of the glorious old frigate
134
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
Constitution, and presented to General Jackson by the Demo-
cracy of the city of New York. In his inaugural address, Presi-
dent Van Buren avowed his purpose, in all matters of public
policy, to follow in the "footsteps of his illustrious predecessor."
As a further evidence of his devotion to the person and policies.
of his predecessor, Mr. Van Buren appointed to his Cabinet:
John Forsyth, of Georgia, Secretary of State; Levy Woodbury,
of New Hampshire, Secretary of the Treasury; Joel R .Poinsett,
of South Carolina, Secretary of War; Mahlon Dickerson, of New
Jersey, Secretary of the Navy; Amos Kendall, of Kentucky,
Postmaster General; and Benjamin F. Butler, of New York, At-
torney General. All of these had occupied the same positions
in President Jackson's Cabinet except Mr. Poinsett, who was
appointed to the War Department in the place of General Cass,
he having been appointed Minister to France.
In April, 1837, a great commercial crises came upon the
country. Alexander H. Stephens says it: "was occasioned by
a reckless spirit of speculation, which had, for two or three
preceding years, been fostered and encouraged by excessive
banking, and the expansion of paper currency beyond all the
legitimate wants of the country. During the months of March
and April of this year, the failures in New York city alone
amounted to $100,000,000." Financial distress prevailed in all
the cities and States of the Union. To relieve the direful con-
ditions, President Van Buren called an extra session of the
Twenty-Fifth Congress, which met at the Capitol on the 4th of
September, 1837. In his message to Congress, Mr. Van Buren
asserted that the distressing financial troubles were occasioned
by the excessive issues of bank paper; the great fire in New
York in December, 1835; the large investments made in wild
or unproductive lands, and various reckless speculative enter-
prises. For the relief of the government and the general pub-
lic, Congress passed an act which provided for the issuing of
treasury notes to the amount of $10,000,000.
Congress then established what was known as the Sub-
Treasury System. By this system all the government funds
were collected and transmitted by and through the government
officers without the agency of any banking institution. Henry
Clay and Daniel Webster characterized this financial system
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
135
"as a divorce of the government from the banks," and antagon-
ized its adoption with all their wonderful ability and force.
The Bank of the United States was then seeking to be re-char-
tered; and this, no doubt, increased the hostility of Clay and
Webster to the System. On this measure, John C. Calhoun took
issue with Clay and Webster, and advocated the adoption of
the System with all his zeal and ability. The opposition to the
financial policy of the Administration was ably led in the Sen-
ate by Mr. Clay and Webster; and it was ably and successfully
sustained in that body by John C. Calhoun, Thomas Benton, and
Silas Wright, of New York.
The abolition of slavery, as it then existed in the District
of Columbia, also became a dangerous question at the 1837-1838
session of Congress. John Quincy Adams, who was passionately
fond of public life, and equally fond of being a disturbing figure
in the politics of the country, had entered the House of Repre-
sentatives as a member from Massachusetts. One of his first
acts in the House was the presentation of Abolitionist memor-
ials and petitions for abolishing slavery in the District of Col-
umbia. He continued to agitate the subject until 1837, when
he presented petitions that embraced not only the District of
Columbia but all the States. This made the slavery question
an exciting topic, not only in Congress, but throughout the
Union. Mr. Calhoun-who was an extreme advocate of the
perpetuation and extension of Slavery-on December 28th,
1837, introduced into the Senate a series of resolutions, similar
in substance to a series introduced by him in 1833. These re-
solutions were, in part, as follows:
"I. Resolved, That in the adoption of the Federal Consti-
tution, the States adopting the same acted, severally, as free,
independent, and sovereign States; and that each, for itself, by
its own voluntary assent, entered the Union, etc.
"II. Resolved, That in delegating a portion of their pow-
ers, to be exercised by the Federal Government, the States re-
tained, severally, the exclusive and sole right over their own
domestic institutions and police, to the full extent to which
those powers were not thus delegated, and are alone responsible
for them; and that any intermeddling of one or more States,
136
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
or a combination of their citizens, with the domestic institu-
tions and police of the others, on any ground, political, moral,
or religious, or under any pretext whatever, with a view to
their alteration or subversion, is not warranted by the Consti-
tution, etc.
"III. Resolved, That this government was instituted and
adopted by the several States of this Union as a common agent,
in order to carry into effect the powers which they had dele-
gated by the Constitution for their mutual security and pros-
verity; and that, in fulfillment of this high and sacred trust,
this government is bound to so exercise its powers as not to
interfere with the stability and security of the domestic insti-
tutions of the States that compose this Union, etc.
"IV. Resolved, That domestic slavery, as it exists in the
Southern and Western States of this Union, composes an impor-
tant part of their domestic institutions, inherited from their
ancestors, and existing at the adoption of the Constitution, by
which it is recognized as constituting an important element in
the apportionment of power among the States, and that no
change of opinion or feeling, on the part of the other States of
the Union in relation to it, can justify them or their citizens
in open and systematic attacks thereon, with a view to its over-
throw, etc.
"V. Resolved, That the interference by the citizens of any
of the States, with the view to the abolition of slavery in this
District, is endangering the rights and security of the people
of the District; and that any act or measure of Congress design-
ed to abolish slavery in this District would be a violation of the
faith implied in the cessions of the States of Virginia and Mary-
land, and just cause of alarm to the people of the slaveholding
States, and have a direct and inevitable tendency to disturb and
endanger the Union.
"And Resolved, That any attempt of Congress to abolish
slavery in any Territory of the United States in which it exists,
would create serious alarm and just apprehension in the States
sustaining that domestic institution; would be a violation of
good faith towards the inhabitants of such Territory who had
been permitted to settle with and hold slaves therein, because
the people of any such Territory have not asked for the aboli-
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
137
tion of slavery therein; and because, when any such Territory
shall be admitted to the Union as a State, the people thereof
will be entitled to decide that question exclusively for them-
selves."
These resolutions were adopted by the Senate. They very
forcibly and accurately set forth the views then held by the
Democratic party on the Reserved Rights of the States and the
slavery question. They also expressed the views of the South-
ern Whigs on the two questions. Mr. Clay gave cordial sup-
port to the resolutions, and ventured the belief that their ad-
option would quiet agitation upon the subject. But he was
mistaken in this conclusion. At the next session of Congress,
in December, 1838, the agitation of the slavery question was
renewed with intense bitterness by the Abolitionists in the
House of Representatives. At this juncture, Mr. Atherton, of
New Hampshire, introduced a series of resolutions in the House,
and in the first resolution declared that, "by the Constitution of
the United States, Congress has no jurisdiction over the institu-
tion of slavery in the several states of the Confederacy." This
resolution was adopted in the House by a vote of 194 to 6. The
second resolution asserted that the presenting of petitions by
the Abolitionists in Congress was "part of a plan set on foot to
affect the institution of slavery in the Southern States, and
thus indirectly destroy that institution within their limits."
This resolution was adopted by a vote of 136 to 65. The third
resolution disputed the right of Congress to abolish slavery in
the District of Columbia. The vote on this resolution was, 164
for, and 40 against it. The fourth resolution declared that all
attempts to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, "or to
prohibit the removel of slaves from State to State" were viola-
tive of the Constitution. And this resolution declared "that
every petition, memorial, resolution, proposition, or paper,
touching or relating in any way, or to any extent whatever, to
slavery, as aforesaid, or the abolition thereof, shall, on the pre-
sentation thereof, without any further action thereon, be laid
upon the table, without being debated, printed, or referred."
The first branch of the resolution was passed by a vote of 146
to 52, and the second branch by a vote of 126 for, and 78 against
it.
138
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
GENERAL HARRISON ELECTED PRESIDENT.
Mr. Clay had very adroitly played his hand to discredit the
Van Buren Administration; and was confident that he would
be made the candidate of the Whigs in 1840. In this expecta-
tion he was sorely disappointed. A National Whig Convention
was held at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, December 4th, 1839.
General William Henry Harrison was nominated on the first
ballot. He received 148 votes to 90 for Henry Clay, and 16 for
General Winfield Scott. John Tyler, of Virginia, was unani-
mously nominated for Vice President. No platform of princi-
ples was adopted by the convention, as it was deemed best to
conduct the campaign with furious assaults upon Mr. Van Bu-
ren's Administration.
The Democrats held their National Convention at Balti-
more on May 5th, 1840, to nominate candidates for President
and Vice President. Before proceeding to the nomination of
candidates, resolutions were adopted in which it was declared:
"That the Federal Government is one of limited powers: That
the Constitution does not confer upon the General Government
the power to commence or carry on a general system of internal
improvement: That justice and sound policy forbid the Fed-
eral Government to foster one branch of industry to the detri-
ment of another: That Congress has no power to charter a
United States Bank, that we believe such an institution one of
deadly hostility to the best interests of the country: That
Congress has no power, under the Constitution, to interfere
with or control the domestic institutions of the several States."
These resolutions, in the order quoted, declared for the
Jeffersionian doctrine of State Rights; against the adoption of
a system of internal improvements by the Federal Govern-
ment; against a tariff that would protect the manufacturing
industries; against re-chartering the Bank of the United States;
and against the interference of Congress or the Federal Gov-
ernment in any manner with the domestic institution of slav-
ery. After adopting these resolutions, the convention unani-
mously nominated Mr. Van Buren for re-election as President.
From some cause, opposition appeared against the nomination
of Richard M. Johnson for Vice President, and the nomination
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
139
of a candidate for that position was left to the party in each
State.
The leaders of both the Democratic and Whig parties had
indulged the hope that the resolutions of Mr. Calhoun, passed
by the Senate in December, 1837; and the resolutions of Mr.
Atherton, passed by the House in December, 1838, would elimi-
nate the slavery question from the politics of the country. In
this, however, they were to be cruelly disappointed. The ad-
option of the Calhoun and Atherton resolutions instead of check-
ing the Abolotionist movement served to give it increased mo-
mentum. A convention of Abolitionists was held at Warsaw,
New York, on the 13th of November, 1839, and the following
resolution was adopted:
"Resolved, That, in our judgment, every consideration of
duty and expediency which ought to control the action of
Christian freemen, requires of the Abolitionists of the United
States to organize a distinct and independent political party,
embracing all the necessary means for nominating candidates
for office and sustaining them by public suffrage."
This convention nominated James G. Birney, of Michigan,
for President, and Francis J. Lemoyne, of Pennsylvania, for
Vice President. For some reason, these men subsequently de-
clined the nomination, but they were voted for at the election
in 1840, and received a total of 7,609 votes in various Free
States. This was the beginning of the anti-slavery political
organization, from which was evolved the National Republican
Party that elected Abraham Lincoln as President in 1860 and
overthrew slavery as an American institution.
The Whigs won a triumphant victory at the election in
November, 1840. Harrison and Tyler, each, received 234 of the
electoral votes of the States; and Van Buren had only 60.
Clay, Calhoun, and Webster were each and all embittered
against Van Buren, because he had been constituted heir to
the Presidency by Andrew Jackson. The platform pronounce-
ments of the Democratic party on the slavery question were
used by the Whigs with telling effect to Mr. Van Buren's dam-
age in the Free States; the resolution in the platform against
a protective tariff policy was effectively used by Clay and Web-
ster in the States and communities where the protective prin-
140
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
ciple was popular; and John C. Calhoun and the Nullifiers in the
South secretly co-operated with the Whigs to defeat Van Buren.
This coalition of very discordant elements on political matters,
was in a measure responsible for the election of Harrison over
Van Buren in 1840 by a majority as overwhelming as that
which Van Buren had obtained over Harrison in 1836.
In our judgement, the really winning card played by the
Whigs in the campaign was a sensational appeal for the sup-
port of the plain people and the militarist element. These two
elements of the citizenship when they rallied to the standard
of Andrew Jackson had been sneered at by the dignified and
aristocratic Whigs as "a dirty and dangerous rabble." Eager
now for victory at any price, the Whigs cast aside or concealed
their contempt for the "vulgar" masses. They presented Gen-
eral Harrison to them as "no statesman," and as the hero of
many battles.
And they pictured him as a plain old military
hero, living in a log cabin, with coon skins adorning the outside
front of his cabin; and he sitting outside his humble home,
smoking a corn-cob pipe, and at intervals quenching his thirst
with generous draughts of good hard cider. It surely was an
entrancing picture when drawn with the exquisite grace and
charming rhetoric of Henry Clay, or the powerful and eloquent
diction of Daniel Webster.
The Harrison campaign was featured with more spectacu-
lar displays than had ever before been witnessed in the United
States. Large crowds were collected at places in several ad-
joining States and marched to and united at a selected point
in one of the States. In September parading throngs from
Ohio, Pennsylvania, and New York gathered at Erie. They
had bands pealing forth strains of martial and patriotic music
as they marched along the dusty highways; and they traveled
on horseback, in wagons, carryalls and other vehicles, and bore
aloft hundreds of banners of strange devices and peculiar
forms. An enthusiastic Whig who was at the gathering wrote
a glowing account of the affair, and wrote thus about the men
from Ohio: "Queer carryalls did these Buckeye boys construct
to convey themselves to the celebration Strange arks, drawn
by four, six, eight and ten horses; shaded with boughs, and car-
rying from fifteen to thirty of the hard handed gentry, to whom
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
141
sixpence a day, and a shilling a bushel for wheat, does not pre-
sent the most attractive prospect in the world, filing in pro-
cession miles and miles in length, was enough in itself to put
in a cold perspiration the spoilsmen, who are laboring to sweat
off the fat of the land in the benevolent fear, forsooth, that the
people of the United States may wax fat and kick, if allowed
to eat their fill of the fruits of their own labor in a land where
a smiling Providence cast their lots."
The writer of this lengthy and rather obscure sentence re-
vealed the disposition of his party to inflame the workingmen
and farmers against the Van Buren Administration, by direct-
ing their attention to the low wages and the reduced prices for
farm products then prevailing in the country. There were
thousands of banners displayed bearing various homely and
significant devices, such as, "No Reduction of Wages" and "A
Protective Tariff," with many showing Harrison's Log Cabin,
and the inscription "Tippecanoe and Tyler Too," the latter to
arouse the enthusiasm of the old soldiers.
Virginians who have ever had a voracious appetite for
politics have always been disposed to make early starts into
their political battles. As they emerge from one they begin
to form their lines of battle for another. So, in May 1840, the
Virginia Whigs held a great meeting at Alexandria, which was
attended by large delegations from Baltimore and other points,
and from Washington City. Among the distinguished visitors
were, Daniel Webster, John J. Crittenden of Kentucky, William
C. Preston of South Carolina; Nicholas Biddle, President of the
Bank of the United States; and Henry A. Wise, of Virginia. Mr.
Wise was then a bitter hater of General Jackson, and Democra-
cy, but later he joined the Democratic party, and was elected
Governor of Virginia by the Democrats in 1855 in the celebrat-
ed campaign against the Know Nothing party. Mr. Webster
was the first speaker, and in the course of his remarks, when
speaking of the South's Constitutional rights on the institution
of slavery, he said: "What, fellow citizens, have you to fear
from the people of Massachusetts? What have you to appre-
hend, on this vital subject, from that son of your soil, descend-
ed from your best Virginia stock, your own Wm. Henry Harri-
son, that child of Virginia with the blood of the revolution, and
142
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
of independence coursing in his veins. Can you believe that
when he is called from his farm and his plough, to administer
the government, that he will lay ruthless hands on the institu-
tions among which he was born and educated?" These utter-
ances, of course, were very pleasing to the aristocratic slave-
holding audience. The speaker had already enlisted their en-
thusiastic sympathy by paying a glowing tribute to George
Washington. Mr. Webster failed to mention the name of Thom-
as Jefferson-the author of the Declaration of Independence,
the Father of Popular Government in America, the greatest
advocate of human freedom the world has ever known. But
about one month previous, at a Harrison rally at Nashville,
Henry Clay had declared himself a Jeffersonian Democrat of
the purest type. He proclaimed himself "a democrat in the
true sense of the word-a democrat ready to stand by or die
for my country."
The Whig orators apparently fashioned their speeches to
suit the occasion and the audience to which they were appeal-
ing. The campaign was more vigorously and brilliantly con-
ducted than any that had preceded it. And the Democrats
were routed in all the States except seven, viz: New Hamp-
shire, South Carolina, Illinois, Alabama, Missouri, Arkansas,
and Virginia. And the Old Dominion would have been swept
from the moorings where Jefferson, Madison, and Jackson had
anchored her, had it not been prevented by the mountaineers
of Appalachian Virginia. Of the popular vote of Virginia, Van
Buren received a majority of 1,392. The counties east of the
Blue Ridge gave Harrison a heavy majority, but the counties
west of that mountain overcame the majority of the eastern
counties and saved the State for the Democratic party.
The
following is the official vote of the counties that then composed
the Sixth Congressional District, and of Giles County.
Van Buren
Harrison
Giles
Grayson
293
226
589
455
Lee
489
275
Pulaski
161
142
Russell
293
264
Scott
441
284
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
143
Van Buren
Harrison
305
259
486
113
625
364
474
279
4,156
2,661
1,495
Smyth
Tazewell
Washington
Wythe
ļ
Total
Van Buren's majority
The counties east of New River that are still within the
bounds of the present Appalachian Virginia were fifteen in
number, viz: Augusta, Alleghany, Bath, Botetourt, Clarke,
Floyd, Franklin, Montgomery, Page, Roanoke, Rockbridge,
Rockingham, Shenandoah, Frederick, and Warren. In these
fifteen counties, Van Buren received 7, 680 votes and Harrison
5,184, Vanburen's majority being 2,496. Harrison carried five
of these counties-Augusta, Franklin, Montgomery and Rock-
bridge.
The counties that were then in existence as a part of Vir-
ginia, and that are now embraced in the bounds of West Vir-
ginia, were twenty-four in number as follows: Berkley, Brooke,
Fayette, Greenbrier, Hampshire, Hardy, Harrison, Jackson,
Jefferson, Kanawha, Lewis, Logan, Marshall, Mason, Mercer,
Monongalia, Monroe, Nicholas, Pendelton, Preston, Randolph,
Tyler, and Wood. Van Buren received 10,380 votes in these
twenty-four counties and Harrison 9,874, Van Buren's majority
being only 506. Harrison got a majority in fifteen of the coun-
ties; and strange to tell, he carried the counties named from
Thomas Jefferson and Andrew Jackson. Equally strange
is the fact that Van Buren carried the county named from the
father of General Harrison, and the one named from John Ty-
ler, father of General Harrison's running mate.
The heavy gains made by the Whigs in Appalachian Vir-
ginia were not due to a loss of attachment to Jeffersonian prin-
ciples, but to admiration for General Harrison, who was a mili-
tary hero and also a devotee to Thomas Jefferson. The pioneer
settlers of this mountain region had suffered so many cruelties
at the hands of the Indians that the white men living here
gratefully remembered the great victories won by General Har-
rison over the Shawnees and other Western tribes of the red
men. But the gains made by the Whigs in the Harrison cam-
144
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
paign made Appalachian Virginia, thenceforward, a debatable
political field for the Democratic party. Alexander H. Steph-
ens, in his History of the United States, says:
"Harrison had been a warm supporter of Mr. Jefferson in
1800, though he had received and held office under the elder
Adams. He belonged to the strict construction school of poli-
tics of that day. But very discordant elements on political
matters had united in supporting his election, and, therefore,
great anxiety was felt as to what line of policy he would pur-
sue in the executive chair on the disturbing questions which.
were agitating the public mind at the time of his elevation to
the chief magistracy. Its indication was looked for in his inau-
gural address. This was written and read by him, Among
other things in this address, which were particularly gratify-
ing to the friends of the Union under the Constitution every-
where, was the following:
"Our Confederacy, fellow-citizens, can only be preserved.
by the same forbearance. Our citizens must be content with
the exercise of the powers with which the Constitution clothes
them. The attempt of those of one State to control the domes-
tic institutions of another, can only result in feelings of distrust
and jealousy and are certain harbingers of disunion, violence,
civil war, and the ultimate destruction of our free institutions.
Our confederacy is perfectly illustrated by the terms and prin-
ciples governing a common copartnership. There, a fund of
power is to be exercised, under the direct counsels of the allied
members; but that which has been reserved by the individuals
is intangible by the common government, or the individual
members composing it. To attempt it finds no support in the
principles of our Constitution."
Thus did President Harrison announce his adherence to the
doctrine of State Rights as enunciated by Thomas Jefferson and
James Madison; and his disapproval of the Abolitionist move-
ment to interfere with the domestic institution of slavery and
the disunion sentiments of John C. Calhoun. By estimate, there
was a crowd of sixty thousand present when he read his inau-
gural address in a clear and ringing voice; and one who was
present said: "His voice never flagged, but to the end retained
its full and commanding tone. As he touched on successive
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
145
topics lying near the hearts of the people, their sympathy with
his sentiments was manifested by shouts of approval which
broke forth involuntarily from time to time; and when the
reading of the address was concluded, they were renewed and
prolonged without restraint."
But the grand old hero of Tippecanoe and the Thames was
not permitted to observe the results that would follow the de-
claration of principles contained in his splendid inaugural ad-
dress. On the 27th of March he was the victim of a violent at-
tack of pneumonia which resulted in his death on the 4th of
April, just one month after his inauguration as President.
JOHN TYLER MADE PRESIDENT BY DEATH OF PRESIDENT HARRISON
TYLER'S ADMINISTRATION.
The office of President now, for the first time under the
Constitution, was descended to the Vice President. John Tyler,
of Virginia, then held the office of Vice President. As soon as
he was informed of the death of General Harrison, he hastened
to the Capitol, and was sworn in as the tenth President of the
United States.
President Harrison had, on the 17th of March, issued a pro-
clamation requiring the two Houses of Congress to meet in ex-
tra session in the Capitol. And in obedience to the require-
ments of the proclamation, the two Houses met in the Capitol
and became memorable as the "Whig Congress." The very dis-
cordant elements that had coalesced to defeat Van Buren had
a large majority in both the Senate and the House of Represen-
tatives. It was soon found impossible to harmonize the differ-
ing views of the Whigs on many public questions; and violent
ruptures were produced in their ranks when attempts were
made to enact any constructive legislation. President Tyler
was a strict constructionist, of the Jeffersonian School, and this
separated him on a vital question from a majority of both
Houses. The principal reason for calling an extra session of
Congress was to pass financial measures that would relieve the
country from the serious business depression that had prevail-
ed throughout Van Buren's Administration. This the Whigs,
under the leadership of Mr. Clay, tried to do by passing a bill
for the creation of an institution known as "The Fiscal Bank of
146
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
the United States." This bill was promptly vetoed by Presi-
dent Tyler, and his veto was sustained for a lack of a two-thirds
majority in favor of the bill. Another similar bill was passed
bearing the title of "The Fiscal Corporation of the United
States." This was also vetoed by the President, and failed to
become a law because of the lack of a two-thirds majority in its
favor. Evidently both of these bills were instigated by Nich-
olas Biddle, President of the defunct and unpopular Bank of
the United States; and they were most heartily championed by
Mr. Clay. But all the latter accomplished on the financial line
was a repeal of the Sub-Treasury law, which law had been used
so effectively by the Whigs for the defeat of Van Buren at the
then recent Presidential election. During the entire extra.
session Mr. Clay was the recognized leader of the majority of
the Whig party. The minority were called "Tyler Whigs;" and
they were led in the Senate by William C. Rives, of Virginia,
and in the House by Henry A. Wise, of the same State. The
extra session adjourned on the 13th of September.
The first regular session of the Twenty-seventh Congress
met in December, 1841; and it was made the longest session
ever before held, as final adjournment of the body did not take
place until August, 1842. During the recess that intervened
between the extra and regular sessions nothing had been ac-
complished in the way of harmonizing the conflicting factions
of the Whigs. They met with feelings of more aggravated ill-
temper toward each other than had been manifested at the ex-
tra session; and it was not only the longest but also one of the
stormiest that had ever before been held.
The first exciting scene was provoked by John Quincy Ad-
ams, who was then a member of the House from Massachusetts.
On the 24th of January, 1842, he presented a petition from citi-
zens of Haverhill, Massachusetts, praying the immediate adopt-
ion of measures designed to peacably effect a dissolution of the
Union of the States. The petition was signed by Benjamin
Emerson and forty-five other citizens, in which the reasons for
the petition were stated, and "with instructions to report an
answer to the petitioners, showing the reasons why the prayer
of it ought not to be granted." Suspecting that Mr. Adams
had an unrighteous object in view when he presented the peti-
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
147
tion, certain members showed resentment and objected to its
reception by the House. Mr. Gilmer, a Democrat, of Virginia,
was so indignant that he moved that Adams be censured, de-
claring "the member from Massachusetts had justly incurred
the censure of the House." And on the following day, January
25th, 1842, Mr. Marshall, a Whig, of Kentucky, offered resolu-
tions, declaring that Mr. Adams for his conduct in presenting
the petition "might well be held to merit expulsion from the
National Councils," and that "the House deem it an act of grace
and mercy, when they only inflict upon him their severest cen-
sure for conduct so utterly unworthy of his past relations to
the State, and present position." The subject was very bitter-
ly discussed daily until the 7th of February, 1842, when, on
motion of John Minor Botts, of Virginia, the whole subject was
laid upon the table.
On the same day the resolutions of censure were tabled
the House refused by a vote of 40 yeas to 166 nays to receive
the petition. Stephens says: "When Mr. Marshall offered his
substitute for Mr. Gilmer's resolution and supported it in a
speech, Mr. Adams contented himself by way of answer to Mr.
Marshall in asking and having read by the clerk of the House
the first paragraph of the Declaration of Independence, and
saying, first repeating after the clerk "right and duty to alter
or abolish it," Now, Sir, if there is a principle sacred on earth,
and established by the instrument first read, it is the right of
the people to alter, to change, to destroy their government, if
it becomes oppressive to them. There would be no such right
existing, if the people had not the power in pursuance of that
right, to petition for it." In a speech made to an association
of Abolitionists at Pittsburgh in November, 1843, Mr. Adams,
among other things said: "As to the abolition of slavery in the
District of Columbia, I have said that I was opposed to it-not
because I have any doubts of the power of Congress to abolish
slavery in the District, for I have none. But I regard it as a
violation of republican principles, to enact laws at the petition
of one people which are to operate upon another people against
their consent. As the laws now stand the people have property
in their slaves."
148
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
Mr. Stephens seems to have thought that the chief purpose
of Mr. Adams in the presentation of the Haverhill petition-
and the previous petitions of Abolitionists to Congress was to
vindicate the right of petition by the people. And, to sustain
this view, Mr. Stephens says: "The House at this session (ses-
sion of 1843-44) was largely Democratic; one of its most noted
acts was the repeal at an early day of its session, of the famous
21st Rule of the House, adopted some years before, by which
Abolition petitions, after being received, were to be laid upon
the table without discussion or reference."
Mr. Stephens also might have reasonably inferred that the
remarks made by Mr. Adams, following the reading of the first
paragraph of the Declaration of Independence in the House,
vindicated the views expressed by Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madi-
son in the famous Kentucky Resolutions. And he might have
further reasonably inferred that these remarks of Mr. Adams
upheld the right of revolution, even of secession afterwards as-
serted by the Southern States. It may be that Mr. Adams fore-
saw the frightful conflict that was coming from agitation of
the slavery question, and purposed to place responssibility for
civil war upon the heads of the fanatical Abolitionists at the
North and the extreme advocates of slavery in the Southern
States. Anyhow, he never again agitated the subject of slavery
in the House of Representatives, though he remained a member
thereof until 1848. On the 21st of February, 1848, he was
stricken with a second attack of paralysis, while occupying his
seat in the House. Two days after he was stricken he died, his
last intelligible words being: "This is the last of earth; I am
content."
President Tyler retained in their respective posts all the
gentlemen who constituted the Cabinet of President Harrison.
But at an early date unpleasant disagreements arose between
the President and the leading Whigs in his Cabinet, and in
Congress, over the establishment of a National Bank. Mr. Clay
was the leader of the Whigs who favored the establishment of
the bank, and was very harsh in his arraignment of the Presi-
dent for opposing it, denouncing him "as a traitor to the prin-
ciples upon which he had been elected." This quarrel induced
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
149
}
all the members of the Cabinet to resign, except Mr. Webster,
who was then filling the position of Secretary of State.
On the 31st of March, 1842, Mr. Clay vacated his seat in
the Senate. He had written a communication to the Kentucky
Legislature in which he assigned as the reason for offering his
resignation: "I have for several years desired to retire into
private life, but have hitherto been prevented from executing
my wish by considerations of public duty." However, his subse-
quent activities in public life contradict the reason given for
his resignation. He was alarmed by the revolt of a number of
the Whigs against his rule, and who as "Tyler Whigs", were
co-operating with the Democrats. Among these were Senator
William C. Rives and Henry A. Wise, of Virginia. And danger-
ous issues were being evolved in Congress that would figure
prominently in the Presidential campaign of 1844. Mr. Clay
was then formulating plans to be made the candidate of his
party for the Presidency at the next election. The annexation
of Texas and its admission to the Union as a State was then be-
ing agitated and Mr. Clay was opposing the policy of the Ad-
ministration on that question; and it was also evident that the
Texas question would have the slavery question associated with
it. He very wisely determined that it would be best for him.
to get away from and escape participation in the heated de-
bates that were taking place in the Senate and House upon
these several questions. In March, 1844, John C. Calhoun was
made Secretary of State, and he succeeded in negotiating a
treaty with the Republic of Texas by which that country was
Iceded to the United States. The treaty was rejected by the
Senate, and thus paved the way for the introduction of the an-
nexation of Texas and slavery as burning issues into the Presi-
dential campaign of 1844.
The administration of Mr. Tyler was a stormy but event-
ful one; and, in the face of the bitter opposition to his policies
by the party that elected him, he accomplished a great deal for
the welfare of his country. At the expiration of his term he
retired from public life and took no further part in the active
politics of his country until 1861, when he was president of a
150
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
Peace Conference held at Washington. The object of the Con-
ference was to reconcile the differences between the Free and
Slave States, and prevent disunion of the States. Failing to
effect the desired compromise, Mr. Tyler cast his fortunes with
the Confederate cause, and was elected a member of the Con-
federate Congress. He served as a member of that body until
his death, which occurred at Richmond on the 18th of January,
1862.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
151
1-
to
18 2. 5
CHAPTER X
1
TREATY FOR ANNEXATION OF TEXAS-POLK CANDIDATE OF
DEMOCRATS FOR PRESIDENT AND CLAY WHIG CANDIDATE-
POLK WAS ELECTED.
The treaty negotiated by John C. Calhoun for the annexa-
tion of Texas was intended by him not only to advance the ex-
tension of slavery but to strike a political death blow to Martin
Van Buren. And Calhoun's double purpose was effectually ac-
complished, as subsequent events proved. The treaty was the
principal cause of the defeat of Mr. Van Buren for the Demo-
cratic nomination in 1844; and was largely the cause of Mr.
Clay's defeat in his race with James K. Polk the same year.
Previous to the negotiation of the treaty, the Democrats
throughout the Union were unitedly for Van Buren as their
candidate for President; and it was well understood that Mr.
Clay would be nominated by the Whigs. In this situation the
two eminent statesmen appear to have agreed to eliminate the
Texas question from the 1844 campaign by defeating the Tyler-
Calhoun treaty. Very soon after the treaty was sent to the
Senate by the President, Mr. Clay published in the 'National
Intelligencer' his famous Raleigh letter against annexation.
The 'Globe' of the same day contained a guarded communica-
tion from Mr. Van Buren, practically taking the same ground.
The publication of these two letters on the same day, in the
National organs of the Whig and Democratic parties, respect-
ively, confirmed the suspicion that Clay and Van Buren had an
understanding about the Texas question. The letters had a
disastrous effect upon the political fortunes of both of the as-
piring statesmen, and made the slavery question and the an-
nexation of Texas the vital issues in the 1844 campaign.
The Abolitionists were the first to enter the field with can-
didates for the Presidential election of 1844. They held a
National Convention at Buffalo, New York, on the 30th of Aug-
ust, 1843, and called themselves the "Liberty Party." James
152
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
G. Birney, of Michigan, was unanimously nominated for Presi-
dent, with Thomas Morris, of Ohio, for Vice President. Birney
had been nominated by the Abolitionists for President at the
election of 1840, but had declined the nomination, as herein.
previously related. The second nomination was accepted and
his candidacy furnished a basis for the organization of the Re-
publican Party that elected Abraham Lincoln to the Presidency
in 1860. Mr. Birney was a Southern man by birth and an
owner of slaves. He was born in Kentucky, in 1792, was a
graduate of the College of New Jersey, practiced law in
Georgia, and served in the Legislature of that State. Later
he removed to Kentucky, and was a professor in Danville Uni-
versity. In 1834 he emancipated his own slaves and advocated
universal liberty. He located in Cincinnatti and there publish-
ed The Philanthropist, one of the earliest journals to advocate
abolition of slavery, for which his printing office was several
times mobbed and partially or wholly destroyed. Twenty-five
resolves were adopted by the convention, the first reading:
"Resolved, That human brotherhood is a cardinal principle of
true Democracy, as well as of pure Christianity, which spurns
all inconsistent limitations; and neither the political party
which repudiates it, nor the political system which is based
upon it, can be truly Democratic or permanent." The other
twenty-four resolves were intended to be explanatory of the
principles announced in the first resolution; and abounded with
demands and pleas for the abolition of slavery in the Southern
States.
The Whigs held their National Convention in Baltimore on
the 1st of May, 1844, with every State in the Union represent-
ed. Mr. Clay was nominated for President by acclamation, and
on the third ballot Theodore Frelinghuysen, of New Jersey, was
nominated for Vice President. The principles of the party
were briefly expressed in the following resolution, which was
adopted by the convention:
"Resolved, That these principles may be summed as com-
prising a well regulated National currency-a Tariff for revenue
to defray the necessary expenses of the Government, and dis-
criminating with special reference to the Protection of the
Domestic Labor of the country-the Distribution of the proceeds
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
153
from the sales of the Public Lands--a single term for the Presi-
dency-a reform of executive usurpations and generally such
an administration of the affairs of the country, as shall impart
to every branch of the public service the greatest practicable
efficiency, controlled by a well-regulated and wise economy."
This brief platform of the Whigs was very adroitly drawn
with the hope of eliminating the two most exciting questions.
that were certain to be projected into the campaign—the an-
nexation of Texas and the extension of slavery. The platform
contained the first declaration for a Protective Tariff ever made
by either of the political parties, and was intended to catch the
votes of the manufacturers and "Domestic Labor" of the manu-
facturing States. But it was greatly weakened by declaring
for only such protection as would supply sufficient revenue to
defray the necessary expenses of the Government. The pro-
nouncement for "a single term for the Presidency" evidently
was a bid for the votes of those persons who were still devoted
to Jeffersonian principles. When the Federal Constitution was
framed, Mr. Jefferson contended that the President should be
limited to a single term; and many citizens now believe his sug-
gestion was an excellent one. His idea that there would be
great danger-if the Constitution did not limit to a single term
of a President in office giving so much time and attention to
securing a second term that the public interests would be neg-
lected. The demand for "a reform of executive usurpations"
was aimed at General Jackson for removing the Government
funds deposited in the Bank of the United States, and for issu-
ing his Nullification Proclamation. It also had reference to
President Tyler who had vetoed the two bills that were intend-
ed to re-establish the Bank of the United States. This demand
the Whigs knew would enlist the active support of the "Money
Power" that sought to control the banking interests of the
country; and, possibly, would attract many of the Nullifiers to
the support of Mr. Clay.
When the Democratic National Convention assembled at
Baltimore on the 27th of May, 1844, it was found--as had been
expected that Mr. Van Buren had a majority of the delegates.
It was then determined by Mr. Calhoun-and the leaders who
154
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
were opposed to Mr. Van Buren--to use the two-thirds rule to
prevent his nomination. This rule was adopted at the con-
vention of the party in 1832; and had been used at the two pre-
ceding conventions to secure Van Buren's nomination. Now
that it was to be employed for his defeat, his friends strongly
opposed its adoption. Romulus M. Sanders of North Carolina
introduced the rule, and was vigorously supported by Robert
J. Walker, of Mississippi, and George W. Hopkins, of Virginia.
The strongest opponents of the rule were Marcus Morton of
Massachusetts, Nathan Clifford of Maine, and Daniel S. Dickin-
son, of New York. At that time George W. Hopkins was rep-
resenting the Virginia Congressional District composed of the
counties west of New River; and had been representing the
district continuously from 1835. The discussion was very sig-
nificant, as it was conducted by men from the South on one
side, and by men from the North on the other. This was the
first division on sectional lines that had occurred in a Demo-
cratic Convention. It was provoked by the opposition of Mr.
Van Buren to the annexation of Texas; and slavery was the
ominous cause. The men from the South won out and the two-
thirds rule was enforced.
Immediately following the adoption of the two-thirds rule
balloting on the candidates was begun. On the first ballot Mr.
Van Buren received 146 votes, Lewis Cass 83, Richard M. John-
son 29, and James Buchanan 4, the result of the ballot showing
that Van Buren had a clear majority of 14 in the convention.
Balloting was continued, with Van Buren's support slightly
diminishing until the seventh ballot was taken, when Van Bu-
ren got 99 votes, Cass 123, Johnson 21, Buchanan 22, and John
C. Calhoun 1. The name of James K. Polk was then placed be-
fore the convention and the vote on the eighth ballot was for
Van Buren 104, Cass 114, Buchanan 2, Calhoun 2, and Polk 44.
The friends of Mr. Van Buren then realized that it was impos-
sible to nominate him and withdrew his name, and on the
ninth ballot James K. Polk, of Tennessee, was nominated, the
vote being 233 for Polk, 29 for Cass and 2 for Van Buren.
The convention was the stormiest and most disorderly one
that had ever been held by either of the political parties. When
the resolution for enforcement of the two-thirds rule was offer-
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
155
ed, loud and angry protests were made by delegates from the
States that had instructed for Mr. Van Buren-notably by the
delegates from New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Missouri.
The first to speak against the adoption of the rule was Benja-
min F. Butler, of New York. He spoke for an hour in opposi-
tion to the rule "and in support of the good old doctrine of de-
mocracy, that the majority should rule. He considered himself
bound in duty to maintain the principle as being applicable to
the business before this convention. He denied the doctrine
of precedents in its application to this convention. He had
formed his character upon the principles which had animated
that apostle of democracy, Thomas Jefferson, and where would
the gentlemen find a precedent for the Declaration of Indepen-
dence? Where a precedent for the Constitution of the United
States? If the doctrine of precedents was to prevail, might
there not be found a precedent for a United States Bank, in the
fact that Washington had deemed it expedient to sign a bill for
its charter? Even a precedent for a United States Bank, that
monster which General Jackson had destroyed, and thereby con-
ferred a greater blessing upon the people of this country, than
even by the victory at New Orleans. Gentlemen have alluded
to the precedent of 1840. He regretted that any member of
the convention should condescend to such allusion; to refer to a
period that had left an almost indelible stigma on the nation; a
period when reason had been debauched amid log cabins, hard
cider, and coon skins. (Here the speaker was interrupted by
a tremendous burst of applause, thrice repeated, and Mr. But-
ler himself became so much animated, that he leaped from the
floor and stamped with involuntary and enthusiastic energy,
as if treading beneath his feet the object of his loathing.)"
Following Mr. Butler's speech the convention adjourned, to
meet the next morning.
When the convention assembled on the morning of the
28th of May, the permanent chairman, H. C. Wright of Pennsyl-
vania, "urged the convention to harmony, at the sacrifice of
personal preferences and prejudices, upon the altar of their
common country and in redemption of their pledges to the de-
mocratic faith. This was the occasion to prove that they were
for 'measures not men." His remarks were warmly applaud-
156
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
ed; but when consideration of the two-thirds rule was resumed,
intense excitement was again provoked. After a heated de-
bate which lasted four hours the rule was adopted by a vote of
148 to 118. Following this, Mr. Miller, of Ohio, asked leave to
submit a motion, which he reduced to writing and read to the
convention. It was as follows:
"Resolved, That Martin Van Buren, having received the
vote of a majority of the delegates in this convention, on the
first ballot, is elected as the nominee for President of the United
States."
Immediately a number of delegates rose to a point of order;
and the chairman ruled that the motion was out of order, as it
was a virtual recission of the rule that had been already adopt-
ed. Mr. Miller said he knew the resolution would virtually re-
scind the rule, and that was his object in offering it. He then
appealed from the decision of the Chairman, and was forced to
reduce his appeal to writing, which was done.
After a pro-
longed and heated discussion of the appeal, at 7 o'clock the con-
vention adjourned until 9 o'clock the next morning.
Wednesday morning at 9 o'clock the convention was call-
ed to order, and the question on the appeal from the decision
of the chair was resumed. Very soon the convention was in
a state of the wildest confusion and bitter words were inter-
changed by delegates of opposing views on the question at is-
sue; and cries and hisses were loud and protracted. Efforts
were made to allay the excitement and produce harmony and
good feeling; and to this end brief addresses were made by Mr.
Hammitt of Mississippi, Governor Hubbard, of New Hampshire,
and Mr. S. Medairy, editor of the Ohio Statesman. Their ef
forts were successful, and the final ballot was taken with the
result before indicated.
After years of effort to get an official test of his discovery
of Electro Magnetic Telegraphy, Professor Samuel Morse in
1843 obtained from Congress an appropriation of $30,000 for
an experimental line between Washington and Baltimore. A
room had been furnished in the Capitol for his experimental
operations and the line had been completed between the two
cities. In the brief time of twenty minutes after Polk's nomi-
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
157
nation was made, it was telegraphed to Washington, and the
following message was returned to the convention: "The De-
mocratic members of Congress, to their Democratic brethern in
Convention assembled, send greeting, three cheers for James
K. Polk."
On the 27th of May, 1844-the same day the Democratic
National Convention assembled--a number of persons who styl-
ed themselves "Tyler Democrats"-held a convention in Cal-
vert Hall at Baltimore. The purpose of the meeting was to
nominate John Tyler for President. The gathering was com-
posed of delegates from various parts of the Union, but appar-
ently was without restriction as to number from any State or
district, or any question as to the manner of their appointment.
The flag of the Union floated from the "outer battlements, and
over the presiding officer's chair in the Hall were placed mot-
toes "Tyler And Texas", and "Re-Annexation of Texas"-
"Postponement Is Rejection." Most of the delegates were dis-
tinguished by a gilt button with a single star, or a ribbon
badge, with a likeness of John Tyler on it. The gathering
more nearly resembled a good natured mass meeting than a
duly delegated convention. The only differences evidenced in
the meeting were as to whether it would be best to nominate
Mr. Tyler without delay or await the action of the regular De-
mocratic Convention then in session at Baltimore. The advo-
cates of immediate nomination won, and Mr. Tyler was nomi-
nated amid loud and enthusiastic cheers. A committee was ap-
pointed to notify Mr. Tyler of his nomination, and another com-
mittee was named to select a candidate for Vice President. The
convention was in session two days and adjourned with "Tyler
and Texas" for their battle cry. Mr. Tyler was notified of his
nomination by the committee appointed for that purpose, on
the 28th of May. On the 30th, in a lengthy communication, ad-
dressed to the committee, he accepted the nomination.
The Whigs were greatly elated over the nomination and
candidacy of Mr. Tyler. They had been disturbed by the candi-
dacy of Birney-the candidate of the Abolitionists-knowing
that he would take many votes from Mr. Clay in certain of the
158
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
Northern and Western States. Now they had reason to believe
that Tyler would make a heavy rift in the Democratic ranks,
and bring a glorious victory for the Whigs, unless he was in-
duced to withdraw from the contest. But this did not elate
the Whigs so much as the disorderly and discordant proceedings
of the Democratic National Convention. The National Whig
Convention held at Baltimore on the 1st of May was distinctly
opposite in conduct and feature to that of the Democrats. It
was perfectly harmonious and free from sectional antagonisms.
The Whigs had ample cause for concluding that the manner in
which Van Buren had been crushed in the Baltimore Conven-
tion by the Southern delegates would weaken Mr. Polk in
Northern and Western States, and in this they were not mis-
taken.
The Whigs had made the Harrison and Tyler campaign
wonderfully spectacular, and with astonishingly successful re-
sults. This encouraged them to undertake to make the cam-
paign for Mr. Clay more glittering and thrilling than the one
of 1840. Knowing that he would be nominated at Baltimore
without opposition, some weeks before that event elaborate
plans were made for holding "A Young Men's Whig Conven-
tion of Ratification" at Baltimore on the 2nd of May-the day
after the National Convention met. The young Whigs in every
State of the Union were invited and urged to attend the ratifi-
cation meeting. If contemporary published accounts were not
very exaggerative, the young Whigs certainly responded nobly
to the call; and made the affair the most resplendent and in-
spiring that had ever taken place in the United States at a
political gathering. It was pronounced by the Whigs "The
largest and most imposing political assemblage that ever con-
vened in the United States;" and an assemblage of distinguish-
ed statesmen from one extreme of the Union to the other was
congregated, not of young men only, but veterans in their
country's service.
According to the newspapers, Baltimore Street was crowd-
ed from end to end with a throng of living beings, and Trium-
phal Arches were placed over and across that street.
The
parade was formed in divisions at the west end of Baltimore
Street, and marched eastward along that street to Caroline
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
159
Street, and thence through Fell's Point, a distance of three miles,
to "Canton Ground", where the ratification meeting was to be
held. Banners with various devices were displayed by the
delegations as they marched. The Fourth Division was com-
posed of delegations from Virginia. The Alexandria Delega-
tion proudly carried a flag that had been used by General Wash-
ington, and one that belonged to General Daniel Morgan. A
number of banners carried by the Virginians, as well as by the
delegations from other States, displayed the picture of Henry
Clay. One of these flags had the great statesman pictured as
a boy on a horse, with a bag of corn, going to mill, and with
the inscription "The Mill Boy Of The Slashes." Though Mr.
Clay still proudly claimed to be a disciple of Thomas Jefferson,
there was no banner in the hands of the Virginians that had
the name or picture of Thomas Jefferson upon it.
Nor was
there one that had the name or picture of James Madison, the
Father of the Constitution, upon it. It is very probable that
the young Virginians were descendants of men who trained
with Alexander Hamilton and John Marshall, the bitter politi-
cal foes of Jefferson and Madison. As soon as the vast throng
was assembled at Canton Ground, loud calls were made for Mr.
Webster, and he responded with a magnificent oration. He was
followed by Governor Metcalf of Kentucky, the Hon. Thomas
Ewing of Ohio, Hon. John J. Crittenden of Kentucky, and Hon.
John Minor Botts of Virginia. Most of the Virginia delega-
tions were from the counties and cities east of the Blue Ridge.
There were several from the Valley of Virginia and a few sent
from counties that now belong to West Virginia; but there
were none from the Great Southwest, where Jefferson and
Madison and Jackson were still revered by the people.
Enraptured by the success of their splendid meeting at
Baltimore, the Whigs followed it up with similar demonstra-
tions in all the States and cities, and in most of the counties of
the Union. The Democrats were aroused and became equally
enthusiastic in their conduct of the campaign, and they had
thousands of rallies throughout the United States. At these
rallies great throngs of the people would gather and avouch
their allegiance to Jeffersonian Democracy and support of Polk
and Dallas.
160
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
Southwest Virginia, like every other section of the United
States, became a battle ground, where the rival political parties
contended for victory with as much spirit and resolution as was
shown in other sections of the country. Thrilled by this spirit
the Democrats of the Southwestern portion of Appalachian
Virginia, held a great rally at Sulphur Springs Camp Ground,
in Smyth County, near the present beautiful town of Chilhowie.
It was and is a historic spot. In 1748 when Colonel James Pat-
ton surveyed the land thereabout he decided to locate a town
there. This gave it the name of "Town House" as soon as the
first cabin was built there. The Camp Ground was an ideal
place for holding such a meeting. The large shed-called the
"Tent"-used by the congregations for worship when the Meth-
odists held their annual "Camp Meetings", was provided with
sufficient rude benches to seat several thousand persons; and
the equally rude pulpit was an excellent rostrum for the ora-
tors who spoke to the vast audiences. A number of cabins
flanked the big "Tent" on the north, south and west sides, and
at a reasonable distance therefrom. These cabins were occu-
pied by the visitors from a distance as sleeping quarters while
the political meeting was going on, just as they were used by
the campers when Camp Meetings were held there.
Zealous party men from Smyth and adjoining counties had
gathered at the place several days before the time fixed for the
rally, and had constructed rude tables in such numbers that, if
they had been placed end to end, they would have extended a
distance of more than a mile. They also barbecued dozens of
beeves, sheep and swine, and hundreds of boiled hams were add-
ed thereto. The delegations that came from Tennessee and
other distant points brought wagon loads of provisions, and in
many instances kegs and barrels of hard cider and apple and
peach brandy. The liquor was not of the "moonshine" quality
of the present time, but was pure and pleasant to the taste;
and warmed the hearts of the men without deranging their
brain. In those days it was not considered a vice to use a
beverage that contained more than one-half of one per cent of
alcohol.
Thousands of pounds of bread and cakes and pies, and
chickens and turkeys, were placed upon the tables, along with
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
161
the barbecued meats, and were partaken of at regular meal
time intervals. Large crowds of both sexes were in attendance
on each day of the meeting. The men, generally, came on
horseback, each horseman proudly bearing a large polk stalk
and shouting the party battle cry, "Polk, Dallas and Texas".
They had no brass bands pouring forth martial music; they'
wore no gorgeous uniforms; and they carried no silken banners
or revolutionary battle flags. But many of them were descend-
ants of the glorious pioneers who garbed in linsey hunting
shirts and coon skin caps, and armed with trusty rifles-march-
ed with Lewis to Point Pleasant, and with Campbell to King's
Mountain. And the heart of every one of these welled with
devotion for Jeffersonian and Jacksonian Republicanism.
Felix Grundy, Landon C. Haynes, George W. Hopkins,
John B. Floyd and other distinguished speakers addressed the
crowds on the issues of the campaign. Not only in the "Tent",
but at other selected stations, speaking was almost constantly
going on by one or more of the orators. Thus were the assem-
bled hosts made thoroughly familiar with the respective merits
of the rival parties that were contending in one of the most
memorable political battles that was ever fought on the Ameri-
can Continent.
As before related, there were no brass bands on the
grounds, but there was no dearth of music. Many of the old
time fiddlers from Tennessee, Kentucky and Virginia were
present. And they could draw the bow with exquisite skill,
and produce such wonderful grace notes that even the shouting
Methodists and predestined Presbyterians found it impossible
to keep their feet from moving with joyful rythm to the old
time reels and hornpipes.
162
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
CHAPTER XI
POLK AND DALLAS CAMPAIGN 1844-JAMES G. BIRNEY ABOLOTION-
IST CANDIDATE SEPARATION OF METHODIST EPISCOPAL CHURCH-
ASSASSINATION OF JOSEPH SMITH THE MORMAN PROPHET—
POLK'S ADMINISTRATION-THE MEXICAN WAR.
The Presidential campaign in which Polk and Clay were
rival candidates was not only very vigorously conducted by both
parties, but was attended with great bitterness. Polk was as-
sailed by the Whigs as incapable and untruthful; and they went
so far as to attack his Americanism by charging that his grand-
father, Captain Ezekiel Polk, was a Tory in North Carolina
during the Revolutionary War. This latter charge was proven
false. And Mr. Clay's friends were so reckless as to make at-
tacks upon General Jackson, then in very feeble health, because
of his endorsement of Mr. Polk and urging the annexation of
Texas. The Democratic party was declared to be a "motley
band composed of discordant materials and of heterogeneous
principles, connected by a single sentiment, the hope of plun-
der."
Of course the Democrats retaliated in kind. They declared
that Mr. Clay had made a corrupt bargain with John Quincy
Adams in exchange for Clay's appointment as Secretary of
State. They also accused Mr. Clay with playing double on the
question of the annexation of Texas; and by this last accusa-
tion contributed largely to the defeat of the Whig candidate.
The author, in his History of Tazewell County and Southwest
Virginia, wrote as follows about Mr. Clay's inconsistent position
on the Texas question:
"In a communication written from Raleigh, North Carolina,
on the 17th of April, 1844, and published in the National Intel-
ligencer, then a Whig organ, Mr. Clay had announced his op-
position to the annexation of Texas. He gave several reasons
for opposing the treaty. One was, that, although Texas had
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
163
been a part of the territory acquired by purchase from France,
our Government had parted with that portion of the territory
beyond the Sabine River, by the treaty with Spain in 1819; and
that the Sabine line had been recognized and accepted by the
United States in subsequent negotiations with Spain, and with
Mexico after that country became a republic. Mr. Clay did
not think it would be honorable and just for us to regard our
treaty with Spain as a mere "scrap of paper," though he hearti-
ly opposed its ratification by Congress. Another reason he as-
signed for his opposition was that: "Annexation and war with
Mexico were identical." He declared: "Assuming that the an-
nexation of Texas is war with Mexico, is it competent to the
treaty-making power to plunge this country into war, not only
without the concurrence of, but without deigning to consult
Congress, to which, by the constitution, belongs exclusively the
power of declaring war?"
By the nomination of Mr. Polk, the Democrats had forced
the Whigs to accept the Texas question as a paramount issue
of the Presidential campaign, and which Mr. Clay's Raleigh
letter had invited them to do. But the Democrats shrewdly
determined to strengthen their position by coupling the Oregon
question with that of the annexation of Texas. Great Britain
was then secretly forming plans to wrest Oregon from the
United States upon a fictitious claim to the splendid territory
which now constitutes the two great States of Oregon and
Washington. Our old enemy, Great Britain, also had her agents
actively and offensively at work in Texas to prevent the "Lone
Star State" becoming a member of the Union. Thus was Gen-
eral Jackson given excellent opportunity to hurl one of his ter-
rible javelins at his personal and political foe, Mr. Clay; and to
assail the integrity of the British Government, which he cor-
dially despised for its treacherous conduct in Texas and its
avowed purpose to steal Oregon from the United States. The
old hero of the Democracy did his work effectively through a
letter written from the Hermitage, June 24th, 1844, to a friend
in Indiana. In the letter, he first attacked Mr. Clay's views
on the national bank, the system of taxation, and other ques-
tions; and then assailed his position on the Texas question, as
follows: "He says, virtually, that Texas ought not to be admit-
164
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
ted into the Union, while there is a respectable and consider-
able portion of our citizens opposed to it. On such a condition
it is obvious annexation can never take place. British influ-
ence had considerable and respectable advocates in this country
in our Revolutionary War, and our second war with her. Will
it ever be without them? Never.
Never. As long as there are fan-
atics in religion, as there are diversities and differences in hu-
man opinion respecting the forms of government and the rights
of the people, such advocacy will be found resisting the advance
of institutions like ours, and laboring to incorporate with them
the features of an opposite system.
"Who does not see that the people of the United States are
competitors with the people of England in the manufacturing
arts, and in the carrying trade of the world? And that the
question is soon to be, if it be not already, whether Texas and
Oregon are to be considered as auxiliaries to American or Brit-
ish interests? Whether these vast and fertile regions are to
be settled by our posterity, blessed by republican government
-or are to become the theatre of British enterprise, and thus
add another link to the vast colonial chain by which that great
monarchy upholds its lords and nobles, and extracts from suf-
fering millions the earnings of their labor?
"The American people can not be deceived in this manner.
They know that the real object of England is to check the pros-
perity of the United States and lessen their power to compete
with England as a naval power, and as a growing agricultural,
manufacturing and commercial country. They know that
Lord Aberdeen, in the midst of thousands and thousands of
starving subjects of the British monarchy, is more anxious, or
ought to be, to relieve the wants of those wretched people than
he can be to alter the relation subsisting between the white and
black races of this country."
General Jackson closed the letter with an appeal to the
American people to not "let slip the opportunity now offered
of concentrating their Union, and promoting the general caus-
es of their prosperity and happiness, by the annexation of Tex-
as."
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
165
The views of General Jackson, as set forth in this letter,
were promulgated throughout the Union as quickly as possible
by Mr. Polk's party managers; and possibly, it did more to se-
cure success for Polk and Dallas than any other one thing that
occurred in the campaign. It gave fresh impulse to the al-
ready aggressive policy of the Democratic party for territorial
acquisition, a policy which has always been popular with the
American people, and all peoples who have a strain of Anglo-
Saxon blood in their veins. It also aroused enthusiasm in the
young men of adventurous and daring spirit, who were eager
to see something of "grim visaged war."
For the first time in his political life, Mr. Clay had placed
himself on the hesitating or timid side of any grave question.
that had arisen in the politics of the country. He had enthusi-
astically advocated war with Great Britain in 1812; had ardent-
ly opposed the treaty of 1819 which ceded to Spain all that por-
tion of Texas west of the Sabine River; and had stubbornly re-
sisted the efforts of the Abolitionists to prevent the introduc-
tion of slavery into the territory acquired by the Louisiana
Purchase.
The great Whig leader, being put upon the defensive, and
believing that he was losing favor with the pro-slavery South-
ern Whigs, because of his pronounced hostility to the annexa-
tion of Texas, was induced to modify his position on the Texas
question. This was accomplished through a letter Mr. Clay
wrote to Stephen Miller, editor of the Tuscaloosa (Ala.) Moni-
tor, in which he said: "Personally I could have no objection to
the annexation of Texas; but I certainly would be unwilling to
see the existing Union dissolved or seriously jeopordized for the
sake of acquiring Texas." But in the letter, Mr. Clay spoke of
the treaty for the annexation of Texas as "Mr. Tyler's abomin-
able treaty."
The letter was used with telling effect by the
Democrats, who designated it Mr. Clay's "Death Warrant."
They insisted that Mr. Clay was playing double, that he was
pandering to the Abolition sentiment at the North by express-
ing opposition to the Texas treaty, and was currying favor
with the slaveholders in the South by proclaiming that he was
"personally" friendly to annexation."
166
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
James G. Birney, the Abolitionist candidate, on the 5th and
15th of August wrote letters defining his position on the tariff
question. He declared for "A tariff for revenue to meet the
ordinary expenditures of the government."
This was almost
precisely the position held by Mr. Polk. The pronouncement of
Birney disturbed and greatly angered the Whigs, who were ad-
vocating a protective tariff; and were striving to keep the slav-
ery question out of the campaign, especially in the Southern
States. In his letters, Mr. Birney not only antagonized the Whigs
on the tariff, but insisted that the abolition of slavery was the
paramount issue of the campaign. The Whigs at once began to
denounce Birney, and claimed that he had been made an ally or
tool of the Democrats. Birney denied the charges; and the
Democrats reminded the Whigs that they had been importun-
ing the Abolitionists of New England and other Free States to
vote for Mr. Clay, as the only alternative for preventing the
annexation of Texas and the extension of slavery. The Whigs
had been using Daniel Webster, Rufus Choate, and other able
speakers to persuade the Abolitionists to desert Birney. They
had even sent Cassius M. Clay, an anti-slavery man from Ken-
tucky, to New York, Pennsylvania, and other States to make
speeches in behalf of his kinsman, Henry Clay. Thomas Ritchie,
one of the greatest editors of his day, in his Richmond Enquirer,
thus wrote about the Birney affair:
"The Whigs had been openly seeking a coalition with the
Abolitionist every where; and especially in New York and Ohio.
Seward had addressed them-Webster had harangued them.
Cassius M. Clay was playing the missionary in New York-but
the convention of Utica threw a wet blanket over their pros-
pects. Birney and Gerrit Smith remained doggedly obstinate
in opposition to the scheme and it is believed that a majority
of the abolitionists would now hold out against Henry Clay-
and that his fears would be verified, at least so far as New York
was concerned. "I am afraid (says he to his friend, Cassius)
'you are too sanguine in supposing that any considerable num-
ber of the liberty men can be induced to support me'-thank-
ing him all the time for his 'friendly purpose'. The liberty
men of New York still appear too impracticable to be come over
by Cassius M. Clay, or by Seward & Co- and the disappointed
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
167
crew are now turning upon Birney, and are abusing him for
their grievious disappointment."
Beyond a doubt the Whigs and the Democrats were endeav-
oring to utilize the Liberty Men as a means for securing the
election of their own respective candidates. Niles Register, a
Baltimore periodical that was supporting Mr. Clay, said: "The
fact it that each party however they might differ with the abo-
litionists, as to the principles or professions, which distinguish
them as a party, would very willingly enlist the party in behalf
of their own favorite candidate to ensure his election to the
presidency." This is a positive admission that both parties
were trying to use the abolitionists; and, in fact, the Democrats
won the stake.
Very soon after Tyler was nominated by the Tyler Demo-
crats and he had accepted the nomination, earnest effort was
begun by prominent men and journals of the Democratic party
to induce Mr. Tyler to withdraw as a presidential candidate.
Thomas Ritchie, editor and publisher of the Richmond Enquir-
er, had been a devoted friend of President Tyler, and had advo-
cated his nomination by the regular party convention that
nominated Polk. Ritchie had persistently urged the withdraw-
al of Mr. Tyler; and on the 20th of August he published an
editorial in the Enquirer in which he said:
"Not long since we ventured to express our opinion about
the general importance of a complete reunion of the republican
party. After acknowledging the many and signal services
which have been rendered by President Tyler to the democracy,
we appealed to him and his friends to unite with their republi-
can brethern, assuring them that they would be received by the
friends of Polk and Dallas 'with cordiality, confidence, and joy'.
With scarcely a dissenting voice, the Democratic press of the
Union has re-echoed these sentiments; and no one can now doubt,
that it is the ardent wish of the republican party, that Mr. Ty-
ler and his friends should co-operate with us as brethern and
equals."
After quoting from a number of Democratic journals to
prove that union and harmony in the Democratic ranks were
essential to the success of the party. Mr. Ritchie made an ear-
168
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
nest appeal to Mr. Tyler by saying: "We appeal to the patriot-
ism of John Tyler, and we invoke him, in the name of the union,
to place his third and final veto upon the Bank of the United
States, by uniting with us, his old republican State's rights
anti-Bank friends, and thereby insuring the defeat of the dic-
tator, who would re-establish this corrupt and despotic corpor-
ation upon the fragments of the constitution and the ruins of
American liberty. ***** We ask him to come to the rescue of
the constitution and of his own great measures and principles.
Come and save us from the dominion of a despot Bank; save to
us the veto itself, that great conservative safeguard of the con-
stitution; save to us Texas from the grasp of England, into
whose hands she will be certainly thrown by the election of
Henry Clay."
This urgent appeal of Mr. Ritchie to his friend, John Tyler,
was unnecessary. President Tyler had already determined to
withdraw as a candidate. On the same day, the 20th of Aug-
ust, that the appeal was made in the Enquirer, Mr. Tyler pub-
lished a communication in the Madisonian announcing his with-
drawal from the contest. The communication was a lengthy
one in which he ably defended the various acts of his adminis-
tration, but especially his negotiation of a treaty for the annex-
ation of Texas and his vetoes of the measures for the establish-
ing of a United States Bank. Mr. Tyler opened his communi-
cation as follows: "The reasons which influenced me in accept-
ing the nomination for the presidency, made by a convention
of my friends in May last, at Baltimore, have lost much of their
original force. I had been not only most violently assailed by
the ultraists of both parties, but had been threatened with im-
peachment for having negotiated a treaty proposing the annex-
ation of Texas to the Union, as a portion of its territory, and
for having adopted precautionary measures clearly falling with-
in the range of executive discretion to ward off a blow which
might have been seriously aimed at the peace and safety of the
country in the event of the ratification of the treaty by the
Senate."
It was a wise course for President Tyler to take, as he
could not have secured by any possible chance the electoral vote
of a single State if he had persisted as a candidate. Moreover,
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
169
the Democratic candidates-Polk and Dallas-were upholding
the President in his attitude on both the Texas and Bank ques-
tions; and his continued candidacy would have helped to elect
Henry Clay. The Democratic ticket was strengthened consid-
erably by the retirement of Mr. Tyler, especially in Virginia
where he had a large following. And the Democratic candi-
dates were also greatly benefited by the published avowal of
Mr. Van Buren that he would loyally support the ticket of his
party. The Whigs had been confident that the candidacy of
Tyler and the dissatisfaction of the Van Buren men would cre-
ate such a rift in the Democratic party that the votes of several
of the larger States would inevitably be given to Mr. Clay.
DIVISION OF METHODIST EPISCOPAL CHURCH.
About one week after Mr. Clay was nominated by the
Whigs, and some two weeks before Mr. Polk was made the can-
didate of the Democrats, an event of momentous importance oc-
curred, that gravely affected the future political and religious
history of the United States. The General Conference of the
Methodist Episcopal Church commenced its session in the city
of New York the second week in May, 1844, with Bishop Soule
presiding. An exciting question, which eventuated in an un-
happy division of the Church on sectional lines, was early in
the session presented to the Conference. One of the itinerant
preachers of the Baltimore Conference had married a lady who
had slaves, that, under existing laws, became the property of
her husband. He refused to manumit the slaves, and, accord-
ing to the discipline, was suspended from the ministry by his
Conference until he should free his slaves. He appealed from
the decision of the Baltimore Conference to the General Con-
ference. The question was raised by a delegate from Virginia,
who moved to reverse the decision of the Baltimore Conference.
After a heated discussion of the motion it was defeated by a
vote of 56 ayes to 117 nays. The subject intensely occupied
the attention of the Conference for a week-and every day the
affair became more gloomy. Finally, after a tender discourse
had melted most of the preachers to tears, the Conference re-
solved to devote a day to fasting and earnest supplication, dur-
ing which time the topic should not be once referred to. A
committee of six was appointed to confer with the Bishops to
170
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
see if some possible plan could not be found for a pacific settle-
ment of the vexatious question.
Slavery, like Banquo's ghost, would not down before the
Conference. The committee to whom the subject was referred
previous to the day devoted to fasting and prayer, and with in-
structions to confer with the Bishops, reported "that they
could devise no means of obviating existing difficulties." Fol-
lowing this report, a resolution was introduced implicating one
of the Bishops (Bishop Andrews) for holding slaves contrary
to the discipline of the Church. The introduction of this reso-
lution provoked a very heated and procrastinated discussion of
the slavery question. Finally, by a vote of 110 to 68, a resolu-
tion was passed by the Conference, requesting Bishop Andrews
to abstain from the exercise of his functions so long as he re-
tained his relation to slavery. His second wife was a slave-
holder, and the resolution said: "This would greatly embarrass
the exercise of his office as an itinerant general superintendent
if not in some places entirely prevent it," and it was resolved
"that it is the sense of this general conference that he should
desist from the exercise of this office so long as this impediment
remains." The Southern delegates made a protest, declaring
the action extra judicial and unconstitutional. Bishop An-
drews left the Conference and immediately returned to his home
in Georgia.
A report and series of resolutions, framed and reported by
a committee of nine, contemplating a separation of the Method-
ist Episcopal Church by instituting two General Conferences,
one for the North and one for the South, were adopted by the
Conference, ayes 139, nays 17. A formal statement of the pro-
ceedings of the Conference on the case of Bishop Andrews was
made and adopted. A formal protest was entered by the South-
ern delegates, and a reply to the protest was made, all of these
being spread upon the minutes. While the deplorable contro-
versy over the slavery question was in progress in the General
Conference large public meetings were held at Richmond and
Norfolk, Virginia; Raleigh, North Carolina, and at many other
places in the South. These meetings were held by Methodists
to register their disapproval of the proceedings of the General
Conference in relation to Bishop Andrews; and resolutions ex-
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
171
pressive of the sentiment of Southern Methodism were general-
ly adopted. At the Norfolk meeting the following resolution
was passed.
"Resolved, That we believe an immediate division of the
Methodist Church indispensible to the peace, prosperity, and
honor of the Southern portion thereof, if not essential to her
continued existence, and that we earnestly request the South-
ern delegation never to return to their homes until a dissolu-
tion is effected."
At the time the separation took place the Methodist Episco-
pal Church had 12,708 preachers, being 50 per cent more than
the whole standing army of the United States. Of this num-
ber, there were of regular clergy or traveling preachers 4,282,
superanuated preachers 339, and local or lay preachers 8,087.
The total membership of the Church in the United States and
Texas was 1,171,356. The Southern Methodists held a Conven-
tion at Louisville, Kentucky, May 1st, 1845. It was composed
of delegates from the Southern annual Conferences. This Con-
vention organized the Methodist Episcopal Church, South.
When it was organized it had about 1,350 traveling and 3,160
local preachers, with about 495,000 members. In 1860 the
membership had been increased to 757,205, of whom 207,766
were colored persons.
Bishop Joshua Soule, who was senior
bishop of the Methodist Episcopal Church, was a native of
Maine, and had spent most of his active ministry in the North-
ern States; but he was present at the Louisville Convention and
united his fortunes with the Southern Methodists.
Bishop
James Osgood Andrews was also present and very naturally ad-
hered to the Southern Church.
The Methodist Episcopal Church had become in 1844 a
powerful factor or figure in the social and religious life of the
United States. After its separation into two distinct divisions
on the singular question of slavery, it became a dangerous ele-
ment in the political life of our country. And it has been held
that it was a potential contributing cause to the unfortunate
civil strife between the Free and Slave States that ensued sev-
enteen years later. The great Methodist denomination of the
United States still continues divided into "The Methodist Epis-
172
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
copal Church," and "The Methodist Episcopal Church, South,"
greatly to the impairment of its usefulness.
A few days subsequent to the adjournment of the General
Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church at New York,
an incident occurred that conspicuously revealed the disturbed
social, religious, and even political conditions then existent in
the United States. This was the assassination of Joseph Smith
and his brother Hyram, by an armed mob at Carthage, Illinois.
Joseph Smith was the founder and Prophet of the Mormon
Church, styled by the Mormons, "The Church of Jesus Christ
of Latter Day Saints." The author cannot spare time or space
to give a detailed statement of the manner in which this
strange sect came into existence. To those who seek know-
ledge of the various and numerous religions of the world it will
prove an interesting story. From its very inception, however,
Mormonism was ridiculed and bitterly assailed by all Christian
denominations; but Smith and his associates persevered in
preaching their "doctrine", which was a new Americanized
phase of millenarianism. Smith was then residing at Man-
chester, New York; and the "prophet's house" was frequently
attacked by mobs and evil-disposed persons; several times he
was shot at and narrowly escaped injury; but his reckless cour-
age gained many disciples to his fold; and on the 6th of April,
1830, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints was first
organized, in the town of Manchester, New York. Its peculiar
beliefs provoked increased fierce attacks from the preachers of
all Christian denominations; and the Mormons were compelled
to remove in January, 1831, to Kirtland, Ohio, which Smith de-
clared should be the seat of the New Jerusalem. A number of
missionaries were sent out from Kirtland, and by their work a
large number of converts were secured; and churches were
established in Ohio, Pennsylvania, New York, Indiana, Illinois,
and in other States. But the strange sect was so opposed and
persecuted by the preachers and membership of the Christian
denominations that the Mormons had to change their location
again. In the autumn of 1831 a colony was established in Jack-
son County, Missouri. There a "revelation" given to Smith as-
sured the saints that they had reached "the land of promise and
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
173
the place for the city of Zion." Believing that they were then
permanently located the Mormons bought large boundaries
of land. They established a printing office and published a
monthly periodical and a weekly newspaper. Smith returned
to Kirtland, where he set up a mill, a store, and a bank and ex-
tended his propagandist labors with much success. But he had
to endure severer persecutions than were visited upon him at
Manchester. On the night of March 22nd, 1832, a mob compos-
ed of Methodists, Campbellites, and other zealous Christians,
forcibly entered the prophet's house, tore him from his wife's
arms, took him into a nearby meadow, and gave him a coat of
tar and feathers. The persecutions were continued, and Smith
left Kirtland and joined his brethern in Missouri. There the
conflict between the Saints and the other Missourians became
more intensely bitter than ever, and many bloody encounters
were engaged in by the opposing parties. Smith and Rigdon,
the latter an associate prophet, were thrown into prison, and
finally, about the close of the year 1838, the Mormons, some
15,000 in number, left Missouri and took refuge in Illinois.
There they obtained a grant of land from the government and
settled about the little town of Commerce; and in obedience to
a revelation received by Smith the name of the town was chang-
ed to Nauvoo, or the city of beauty. The Legislature of Illinois
granted a charter to Nauvoo; a body of Mormon militia was
organized and Smith was appointed its commander; he was also
appointed mayor of the city, and was invested with supreme
authority in all matters, civil, military and religious.
In March, 1844, before the Whigs or the Democrats had
nominated their Presidential candidates, General Joseph Smith
announced himself a candidate for President of the United
States; and "The Neighbor", and "The Times and Seasons,"
published the announcement; and his name was placed at the
head of the columns of these two papers, published at Nauvoo.
General Smith also published a pamphlet, in which he set forth
his views of the powers and policies of the Government of the
United States. He quoted approvingly from the inaugural ad-
dresses of Washington, John Adams, Jefferson, Madison, Monroe,
John Q. Adams, Andrew Jackson, and General Harrison. Then
he says: "At the age, then, of sixty years our blooming republic
174
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
began to decline under the withering touch of Martin Van Bu-
ren. Disappointed ambition, thirst for power, pride, corrupt-
ion, party spirit, faction, patronage, perquisites, tangling alli-
ances, priestcraft, and spiritual wickedness in high places,
struck hands, and reveled in midnight splendor. *** No honest
man can doubt for a moment, but the glory of American liberty
is on the wane; and that calamity and confusion will, sooner or
later, destroy the peace of the people. Speculators will urge
a national bank as a savior of credit and comfort. A hireling
pseudo priesthood will plausibly push abolition doctrines and
doings, and 'human rights," into Congress and into every other
place, where conquest smells of fame, or opposition swells to
popularity-Democracy, Whiggery, and Cliquery, will attract
their elements and foment divisions among the people, to ac-
complish fancied schemes and accumulate power while poverty
driven to despair, like hunger forcing its way through a wall,
will break through the statutes of men, to save life, and mend
the breach in prison glooms."
General Smith may not have been very highly endowed as
a spiritual prophet, but he was fairly well equipped as a politi-
cal prognosticator, as was demonstrated by the political events
that ensued during the following sixteen years. But his Presi-
dential candidacy was of very brief duration, and was tragical-
ly terminated. Smith recklessly tried to exercise undue author-
ity in conducting the civil and criminal affairs of the Mormon
community. He assumed the exclusive right to control the civil
and criminal affairs of Nauvoo in defiance of the laws of the
State of Illinois; such as the recording of deeds; granting of
marriage licenses; trial of slander cases; to punish by fine and
imprisonment persons guilty of speaking words disrespectful of
Joseph Smith; to discharge persons from arrest upon civil or
criminal process from any court of the State, by writ of habeas
corpus emanating from the city council; and the passage of an
ordinance prohibiting any civil officer to serve process from the
State courts in Nauvoo, unless it was signed by Smith, under
penalty of fine and imprisonment, which the governor of the
State was forbidden to remit. This absurd assumption of au-
thority was the undoing of the Prophet. He and his brother,
Hyram, were arrested by the civil authorities, and put in the
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
175
prison at Carthage. A rumor was started that the governor
of the State was desirous of letting the brothers escape. A
mob of about two hundred armed men broke into the jail on
June 27th, 1844, and brutally murdered the two Smiths. This
lawless act inflicted a deep stain on the honor of the State of
Illinois and of the Nation. But it is held that the principle
causes of the act are found in the purpose of the Mormons to
establish for themselves a distinct civil, political, and religious
community, and renounce all obligations to the State and Fed-
eral governments.
The Democrats had not entirely recovered from the severe
defeat they had met in 1840; and in 1844 they were sectionally
divided on the question of slavery. These conditions gave the
Whigs a decided advantage in the early stages of the campaign,
and made them confident of success. And but for several
fortuitous causes, it is almost certain Mr. Clay would have de-
feated Mr. Polk. The withdrawal of Mr. Tyler as a candidate
certainly gave Polk the electoral vote of Virginia; and the candi-
dacy of Birney gave Mr. Polk the electoral votes of New York
and Michigan. It is also very probable that the Mormons help-
ed to win the electoral vote of Illinois for the Democratic ticket.
In the pamphlet he issued to announce himself a candidate for
President, Joseph Smith declared for immediate possession of
Oregon and the annexation of Texas. The closing sentences of
his pamphlet were: "My voice would be, come, Yea, come Texas;
come Mexico, come Canada; and come all the world-let us be
brethren; let us be one family; and let there be universal peace."
It is reasonable to suppose that the Mormons gave their support
to Polk and Dallas.
The thrilling contest between the two great political
parties resulted in the election of Polk and Dallas. They re-
ceived 170 of the electoral votes of the States, and Clay and
Frelinghuysen got only 105 electoral votes. Of the popular
vote Polk received 1,337,243; Clay 1,299,062; and Birney, the
Abolitionists candidate, 62,300. The Whigs at the North tried
to get Birney to withdraw as a candidate. If they had suc-
ceeded in this, Mr. Clay would, no doubt, have secured the elect-
176
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
oral votes of New York and Michigan and been elected Presi-
dent of the United States.
Mr. Polk's majority over Clay in Virginia was 5,893. The
vote in the counties west of New River was as follows:
For Clay
For Polk
Giles
267
350
Grayson
150
331
Lee
237
578
Pulaski
166
174
Russell
414
416
Scott
276
531
Smyth
275
371
Tazewell
100
-627
371
723
2,565
4,654
Washington
Wythe
The ten counties west of New River gave Polk and Dallas
2,089 majority. In the counties east of New River and west of
the Blue Ridge, that still constitute a part of Appalachian Vir-
ginia---then fourteen in number-Polk and Dallas got 3,449
majority. And in the counties now embraced in the bounds of
West Virginia-thirty one in number-the Democratic candi-
dates got a scant majority of 451. The total majority of Polk
and Dallas in the Virginia counties west of the Blue Ridge was
5,989. This shows that the counties east of the Blue Ridge
gave 96 majority for Mr. Clay, the Whig candidate.
Possibly the most serious mistake made by the Whigs was
their contemptious attitude toward the masses of the plain peo-
ple. They made the blunder that the Hamiltonians committed
in their battles with Jefferson and Madison; and that was made
by the Federalists in their struggles with Jackson. The Whigs
assumed as did the Federalists-that they were of a superior
class, and in conflict with the ignorant and turbulent masses
who composed the Democratic party. And the Whig newspa-
pers and orators even scorned to dignify the Polk party by call-
ing it the Democratic party. Derisively they spoke of it as the
"Locofoco" party. This name was applied to the extreme por-
tion of the Democratic party from an incident that occurred at
a meeting in Tammany Hall, New York, in 1834. The origin
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
177
of the name, "Locofoco," is given in Webster's unabridged Dic-
tionary.
The Administration of James K. Polk was stormy and event-
ful. During his term as President the war with Mexico was
fought and won by the United States. A bill for the appropri-
ation of $2,000,000 was introduced in the House of Representa-
tives to supply the President with necessary funds to obtain
the cession of desired territory. It was to this bill that David
Wilmot, of Pennsylvania, introduced his celebrated "Proviso"
for the restriction of slavery in any newly acquired territory,
without any regard for the line established by the Missouri
Compromise. The amendment was as follows:
"Provided, further, That there shall be neither slavery nor
involuntary servitude in any territory on the continent of
America which shall hereafter be acquired by or annexed to the
United States by virtue of this appropriation, or in any manner
whatever, except for crimes whereof they shall have been duly
convicted: Provided always, That any person escaping into such.
territory from whom labor or servitude is lawfully claimed in
any one of the United States, such fugitive may be lawfully re-
claimed, and conveyed out of said territory to the person claim-
ing his or her labor or service."
Upon the motion of Hannibal Hamlin of Maine, who was
then a Democrat, the Wilmot Proviso was brought before the
House in the Committee of the Whole. The representatives
from the Southern States employed every tactical means to
prevent its adoption as an amendment to the Appropriation
Bill. After much confusion from points of order, fruitless mo-
tions and vain propositions, the committee rose and reported
the bill as amended. The Proviso was then adopted by a vote
of 115 yeas to 106 nays. The question then recurred on the
passage of the Appropriation Bill as amended by the Wilmot
Proviso, and the bill was passed by a vote of 115 yeas to 105
nays.
Virginia had fifteen members of the House of Representa-
tives, and they voted solidly against the Appropriation Bill as
amended by the Wilmot Proviso. The Virginia members were:
Arch Atkinson, Thos. H. Bailey, Henry Badinger, W. G. Brown,
178
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
A. A. Chapman, G. C. Dromgool, George W. Hopkins, Edmund
W. Hubard, Robert M. T. Hunter, Joseph Johnson, Shelton F.
Leake, John S. Pendelton, Jas. A. Seddon, and Wm. M. Tread-
Mr. Pendelton was an uncle of the author and the only
Whig Representative from Virginia, which gave him the name
of "The Lone Star."
way.
The Appropriation Bill was defeated in the Senate by a
vote of 31 to 21, because it was weighted down by the Wilmot
amendment. John C. Calhoun had been returned to the Senate
from South Carolina. He was so provoked by the determined
effort of the members of Congress from the Free States to pre-
vent the extension of slavery into any newly acquired territory,
that he introduced resolutions which embodied the views of the
strict constructionists. The resolutions were as follows:
"Resolved, That the Territories of the United States belong
to the several States composing the Union, and are held by
them as their joint and common property.
"Resolved, That Congress as the joint agent and represen-
tative of the States of the Union, has no right to make any law,
or do any act whatever, that shall directly, or by its effects,
make any discrimination between the States of this Union by
which any of them shall be deprived of its full and equal right
in any territory of the United States acquired or to be so ac-
quired.
"Resolved, That the enactment of any law, which shall di-
rectly, or by its effects, deprive citizens of any of the States of
this Union from emigrating with their property into any of the
Territories of the United States, will make such discrimination,
and would, therefore, be a violation of the Constitution, and
the rights of the States from which such citizens emigrated, and
in derogation of their perfect equality, which belongs to them.
as members of this Union, and would tend directly to subvert
the Union itself."
Mr. Calhoun's resolutions set forth clearly the right of the
citizens who were slaveholders, under the provisions of the
Constitution, to move into any one of the Territories of the
United States with their slaves, and to continue to hold them
there as personal property. And the Calhoun resolutions em-
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
179
phatically dispute the authority of Congress to abrogate this
right, as was contemplated by the Wilmot Proviso.
Mr. Wilmot was a Democrat, and his Proviso recognized
the right of the slaveholders to pursue and reclaim their slaves
who had sought freedom and refuge in any of the free States
of the Union. But he was opposed to the extension of slavery
as a domestic institution. He, no doubt, foresaw that slavery
could not continue to exist in our republic, just as Thomas Jef-
ferson had foreseen in 1776, when he advocated the emancipa-
tion and colonization of the negro slaves then in Virginia. To
this extent, Mr. Wilmot was a Jeffersonian Democrat, and clear-
ly it was his desire to have slavery abolished by emancipation,
rather than by the means of force, of which Mr. Jefferson said
"human nature must shudder at the prospect."
The Wilmot Proviso and the Calhoun Resolutions made a
clear cut issue between the strict constructionists and their
opponents, and provoked animated and heated debates in both
Houses of Congress. While the debate in the House of Repre-
sentatives was in progress, Rev. Seaborn Jones, of Georgia,
arose and spoke in defence of the war then being waged against
Mexico. He assailed the Wilmot Proviso, and made an elabo-
rate argument in favor of slavery as being sustained by the
holy scripture in both the old and new Testament, and as suit-
ing and properly befitting the varied relations and states of
many portions of the human family. His utterances were so
extreme coming as they did from one who wore the cloth of
the Prince of Peace-that they provoked a sharp retort from
Washington Hunt, a member from New York. Mr. Hunt
"congratulated the Reverend gentleman for his pulpit success
and his new vocation."
While the Wilmot Proviso and the Calhoun Resolutions were
engaging the attention of Congress, they excited great inter-
est in most of the States of the Union. The legislatures of
nine of the non-slaveholding states-Pennsylvania, New Jersey,
New York, Rhode Island, Vermont, New Hampshire, Massachu-
setts, Ohio, and Michigan-gave their sanction to the Proviso.
Some of them passed resolutions denouncing slavery as "a great
calamity and an immense moral and political evil," protesting
against its further extension; and instructing their Senators
180
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
and Representatives in Congress to resist its introduction into
any other States or Territories of the United States. At the
same time the Southern States began to protest against the
Proviso and give approval to the views embodied in Mr. Cal-
houn's resolutions. The General Assembly of Virginia passed
the following impressive and expressive resolutions:
"Be it unanimously resolved by the General Assembly of
Virginia, That the government of the United States has no con-
trol, directly or indirectly, mediately or immediately, over the
institution of slavery; and that, in taking any such control, it
transcends the limits of its legitimate functions by destroying
the internal organization of the sovereignties who created it.
"Resolved unanimously, That under no circumstances will
this body recognize as binding any enactment of the Federal
government which has for its object the prohibition of slavery
in any territory to be acquired either by conquest or treaty;
holding it to be the natural and indefeasible right of each and
every citizen of each and every State of the Confederacy, to re-
side with his property, of whatever description, in any territory
which may be acquired by the armies of the United States, or
yielded by treaty with any foreign power.
"Resolved unanimously, That this general assembly holds
it to be the duty of every man, in every section of the Confed-
eracy, if the Union is dear to him, to oppose the passage of any
law, for whatever purpose by which territory to be acquired
may be subject to such a restriction.
"Resolved unanimously, That the passage of the above
mentioned proviso makes it the duty of every slaveholding
State, and all the citizens thereof as they value their dearest
privileges, their sovereignty, their independence, their rights
of property, to take firm, united and concerted action in this
emergency."
The two million dollar bill was passed by the House but
failed of final action in the Senate by a filibuster which was led
by John Davis, a Senator from Massachusetts. At the next
session of Congress the two million dollar bill was enlarged to
three millions; and the Administration had gained sufficient
strength in both Houses to secure the passage of the bill with-
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
181
out the proviso being attached. Though the Administration
had won a notable victory in securing the passage of the appro-
priation bill free of the Wilmot amendment, the Democrats had
met a disaster in the Congressional elections the preceding fall,
when a new Congress was elected. At that election the Whigs
and Free-Soilers had won a majority in the House of Represen-
tatives; and it was certain that the Southern Representatives
would be blocked in any future effort to extend slavery into
any territory that would be acquired from Mexico.
At the Congressional election in 1846 Andrew Fulton, of
Wythe County, was elected to the Thirtieth Congress to repre-
sent the district composed of the counties of Grayson, Lee,
Pulaski, Russell, Scott, Smyth, Tazewell, Washington, and
Wythe. Fulton was a Whig and was the last man of that party
to represent this district in Congress. He was opposed by
Fayette McMullen-the Democratic candidate who became.
from that time until his death a conspicuous figure in the poli-
tics of Southwest Virginia. Fulton received 2,084 against
2,078 votes for McMullen. This scant majority of six votes
for Fulton is hard to account for. At the election in 1844
James K. Polk, the Democratic Presidential candidate, received
approximately two thousand majority in the district over Hen-
ry Clay, the idol of the Whigs. Judge Fulton's election must
have been largely due to his wonderful personal popularity.
And it is more than probable that he favored the annexation of
Texas, and approved of the war with Mexico, both of which
were popular in this section of Appalachian Virginia.
The war with Mexico was brought to a successful termina-
tion by the Americans; and on the 2nd of February, 1848, a
treaty of peace was negotiated between the United States and
the Republic of Mexico. By this treaty the extensive territory
then known as New Mexico and Upper California was ceded to
the United States; and this cession precipitated a struggle be-
tween the anti-slavery and pro-slavery advocates for control of
the new territory. Previous to the making of a treaty an ani-
mated controversy, involving the slavery question, had been
going on in Congress over the territorial organization of Ore-
gon. The leaders of both of the great National parties were
anxious to eliminate the slavery question from the approaching
182
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
Presidential campaign; and they thought this could be accom-
plished by a compromise measure. Accordingly, the matter
was referred to eight members of the United States Senate,
which committee was representative of every sectional interest.
involved. A compromise bill was finally adopted, and signed
by the President on the 12th of August, 1848. The bill provid-
ed that the Legislature of Oregon Territory should enact laws
in conformity with the wishes of the people on the question of
slavery. As its people had already pronounced against the
introduction of slavery, Oregon, necessarily, became a free ter-
ritory. New Mexico and California also had been a bone of
contention between the pro-slavery and the anti-slavery mem-
bers of Congress by giving the governors and judges of those
two Territories the power to make such legislation as was need-
ed for their government; but restraining them from passing
any laws on the subject of slavery; and vesting authority in
the Supreme Court to determine, if called upon so to do, wheth-
er slaveholders could settle in either of the Territories with
their slaves while the temporary governments were existing.
Two of the most noted figures in American politics died during
President Polk's Administration. General Andrew Jackson
died at the Hermitage on the 8th of June, 1845, at the age of
seventy-eight; and John Quincy Adams died in Washington on
the 23rd of February, 1848. Stephens in his History of the
United States, says: "On the 4th of March, 1849, Mr. Polk re-
tired to his home in Tennessee. His administration had been
a stormy one. It will, however, always be distinguished in his-
tory by its eminently wise financial and revenue policy, the
settlement of the Oregon question with England, and the im-
mense acquisition of territory from Mexico. During its period,
also, great lustre was added to the military renown of the
United States."
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
183
CHAPTER XII.
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN 1848-LEWIS CASS DEMOCRATIC CANDI-
DATE-MARTIN VAN BUREN NOMINATED BY BARNBURNERS OF
NEW YORK-GEN. ZACHARY TAYLOR THE WHIG CANDIDATE-
THE WHIGS ELECTED TAYLOR BUT HE DIED JULY 9, 1850-
VICE PRESIDENT FILLMORE BECAME PRESIDENT—
VIRGINIA CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION.
In 1848 another Presidential election came off. The De-
mocratic party at the North, especially in New York, had be-
come seriously disorganized by factional fights. Mr. Van Bu-
ren remained sore and resentful toward the Southern Demo-
crats for procuring his defeat for the nomination in 1844. The
party in New York had been divided into two bitterly hostile
factions. One faction bore the name of "Hunkers," were ad-
herents of President Polk, and were led by William L. Marcy,
then Secretary of War. The other was called "Barnburners,"
were followers of Mr. Van Buren, and under the leadership of
Governor Silas Wright. In fact, the Hunkers represented the
pro-slavery wing, and the Barnburners the anti-slavery wing of
the Democratic party, and were products of the quarrel pro-
voked by the annexation of Texas. The Democratic National
Convention met at Baltimore on the 22nd of May, 1848. New
York State had two full delegations present, one composed of
Hunkers and the other of Barnburners, each delegation claim-
ing the right to sit in the convention to the exclusion of the
other. The National Convention attempted to heal the breach
in the party by the usual method of admitting both delegations,
with authority to jointly cast the vote of their State. But the
Barnburners would not accede to the compromise and with-
drew from the convention. The Hunkers wisley concluded
that it would be expedient for them to take no part in the pro-
ceedings, and refrained from casting the vote of New York
State. The two-thirds rule was adhered to and 170 votes were
necessary to a choice of the candidates. On the 4th ballot Gen-
eral Lewis Cass received 179 votes and was declared the nomi-
184
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
nee of the party for President. William O. Butler, of Ken-
tucky, was nominated on the 3rd ballot for Vice President. The
Democrats were alarmed by the growing anti-slavery sentiment
in their party in the Northern and Western States, and sought
to keep the slavery question out of the campaign. After the
candidates had been nominated, William L. Yancy, of Alabama,
offered the following resolution, which was rejected: Yeas 36;
nays, 216:
"Resolved, That the doctrine of non-interference with the
rights of property of any portion of the people of this Confed-
eracy, be it the States or Territories thereof, by any other than
the parties interested in them, is the true Republican doctrine
represented by this body."
The Whigs held their National Convention at Philadelphia
on June 7th, 1848. Remembering that the only success they
had achieved at a Presidential election since the organization
of their party was with a military hero for their candidate, the
Whigs resolved to win another victory in 1848 with a similar
standard bearer. General Zachary Taylor had made a great rep-
utation in the war with Mexico, where, by winning a series of
victories from Mexican generals and against enormous odds, his
soldiers had bestowed upon him the name of "Old Rough and
Ready." Mr. Clay was again eager to be made the Presidential
candidate of the party, and Mr. Webster was again seeking the
nomination. But the convention nominated General Zachary Tay-
lor for President and Millard Fillmore, of New York, for Vice
President; and declined to make a platform for their candidates.
They thus sought to avoid taking sides with the anti-slavery
men of the North or the pro-slavery men of the South. When
they were sneered at by the Democrats for failure to promul-
gate a platform of principles, the Whigs would declare: "The
Whig platform is well known and immutable. It is the broad
platform of the Constitution, with the acknowledged right of
the people to do or demand anything authorized by that instru-
ment and denying the powers of our rulers to do anything in
violation of its provisions." With this exalted declaration, the
Whigs prosecuted with much vigor what they called a "Star
and Stripe" campaign. An effort, however, was made to make
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
185
the convention take a stand on the slavery question. D. R.
Tilden, of Ohio, proposed a resolution, expressing the opinion
that some such declaration by the convention would be neces
sary, in order to secure the vote of Ohio for the nominee. The
president of the convention promptly ruled it out of order.
The resolution was as follows:
"Resolved, That while all power is denied to Congress un-
der the Constitution to control, or in any way interfere with
the institution of slavery within the several states of the Un-
ion, it nevertheless has the power and it is the duty of Con-
gress to prohibit the introduction or existence of slavery in any
territory now possessed, or which may hereafter be acquired
by the United States."
The Barnburners of New York had been intensely anger-
ed by the proceedings of the National Convention that had
nominated Cass and Butler for President and Vice President.
They met in convention at Utica, on the 22nd of June, 1848.
Delegates were also in attendance from Ohio, Wisconsin and
Massachusetts. The convention nominated Martin Van Buren
for President and Henry Dodge, of Wisconsin for Vice Presi-
dent; but General Dodge subsequently refused to accept the
nomination. On the 9th of August following, a convention
was held at Buffalo. The convention was attended by delegates
from the states of Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachu
setts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York, New Jersey,
Pennsylvania, Maryland, Delaware, Virginia, Illinois, Wiscon-
sin, Michigan, Indiana, Iowa and the District of Columbia.
Charles Francis Adams of Massachusetts, presided; and the
convention nominated Martin Van Buren for President and
Charles Francis Adams for Vice President. A very ample plat-
form was adopted by the body which was styled the "Free Dem-
ocratic Convention." From the platform we cul! the follow-
ing:
"Whereas, we have assembled in Convention, as a union of
freemen, for the sake of freedom, forgetting all past political
differences in a common resolve to maintain the rights of free
labor against the aggressions of the Slave Power, and to secure
free soil to a free people.
186
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
"And Whereas, The political Conventions recently assem-
bled at Baltimore and Philadelphia, the one stifling the voice of
a great constituency, entitled to be heard in its deliberations,
and the other abandoning its distinctive principles for mere
availability, have dissolved the National party organizations
heretofore existing, by nominating for the Chief Magistracy
of the United States, under the slaveholding dictation, candi-
dates, neither of whom can be be supported by the opponents
of Slavery Extension without a sacrifice of consistency, duty
and self-respect.
"And Whereas, These nominations so made, furnish the oc-
casion and demonstrate the necessity of the union of the people
under the banner of Free Democracy, in a solemn formal de-
claration of their independence of the slave power, and of their
fixed determination to rescue the Federal Government from its
control;
"Resolved, therefore, That we, the people here assembled,
remembering the example of our fathers, in the days of the
First Declaration of Independence, putting our trust in God for
the triumph of our cause and invoking his guidance in our en-
deavors to advance it, do now plant ourselves upon the National
platform of Freedom in opposition to the sectional platform of
Slavery.
"Resolved, That slavery in the several states of this union
which recognize its existence, depends upon State laws alone,
which can not be repealed or modified by the Federal Govern-
ment, and for which laws that government is not responsible.
We, therefore, propose no interference by Congress with Slav-
ery within the limits of any State.
**********
"Resolved, That we accept the issue which the slave power
has forced upon us; and to their demand for more Slave States,
and more Slave Territory, our calm but final answer is, no more
Slave States and no more Slave Territory. Let the soil of our
extensive domains be kept free for the hardy pioneers of our
own land, and the oppressed and banished of other lands, seek-
ing homes of comfort and fields of enterprise in the world."
There were other significant resolutions in the platform of
the "Free Democracy" of equal import on the slavery question.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
187
The candidacy of Martin Van Buren on this platform brought
present disaster to the National Democratic party and com-
plete future destruction to the National Whig party. As soon
as it was understood that the Whigs contemplated making Gen-
eral Taylor their Presidential candidate, he was addressed by
numerous correspondents who wanted to ascertain his opinions
on the various important political questions that were then agi-
tating the public mind. He wrote two letters to Captain J. S.
Allison, a prominent Whig of Louisiana. These two letters.
were in fact the platform upon which he was nominated by
the Whig Convention. The first letter to Captain Allison, was,
in part, as follows:
"I confess, while I have great cardinal principles which
will regulate my political life, I am not sufficiently familiar
with all the minute details of political legislation to give solemn
pledges to exert myself to carry out this or defeat that mea-
sure. I have no concealment. I hold no opinion which I would
not readily proclaim to my assembled countrymen; but crude
impressions upon matters of policy, which may be right today
and wrong tomorrow, are, perhaps, not the best tests of fitness
for office. One who can not be trusted without pledges can
not be confided in merely on account of them.
"First: I will reiterate what I have so often said: I am a
Whig. If elected I would not be the mere President of a party,
I would endeavor to act independent of party domination. I
should feel bound to administer the government untrammelled
by party schemes.
"Second. The veto power. The veto power given by the
Constitution to the executive to interpose his veto is a high
conservative power; but in my opinion should never be exercis-
ed except in cases of clear violation of the Constitution, or mani-
fest haste and want of consideration by Congress. Indeed I
have thought that for many years past, the known opinions and
wishes of the executive have exercised an undue and injurious
influence upon the legislative department of the government;
and for this cause I have thought our system was in danger of
undergoing a great change from its true theory. The personal
opinions of the individual who may happen to occupy the execu-
tive chair ought not to control the action of Congress upon
188
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
questions of domestic policy; nor ought his objections to be in-
terposed where questions of constitutional power have been
settled by the various departments of government, and acqui-
esced in by the people.
"Third. Upon the subject of the tariff, the currency, the
improvement of our great highways, rivers, lakes, and harbors,
the will of the people as expressed through their representa-
tives in Congress, ought to be respected and carried out by the
executive.
"Fourth. The Mexican War. I sincerely rejoice at the
prospect of peace. My life has been devoted to arms, yet I
look upon war, at all times and under all circumstances as a
national calamity, to be avoided if compatible with the national
honor. The principles of our government, as well as its true
policy, is opposed to the subjugation of other nations and the
dismemberment of other countries by conquest. In the lan-
guage of the great Washington, 'Why should we quit our own to
stand on foreign grounds.' In the Mexican War our national
honor was vindicated; and in dictating terms of peace, we may
well afford to be forebearing and magnanimous to a fallen foe."
The opinions thus expressed by General Taylor indicate
that he was influenced by honest purpose, and was imbued with
the spirit of true Americanism. His declarations: "One who
can not be trusted without pledges can not be confided in mere-
ly on account of them;" and "I should feel bound to administer
the government untrammelled by party schemes" are truly
commendable and are worthy of acceptance and practice by
each and every citizen whom the American people may in the
prolonged life of the Republic exalt to the station of President.
The campaign in 1848 was very quietly conducted by both the
Whigs and the Democrats, being comparatively free from the
excitement and enthusiasm that featured the campaign of 1844.
The election resulted favorably to the Whig candidates. Taylor
and Fillmore received 163 of the electoral votes of the States,
and Cass and Butler received 127. Taylor's election was due
to the division in the Democratic party and the candidacy of
Martin Van Buren. The latter got 120,510 votes in the State
of New York, and this gave the Whigs a plurality of the pop-
ular vote of that State. The votes that were polled for Van
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
189
Buren would have certainly gone for Cass, if Mr. Van Buren
had remained true to the Democratic party as he did in 1844.
And the 36 electoral votes of New York would have given Cass
163 electoral votes to Taylor's 127. In other words, the result
of the election would have been exactly reversed. The Demo-
cratic candidates won the thirteen electoral votes of Virginia,
with a popular majority of 1,462 in the State. And again it
was the majorities given by the counties of Appalachian Vir-
ginia that saved the State for the Democrats. The following
shows the vote given by the counties west of New River:
Taylor
Cass
Giles
274
342
Grayson
193
200
Lee
324
521
Pulaski
131
141
Russell
482
316
Scott
296
452
Smyth
326
309
Tazewell
215
548
Washington
485
679
Wythe
347
336
Total
3,073
3.844
The majority for Cass in the counties west of New River
was only 761. It was by far the smallest majority they had
ever given a Democratic Presidential candidate. The three
counties of Wythe, Smyth and Russell were the first of the
group to ever give a Whig or Opposition candidate for Presi-
dent a majority. The fifteen counties east of New River that
were then and are still a part of Appalachian Virginia gave
Cass 3,228 majority. But the counties of Augusta, Clarke,
Rockbridge, and Montgomery were carried by the Whigs. There
were thirty-four counties that then constituted a part of Ap-
palachian Virginia, but that are now in the bounds of West Vir-
ginia. These thirty-four counties gave Cass only 39 majority.
The total majority for Cass in Virginia west of the Blue Ridge
was 4,038, and the Whigs got a majority of 2,566 in the counties.
east of the Blue Ridge.
The result of the 1848 election in the Thirteenth Congress-
ional District-then composed of the counties of Grayson, Lee,
190
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
Carroll, Russell, Scott, Smyth, Tazewell, Washington and Wythe
--was very extraordinary. General Cass, the Democratic can-
didate for President, received only 693 majority in the nine
counties. Fayette McMullen was for the second time the candi-
date of the Democrats for Congress. He had been defeated in
1846 by Andrew J. Fulton, the Whig candidate, by a vote of
2,084 for Fulton 2,078 for McMullen. In 1848 McMullen got
4,421 votes and his Whig opponent, John B. George, received
2,226, a majority of 2, 155 for McMullen. The majority for
McMullen was more than three times as large as the majority
for General Cass.
The 4th of March, 1849, came on Sunday; and this neces-
sarily postponed the inauguration of the President-elect until
Monday, the 5th of March. On that day Zachary Taylor was
inaugurated twelfth President of the United States. His Cabi-
net consisted of John M. Clayton, of Delaware, Secretary of
State; William M. Meredith, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of
Treasury; George W. Crawford, of Georgia, Secretary of War;
William Ballard Preston, of Virginia, Secretary of the Navy;
Thomas Ewing of Ohio, Secretary of the Interior; Jacob Calla-
mar, of Vermont, Postmaster General, and Reverdy Johnson, of
Maryland, Attorney General. The Thirty-first Congress com-
menced its first session on December the 5th, 1849. Mr. Ste-
phens says: "This was the longest and stormiest session of Con-
gress ever before assembled, not excepting those in which the
Missouri agitation had excited so much alarm. It is known as
the 'Congress of 1850.""
The Democrats had a working majority in the Thirtieth
Congress; and under President Polk's Administration the vast
domain of New Mexico and Upper California had been acquir-
ed. The Democrats had not only been defeated in the Presi-
dential election of 1848, but had also lost their majority in the
House of Representatives. In the preceding Congress the
Southern Representatives both Whigs and Democrats-had
persistently contended that slaveholders had the constitutional
right to settle with their slaves in any part of the Territories
of the United States. This contention had been as persistently
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
191
resisted by the Whig and Democratic Representatives from the
Free States.
President Taylor in his first message to Congress, when it
convened in December, 1849, recommended that California,
with her anti-slavery Constitution, be promptly admitted to the
Union. He also made recommendations with regard to New
Mexico that were obnoxious to the pro-slavery people of the
South. His message was angrily received at the South, but
added largely to his popularity at the North.
From that time onward the slavery question was an ab-
sorbing topic in the deliberations of the long session of Con-
gress. Early in the session the Southern Whigs, under the
leadership of Robert Toombs, of Georgia, separated from the
Northern Whigs, who were almost solidly opposed to the fur-
ther extension of slavery. The following is quoted from the
authors History of Tazewell County and Southwest Virginia:
"Mr. Clay, having failed in 1848 to secure a second nomina-
tion for the Presidency from the Whigs, had been sent again
by his Kentucky friends to the United States Senate. Though
grievously disappointed in his Presidential aspirations, the
grand old statesman was eager to procure an amicable arrange-
ment of all questions in controversy between the Free and Slave
States growing out of the subject of slavery. He sought to ac-
complish his lofty purpose by introducing a series of resolu-
tions, setting forth the measures he believed would terminate
the sectional animosities that were being aroused by the pro-
longed agitation of the slavery question. The resolutions were
referred to a committee of thirteen, of which Mr. Clay was
made chairman. After duly considering the several resolu-
tions, the committee incorporated them in a single bill, which
was named "The Omnibus Bill." The Administration was firm-
ly opposed to Mr. Clay's compromise scheme, as it contravened
some of the most important recommendations President Taylor
had made in his message to Congress. A prolonged and acrim-
onious debate followed the introduction of the Omnibus Bill,
that was not ended until President Taylor's death, which came
suddenly on the 9th of July, 1850.
"Mr. Fillmore, who had been elevated to the Presidency by
the death of President Taylor, was in full sympathy with Mr.
192
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
Clay's measures of Compromise; but the friends of the deceased
President antagonized the Omnibus Bill so vigorously that it
could not be passed in its entirety. Mr. Clay and his associates
then resorted to the use of separate bills to secure the passage
of their Compromise measures. A bill was passed for the or-
ganization of the Territory of Utah, and which placed freedom
and slavery upon the same plane in that territory. Other
separate bills were then passed, providing for the admission of
California as a State of the Union; for the organization of New
Mexico as a Territory; for the adjustment of the disputed Texas
boundary line; for the more effective recovery of fugitive
slaves; and for abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia.
The leaders of both political parties, with a few except-
ions, were well satisfied with the Compromise, and expressed
confident belief that the slavery question had been effectually
adjusted. But a few prominent Whigs at the North, led by
William H. Seward, Benjamin Wade, and others, had persis-
tently opposed the Compromise measures. Subsequently they
organized a revolt in their party at the North against President
Fillmore's Administration that brought crushing defeat to the
Whigs in the next Presidential election. On the other hand,.
the Democrats of all sections of the Union became compactly
united in support of the Compromise; and the Southern Whigs
were equally earnest in its support.
VIRGINIA CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION 1850-1851
An event of momentous importance in the political history
of Virginia occurred in 1850. That event was the calling and
holding of a convention to frame a new Constitution for the
State. Thomas Jefferson had very early in its life been con-
vinced that the Constitution of 1776-which had been hastily
drawn was defective and crude in many particulars; and did
not conform to the Virginia Bill of Rights, on which it was sup-
posed to be based. He, and those who thought alike with him,
strived earnestly for the elimination of the faults and defects
of the organic law of the State. In 1816 the Republicans in
Virginia the political disciples of Jefferson-were urgently
demanding the holding of a convention for the revision of the
Constitution of the State. Mr. Jefferson was then leading a
quiet and retired life at Monticello; and was devoting the ener-
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
193
gies of his advanced years to the problems of popular education,
agriculture, and domestic affairs. He was solicited by a num-
ber of his political disciples to make known his views on the sub-
ject of making a new Constitution for Virginia.
Reluctantly because he had separated himself as nearly
as possible from all political controversies he wrote a letter to
Samuel Kircheval, dated "Monticello, July 12, 1816." In this
letter he demonstrated the imperfections of the Constitution of
1776, and offered suggestions as to how these imperfections
might be corrected. Referring to the inequality in the appor-
tionment of representation then existent in the Commonwealth,
Mr. Jefferson said: "The infancy of the subject at that moment
(when the Constitution was framed), and our experience of
self-government, occasioned gross departures in that draught
from genuine republican canons.
In truth, the abuses of mon-
archy had so much filled all the space of political contemplation,
that we imagined everything republican which was not mon-
archy. We had not yet penetrated to the mother principle,
that 'governments are republican in proportion as they embody
the will of the people, and execute it.' Hence our first consti-
tutions had really no leading principle in them.
But expe-
rience and reflection have but more and more confirmed me in
the particular importance of the equal representation then pro-
posed. Mr. Jefferson declared that the "inequality of repre-
sentation in both houses of our Legislature, is not the only re-
publican heresy in this first essay of our revolutionary patriots
at forming a constitution." He then says: "In the Legislature,
the House of Representatives is chosen by less than half the
people, and not at all in proportion to those who do choose. The
Senate are still more disproportionate, and for long terms of
irresponsibility." He then severely condemned the manner of
choosing the governor, the judges, and other officers, state and
county entirely independent of the choice of the people. Af-
ter discussing the vices of the State government as administer-
ed under the Constitution of 1776, Mr. Jefferson proceeded to
make suggestions about the organization of our county govern-
ments as follows:
"The organization of our county administrations may be
more difficult. But follow principle, and the knot unties itself.
194
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
Divide the county into wards (our present magisterial dis-
tricts) of such size as that every citizen can attend when called
on and act in person. Ascribe to them the government of their
wards in all things relating to themselves exclusively. A jus-
tice, chosen by themselves, in each; a constable, a military com-
pany, a patrol, a school; the care of their own poor, their por-
tion of the public roads; the choice of one or more jurors to
serve in some court, and the delivery, within their own wards,
of their votes for all elective officers of higher sphere, will re-
lieve the county administration of nearly all its business, will
have it better done, and by making every citizen an acting
member of the government, and in the officers nearest and most
interesting to him, will attach him by his strongest feelings to
the independence of his country, and its republican constitu-
tion. The justices thus chosen by every ward would constitute
the county court, would do its judiciary business, direct roads
and bridges, levy county and poor rates, and administer all the
matters of common interest to the whole county. These wards,
called townships in New England, are the vital principle of
their governments, and have proved themselves the wisest in-
vention ever devised by the wit of man for the perfect exercise
of self-government, and for its preservation. We should thus
marshal our Government into, 1. The General Federal republic,
for all concerns foreign and federal; 2. That of the State, for
what relates to our citizens exclusively; 3. The county republic,
for the duties and concerns of the county; and 4. The ward re-
publics, for the small, and yet numerous concerns of the neigh-
borhood: and in government, as well as in every other business
of life, it is by division and subdivision of duties alone, that all
matters, great and small, can be managed to perfection. And
the whole is cemented by giving to every citizen, personally, a
part in the administration of public affairs.
"The sum of these amendments is: 1. General suffrage; 2.
Equal representation in the Legislature; 3. An Executive chos-
en by the people. 4. Judges elective or amovable; 5. Justices,
jurors, and sheriffs elective; 6. Ward divisions; and, 7. Periodi-
cal amendments of the Constitution.
"I have thrown out these, as loose heads of amendment for
consideration and correction; and their object is to secure self-
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
195
government by the republicanism of our Constitution, as well
as by the spirit of the people; and to nourish and perpetuate
that spirit. I am not among those who fear the people. They,
and not the rich, are our dependence for continued freedom.
And to preserve their independence, we must not let our rulers
load us with perpetual debt. We must make our election be-
tween economy and liberty, or profusion and servitude. If we
run into such debts, *** we must be taxed in our meat and in
our drink, in our necessaries and our comforts, in our labors
and our amusements, for our callings and our creeds. **** A
departure from principle in one instance becomes a precedent
for a second; that second for a third; and so on, till the bulk of
society is reduced to be mere automatons of misery, to have no
sensibilities left but for sinning and suffering. Then begins,
indeed, the bellum omnium in omnia, which some philosophers
observing to be so general in this world, have mistaken it for
the natural, instead of the abusive state of man. And the fore-
horse of this frightful team is public debt. Taxation follows
that, and in its train, wretchedness and oppression."
Mr. Jefferson died on the 4th of July, 1826, without wit-
nessing such revision of the organic law of Virginia as would
make it conform to "genuine republican canons." But he had
planted the idea of reform in the minds of the people of Appa-
lachian Virginia; and they made unceasing demands for a re-
vision of the State Constitution on Jeffersonian lines. The
General Assembly passed an act on the 4th of March, 1850, sub-
mitting to the people the question: "Shall there be a Conven-
tion to amend the Constitution of this Commonwealth?" In
the month of April following an election was held and a large
majority was given in favor of a convention. The State was
divided into thirty-seven districts; and provision was made for
the election of delegates, the election to be held on the fourth
Thursday in August, 1850. It soon became evident that the
opinions of Thomas Jefferson-expressed in the letter he wrote
to Samuel Kercheval-had been absorbed and assimilated by
the electors of the counties west of the Blue Ridge. This was
evidenced by the fact that even the Whig candidates favored
the Jeffersonian theories for the revision of the Constitution.
James W. Sheffey, an able and distinguished lawyer of Marion,
196
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
Smyth County, became a candidate for election as one of the
delegates from the district composed of the counties of Wythe,
Smyth, and Washington. In 1913 the author came into posses-
sion of a circular letter Mr. Sheffey addressed to "The People of
Smyth, Wythe and Washington." From that circular letter
the following extracts are quoted:
"Our system of State government needs reform. It is not
as republican as it should be. Indeed it is as far from being
republican as it was when it first came from the hands of its
framers in the infancy of the republic, when, as Mr. Jefferson
says, 'we imagined every thing republican which was not mon-
archy.' Virginia has not kept pace with her sister and daugh-
ter states, and with the spirit and progress of the age, in im-
provements, especially in the science of government.
"The rights and safety of the people should be the aim and
end of all government. Ours is the people's government, and
experience has proved that the people can govern themselves.
But they are not allowed to do so under the existing constitu-
tion. They are not equally represented. Many who have to
perform the duties are denied the rights of citizens.
"I am opposed to any property qualification of the right of
suffrage. Neither land, horses, clocks, nor other taxable pro-
perty can qualify their owners to vote. *** I think the labor-
er, or the young man, who bears his part in the support, or in
the defense of his country, should vote, whether he has taxable
property or not. Further, no man should be denied the right.
to vote because he is unable to pay his tax.
"I am in favor of the people electing all their officers, from
the governor to the constable without exception. ***
"Let the people dispense the power and patronage which
belongs to them, so that the humblest citizen may aspire to
and attain if he deserves the highest honor in the gift of the
people."
Mr. Sheffey-though he was a Whig-emphatically pro-
nounced himself the advocate of popular government, manhood
suffrage, local self-government, equal representation, and the
right of the people to choose all their officers, "from the gover-
nor to the constable without exception." However, he was not
elected a delegate to the convention. Three Democrats-who
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
197
were members of the party that Mr. Jefferson had founded and
that Jackson had made the party' of the masses- were elected
delegates to represent the district composed of the counties of
Wythe, Smyth and Washington. These three were: Benjamin
Rush Floyd, Thomas Tate, and George W. Hopkins. The author
in his early boyhood days knew all these three gentlemen, and
heard them ably expound Jeffersonian principles of govern-
ment on the hustings and in the social circle.
The delegates elected from the three adjoining districts
were: District of Carroll, Grayson, Floyd, Montgomery, and
Pulaski-Daniel H. Hoge, Samuel McCamant, and Benjamin F.
Wysor. District of Mercer, Giles, Tazewell, and Monroe-
Augustus A. Chapman, Allen T. Caperton, and Albert G. Pen-
delton. District of Scott, Russell and Lee, Samuel V. Fulker-
son, Hiram Kilgore, and Dale Carter. The delegates who re-
presented the counties of Appalachian Virginia were about
solidly for revision of the Constitution as suggested by Mr. Jef-
ferson in his letter to Samuel Kercheval. The convention was
composed of 133 delegates; and it assembled at the Capitol, in
the city of Richmond, on Monday, October 14, 1850. James W.
Mason, Esq., was elected President and Stephen D. Whittle,
Clerk of the convention. Before taking the chair Mr. Mason
delivered an address in which he said in part:
"The object of the organic law is to secure to the people
their inalienable rights, 'the enjoyment of life and liberty, with
the means of acquiring and possessing property and obtaining
happiness and safety.' In its nature it is permanent, not sub-
ject to modification, repeal or amendments, by any agents em-
ployed in the ordinary machinery of government. And in its
controlling influence, it possesses the mighty attribute of dis-
tributing political power, of prescribing the right of suffrage,
of authorizing or establishing the legislative, executive and
judicial authorities, and of fixing the orbits within which they
may respectively move in the execution of the functions of gov-
ernment."
Clearly it was the purpose of Mr. Mason to insist that the
Constitution to be framed by that convention should conform
strictly to the Bill of Rights-the charter that lodged sovereign
power in the people, and who alone could give authority to their
198
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
trustees and servants to make or alter the organic law of the
Commonwealth. Mr. Mason's mind was surely directed to these
sections of the Bill of Rights:
"2. That all power is vested in, and consequently derived
from the people; that Magistrates (all officers) are their trus-
tees and servants, and at all times amenable to them."
"6. That all elections ought to be free, and that all men,
having sufficient evidence of permanent common interest with
and attachment to the community, have the right of suffrage,
and cannot be taxed or deprived of their property for public
uses, without their own consent, or that of their representa-
tives so elected, nor bound by any law to which they have not, in-
like manner, assented for the public good.
"15. That no free government, or the blessings of liberty,
can be preserved to any people, but by firm adherence to jus-
tice, moderation, temperance, frugality, and virtue, and by a
frequent recurrence to fundamental principles."
A very large majority of the delegates had entered the Con-
vention with the same inflexible purpose that animated Mr. Ma-
son to demand that republican government in Virginia should
be responsive to the popular will. The people had made known
to their representatives that they would submit no longer to a
Constitution that did not measure up to "genuine republican
canons," and that did not emphasize the great Jeffersonian
doctrine that "governments are republican only in proportion
as they embody the will of the people, and execute it."
The Convention did not complete its work and adjourn
sine die until the 1st of August, 1851. On the 30th of July,
the Constitution was adopted by a vote of 75 to 33. It was
not proclaimed, but was submitted to the people for ratifica-
tion or rejection. And that their will might be fairly ascer-
tained, it was provided that the people should have three days
for voting on the question of ratification. On the 23rd, 24th,
and 25th of October, 1851, the Constitution was ratified by the
people by a vote of 75,748 to 11,060. And, then-for the first
time in Virginia's History as an independent Commonwealth—
the organic law of the State placed in the hands of the sover-
eign people the full exercise of suffrage, and the means for
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
199
electing their own officers, their "trustees and servants," as
provided in the Bill of Rights. In other words, the Jefferson-
ian doctrines of manhood suffrage and the election of all their
officers by the people were put in force by the Constitution of
1851. Sections I. and 4, Article III. of the Constitution are as
follows:
"I. Every white male citizen of the Commonwealth, of the
age of twenty-one years, who has been a resident of the State
for two years, and of the county, city or town where he offers
to vote for twelve months next preceding an election-and no
other person shall be qualified to vote for members of the gen-
eral assembly and all officers elective by the people; but no per-
son in the military, naval or marine service of the United
States, shall be deemed a resident of this State, by reason of be-
ing stationed therein. And no person shall have the right to
vote, who is of unsound mind, or a pauper, or a non-commission-
ed officer, soldier, seaman or marine in the service of the United
States, or who has been convicted of bribery in an election, or
of any infamous offense.
4. In all elections votes shall be given openly, or viva voce,
and not by ballot, but dumb persons entitled to suffrage may
vote by ballot."
The Constitution of 1851 provided for election by the peo-
ple of all the officers-State, municipal, county, and district—
'from governor to constable," except the Secretary of the Com-
monwealth, the State Treasurer, and the Auditor of Public Ac-
counts. These three officers were to be elected by the joint
vote of the two houses of the General Assembly.
200
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
CHAPTER XIII
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1852-THE ADMINISTRATION OF FRANK-
LIN PIERCE-THE KNOW NOTHING MOVEMENT OF 1855
The Presidential election of 1852 and the administration of
President Pierce following that election constitute a very event-
ful period in the political history of the United States. Many
things occurred that intensified the bitter sectional feeling that
had been accumulating for the previous thirty years between
the Free and Slave States; and that further inflamed the ani-
mosities of the rival political parties. The author in his History
of Tazewell County and Southwest Virginia wrote as follows
about certain of these incidents:
"The Democrats assembled in a National Convention at
Baltimore on June 1st, 1852, to nominate a Presidential ticket.
There were three candidates for the Democratic nomination for
President-General Lewis Cass of Michigan; James Buchanan
of Pennsylvania; and William L. Marcy of New York. Forty-
eight ballots were taken without either of the candidates get-
ting two-thirds of the delegates that was necessary to secure
the nomination. Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, who had
been given scattering votes during the balloting, was unani-
mously nominated for President on the forty-ninth ballot; and
William R. King, of Alabama, was nominated for Vice Presi-
dent. The Democrats took a very bold position on the slavery
question. In their platform, which was unanimously adopted
by the Convention, it was resolved that "all efforts of the Aboli-
tionists or others to induce Congress to interfere with the ques-
tion of slavery or to take incipient steps in relation thereto,
are calculated to lead to the most alarming and dangerous con-
sequences." It was then defiantly declared that "the Democrat-
ic party will resist all attempts at renewing, in Congress, or
out of it, the agitation of the slavery question, under whatever
shape or color the attempts may be made." All the Compromise
measures that had been passed by Congress were enthusiasti-
cally endorsed, the fugitive-slave law being given special signif-
icance in the platform.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
201
Two weeks later the Whigs held their National Convention
at Baltimore; and they were as sharply divided on the slavery
question as the Democrats were closely united thereon. There
were but three names placed before the convention as candi-
dates for the Presidential nomination. They were, President
Fillmore, General Winfield Scott, and Daniel Webster. The first
ballot showed that the Southern Whigs were solidly for Fillmore,
with the exception of one vote from Virginia; and that the
Northern Whigs were for General Scott, except twenty-nine
that voted for Mr. Webster. A long and bitter contest was
waged by the friends of the rival candidates, but General Scott
was nominated on the fifty-third ballot. The ticket was com-
pleted by nominating William A. Graham, of North Carolina,
for Vice President.
The Whigs had again selected a military hero for their can-
didate; and they were, in the first stages of the campaign, very
hopeful of winning the Presidency. But personal enmities
among the leaders and widely divergent views on the slavery
question brought humiliating defeat to the Whig candidates.
The Whigs carried but four States of the Union-Massachusetts
and Vermont in the North, and Kentucky and Tennessee in the
South. Of the 296 electors in the electoral college Franklin
Pierce got the votes of 254 and General Scott only 42. Both
the great Whig leaders, Clay and Webster, had died while the
campaign was in progress; Mr. Clay a few days after Scott's
nomination, and Mr. Webster a few days before the election.
The Whig party never rallied from this disastrous defeat, but
began to disintegrate, and soon ceased to be a vital element in
National politics.
Elated with the wonderful victory they gained over their
now prostrate rival, the Democrats thought they had secured
a lease of power that would last for many years. But there
was one portentous incident of the Presidential election which
failed to impress the Democrats with the imminent danger that
awaited them. The Free-Soilers had again presented a Presi-
dential candidate in the person of John Parker Hale of New
Hampshire. He received 157,685 votes, nearly 100,000 more
than Birney, the Free-Soil candidate, got in 1844.
By his inaugural address, on the 4th of March, 1853, Presi-
dent Pierce placed his administration squarely upon the prin-
202
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
ciples and policies announced in the platform made at Balti-
more by his party. He had no sympathy with the politicians
who contemplated a dissolution of the Union, and said: "Do my
countrymen need any assurance that such a catastrophe is not
to overtake them while I possess the power to stay it." Of the
slavery question, which then threatened to break up the Union,
he said:
"I believe that involuntary servitude, as it exists in the
different states of this Confederacy, is recognized by the Con-
stitution. I believe that it stands like any other admitted right,
and that the States where it exists are entitled to efficient reme-
dies to enforce the constitutional provisions. I hold that the
laws of 1850, commonly called the 'compromise measures', are
strictly constitutional and to be unhesitatingly carried into ef-
fect. I believe that the constituted authorities of this Repub-
lic are bound to regard the rights of the South in this respect
as they would view any other legal and constitutional right, and
that the laws to enforce them should be respected and obeyed,
not with a reluctance encouraged by abstract opinions as to
their propriety in a different state of society, but cheerfully
and according to the decisions of the tribunal to which the ex-
position belongs."
The views expressed by President Pierce in his inaugural
address gave complete satisfaction to the people and political
leaders of all sections, except the rank Abolitionists in the North
and the extreme pro-slavery men in the South. The latter
seemed resolved to tear down the barriers that prevented the
introduction of slavery into the new Territories, or to break up
the Union. The country continued at repose from the inaugu-
ration of President Pierce until Congress convened in the ses-
sion of 1853-1854, when a bill was introduced for the organiza-
tion of the Territory of Nebraska. Archibald Dixon, of Ken-
tucky, had been sent from that State as the successor of Mr.
Clay in the United States Senate. Early in January, 1854, Mr.
Dixon gave notice that when the bill to organize the Terri-
tory of Nebraska came to the Senate he would move, that "The
Missouri Compromise be repealed and that the citizens of the
several States shall be at liberty to take and hold their slaves
within any of the Territories."
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
203
This unfortunate movement of Mr. Dixon for a repeal of
the Missouri Compromise and the Compromise measures of 1850,
for which his illustrious predecessor, Mr. Clay, had labored so
earnestly, was premeditated, and was backed by the extreme
pro-slavery men from the South, including Jefferson Davis,
Robert Toombs and Judah P. Benjamin. It gave increased mo-
mentum to the already infuriated Abolitionist sentiment in the
North, and accelerated the growing spirit of Disunion in the
South Stephen A. Douglas was then looming up as an aspirant
for the Democratic nomination for President in 1856. He real-
ized that the repeal of the Missouri Compromise for the pur-
poses assigned by Mr. Dixon, "that citizens of the several States
shall be at liberty to take and hold their slaves within any of
the Territories"-would disrupt the Democratic party of the
Free States. To obviate the threatened danger to his party,
Mr. Douglas reported a bill in the Senate which provided for
organizing two new Territories, Kansas and Nebraska. In one-
section of the bill it was declared that the Missouri Compromise
of 1820 was inoperative and void, because "it was inconsistent
with the principles of non-intervention by Congress with slav-
ery in the States and Territories as recognized by the Compro-
mise of 1850." The bill of Mr. Douglas further declared that
"its true intent and meaning was not to legislate slavery into
any Territory or State, and not to exclude it therefrom, but to
leave the people perfectly free to regulate their domestic insti-
tutions in their own way." This was nothing more than a re-
utterance of the Democratic doctrines of "Popular Sovereignty,"
and "State Rights."
A stormy debate, which was continued in Congress for four
months, followed the introduction of the Douglas Bill; but it
was finally passed by the Democrats, who were assisted by the
Southern Whigs. The measure proved to be the "Death War-
rant," for the Presidential aspirations of Mr. Douglas. A bitter
and bloody struggle was begun between the pro-slavery men
for the organization and control of Kansas Territory. In May,
1854, emigrants from Missouri and Arkansas commenced to
move into Kansas. They held a pro-slavery convention on the
10th of June, 1854, and announced that slavery already existed
in the Territory. This caused the Massachusetts Emigrant Aid
Society, and other Abolitionist organizations in New England,
204
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
to send out colonies; and they established settlements at Topeka,
Ossawatomie and other points. For a period of five years the
inhabitants of the Territory engaged in bloody strife over the
slavery question. Repeated efforts were made by the rival
factions to set up a territorial government. On November, 29th,
1854, an election was held to choose a delegate to represent the
Territory in Congress. Armed bodies of men from Missouri
took possession of the polls, and of the 2,843 votes cast, 1,729
were proved illegal. The pro-slavery and the anti-slavery men,
each, elected legislatures and held constitutional conventions;
and many bloody conflicts were engaged in. One of the events
of the year was the brutal murder of pro-slavery men by a
party of fanatical Abolitionists led by John Brown, who was
afterwards hung by the Virginia authorities for raising an in-
surrection at Harper's Ferry. Finally, the Free-Soilers won,
and on January 29th, 1861, Kansas was admitted to the Union
as a Free State."
THE KNOW NOTHING OR AMERICAN PARTY.
In 1853 a secret political organization, called the Know Noth-
ing or American Party, sprung into existence and gained as-
cendancy in several of the States, and soon extended its organi-
zation throughout the Union. Its distinctive feature was oppo-
sition to the election of Roman Catholics and persons of foreign
birth to any office. It was a re-inauguration of the extreme
hostility manifested to citizens of foreign birth by the Hamil-
tonian Federalists during the administration of John Adams;
and by the Whigs in their battles with Andrew Jackson; and
again by the Whigs in the wonderful Polk-Clay contest of 1844.
A convention of the Know Nothings was held in New York in
1855, and the leading principles of the party set forth by the
Convention were as follows:
"The Americans shall rule America; the Union of these
States; no North, no South, no East, no West; the United States
of America, as they are, one and inseparable, no sectarian inter-
ference in our legislation, or in the administration of American
law; hostility to the assumption of the Pope, through the bish-
ops, etc., in a republic sanctified by Protestant blood; through
reform in the naturalization laws (requiring 21 years' residence
of all foreigners previous to voting); free and liberal education-
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
205
al institutions for all sorts and classes, with the Bible, God's
holy word, as a universal text book."
If a militant political party of the present day would dare
to adopt into its platform the principles set forth by the Know
Nothings, they would make a strong appeal to millions of the
voters of the United States in a Presidential election. Possibly
these principles would now appeal more strongly to Americans.
than they did in the days of Know Nothingism. There is an ar-
dent and growing sentiment among the people of this country
to check the influx of foreigners into the United States. And
there are many American citizens who would stand for abso-
lute denial in the future of the privilege of naturalization to
men and women of foreign birth. It was the purpose of the
Know Nothings to make their first great battle in the State
elections, and thus pave the way for a more determined fight in
the Presidential election of 1856. The Southern Whigs were
deeply interested in the movement, because they hoped by this
new excitement they could supersede the anti-slavery agitation
that was disrupting the Whig party in the Free States. This
delusion took complete possession of the Virginia Whigs, and
they promptly identified themselves with the Know Nothing
movement. A State organization was effected with a central
committee at Lynchburg, and lodges were established in every
county in the State. The committee at Lynchburg called a
State Convention to be held in that city. In the meantime the
Virginia Democrats nominated Henry A. Wise as their candi-
date for governor.
When he first engaged in politics, he was a
Jeffersonian Democrat; but he left the Democratic party while.
Andrew Jackson was President and joined the Whigs. And he
separated from the Whigs, along with John Tyler, in 1844.
In the late summer of 1855 a frightful pestilence of yellow
fever broke out in Norfolk and Portsmouth; and it raged un-
checked in those cities until frost came and stopped the awful
ravages of the disease. On Monday, the 10th of September,
1855, there were 45 deaths from the plague in Norfolk and 23
in Portsmouth; and of those deaths six were physicians who
were treating the afflicted.
The Know Nothings in Virginia were using with great
force the anti-Catholic declaration set forth in the platform of
principles adopted by the convention of New York. This was
206
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
done to win favor with the Democrats of the State who were
Protestants. The Democrats pronounced it an unwarranted
assault upon the Sixteenth Section of the Virginia Bill of Rights
and upon the First Amendment to the Constitution of the Unit-
ed States. And the Democrats might have asserted with equal
propriety that it was a direct attack upon Thomas Jefferson's
great "Bill For Establishing Religious Freedom" in Virginia.
In the midst of the campaign, and while the yellow fever was
raging in Norfolk and Portsmouth, a very untoward incident
occurred which the Know Nothings employed to further inflame
the Protestants in the State against the Roman Catholics. Bis-
hop McGill, who then had charge of the Catholic Diocese of Vir-
ginia, delivered a sermon in the Cathedral at Richmond. In
the sermon, he indirectly attributed the scourge of yellow fever
in the two Virginia cities to the sin of Know Nothingism. The
press of that party made such violent attacks upon the Bishop,
and so enlarged upon his utterances, that he felt constrained to
publish a letter explanatory of the sermon. In the letter he
said:
"As no one can permeate the counsels of the Almighty, or
know his judgments, it would not be lawful for us to attempt
to say what sin was here punished or by whom committed, wheth-
er by the people themselves or their rulers, by the particular
portion of the country or by the whole country. But if I were
allowed to divine what sin it is in which, in our day particularly,
has provoked God's displeasure, I should be inclined to designate
the sin of Know Nothingism, because holding as I do the Catho-
lic Church to be divine, and the true Church of Christ, I con-
sider a secret conspiracy organized for its destruction a sin,
which, sooner or later, will be visited with God's displeasure and
punished by him."
Bishop McGill's explanation of the real meaning of his ser-
mon, and his frank avowal of belief that God's protection would
be extended to the Church of Rome intensified the exasperation
of the Know Nothing press. And about the same time another
incident occurred that gave opportunity to the Know Nothings
to furiously assail, and arouse Protestant opposition to the
Catholics. The Pope of Rome had started Bedeni, his Nuncio,
on a visit to Brazil for some undeclared purpose. The Nuncio
was empowered to visit the United States while en route to Bra-
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
207
zil, "to pay the respects of His Holiness to our illustrious Presi-
dent," as the Richmond Whig put it. Speaking of Bedini's
visit to this country, the Richmond Whig of September 8th,
1855, thus wrote:
"He came, and was treated with a consideration never be-
fore extended to any embassador from any foreign country. A
Government vessel, fully equipped at the public expense, was
placed at his disposal; and the monster, who had flayed men
alive in Italy, attended by the Pope's Legate in New York, Arch-
bishop Hughes, paraded up and down the Northern Lakes. ***
His magnificent and triumphal promenades were only brought
to a close by the rising indignation of foreigners, who, having
known the wretch at home, and having, through themselves or
friends, experienced his remorseless cruelty, threatened to sub-
ject him to the same summary treatment, which he had been in
the habit of meting out to others. He skulked from the face of
day, in the presence of the impending peril, and assuming an
impenetrable disguise fled the country;-not to Brazil, however,
whither he had never had any thought of going, but back to the
land of civil and religious despotism, whence he came. ****
With people as adroit and unscrupulous as Romish Priests, and
who enjoy the privilege of swearing, with mental reservations,
it is extremely difficult to obtain direct and positive proof, wheth-
er there exists a combination among the Romish Hierarchy
for influencing the elections and controling the action of our
Government."
Having shot their poisoned darts at Bishop McGill, the
Pope's Nuncio and the Romish Hierarchy, the Know Nothings
began to make fierce attacks upon President Pierce. They cen-
sured him severely for making James Campbell, of Pennsylva-
nia, a sound Democrat, but a Catholic, a member of his Cabinet.
The object of this censure, no doubt, was to impress the Protes-
tant voters of the country with the belief that President Pierce
and the Democratic party were unduly influenced by the Cath-
olic vote, which then numbered five hundred thousand in the
United States. What would the sincere Know Nothings of that
day and time have thought and said, if they could have return-
ed to these mundane shores some fifteen years ago and lived
through the administration of William Howard Taft, and the
two administrations of Woodrow Wilson? One can well imagine
208
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
their emotions when they observed that President Taft had for
his Confidential Secretary a Roman Catholic, in the person of
C. D. Hilles; and that President Woodrow Wilson had through
his two administrations a Roman Catholic for his Confidential
Secretary, in the person of Joseph P. Tumulty; and that the lat-
ter practically directed the Executive Department of the Gov-
ernment for the last fifteen months of Mr. Wilson's second ad-
ministration.
Not satisfied with roundly abusing President Pierce for this
supposed coalition with the Catholic Church, the aristocratic
Know Nothings of Eastern Virginia heaped ridicule upon him
for not conforming to their conventions in the choice of his ap-
parel. In 1855 he visited Virginia, and greatly shocked the
aristocratic Whigs and Know Nothings by appearing in public
wearing "a check or parti-colored shirt." One declared: "He
should have remembered the dignity of his station." Another
said: "Washington would never have worn a check shirt." And
still another contemptiously shouted: "It was a Bowery exploit,
and might have been followed with a collation of peanuts and
bottled beer."
He
The Know Nothings in Virginia selected Thomas S. Flour-
noy, of Halifax County, as their candidate for governor.
was an able lawyer, a brilliant speaker, and had represented
his district in Congress from 1847 to 1849. But he was not the
equal of Henry A. Wise as a debater and orator. Mr. Wise was
then reputed one of the most gifted men in the State, and even
in the Union. Each of the candidates canvassed the State, and
the campaign was one of the hottest that has ever been waged
in Virginia. Mr. Wise canvassed in Southwest Virginia; and
the author--though a small boy at that time-has a vivid recol-
lection of the tremendously effective speeches made by the De-
mocratic candidate for governor. The Know Nothings had a
fine organization in all the Southwestern counties, and were
sanguine of carrying most of them. But Wise came, and by his
great forensic power held Southwest Virginia safe for Jefferson-
ian principles. He was elected Governor of Virginia by a ma-
jority of 9,921. The following is the official vote of the ten
counties that then composed the Thirteenth Congressional Dis-
trict; and of Giles County which was then a part of the Twelfth
Congressional District:
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
209
Carroll
Giles
Grayson
Lee
Pulaski
Russell
Scott
Smyth
Tazewell
Washington
Wythe
Majority for Wise
Wise
Flournoy
657
311
418
405
553
266
1113
317
305
272
989
580
797
580
654
571
1102
189
1284
948
829
724
8,701
5,152
3,549
FINANCIAL CONDITION OF VIRGINIA IN 1855.
In view of the fact that ever since the conclusion of the
Civil War the financial affairs of Virginia have been an inter-
minable source of trouble, it will not be amiss to recall the con-
dition of the State's finances in 1855. The Democratic party-
and its progenitor, the Republican Party-had been almost con-
tinuously in control of the Government of Virginia from the
year 1800. And the Virginia Democracy still professed fidelity
to the Jeffersonian theories of government. But they failed to
heed the warnings of Mr. Jefferson, that public debt was a dan-
gerous menace to true republican government, and that econ-
omy in public expenditures was its best safeguard.
He de-
clared in his first inaugural address that: "A wise and frugal
Government, which shall restrain men from injuring one an-
other shall leave them otherwise free to regulate their own pur-
suits of industry and improvement, and shall not take from the
mouth of labor the bread it has earned. This is the sum of good
government, and this is necessary to close the circle of our felic-
ities." In his letter to Samuel Kircheval, dated July 12, 1816,
after expressing his entire confidence in the rule of the people,
and declaring that they "are our dependence for continued free-
dom," he said: "And to preserve their independence we must
not let our rulers load us with perpetual debt. We must make
our election between economy and Liberty, or profusion and
debt."
210
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
Early in the life of the Commonwealth much interest was
manifested in the matter of internal improvements, or a system
of Public Works. As early as 1784 the State became interested
in this system by acquiring minority holdings of stock in corpo-
rations that had been created for the improvement of the James
and Potomac rivers. Thus began Virginia's investments in in-
ternal improvements. In 1816 all of the State's holdings were
consolidated into a single fund and a "Board of Public Works"
was created for its management. From that time onward until
1838, the demands upon the fund increased so extensively that
they could not be met. To relieve this condition the General As-
sembly empowered the Board of Public Works to procure money
for all authorized improvements by selling bonds of the State.
This act of the General Assembly was the beginning of the pol-
icy that created the heavy debt that has burdened the State
since the end of the Civil War. In 1850 the Legislature author-
ized the Board of Public Works to borrow "from time to time on
the credit of the State of Virginia, such sums of money as may
be needed to redeem the engagements of the State."
The Board of Public Works made free use of the authority
to sell bonds and spend the proceeds thereof; and by 1861-when
the Civil War began a huge bonded debt had been contracted
by the State. But to return to the financial condition of the
State in 1855. The State Treasury was empty and the credit
of the Commonwealth was seriously impaired. Of course the
Know Nothings sneered at the Democrats for mismanagement
of the finances of the State. The Richmond Whig of November
16th, 1855, said: "The Examiner (a Democratic organ) furnish-
es the following graphic, and, we doubt not, truthful picture of
the condition of the finances of the State of Virginia-a State
which has enjoyed the blessings of Democratic rule from time
immemorial. A New Democratic Governor will shortly be in-
augurated, and in a little over two weeks a new Democratic
Legislature will assemble. Upon them devolves the duty of ex-
tricating the State from its embarrassments and devising means
to sustain its credit." The Whig then quoted from the Rich-
mond Examiner as follows:
"It is useless to conceal from ourselves the fact that the
finances of Virginia are in a very unpromising condition. We
refer to the Internal Improvement department of her finances,
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
211
and not to the annual revenue department. With a large debt
hanging over her and an exhausted treasury, her financial offi-
cers are at their wits ends to devise-not indeed a remedy which
shall again replenish her coffers and place her in her former
position of credit and independence-but to devise the means
necessary to enable her to preserve her credit, by meeting the
demands which are now pressing upon her treasury.
And we
find the proud old State of Virginia actually accepting-"pay-
able when in funds"--the sight drafts which are from day to
day made upon her, and which in a commercial point of view
she is bound to pay in cash on presentation, or be considered
dishonored. Such is the course the State is at present compell-
ed to adopt with all drafts made upon her for accounts of Inter-
nal Improvements-There are no funds in the treasury. There
is no sale for the bonds."
The Democratic party in Virginia had gotten the finances
of the State in a disgraceful condition. Henry A. Wise, in his
campaign for governor, declared that there was no other way
by which the demands on the treasury could be met and the
credit of the State restored, except by increased tax burdens.
that would make the people "groan."
212
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
CHAPTER XIV
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION 1856--JAMES BUCHANAN DEMOCRATIC
CANDIDATE BIRTH OF REPUBLICAN PARTY-JOHN C. FREMONT
REPUCLICAN CANDIDATE WHIGS UNITED WITH KNOW NOTH-
ING PARTY FOR FILLMORE-DRED SCOTT CASE.
The combined opposition to the Democratic party-
the Whigs, Know Nothings, and Abolitionists-at the
Congressional election held in November, 1854, had
elected a large anti-administration majority to the
House in the Thirty-fourth Congress, which met in De-
cember, 1855. There was a prolonged contest in the House
over the election of a Speaker. On the 1st of February,
1856, Nathaniel P. Banks, of Massachusetts, was declared
Speaker by a resolution adopted by the House. He was
an Anti-Slavery American, or "Know Nothing" as the
party was then commonly known; and his elevation to the
Speakership demonstrated that the anti-slavery element
would have control of the House. The Kansas question
and the Slavery question occupied the deliberations of
the House at the session begun in December, 1855, and
at the session begun in December, 1856. Each of the
National parties began early in the year to crganize their
forces for the Presidential campaign of 1856. The Know
Nothings, who styled themselves "The American Nation-
al Council," were the first to hold a National Convention.
They met in Philadelphia on February 19th, 1856. All the
States except four or five were represented. E. B. Bartley,
cf Kentuckey, President of the National Council, presided.
The convention was in session four days; and the first
three days were occupied with a stormy discussion of a
Party Platform. A platform, however, was adopted. On
the following day (February 22) the American National
Nominating Convention met. It was composed mostly of
the same delegates who had attended the National Coun-
cil; and Ephriam Marsh, of New Jersey, presided over
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
213
its deliberations. The convention remained in session un-
til the 25th, and discussed with considerable warmth the
question of the power of the National Council to establish
a Platform for the convention, which should have binding
force upon the body. Finally, Mr. Killinger, of Pennsyl-
vania, proposed the following resolutions: "Resolved, That
the National Council has no authority to prescibe a Plat-
form of principles for this nominating convention, and
that we will nominate for President and Vice President
no man who is in favor of interdicting the introduction of
Slavery in Territory North 36 degrees 30 minutes by Con-
gressional action."
A motion to lay this resclution on the table was ad-
opted, 141 to 59. Then a motion was made to proceed to
the nomination of a candidate for President. This motion
was carried by a vote of 151 to 51, the anti-slavery dele-
gates voting in the negative, as they desired to postpone the
nomination. The anti-slavery delegates, about fifty in
number, either withdrew or refused to take any further
part in the convention; and most of them subsequently
voted for John C. Fremont, who was the Republican can-
didate for President.
The Know Nothings had been originally organized
as a secret society, and had established local Councils in
all the States of the Union. Every person who united with
the Society was required to take an oath to support the
principles formulated by the National Council. He was
initiated a member by giving him the several degrees of
the Society. This secret feature had proved so unpopular
with the electorate in most of the States that the con-
vention at Philadelphia abolished it by placing in their
platform: "That each State Council shall have authority
to amend their several Constitutions, so as to abolish the
several degrees and substitute a pledge of honcr, instead
of other obligations, for the fellowship and admission in-
to the party." The convention then nominated Millard
Fillmore for President and Andrew Jackson Donelson, of
Tennessee, for Vice President. But all hope for electing
these two gentlemen was destroyed by writing into the
214
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
platform the following: "Americans must rule America;
and to this end native-born citizens should be selected for
all State, Federal and municipal offices of government."
There were more than a million naturalized citizens of for-
eign birth who were voters in the United States; and, of
course, all these were repelled from Fillmore and Donelson
by the adoption of the anti-fcreign resolution of the Know
Nothings.
The next to hold a National Convention was the Demo-
cratic party. It assembled at Cincinnati on the 2nd of June,
1856. James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, was unanimously
nominated for President on the 17th ballot. The other can-
didates before the convention for the Presidential nomina-
tion were: Franklin Pierce, Stephen A. Douglas, and General
Lewis Cass. John C. Breckenridge, of Kentucky, was unan-
imously nominated on the 2nd ballot for Vice President.
A very lengthy and ably constructed platform, setting
forth the principles and policies of the party, was adopted.
The planks written into the platform that are worthy of par-
ticular mention are as follows:
"That the Federal Government is one of limited power,
derived solely from the Constitution, and the grants of pow-
er made therein ought to be strictly construed by all the de-
partments of the Government, and that it is inexpedient and
dangerous to exercise doubtful constitutional powers.
"That the Constitution does not confer upon the General
Government the power to commence and carry on a general
system of internal improvements.
"That Congress has no power to charter a National
Bank; that we believe such an institution one of deadly
hostility to the best interests of this country, dangerous to
our republican institutions and the liberties of the people,
and calculated to place the business of the country within
the control of the concentrated money power and above the
laws and will of the pecple; and the results of the Democratic
legislation in this and other financial measures upon which
issues have been made between the two political parties of
the country, have demonstrated to candid and practical men
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
215
of all parties their soundness, safety and utility in all busi-
ness pursuits.
"That Congress has no power under the Constitution
to interfere with or control the domestic institutions of the
several States, and that all such States are the sole and prop-
er judges of everything appertaining to their own affairs
not prohibited by the Constitution; that all efforts of the
Abolitionists, or others, made to induce Congress to inter-
fere with the question of slavery, or to take incipient steps
in relation thereto, are calculated to lead to the most alarm-
ing and dangerous consequences, and that all such efforts
have an inevitable tendency to diminish and endanger the
stability and permanency of the Union, and cught not to be
countenanced by any friend of our political institutions.
"That the Democratic Party will resist all attempts
at renewing, in Congress or out of it, the agitations of the
Slavery question, under whatever shape or color the attempt
may be made.
"That the Democratic party will faithfully abide by
and uphold the principles laid down in the Kentucky and
Virginia resolutions of 1797 and 1798, and in the report of
Mr. Madison to the Virginia Legislature in 1799-that it
adopts these principles as constituting one of the main
foundations of its political creed, and is resolved to carry
them cut in their obvious meaning and import."
The Democratic platform of 1856 was a wonderfully
able paper; and was the product of the best thought of the
most eminent men of the party. The resolutions quoted are
truly Jeffersonian in their averments. If the Democratic
party had subsequently adhered to the conservative but
resolute stand taken in these resolutions, it would, possibly,
have escaped the great disaster of 1860, and the country
been preserved from civil strife. There was no demand
made or right claimed in the platform for the extension of
slavery into the Territories.
It was in 1856 that the present National Republican
Party was brought into existence. On the 17th of June of
that year five hundred and fifty-five delegates-composed
of men who had previously affiliated with one or the other
216
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
of the National parties-met in National Convention at
Philadelphia to organize a new and distinct political party.
Only three of the Slave States had representation in the
convention. Kentucky had five delegates, Maryland five,
and Delaware eight; but all the Free States had full dele-
gations. Colonel Henry S. Lane, of Indiana, was chosen to
preside over the meeting. The convention nominated Col.
John C. Fremont, cf California, as their candidate for Pres-
ident. He was a distinguished American explorer; and had
been made famous by wresting California from Mexico
while the Mexican War was in progress. He had been ap-
pointed and had performed the duties of civil governor of
the Territory, even before it was ceded to the United States.
William L. Dayton, of New Jersey, was nominated for Vice
President. He had served several terms in the United States
Senate, and had been conspicuous in the councils of the Whig
party. The chief reasons for crganization of the National
Republican party, were, the prevention of the extension of
slavery into the Territories and the emancipation of slaves
in the States where involuntary servitude already existed
as a domestic institution. A reading of the following Resclves
written into the platform of the new party clearly discloses
its purposes:
"This Convention of Delegates, assembled in pursuance
of a call addressed to the people of the United States, with-
out regard to past political differences or divisions, who are
opposed to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, to the
policy of the present Administration, to the extension of
Slavery into Free Territory; in favor of admitting Kansas
as a Free State, of restoring the action of the Federal Gov-
ernment to the principles of Washington and Jefferson,
and who purpose to unite in presenting candidates for the
offices of President and Vice President, do resolve as
follows:
"Resolved, That the maintenance of the principles pro-
mulgated in the Declaration of Independence and embodied
in the Federal Constitution is essential to the preservation
of our Republican Institutions, and that the Federal Con-
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
217
stitution, the rights of the States, and the Union of the
States, shall be preserved.
"Resolved, That with our republican fathers we hold
it to be a self-evident truth, that all men are endowed
with the inalienable rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit
of happiness, and that the primary object and ulterior de-
signs of our Federal Government were, tc secure these
rights to all persons within its jurisdiction, that as our
republican fathers, when they abolished Slavery in all our
national territory, ordained that no person should be de-
prived of life, liberty or property without due process of
law, it becomes our duty to maintain this provision of the
Constitution against all attempts to violate it for the pur-
pose of establishing Slavery in any territory of the United
States, by positive legislation prohibiting its existence or
extension therein. That we deny the authority of Congress,
of a territorial legislature, of any individual or asscciation
of individuals, to give legal existence to Slavery in any ter-
ritory of the United States, while the present Constitution
shall be maintained.
"Resolved, That the Constitution confers upon Congress
sovereign power over the territories cf the United States
for their government, and that in the exercise of this power
it is both the right and the duty of Congress to prohibit
in the territories those twin relics of barbarism-Polygamy
and Slavery."
It seems that the Republicans in their first National
platform made conflicting declarations. In cne resolution
they denied that the Constitution gave Congress authority
to legislate Slavery into any of the territory of the United
States. But in the succeeding resolution they declared,
"That the Constitution confers upon Congress sovereign
power over the territories of the United States for their
government," and that it was the duty of Congress to pro-
hibit the introduction of Slavery into the territories. The
declaration that Polygamy and Slavery were the twin relics.
of barbarism aroused the indignation of the slaveholders at
the South, and provoked bitter denunciation of the newly
formed Republican party and its Presidential candidate.
218
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
The Whigs-in a vain endeavor to preserve their party
organization-met in a National Convention at Baltimore
on the 17th of September, 1856. They realized that it would
be impossible to make a respectable showing at the ap-
proaching Presidential election, except by coalesceing with
one of the parties that had already nominated candidates
for President and Vice President. In the State elections of
1855 the Whigs had pretty thoroughly identified themselves
with the Know Nothings; and nothing was left them to do,
but to again unite with that party. The great party of
Henry Clay lost its identity by unanimously concurring in
the nominations of Millard Fillmore for President, and An-
drew J. Donaldson for Vice President, who were the nom-
inees of the Know Nothings. In the making of their platform
the Whigs placed themselves on an exalted plane, as will
be seen by a perusal of the following quoted resclutions:
"Resolved, That the Whigs of the United States, now
here assembled, hereby declare their reverence for the Con-
stitution of the United States, their unalterable attachment
to the National Union, and a fixed determination to do all
in their power to preserve them for themselves and their
posterity. They have no new principles to announce; no new
platform to establish; but are content to broadly rest-
where their fathers rested-upon the Constitution of the
United States, wishing no safer guide, no higher law.
"Resolved, That the Government of the United States
was formed by the conjuction in political unity of wide-
spread geographical sections materially differing, not only
in a climate and products, but social and domestic institu-
tions; and that any cause that shall permanently array the
different sections of the Union in political hostility and or-
ganized parties founded only on geographical distinctions
must inevitably prove fatal to a continuance of the Nation-
al Union.
"Resolved, That the Whigs of the United States de-
clare, as a fundamental article of political faith, an ab-
solute necessity for avoiding geographical parties. The
danger, so clearly discerned by the Father of his Country,
has now become fearfully apparent in the agitations now
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
219
convulsing the Nation, and must be arrested at once if we
would preserve our Constitution and our Union from dis-
memberment, and the name of America from being blotted
out from the family of civilized nations.
"Resolved, That all who revere the Constitution and
the Union, must look with alarm at the parties in the field
in the present Presidential campaign-one claiming only to
represent sixteen Northern States, and the other appealing
mainly to the passions and prejudices of the Southern
States; that the success of either faction must add fuel to
the flame which now threatens to wrap our dearest inter-
ests in common ruin.
"Resolved, That the only remedy for an evil so appall-
ing is to support a candidate pledged to neither of the geo-
graphical sections now arrayed in political antagonism, but
holding both in a just and equal regard. We congratulate
the friends of the Union that such a candidate exists in
Millard Fillmore."
In the last twc resolutions of their platform the Whigs
declined to adopt or refer to "the peculiar doctrines" of the
Know Nothings who had already selected Mr. Fillmore as
a candidate. And they declared, "That in the present ex-
igency of political affairs, we are not called upon to discuss
the subordinate questions of Administration in the exercis-
ing of the Constitutional powers of the Government." This
was a grandly patriotic stand taken by the Whigs. They
deemed the preservation of the Union, fidelity to the Con-
stitution, and the prevention of civil strife the questions
of supreme importance to the American people. On the other
hand, the Democrats and the Republicans elected to engage
in a desperate struggle over the slavery question, which
presaged dissolution of the Union.
Seven days before the National Democratic Conven-
tion met at Cincinnati, an incident occurred in the United
States Senate that stirred to frenzy the Northern Abolition-
ists. Charles Sumner, a Senator from Massachusetts, de-
livered a rancorous speech in the Senate on what he styled
the "Crime against Kansas" that greatly incensed the
Southern members of Congress. The speech was violently
220
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
resented by Preston S. Brocks, a hot-headed member of the
House of Representives from South Carolina. On May 26th,
1856, he assaulted Senator Sumner, striking him on his head
with a heavy cane while he was sitting in his chair in the
Senate Chamber. Mr. Sumner was so severly injured that
he had to go abroad for medical treatment, and did not re-
sume his seat in the Senate until 1859. A resolution was
introduced in the House for the expulsion of Brooks, and
the committee to which it was referred recommended that
he be expelled. Brooks resigned and was immediately re-
elected by his constituents. When the resolution to expel
him was being considered in the House, Brooks declared
that "a blow struck by him then would be followed by a
revolution." This incident greatly accellerated the Abolition
movement that had already attained dangerous proportions
at the North. Scon after the Brooks-Sumner incident, and
after the nomination of Fremont by Republicans, the Rich-
mond Enquirer, one of the leading exponents of the South-
ern Democracy, wrote as follows about the two mentioned
incidents:
"Sumner, and Sumner's friends, must be silenced.
Either such wretches must be hung or put in the peni-
tentiary, or the South should prepare at once to quit the
Union If Fremont is elected, the Union will not last an
hour after Mr. Pierce's term expires.
"If Fremont is elected, it will be the duty of the South
to dissolve the Union and form a Southern Confederacy."
While the Presidential campaign of 1856 was in prog-
ress, Henry A. Wise, Governor of Virginia, in a public ad-
dress, said: "The South could not, without degredation,
submit to the election of a Black Republican President. To
tell me we would submit to the election of a Black Repub-
lican, under circumstances like these, is to tell me that Vir-
ginia and the fourteen slaves States are already subjugated
and degraded; that the Southern people are without spirit,
and without purpose to defend the rights they know and
dare not maintain."
The Washington correspondent of the New Orleans
Delta, a journal that was highly esteemed by the Southern
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
221
Democracy, wrote: "It is already arranged, in the event
of Fremont's election, or a failure to elect by the people,
to call the Legislatures of Virginia, South Carolina and
Georgia to concert measures to withdraw from the Union
before Fremont can get possession of the Army and Navy
and the purse-strings of the government. Governor Wise
is actively at work in the matter. The South can rely on
the President in the emergency contempelated. The question
now is, whether the people of the South will sustain their
leaders."
Senator A. P. Butler, of South Carolina, chairman of
the Senate Judiciary Committee in 1856, said: "When Fre-
mont is elected, we must rely upon what we have a good
state government. Every Governor of the South should
call the Legislature of his State together, and have meas-
ures of the South decided upon. If they did not, and submit
to the degredation, they would deserve the fate of slaves.
I should advise my Legislature to go at the tap of the drum."
Lawrence M. Keitt, of South Carolina, made a fiery speech
at Lynchburg, and in view of the probable election of Colonel
Fremont, exclaimed: "I tell you now, that if Fremont is
elected, adherence to the Union is treason to liberty. I tell
you now, that the Southern man who will submit to his
election is a traitor and a coward." Mr. Keitt was no coward,
and he sacrificed his life for his convictions. He resigned
from the National House of Representatives in December,
1860. Just before leaving Congress he was elected to the
Seceding Convention of South Carolina, and later was a
member of the Confederate Congress. He was killed in battle
in Virginia, in June, 1864.
Sentiments and purposes similar to the foregoing were
generally held and expressed by the leading Democrats at
the South; and they were generally held by a large ma-
jority of the slaveholders of this section of the Union.
They considered the election of a "Black Republican"-an
opproborious name then applied to all Republicans-suf-
ficient cause for dissolution of the Union. At the same
time the Abolitionists of the Northern and Western States.
were demanding immediate abolishment of slavery as a
222
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
dcmestic institution in the States where it already existed,
regardless of the perpetuity of the Union. The utterances
of these two conflicting elements of our citizenship were
largely responsible for the awful national tragedy that
was staged five years later.
In the election which ensued, Mr. Fillmore received the
vote of Maryland only. The great Whig party was crushed
to death between the upper and nether millstone-the Dem-
ocratic party and the Republican party. Mr. Buchanan ob-
tained the votes of the fourteen other slave States, and
of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Indiana, Illincis and Cal-
ifornia, making 172 votes in all. Colonel Fremont received
the votes of the other eleven Free States, making 114
votes in all. If Pennsylvania and Illinois had voted for Fre-
mont he would have been elected President.
Of the popular vote in Virginia, Buchanan got 29,396
majority over Fillmore, which was by far the largest ma-
jority any Democratic candidate for President had ever re-
ceived in the State. Fillmore got a majority in only two
of the counties that constitute the present Appalachian
Virginia-Augusta and Wise Counties. And of the forty-
three counties-now in West Virginia but then a part of
Virginia-Filmore carried the following: Braxton, Green-
brier, Hardy, Kanawha, Marshall, Mason, Morgan, Nicholas,
Raleigh, and Roane. The following is the official vote of the
counties of the Thirteenth Congressional District and of
Giles County, then attached to the Twelfth District:
Carroll
Grayson
Fillmore Buchanan
260
687
266
562
Lee
388
916
Pulaski
200
331
Russell
388
755
Scott
406
810
Smyth
332
572
Tazewell
119
1,140
Washington
.644
1,115
Wise.....
42
18
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
223
Wythe
Giles
Majority for Buchanan 4,381
531
887
275
439
3,851
8,232
ADMINISTRATION OF JAMES BUCHANAN
The administration of President Buchanan was at-
tended with exciting incidents that further inflamed the
slavery question and hastened the dissolution of the Union.
The most important of these incidents were, the decision
of the Supreme Court in the famous Dred Scott Case; the
struggle over the attempted introduction of slavery into
Kansas; and the Harper's Ferry Insurrection, under the
leadership of the notorious Jchn Brown. In my history of
Tazewell County and Southwest Virginia, I briefly wrote
as follows:
"After the inauguration of President Buchanan, the
Democrats had control of every department of the
Federal Government; and steps were promptly taken by
the extreme men at the South to introduce slavery into Kan-
sas and such other new Territories as should be organized.
An event then happened which gave opportunity for the
enforcement of this policy. Very soon after President
Buchanan was inaugurated the Supreme Court of the United
States rendered it's decision in the famous Dred Scott case.
Dred Scott was a Missouri slave, whose master in 1834
took him to Illinois, a State which prohibited slavery within
it's bounds. Scott married in Illinois, where he remained,
with his master's consent, until 1838. Then he was taken to
Minnesota Territory, where slavery had been prohibited
by the Misscuri Compromise. Later, his master brought
Scott back to Missouri where the master asserted his right
to treat him as a slave, and whipped him for some offense.
Scott brought a suit for damages against his master, claim-
ing that his residence in Illinois and Minnesota had made.
him a free man. The master denied that Scott had any right
to sue, as he was descended from slave ancestors and had
himself never been set free. Scott won in the Missouri
224
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
Court, but his master appealed the case to the Supreme
Court of the United States. This high tribunal in 1857
reversed the decision of the Missouri Court, holding that
negro slaves were chattels, mere things, "who had no rights
and privileges but such as those who held the power and
government might grant them." The court also declared
that Scott's residence in Minnesota and Illinois could not
confer freedom upon him, because the act of 1820 (Missouri
Compromise) was unconstitutional and void. The Supreme
Court also decided that Congress had no more right to pro-
hibit the carrying of slaves into any State or Territory than
it had to prohibit the carrying thither of horses or any
other property, holding that slaves were property whose
secure possession was granted by the Constitution. The
opinion of the Supreme Court was in harmony with the
views of President Pierce as expressed in his inaugural ad-
dress on the 4th of March, 1853.
Throughout the years of 1858, and 1859 there was a
bitter struggle, sometimes attended with bloodshed, be-
tween the pro-slavery and anti-slavery men for the pos-
session of Kansas. In this momentous struggle Stephen
A. Douglas separated himself from the Southern Democracy
and thereby disrupted the Democratic party.
The Democrats at their National Convention in 1848
had defeated every attempt to renew agitation of the Sla-
very question. William L. Yancey, of Alabama, made such
an effort by offering a resolution which said, "That the
doctrine of non-interference with the rights of property of
any portion of the people of this Confederacy, be it in the
States or Territories therecf, by any other than the parties
interested in them, is the true Republican doctrine recog-
nized by this body." This resolution was rejected: Yeas 36,
Nays 216. And at their National Convention in 1852 they
declared "That the Democratic party will resist all attempts
at renewing in Congress, or out of it, agitation of the Slave-
ry question, under whatever shape, or color the attempt may
be made." They declared they would "abide by, and adhere
to, a faithful execution of the acts known as the Compromise
measures settled by the last Congress," and "the act for re-
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
225
claiming fugitives from service or labor included." And the
Democrats in their platform of 1856 did not assert the
right of slaveholders to move with their slaves into the
Territories, but denied the right of Congress to interfere
with or control domestic institutions of the several States.
They also re-affirmed the resolutions on the Slavery ques-
tion written into their platform of 1852.
The Supreme Court of the United States had rendered
it's decision in the Dred Scott case a few days after the in-
auguration of President Buchanan. This decision held that
Congress had no power to prohibit slavery in any of the
Territories of the United States; and that the restriction in-
corporated in the Misscuri Act of 1820,whether as a com-
promise or not, was utterly inoperative and void from the
beginning. This decision of the highest tribunal of the
country aroused the most intense anger of the Abolitionists
and of even the more conservative anti-slavery men of the
Free States. The Legislatures of scme of the Northern
States had previously, by acts, nullified the Fugitive Slave
Law; and following the decision of the Dred Scott case
other Free States passed nullification acts. Then followed
a bloody struggle between the pro-slavery and anti-sla-
very advocates for the organization of Kansas as a State.
The anti-slavery men finally won out, and Kansas was ad-
mitted as a Free State into the Union, January 29, 1861.
Fayette McMullen, a Democrat, represented the Thir-
teenth Congressional District continucusly from March
4th, 1849 to March 3rd, 1857. In 1854 he defeated Connally
F. Trigg, American or Know Nothing, receiving 7,383 votes
against 3,932 for Trigg. But in 1856 Mr. McMullen declined
to run again, as it was understood that at the expiration of
his term in Congress he would be appointed Governor of
Washington Territory by President Buchanan. George W.
Hopkins was made the candidate for Congress in 1856; and
he defeated Elbert S. Martin-who was the candidate of
the Whigs and Know Nothings-by a scant majority of
69 votes.
In 1858 the Democrats of the Thirteenth District met
226
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
in convention at Marion, Smyth County, to nominate a can-
didate for Congress. It was presided over by James F. Pen-
delton, father of the author. The latter, then a boy eleven
years old, attended the deliberations of the convention; and
thenceforward became deeply interested in the politics of
the Nation, of the State, and especially of Southwest Vir-
ginia. There were three candidates seeking the nomination
for Congress-George W. Hopkins, Benjamin Rush Floyd,
and Fayette McMullen. The latter had resigned as Governor
of Washington Territory and returned to Virginia, with an
ardent desire to again enter the National House of Repre-
sentatives. And from that time, until his death in 1881, he
was a standing candidate for Congress.
The contest for the nomination at the Marion Conven-
tion was spirited and prolonged, but was finally terminated
by the nomination of Benjamin Rush Floyd. He was a
grandson of John Floyd, the daring surveyor who went.
into the Kentucky wilderness in 1774 to survey lands for
George Washington, Patrick Henry and other famous men;
and who was killed by the Indians in 1783, after he had set-
tled permanently in Kentucky. And Benjamin Rush Floyd
was a son of Governor John Floyd, of Virginia; and his
mother was a daughter of Col. William Preston, the pion-
eer, and county lieutenant of Fincastle County. He was also
a brother of John B. Floyd, Secretary of War in the Cabinet
of President Buchanan. Mr. Floyd was of distinguished
lineage, a man of sterling character, a lawyer of splendid
ability; but he was a Roman Catholic. The Whigs and Know
Nothings seized upon Mr. Floyd's religious beliefs as a
means to obtain his defeat. They united their forces, as
they had done in the gubernatorial election the previous
year. And they induced Elbert S. Martin-a Know Noth-
ing-who had been defeated by George W. Hopkins for Con-
gress in 1856-to announce himself an independent candi-
date in opposition to Mr. Floyd. Martin was a merchant and
a man of very ordinary ability; but he made a house-to-
house canvass of the mountain sections of the district, and
inflamed the intolerant spirit of the most bigoted element
of the Protestants. He was elected to the Thirty-Seventh
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
227
Congress, receiving 6,382 votes, against 5,779 polled for
Mr. Floyd.
Another gubernatorial election for governor came off
in Virginia in 1859. The Democrats nominated "Honest"
John Letcher as their candidate. The name "Honest" had
been applied to him for his well established personal and
political integrity. He was born at Lexington, Virginia, in
March 1813, was a member of the Virginia Constitutional
Convention of 1850-51, and had served four consecutive
terms in Congress, begining this service in 1851. Again
the Whigs and Know Nothings united and named as the
"Opposition" candidate William L. Goggin, of Bedford Coun-
ty. He had also served four terms in Congress as the rep-
resentative of the Bedford or Sixth Congressional District,
beginning his service in 1839. An extraordinary feature of
this gubernatorial campaign was joint debates between the
rival candidates. They traveled together in different sec-
tions of the State, accompanied by an expert stenographer,
and had joint discussions. The author, then twelve years
old, heard for the first time a joint political debate. It was
in the early spring of 1859, was between Goggin and Letch-
er, and took place in the old courthouse at Marion. The
court room was packed with the followers of the two can-
didates, and the crowd was about equally divided in sen-
timent. Mr. Letcher was an able debater but far from bril-
liant speaker. While not as logical and profound as the
Democratic candidate, Mr. Goggin was a fluent and brilliant
speaker, and consequently more attractive on the rostrum.
than his opponent. In their debates the candidates very
freely discussed the great national questions then agitating
the public mind, such as Squatter Scvereignty, the Com-
promise Measures on the Slavery question, settled by the
Congress in 1850, etc. At the ensuing election John Letcher
was elected Governor of Virginia by 5,569 majority; but
Goggin carried the Thirteenth Congressional District by
a majority of 632 votes. The victory won by the Know Noth-
ings through the election of Elbert S. Martin to Congress
in 1858 was still seriously affecting the Democratic party
in the district. The following is the official vote by counties
228
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
for Goggin and Letcher:
Goggin
Letcher
Buchanan
73
164
Carroll
461
344
Grayson
384
497
Lee
688
624
McDowell
115
33
Pulaski
314
239
Russell
751
404
Scott
600
559
Smyth
598
454
Tazewell ..........
541
621
Washington
966
870
Wise
208
266
Wythe
743
775
6,442
5,810
Majority for Goggin, 632
{
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
229
CHAPTER XV
THE HARPER'S FERRY INSURRECTION.
A little less than three weeks before the election of a
governor for Virginia took place, the most significant and
appalling event that occured during the prolonged agitation
of the Slavery question was the insurrection led by John
Brown at Harper's Ferry in October, 1859. The author
in his History of Tazewell County and Southwest Virginia
gave a complete but succint account of this awful tragedy.
This account of the incident has proved so acceptable to
historical scholars and readers of history that I will venture
to reproduce a portion of it, as follows:
"About 10:30 c'clock Sunday night, October 16th, 1859,
John Brown, his three sons, Oliver,, Watson and Owen, and
thirteen other white men, and five negroes crossed the
Potomac on the railroad bridge and took violent possession
of Harper's Ferry. A small party of desperadces was sent
into the adjacent country to arrest slaveholders, and
take possession of slaves. They arrested Colonel Lewis Wash-
ington and twelve of his slaves; then arrested a Mr. Allstadt
and his sixteen year old son, and forced all their negroes
they could find to go with them. The prisoners were taken
to the Ferry and confined in the engine house of the United
States Arsenal, Brown and his band having taken possession
of that building. In the morning, when the people came from
their houses they found the town in complete possession of
the insurrectionists. A numbr of men in the employ of the
U. S. Government at the Arsenal, on going to their work,
were arrested and confined in the Armory.
Alarms were sent to Charlestown, the county seat of
Jefferson County, and to other nearby towns, calling for
assistance; and companies of volunteer militia were quickly
dispatched to aid the citizens of Harper's Ferry. The "Jef-
ferson Guard" from Charlestown arrived upon the scene.
230
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
at 11:30 A. M.; and during the day troops from Shepherds-
town, Martinsburg and other points came in. They took po-
ssession of the railroad bridge, and occupied houses that
commanded the front, rear, and sides of the Armory, where
Brown and his men had congregated after leaving a small
squad in charge of the railroad bridge. Before the arrival
of the troops a negro man had been killed by the insurgents,
because the negro refused to join them. They had also kill-
ed Joseph Boerly, a citizen, while standing unarmed in his
door; and had shot and killed Samuel P. Young, a citizen
from the country, who was riding in to give assistance tc
the people of the town. While desultory shots were being
exchanged between the soldiers and the insurrectionists,
Fontaine Beckham, mayor of the town, was shot by one of
Brown's sons and died almost instantly. The troops had
captured William Thompson when the bridge was taken
from the insurgents, and the indignant populace demand-
ed that he should be immediately executed, because of Beck-
ham's death. Thompson was taken out on the bridge and
shot to death, his body being riddled with balls.
By direction of Captain Brown, a squad of insurrect-
ionists had taken possession of Hall's rifle works. They were
dislodged by the soldiers and one of the squad killed. Earl-
ier in the day the Martinsburg men, who were mostly rail-
road employees, tried to force their way into the Amory to
rescue the prisoners. In the charge Conductor Evans Dorsey,
of Baltimore, was instantly killed, and Conductor George
Richardson received a wound from which he died during
the day. Colonel Robert W. Baylor, who was "Colonel Com-
mandant" of the military forces, in his report to Governor
Henry A. Wise of the operations of the day said: “During
the engagement and the previous skirmishes, we had ten
men wounded, two I fear mortally. The insurgents had eleven
wounded, one mortally wounded, and two taken prisoners,
leaving only five in the engine house, and one of them se-
riously wounded." Night came on and operations ceased, but
a strong guard was placed around th Armory to prevent the
escape of any of the desperadoes.
At 11 o'clock that night a train arrived at Sandy Hook
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
231
on the Maryland side of the Potomac. The train brought
a military company from Baltimore, and eighty-five U. S.
Marines sent from Washington by the War Department.
General John B. Floyd was then Secretary of War, and he
had selected Colonel Robert E. Lee to command the Marines;
and Lieutenant J. E. B. Stuart of the 1st U. S. Cavalry, was
Colonel Lee's aid. Colonel Lee promptly marched the marines
across the river and stationed them within the Armory
grounds, so as to completely surround the engine house.
Late on Monday, Brown had sent a written message to Col-
onel Baylor proposing to yield, if he was permitted to cross
the Potomac bridge with his men and all their arms and am-
munition, and to take along his prisoners who would be re-
leased as soon as they got a little beyond the river. This
proposition was rejected promptly by Colonel Baylor. It was
agreed between Colonel Lee and Colonel Baylor that at day-
break "the volunteer forces should form around the outside
of the government property and clear the streets of citizens
and spectators, to prevent them from firing random shots,
to the great danger of our soldiers, and to remain in that
position whilst he would attack the engine house with his
marines."
At early dawn the troops were drawn up in accordance
with the above arrangement. Lieutenant Stuart then ad-
vanced to the engine house and, in a parley with Brown,
demanded an unconditional surrender. Brown refused to
surrender on any terms, except those he had presented to
Colonel Baylor the day previous. Colonel Baylor, in his re-
port to Governor Wise says: "The marines were then or-
dered to force the doors. The attempt was made with heavy
sledge hammers, but proved ineffectual. They were then
ordered to attack the doors with a heavy ladder which was
lying a short distance off. After two powerful efforts the
door was shattered sufficiently to obtain an entrance. Im-
mediately a heavy volley was fired by the marines, and an
entrance effected which soon terminated the conflict. In this
engagement, the marines had one killed and one slightly
wounded. The insurgents had two killed and three taken
232
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
prisoners. After the firing ceased, the imprisoned citizens.
walked out unhurt."

The above picture shows the pistol John Brown had on his person
when he was brought out wounded from the engine house of the
United States arsenal at Harper's Ferry. After Brown was captured
he was taken for a preliminary trial into the office of Capt. Henry
C. Derrick. Captain Derrick was then a captain in the engineer
corps of the United States Army, and was serving with the guard
that was stationed at the arsenal. The pistol then came into the pos-
session of Captain Derrick and remained in his hands until a short
time before his death, which occurred at Halifax C. H., Va., in 1916.
He gave the pistol to Dr. E. A. Holmes, now a practicing physician
at Marion, Va. The wife of Dr. Holmes is a daughter of Captain
Derrick, who was a gallant officer in the Confederate Army. Soon
after the end of the Civil War he went to Egypt and entered the
service of the Khedive, with he rank of Colonel. He rendered such
valuable service in the Abyssynian War that the Khedive invested
him with a number of decorations. Brown's pistol is a very deadly
weapon, and it is probable that he used it effectively at Harper's
Ferry. Dr. Holmes is shown in the picture holding the pistol in
his hands.
At about noon on the same day the Independent Grays,
of Baltimore, were dispatched to Brown's house across the
river to search for arms and ammunition. They returned at
six o'clock and brought with them what had been found
secreted by the insurgents. There were two hundred Sharpe's
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
233
rifles, two hundred revolvers, twenty-three thousand per-
cussion caps, one hundred thousand percussion pistol caps,
ten kegs of gunpowder, thirteen thousand ball cartridges
for Sharpe's rifles, one Major General's sword, fifteen hun-
dred pikes, and a large assortment of blankets, shoes and
clothing of every description. They also discovered a carpet
bag, containing documents throwing much light on the con-
spiracy, printed constitutions, and by-laws of the organ-
ization, showing or indicating ramifications in various States
of the Union. They also found letters from various in-
dividuals at the North-one from Fred Douglas, containing
ten dollars from a lady for the cause; alsc a letter from
Gerrit Smith, about money matters, and a check or draft
by him for $100.00, endorsed by a cashier of a New York
bank. All these were turned over to Governor Wise.
Governor Wise, who had arrived on Tuesday, went with
Colonel Lee and cthers to have an interview with Brown.
The Governor said "he was sorry to see a man of his age in
that position." Brown defiantly replied, "I ask no sympathy
and have no apologies to make." Then, the Governor asked
him if he did not think he had done wrong, and he replied,
"Ne." And he declared, that though he had but twenty-two
men with him on the raid, he expected large reinforcements
from Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina
and the New England States and New York. This was an
admission that the conspiracy was much more extensive
than Brown later claimed it to be; and that he and his asso-
ciates expected to excite a wide-spread insurrection among
the slaves at the South.
On Wednesday, the 19th of October, United States
Senator James M. Mason, of Virginia, and Congressman C.
L. Vallandingham, of Ohio, sought and obtained an inter-
view with Captain Brown. The object of the interviewers
was to persuade him to disclose the names of the prominent
Abolitionists who were connected with the conspiracy and
had helped to finance the enterprise. The reporter of the
New York Herald was present and made a stenographic re-
port of the questions propounded and the answers given by
Brown. He either refused to answer or evaded all questions
234
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
that would accomplish the purpose of Mason and Vallanding-
ham. But he lost no opportunity to magnify his own im-
portance as a Great Deliver, Philanthrophist, and exponent
of the Golden Rule; and he tried to justify his many crim-
inal acts during the years he had been engaged in cutlawry.
Shortly after this interview the prisoners-John Brown,
Aaron C. Stephens, Edwin Coppie, Shields Green and John
Copeland-were placed in the custody of the Sheriff of Jeff-
erson County and lodged in jail at Charlestown.
On the 20th of the month a mittimus was issued by
Rodger Chew, a justice of the peace, directing the sheriff to
deliver the bodies of the prisoners to the county jail for safe
keeping. And on the 26th a grand jury brought in an indict-
ment against John Brown, Aaron S. Stephens, alias Aaron
D. Stephens, and Edwin Coppie, white men, and Shields
Green and John Copeland, free negroes. The prisoners were
indicted: "For conspiring with negroes to produce an in-
surrection; for treason in the Commonwealth; and for mur-
der."
The prisoners were brought into the court under an
armed guard, and upon their arraignment each prisoner
plead, "Not Guilty". Then the prosecuting attorney an-
nounced that, "The State elects to try John Brown first."
Thereupon, Brown asked for delay in his trial for various
reasons, chiefly because of his physical condition and ab-
sence of counsel he was expecting to be sent by his sym-
pathizers at the North; but the court, for sufficient cause,
refused to grant the request, and the trial was begun.
The first day was cccupied in selecting a jury. When
Brown was brought into court the second day, Mr. Botts,
of his counsel, informed the court that friends had tried to
persuade the accused to put in a plea of insanity, but that
he disdained to put in the plea. Brown then said: "I will
add, if the court will allow me, that I look upon it as a mis-
erable artifice and pretext of those who ought to take a
different course in regard to me, if they took any at all, and
I view it with contempt more than otherwise. I am perfectly
unconscious of insanity, and I reject, so far as I am cap-
able, any attempt to interfere in my behalf on that score."
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
235
The act of the prisoner made it impossible for his
counsel to make any reasonable defense for their client. He
made no denial that he had committed the offenses charged
in the indictment, and persisted in claiming that what he
had done with his band of outlaws was righteous in the
sight of God. The jury could not do otherwise than bring in
a verdict of guilty on all of the three charges laid in the in-
dictment, and the verdict was: "Guilty of treason, and con-
spiring and advising with slaves and others to rebel, and
murder in the first degree." Before sentence was proncunced
by Judge Richard Parker, the presiding judge, Brown was
asked by the clerk if he had anything to say. The condemned
man arose and addressed the court in a clear voice. He under-
took to justify the criminal conduct of himself and com-
panions, and denied having any sense of guilt; and he said:
"I feel entirely satisfied with the treatment I have received.
on my trial. Considering all the circumstances, it has been
more generous than I expected." When Brown concluded,
Judge Parker declared that no reasonable doubt could exist
of the guilt of the prisoner and sentenced him to be hung
in public, on Friday, the 2nd of December, 1859. The sent-
ence was executed and John Brown expiated his many
crimes on the appointed day."
The Harper's Ferry Insurrection alarmed and infur-
iated the slaveholders in the South; and the summary ex-
ecution of John Brown and his criminal associates excited
the wrath and condemnation of the Abolitionists at the
North. Mr. Blaine in his book, "Twenty Years of Con-
gress," says: "On the day of his execution, bells were toll-
ed in many Northern towns, nct in approval of what
Brown had done, but from compassion of the fate of an
old man whose mind had become distempered by the suffer-
ing of others; from a feeling that his sentence, in view of
this fact, was severe; and lastly, and more markedly, as
a Northern rebuke to the attempt on the part of the Scuth
to make a political issue from an occurence which was as
unforseen as it was deplorable." But the South did not, and
could not reasonably, take Mr. Blaine's view of the occur-
ence. The people of Virginia, and of all the Scuthern States,
236
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
very justly believed that the ringing of the bells, and the
large meetings held in Boston, New York and other North-
ern cities and towns wherein the execution of Brown was
denounced, manifested approval of the outrageous conduct
of "Old Osawaatamie" and his companion felons.
This insurrection nct only further inflamed sectional
animosities, but gave fresh impulse to the demand for a
dissolution of the Union as advocated by the rabid Ab-
olitionists at the North and the extreme pro-slavery lead-
ers at the South. There was a class of Abolitionists called
the non-voting Abolitionists, or Garrisonians. They were
followers of Wm. Lloyd Garrison, editor and publisher of
the Boston Liberator. He was cordially despised by the
Southern people; and his paper was the most offensive to
Southern sentiment of any of the Abolitionist organs. The
Garrisonians held a convention at New York on the 2nd
of February, 1859. Garrison introduced a series of res-
olutions that were adopted by the convention, and from
which we quote the following:
"1. Resolved, That in advocating the Dissolution of the
Union, the Abolitionists are justified by every precept of
the Gospel, by every principle of morality, by every claim of
humanity; that such a union is a 'Covenant with Death,'
which ought to be annulled, and an agreement with Hell'
which a just God cannct permit to stand; and that it is the
imperative and paramount duty of all who would keep
their souls from blood-guiltiness, to deliver the oppressed
out of the hand of the spoiler, and usher in the day of
Jubilee; to seek its immediate overthrow by all righteous
instrumentalities.
"2. Resclved, That (to quote the language of William
H. Seward) they who think this agitation is accidental,
unnecessary, the work of fanatical agitators, and therefore
ephemeral, mistake the case altogether: it is an Irrepress-
ible Conflict between opposing and enduring forces; and it
means that the United States must and will, sooner or
later, become either entirely a Slaveholding or entirely a
Free Labor Nation. It is the failure to apprehend this great
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
237
truth that induces so many unsuccessful attempts at final
Compromise between the Free and Slave States; and it is
the existence of this great fact that renders all such preten-
ded Compromises, when made, vain and ephemeral.'
When Garrison and his followers declared for the "im-
mediate overthrow of slavery" by the employment of "all
righteous instrumentalities," they fixed themselves in a
class of dangerous and conscienceless fanatics. They had
given approval to the desperate means later used by
John Brown in his lawless undertaking at Harper's Ferry.
And they had declined to vote for Republican candidates
at previous elections for the reason that Seward and
Lincoln and all the prominent leaders of the party refused
to sanction the vicious instrumentalities that were being
used by the ultra-Abolitionists. In his celebrated speech
on "National Politics," delivered at Cooper Institute, Feb-
ruary 27th, 1860, Abraham Lincoln distinctly repudiated
John Brown and his Abolitionist associates and supporters.
Mr. Lincoln declared that "John Brown was no Republican,"
and defied the Southern advocates of disunion "to implicate
a single Republican in Brown's Harper's Ferry enterprise."
William H. Seward at that time was the most prcm-
inently mentioned man as the candidate of the Republican
party for President at the 1860 election. He had made, at
Rochester, New York, on the 25th of October, 1858, his
famous "Irrepressible Conflict Speech." The conflict be-
tween Free Labor and Slave Labor was his theme, and, in
terms, he argued that our Republic could not continue to
exist half Slave and half Free. Speaking of the Democratic
party, he said: "It is positive and uncompromising in the
interest of Slavery-negative, compromising and vascillat-
ing, in regard to everything else. It boasts its love of
equality and wastes its strength, and even its life, in fort-
ifying the only aristocracy known in the land. It professes
fraternity, and, sc often as Slavery requires, allies itself for
conquests in foreign lands, but it sends the National eagle
forth always with chains, and not the olive branch, in his
fangs." These expressions, and various others of similar im-
238
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
port, uttered in the speech were very offensive to the South-
ern Democrats; and caused many of them to assert that the
election of Seward or any other "Black Republican" to the
Presidency in 1860 would be ample cause for dissolving the
Union.
While the Abolitionists at the North were proclaiming
their hatred for the institution of slavery and their inten-
tion, if necessary, to disrupt the Union to accomplish its
abolishment, the leaders of political thought at the South
were equally zealous in declaring for dismemberment of the
Union as the proper means for preserving, extending, and
perpetuating slavery. The Southern Democrats had com-
pletely disassociated themselves from Thomas Jefferson's
views on the slavery question-held and proclaimed by him
from the time Virginia was organized as a Commonwealth,
until the day of his death.
Jefferson Davis, then United States Senator from Miss-
issippi, in an address to the people of his State, July 6th,
1859, said: "For myself, I say, as I said cn a former oc-
casion, in the contingency of the election of a President on
the platform of Seward's Rochester speech, let the Union be
dissolved. Let the 'great, but not the greatest of evils,'
come." And about the same time, Albert G. Brown, of Miss-
issippi, the colleague of Mr. Davis from that State in the
United States Senate, made a speech to his constituents
and said:
"I want Cuba; I want Tamaulipas, Potosi, and one or
two other Mexican States; I want them all for the same
reason for the planting and spreading of Slavery. And a
footing in Central America will powerfully aid us in acquir-
ing those other States. Yes; I want these other countries
for the spread of slavery. I would spread the blessings of
Slavery, like the religion of our Divine Master, to the utter-
most parts of the earth; and, rebellious and wicked as the
Yankees have been, I would even extend it to them."
Senators and Representatives from other of the South-
ern States expressed themselves for disunion, if a Repub-
lican was elected President. Clement C. Clay, Senator from
Alabama, addressing his remarks to the Republican Sen-
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
239
ators in the Senate Chamber, and refering to the certain
action of the Southern States, said: "They will never submit
to the government of a President professing your political
faith and elected by your sectional majority." Represent-
tatives J. L. M. Curry, James L. Pugh and Sydenham Moore
of Alabama, announced similar views to those expressed by
Senator Clay. In considering the proper cause for disunion,
he said: "There are hundreds of disunionists in the South
now where there was not one ten years ago. In my judg-
ment, the election of the Presidential candidate of the Black
Republican party will furnish that cause."
Disunion sentiment was then very dominant with the
Virginia Democracy, particularly in the Eastern and North-
ern Sections of the State, as it is now geographically de-
fined. Charles J. Faulkner, formerly a Representative in
Congress from Virginia, but then Minister to France, at
a Democratic meeting in the State, over which he presided,
said: "When that noble and gallant son of Virginia, Henry
A. Wise, declared, as was said he did in October, 1856, that
if Fremont should be elected, he would seize the National
Arsenal at Harper's Ferry, how few would, at that time,
have justified so bold and decided a measure? It is the fort-
une of some great and gifted minds to see far in advance
of their contemporaries. Should William H. Seward be
elected in 1860, where is the man now in our midst, who
would not call for the impeachment of a Governor of Vir-
ginia who would silently suffer that armory to pass under
the control of such an Executive head."
Many other Virginians were defiantly proclaiming for
disunion if a Republican was elected President of the United
States. Among these were Daniel E. DeJarnette, who rep-
resented the Third cr Richmond District in the Thirty-Sixth
Congress; and Shelton F. Leake, who represented the Sixth
District-composed of Albemarle and adjacent counties.
Mr. DeJarnette had been elected as an Independent Demo-
crat over John S. Caskie, who was the regular candidate of
the Democratic party. Previous to the holding of the Re-
publican Convention in 1860, it was generally thougnt that
Mr. Seward would be nominated by the Republicans for
240
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
President. Laboring under that belief, Mr. DeJarnette,
when addressing the House of Representatives, said: "Thus
stands William H. Seward before the country a perjured
traitor; and yet that man, with hands stained with the
blood of our citizens, we are asked to elect President of the
North, but of the South never. Whatever the event may
be, others may differ; but Virginia, in view of her ancient
renown, in view of her illustrious dead, and in view of her
sic semper tyrannis, will resist his authority." Mr. Leake
had been elected to the House of Representatives as an
Independent Democrat over Mr. Powell, who was the reg-
ular candidate of the Democratic party. In a speech in the
House he said: “Virginia has the right, when she pleases,
to withdraw from the Confederacy. That is her doctrine.
We will not fight in the Union, but quit it the instant we
think proper to do so." These utterances brought forth
hearty applause from the Democratic benches.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
241
CHAPTER XVI
THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1860-ABRAHAM LINCOLN
ELECTED PRESIDENT.
ORGANIZATION OF THE GOVERNMENT OF THE
SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY.
A Democratic National Convention assembled at
Charleston, South Carolina, on the 23rd of April, 1860, and
did not adjourn until the 3rd of May. Full delegations were
present from every State in the Union, and double dele-
gations from Illinois and New York. One of the New York
delegations was elected by a State nominating convention
which met at Syracuse, the preceding autumn; and its rival
delegation was elected by districts, and was led by Fern-
nando Wood, Mayor of New York City. One of the delegations
from Illincis was favorable to Mr. Douglas and the other
opposed to him. The question of the contested seats was
referred to the Committee on Credentials.
On the following day the Committee on Organization
reported the name of Caleb Cushing, of Massachusetts, for
President, with a Vice President and Secretary from each.
State, and the report was adopted. A Committee on Res-
olutions and Platform was appointed; and it was voted that
no ballot for candidates should be taken till after the a top-
tion of a platform. This latter movement foreshadowed the
stormy scenes that were witnessed at each succceding
session of the convention. On the 25th the Committee on
Credentials reported in favor of the New York delegation
that was elected at the Syracuse Convention and the Douglas
delegation from Illinois.
The 26th of April was chiefly occupied in angry debate
over the question of a platform; though the Platform Com-
mittee had not reported; and many threats were made by
delegates from the Cotton States of bolting, unless their
views in regard to the platform were adopted. Practically
242
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
all the delegates from the Free States and a few from the
Slave States were for affirming the platform adopted by the
Democratic Convention at Cincinnati in 1856. They had won
a satisfactory victory on that platform; and were confident
they could carry again the Free States that had voted for
Buchanan in 1856.
Inspired by the decision of the Supreme Court in the
Dred Scott case--which was rendered after the inaugura-
tion of Presiden Buchanan-the Southern Demccratic lead-
ers had determined to take a more resolute stand for the ex-
tension of slavery and failing to secure that to urge the
withdrawal of the Slave States from the Union. The Supreme
Court had decided in the Dred Scott case that negro slaves
were chattels, mere things, "who had no rights and priv-
ileges but such as those who held the power and the gov-
ernment might grant them." The Court alsc held, that
Congress had no more right to prohibit the carrying of
slaves into any State or Territory, than it had to prohibit
the carrying thither of horses or any other property-hold-
ing that slaves were property whose secure possession was
granted by the Constitution. The opinion of the Supreme
Court was in harmony with the views of President Pierce,
as ressed in his inaugural address on the 4th of March,
1853.
The Union was composed of thirty-three States in 1860,
eighteen Free States and sixteen Slaveholding. California
and Oregon uniting with the South, gave that section seven-
teen and the North sixteen members of the Platform Com-
mittee and the other committees. By this means the South-
ern delegates gained control of the convention, which en-
abled them to shape all the business submitted to it.
The Platform Committee after prolonged discussions,
failing to agree, presented an assortment of platforms, on
the 27th of April, from which the convention was expected
to make a choice. The majority report, presented by Mr.
Avery, of North Carolina, was, in part, as follows:
"Resolved, That the Platform adopted at Cincinnati,
be affirmed, with the following resolution:
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
243
"That the National Democracy of the United States
hold these cardinal principles on the subject of Slavery in
the Territories: First, that Congress has no power to abol-
ish Slavery in the Territories; second, that the Territorial
Legislature has no power to abolish Slavery in the Terri-
tories, nor to prohibit the introduction therein, nor any
power to destroy or impair the right of property in slaves
by any legsislation whatever.
"Resolved, That the enactments of State Legislatures
to defeat the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law
are hostile in character, subversive of the Constitution and
revolutionary in their effects."
Henry B. Payne, of Ohio, presented the principle mi-
nority report, which was signed by the members of the Com-
mittee from all the Free States except California, Oregon,
and Massachusetts. The minority report reaffirmed the
Cincinnati Platform; declared that all rights of property
are judicial in their character, and that the Democracy
pledge themselves to defer to the decisions of the Supreme
Court. Mr. Payne stated that his report, although a minority
cne, represented one hundred and seventy-two electoral
votes, while the majority report represented only one hun-
dred and twenty-seven electoral votes. But unfortunately
for Mr. Payne, and his conservative associates, a majority
of the votes in the convention would not support his report.
Neither the majority report nor the minority report was
satisfactory to the extreme pro-slavery men, who seemed
to have the convention under their control.) They appeared
determined to force acceptance of their views on the sub-
ject of Slavery or to withdraw from the convention. This
situation created a desire on the part of the delegates from
the North and the more conservative Southern delegates
to compromise the one dangerously disturbing question.
Accordingly, on the 28th of April, Senator Wm. Bigler, of
Pennsylvania, moved that the majority and minority re-
ports be recommitted to the Committee, with instructions
to report in an hour the following resolutions:
"Resolved, That the platform adopted by the Demo-
244
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
cratic party at Cincinnati be affirmed, with the following
explanatory resolutions:
"Resolved, That the Government of a Territory, organ-
ized by an act of Congress, is provisional and temporary,
and, during its existence, all citizens of the United States
have an equal right to settle in the Territory, without
their rights, either of person cr property, being impaired
by Congressional or Territorial Legislation.
"Resolved, That the Democratic party stands pledged
to the doctrine that it is the duty of the Government to
maintain all the constitutional rights of property, of what-
ever kind, in the territories, and to enforce all the decisions
of the Supreme Court in reference thereto.
"Resolved, That the Democratic party are in favor of
the acquisition of the Island of Cuba, cn such terms as
shall be honorable to ourselves and just to Spain.
"Resolved, That the enactments of the State Legislature
to defeat the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law,
are hostile in character, subversive of the Constitution and
revclutionary in their effect."
The concessions offered in the Bigler resolutions the
Northern delegates thought would be accepted by the South-
ern Democrats. But they were not enough to satisfy the
demands of the extreme advocates of Slavery. They were
demanding an explicit assertion of the right of citizens to
settle in the Territories with their slaves-a right which
should not "be destroyed or impaired by Congressional or
Territorial Legislation." And they demanded that the plat-
form should declare that it was the duty of the Federal Gov-
ernment, when necessary, to protect slavery "in the Terri-
tories, and wherever else its Constitutional authority ex-
tends.".
Mr. Bigler moved the previcus question as soon as
his resolutions were presented to the convention. A di-
vision of the question was called for, and the vote was
first taken on the motion to recommit, which was carried,
152 to 151; but the proposition to instruct the committee
was laid on the table by a vote of 242% to 56%. On the
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
245
same day, Mr. Avery from the majority of the Committee
on Platform, reported the following:
"Resolved, That the platform adopted by the Demo-
cratic party at Cincinnati be affirmed, with the following
explanatory Resolutions:
"First, That the government of a Territory organized
by an act of Congress, is provisional and temporary; and
during its existence, all citizens of the United States have
an equal right to settle with their property in the Territory
without their rights, either of person or property, being
destroyed or impaired by Congressional or Territorial leg-
islation.
"Second, That it is the duty of the Federal Government,
in all its departments, to protect, when necessary, the rights
of persons and property in the Territories, and wherever
else its constitutional authority extends.
"Fourth, That the Democratic party are in favor of the
acquisition of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable to
ourselves and just to Spain, at the earliest possible moment.
"Fifth, That the enactment of State legislatures to de-
feat the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law, are
hostile in character, subversive of the Constitution, and
revolutionary in their effect."
The concessions embraced in the resolutions of Mr.
Bigler, the Northern delegates hoped would be accepted by
the Southern Democratic leaders; and that harmony and
unity of cpinion would prevail in the further deliberations
of the covention. But the resolutions reported by Mr. Avery
from the majority of the Committee on Platform immediate-
ly dispelled all hope of compromise. There was a spirit of
conservatism underlying the concessions made by the
Northern delegates that was not appreciated by the Southern
men. The concession they desired was an avowal that
Slaveholders had a constitutional right to take their slaves
not only to any of the Territories but even into the Free
States as property; and have their property rights in the
slaves protected by the Federal Government-as held by the
Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case.
246
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
A heated controversy followed the introduction of the
two sets of resolutions. The most important contention was
over the doctrine of Popular Sovereignty. It was contended
by the Northern delegates that the Cincinnati Platform
was a Popular Sovereignty Platform. This construction of
the Cincinnati Platform was sharply disputed by the South-
ern delegates. The delegates from the Free States were
still anxious to conciliate their Southern friends; and in an
effort to do so, Mr. Samuels, of Iowa, presented a report on
behalf of a minority of the Platform Committee from which
the following resolutions are quoted:
"1. Resolved, That we the Democracy of the Union,
in convention assembled, hereby declare our affirmance of
the resolutions unanimously adopted by the Democratic Con-
vention at Cicinnati, in the year 1856, believing that Dem-
ccratic principles are unchangeable in their nature, when
applied to the same subject matters; and we recommend as
the only further resolutions the following:
"Inasmuch as differences of opinion exist in the Demo-
cratic Party as to the nature and extent of the powers of a
Territorial Legislature, and as to the powers and duties
of Congress, under the Constitution of the United States,
over the institution of Slavery within the Territories:
"2. Resolved, That the Democratic Party will abide by
the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States
on the questions of Constitutional Law.
"5. Resolved, That the Democratic party are in favor
of the acquisition of the Island of Cuba, on such terms as
shall be honorable to ourselves and just to Spain.
"6. Resolved, That the enactments of State Legislatures
to defeat the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law,
are hostile in character, subversive of the Constitution, and
revolutionary in their effect."
Much feeling and confusion was caused by the intro-
duction of the resolutions reported by Mr. Samuels. The
majority of the convention were confident of their ability
to defeat the majority platform reported by Mr. Avery; and
were anxicus for a vote. But the delegates who were in the
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
247
minority staved off action for that day by a system of “fill-
ibustering". It was finally agreed that the vote should be
taken on the following Monday, the 30th, and the conven-
tion adjourned to meet again that day.
On Monday the 30th, the convention again assembled.
After rejection of an amendment cffered by Benjamin F.
Butler, the minority report, made by Samuels was read. In-
effectual efforts were made to table the subject and proceed
to a nomination. The minority report was adopted-the
vote being taken on each resolution separately-with the ex-
ception of the one pledging the Democratic party to abide by
the decisions of the Supreme Court on the subject of Slave-
ry in the Territories.
During the time that intervened between the adjourn-
ment on the 28th and the re-assembling on the 30th of
April, the Southern leaders, evidently, had formulated a
plan to withdraw from the convention in the event their
demands were not acceded to in the platform. Accordingly
as soon as the aforesaid platform was adopted, the plan
was set in motion. The delegates from Alabama, by its
Chairman, presented a written protest, signed by all its
members, announcing their purpose to withdraw from the
convention. This course of the Alabama delegation was
promptly followed by the delegations from Mississippi, Flor-
ida, Texas, all the Louisiana delegation except two, all the
South Carolina delegation except three, three of the Ar-
kansas delegation, two of the Delaware delegation, (includ-
ing Senator Bayard) and one from North Carolina.
On the 2nd of May, twenty-three of the Georgia del-
egation withdrew and in the afternoon of that day the con-
vention decided to ballot for a candidate for President.
There were then 303 delegates in the convention. Candidates
were put in nomination and fifty-seven ballcts were taken.
The candidates voted for were: Stephen A. Douglas, of Il-
linois, James Guthrie, of Kentucky, R. M. T. Hunter of Vir-
ginia, Daniel S. Dickenson of New York, Joseph Lane of
Oregon, and Jefferson Davis of Mississippi. Balloting con-
tinued at intervals until the 3rd of May, the tenth day of
248
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
the session. Douglas received 145% votes on the first ballot
and 151½ on the fifty-seventh ballot, the highest number
he got on any ballot was 1521% votes. The Douglas men
had control of the convention, but could not muster the
necessary twc-thirds to give him the nomination. On the
3rd of May, Mr. Russell of Virginia, offered the following
resolution, which was adopted by a vote of 195 to 55:
"Resolved, That when this convention adjourns today,
it adjourn to re-assemble at Baltimore, Md., on Monday,
the 18th day of June, and that it be respect fully recommend-
ed to the Democratic party of the several States to make
provision for supplying all vacancies in their respective
delegations to this convention when it shall re-assemble.")
When the Democratic Convention re-assembled at Balti-
mcre on the 18th of June, the sectional spirit manifested
at the Charleston meeting had not abated, but had become
more aggravated. It was found impossible to reconcile the
divergent views of the two sections of the Union. Southern
extremists, inspired by Judah P. Benjamin and other dis-
unionists, still demanded that there should be written into
the platform an explicit asseveration of the right of citizens
to settle with their slaves in the Territories; and also make
emphatic declaration that this right should not "be destroy-
ed or impaired by Congressional legislation." The extreme
pro-slavery men also insisted upon a declaration that "it is
the duty of the Federal Government, when necessary to
protect slavery in the Territories, and wherever else its con-
stitutional authority extends."
Finding it impossible to compose the differences of
opinion that arose at Charleston, the delegations from the
following States retired from the convention: Virginia
except 6, Tennesse except 6, North Carolina except 2, Mary-
land except 3, Kentucky except 16,, Misscuri except 8, Cal-
ifornia all delegates retired. Delaware withdrew but refused
to participate in the Seceder's Convention. Then Mr. Cush-
ing resigned his post as presiding officer, in a brief speech,
and vacated the chair.
Governor Tod, of Ohio, who was one of the Vice-Pres-
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
249
idents of the convention, immediately assumed the chair.
Candidates for President were then named. On the first
ballot Stephen A. Douglas received 1731½ vctes, John C.
Breckinridge 5, and James Guthrie 10. On the second ballot
Mr. Douglas received 1811 votes, and was duly declared
the nominee for President. Benjamin Fitzpatrick, of Ala-
bama, was nominated for Vice President. He declined the
nomination two days afterward and the National Commit-
tee supplied the vacancy by the nomination of Herschell V.
Johnson, of Georgia. Governor Wickliffe, of Louisiana offer-
ed the following resolution as an addition to the Platform
adopted at Charleston:
"Resolved, That in accordance with the interpretation
of the Cincinnati Platform, that, during the existence of
the Territorial Governments, the measure of restriction,
whatever it may be, imposed by the Federal Constitution
on the power of the Territorial Legislature over the sub-
ject of the domestic relations, as the same has been, or
shall hereafter be, finally determined by the Supreme Court
of the United States, should be respected by all good cit-
izens, and enforced with promptness and fidelity by every
branch of the General Government."
Mr. Payne, of Ohio, moved the previous question, and
this resolution was adopted, with only two dissenting votes.
THE SECEDERS CONVENTION.
The delegates who had withdrawn from the conven-
tion at the Front Street Theater, together with the dele-
gations from Louisiana and Alabama, who were refused
admission to that convention, met at the Maryland Insti-
tute on Saturday the 28th of June. Twenty-one States were
represented by full or partial delegations. The States not
represented at all were: Connecticut, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa,
Maine, Michigan, New Hampshire, New Jersey, Ohio, Rhode
Island, South Carolina, and Wisconsin.
Hon. Caleb Cushing, of Massachusetts was chosen to
preside over the convention. Mr. Avery, chairman of the
Committee on Resolutions, reported the majority platform
rejected at Charleston and it was adopted unanimously.
250
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, was then unanimously
nominated for President; and Joseph Lane was unanimously
nominated for Vice President.
CONSTITUTIONAL UNION PARTY CONVENTION.
During the time that intervened between the adjcurn-
ment at Charleston and the re-assembling of the Democratic
Convention at Baltimore, a political gathering, which styled
itself the "Constitutional Union Party," met at Baltimore.
There were 252 delegates, representing twenty States. The
delegates were from the scattered but once splendid cohorts
of the old Whig party; and many of them had been ident-
ified with the defunct Know Nothing party. They were the
scns of the patriots who had followed the leadership of
Washington. Some of them had trained under Jefferson and
Madison; and many of them had been associated with Clay
and Webster in their mighty struggles to save the Union
from destruction by the agitation of the Slavery question.
On the second ballot they nominated John Bell, of Tennessee,
for President; and then unanimously nominated Edward
Everett, of Massachusetts, for Vice President. The con-
vention adopted the following as their Platform:
'Whereas, Experience has demonstrated that platforms
adopted by partisan conventions of the country have had
the effect to mislead and deceive the people, and at the
same time to widen the political divisions of the country,
by the creation and encouragement of geographical and
sectional parties, therefore,
"Resolved, That it is both the part of patriotism and of
duty to recognize no political principle other than The Con-
stitution of the Country, The Union of the States, and the
Enforcement of the Laws, and that, as representatives of
the Constitutional Union men of the country in National
Convention assembled, we hereby pledge ourselves to main-
tain, protect and defend, separately and unitedly, these
great principles of public liberty and national safety, against
all enemies at home and abroad, believing that thereby
peace may once more be restored to the country, the rights
of the People and the States re-established, and the Govern-
ment again placed in that condition, of justice, fraternity
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
251
and equality, which, under the example and Constitution of
our fathers, has solemnly bound every citizen of the United
States to maintain a more perfect union, establish justice,
insure dcmestic tranquility, provide for the common defense,
promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of
liberty to ourselves and our posterity."
NATIONAL REPUBLICAN CONVENTION.
The Republicans were the last to hold a convention to
nominate candidates for President and Vice President in
1860 They assembled in a National Convention at Chicago
on the 16th of May and effected an organization. The follow-
ing day a platform was adopted; and from which the follow-
ing significant resolutions bearing on the Slavery ques-
tion and Disunion are quoted:
"3. That to the Union of the States this Nation owes
its unprecedented increase in population, its surprising
development in material resources, its rapid augmentation
of wealth, its happiness at home and its honor abroad; and
we hold in abhorrence all schemes for Disunion, come from
whatever source they may: and we congratulate the country
that no Republican member of Congress has uttered or
countenanced the threats of Disunion so often made by Dem-
ocratic members, without rebuke and with applause from
their political associates; and we denounce those threats of
disunion, in case of a popular overthrow of their ascendency,
as denying the vital principles of free government, and as
an avowal of contemplated treason, which it is the imper-
ative duty of an indignant People sternly to rebuke and for-
ever silence.
"4. That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the
States, and especially of each State to order and control its
own domestic institutions according to its own judgment
exclusively, is essential to that balance of powers on which
the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depends;
and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the
soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext,
as among the gravest of crimes.
"7. That the new dogma that the Constitution of its
own force, carries Slavery into any or all of the Territories
252
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
of the United States, is a dangerous political heresy, at
variance with the explicit provisions cf that instrument
itself, with contemporaneous exposition, and with legis-
lative and judicial precedent; is revolutionary in its ten-
dency, and subversive of the peace and harmony of the coun-
try."
Clearly it was the purpose of the Republican party-
as then constituted-not to interfere with Slavery in the
States where it already existed as a domestic institution;
but to preserve to those States their Constitutional right
to hold their slaves in servitude until public sentiment, in
each State, shculd demand emancipation of the slaves. Yet,
it was the equally firm purpose of the Republicans to prevent
the further extension of slavery in the United States; and to
preserve inviolate the Union of the States.
On the third day of its deliberations the convention
proceeded to nominate its candidates. The Democrats had
confidently expected that William H. Seward would be nom-
inated for President, as he had been made famous by his
Irrepressible Conflict Speech. His name was the first pre-
sented to the convention. Then, in succession, Abraham
Lincoln, of Illinois, William L. Dayton, of New Jersey, Si-
mon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, Salmon P. Chase of Ohio,
Edward Bates, of Missouri, and John McLean, of the United
States Supreme Court, were placed in nomination. When
the first ballot was taken Seward received 1732 votes and
Lincoln 102, the remaining vctes being scattered among the
other candidates. On the second ballot the vote was, 18412
for Seward and 181 for Lincoln, with 991½ scattered among
the other candidates. The third ballot was taken amid great
excitement; and intense feeling existed during the voting,
each vote being awaited in breathless silence and expect-
ancy. On this ballot Seward got 184 votes and Lincoln
2311%. The whole number of votes cast was 465, and Lincoln
was within 1 votes of nomination. Before the result of
the ballet was announced, a sufficient number of votes were
changed from several States to swell Lincoln's vote to 354.
On motion of Wm. M. Evarts, of New York, who had placed
Mr. Seward in nomination, the nomination of Mr. Lincoln
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
253
was made unanimous. Thus was that great patriot-Abra-
ham Lincoln, then hated by the South, but whose memory
is now honored by our people, chosen to enact the leading
part in the most painful tragedy that has been experienced
by the American people. The Presidential ticket was com-
pleted by the nomination of Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine,
for Vice President. Mr. Hamlin had been a consistent Jeff-
ersonian Democrat and continued such until 1856. He was
then a member of the United States Senate. On the 12th of
June, 1856, he rose in the Senate and renounced his al-
legiance to the Democratic party, because of its attitude
on the Slavery question.
As the campaign progressed the rift that divided the
Democrats of the two sections of the Union was widened;
and the ranks of the Republicans were constantly augment-
ed by accessions from Northern Democrats, who were in-
dignant because of the avowed purpose of the Souhern lead-
ers to withdraw from the Union, if necessary to extend
and perpetuate slavery) The campaign was conducted upon
the widely divergent views of Lincoln and Breckinridge_on
the Slavery question. It soon became evident that the voters
of the Free States would vote for either Lincoln or Douglas;
and that the voters of the Southern States would vote for
either Breckinridge or Bell. When the election returns were
canvassed, it was found that Lincoln had carried every
Free State, and that Breckinridge had won in every Slave
State except four Virginia, Kentucky, and Maryland vcting
for Bell, and Missouri for Douglas. The electoral vote by the
colleges stood: 180 for Lincoln and Hamlin; 72 for Breckin-
ridge and Lane 39 for Bell and Everett; and 12 for Douglas
and Johnson. By a plurality of the popular vote, Linccln
carried 18 States; Breckinridge 11; Bell 3; and Douglas 1.
Of the entire popular vote Lincoln got 1,857,601, Douglas
1,291,574; Breckinridge 850,082; and Bell 646,124.) From
these figures it will be seen that Lincoln lacked 930,170 of a
popular majority; and was, therefore, a minority President.
And from these same figures, it is reasonable to infer, that
if the Democrats at their Charleston Convention had simply
254
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
reaffirmed their Cincinnati Platform and nominated Stephen
A. Douglas as their candidate they would have won the
Presidency.
The results of the election in Virginia were very extra-
ordinary. At the preceding Presidential election James Buc-
hanan, the Democratic candidate, received 29,396 majority
over Millard Fillmore, the American candidate; and Fremont
the Republican candidate got only 290 votes in the State.
Buchanan's majority was the largest that had ever been
given in this Commonwealth for a Presidential candidate.
Strange to relate, at the 1860 election, John Bell, the can-
didate of the Constitutional Union Party carried the State
by a plurality of 249 over Breckinridge, that being the maj-
ority of the highest Bell and Everett elector. Nine of the
Bell and Everett and six of the Breckinridge and Lane elect-
ors were elected. Stephen A. Douglas got a small vote in the
State, and Abraham Lincoln got 1929. Most of the votes that
were cast for Mr. Lincoln were polled in counties that are
now a part of West Virginia, though he get a sprinkling
of votes in certain counties in Northern Virginia; and 13
votes in Shenandoah County, which was the only county of
The present Appalachian Virginia that gave a vote for Lin-
coln. The results of the election clearly proved that a major-
ity of the people in the State were not in sympathy with the
disunion sentiment that was so rampant in the Southern
States. The following is the official vote of the Thirteenth
District and of Giles County, then attached to the Twelfth
District.
Grayson
Breckinridge
Bell Douglas
447
315
16
Lee
894
462
10
Pulaski
250
332
5
Smyth
496
446
49
Tazewell
734
306
Washington
.1,174
916
56
Wythe
795
617
22
Russell
526
473
34
Carroll
729
315
11
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
255
Giles
McDowell
244
386
63
37
6,326
4,568
301
The majority for Breckinridge over Bell was 180 in Buc-
hanan County and 71 in Scott County. The Thirteenth Dis-
trict and Giles County gave Breckinridge a majority of
2,109 over Bell.
In my History of Tazewell County and Southwest Vir-
ginia, writing about the result of the Presidential election
of 1860, I wrote in part as follows:
"When the result of the election was announced the Re-
publicans at the North were greatly elated. The people of
the South were thrown into a state of intense anger and ex-
citement, and felt that no other course was left them but
peaceable withdrawal from the Union. A political party had
gained control of the executive branch of the Federal Gov-
ernment with the avowed purpose of not only preventing
the extension of slavery into the Territories, but of event-
ually securing, through peaceful means, its abolishment
from the States of the Union.
The session of Congress that followed Mr. Lincoln's
election was stcimy and eventful. John C. Crittenden, then
a Senator from Kentucky, tried to avert, by compromise,
the impending catastrophe. Early in the session, in Decem-
ber, 1860, he presented in the Senate, as the basis for settle-
ment of the Slavery question, the famous Missouri Com-
promise line 36 degrees 30 minutes as a division of the pub-
lic domain. The proposition of Mr. Crittenden was offered in
the form of a constitutional amendment. Large numbers of
petitions were received daily from citizens of the Free States
urging the adoption of the proposition. Jefferson Davis, Robe
ert Tcombs, and nearly all the extremist Southern Senators,
together with Stephen A. Douglas and the conservative Sen-
ators from the North, were in favor of the Crittenden plan
for restoring peace and harmony between the two sections
of the Union. But it was found that no Abolitionist, and not
256
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
a single prominent man of the party that had elected Mr.
Lincoln, would accept and stand by the proposed plan for
settlement of the momentous question. Thereupon, nearly
all the Southern Senators, including Mr. Davis and Mr.
Toombs, united in sending a telegram to the people of the
South, advising them, as a matter of safety, to withdraw
from the Union.
On the night of the 14th of November, 1860, Alexander
H. Stephens, afterwards Vice President of the Confederate
States, made an address to the Legislature of Georgia and
an immense audience at Milledgeville. It was a very con-
servative and able address; and Mr. Stephens took the
position that Georgia ought not to secede from the Union
because of Mr. Lincoln's election. In part, he said: “In my
judgment, the election of no man, constitutionally chosen,
to that high office (the President) is sufficient cause to
justify any State to separate from the Union. We are
pledged to maintain the Constitution. Many of us have
sworn to support it." He urged, that "if the Republic is to
go down, **** Let the fanatics of the North break the Con-
stitution, if such is their fell purpose." Mr. Stephens also
called attention to the fact that the opposing parties had
control of both Houses of the newly elected Congress, which
made the Republican President powerless to carry into
effect any unconstitutional principles of his party. Hearing
of this speech, Mr. Lincoln wrote Mr. Stephens for a copy,
that he might be more fully informed of its import. On Dec.
22, 1860, Mr. Lincoln wrote to Mr. Stephens a private letter,
endorsed at the head "For your eye only," and, in part,
saying:
Do the people of the South really entertain fears that
a Republican administration would, directly or indirectly,
interfere with the slaves, or with them, about their slaves?
If they do, I wish to assure you, as once a friend, and still,
I hope, not an enemy, that there is no cause for such fears.
The South would be in no more danger in this respect, than
it was in the days of Washington. I suppose, however, this
does not meet the case. You think slavery is right and ought
to be extended, while we think it is wrong and ought to be
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
257
restricted. That I suppose is the rule. It certainly is the only
substantial difference between us."
Clearly it was at the time Mr. Lincoln's purpose not to
disturb slavery in the Southern States, but to prevent its
extension beyond those States where it already existed. This,
however, was not satisfactory to the ultra pro-slavery men
of the Scuth, who had resolved to extend it into the Terri-
tories, and to also demand a strict enforcement of the Fug-
itive Slave Law. They were also demanding that persons
committing crimes against slave property in one State, and
fleeing to another should be delivered up for trial in the State
where the crime was committed, and that: "A person charg-
ed in any State with treason, felony, or any other crime, who
shall flee from justice and be found in another State, shall,
on demand of the executive authority of the State from
which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the State
having jurisdiction of the crime." Executives of certain of
the Free States had refused to deliver up such criminals;
and the Governor of Ohio had actually refused to deliver up
to the Virginia authorities men who were engaged in the
Harper's Ferry Insurrection.
Following the advice of Jefferson Davis, Robert Toombs
and other Southern Senators, South Carolina withdrew
from the Union by an ordinance of secession, passed by a
Convention on the 20th day of December, 1860. Later on,
at short intervals, Mississippi, Louisiana, Alabama, Florida,
Georgia, and Texas passed ordinances of secession. In her
ordinance, South Carolina had incorporated an invitation to
all Southern States who might secede to join her in sending
delegates to a Congress to meet on the 4th of February, 1861,
at Montgomery, Alabama. This invitation was accepted by
Alabama, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Tex-
as; and the delegates from those States assembled with
the delegates from South Carolina at Montgomery on the
day fixed in the invitation. The Senators and Members in
the Federal Congress, of each of the seceding States, had
resigned their positions, except Mr. Bouligney, of Louisiana.
He occupied his seat until the expiration of his term on the
258
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
4th of March, 1861. The delegates or deputies of the "Sover-
eign and independent States of South Carolina, Georgia,
Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana," then pro-
ceeded to ordain and establish a Constitution for the Pro-
visional Government of the same.
On Saturday, the 9th of February, 1861, the First Con-
gress of the Confederate States of America was organized,
the President and each member taking the following oath:
"You do solemnly swear that you will support the Consti-
tution for the Provisional Government of the Confederate
States of America, so help you God."
The Congress of the Confederate States of America
then proceeded to elect a President and Vice President for
the Provisional Government. The vote being taken by States,
Hon. Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi was unanimously elect-
ed President; and Hon. Alexander Hamilton Stephens, of
Georgia, was unanimously elected Vice President of the Pro-
visional Government. And on the 18th day of February,
1861, the inauguration of Jefferson Davis as President and
Alexander H. Stephens as Vice President of the Confed-
erate States of America took place. At an early date Presi-
dent Davis announced his Cabinet as follows: Secretary of
State, Robert Toombs, of Georgia; Secretary of Treasury,
Christopher G. Memminger, of South Carolina; Postmaster
General, John H. Reagan, of Texas; Secretary of Navy,
Stephen R. Mallory, of Florida; Attorney General, Judah P.
Benjamin, of Louisiana.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
259
CHAPTER XVII.
VIRGINIA HOLDS CONVENTION AND SECEDES FROM UNION—-
UNITES WITH THE CONFEDERATE STATES-
FOUR YEARS OF WAR BETWEEN THE STATES.
Governor John Letcher, of Virginia, had in a message to
the General Assembly at its 1859-1860 session-declared that
the election of a Republican to the Presidency "ought to be re-
sisted by the Slaveholding States." He said: "The idea of per-
mitting such a man to have control and direction of the army
and navy of the United States, and the appointment of high
judicial and executive officers, postmasters included, cannot be
entertained by the South for a moment."
In accordance with this view of the situation—after Abra-
ham Lincoln had been constitutionally elected President of the
United States Governor Letcher called the Virginia General
Assembly in extra session, to meet on the 7th of January, 1861.
Upon the recommendation of Governor Letcher, the General As-
sembly, on the 14th of January, one week after it assembled,
passed an act which provided for electing members of a conven-
tion to consider the grave questions that confronted the coun-.
try. This act required a poll to be opened to take the sense of
the qualified voters of Virginia as "to whether any action of
said convention dissolving our connection with the Federal Un-
ion or changing the organic law of the State, shall be submitted
to the people for ratification or rejection." The election for
delegates was held on the 4th of February, 1861, and the ques-
tion submitted to the people was decided affirmatively by a large
majority. One hundred and fifty delegates were elected, ap-
portioned among the various counties and cities of the State.
The men who were elected to represent the counties that
now constitute the present Ninth Congressional District of Vir-
ginia in the convention were as follows: Lee John D. Sharp;
Lee and Scott Peter C. Johnston; Scott-Colbert C. Fuqua;
Russell and Wise William B. Aston; Tazewell and Buchanan―
260
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
William P. Cecil and Samuel L. Graham; Washington-Robert E.
Grant and John A. Campbell; Smyth-James W. Sheffey; Wythe
-Robert C. Kent; Pulaski-Benjamin F. Wysor; Giles-Manil-
lius Chapman.
When the convention assembled on the 13th of February,
it was found to be largely composed of the most prominent lead-
ers of the Whig and Democratic parties in the State. The au-
thor, then a boy fourteen years old, was living with his parents.
in Richmond, and it was my privilege to witness the opening
and organization and to frequently attend the deliberations of
this splendid convention of Virginians. I have looked upon many
legislative and other deliberative bodies; but in all my experi-
ence, I have never seen an assembly of men, representing the
people, that surpassed this convention in ability and earnest-
ness of purpose. It was manifest that a large majority of the
members opposed withdrawal from the Union under the condi-
tions then existing.
On the 19th of February, 1861, Hon. John S. Preston, of
South Carolina, Commissioner from that State, addressed the
convention. I sat on a step of the rostrum from which he spoke,
and heard him, with burning eloquence, appeal to Virginians to
unite their fortunes with the States that had already seceded
from the Union. Secession sentiment was increased in a small
measure by Mr. Preston's speech. During the weeks that fol-
lowed, until the ordinance was passed, the question was debated
on the flcor of the convention by great Virginia statesmen, ably,
earnestly, and sometimes thrillingly.
The author, though a boy, was thrilled by and thoroughly
responsive to Mr. Preston's eloquent plea for Virginia to unite
with South Carolina and the other Cotton States in their move-
ment to destroy the Federal Union. Mr. Preston was a son of
General Francis Preston and a grandson of General William
Campbell. At a Fourth of July Celebration held at Abingdon,
Virginia, in 1812, General Francis Preston gave the following
patriotic toast: "God bless these United States-may he who at-
tempts their disunion meet the fate of Percival." General Pres-
ton could not possibly have dreamed when he gave that patriotic
toast that he was invoking a direful fate for his own gallant
son.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
261
The following paragraphs relative to the Virginia Secession
Convention are taken from Pendelton's History of Tazewell
County and Southwest Virginia:
"On the 4th of March, 1861, Abraham Lincoln was inau-
gurated President of the United States. In his inaugural ad-
dress, Mr. Lincoln referred to the apprehension that existed
'among the people of the Southern States that by the accession
of a Republican Administration their property and their peace
and personal security are to be endangered.' 'He gave assur-
ance that "There has never been any reasonable cause for such
apprehension;' and this assurance was reinforced by quoting
an utterance made in one of his speeches when a candidate: 'I
have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the in-
stitution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I
have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.'
"But, Mr. Lincoln, announced his purpose to 'preserve, pro-
tect and defend' the Government. He declared: "The Govern-
ment will not assail you. You can have no conflict without be-
ing yourselves the aggressors." These words were addressed to
his dissatisfied countrymen at the South. The members of the
Virginia Convention, after reading these utterances of the Pres-
ident, were hopeful that all disturbing questions might still be
amicably adjusted. So believing, on the 8th of April, the con-
vention adopted a resolution creating a committee of three to
wait upon the President; 'and to respectfully ask of him to com-
municate to this convention the policy which the Federal execu-
tive intends to pursue in regard to the Confederate States.' It
was a committee composed of three very eminent men-William
Ballard Preston, of Montgomery County; Alexander H. H.
Stuart of Augusta, and George W. Randolph, of the city of Rich-
mond.
"The committee went to Washington on the 12th of April,
and the President received them on the morning of the 13th.
Unfortunately for the peaceful mission of the committee, on the
day of their arrival at Washington bombardment of Fort Sum-
⚫ter was commenced by General G. T. Beuregaurd, and war had.
actually begun. The President handed the committee a written.
reply to the preamble and resolution of the Virginia Convention,
in which he said:
262
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
"The power confided in me will be used to hold, occupy, and
possess the property and places belonging to the government,
and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what is neces-
sary for these objects there will be no invasion-no using of
force against or among the people anywhere. ***
"But if, as now appears to be true, in pursuit of a purpose
to drive the United States authorities from these places, an un-
provoked assault has been made upon Fort Sumter, I shall hold
myself at liberty to repossess, if I can, like places which had
been seized before the government devolved upon me. And in
any event I shall to the extent of my ability repel force by
force."
Two days after sending his reply to the Virginia Conven-
tion, President Lincoln issued his eventful proclamation calling
forth the militia of the several States of the Union to the aggre-
gate number of 75,000. This was done to carry out the policy
he had announced in his reply to the resolution of inquiry sent
from the Virginia Convention. A requisition was made upon
the Governor of Virginia for her quota of militia under the proc-
lamation. Governor Letcher immediately issued a proclama-
tion declaring that Virginia would not, under any circumstanc-
es, supply troops to aid in any manner in any assault upon the
Southern States.
Following these important incidents the convention went
into secret sessions; and, after sitting several days with closed
doors, on the 17th of April, 1861, adopted an ordinance which
repealed the ratification of the Federal Constitution by the
State of Virginia, and resumed all the rights and powers grant-
ed by the State to the Federal Government. The ordinance re-
quired that the question should be submitted to the people on
the following fourth Thursday in May for ratification or reject-
ion. An election was held on that day, and the action of the
convention was endorsed by a very large majority of the votes
cast at the election.
The secret sessions of the convention, held before the ordi-
nance was adopted and promulgated, were marked with very able
and heated discussions of the secession question. There was a
strong anti-secession sentiment prevailing among the members,
as was shown by their votes when the ordinance was put upom
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
263
its final passage. It was adopted by a vote of 88 to 55. The
minority was made up of a number of the most distinguished
men of the Commonwealth. Among these were: Alexander H.
H. Stuart, John B. Baldwin, Edmund Pendelton, William Mc-
Comas, Jubal A. Early, Robert Y. Conrad, James Marshall, Will-
iams C. Wickam, John S. Carlile, Alfred M. Barbour, George W.
Summers, John Janney, who was President of the convention;
Waitman T. Willey, Sherrard Clemmens, Samuel McD. Moore,
John F. Lewis, Algernon S. Gray, William White, J. G. Holladay,
and others.
Governor Letcher took prompt steps for organizing and
mobilizing the military forces in Virginia. A number of well-
trained volunteer companies were already in existence in the
various cities and counties of the State, and these were quickly
mustered into service. The Governor, on the 22nd of April,
nominated Col. Robert E. Lee to be Commander of the military
and naval forces of Virginia, with the rank of major general.
The nomination was confirmed by the convention; and on the
following day, the 23rd. the great military chieftain appeared
and was introduced to the august body by John Janney, the ven-
erable President, in a speech that presaged the fame that Lee
would win in the four years that followed. General Lee's re-
sponse to the beautiful remarks of Mr. Janney was brief and
characteristic. He said: "Mr. President and Gentlemen of the
Convention Profoundly impressed with the solemnity of the
occasion, for which I must say I was not prepared, I accept the
position assigned by your partiality. I would have much pre-
ferred had your choice fallen on an abler man. Trusting in
Almighty God, an approving conscience, and the aid of my fel-
low-citizens, I devote myself to the service of my native State,
in whose behalf alone, will I ever again draw my sword."
A temporary union of Virginia with the Confederate States
was effected through Commissioners appointed by the conven-
tion, and Alexander H. Stephens, Commissioner for the Confed-
eracy. And on the 25th of April an ordinance was passed adopt-
ing the Constitution of the Provisional Government of the Con-
federate States; and this ordinance was not to be effective until
and unless the Ordinance of Secession was ratified by the voters
of Virginia. Later, a resolution was passed inviting the Presi-
dent of the Confederate States, and the constituted authorities
264
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
of the Confederacy, to make the city of Richmond, or some other
place in this State, the seat of government of the Confederacy.
Alexander H. Stephens, Vice President of the Confederate
States of America, says in his History of the United States: "On
the 21st of May, after the secession of Virginia, the seat of gov-
ernment of the Confederate States was transferred to Rich-
mond, the capital of the State."
If one cares to search for the causes of the war between
the States, they can surely be found in the series of events that
attended the agitation of the slavery question-beginning with
the Missouri question in 1818, and culminating in the Presiden-
tial election of 1860. To whom shall be alloted the fearful re-
sponsibliity of originating the causes that provoked the terrible
catastrophe? This, up to the present time, has been largely á
matter of individual or sectional opinion. Conservative thought
may, possibly, eventually find that the fault was dual-divided
equally between the fanatical Abolitionists of the North and the
uncompromising Slaveholders of the South. The Abolitionists
so abhorred slavery that they violated the Constitution, defied
the decrees of the highest judicial tribunal of the Government,
and employed the most barbarous agencies for its abolition.
And its extreme advocates at the South claimed, as did John C.
Calhoun, that slavery was a benevolent institution and should
be perpetuated. Others at the South contended that its econ-
omic value transcended all questions of morality and righteous-
From these two extremes there was developed an irre-
pressible conflict that could not be concluded except by war.
ness.
THE CIVIL WAR AN AWFUL TRAGEDY—
ABRAHAM LINCOLN AND JEFFERSON DAVIS THE MOST PATHETIC
FIGURES IN AMERICAN HISTORY.
The apprehensions of Thomas Jefferson that the African
Slaves in the States--if they were not voluntarily emancipated
-would certainly be made free by force were at last to be veri-
fied. And his fears of disaster aroused by the Missouri Compro-
mise, which divided the Free and Slave States by a geographical
line, were also to be confirmed. Prolonged agitation of the
Slavery question had so inflamed the passions of the people of
the two sections against each other that civil strife became in-
evitable. At the North and at the South, the descendants of the
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
265
noble patriots who fought, suffered and died to secure freedom
for the Colonies were lost to all sense of American brotherhood.
A woefully realistic tragedy that endured for four years was
enacted; and thousands of the bravest and best of our American
citizenship sacrificed their lives in a struggle that should never
have been staged.
Almost countless pages of a historical nature have been
written and published about the causes of this tragic period in
American history. And it is more than possible that the great-
er portion of these publications have been too strongly tinctured
with sectional prejudice and partisan feeling. Six decades have
elapsed in the life of the Union since the Civil War terminated;
but, sad to relate, sectional animosities are not entirely obliter-
ated; and we still have a politically solid South and practically
a solid North. These continued unwholesome conditions are in
large measure due to the utterances and performances of fanat-
ics and ambitious politicians, men of the same character as
those who were responsible for the Civil War.
The War, however, served to prove that American leader-
ship-both military and civil-was of a supreme order; and that
American soldiers were of a class that had never been surpass-
ed for devotion to duty and dauntless courage. It proved that
with union of sentiment among the people of all sections of the
country, enlisted in a common cause, and with united action
under the proud flag of the Revolutionary Fathers, the Ameri-
can Nation will be unconquerable by any foreign foe. The un-
happy struggle between the men of the Free and the Slave
States made famous to future generations the two most pathetic
-and at the time the most misunderstood-figures that have
appeared in the history of our Nation. These were Abraham
Lincoln and Jefferson Davis. It is a remarkable coincidence
that these two famous Americans the one who gave his life
for the preservation of the Union, and the other who gave more
than his life in a hopeless effort to disrupt the Union-were
both by nativity sons of the South. Abraham Lincoln was born
in Hardin County, Kentucky, February 12th, 1809; and Jeffer-
son Davis was born on June 8th, 1808, in that part of Christian
County, Kentucky, which now forms a part of Todd County.
Mr. Lincoln was of very humble parentage, was born in a
rude cabin, environed with pinching poverty. He never went
266
1
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
to school but six months, but he was a model speaker and writer
of the English language. His mother taught him to read the
Bible before he was eleven years old; and from that time his
craving for education was almost insatiable. It is truly as-
tounding, when one reviews the manner in which this wonder-
ful man became self-educated, how he was developed into one
of the greatest thinkers and doers on social and political prob-
lems the world has ever produced. He may even be ranked
with Thomas Jefferson as a champion of human freedom and
popular government. Like Jefferson, from his earliest en-
trance into the politics of the country, he advocated the emanci-
pation of the African slaves in the States and their colonization.
He apparently inherited the prescience of Mr. Jefferson as to
what would follow the freeing of the slaves and permitting
them to remain here as citizens. And he firmly believed that
the cleavage between the Caucasian and Negro inhabitants, oc-
casioned by racial antipathies and physical differences, could
never be eradicated; and a homogeneous nation, composed of the
two races, be permanently established. His political enemies
asserted, and taught the people of the South to believe, that he
was in favor of giving to the negroes social and political equal-
ity. This was not true. In 1858 Mr. Lincoln ran against Ste-
phen A. Douglas for United States Senator; and these two polit-
ical giants had a series of joint debates that would have made
each of them famous if they had done nothing further to attain
the distinction of greatness. Mr. Douglas was charging that
Mr. Lincoln was favoring social and political equality for the
negroes. In their first joint debate, at Ottawa, Illinois, on the
21st of August, 1858, Mr. Lincoln repelled the charge by the
following remarks addressed to the large audience:
"Now gentlemen, I don't want to read at any great length,
but this is the true complexion of all I have ever said in regard
to the institution of slavery and the black race. This is the
whole of it, and anything that argues me into his idea of per-
fect social and political equality with the negro is but a spu-
rious and fantastic arrangement of words, by which a man can
prove a horse-chestnut to be a chestnut horse. I will say here,
while upon this subject, that I have no purpose, either directly
or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the
States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
267
so, and I have no inclination to do so. I have no purpose to in-
troduce political and social equality between the white and the
black races.
There is a physical difference between the two,
which, in my judgment, will probably forever forbid their liv-
ing together on the footing of perfect equality; and inasmuch
as it becomes a necessity that there must be a difference, I, as
well as Judge Douglas, am in favor of the race to which I belong
having the superior position. I have never said anything to the
contrary, but I hold, that notwithstanding all this, there is no
reason in the world why the negro is not entitled to all the nat-
ural rights enumerated in the Declaration of Independence-
the right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness."
Clearly it was the desire and intention of Mr. Lincoln to
colonize the negroes after they were emancipated and the Civil
War was concluded. Even as early as 1858, when he was a
candidate for United States Senator, he declared in a speech
made at Springfield, Illinois: "What I would most desire would
be the separation of the black and white races." That he was
thoroughly sincere in his expressed desire to separate the races
was evidenced on more than one occasion after he became Presi-
dent. In an address on colonization to a deputation of colored
men, August 14th, 1862, he said:
"Your race is suffering, in my judgment, the greatest
wrong inflicted on any people. But even when you cease to be
slaves, you are yet far removed from being placed on an equal-
ity with the white race. You are cut off from many of the
advantages which the other race enjoys. The aspiration of
men is to enjoy equality with the best when free, but on this
broad continent not a single man of your race is made the equal
of a single man of ours. Go where you are treated the best, and
the ban is still upon you. I do not propose to discuss this, but
to present it as a fact with which we have to deal. I cannot
alter it if I would. It is a fact about which we all think and
feel alike, I and you. We look to our condition. Owing to the
existence of the two races on this continent, I need not recount
to you the effects upon the white men, growing out of the insti-
tution of slavery. ****** But for your race among us there
could not be war, although many men engaged on either side do
not care for you one way or the other. Nevertheless, I repeat,
without the institution of slavery, and the colored race as a bas-
268
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
is, the war could not have an existence. It is better for us both,
therefore, to be separated."
The President told the deputation of colored men he had
selected a place in Central America, which he considered prefer-
able to Liberia as a location for the colonization of the negroes
then in the United States and the Confederate States. Evident-
ly there was reluctance on the part of some, and perhaps all, of
the colored deputation to accept the colonization scheme of Mr.
Lincoln and co-operate with him in executing it. They apparent-
ly thought it asking too much of them, when they were already
free and independent, to make any sacrifice that would contrib-
ute to the future welfare of the slaves that were to be emanci-
pated at the South. To any such objections that were offered
the President urged: "For the sake of your race you should sac-
rifice something of your present comfort for the purpose of be-
ing as grand in that respect as the white people. ****** Gen-
eral Washington himself endured greater hardships than if he
had remained a British subject, yet he was a happy man be-
cause he was engaged in benefiting his race, in doing something
for the children of his neighbors, having none of his own."
Though Abraham Lincoln was deeply interested in securing
freedom for the enslaved black men at the South, he was unwill-
ing to have them remain here as citizens. He feared that if
they became invested with American citizenship it would even-
tually incite them to demand social and political equality with
the white race-a condition which he knew was impossible of
accomplishment. What a great misfortune for both of the races
that he could not have lived to apply his great mind and inflex-
ible will to the solution of the racial problem-a problem that
may ultimately prove as dangerous to our country as did the
vexatious Slavery question.
President Lincoln in prosecuting the war had a loftier ob-
ject in view than the mere freeing of the negro slaves, and that
was the preservation of the Union. For several months before
he decided to issue his celebrated Emancipation Proclamation
he was censured by preachers, by Abolitionists, and by publish-
ers at the North for his hesitating policy on the Negro question.
Horace Greeley published an open letter in his paper-The New
York Tribune-addressed to the President, that was censorious
i
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
269
and dictatorial in tone. Mr. Lincoln replied to the Greeley let-
ter, in part, as follows:
"As to the policy I 'seem to be pursuing' as you say, I have
not meant to leave any doubt.
"I would save the Union. I would save it the shortest way
under the Constitution. The sooner the National authority can
be restored, the nearer the Union will be the Union as it was.'
If there be those who would not save the Union unless they
could at the same time save slavery, I do not agree with them.
If there be those who would not save the Union unless they
could at the same time destroy slavery, I do not agree with
them. My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Un-
ion, and is not to save or destroy slavery. If I could save the
Union without freeing any slave, I would do it; and if I could
save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it; and if I could
save it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also
do that. What I do about slavery and the colored race, I do be-
cause I believe it helps to save the Union; and what I forbear, I
forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the Un-
ion."
The people of the South were taught to believe during the
Presidential campaign of 1860 that Abraham Lincoln was a ma-
lignant foe of our section of the Union. We were told that he
was coarse, uncouth, ignorant, brutal, and incapable; and that, if
he became President, he would assail and destroy Southern in-
stitutions and Southern civilization. Most of us believed these
statements were true; and we readily accepted the doctrine that
the election of a "Black Republican" to the Presidency would be
sufficient cause for disruption of the Union and the erection of
a Confederacy of our own. But most of us have realized that
instead of being our enemy, Lincoln was our true-hearted
friend. Today his memory is cherished quite as cordially at the
South as it is at the North and the West; and we recognize him
as one of the greatest and purest men America, or even the
world, has ever produced. And we have an abiding conviction.
that if he had lived to fill out his second term, the people of the
South would have been saved from the despised period of Recon-
struction days, and would not now be enthralled by the racial
problem which threatens our social and political life.
It may
270
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
safely be said that the most woeful event of the Civil War, and
the most serious calamity inflicted upon the people of the South,
was the horrible assassination of Abraham Lincoln on the night
of April 14th, 1865.
Jefferson Davis, the other great figure of the Civil War, was
not of humble origin, but belonged to a class which the Aboli-
tionists derisively called the "Slaveholding Aristocracy of the
South." He was not an aristocrat, but was a devoted disciple
of Thomas Jefferson, for whom he was named; and was, there-
fore, the earnest advocate of the greatest doctrine of popular
government-the right of local self-government-a doctrine
which has seemingly been sacrificed to the Hamiltonian theory
of centralization. His educational opportunities were of the
best then attainable in this country. He received an academic
education near his father's home, then in Wilkinson County,
Mississippi. Afterwards he entered Transylvania College in
Kentucky, where he pursued his studies until 1824. In 1824 he
was appointed a cadet by President Monroe to the United States
Military Academy at West Point, graduated from that institu-
tion in 1828, and was assigned to the First Infantry as second
lieutenant. He was an active participant in the Black Hawk
War of 1831-32, was transferred in 1833 to the First Dragoons,
was promoted to be first lieutenant, and was appointed adju-
tant. For the following two years he was actively engaged in
campaigns against the Pawnees, Comanches and other hostile
Indians. His record as an officer and gallant fighter was of the
highest order. On June the 30th, 1835, he resigned from the
army and entered upon the duties of civil life, and became a
cotton planter near Vicksburg. While engaged as a planter, by
arduous study he prepared himself for public life. In 1844 he
was a Polk and Dallas elector; and in 1845 he was elected to
Congress, taking his seat in December of that year. At that
session of Congress the Tariff, the Oregon question and the An-
nexation of Texas were the most important issues discussed in
the National Legislature. When the war with Mexico began
he resigned his seat in Congress to become Colonel of the First
Mississippi Volunteer Rifles, and at the battles of Monterey and
Buena Vista he won for himself and his gallant Riflemen a fame
1
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
271
that will endure in military history through the coming cen-
turies.
In August, 1847, Mr. Davis again entered public life. He
was appointed to the United States Senate by the Governor of
Mississippi to fill a vacancy created by the death of Senator
Spight, and took his seat on December 6th, 1847. In January,
1848, he was unanimously re-elected by the Mississippi Legisla-
ture for the remainder of the term; and in 1850 was elected
for a full term. "He was made Chairman of the Senate Com-
mittee on Military Affairs, and here, as in the House, he was
active in the discussion of the slavery question in its various
phases, the Compromise Measures of 1850, and all other impor-
tant issues." In 1851 he resigned his seat in the Senate to run
as the Democratic candidate for governor of his State, but was
defeated by a majority of nine hundred and ninety-nine. Pres-
ident Pierce then appointed him Secretary of War, which posi-
tion he filled with great distinction, making many valuable re-
forms in the military service. At the close of the Pierce Ad-
ministration in 1857, he left the Cabinet and again was elected
to the Senate. When Mississippi seceded from the Union-hav-
ing been officially informed of the fact---he made his memorable
farewell address to the Senate and went immediately to his
home to take his stand with his State and the other seceding
States.
Jefferson
The people at the North while the war was in progress were
taught to believe that Jefferson Davis was a despicable char-
acter, just as we at the South were made to believe that Abra-
ham Lincoln was a monster in human shape and teeming with
rancor toward our section. Mr. Davis was as much misunder-
stood at the North as Mr. Lincoln was at the South.
Davis was as sincere in his convictions and as honest in his pur-
poses as was Abraham Lincoln. Lincoln thought that the only
way to insure continued freedom for the American people was
to preserve the Union; and Jefferson Davis believed that the
only way to preserve constitutional government and Anglo-Sax-
on civilization for the people of the South was separation from
the Union, and the organization of the Southern States into a
Confederacy that would uphold the rights of the States and the
essential right of local self-government.
272
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
The inaugural address of Mr. Davis as President of the
Provisional Government of the Confederate States reveals the
reasons that induced him to consent to secession and engage in
the hazardous undertaking of establishing a new Confederacy.
He must have been hopeful that public sentiment at the North
and at the West would give assent to the peacable withdrawal
of the Southern States from the Union. Horace Greeley, one of
the most potential journalists of the day, said in his paper, the
New York Tribune--"If the Southern States are mad enough to
withdraw from the Union, they must go. We cannot prevent
it. Let our erring sisters go in peace." The New York Herald,
the Albany Argus, and the Detroit Free Press were equally as
pronounced in opposition to the use of force against the seced-
ing States. Governor Horatio Seymour, of New York, and
other eminent men of the Free States boldly declared against
coercive action.
It is hardly conceivable that a man endowed with the splen-
did intellect of Mr. Davis, and with such ample knowledge of
military and civil matters, could have even dreamed that the
Southern States might engage successfully in conflict with the
States that remained loyal to the Federal Government. The
Confederacy had no army or navy, no arms and other munitions
of war, and had no materials and factories with which the nec-
essary supplies could be manufactured. The wealth of the
South was invested in slaves and lands, and her thousands of
miles of frontier and coast were inadequately supplied with de-
fences. On the other hand, the North possessed vast wealth,
and had workshops and shipyards with which all needed muni-
tions and engines of war could be produced. With the odds so
heavily against him, President Davis, with untiring energy and
great executive ability, managed the affairs of the Confederacy
so skillfully that the great power of the Federal Government--
directed by Lincoln's mighty will and brain-was engaged four
years subduing the South. If the material resources of the two
combating sections had been more equally balanced, President
Davis would undoubtedly have won for the South. Even though
the cause for which he struggled has been permanently record-
ed in history as the "Lost Cause", his accomplishments in its be-
half were so marvelous that he is worthy of a place by the side
of Lincoln in the World's Temple of Fame. Abraham Lincoln
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
273
is no longer misunderstood and hated at the South, but blind in-
tolerance still keeps Jefferson Davis misunderstood at the North.
Many generations will have to pass before the people of the
South will forgive and forget the cruel treatment inflicted upon
Jefferson Davis after he was made a captive. Lincoln's assassi-
nation by a drunken madman was an awful tragedy. Binding
Jefferson Davis in fetters and casting him into a loathsome dun-
geon was brutal barbarism.
When the deplorable political and social catastrophe-the
Civil War-was ended, one of the most damaging and abiding
results for Virginia was found to be the division of her territory
into two distinct States. A greater part of her Appalachian
territory had been torn from her and erected into the present
State of West Virginia. So large a portion of the population of
that section of Virginia had discountenanced secession and re-
mained loyal to the Union, that the formation of the New State
was conceived and accomplished. Nevertheless, there were many
of the inhabitants of that territory who not only sympathized
with the Southern Cause but gave it active and valuable sup-
port; and thousands of the most gallant men who followed Lee
and Jackson, and other Confederate generals, came from that
region.
The present Appalachian Virginia starting at the western
end of the State with the counties that border on the lines of
Kentucky and Tennessee, extends eastward through the Roan-
oke and Upper James River valleys, and down the valley of
Virginia, with Frederick and Clarke counties forming its eastern
border. There are thirty-two splendid counties in this bound-
ary, all of them west of the Blue Ridge Mountains.
274
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
CHAPTER XVIII.
RECONSTRUCTION-MILITARY RULE-VIRGINIA
RESTORED TO THE UNION
The thirty-two counties of the present Appalachian Virgin-
ia had furnished more than thirty thousand men for service in
the Confederate armies. Many of them were killed in battle
and numbers of them were so severely wounded that they were
impaired physically for life. The magnificent Valley of Virgin-
ia had been almost completely stripped of its agricultural pro-
ducts, and was in a comparatively destitute condition. This
had been done by the order of General Grant, which he deemed
a benevolent means for hastening the downfall of the Confed-
eracy, and for ending the cruel sacrifice of lives of good Amer-
ican citizens. Southwest Virginia had contributed so liberally
from its food supplies for the support of the Confederate armies
that there was even a painful scarcity in this section.
The men from the mountains who surrendered at Appo-
mattox, and who were discharged at other places, returned
promptly to their homes. Joyfully they returned to live again
amid the crystal fountains, beautiful streams, and forest-clad
mountains the pioneers found when they built their cabin homes
in our Appalachain region. It was spring time when the sol-
diers got back home. The pasture fields on the hills and moun-
tain sides, and the meadows along the streams were carpeted
with the exquisite verdure which has made and still makes
Appalachian Virginia famous. The returned veterans went
eagerly to work to further developments and beautify the homes
that had descended to them from the pioneer fathers and
mothers. How faithfully they have performed that service is to
be seen on every hand, in the present Appalachian Virginia.
The author was encouraged to write this volume by an
ardent desire to relate, as far as he was capable, the manner in
which the political thought and character of the people of Ap-
palachian Virginia was formed and developed to its present
shape and expression. In executing this task, I have written
very freely about State and National politics from the organ-
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
275
ization of our State and Federal governments up to the Civil
War. And my chief purpose has been to show that the people
of the mountain sections of Virginia have pretty uniformly ad-
hered to the principles of government set forth in the Virginia
Bill of Rights and the Declaration of Independence. In the suc-
ceeding pages of this book political conditions that have obtain-
ed in Virginia, generally, and in Appalachian Virginia in par-
ticular, since the end of the Civil War, will be the chief topic.
The following facts applicable thereto, and showing how Virgin-
ia was restored to the Union are taken from the author's His-
tory of Tazewell County and Southwest Virginia:
"Upon the downfall of the Confederate States, the State
Government of Virginia, that had been exercising at the Cap-
itol governmental functions during the war, was necessarily
overthrown. Francis H. Pierpont had been elected Governor of
Virginia on the 20th of June, 1861, by a bogus convention that
assembled at Wheeling. He established his seat of government
at Wheeling; and kept it there until the State of West Virginia
was admitted to the Union and the government of the new
State was organized. On the 20th of June, 1863, Governor
Pierpont removed his seat of government to Alexandria. And,
on the 9th of May, 1865, Andrew Johnson, President of the
United States, issued a proclamation recognizing Pierpont as
Governor of the Commonwealth of Virginia.
In this proclamation, President Johnson ordered: "That
all acts and proceedings of the political, military, and civil or-
ganizations which have been in a state of insurrection and re-
bellion within the State of Virginia, against the authority and
the laws of the United States, and of which Jefferson Davis,
John Letcher, and William Smith were late the representive
chiefs, are declared null and void. All persons who shall exer-
cise any political, military or civil power, authority, jurisdiction
or right, by, through or under Jefferson Davis, late of the city
of Richmond, and his confederates, or under John Letcher or
William Smith, or civil commission or authority issued by them
or either of them, since the 17th day of April, 1861, shall be
deemed and taken as in rebellion against the United States, and
shall be dealt with accordingly." The President also declared
that the Federal Government would aid Governor Pierpont, "in
the lawful measures which he may take for the extension and
276
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
administration of the State government throughout the geo-
graphical limits of the said State."
Following the issuance of President Johnson's proclamation,
Governor Pierpont, with his executive officers, removed the
seat of government from Alexandria to Richmond, and occupied
the Governor's mansion and the Capitol. The first entry in the
Executive Journal was made on the 23rd of May, 1865, and is
as follows:
"His Excellency the governor, in pursuance of the authority
in him vested by the laws of the Commonwealth, and upon due
information of the suppression of insurrection and domestic
violence within the limits of the Commonwealth, ordered that
the seat of government be restored to and re-established at
the city of Richmond, from and after this date, and issued his
proclamation accordingly."
By the mandate of the President's proclamation, every
civil office in Virginia-State, county, and municipal-became
vacant; and it was incumbent upon Governor Pierpont to see
that all such offices were refilled with capable men.
Article XIII. of the Federal Consititution was passed by
Congress in January, 1865. It is as follows: "I. Neither slavery
nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime,
whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist
within the United States, or any place subject to their juris-
diction." This amendment was adopted to make effective Pres-
ident Lincoln's "Emancipation Proclamation."
On the 29th of May, 1865, President Johnson issued his
Peace Proclamation. And on the same day, acting as comman-
der-in-chief of the armies of the United States he issued an-
other appointing William H. Holden provisional governor of
North Carolina. Provisions were made in the proclamation for
a convention to be held in that State to frame a new constitu-
tion, under which the State would be recognized by the Pres-
ident as a member of the Federal Union. A similar course was
pursued by him toward the other seceding States, and the sev-
eral States were authorized to take action by means of a con-
vention or a duly elected legislature.
The President having, on May 9th, 1865, declared the gov-
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
277
ernment of Virginia restored, an election was held in the
fall of, 1865, to elect members of the General Assembly.
The elective franchise had not then been extended to
the negroes, and none but white men voted at the election.
This General Assembly had many of the most prominent
citizens of the State among its membership, and they
had been loyal supporters of the Confederate States. The
counties that now constitute Southwest Virginia had the follow-
ing as their representatives in the House of Delegates: Lee—
W. McDonald; Scott-Z. W. Davidson; Wise and Buchanan-H.
Riggs; Russell-W. J. Dickinson; Tazewell Geo. W. Deskins;
Washington-C. S. Beckam and J. Teeter; Smyth-V. S. Morgan;
Wythe Robert Gibboney; Grayson J. W. Parsons; Pulaski and
Bland Samuel H. Newberry; Giles-Albert G. Pendelton; Car-
roll-L. F. Woltz; Montgomery-T. D. Childress; Floyd-N. B.
Moore; Roanoke and Craig-J. Trout.
The Senatorial Districts were represented as follows: Scott,
Lee and Wise William Richmond; Buchanan, Russell, and Taze-
well-Dale Carter; Washington and Smyth-Joseph W. Davis;
Wythe, Grayson, Pulaski and Bland--Charles L. Crockett; Giles,
Montgomery, Roanoke, and Craig-George H. Peck; Carroll,
Floyd and Patrick-Jefferson T. Lawson.
The Legislature was chosen practically on the same basis
as before the war, and it was the last one thoroughly representa-
tive of ante-bellum Virginia. The law then provided for annual
sessions of the General Assembly, and the members of the
House were elected for a term of two years and the senators for
a term of four years. The first session of this Legislature began
on the 4th of December, 1865, and ended the 3rd of March, 1866.
Its responsibilities and duties were very onerous, they were
equally as difficult--perhaps more so as those that confronted
the fathers at Virginia's first General Assembly in 1776.
The XIII. amendment to the Federal Constitution was rati-
fied by the Legislature; State officers, including judges of the
Court of Appeals were elected; necessary legislation on the slav-
ery question was enacted; and tax laws to provide revenue for
the State Government were passed. Provision was also made
for the reorganization of the Circuit and County Courts, and
the County and Municipal governments. These duties were all
satisfactorily performed.
278
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
Early in 1866 the radical members in Congress began to
antagonize President Johnson's peaceful policy toward the
Southern States. The reconstruction policy of Congress was so
radically antagonistic to the Presidential policy that it created
an open rupture between the President and a majority of both
Houses of Congress.
The Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution was pass-
ed by Congress in July, 1866; and its ratification by the South-
ern States was made a condition precedent to their restoration
to the Union. The Amendment was indignantly rejected by the
Legislature of every Southern State, except Tennessee.
When the Virginia Legislature assembled, December 3rd,
1866, to hold its second session, that body was confronted with
the important problem of adoption or rejection of the Four-
teenth Amendment to the Constitution. A very small number of
the members favored its ratification; and all of these, except one,
were induced, by the urgent pleas of the opposition, to vote for
its rejection. One of the chief objections urged to its adoption
was that it would greatly reduce the representation of Virginia
and of all the Southern States in the National House of
Representatives, and in the Electoral College.
Under the provisions of the Federal Constitution, framed
by the Revolutionary fathers, the slaveholding States were giv-
en representation on their slaves. Mr. Jefferson affirmed that
this provision of the Federal Constitution "was a matter of com-
promise; a capitulation between conflicting interests and opin-
ions." The concession added greatly to the political power of
the Southern States, and enabled them to practically dominate
the National Government for more than fifty years. Now, after
the slaves had been emancipated, the politicians of Virginia, and
the other Southern States, wanted to retain full representation
on the negro inhabitants without according them citizenship
and investing them with the elective franchise. The provisions
of the Fourteenth Amendment that were apparently intended
to reduce the representation of the Southern States in Congress
and the electoral college, were as follows:
"Representatives shall be apportioned among the several
states, according to their respective numbers, counting the
whole number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not
1
1
*
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
279
taxed. But when the right to vote at any election for the choice
of electors for president and vice-president of the United States,
representatives in congress, the executive and judicial officers
of a State, or the members of the legislature thereof, is denied
to any of the male inhabitants of such State, being twenty-one
years of age, and citizens of the United States, or in any way
abriged, except for participation in rebellion or other crime, the
basis of representation therein shall be reduced in the propor-
tion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the
whole number of such male citizens twenty-one years of age in
such State."
James G. Blaine, of Maine, was a member of the National
House of Representatives at this period. He was an active ad-
vocate of liberal measures for reconstruction of the Southern
States; and was the author of the proviso that any State in the
South should have a full restoration of its rights and privileges
as a member of the Union upon the condition that it should
ratify the amendments to the Constitution. In his book-
"Twenty Years of Congress"-he wrote as follows about the con-
ferring of sufrage on the negro:
"The truth was that the Republicans of the North, con-
stituting, as was shown by the elections of 1865, a majority in
every State, were deeply concerned as to the fate and fortune
of the colored population of the South. Only a minority of Re-
publicans were ready to demand suffrage for those who had
been recently emancipated, and who, from the ignorance pecul-
iar to servitude, were presumably unfit to be entrusted with
the elective franchise.
"The great mass of Republicans stopped short of the de-
mand for the conferment of suffrage on the negro. That privil-
ege was, indeed, still denied him in a majority of the loyal
states, and it seemed illogical and unwarrantable to expect a
more advanced philanthropy, a higher sense of justice, from the
South than had yet been attained by the North."
Mr. Blaine, however, claimed that there were certain rights
"with which the negro must be endowed before he could essen-
tially better his material condition or advance in knowledge."
Among the essential rights he mentions were: "The full pro-
tection of the law of marriage ** to the end that good morals
should be inculcated, and that every child should have a respon-
280
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
sible father;" that "he should have the benefit of such laws as
would assure to him the wages of his labor and confer upon him
the right to hold real estate and other property;" and that
"some provision be made for the rudimentary instruction of
colored children, in order that they might learn the mechanical
arts and have the privilege of working at such callings as were
best adapted to them."
It seems that one of the purposes of the Fourteenth Amend-
ment to the Constitution was to give the Southern States oppor-
tunity to re-enter the Union, without compelling them to ex-
tend suffrage to the negroes. To do this, however, they must
abandon the negro as a basis of representation, and, consequent-
ly, have their representation proportionally reduced. If these
deductions as to the intent of the Amendment be correct, the
inference is, that the Southern States elected to take the risk
of having negro suffrage forced upon them, rather than submit
to a reduction of their representation in Congress and the elect-
oral college.
The rejection of the Fourteenth Amendment was not the
only thing that led to the enactment of the cruel Reconstruction
measures that were subsequently passed by Congress. Certain
of the Southern States-notably Alabama, Georgia, South Caro-
lina, Mississippi, and Louisiana-enacted laws that would have
put the negroes of those States in a condition of servitude that
resembled the serfdom of Russia or the peonage of Mexico.
These two serious blunders of the Southern political leaders
were eagerly seized upon by Thad Stevens, Charles Summer, and
their radical associates in Congress to press to completion their
harsh Reconstruction measures. The more conservative Repub-
licans, who favored the milder policy of President Johnson and
William H. Seward, were completely overwhelmed by the radical
Republicans. The recalcitrant States at the South were placed
under military rule, and the Fifteenth Amendment to the Con-
stitution was passed by Congress. This Amendment invested the
negroes at the South with the right of suffrage, and did the
same for the negroes in the loyal States where the right had
previously been withheld. The ratification of both of the
Amendments was required of the Southern States before they
would be allowed to re-enter the Union from which they had se-
ceded. And the States that had defiantly refused to ratify the
I
1
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
281
Fourteenth Amendment did accept and ratify both of the
Amendments. They had preserved their representation on the
negroes, but at the cost of having their former slaves and their
descendants exercise the elective franchise; and the race prob-
lem has ever since, like a hell-broth, been boiling and bubbling.
On the 2nd of March, 1867, Congress passed an act which
provided for establishing military governments in the "rebel
States. Under its operation Virginia was designated "Military
District No. 1." The act also provided that the people of the
"rebel States" should frame acceptable constitutions and adopt
the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments before they could
have representation in Congress; and the act further provided:
"That until the people of and said States shall be by law admit-
ted to representation in Congress, any civil government which
may exist therein shall be deemed provisional only, and in all
respects subject to the paramount authority of the United
States, at any time, to abolish, modify, control or supersede the
same."
On the 6th of April, 1868, the civil government that had
been conducted by Governor Pierpont from April, 1865, was
superseded by the appointment of H. H. Wells as military gov-
ernor of District No. 1. As soon as Wells entered upon the
duties of his office, he declared all the offices of the State vacant;
and the State, county and municipal officers, including the judg-
es, were expelled from their positions. The vacant positions
were filled as rapidly as possible by the appointment of carpet-
baggers and scalawags.
The act of March 2nd, 1867, also provided for the election
of members to a convention to establish a constitution for Vir-
ginia, and authorized the voters of the State to vote for or
against the convention to frame a constitution. On the 22nd of
October, 1867, an election was held at which the question of
holding a Constitutional Convention was submitted to the peo-
ple, and delegates thereto were elected. The State had been
divided into districts, and one hundred and five delegates were
elected to represent the several districts. This convention as-
sembled at the Capitol, in the city of Richmond, on Tuesday,
December 3rd, 1867. Its composition was of such a character
as to greatly excite the disgust and anger of all true Virginians.
282
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
To them it was a detestable finale to the oppressive era of Re-
construction. Three days after the convention adjourned,
twenty-nine of the Conservative members issued an address to
the people of Virginia, from which the following paragraphs
are copied:
"The convention consisted of one hundred and five mem-
bers, of whom some thirty-five were Conservatives, some sixty-
five Radicals, and the remainder doubtful. The Radicals were
composed of twenty-four negroes, fourteen native born white
Virginians, thirteen New Yorkers, one Pennsylvanian, one mem-
ber from Ohio, one from Maine, one from Vermont, one from
Connecticut, one from South Carolina, one from Maryland, one
from the District of Columbia, two from England, one from Ire-
land, one from Scotland, one from Nova Scotia, and one from
Canada. Of the fourteen white Virginians belonging to this
party, (they were called Scalawags) some had voted for seces-
sion, others had been in the Confederate service, others are old
men whose sons had been in the Confederate army; hardly one
had a Union record. A large proportion of the Northern men
and foreigners were drifted here in some non-combatant capa-
city by the war.
"The convention organized by electing a New Yorker (the
despised John C. Underwood) president. A native of Maryland
(George Rye) secretary. A Marylander was elected sergeant-
at-arms. An Irishman, resident of Baltimore, was elected
stenographer. The assistant clerk was from New Jersey. Two
negroes were appointed doorkeepers. A clergyman from Illi-
nois was appointed chaplain. Even the boys appointed as pages,
with one exception, were negroes, or sons of Northern men or
foreigners; while the clerks of the twenty standing committees,
with two or three exceptions, were also Northern men or ne-
groes."
The members, who represented the districts apportioned to
Appalachian Virginia were solidly Conservatives; and all from
the districts that were composed of the counties west of New
River were Conservatives. The latter were as follows: Bland
and Tazewell-James Milton French; Lee, Scott, and Wise-An-
drew Milbourn and Charles Duncan; Pulaski and Giles-Eustace
Gibson; Russell and Buchanan-George R. Cowan; Smyth and
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
283
Washington-John H. Thompson and Joseph T. Campbell; Wythe
--James Gibboney.
It was nearly impossible for the motley, nondescript assem-
bly that had been authorized by the Congress of the United
States to reform the organic law of the "Mother of States and
Statesmen" to make a Constitution that would be satisfactory
to the white people of Virginia. However, the Constitution they
did frame had some excellent provisions. One that deserves
special commendation is the provision that established a public
free school system in Virginia. It is an astounding fact that
this splendid provision was resented as bitterly by the wealthy
and cultured white people of the State, as was done by the
wealthy and aristocratic classes when Thomas Jefferson strove
to establish public free schools in the Commonwealth.
On the 17th of April, 1868, the New Constitution was adopt-
ed by a vote of 51 to 26; and the convention adjourned sine die.
There were two sections of the instrument that were very ob-
noxious to all the good white people and many of the better
thinking negroes of the State. These were known as the "test
oath" and "disfranchising" clauses of the Underwood Constitu-
tion. What was afterwards known as the Conservative party
was then taking form; and it had been determined by the lead-.
ers to defeat the Constitution at the polls, when it was submit-
ted to the people, unless the objectionable provisions could be
gotten rid of in some way.
Alexander H. H. Stuart, John B. Baldwin, and other leaders
of the Conservative party became convinced that negro suffrage
would be permanently fastened upon Virginia; and that it
would be advisable to take steps to get rid of the obnoxious
clauses the Radicals had written into the Constitution. They
organized a committee composed of Alexander H. H. Stuart,
John B. Baldwin, Wyndham Robertson, W. S. Sutherland, James
Neeson, J. F. Johnson, William Owen, John L. Marye, Jr., and
John F. Slaughter. This committee, afterwards known as the
"Committee of Nine", went promptly to Washington, where they
had conferences with President Grant and other prominent men
connected with the Federal Government. At these conferences
a very happy and effective plan was agreed upon for disposing
of the test-oath and disfranchising clauses of the Constitution.
284
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
Congress proceeded to pass an act--which was approved by
President Grant on the 10th of April, 1869, directing the sub-
mission of the Constitution of Virginia to a vote of the people,
and authorizing the election of State officers provided for by the
Constitution, and also for members of Congress.
"The act prescribed that the President of the United States
may, at such time as he may deem best, submit the constitution
which was framed by the convention, to the voters for ratifica-
tion or rejection; and may also submit to a separate vote such
provisions of such constitution as he may deem best, such vote
to be taken, either upon each of the said provisions alone, or in
connection with the other portions, as he may direct."
In pursuance of this act, President U. S. Grant, on the 14th
of May, 1869, issued a proclamation designating the 6th of July,
1869, as the time for submitting the Constitution of Virginia,
passed by the convention which met on the 3rd of December,
1867, to the registered voters of the State for ratification or re-
jection. The proclamation also directed that state officers and
members of Congress should be chosen at this election. It also
directed that the test-oath and disfranchisement clauses be vot-
ed on separately.
As soon as it became evident that Virginia would be re-ad-
mitted to the Union, the Conservatives selected a ticket for
State officers. They nominated Colonel Robert E. Withers for
Governor; General James A. Walker for Lieutenant Governor;
and Raleigh T. Daniel for Attorney General. Colonel Withers
and General Walker were gallant officers in the Confederate
army, and Mr. Daniel had been a zealous supporter of the Con-
federacy.
The Radical Republicans nominated Henry H. Wells, the
Military Governor, for Governor; J. D. Harris, a negro, for Lieu-
tenant Governor; and Thomas R. Bowden, a scalawag, for Attor-
ney General. This ticket very greatly alarmed the Conserva-
tives. There were numbers of Republicans in the State who
were disgusted with the radical element that had made the new
Constitution. The Conservatives felt they would need the co-
operation of this better class of Republicans to defeat the car-
pet-baggers, scalawags, and negroes. And the Conservatives
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
285
feared that the moderate Republicans would not support a tick-
et that was composed of ex-Confederates. These apprehensions
caused the withdrawal of the Withers-Walker-Daniel ticket.
Before the election for members of the Constitutional Con-
vention took place, groups of moderate leaders of the two
parties had shown a disposition to co-operate for the restoration
of Virginia to the Union on the basis of universal suffrage and
equal civil and political rights. After the new Constitution was
framed, these same leaders made an agreement to vote for the
ratification of the Constitution without the disfranchisement
and test-oath clauses, and for the election of respectable Repub-
lican State officials and a moderate legislature.
The new movement had in contemplation acceptance of the
Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments, and seeming acquies-
cence in the extension of suffrage and civil and political equal-
ity to the negroes. It was, no doubt, secretly understood
amongst the leaders that, with Virginia once more a member of
the Union and the white people in control of her affairs, they
would be able to neutralize or, if necessary, abort negro suf-
frage. The "True Republicans," as they styled themselves, un-
der the inspiration of the "Committee of Nine", met in conven-
tion at Petersburg. They nominated Gilbert C. Walker for Gov-
ornor; John F. Lewis for Lieutenant Governor; and James C.
Taylor for Attorney General. The Conservative leaders and
masses robed themselves as "True Republicans," and gave en-
thusiastic support to the "True Republican Ticket.”
John S. Wise, in his Historical Novel, "The Lion's Skin,”
says: "The True Republican' party, had selected a handsome
dissolute fellow for Governor. He was a New Yorker, who had
drifted into the State with the Federal Army as a sutler and
was now in a bank at Norfolk." Charles Chilton Pearson in his
book," "The Readjuster Movement in Virginia", speaking of the
"new movement" of the Conservative leaders, says: "These men
next induced the "True Republican' faction to endorse their plan
and nominate for governor Gilbert C. Walker, a carpet-bagger
Republican, but a moderate and intelligent man, strongly con-
nected in Congressional Circles."
John F. Lewis, nominee of the "True Republicans" for Lieu-
tenant Governor, was one of the most upright and courageous
286
V
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
of the many good men then living in Virginia. He was a great-
grandson of John Lewis, who was the first pioneer settler in the
splendid Shenandoah Valley, Augusta County, Virginia; and was
an ardent old-line Whig in the pre-war days. He was elected
to the Secession Convention as a Union man by the people of
Rockingham County. While canvassing his county, he told the
voters if he was elected to the convention, "under no circum-
stances would he vote for an ordinance of secession." And, as
the representative of the people of Rockingham, he remained
steadfast to his promise. He not only voted against the Ordin-
ance of Secession, but courageously refused to sign the Ordin-
ance after it was adopted by the convention. "Eventually every
member of the convention representing a constituency in the
present territorial limits of Virginia, but one, signed the Ordin-
ance. That one was John F. Lewis; nothing could induce him
to sign it."
Major Taylor was a lawyer of ability, an ex-Confederate
soldier, and a popular citizen of Montgomery County. He, later
on, became a prominent figure in the great Readjuster Move-
ment, and did much to make the movement a successful one. If
the "Committee of Nine" had given proper consideration to the
individual merits of their "True Republican" candidates, they
would have found nothing to the disparagment of John F. Lewis
or James C. Taylor. And, if the Virginia politicians had shown
even reasonable astuteness, they would have discovered that
their carpet-bagger candidate for Governor did not merit the
support of our people. The "new movement" was purely strat-
egic; and its manipulators were influenced more by desire to
procure material and political benefits than to protect the honor
of Virginia. Some of the best men in Virginia did not approve
of the piebald scheme of the "Committee of Nine" to put Vir-
ginia back in the Union and get the affairs of the State in their
hands. Conspicuous among the dissenters was that grand old
patriot, General Henry A. Wise. He was asked by a reporter
of one of the Richmond newspapers what he thought of the "new
movement", and he replied: "What do I think of the new move-
ment? I think it is the basest abandonment of principle in the
history of politics. I think it a living lie! A base hypocrisy! A
disgrace to the Confederate dead, destined to destroy the morale
of the Confederate living. What would our dead comrades say
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
287
if they saw us embracing the negro as our political equal? Ah!
I hear their reproaches ringing in my ears. I hear them saying,
'We had the courage to die like men, but you have not the cour-
age to live like men. A little more of endurance, a little more
of patient martyrdom and you would have regained honorable
liberty. But you were weak and sighed for the fleshpots. You
have bartered your birthright for a mess of negro suffrage pot-
tage. You are liars and hypocrites when you do it. You will
emerge from your voluntary self-abasement degenerate from
the standard of dead Confederates. You have out-scalawagged
the scalawags, and out-carpet-bagged the carpet-baggers. Woe!
Woe, unto a people who buy peace at the sacrifice of truth and
self-respect. I shall be dead and gone before you realize the
truth of what I say, but the time will surely come when Virgin-
ians will curse the day they yielded to the unprincipled counsels
of this band of time-servers, who under the name of Conserva-
tives, have tempted them into a radical departure from the
truth and the high principles which have made our State great
in the past, and have started her on a career which will blight
her future."
Time has demonstrated that General Wise made a correct
estimate of the purposes of the movement. It was sponsored
by men who had indignantly rejected the Fourteenth Amend-
ment, when by its adoption the State could have escaped Mili-
tary Rule and Reconstruction; and, possibly, negro suffrage.
But these men wanted to hold for Virginia her pre-war repre-
sentation in Congress; and to do this effectively they pretended
to accept in good faith both the Fourteenth and Fifteenth
Amendments with their doles of negro suffrage and political
and civil equality.
The white men of the State, generally, were so humiliated
by having their State and county and municipal governments
conducted under military rule, and so despised the obnoxious
clauses of the Underwood Constitution, that they cheerfully ac-
cepted the professed motives of the promoters of the new move-
ment, and gave it earnest support. The business men-the
merchants, the manufacturers, the bankers, and the railroad
mangates- -on account of the serious damage to business in the
State by military rule were the most zealous advocates of the
288
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
movement. And the bankers, brokers and railroad men had
special reasons for their activity, which will be explained in
subsequent pages of this volume.
To make victory assured, the "Committee of Nine" and
their coadjutors concluded it was advisable to get as many
negro votes as possible for their State ticket and for expurgat-
ing the objectionable clauses from the Constitution. To this
end, a system of cajolery and flattery was used and negro ora-
tors were hired to persuade the electors of African descent to
vote for the expurgated Constitution and the "True Republican"
candidates. While the campaign was in progress, the directors
of the new movement became alarmed over the repelling im-
pression, they were told, the name of their party-"True Repub-
lican"--was making upon the Democratic and ex-Confederate
This induced them to change the party name. They
were afraid to call it the Democratic party, as the election
would have, to be ratified by a Republican Congress. More-
over, the State Chairman was an old-line Whig, and many others
of that political persuasion were the leading spirits of the move-
ment. They hated the name Democrat about as intensely as
they did that of Radical. And under no consideration would
they consent to naming it the Democratic party. Hence, it
was, as a matter of compromise, named the Conservative Party."
This mongrol combination-composed of "True Republicans,"
old-line Wigs, Confederate Democrats, and Negroes-was the
pregenitor of the present Democratic party of Virginia.
The party won a complete victory at the election that was
held on the 6th of July, 1869. Of the votes cast on the question
of ratifying the Constitution 125,114 were white and 97,205
were colored. And 210,585 voted for ratification of the Con-
stitution and 9,136 against ratifying it. Both of the obnoxious
clauses the disfranchisement and test-oath provisions-were
expunged from the Constitution by about forty thousand ma-
jority. For Governor, Gilbert C. Walker received 119,535 votes,
and Henry H. Wells 101,204. John F. Lewis, for Lieutenant
Governor got 120,065 votes, and J. D. Harris 96,600. For At-
torney General, James C. Taylor received 119,637 votes and
Thomas R. Bowden 101,129. As soon as the result of the elect-
ion was known at Richmond, Raleigh T. Daniel, State Chairman
of the party, telegraphed to President Grant, "We congratulate
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
289
you on the success of your policy in Virginia. The gratitude of
the people for your liberality is greatly enlivened by the over-
whelming majority by which that policy prevails."
For nine years Virginia had been separated from partici-
pation in the affairs of the Federal Government. Then she
was restored to most of her rights as a component part of the
American Union. But the State was still denied the right to
protect herself with her own soldiers, commanded by her own
officers, under the orders of her own governor and constituted
authorities.
290
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
CHAPTER XIX.
THE GREAT READJUSTER MOVEMENT IN VIRGINIA-EFFORT MADE TO
SUSPEND OPERATION OF FUNDING BILL-TAX -RECEIVABLE COUPONS
DECREED VALID CONTRACT-JAMES L. KEMPER ELECTED GOVERNOR-
F. W. M. HOLLIDAY ELECTED GOVERNOR-BARBOUR BILL
VETOED BY GOVERNOR HOLLIDAY-BROKERS BILL
PASSED BY GENERAL ASSEMBLY.
NEW GENERAL ASSEMBLY TRIED UNSUCCESSFULLY TO SUSPEND
OPERATION OF FUNDING BILL.
When Virginia was relieved from military rule, and
her civil government was permitted to resume its activities,
a very perplexing problem had to be solved by the legislative
department of the State. This sericus problem was adjust-
ment of a large public debt that had been created through
a long series of years preceding the Civil War. Eight years
after Virginia proclaimed herself an independent Common-
wealth she began to contract a public debt. Charles Chilton
Pearson in his interesting book-"The Readjuster Move-
ment In Virginia"-opens his volume as follows:
"From the Revolution to the Civil War one of the most
important economic and social activities of the State of
Virginia was the futherance of a system of 'Public Works.'
"There were four main stages in the legislation under
which this system was developed. It was inaugurated in
1784 when the State became, through purchase, a majority
stockholder in corporations created for the improvement
of the James and Potomac rivers. Among the sponsors for
this beginning were a Newton, a Taylor, an Ambler, and a
Southall, names still honored in Virginia; and a peculiar
but characteristic mingling of business and sentiment ap-
peared in the gift by the Commonwealth of shares to
'George Washington, esquire,' in appreciation of his un-
exampled merits 'and his interest in enterprises which,
the legislature thought, would be' the durable monuments
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
291
of his glory.' To the policy thus begun a decided impetus
was imparted in 1816 when all the State's holdings in such
companies were converted into one fund pledged for fifty
years to the sole purpose of improving traffic and communi-
cation and managed by a special 'Board of Public Works.'
As the demands on this fund were greater than could be met
by it, the legislature in 1838 directed the board to obtain
money for all authorized improvements by selling State
bonds. This was an important step; for it meant that the
State was entering, on credit, a business that was neces-
sarily speculative. Here, practically, began the State debt.
Twelve years later the fully developed policy was embodied
in an act, still in force when the Civil War began, under
which the board might borrow 'from time to time, on the
credit of the State of Virginia, such sums of money as may
be needed to redeem the engagements of the State,' which
of course, included not only new investments but also un-
earned interest."
By authority of the several enactments of the General
Assembly, the Board cf Public Works continued to enlarge
the bonded indebtedness of Virginia until 1861, when it
totaled a then enormous sum of thirty-three million dollars.
The proceeds of the sales of bonds had been invested in✓
shares of the several railroads that had been built, and
various smaller improvements made in the State. Instead
of constructing and owning these several improvements, the
policy pursued was to induce citizens to invest their money
in transportation enterprises by chartering stock companies✓
therefor, and the State to be made a shareholder in the com-
panies. At the time this policy was adopted and used it was,
possibly, the best that could then be devised; but the ulti-
mate results were very disastrous financially to the State.
Of the large sums invested in public improvements prior to
1861, practically all were lost as a result of the Civil War
and by legislative enactments after Virginia was restored
to the Union. Interest on the bonded debt had accumulated
from 1861 to 1871, and had swelled the indebtedness to more
than forty million dollars.
292
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
The General Assembly that was elected in 1865 was
composed of excellent men, and they were all of the Con-
federate cult. They were determined to preserve for their
State a full representation in Congress, even at the risk of
having negro suffrage forced upon them; but they were
✓ equally as determined to protect the financial honor of Vir-
ginia by even the most reckless legislation. At the session
of 1865-66 the General Assembly passed an act, which was
approved by Governor Pierpont on the 2nd of March, 1866.
It provided for converting the past due interest on the State's
bonds into new interest bearing bonds. The act in question
extended the authority to do this to "the holders of the reg-
istered bonds of the State of Virginia, issued before the
seventeenth day of April, eighteen hundred and sixty-one,"
and provided that the new bonds given for the interest
should bear the same rate of interest as the principal of the
old bond. The act also provided that the holders of coupon
bonds issued by the State prior to April 17th, 1861, were
authorized to invest the interest on such bonds in either
coupon cr registered bonds. There were other provisions
in the act equally as unwise as those above recited. If all the
holders of the bonds of the State had taken advantage of
this act, the interest-bearing debt would have been increas-
ed at least one-third.
It seems that the General Assembly had assumed to
adjust the past due interest on the entire pre-war debt of
the State, without considering the proportion that West
Virginia ought to and would have to pay as her just share
of the debt. It is now generally believed that at the time the
act of March 2nd, 1866, was enacted a very large portion of
-the bonds had been purchased from individual holders in
Virginia and elsewhere by bankers, brokers, and speculators
at ridiculously low figures. And it is likely that these bank-
ers, brokers, and speculators exercised a secret influence to
procure hasty legislation by the General Assembly, and thus
boost the value of the bonds they had bought at sacrifice
figures. Subsequent events connected with the debt question
indicates that this inference is very reasonable.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
293
The same General Assembly at its second session-
1866-1867-passed another act relating to the bonded in-
debtedness of the State. This act was approved by Governor
Pierpont on the 21st of March, 1867. Its announced purpose
was to provide for the payment of interest on the public
debt. Evidently its real purpose was to obstruct, as far as
possible, the conversion of past due interest into new inter-
est-bearing bonds, as had been provided for by the act of
March 2nd, 1866. The significant provision of the act of
March 21st, 1867 is as follows:
"That the accounting officers of the treasury pay on the
first day of July, eighteen hundred and sixty-seven and the
first day of January, 1868, two per centum interest upon the
principal of the public debt of the State, excluding there-
from the bonds given for interest on said debt under the act
of the General Assembly passed the second of March, eigh-
teen hundred and sixty-six, that being the interest the State
feels obliged to pay, until their settlement of accounts be-
tween this State and West Virginia."
The members of the General Assembly realized before
adjournment of the session that they had undertaken to
pay semi-annual interest on the public debt, without any
certainty of the State having adequate revenue to meet the
obligation. This realization caused them to pass an act-
which was approved by Governor Pierpont, on April 25th,
1867-directing the Second Auditor to issue certificates
in the nature of coupons, showing the amount of interest
that would be payable under the provisions of the act of
March 21st, 1867. Under the act of March 2nd, 1866, a large
proportion of the interest that had accrued by January 1st,
1869, had been funded. And under act of March 21st, 1867,
four per cent interest had been paid in 1867 and two per cent
in 1869. No further definite legislation on the public debt
was made until March the 30th, 1871.
The General Assembly that was elected at the same
time that Gilbert C. Walker was elected Governor of Vir-
ginia was Conservative by a heavy majority, and the Radical
membership was composed largely of negroes. The represen-
tatives in the House of Delegates from Southwest Virginia
294
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
were all Conservatives, and were as follows: Bland-Addison
Davis; Buchanan and Wise-J. T. Chase; Carroll-F. W.
Lindsey; Floyd-George Young; Giles-F. W. Mahood;
Grayson-L. H. Bryant; Lee-William McDonald; Mont-
gomery-R. A. Miller; Pulaski-W. J. Wall; Russell-J. H.
A. Smith; Scott E. F. Tiller; Smyth-John A. Kelly;
Tazewell-Henry Bowen; Washington-George Graham;
Wythe-John H. Fulton. John A. Kelly was elected judge of
the judicial circuit of which Smyth County was then a part,
and resigned; and James L. Buchanan was elected to fill the
vacancy. John H. Fulton, of Wythe, resigned and was elected
judge of his judicial circuit; and Joseph J. Graham was
elected to fill the vacancy. E. H. Tiller, of Scott, resigned,
and J. H. Horton was elected to fill the vacancy. The men
who represented the counties of the Southwest in the Senate
were: Botetourt, Roanoke, Craig, and Giles-Col. Edmund
Pendleton; Montgomery, Floyd, and Patrick-Col. John E.
Penn; Grayson, Carroll and Wythe--Col. Alexander M.
Davis; Pulaski, Bland, Tazewell and Russell-Col. James M.
French; Lee, Scott, Wise and Buchanan--George H. Ken-
drick; Washington and Smyth-Capt. James S. Greever All
of these were battle-scarred veterans of the Confederate
army, and of course were Conservatives.
The composition of this Legislature was: Senate, 30
Conservatives and 13 Radicals (6 negroes); House of Dele-
gates, 95 Conservatives (3 negroes), and 42 Radicals (18)
negroes). It will thus be seen that the Conservative party
had actually elected three negroes to the House of Delegates.
According to a report made by the Second Auditor-which
can be found in the Acts of Assembly 1870-71-the States.
indebtedness was as follows:
Old funded debt,
New Funded debt, and to be funded
Interest due and unpaid on old funded debt
New funded debt
32,779,262.94
7,884,973.56
3,384,776.33
1,611,335.17
To this sum should be added the amount of the
James River and Kanawha Company assumed
$45,660,348.00
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
295
by the State and authorized to be converted in-
to bonds not yet funded
212,430.00
Total State debt January 1st, 1870
45,872,778.00
This report of the Second Auditor shows that the entire
interest-bearing debt of the State on January 1st, 1870,
amounted to the enormous sum $40,664,236.50. Of this
amount $7,884,963.56 consisted of new bonds and coupons.
that represented the unpaid interest that accumulated on
the public debt prior to 1866, and that had been funded by
authority of the act of March 2nd, 1866. The General As-
sembly had made the frightful mistake of converting inter-
est into principal, and on this compounded indebtedness by
the 1st of January, 1870, interest had accumulated to the
amcunt of $1,611,335.17.
The State Treasurer reported that for the fiscal year
beginning October 1st, 1869, and ending September 30th,
1870, the State Treasury had received from all sources of
revenue the sum of $1,529,853.84. If this entire amount had
been used to pay interest on the funded debt it would have
been insufficient to the extent of about one hundred thous-
and dollars to meet the annual interest on the funded debt;
and nothing would have been left to meet the necessary ex-
penses of the State Government.
Very soon after post-bellum legislation on the public
debt was begun a goodly number of the best men in Virginia.
commenced to protest against any inequitable and impos-
sible adjustment of the debt. Conspicuously among these
was that grand old patrict and warrior, Gen. Henry A.
Wise. When plans were being developed for the enactment
of the odious Funding Bill of 1871, General Wise bravely and
wisely said:
"Let us boldly take the stand that we will not recog- ✓
nize or pay one dollar of the debt of the old State of Virginia
until and unless forced to do sc by the Federal Government.
Let us compel the creditors of the old State of Virginia to
take the initiative to assert their rights against this State,
if they think they have any. That will force them, in assert-
ing their claims, to implead the Federal Government and
296
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
1
West Virginia with us. Then, whatever judgment is finally
rendered will be with all the parties before the court. True,
we may have to assume, ultimately, a part of the debt upon
the dictation of the conquerer, but it will certainly not be
more than is now proposed, or upon terms as hard and
humiliating; and if we accomplish no more by the delay,
it will give us opportunity first to know what we really have
to pay with instead of foolishly guessing; and secondly to
gain a period of recuperation."
As to the liability of the Federal Government for a part
or all of the Virginia's ante-bellum debt, General Wise based
his opinion on the assumption that the Reconstructed Vir-
ginia was not the entity that contracted that debt; that the
old State had engaged in war with the United States, and
had been conquered by force of arms and held as a province
by military occupancy; that the United States had wrest-
ed from the criginal State two-fifths of her territory, and
had, unconstitutionally, erected it into a New State called
West Virginia; that the United States displaced the Govern-
ment of her choice in the conquered remnant of Virginia
by a Government of military usurpation, and, then, by a
Civil Government of its own dictation. He also urged that:
"By the law of nations, when one government invades and
conquers another, destroys its autonomy, and substitutes
a new Government, it becomes liable for the debts of the
conquered government." However, he admitted that the
conquerer "may impose payment of the old debt upon the
conquered territory, but, until it does, and the creditor
agrees to look for payment to the new government, his
remedy is only against the conquerer." He might also have
justly contended that the conquerer had destroyed more
than half the wealth of the old State by freeing her slaves,
by destruction of much personal property, and by greatly)
impairing the value of the real estate holdings of her citi-
zens.
The views expressed by General Wise were both prac-
tical and just, and were commensurate with the true dig-
nity and honor of the Old Dominion. There was one sug-
gestion he made that was both feasible and equitable-that
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
297
was the compelling of the creditors of the State to seek their
remedy in courts. Such a proceeding would have brought
about a prompt settlement of the debt question with West
Virginia a settlement that was obstructed and delayed for
fifty years; and that ultimately had to be made by the
Supreme Court of the United States, at a very heavy cost
to Virginia. A considerable number of good citizens of the
State concurred with General Wise in his views on the debt
question. The sentiment became prevalent in the mountain
sections, and took deep root in Southwest Virginia. It was
followed by a sentiment that favored and demanded an
equitable scaling of the public debt, a disposition which
was later derided by the so-called debt payers as "Forcible
Readjustment," and "Repudiation." At the same time a
strong sentiment sprung up favoring the scaling of all
private ante-bellum debts. The Richmond Enquirer founded
by that sterling Republican, "Father" Thomas Ritchie in
1804, and that had adhered faithfully to Jeffersonian prin-
ciples of government, advocated the scaling of all such debts.
The Enquirer said: "reason and true statesmanship dictate
a compulsory scale of 'ante-bellum' private debt from its
apparent to its true value." Public meetings were held at
various places in the State for endorsing the suggestion.
When the Legislature re-assembled at the Capitol on
December the 7th, 1870, nearly all the bonded indebtedness
of the State had passed into the hands of bankers and
brokers and speculators. Governor Walker and his brother
were holders of an unknown amount of the bonds, which
made the Governor personally interested in the measure
that was to be proposed for adjustment of the public debt.
And the bankers and brokers and speculators had on hand
a number of skilled lobbyists-provided with ample funds—
to procure unrighteous legislation in their behalf. The rail-
road magnets also had a full force of lobbyists working in
their interest-their object being to procure control of the
State's assets invested in their railroads.
At this juncture Governor Walker sent a message to the
General Assembly, urging that the most important business
for that body was the immediate funding of the public debt.
298
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
✓ He recommended that the entire $45,000,000 of debt be
funded into uniform coupon bonds bearing the same rate of
interest as the old bonds, and that the coupons be made
receivable for taxes and other public dues. The Governor
also recommended that the State exchange its interest in
all public works for bonds of the State. When these recom-
mendations were made no assessments of real and personal
property available for taxation had been made in Virginia
later than in 1860. And Governor Walker adopted the
assessments of that year to induce the Legislature to believe
that the revenue would be ample to pay the interest on the
debt when funded, and leave enough to meet the necessary
expenses of the State Government.
No assessments of the taxable values was begun after
the State was restored to the Union until about July 1st,
1871. This assessment was not completed until the 1st of
October, 1871. Then it became apparent that the Governor
had actually included in his estimate of taxable property the
✓ value of the emancipated slaves, and had made no allowance
for the immense shrinkage in both realty and personality
resultant from the Civil War.
The false estimates of the Conservative Governor were
made either ignorantly or corruptly; and as he was personal-
ly interested in the passage of the Funding Bill, many per-
sons then thought, and many now believe, he was influenced
by improper motives. It certainly was an easy matter for the
intelligent members of the General Assembly to ascertain
that the estimates of the Governor were made from an un-
. sound basis. There was another important fact that should
have engaged the attention of Virginia's legislators and
proved to them that the assessable values of the State were
largely inadequate to pay interest on a funded debt of $30,
000,000, and provide reasonable funds for the public schools
and meet the absolutely necessary expenses of the State
Government. They could easily have found out that the
revenue of the State for the preceding year had amounted
to but $1,500,000 and that the Governor was urging them
to enact legislation that would create an annual liability of
not less than $2,000,000.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
299
This very undesirable legislation was prccured by an
unholy combination of the forces of the bankers, brokers,
speculators and railroads. They were assisted by a few ex-
cellent men who were influenced by a desire to protect what
they believed to be the essential credit and unsullied honor✓
of the Commonwealth. The Funding Act after its passage
in the Senate was railroaded through the House at the very
close of the session. In the House it received the votes of
half of the Conservatives and of all the Republicans but one.
The author is proud to relate that the members from the
Southwest were solidly against the iniquitous measure. And
the gallant John W. Daniel protested against the enactment
of the bill, though later on he made strenuous fights to up-
hold it.
The Funding Bill that was passed by the General As-
sembly was in all respects, save one, the bill suggested by
Governor Walker. The only departure made from his bill
was a provision for issuing interest-bearing coupons instead
of bonds for one-third of the debt, for which "payment ***
will be provided in accordance with such settlements as shall
hereafter be made between the States of Virginia and West
Virginia." Every kind of outstanding indebtedness of the
State was authorized to be funded, even that portion that
had been already compounded was to be compounded a
second time. It was truly a monster cf graft and dishon-
esty. The funding provisions of the bill were as follows:
"The owners of any of the bonds, stocks or interest
certificates heretofore issued by this State, which are recog-
nized by its constitution and laws as legal, except the five
per centum dollar bends, and what are known as sterling
bonds, but including the stock of the old James river com-
pany, and the James river and Kanawha company guaran-
teed by this State, may fund two-thirds of the amount of the
same, together with two-thirds of the interest due or to
become due thereon, to the first day cf July, eighteen hun-
dred and seventy-one in six per centum coupon or register-
ed bonds of this State of the denominations of one hundred,
and multiples thereof, dated that day, and to become due
and payable in thirty-four years after date, but redeemable.
300
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
at the pleasure of the State, after ten years, the interest
to be paid semi-annually on the first days of January and
July in each year. The bonds shall be made payable to order
or bearer, and the coupons to bearer, at the treasury of the
State, and bonds payable to order may be exchanged for
bonds payable to bearer, and registered bonds may be ex-
changed for coupon bonds, cr vice versa, at the option of the
holder. The coupons shall be payable semi-annually, and be
receivable at and after maturity for all taxes, debts, dues,
and demands due the State, which shall be so expressed
on their face. *** The holders of the five per centum dollar
bonds may in like manner fund the same in like bonds, bear-
ing, however, five instead of six per centum interest.
In the third section of the bill provision was made for
issuing to the owners of such old bonds, stocks, or certif-
icates of indebtedness, as should be surrendered for funding,
certificates for the payment of the one-third of the debt.
These certificates were to be paid by West Virginia.
Professor Charles Chilton Pearson in his book,-"The
Readjuster Movement in Virginia-" reveals no admiration
for the leaders of the Readjuster party or for the mass of
voters who supported it. He seems to have concluded that
the leaders were chiefly demagogues, and that the white
voters of the party were ignorant and easily imposed upon.
On the other hand, he seems to have accepted the claim of
the Funders that they were "the best people," and were
struggling to protect the honor and integrity of Virginia.
However, he admits that the Funding Bill was inept, impos-
sible of execution, and was procured corruptly. Here is what
he says about it:
"It was questionable, at least, whether the fiscal cb-
ligations imposed by the Funding Act could be met by the
State if that act were accepted by all creditors. The interest
on the new debt principal would just about equal the esti-
mated revenue under the new tax law less the minimum
appropiated by the constitution for public education, leaving
nothing for government expenses which the auditor esti-
mated at over one million dollars. Nor was there any obvious
remedy for this situation. The debt-principal was indeed
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
301
reducible by sale of the State's railroad assets; but the
amount receivable in the near future from this source had
been rendered almost negligible by the acts noted above.
Expenses could be reduced only by undoing the democratic
features of the constitution just put into effect; but at the
best this would require years. Any considerable increase in
revenue depended upon economic improvement, which could
come only gradually, or upon the always slow process of
finding new subjects and new methods of taxation. Mean-
time the annual deficit would be accumulating so as to
impair or destroy the efficiency of these proposed remedies.
"The 'restoration of credit' policy did not rest upon a
well-advised popular will. The legislature had been elected
when the main issues were not fiscal. The true condition had
not been made clear by the governor or by the press. While
some legislators had voted from conviction for the funding
and railroad acts, the very backbone of the governor's policy,
could scarcely have been passed without this combination of
interests and the skill of lobbyists. The governor himself
was known to be financially interested, directly or indirest-
ly, in state bonds. Men said, and no one took the trouble to
deny the rumor, that the negroes had been bought."
The deplorable results that followed the enactment of
the Funding Act and railroad legislation is thus depicted
by Professor Pearson: "The legislature, elected under the
circumstances narrated in the preceding chapter, endeavor-
ed to give effect to the democratic ideas embodied in the new
constitution. At the same time, influenced by city capital-
istic interests and with the expectation of restoring public,
and thereby private, credit, it adopted a 'free' railroad policy
and enacted 'the Funding Act'. Under the former, control as
well as ownership of the railroads passed, or would pass,
almost entirely into private hands. Under the Funding Act,
the annual debt interest, collectible through tax-receivable
coupons, almost equalled the entire revenue of the State.
Accompanying results were a bitter railroad war in the
legislature and a cry that the interests of the people had
been sold out."
The General Assembly had passed a tax bill which was
302
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
approved by the Governor on March 24th, 1871. This bill
bore the fabulous title: "An Act Imposing Taxes for the
Support of Government and Free Schools, and to pay the
Interest on the Public Debt." It went into force six days
before the Funding Bill. The Governor and the bondholders'
lobbyists must have laughed heartily when they read the
title of the bill. They knew that the coupons, that were
made receivable for payment of "all taxes, debts, dues, and
demands due the state," would intercept practically all the
revenue to be collected under the tax bill; and nothing
would be left for the "Support of Government and Free
Schools." Subsequent happenings proved that the title of
the Tax Act was a farce and a fraud.
1
The General Assembly hunted up every then possible
new subject for taxation, and increased the rates on nearly
all the subjects that were previously assessed-notably on
real and personal property-which was advanced from forty
to fifty cents on the hundred dollars. They placed a head or
poll tax of one dollar upon every male citizen, over the age of
twenty-one years-not exempt from taxation for bodily in-
firmity which included the emancipated slaves; and dedi-
cated it to "public free school purposes." This was the begin-
ning of the obnoxious poll tax in Virginia, which was later
so applied as to make it a dangerous instrument for corrupt-
ing the electorate and the introduction of dishonest prac-
tices at elections.
The General Assembly that had been elected in 1869
made its final adjournment on March 31st, 1871. When the
members returned to their respective homes they found
their constituents greatly excited over the debt question,
and angered by the heavy increase in the tax rates. The
representatives from the counties of Appalachian Virginia,
and distinctly those from the Southwestern counties, had
abcut solidly and vigorously opposed the enactment of the
Funding Bill and the consequent increase of taxes. The
General Assembly passed an act-which was approved by
the Governor on March 31st, 1871, "to distribute and appor-
tion representation in the General Assembly of Virginia,"
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
303
and to rearrange the senatorial districts. Under this act an
entirely new General Assembly was elected in the fall of
1871; and only twenty-six of the one hundred and thirty-
two members who had served in the previous House of
Delegates were returned. Evidently the people were not
pleased with the legislation that was furnished by their
representatives at the session of 1870-71.
When the newly elected Legislature assembled on the
6th of December, 1871, Governor Walker sent a message to
that body, in which he declared that "as a legal proposition ✔
the interest on the funded debt must unquestionably be paid;"
and he brazenly demanded, in substance, that three-fourths
of the revenue received by the State through the new tax
laws should be used for that purpose. He apparently was not
anxious to provide funds to pay the current expenses of the
State Government. And when he referred to the public free
schools, he recommended that a poll tax of two dollars be
levied on every male citizen who attained the age of twenty-
one years; and that its payment should be made a pre-
requisite to voting. Clearly it was the purpose of the Govern-
or to have the bond-holder-creditors yielded their pound of
flesh, even if, by doing this, the State treasury was bank-
rupted, the charitable and educational institutions com-
pelled to close their doors, and the free schools made to
languish and die. The people should be constrained to ac-
quiesce in these evils, or be forced to submit to burdensome
taxation to escape them. But the members of the General
Assembly were too well acquainted with the temper of their
constituencies to tolerate the suggestions of the Governor,
and rejected them.
After repudiating Governor Walker's suggestions, or
rather his demands, made in the message, the Legislature
passed a bill by a majority of 119 to 33 in both Houses sus-
pending cperation of the Funding Bill. The Governor
promptly vetoed this bill, because he said, it was contrary
to sound public policy and discriminated against the holders
of bonds who had not funded their holdings. The House of
Delegates did not accept the reasoning of the Governor, but
the Senate did, and the veto was not overridden. Then the
304
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
Legislature passed a bill, on March 7th, 1872, forbidding the
receipt of coupons in payment of taxes.
Very soon after the enactment of the last mentioned
bill, the bondholders, through their counsel-Bradley T.
Johnson and William L. Royall-instituted proceedings in
the Circuit Court of the city of Richmond to defeat the pur-
poses of the bill. They induced Andrew Antoni, who was a
confectioner in Richmond, to tender John W. Wright, the
sheriff of that city, a due coupon from one of the bonds
issued under the Funding Bill in payment of his taxes to
the State. The sheriff refused to receive the coupon in pay-
ment of Antoni's taxes. Thereupon, his counsel, who were
counsel for the bondholders, applied to the Circuit Court of
the city of Richmond for a mandamus to compel the sheriff
to accept the coupon from Antoni in payment of his taxes.
The court issued a rule against the sheriff to show cause
why the application for a mandamus should not be granted.
To the rule the sheriff made his return, and set up various
substantial objections to the issuing of a mandamus. Then
counsel for the plaintiff demurred to the return, and the
court sustained the demurrer. And the court "directed that
a peremptory mandamus be awarded, directed to the said
John W. Wright, sheriff of the city of Richmond, command-
ing him to receive from the plaintiff matured coupons issued
by the State of Virginia under the provisions of the act of
March 30th, 1871, to an amount equal to the sum due from
the plaintiff for taxes due to the state for the year 1871."
Thereupon Wright applied to a judge of the Supreme Court
of Appeals of Virginia for a writ of error which was award-
ed.
VIRGINIA SUPREME COURT OF APPEALS DECREED TAX RECEIVABLE
COUPON VALID CONTRACT
When the writ of error was awarded by a judge of the
Supreme Court of Appeals the court was composed of
Judges Moncure, Christian, Bouldin, Anderson and Staples.
Judge Moncure was President of the court, and he declined
to sit in the case, because he was interested in the question.
At the November term, 1872, held at Richmond, the case
was argued and submitted to the court, four of the judges
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
305
sitting, to-wit: Christian, Bouldin, Anderson and Staples.
The judgment of the Circuit Court of the city of Richmond-
in issuing a mandamus to compel Wright to receive the
coupon from Antoni for payment of his taxes-was affirmed.
Judge Bouldin delivered the opinion of the court which was
concurred in by Judges Christian and Anderson. Judge
Staples delivered a very able dissenting opinion. In his
opinion Judge Bouldin said:
"Upon the whcle, the court is of opinion, that the under-
taking on the part of the State in the funding act, as set
forth on the face of the coupons issued thereunder, consti-
tutes a valid legislative contract on good and sufficient con-
sideration, that the said coupons should be received in pay-
ment of all taxes, debts and demands of the State; and that
the obligation of such contract cannot be impaired by sub-
sequent legislation."
The majority opinion of the court did not undertake to
dispute the fact that the tax-receivable coupons were divert-
ing to the bondholders and speculators the revenues that
were sacredly dedicated by the State Constitution to support
of the public free schocls; and were practically absorbing
the legislative appropriations to the charitable and educa-
tional institutions of the State, and also leaving inadequate
funds for other necessary expenses of the State Govern-
ment. The court seemed to be obsessed by the idea that the
credit and honor of Virginia could cnly be maintained by
upholding as a contract a legislative enactment that was
procured by bribery, fraud, and misrepresentation. That
the court was greatly influenced by this idea is disclosed in
the closing paragraph of the opinion, which is as follows:
"We think with the entire court (U. S. Supreme Court)
in the Homestead Cases, that temporary relief from pe-
cuniary pressure is too dearly bought, at the price of the
violated faith of Virginia. She has just emerged from a
terrible trial-an ordeal of fire-without a stain on her es-
cutcheon. Impoverished, crushed and dismembered, but not
dishonored, she is now taking a new departure, and we
would hope to see it in the right direction. In the language
of a vigorous writer, 'Now is the seed time of faith and
306
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
honor. The least fracture now will be like a name engraved
with the point of a pin on the tender rind of a young beech,
the wound will enlarge with the tree, and posterity will read
it in full grown characters.'"
The dissenting opinion delivered in this case by Judge
Waller R. Staples is one of the ablest to be found in the
Virginia Reports; and we believe it successfully refuted the
✓ sentimental reasoning and pronouncement on the law and
facts as set forth in the opinion rendered by Judge Bouldin.
We wish we could spare space to here insert the entire
opinion of Judge Staples. However, we will make excerpts
from the splendid opinion. The first point considered by
Judge Staples was the conflict between the Constitution of
• Virginia and the Funding Bill. He declared on that point
as follows:
"The first point to be considered is, whether the funding
act is in conflict with any of the provisions of the State
constitution. One of these declared that the proceeds of all
public land donated by Congress for public school purposes,
and all waste and unappropriated land, the proceeds of all
escheated property, and all fines collected for offences
against the State, and such other sums as the General
Assembly may appropriate, shall be set apart as a perma-
nent and perpetual literary fund. The capitation tax and an
annual tax upon the property of the State, of not less than
one or more than five mills on the dollar, are also to be
applied to the public free schools for the benefit of all the
people of the State. It will be perceived that these provisions
dedicate the proceeds of the sale of escheated and waste
lands-lands donated by Congress, and all fines collected to
the cause of education. How is this object to be accomplish-
ed if the funding bill creates a valid and binding obligation
upon the State? The purchasers of the lands mentioned and
parties assessed with fines will have the right to discharge
their indebtedness with these coupons in all cases. The same
privilege will, of course, be accorded to all persons assess-
ed with the capitation tax. That this is practically a diver-
sion of the funds mentioned from the objects designated
in the constitution, would seem to be too clear for argument.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
307
It is said, however, that the Legislature, by taxation of
other subjects, may raise revenue for the public schools
equal to the amount diverted, and thus comply with the re-
quirements of the constitution. But how is the Legislature
in any one year to anticipate the amount that may be
realized from these sources, and then by necessary taxation
make provision for the deficiency thus created? But if
this objection were removed, what right has the Legislature
to apply in payment of the public debt a fund sacredly
dedicated to the cause of education? The difficulty is not
obviated by another law raising the amount of revenue from
other subjects of taxation. The Legislature is not authorized
to legislate at all in respect to the school fund, except in
furtherance of the objects contemplated by the constitu-
tion. It has no right to expose this fund to any contin-
gencies or hazards of any sort. My objection is not based
upon the idea that a specific sum is set apart in the public
treasury in particular coin and nctes for the common
schools which may not be touched; but that the Legislature
cannot constitutionally provide that the school tax shall be
paid in any other medium than money or its equivalent.
And for the obvious reason that a fund is to be raised from
the particular scurce designated, to be applied to the es-
tablishment of public free schools for the benefit of all the
people of the State. These objects are effectually defeated
by the funding act."
Judge Staples further said: "The interest upon the
public debt is estimated in round numbers at two millions of
dollars annually. To meet this coupons will be issued and
used, to a large extent each year, in the payment of public
dues. To what extent they will be used, it is impossible, in
the nature of things, even to anticipate. The Legislature
must, therefore, impose annually, a tax sufficient to pay the
entire interest. It must also lay a tax sufficient to defray the
ordinary expenses of the government and to carry on the
system of public schools provided for in the constitution. It
is, therefore, clear, whatever else may happen, provisions
must be made for the creditors of the State, or the govern-
ment will fall to pieces for the want of means to sustain it."
308
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
Replying to the argument of the majority of the court,
Judge Staples said: "It is claimed that the act imposing this
obligation constitutes an inviolable contract, which this
court may compel the Legislature to perform. In support
of this, as it seems to me, alarming and extraordinary doc-
trine, certain cases decided by the Supreme Court of the
United States are much relied on. I do not mean to discuss
the question, whether in construing our own constitution
and laws we are bound to follow, with blind submission, the
decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States, how-
ever, erroneous or unjust we may consider them.
"This may be said, however, our cwn books contain the
report of a celebrated case, in which this court (the Virginia
Court) unanimously refused not only to obey, but even enter
upon its records, a decision of the Supreme Court of the
United States, notwithstanding the case involved the valid-
ity of a treaty, and an appeal had been taken under the
twenty-fifth section of the judiciary act, from this court to
the Supreme Court of the United States. These are, however,
old fashioned doctrines, and have now but few avowed
supporters anywhere. Every day's history but teaches the
melancholy lesson that the Federal Courts, the Federal
Legislature and Executive will, in the end, absorb every
vestige of the rights of the States.
"However this may be, I do not consider either of the
cases as involving the questions arising in this, and with the
greatest possible respect for my brethren, I do not believe
the Supreme Court of the United States will ever hold that
one Legislature can, by any form of enactment, bind suc-
ceeding Legislatures and the public revenue in the manner
attempted in the provisions of the funding bill; and until
they so decide, I am not willing that this court should sanc-
tion a precedent which may prove most disastrous to all the
vital interests of the State, and under the authority of
which, practically, liens and mortgages may be given upon
the revenues of the State by statute assuming the form of
contracts. We have heard a good deal of violated faith, and
of the obligation and duty of paying the public debt. These
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
309
are questions for the consideration of the Legislature, and
not of the courts.
"Upon this question of public faith I will say this: that
for four years Virginia bore upon her bosom the burden of
civil conflict as great as any recorded in History. She came
out of the struggles presenting a lamentable spectacle of
a prostrate and bleeding State, without any currency, with-
out any organized system of labor, one-half of her territory
almost a waste, and vast numbers of her citizens reduced
to hopeless insolvency and ruin. For years after the rage of
battle had ceased she was kept in subjection to military
power, under the rule of aliens and strangers, unacqauinted
with her laws, her traditions and her sufferings *** But
regarding the whole subject as involving the exercise of
legislative functions of sovereign powers, I am content to
leave it where it properly belongs, under our constitution
and form of government."
Judge Staples also demonstrated very clearly that if ✓
West Virginia refused to pay the certificates issued under
the Funding Bill as her share of the debt, that the creditors
could and would hold the State of Virginia responsible for
their payment. Thus making the old State liable for the en-
tire $45,000,000 recognized by the Funding Bill. What an
enormity! If Judge Staples had been given opportunity to
do so he could, possibly, have demonstrated that the Funding
Bill had been obtained by a triple conspiracy, composed of
the brokers, the railroads, and the Governor. But the
Commonwealth did not give him the opportunity in its
presentation of the case to the court. Major James C.
Taylor, who, as Attorney General, represented the Common-
wealth, was elected by the Conservative party on the ticket
with Governor Walker; and, naturally, was reluctant to
implicate the Governor and his party in the conspiracy.
However, Major Taylor became an ardent Readjuster, no
doubt, being made such by the unwise decision of the Su-
preme Court of Virginia in the case of Antoni Vs. Wright,
Sheriff, &c.
310
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
Following the decision of the Supreme Court of Ap-
peals in Antoni Vs. Wright, Sheriff, &c., a preferred class
of bonds, called "Consols", was created under the Funding
Bill to the amount of twenty millions of dollars-being about
two-thirds of the ante-bellum bonded debt of the State. At
this stage of the proceedings, Governor Walker began to
realize that the measures he had recommended for the
settlement of the debt had put the State's finances in a dis-
tressingly chaotic condition. As a means for escaping from
the ugly dilemma-for which he was largely responsible-
he suggested to the Legislature that it should pass a joint
resolution petitioning the Federal Government to assume
✓ payment of the entire debt. His suggestion produced no
noticeable effect, except to cause a temporary advance in
the price of the bonds and put mcre profits in the coffers
of the speculators. Before the passage of the Funding Bill,
General Henry A. Wise had advocated the presentation of
a joint petition by Virginia, West Virginia, and the credit-
ors to the Federal Government praying it to assume pay-
ment of the entire debt. But this scheme was laughed at and
scorned by the Conservative leaders as the mutterings of an
"old fcgy," when, in fact, they were the best that were ever
offered for the settlement of the debt controversy.
Then the General Assembly tried to improve the situ-
ation by other legislation. "It taxed State bonds on the
theory that they were private property; it ordered an in-
vestigation of the passage of the Funding Act; it put the
bonds held by the colleges in a specially favored class; and
established, in the interest of the farmers and local poli-
ticians, the Virginia Agricultural Institute (now the V. P.
I.); it repealed the act for a general sale of the State's
railroad assets; and refused even to consider a somewhat
similar plan for disposing of the James River and Kanawha
Canal."
When this attempted remedial legislation was enacted
the Southwestern counties were then represented in the
House of Delegates as follows: Bland-Thomas J. Munsey;
Giles John C. Snidow; Grayson-L. H. Bryant; Lee-E..
S. Bishop; Montgomery-Gabriel C. Wharton; Pulaski-
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
311
>
James A. Walker; Russell-Jack Carter; Scott-William
P. Queen; Smyth-N. C. St. John; Tazewell-Henry Bowen;
Washington-A. C. Cummings and A. Fulkerson; Wythe-
Joseph J. Graham. In the Senate the Southwestern rep-
resentatives were: Carroll, Grayson and Wythe-Abner W.
C. Nowlin; Lee, Wise and Buchanan-Auburn L. Pridemcre;
Scott and Russell-John H. A. Smith; Giles, Pulaski, Bland
and Tazewell-James M. French; Washington and Smyth—
James S. Greever.
The Southwestern representatives, both in the House
and Senate, almost unanimously supported these measures,
that were designed and intended to obstruct and impair the
evil operations of the Funding Bill. But, strange to relate,
a number of them later on gave their support and influence
to the "Funders" in their desperate efforts to prevent the
"Readjusters" rescuing Virginia from the strangling grasp
of the brokers and speculators. It is more than likely that
they were impelled to this course through fear that the
Conservative party would lose control of the State.
The above mentioned remedial legislation failed to give
any appreciable relief to the State treasury; the tax-re-
ceivable coupons increasingly diverted to the bondholders
the revenues that the State Constitution had sacredly dedi-
cated to the public schools; and practically absorbed the
funds that were absolutely needed for the support of the
State charitable and educational institutions.
After the Legislature adjourned on April 2nd, 1873,
hostility to the Funding Bill rapidly increased and was
bitterly proclaimed among the masses of the people in all
sections of the State. In the counties of Southwest Virginia
the hostility became intense. A nucleus of what was after-
wards known as the Readjuster party commenced forming;
and it might safely be affirmed that the Readjuster Move-
ment had its inception in the Southwest. The Republicans
had carried Virginia the previous year for President Grant,
the Conservatives having supported Horace Greeley, who
was the candidate of the Liberal-Democratic combination.
The Virginia Conservatives had shouted their undying
gratitude for Grant in 1869, because of his very generous
312
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
treatment of Virginians in freeing them from military rule.
Now they sought to defeat his re-election by voting for
Horace Greeley, the once despised Abolitionist.
The liberal Republicans met in convention in 1873 and
nominated Robert W. Hughes, for Governor; David Fultz,
of Augusta County, for Lieutenant Governor; and C. P.
Ramsdell, a carpetbagger, for Attorney General. Colonel
Hughes had been an ardent Democrat in ante-bellum days.
and an extreme secessionist, but was sc disgusted with the
insincerity of the Conservatives that he became a Repub-
lican.
When the Conservatives met in State Convention they
made Negro Rule under Federal direction the paramount
issue for the coming campaign. In their platform they called
attention to the results of Radical Rule in the Southern
States, declared for "exact and impartial justice for both
races, and pointed with pride to the public school system,
which they afterwards condemned and sought to destroy.
They also promised to co-operate with President Grant in
cultivating friendly relations between the two sections of
the Union. They nominated Gen. James L. Kemper for
Governor, Col. Robert E. Withers for Lieutenant Governor,
and Raleigh T. Daniel for Attorney General. Gen. Kemper
was a veteran of the Mexican and Civil Wars and was se-
verely wounded in the last war. He was a Jeffersonian Demo-
crat, and had been twice Speaker of the Virginia House of
Delegates. There was no better man that the Conservatives
could have selected to head their ticket. Col. Withers was
also a splendid soldier and had been severely wounded
while serving as colonel in the Confederate Army. Raleigh
T. Daniel was a distinguished lawyer in Richmond, and had
served as State Chairman of the Conservative party since
its organization. This was a very strong ticket, but the Con-
servative leaders resolved to make it stronger by drawing
the race color line. They had coddled and used the negroes
in the campaign of 1869 and in suceeding campaigns; they
had actually voted for and elected negroes to the House of
Delegates and had them sit with the Conservative members
on the floor of the House. Now they would use them for
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
313
る
​another purpose, that was to stem the rising tide of Read-
justerism that was swelling and growing in the ranks of the
Conservative party. They had their speakers refuse to have
discussions with Republicans in communities where there
was a large colored population, and by dividing the crowd
forced the white men to support the Funder Conservatives,
or mingle with the mixed crowd of whites and blacks, and
thus repudiate their color. In addition to this, General Kem-
per had not favored the Funding Bill and other early legis-
lation on the debt question; and this won him the support of
many Readjusters who had been trained in the school of
Jeffersonian Democracy.
Governor Kemper was inaugurated on January 1st,
1874, and the newly elected General Assembly was then in
session. The financial condition of the State was truly ap-
palling. Despite the various devices contrived by the
previous Legislature to check the annual million dollars.
inflow of tax-receivable coupons, the volume of their use
for tax-paying purposes had not been diminished. The large
surplus that was in the treasury at the beginning of Govern-
or Walker's administration was gone; about a million dollars
of authorized cash payments and half a million dollars in
tax-receivable coupons remained unpaid; and it was evident
that the current year would show a deficit of at least another
million.
The debt question had not figured in the gubernatorial
campaign; and the views of General Kemper on the subject
had not been revealed to the public prior to his election.
After his term as Governor began, he promptly announced
his views to the General Assembly. He declared that a
"permanent financial policy" was a fundamental need; and
suggested that to effect this it would be necessary to have
equality of the creditors and uniformity of the State's obli-
gations. And to accomplish this, he advised the Legislature
to call a conference of the holders of the consols; and, if
possible induce them to exchange their tax-receivable
coupons for four per cent in cash and two per cent in defer-
red interest certificates. He also urged that prompt payment
of interest should be made, and that this could only be done
314
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
by a more careful management of the revenue laws and a
reduction of the expenses of the State Government.
Responding to the recommendation of the Governor,
the Legislature called a conference of the consol holders
and named the Governor and R. M. T. Hunter, State
treasurer, to represent the State at the conference. Profes-
sor Pearson, in his "The Readjuster Movement In Virginia,"
says:
"At the appointed time, ex-Secretary of Treasury Hugh
McCulloch came to represent part of the British holders;
Richmond men and some members of the legislature spoke
for most of the other creditors. In a long address the govern-
or portrayed the extreme distress of the people and the
heaviness of the State's burdens, coupling with this gloomy
picture a severe arraignment of his predecessor for mis-
representation of the facts and waste of the State's assets.
Asserting that there was a strong sentiment against the
debt entertained by 'leading minds,' he intimated that the
coupons could be sucessfully fought. On the other hand, he
emphasized the desire of the State to be perfectly fair and
her ability to meet her obligations if given time for recovery.
The creditors' representatives agreed with the governor
that the State could pay four per cent now and should soon
be able to pay six per cent. They could do no more however,
than resclve that if punctual payment of interest should
be guaranteed, those consol holders who had no taxes to
pay would, in their opinion, accept the terms proposed by
the Governor."
Senator H. W. Thomas, of Alexandria, presided over the
conference; and James H. Docley, of Richmond, who was
then a member of the House of Delegates, was the Secretary.
Here, then, were two members of the General Assembly
representing the bondholders at the conference; and it is
almost certain that they were holders of consols and, there-
fore, interested parties. They afterwards bitterly opposed
every effort of the Readjusters to get rid of the Funding
Bill and make an equitable settlement of the debt. Writing
about the resolution through which the representatives of
the bondholders expressed their opinion of the proposal of
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
315
Governor Kemper, Professor Pearson says: "Out of this
resolution grew several propositions, more or less, author-
ized for funding the consol debt. But from the stringency
of their terms it is obvious that the holders of consols in-
tended to surrender their position of preferred creditors
only for a better one, and that they would permit no relief
to holders of 'peelers.' This attitude they soon made very
clear by thrusting upon the treasury a deluge cf coupons."
The counties west of New River were then represented
in the House of Delegates by the following named gentle-
man: Bland-Andrew J. Grayson; Buchanan and Wise-
Morgan T. Lipps; Giles-Samuel E. Lybrook; Grayson—
Peyton G. Hale; Lee-Thomas S. Gibson; Pulaski-J. B.
Alexander; Russell-Jack Carter; Scott-James B. Rich-
mond; Smyth-Thomas H. Spratt; Tazewell-William P.
Cecil; Washington-Abram Fulkerson and Seldon Long-
ley; Wythe-Garland J. Holbrook. Of these the following
were very hostile to the Funding Bill and earnest advocates
of readjustment of the public debt: Morgan T. Lipps, Pey-
ton G. Hale, J. B. Alexander, Jack Carter, Thomas H. Spratt,
William P. Cecil and Abram Fulkerson. These men all
stood steadfastly for an honest readjustment of the debt
until it became an accomplished fact by the enactment of the
Riddleberger Bill.
In 1874 the debt question figured prominently in the
election of a Congressman for the Ninth District. The dis-
trict was then composed of the counties of Lee, Scott, Wise,
Buchanan, Washington, Russell, Tazewell, Smyth, Wythe,
Pulaski, Bland, Montgomery, Giles, Roancke and Craig. At
the first election held in the district after Virginia was re-
stored to the Union (1870) Gen. William Terry was the
candidate of the Conservatives for Congress. He was op-
posed by Fayette McMullen, Independent Democrat, and
Robert W. Hughes, Republican. General Terry received
10,398 votes, McMullen 4,384, and Hughes 3,922. Terry's
majority over both of his opponents was 2,092, and his
plurality over McMullen was 6,014.
316
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
In 1874 General Terry was again the candidate of the
Conservatives in the Ninth Congressional District. He was
an extreme debt-payer, and afterwards a "Funder." Fay-
ette McMullen-who had practically adopted the views of
General Wise on the debt question-again opposed the
Conservative candidate, and George W. Henderlite ran as a
Republican. McMullen stood for forcible readjustment of
the debt, if necessary, and for lower taxes; and Terry was
for payment of every dollar, as fixed by the Funding Bill.
The result at the polls was 8,052 votes for Terry, 6,760 for
McMullen, and 1,821 for Henderlite. Terry's plurality of
6,014 over McMullen in 1870 was reduced to 1,292 in 1874;
and the combined vote of McMullen and Henderlite showed
a majority of 529 over Terry. But for the fact that McMullen
was then a worn-out politician, and that General Terry was
an excellent man with a splendid military record, the Con-
servative candidate would have been defeated.
After the effort to compromise with the creditors in
1874 had come to naught, because of the exacting terms
proposed by the representatives of the bondholders, renew-
ed attacks were made upon the Funding Bill by zealous
Readjusters. Col. Abe Fulkerson introduced and put through
in the House of Delegates a bill which imposed a tax of
twenty-five per cent on tax-receivable coupons. He hoped by
this measure to bring again the Funding Bill before the
courts and obtain a more favorable decision than the one
given in the case of Antoni V. Wright. The vote on Fulker-
son's bill in the House was: "Ayes," 21 Radicals, 36 Con-
servatives, 1 Independent; "Noes," 3 Radicals, 41 Con-
servatives, 3 Independents. Practically all the members from
the Southwestern counties voted for the bill, but it failed
of passage in the Senate.
Another election for members of the General Assembly
was held in 1875; and the roll of those who stood for read-
justment of the public debt was increased. The men elected
to the House of Delegates from the counties west of New
River were: Bland-John A. Davidson; Buchanan and Wise
-James W. Smith; Giles-Philip W. Strother; Grayson-
Peyton G. Hale; Lee-James L. McElroy; Pulaski-P. H.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
317
McCaull; Russell W. J. Kindrick; Scott-Ira P. Robinett;
Smyth-James W. Sheffey; Tazewell-William P. Cecil;
Washington-Isaac C. Fowler and Charles B. Coale; Wythe
-Robert H. Crockett. With about two exceptions these
members were Readjusters. The Senatorial District com-
posed of Lee, Wise, and Buchanan counties elected Henry
C. Slemp; and the district composed of the counties of Scott
and Russell elected H. C. Wood to the State Senate. Both of
these were Readjusters, and took the place of men who were
unfriendly to readjustment. This Legislature at its sessions
of 1875-76 and 1876-77, was dominated by the "debt-pay-
ers" who were afterwards called "Funders;" and no legis-
lation that brought relief to the State treasury was enacted
at either session. The tax-receivable coupons continued to
absorb the revenues and destroyed the efficiency of the
public schools. Dr. William H. Ruffner, Superintendent of
Public Instruction, had procured the passage of an act by
the General Assembly in March, 1873, requiring the Auditor
of Public Accounts to pay to the schools their constitutional
quota of the State funds in cash; but the provisions of the
act had not been complied with.
In 1877 a Governor and General Assembly had to be
elected in Virginia. The Republican party had been so com-
pletely disorganized by dissensions and defeats that it de-
clined to nominate a gubernatorial ticket. In a few of the
counties and senatorial districts where the negroes had
majorities Republican candidates ran for the Legislature.
This left the Conservatives free to choose their candidate
for Governor on personal rather than political and economic
lines; and candidates from the several sections of the State
were announced. Gen. William Terry, of Wytheville; Col.
F. W. M. Holliday, of Winchester; Maj. John W. Daniel, of
Lynchburg; Gen. William B. Taliaferro, of Tidewater; and
Gen. Fitzhugh Lee, of Northern Virginia, threw their hats
into the ring as candidates. The "Confederate cult" had
gained such complete ascendency in the Commonwealth
that no one but an ex-Confederate-preferably a dis-
tinguished officer-was deemed qualified to aspire to the
318
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
position of Chief Executive. All of the above named can-
didates were known to be "debt-payers" politically; and it
was their desire to not express opinions on the debt question,
then the most serious question engaging the attention of
the people.
This desire of the debt-payer candidates, however, was
frustrated by Gen. William Mahone. He had come from the
common people, was a self-made man, was a very distin-
guished ex-Confederate general, and had been a potential
figure in the politics of the State since the days of Recon-
struction. General Mahone determined to become a candidate
for Governor. He saw a great force-afterwards known as
Readjusterism-bubbling up among the people; and to
further his personal ambitions, as well as to do a service to
his State, he adroitly placed himself at the head of this
mighty force. As soon as Mahone began his contest for the
governorship the newspapers that were supporting the
other candidates began to assail him with remorseless fury.
He was accused of committing many misdeeds in politics
and business; and the contest soon resolved itself into a
struggle with "Mahone against the field."
At this juncture, General Mahone shrewdly diverted,
to an extent, the personal attacks his enemies were making
upon him, by an indirect introduction of the debt question
as an issue in the campaign. To effect his purpose he began
to write letters to friends, and they were published in the
Richmond Whig and other papers that were friendly to his
candidacy. Early in July a letter written by Mahone to a
friend appeared in the columns of the Whig. In this letter
he declared his opposition to the debt paying policy of the
Conservative party, and expressed the opinion that, if
that policy was pursued, it would be ruinous to both the
State and the creditors. He also said: "It seems to me the
part of practical wisdom, and in direct pursuit of an honor-
able purpose to deal fairly with the public creditors, that we
should seek and insist upon, urge and if necessary demand,
a complete readjustment of the debt of the Commonwealth
and of the annual liabilities thereunder which shall be with-
in the certain and reasonable capacity of the people to pay."
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
319
In an earlier letter he declared that the diversion of the
school funds to the coffers of the bondholders was violative
of the Constitution, bad public policy, and contravened the
wishes of the people. He insisted that the free schools
were needed for the education of the children of the Con-
federate soldiers and of "the large class of persons (negroes)
recently admitted to citizenship." These declarations were
very pleasing to the large number of citizens who were ad-
vocating a thorough readjustment of the State's liabilities,
and for rescuing the free schools from threatened ruin by
the tax-receivable coupons. Col. Abe Fulkerson, after publi-
cation of the first letter, wrote Gen. Mahone: "The very
letter for the times-clear, manly, bold. *** It will elect
you governor." But the selection of delegates to the State
Convention had already been too largely accomplished for
the letters to assist Mahone much in his contest for the
nomination for Governor. The letters provoked bitter criti-
cisms from the Funder press, notably from the Richmond
Enquirer, the Richmond Dispatch and the Lynchburg
Virginian. However, they created such a stir in the public
mind, obviously favorable to "readjustment," that four of
Mahone's opponents-Taliaferro, Lee, Holliday, and Daniel
-declared for a readjustment of the debt. But they gave
their approval with qualifications that were both vague and
misleading. Only one of the opposing candidates-the gal-
lant General Terry- stood to his Funder guns and declared
for payment of the "last dollar" as provided in the Funding
Bill.
In the first days of August the Conservative State Con-
vention, composed of fourteen hundred delegates, met in the
old Richmond Theater, on the corner of Broad and Seventh
Streets. The author was present as one of the delegates from
Smyth County; and he can vividly recall the exciting scenes
that were witnessed in the convention. The sessions, at in-
tervals, were continued for two days; and the theater was
packed and jammed at each session almost to suffocation
with perspiring delegates, sweat actually dripping from the
shirts and coats of many of them. All the "debt-payer" can-
didates had able men representing them on the floor of the
320
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
convention; but in this respect General Mahone was better
equipped than any one of his opponents. Among his zealous
floor leaders were: John S. Wise, Charles Stringfellow,
Wm. E. Cameron, Harry Riddleberger, John Paul, Abram
Fulkerson and others. Mahone and his floor leaders made
a determined effort to have a platform adopted before nomi-
nations were made, seeking to have "forcible readjuster"
doctrines written into the platform; and thus making it im-
possible for either of the Funder candidates to accept the
nomination from the convention. But Mahone was foiled in
the consummation of his plan by a union of the forces of
Daniel, Holliday, and Lee, who had met in joint caucus and
agreed to defeat the scheme. When the balloting was com-
menced Mahone had a lead in votes to his credit, but after
the weaker candidates were dropped Daniel forged to the
front. It then became obvious to Mahone and his leaders
that he could not marshal enough votes to obtain the nomi-
nation, and he determined to defeat his bitterest rival,
John W. Daniel. Just before another ballot, which proved
to be the last, was taken, John S. Wise advanced to the front
of the stage. He withdrew the name of Mahone, called the
name of Holliday, whom he designated the "Sleeveless
hero of the Valley," and shouted to the Mahone men: "Fol-
low Accomac." Accomac was the first county on the roll,
and its delegation had voted solidly for Mahone on each
previous ballot. On the ballot following the proclamation of
Wise it voted solidly for Holliday; and the Mahone delegates
from other counties and cities followed Accomac gloriously.
The trick was skillfully turned, and F. W. M. Holliday was
the nominee of the Conservative party for Governor of Vir-
ginia. General James A. Walker, who commanded the
"Stonewall Brigade," and who was at that time a friend and
follower of Mahone, was nominated for Lieutenant Governor,
and Gen. James Field, of Culpeper, was nominated for At-
torney General.
The next thing in order was the adoption of a platform.
The debt-payers had control of the Resolutions Committee;
and a platform prepared by Major James Dooley, of Rich-
mond, was reported by the Committee and adopted by the
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
321
convention. Major Dooley was a bondholder and speculator
in the State's securities; and had been a persistent defender
of the Funding Bill while a member of the House of Dele-
gates from Richmond. He adroitly prepared the resolution
that referred to the debt question, so as to give it doubtful
meaning and made it mislead the advocates of forcible re-
adjustment. The Republican party had become so hopelessly
disorganized that it offered no opposition to the Conserva-
tive State ticket. As the campaign progressed the Readjust-
ers realized that they had been deceived by the debt resolu-
tion written into the Conservative platform; and they pro-
ceeded to make, as far as possible, Readjustment an issue
in the election of members of the General Assembly. In a
number of counties Readjusters ran as Independents against
the regular Conservative candidates; and quite a number of
the regular candidates were Readjusters. The following
Southwest Counties sent Readjusters: Buchanan and Wise
John P. Chase; Grayson-S. M. Fulton; Lee-Lee S.
Fulkerson; Pulaski-P. H. (Pat) McCaull; Russell-William
J. Dickenson; Scott-A. B. McConnell; Tazewell-James R.
Witten; Washington-I. C. Fowler and Jonas S. Kelly;
Wythe-Robert Sayers. Readjusters representing South-
western Senatorial districts were as follows: Lee, Wise and
Buchanan-Henry C. Slemp; Scott and Russell-Henry C.
Wood; Washington and Smyth-Abram Fulkerson.
of these men were resolutely for forcible readjustment, if
necessary; and they did not cease to fight for the cause until
it was won by the enactment of the Riddleberger Bill in
1882.
All
When the Legislature assembled on December 3rd, 1879,
it was evident that Readjustment had won a decisive victory
at the November election. From all sections of the State
strong men had been elected by the Readjusters to the
General Assembly. John E. Massey had been sent to the
Senate from Albemarle and Greene counties, and John Paul
to that body from Rockinham. James Barbour came to the
House of Delegates as a Readjuster from Culpeper County;
and he was one of the most ardent Readjusters in the As-
322
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
sembly. Four years later he abandoned the Readjuster
cause and was made the running mate of John W. Daniel
on the Funder gubernatorial ticket.
Early in the 1877-78 session of the Legislature the Re-
adjusters began to formulate their plans for a forcible re-
adjustment of the public debt. A bill-which was afterwards
known as the "Barbour Bill"—was prepared and reported
by the Finance Committee of the House. James Barbour, of
Culpeper, was the author and patron of the measure. The
preamble of this bill declared "that the preservation of the
State government is the first necessity; the constitutional
obligation to support the schools, the second; and the pay-
ment of the present rate of interest on the amount claimed
as the principal of the public debt, the third." The bill also
declared that economic conditions in the State were such as
to forbid any increase of taxes. And the bill provided that
"of each fifty cents collected through the general property
tax, twenty-five must go to the support of the government,
ten to the schools, and fifteen to the debt interest; and the
parts thus set aside for the government and the schools must
be paid in money. This measure was well calculated to force
the creditors to consent to a more equitable settlement of
the debt than the one they had procured by the Funding
Bill of 1871. While the campaign was in progress for the
election of the members of the General Assembly a contro-
versy arose between the Readjusters and the Funders over
the meaning of the debt plank in the Conservative platform.
That question was settled by Major Dooley, framer of the
resolution, and Gen. Joseph R. Anderson, who had presided
as chairman of the Resolutions Committee. They em-
phatically affirmed that the debt plank did not endorse
"forcible" readjustment. Governor Holliday considered the
Barbour Bill a forcible measure, and promptly vetoed it.
He pronounced it an attempt to rob the creditors and trans-
fer the "vexed and vexing question from the legislature to
the courts."
The rude reasons assigned by Governor Holliday for
placing his veto on the Barbour Bill was keenly resented by
the Readjuster leaders and press; and inspired them to
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
323
1
more strenuous effort to effect their scheme of forcible
readjustment. They adopted as their slogan, "Peaceably if
we can, Forcibly if we must." The moderate or more timid
debt-payers were alarmed by the announcement of the Re-
adjusters that they would prosecute the war on the Fund-
ing Bill more vigorously; and the moderate men tried to
relieve the situation by an appeal to the creditors for a com-
promise. This was done by the enactment of a bill called the
"Bocock-Fowler Act." Hon. Thomas S. Bocock (a Funder),
of Appomattox, and Hon. I. C. Fowler, (a Readjuster), of
Washington County, were joint patrons of the bill and gave
the bill its name. The act directed the Auditor of Public Ac-
counts to pay the diverted school funds in quarterly cash in-
stallments; but the Auditor construed the mandate of the
act to mean that he must make such payments only when
the cash could be spared. This interpretation by the Audit-
or made the Bocock-Fowler Act thoroughly inert, and it was
in all respects a complete failure.
Immediately following the adjournment of the Legis-
lature, General Mahone and other prominent Readjusters
had several conferences. They determined to organize the
voters throughout the State who favored readjustment
into a militant force, and fight for "forcible and irrepres-
sible readjustment of the State debt." Mahone prepared a
circular to which he procured the joint signatures of the
Readjuster members of the General Assembly; and had it
published in the Whig and other Readjuster papers. This
circular was addressed to the people, and declared that
Governor Holliday's veto of the Barbour Bill and a recent
decision of the State Supreme Court of Appeals reaffirming
the binding force of the Funding Bill were in direct defiance
of the will of the people, as recorded by them at the last
November election. The circular urged the people to hold
meetings in the counties and cities and effect permanent
organizations; and that committees be appointed for each
of the Congressional districts of the State. And the circular
advised the citizens that they should preserve as "principles
of faith," the sovereignty of the people of the State in mat-
ters of taxation, expenditures and schools; reform and econ-
324
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
omy in the administration of the State's affairs; and the
holding of a constitutional convention. From that time on-
ward, General Mahone was the active chosen leader of the
Readjuster Movement until its mission was accomplished
by the enactment of the Riddleberger Bill. And thencefor-
ward the Conservative party, as an organization, was the
arrogant champion of the Funding Bill until the party in
convention assembled, in 1882, was forced to acept the Re-
adjuster settlement of the public debt.
GREENBACKERS AND READJUSTERS UNITE.
In 1878 the Greenback movement, which had been ex-
citing great interest in some of the Western and Southern
States, made its way into Virginia. It threatened to make
as heavy rupture in the Conservative party as had already
been made by the Readjuster Movement; and sentiment
favorable to the Greenback idea was also pretty strong
with the Readjuster voters. Taking in the situation, the Re-
adjuster leaders decided to use jointly the Greenback and
Readjuster issues in the election of members of Congress.
The machinery of the Conservative party was then control-
ed by Funders and "hard money" men. They at first decided
to accept the challenge of the Readjusters, and make the
fight for Congressmen on the joint issues; but suddenly
changed their minds when they discovered that many of
their most prominent leaders, and large numbers of their
voters were infected with the "Greenback craze." John W.
Daniel, their most brilliant and esteemed leader, was mak-
ing speeches and introducing at meetings of citizens resolu-
tions strongly favoring the Greenback ideas. And all the
Conservative Congressmen from Virginia were getting on
the Greenback band wagon, the Hon. J. Randolph Tucker
being the only representative who declared out and out for
"hard money." Consequently the Funder Conservatives
sought to wage the campaign on the debt question alone,
but they did not succeed in doing this in all the Congression-
al districts.
In the Ninth Congressional District the Greenback
movement had become very fervent, and when coupled with
Readjustment made the district overwhelmingly for the
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
325
combination. When the Conservative Convention met at
Wytheville to nominate a candidate for Congress, the Re-
adjuster-Greenback coalition had a working majority when
a scaled vote by counties was taken. This enabled them to
make Hon. I. C. Fowler, a Readjuster, permanent chairman
of the convention. There were three men who were can-
didates for the nomination-Col. James B. Richmond, of
Scott County; Col. Abram Fulkerson, of Washington Coun-
ty; and Capt. Frank S. Blair, of Wythe County. Col. Rich-
mond was a debt-payer and against Greenbacks; but Col.
Fulkerson and Capt. Blair were for both Readjustment and
Greenbacks.
As soon as the convention was permanently organized,
the Readjusters commenced their fight for its control with
the introduction of a resolution endorsing the Readjuster
and Greenback movements. A scaled vote by counties was
called for on the resolution by a Readjuster delegate. His
motion was violently opposed by certain Funder delegates
who insisted and argued that the proper way to take the
vote was viva voce. The chairman of the convention became
confused, yielded to the views of the Funders, and had the
vote taken as they demanded. The Funders were numerical-
ly the strongest, and of course, the resolution was voted
down. This caused angry remonstrances from the Readjust-
ers; and the delegate who had called for a scaled vote ap-
pealed from the decision of the chairman and demanded a
scaled vote on his appeal. The demand was denied by the
chairman, the vote was taken viva voce, and the chair was
sustained. Thereupon, the delegate who had made the mo-
tion for a scaled vote urged the Readjusters and Greenback-
ers to withdraw from the convention, and almost to a man
they retired from the hall. After their withdrawal, the con-
vention nominated Col. James B. Richmond, and adopted a
platform that was not acceptable to the Readjusters and
Greenbackers.
After their withdrawal the Readjusters and Greenback-
ers assembled in a school room near the place where the con-
vention was sitting. Fayette McMullen had previously an-
nounced himself a candidate for Congress as an Independent
326
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
Readjuster and Greenbacker. The conference decided to
make no nomination; and it was agreed that those who par-
ticipated in the conference would support McMullen. They
returned to their respective homes and opened up a vigorous
campaign on that line, that would surely have defeated Col.
Richmond, but for an untoward incident that prevented
success for the movement. Capt. Samuel H. Newberry, then
one of the most conspicuous figures in the Ninth District,
and who was an ardent Readjuster, became an Independent
candidate on a platform similar to McMullen's. Colonel Rich-
mond made a vigorous and brilliant campaign in which he was
zealously supported by the State and District organizations
of the Conservative party. The Readjusters and Greenback-
ers also made an aggressive campaign; but their forces were
about equally divided between McMullen and Newberry, and
Richmond was elected by a minority vote. Richmond re-
ceived 5,120 votes, McMullen 4,829, and Newberry 4,640. So,
the combined vote for McMullen and Newberry showed a
majority of 4,349 over that received by Richmond. After the
result of this election was known, it could no longer be dis-
puted that the Ninth Congressional District was overwhelm-
ingly for forcible readjustment," if necessary.
The results of the Congressional elections in the several
districts-especially in the Appalachian districts-were so
favorable to the Readjusters that consternation was spread
in the ranks of the Funders. Very soon after these elections,
a society was organized in Richmond "to preserve the credit
of the State"-that is to defeat Readjustment. The society
was composed of thirty-nine prominent men, some of them
bondholders, two Federal judges, and several ministers of
the gospel. These preachers were very hostile to the public
free schools. The society published an address, suggesting
and requesting that similar societies be formed throughout
the State; and that no restrictions be made as to party or
race in the membership of such organizations. And in the
address it was declared that an increase of twenty cents in
taxes would be sufficient to meet all the needs of the State,
including a sinking fund. This suggested increase of taxes
was in direct conflict with the recent Conservative platform,
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
327
which pledged that readjustment of the debt could be made
without any increase of taxes. The Readjuster press and
leaders attacked and ridiculed the movement with great
force and effect; and the Funders leaders throughout the
State did not sanction it, because they saw it would do their
cause more harm than good. Consequently, the Society had
no accretions outside of Richmond and very soon ceased to
function as an organization.
When the General Assembly met for its second session
on December 4th, 1878, the State treasury was practically
empty. It was found that about $850,000 was due the schools
and unpaid and large sums due the asylums and colleges
were also unpaid. Alarmed by these serious conditions, and
also frightened by the rapidly growing sentiment in favor
of forcible readjustment, the creditors assumed a delusively
compromising spirit. Through Governor Holliday they
transmitted to the Legislature two so-called compromise
propositions. One of these came from New York bankers and
brokers-Hugh McCullouch, J. P. Morgan, and others-and
the other from the Council of Foreign Bondholders. And on
January 15th, 1879, at the request of Governor Holliday,
the General Assembly passed the following resolution:
"Resolved by the General Assembly. That the Govern-
or be authorized to request the presiding officer of the coun-
cil of foreign bondholders of London, England, Messieurs
Baring Brothers and Company, Messieurs L. G. and G. C.
Ward, Messieurs DeRothschild, Mister August Belmont,
Messieurs Brown Brothers and Company, Messieurs Richard
Irvin & Company, Mister Hugh McCullouch, or their author-
ized representatives, as may desire to be present, to meet
this General Assembly in the city of Richmond, on the
twenty-second day of January, eighteen hundred and seven-
ty-nine, for the purpose of conferring upon the subject of
an adjustment of the public debt."
It is evident that the promoters of this scheme thought
that the day fixed for holding the conference was too early
after the passage of the resolution. Possibly they thought
it might arouse suspicion that everything in the way of a
328
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
compromise measure had already been arranged. At any
rate, another resolution was passed immediately which
authorized the governor to extend the date for the confer-
ence not exceeding ten days from the 22nd of January, 1879.
The conference was pronounced a "miserable fiasco" by the
Richmond Whig. It seems that there were irreconcilable dif-
ferences in the propositions made by the London bankers
and the New York brokers. To remove the differences the
New York interests and the British Council jointly submit-
ted a third proposition. Various changes were made in the
last proposition to give it the appearance of concession to
the Readjusters. Then a bill was prepared and introduced in
the Legislature, and which was subsequently known as the
McCullouch Bill," or the "Brokers Bill." This was passed by
two majority in the Senate and nine in the House of Dele-
gates; and it was approved by Governor Holliday on March
28th, 1879. From the more important provisions of the bill
the following are quoted:
"Be it enacted by the General Assembly of Virginia,
That to provide for funding the debt of the State, the gov-
ernor is hereby authorized to create bonds of the State,
registered and coupon, dated the first day of January, eigh-
teen hundred and seventy-nine, the principal payable forty
years thereafter, bearing interest at the rate of three per
centum per annum for ten years; and at the rate of four per
centum per annum for twenty years, and at the rate of five
per centum per annum for ten years, payable in the cities of
Richmond, New York, or London, as hereinafter provided,
on the first days of July and January of each year, until the
principal is redeemed. ***** The coupons on said bonds shall
be receivable at and after maturity for all taxes, debts, dues
and demands due the State, and this shall be expressed on
their face. The holder of any registered bond shall be en-
titled to receive from the treasurer of the State a certificate
for any interest thereon, due and unpaid, and such certifi-
cate shall be receivable for all taxes, dues and demands
due the State, and this shall be expressed on the face of the
registered bonds and on the face of such certificate. All ob-
4
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
329
ligations created under this act shall be forever exempt from
all taxation, direct or indirect, by the State, or by any coun-
ty or corporation therein, and this shall be expressed on the
face of the bonds."
This bill provided for the division of the debt into two
classes. Class 1. embraced consols and convertible register-
ed bonds; and Class 2. consisted of peeler bonds and one-
half of the interest unpaid since 1871. Here was another
arrangement to fund unpaid interest and largely increase
the principal of the public debt. McCullouch and his associ-
ate promoters of the scheme for refunding the debt were
resolved to have the payment of interest on the new bonds
made certain, even if the State was forced to borrow money
to meet the payments. To that end, they had the following
written into the bill:
"Whenever there shall not be a sufficient amount of
money in the treasury of the State to meet the accruing
interest on the said bonds promptly, the auditor is hereby
authorized and directed, by and with the advice of the gov-
ernor of Virginia, to raise by temporary loan, to be returned
out of the accruing revenues of the State, a sum sufficient
to enable him to meet promptly the said interest as it ac-
crues. And in case the auditor shall not be able to raise a
sufficient sum for the said purpose by loans, he is hereby
authorized and directed to issue non-interest-bearing cer-
tificates of indebtedness of this State, to be signed by him-
self and countersigned by the treasurer, and properly regis-
tered in the office of the auditor and treasurer, for the sum
of one dollar and multiples thereof, the same to be printed
from plates, which shall be the property of the State, and to
sell the same at not less than a minimum price to be fixed
by the commissioners of the sinking fund, which shall not
be less than seventy-five cents upon the dollar. The said
certificates shall be receivable for all taxes, debts, dues and
demands due the State, and this shall be expressed on their
face. **** In case the auditor shall not be able to borrow the
sums needed as aforesaid without security, he shall be
authorized to hypothecate such amounts of the said cer-
330
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
tificates as may be fixed on by the commissioners of the
sinking fund, etc."
In a preceeding section of the bill it was provided,
that when the representatives of the bondholders "shall file
with the governor their assent to and acceptance of the
terms of this act, the same shall be taken to be a contract
between the State and the said corporations, and the gov-
ernor shall forthwith provide for the preparation of the
bonds provided for by this act."
Is it any wonder that the Readjusters immediately at-
tacked the bill as a wicked stock-jobbing device? Nearly
every provision of the measure showed it was an artful
scheme of the brokers. It retained the tax-receivable cou-
pons; compounded unpaid interest into principal; made the
bill a contract between the State and the banker corpora-
tions; authorized and directed the auditor to borrow money,
when the treasury was short of funds, to meet the accruing
interest; and when he could not borrow the auditor was
authorized and directed to sell registered certificates at not
less than seventy-five cents upon the dollar to pay accruing
interest.
Referring to the Brokers Bill, the Richmond Whig
very justly and truthfully declared: "All we have is a propo-
sition to abdicate the whole control of our financial affairs
in favor of McCullouch and Fry. The tax-receivable idiocy
of the first Funding Bill was bad enough, but this demands
the surrender of the entire sovereignty of the State over the
most of her public interests into the hands of New York and
British speculators."
Auditor Taylor reported in January, 1879, that the
State charitable institutions were suffering for funds; that
a million and a half dollars remained unpaid to the public
free schools; that the appropriations to the Virginia Mili-
tary Institute were paid in full; and that the appropriations
to the University of Virginia had all been paid except six
thousand dollars. With these deplorable conditions existing
both as to the charitable institutions and the free schools,
the dominant Funder majority in the Legislature manifest-
ed a deep seated hostility to the free schools. Every feature
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
331
of the schools was seriously threatened, and every grade
of school officer, from Superintendent of Public Instruction
down, was menaced. War on Dr. Ruffner was constant and
malignant. He was attacked in his personal character, his
personal conduct, his administration of the schools, his
salary, his reports, and his organ of communication. The
County Superintendents were bitterly assailed. A bill was
introduced to make their annual maximum salary one hun-
dred dollars; and a constitutional amendment was suggested'
to wipe these county superintendents out of existence. The
schools revenues were attacked, and a Senate committee
reported a bill which provided that the schools should lose.
their claim to all their money absorbed by the tax-receivable
coupons, and were entitled only to their proportion (10
cents) of the currency collected in taxes. A minority report
was made by Readjuster members which declared that the
bill would reduce the State school money one-half. And that
it was the secret purpose of some of the leading Funders to
wipe out the school tax entirely, destroy the State character
of the system, and substitute for it some dwarfish non-
descript system to be managed in each county by a bench of
magistrates to be appointed in the first place by the gov-
ernor and afterward to be self-perpetuating. This was pre-
cisely the same scheme that was used in 1796 by the enemies
of popular education to make valueless Mr. Jefferson's bill
for the "diffusion of knowledge" among all the people of
Virginia, to educate the poor man's children as well as the
rich man's.
332
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
CHAPTER XX
READJUSTER PARTY ORGANIZED RIDDLEBERGER BILL PASSED AND
VETOED BY GOVERNOR HOLLIDAY-READJUSTERS AND REPUBLICANS
COALESCE AND ELECT CAMERON GOVERNOR-READJUSTERS CON-
TROL GENERAL ASSEMBLY RIDDLEBERGER BILL PASSED AND APPROV-
ED BY GOVERNOR CAMERON-FUNDERS FORCED TO ACCEPT
RIDDLEBERGER SETTLEMENT--NEW REPUBLICAN
PARTY IN VIRGINIA
When the Legislature met in December, 1878, it was dis-
covered that the Funders were formulating plans to make
another so-called settlement of the public debt, with a measure
which the Readjusters believed would be more unrighteous
than the Funding Bill of 1871. And the Readjusters were con-
fident that public sentiment throughout Virginia was largely
favorable to a more equitable adjustment of the debt than was
made by the first Funding Bill, or would be offered by the one
the brokers and speculators in the guise of debt-payers were
seeking to foist upon the tax-payers. John Paul, an able and
earnest champion of the rights of the people, had been elected
to the State Senate from the great county of Rockingham. On
his motion, a call was authorized for a State Convention of the
Readjusters. This was done before the Legislature had recessed
for the Christmas holidays. When the Legislature re-assem-
bled after the holidays, two conferences were held, with Col.
Abram Fulkerson, then a member of the Senate, presiding.
The author was present at one of the conferences. It was de-
cided to issue an address to the people urging them to hold a
State Convention. Hon. James Barbour was selected to draft
the address, and he performed the duty with great zest and
skill. He declared in the paper that the Debt Paying Associa-
tion was "an organized party openly proclaimed," and that its
purpose was to starve the schools and impose heavier tax bur-
dens on the people. The address also urged the holding of
county, district, and ward meetings to choose delegates to a
convention of Readjusters to be held in Richmond on the 25th
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
333
of February, 1879. In response to this urge, the Readjusters
held meetings in a number of counties and elected delegates to a
State Convention. On the 25th of January, 1879, a meeting
was held by the Readjusters of Smyth County. They elected
delegates to the State Convention, and resolutions were passed
that expressed the views generally held by the Readjusters
throughout the State. In an account of the Smyth County
meeting sent to the Richmond Whig, the following was reported:
"Resolutions, proposed by G. H. Fudge, were unanimously
adopted, urging a readjustment of the debt that shall forever
extinguish all liability on the part of Virginia for that portion
of the debt referred to West Virginia, reject or abate all war,
reconstruction and compound interest, cancel the tax-receivable
coupons, and come within the present revenue after duly pro-
viding for government and schools."
The Funder press and the so-called debt-payers were bit-
terly opposed to the convention. They denounced and ridi-
culed it as the work of agitators and disreputable bolters from
the Conservative party. All kinds of trickery and bulldozing
were resorted to for the purpose of making the county meetings
failures. Despite the trickery of the Funders, the convention
assembled in Mozart Hall at Richmond on February 25th., 1879,
and completed its work on the 26th. About one hundred and
seventy-five delegates attended, representing three cities and
forty-nine counties. Capt. Frank S. Blair, of Wythe, was made
temporary chairman and P. H. McCaull, of Pulaski, temporary
secretary. Permanent organization was effected with Major
V. Vaiden, of New Kent, as chairman, and P. H. McCaull, sec-
retary.
It was determined to publish an "Address to the People of
Virginia," and H. H. Riddleberger, who was then representing
the counties of Shenandoah and Page in the State Senate, pre-
sented the Address to the convention, and it was unanimously
adopted. The document declared, in terms, that the people had
always wanted a liberal and just settlement with the creditors
of the State, and that the Readjusters had been persistently
working to that end; but had been thwarted in their efforts by
the Governor and the Funder legislators. The McCulloch Bill
was attacked severely, and it was charged that the "Debt-Pay-
334
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
ing Association" had presumed "to take charge of the honor of
Virginia, educate you up to the point of virtue from which you
have back-slided" and sought to increase taxes so as "to pay six
per cent on the whole debt." The people were reminded that
present conditions "certify your inability to assume a higher
rate than three per cent, either now or at any future date that
can be fixed by a prudent forecast." After asserting that the
McCulloch Bill was more objectionable than the Funding Bill,
the Address suggested a reasonable basis for settlement of the
debt as follows: No liability for West Virginia's share; the in-
terest on "Virginia's fair proportion" to be no greater than
could be paid from the revenue derived from the existing rate
of taxation after deducting necessary expenses of the State
Government, with ample provisions for charitable institutions,
and liberal appropriations for the free schools; no tax-receivable
coupons; no exemption from taxation, or discrimination between
creditors, or funding through agencies not under the State's
control. These suggestions as a basis for settlement of the debt
contravened nearly every provision of the McCulloch Bill, then
pending in the General Assembly.
Senator Riddleberger-who from that time became the most
forceful and noted leader of the Readjuster Movement-also
presented to the convention a plan for the organization of the
Readjuster party, and it was adopted. The plan provided that
a chairman for each Congressional district should be chosen by
the delegates representing it in the convention, and these
chairmen were to constitute the State Committee. A State
Executive Committee of three was provided for, to be named
by the chairman of the convention; and General Mahone was
appointed chairman of the Executive Committee, and as such
became State Chairman. The Readjuster Convention had been
called and held primarily to prevent the passage of the McCul-
loch Bill by the Legislature; but this purpose failed of accom-
plishment. On the 26th day of March, 1879, the bill was passed
by a majority of two in the Senate and nine in the House; and
two days later Governor Holliday approved the measure.
The Readjusters proceeded without delay to effect local or-
ganizations. This was done through the appointment of county
chairmen by the Congressional district committees. Mass-meet-
ings were held in all the counties of the Southwest and in most
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
335
of the other Appalachian counties to perfect the county organ-
izations. In the counties east of the Blue Ridge the organ-
izations were made more quietly. The Funders were mislead
by the secret methods of Mahone and exultingly claimed that
the Readjuster Movement was dead. But they very soon dis-
covered their mistake, and were so alarmed that they resolved
to usurp control of the Conservative party. So confident were
the Readjusters of their strength in the party, they challenged
the State Committee to call a State Convention and have it
make a pronouncement on the debt question. The Committee
refused to do this, but met on August 6th, and by a vote of 13 to
2 declared the McCulloch Bill was "a great public measure devis-
ed and accomplished by the will and judgment of the Conser-
vative party;" and made support of the bill the test of party
regularity in local organizations and the nomination of candi-
dates.
Thus was an irreparable breach made in the Conservative
party; causing the formation of two militant political organiza-
tions that fought to a finish the most momentous issue that then
engaged the attention of the people of Virginia. Early in Aug-
ust battle was joined between the contending forces, the object
in view being the control of the Legislature which was to be
elected in November. Each party put its ablest speakers on
the stump. The Readjusters were represented by Riddleberger,
Paul, Massey, Fulkerson, Blair, John S. Wise, Robt. A. Richard-
son, and a number of others who were to become noted in the
politics of the State. And the Funders had a host of speakers--
John W. Daniel, J. Randolph Tucker, John Goode, Geo. D. Wise,
Philip W. McKinney, James A. Walker, William Terry, and many
others of less political note.
Joint debates were held in nearly every county in the State
between the more prominent speakers of the rival parties; and
hundreds of discussions took place between local speakers.
These debates were attended by large crowds, and they were
very acrimonious. The Funders arrogantly claimed that they
were entirely of the best people, simulating the role of valiant
knights engaged in protecting the honor and integrity of the
dear old Commonwealth; and asserted that the Readjusters were
trying to repudiate a portion of the honest debt and bring dis-
honor upon the State. The Readjusters declared that they were
336
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
composed of the "honest masses;" the men who toiled and pro-
duced the wealth of the State; and denied that they were striv-
ing for anything other than an honest and equitable settlement
of the debt. They charged that the Funders were trying to
fasten on the toiling masses a dishonest settlement of the debt,
and, to accomplish this, the Funders had been robbing the public
schools, starving the inmates of the charitable institutions, and
bankrupting the State Treasury. In support of these grave
charges, the Readjusters presented what they claimed were in-
disputable facts and figures.
At the ensuing election for members of the General Assem-
bly the Readjusters won a signal victory. They carried the
State on the popular vote by 21,000, majority, their vote being
82,000 to 61,000 for the Funders. And the Readjusters elected
fifty-six members of the House and twenty-four Senators. The
Ninth Congressional District sent a solid delegation, save one, to
the House; and a solid delegation to the Senate. The members
of the House from the Ninth District were: Buchanan and Wise
-Jasper S. Colley; Craig-Michael P. Spessard; Lee-Campbell
Slemp; Pulaski and Giles--Charles J. Mathews (Funder); Rus-
sell-William J. Dickenson; Scott-A. B. McConnell; Smyth and
Bland-Hezekiah Harmon; Tazewell-James R. Witten; Wash-
ington-David F. Bailey and Jonas S. Kelly; Wythe-Robert
Sayers. The following represented the Southwestern districts
(all Readjusters) in the Senate:
Washington and Smyth-Abram Fulkerson; Scott, Lee, and
Wise Henry C. Wood; Russell, Buchanan, and Tazewell Sam-
uel Leece; Montgomery, Roanoke, and Craig-James E. Esk-
ridge; Pulaski, Wythe, Bland, and Giles-William A. French;
Carroll, Grayson, and Floyd-Peyton G. Hale.
The newly elected Legislature assembled December 3rd,
1879; and the Readjusters had twelve majority in the House
and eight in the Senate. Benjamin W. Lacy, a Readjuster mem-
ber, representing New Kent and Charles City counties, was
elected Speaker of the House of Delegates, and P. H. McCaull
was made its Clerk. The positions of sergeant-at-arms and door-
keepers were filled with Readjusters. James A. Walker presid-
ed over the Senate, he then being Lieutenant Governor, but
Charles A. Causey, a Readjuster, was made Clerk of the Senate,
and the other subordinate offices were filled with Readjusters.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
337
John E. Massey was elected Auditor of Public Accounts; and all
the State offices elective by the Legislature, including the county
judges, were filled with Readjusters. Though the Readjusters
were confident that any legislation they might enact on the debt
question would be nullified by Governor Holliday's veto, they
defiantly went to work on that line. Senator Riddleberger in-
troduced a measure that was soon to become famous as the "Rid-
dleberger Bill.” The bill was passed in the Senate and the
House, and it was promptly vetoed by Governor Holliday. No
further attempt was made by the Readjusters to legislate on

He was
Above is shown a portrait of James Richard Witten.
born in Tazewell County, Virginia, March 29th, 1830, and died at his
home, near the town of Tazewell, October 10th, 1902. He was a
great grandson of Thomas Witten. On October the 29th, 1853, he
was married to Miss Jane Davidson, and she bore him nineteen
children in this number there were four sets of twins. Of this re-
markable family of children there were four sons and ten daughters
living when their father died. He was gifted with an excellent
mind and had acquired extensive information on various subjects
that are interesting to Americans. For a number of years he was
prominent in the affairs of Tazewell County and of Virginia. He
represented his county in the General Assembly of Virginia in 1879-
80 and in 1881-82; and he was a conspicuous and strong figure in the
great Readjuster Movement, and helped to enact the Riddleberger
Bill which permanently settled the public debt of Virginia on an
equitable basis. In 1884 he identified himself with the National
Republican Party and from that time occupied acceptably responsible
Federal positions continuously until his death.
338
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
the debt subject until the 1881-82 session of the General As-
sembly.
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN 1880.
When the year 1880 was ushered in, General Mahone and
the leaders of the newly organized Readjuster party were un-
certain as to how they should use their forces in the approach-
ing election. The first plan considered was the nomination of
a candidate for Congress in each of the districts; and also an
independent electoral ticket, "uncommitted to any National
party or its candidate." The Whig suggested: "If the vote
should be close between the National parties, the Readjuster
Electors, if elected, would be in a commanding position well
worth striving for." Then a fusion with the Republicans was
attempted on the basis of six Readjuster and five Republican
electors pledged to Grant for President. This plan was defeat-
ed at the State Republican Convention under the control of Gen-
eral W. C. Wickham and the Federal officeholders.
In July the Readjusters held a State Convention and nomi-
nated an electoral ticket pledged to General Hancock, the Presi-
dential candidate of the Democratic party. The Readjusters
made a very poor showing at the ensuing election, polling only
30,000 votes for their electoral ticket. They succeeded, how-
ever, in electing two of their ablest men to Congress-Abram
Fulkerson and John Paul-thus maintaining their hold on two
of the great white districts of Virginia.
In August, 1880, the Readjusters of the Ninth Congression-
al District, acting as a distinct party organization, met in con-
vention at Abingdon to nominate a candidate for Congress.
There were two candidates seeking the nomination, Col. Abram
Fulkerson and Capt. F. S. Blair. They were both able men, and
each had done valiant service for the Readjuster cause. Col.
Fulkerson won the nomination after a spirited but friendly
contest. The Funders, under the auspices of the Conservative
organization, nominated Connally F. Trigg, as their candidate.
He was a brilliant young lawyer of Abingdon, and made a very
aggressive campaign. This was the first National election in
which the State debt question was actively introduced with reg-
ularly nominated candidates representing the rival factions of
the Conservative party. G. G. Goodell, of Marion, ran as the
Republican candidate and Fayette McMullen ran as an Indepen-
1
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
339
dent. Fulkerson received 8,096 votes, Trigg 7,621, Goodell 3,640
and McMullen 500.
The defeat of the Readjuster electoral ticket in 1880 did
not put an end to the Readjuster Movement as the Funders
hoped and declared it would. On the contrary, the Readjusters
lost no time in making preparation for electing a governor and
legislature in 1881. When a special session of Congress met in
March, 1881, General Mahone took his seat in the Senate and by
his vote gave the Republicans control of its organization. This
act of Mahone won for the Readjusters the favorable consider-
ation of President Arthur and the earnest support of prominent
Republican leaders. Conspicuous among these were Senators
Logan, Hoar, and Don Cameron. It was not the Virginia debt
question that induced the support of the President and of dis-
tinguished Republican Senators and Congressmen. They were
deeply impressed with the declared purpose of the Readjusters
to secure, if possible, fair elections in Virginia. Elections in the
eastern sections of the State had become notoriously unfair.
When the Funders denounced Mahone as a traitor and repudi-
ator, Logan, Hoar and Cameron rallied to his defence.
In a
speech delivered in the Senate, referring to the Virginia Read-
justers, Senator Cameron said: "All that we ask is that they
shall stand with us in favor of securing to each lawful voter the
right to cast one free and unintimidated vote, and to have it
honestly counted."
READJUSTER REPUBLICAN COALITION CONVENTION
The Readjusters met in convention at Richmond on the 2nd
of June, 1881, to nominate a gubernatorial ticket.
It was a
very enthusiastic and militant gathering, with large delegations
from every county and city in the State. The Lewis faction of
the Republican party was amply represented by both white and
colored delegates, and they announced their purpose to coalesce,
with the Conservative Readjusters. When the convention as-
sembled there were three candidates offering for the nomina-
tion for governor-William E. Cameron, John E. Massey, and
John S. Wise-but Wise soon retired from the field. After a
prolonged and heated contest between Cameron and Massey, the
nomination was won by Cameron. John F. Lewis was nominat-
ed for Lieutenant Governor, and Frank S. Blair for Attorney
General. The ticket was wisely selected and was composed of
340
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
men of unusual ability and proven courage. Cameron came
from Petersburg, the center of the "Black Belt;" and he was
thoroughly familiar with the unlawful tricks used by the Con-
servatives to circumvent and nullify the negro vote in the coun-
ties east of the Blue Ridge. Lewis hailed from the "Great Val-
ley of Virginia" and Blair from the "Great Southwest"-the
white sections of the State-where Readjustment had its birth
and where it promised to be invincible. The formidable "Coa-
lition Ticket" alarmed the Funders, but they tried to conceal
their fears by heaping ridicule upon it. The Richmond Dis-
patch the bitterest of the Funder papers-sneeringly remark-
ed: "There's Cameron, he's for the Democrats; and there's
Lewis, he's for the negroes; and there's Blair, he's for the Green-
back lunatics."
The platform adopted by the Readjuster Convention was
an able instrument; and it made forceful appeal to the masses
of the people who had in recent elections given unmistakable
sanction to the cause of Readjustment. There was a recital in
the platform emphasizing the fact that since the Readjusters
got control of the public free schools in 1879, they had not only
increased their revenues, but had opened 4,854 public schools
for five months terms, as against 2,504 for the previous year,
with terms of three months. It was also affirmed that the Read-
justers had repaid much of the funds that had been diverted by
the Funders from the colleges and the humane institutions. And
the following significant resolution was written into the plat-
form:
"We reassert our purpose to settle and adjust our State
obligations on the basis of the bill to re-establish public credit,
known as the 'Riddleberger Bill,' passed by the last General As-
sembly and vetoed by the Governor. We maintain that this
measure recognizes the just debt of Virginia in this; that it as-
sumes two-thirds of all the money Virginia borrowed, and sets
aside the other third to West Virginia to be dealt with by her
in her own way and at her pleasure."
Numerous other measures of reform were advocated in the
Readjuster platform. Among these were regulation of the rail-
roads in the interest of the people; the repeal of the poll tax
qualification for voting that had been imposed upon the elect-
orate by the Conservatives; and the soliciting of aid from the
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
341
Federal Government for developing the mining and manufact-
uring industries of Virginia.
THE FUNDER STATE CONVENTION.
On the 6th of August, 1881, the Funders, calling themselves
the Conservative party, met in State Convention at Richmond.
They nominated John W. Daniel for Governor, James Barbour
for Lieutenant Governor, and Philip W. McKinney for Attorney
General. These three candidates were from that portion of
Virginia east of the Blue Ridge. Daniel came from Lynchburg,
and was of distinguished Democratic lineage, his father and
grandfather having been judges of the Virginia Court of Ap-
peals. However, he had been an ardent Greenbacker in 1878,
and for that reason was a fit subject for criticism by the Rich-
mond Dispatch as a "Greenback lunatic." But he was a gal-
lant, honest man; and we venture to say that his hostility to
Readjustment was largely occasioned by his bitter animosity to
Mahone.
James Barbour was from Culpeper, and he was also of dis-
tinguished Democratic lineage. His father was John S. (Jack)
Barbour, who represented the Culpeper district in Congress
from 1823 to 1833. James Barbour, however, was a "Forcible
Readjuster," as was indicated by the Barbour Bill-of which he
was the author,-that was passed by the General Assembly at
the 1877-78 session and that was vetoed by Governor Holliday.
His sudden switch to the Funders was generally credited to the
influence of his brother, John S. Barbour. The latter was Presi-
dent of the Orange & Alexandria Railroad-now a part of the
Southern Railway system-and he was a bitter rival of Mahone
when the latter was President of the Atlantic, Mississippi &
Ohio Railroad.
Philip W. McKinney was from Farmville-in the bounds of
the Black Belt-where manipulation of the negro vote had been
reduced to a science by the Conservatives. Major McKinney
had been an Old Line Whig and a Know Nothing prior to the
Civil War. He was a thorough gentleman, gracious in manner,
and an engaging speaker. The Funders certainly made an ex-
cellent selection of candidates. They represented all the isms
that would appeal to the white voters in the eastern sections of
the State, and especially to those who were still under the spell
of Confederate sentiment. And the Funders were confident of
342
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
solidifying the white vote in the counties and cities east of the
Blue Ridge, and of procuring, through the influence of the Wick-
ham Republican faction, a considerable portion of the negro
vote. But these expectations were not realized. Having made
a compromise ticket-composed of a Greenbacker, a Forcible
Readjuster, and an Old Line Whig and Know Nothing-the
Funders promulgated a seductively compromise platform. Pear-
son-who is apparently more friendly to the Funders than to
the Readjusters-in his "Readjuster Movement in Virginia"
writes thus of the Funder's platform:
"They accepted Readjuster ideas as to the schools by pledg-
ing the payment of all funds appropriated 'by the constitution
or otherwise.' They promised 'equality of right and exact jus-
tice to all men,' including specifically fair elections and jury ser-
vice of both races. They coupled the name of James Barbour
with that of John W. Daniel on their State ticket, and agreed
to use 'lawful and constitutional means in their power to secure
the settlement of the debt upon the basis of a three per cent
bond,' with but one class of creditors and without increase of
taxes. Having thus minimized the differences between the two
factions of the old party, they rang the charge of a corrupt Re-
publican alliance."
How could the Funders expect the Conservative Readjust-
ers, or any real friend of the free schools, to give credence to
the Funder platform pledge to pay to the schools "all funds ap-
propriated by the Constitution or otherwise?" When this pledge
was made they had nominated as their candidate for governor a
gentleman who had consistently opposed in the General Assem-
bly every Readjuster measure intended to prevent diversion of
the school funds to the coffers of the bondholders. In 1878 more
than a million dollars had been so diverted. Pearson says that at
this period the "Bourbons took courage, and began to talk of
abolishing the new system (the present school system) in favor
of the old (the pauper system). And a prominent debt-payer was
understood to have said that it would be better to burn the
schoolhouses than to permit the State to default in interest pay-
ment on the debt." The "prominent debt-payer" was the Fun-
der nominee for governor. In a speech made at Wytheville on
May 12th, 1879, Major Daniel admitted he had said "that rather
than vote for the Massey Bill-which provided that the school
4
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
343
tax should be paid in money-and the bills which were to follow,
he would see a bonfire made out of every schoolhouse in the
State." And Major Daniel had voted against the "Barbour Bill"
-the child of his running mate--which made the support of the
public schools paramount to payment of interest on the public
debt.
The promise of the Funders to see that elections were "fair"
in Virginia, if they were restored to power, was virtually an
admission that elections had previously been unfair in certain
sections of the State under the administration of the Conserva-
tive party. An act of the General Assembly, then in force, pro-
vided that "before any judge or clerk of election enters upon
the performance of any of the duties imposed upon him by this
act, he shall take an oath in the following form, to-wit: 'I, A
B, judge (or clerk), do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will
perform the duties of judge (or clerk) of the election (as the
case may be) according to law and the best of my ability, and
that I will studiously endeavor to prevent fraud, deceit and
abuse in conducting this election. So help me God." The afore-
said act was passed by the General Assembly at the 1869-70 ses-
sion to meet the requirements of the act passed by Congress-
and approved by President Johnson on the 26th of January, 1870
providing for the re-admission of Virginia to the Union. The
Readjusters both Conservatives and Republicans-very justly
asseverated that, if the Conservative party organization had
previously been encouraging and condoning violations by elect-
ions officials of their sacred oaths of office, the promise to stand
for fair elections, made in the Conservative platform of 1881,
was insincere and would also be violated.
The pledge of the Funders that they would use all "lawful
and constitutional means in their power to secure the settle-
ment of the debt upon the basis of a three per cent bond" was
ridiculed by the Readjusters. They pronounced it rank non-
sense and unworthy of belief. In support of this estimate of
the promise, the Readjusters pointed out that Daniel had per-
sistently fought for the Funding Bill and McCulloch Bill; and
had stubbornly resisted the enactment of the Riddleberger Bill,
which provided for the issuance of three per cent bonds.
Very early in the campaign it became evident that the
344
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
Zus
Contincict's
sarlia
statemet.
P-312-13
Readjusters had the better of the Funders on the issues raised
in the platforms of the rival parties, such as the State debt, the
public schools, charitable institutions, and fair elections. Then
the Funders, in their extremity, injected the race issue into the
campaign. The temerity of this proceeding was astounding to
the Readjusters and to all persons who were acquainted with
the previous attitude of the Conservative party on racial lines.
From the beginning of the Conservative Movement the leaders
of that movement had earnestly striven to eliminate the color
line from Virginia politics. The negro voters had been solicited
to aid in defeating the obnoxious clauses in the Underwood Con-
stitution, and a goodly number of the colored men had respond-
ed generously to the solicitation. Negroes were also coddled,
cajoled, and persuaded to vote for Gilbert C. Walker for Gover-
nor. Some negroes were elected with the aid of white men to
the Legislature, and they sat with the white Conservative mem-
bers in that body.
In 1870 the Conservatives held their first State Convention.
It met in Mozart Hall at Richmond; and was presided over by
Hon. Thomas S. Bocock, who had been for many years conspic-
uous as a Democrat in the politics of the State and Nation. Six
negro delegates from the city of Richmond, headed by Lewis
Lindsey, were received with hearty applause and given seats
in the convention. Only one voice was raised in protest against
the reception of the negro delegates, and that was the voice of
Gen. Jubal A. Early. He left the hall in a rage, declaring that
he had come there thinking "this was a convention of Virginia
gentlemen a white man's convention." The Richmond news-
papers--all Conservative-hailed the appearance of the negro
delegates as a "historical" event in the politics of Virginia.
In 1878 the Conservatives of the Third (Richmond) Con-
gressional District made Gen. Joseph E. Johnston-the great
Confederate general--their candidate for Congress. They not
only welcomed with open arms the negro recruits, but gave to
Lewis Lindsey and his negro cohorts as prominent part in their
campaign caravans as they gave to William L. Royal and the
gallant Major Stiles. Aided by the negro contingent, the Con-
servatives elected General Johnston as the representative of a
district that had been recognized, under existing conditions, as
normally Republican.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
345
h
The Readjusters remembered that when a Legislature had
to be elected in 1879, the Funders appealed to Fred Douglass
to assist them in winning the negro vote. Douglass had been
more obnoxious to the white people of Virginia than any negro
in the United States. He had been implicated in the Harper's
Ferry insurrection. At the instance of the Funder leaders,
Douglass wrote a letter to the Virginia negroes urging them to
support the Funder or debt-payer candidates. Thousands of
copies of the letter were printed in circular form and distribut-
ed by hand and through the mails. They were freely circulat-
ed in the Ninth Congressional District and the Valley of Vir-
ginia.
In 1879 the Funders appealed to the "best men" of the
colored race to come to their rescue. They hired negro speakers
and spoke from the same platforms with them. "They formed
negro clubs, ran Republican candidates to split the vote of the
Readjusters, and in at least six counties voted for Republicans,
two of whom were negroes." A large meeting of negroes was
held in the largest tobacco warehouse in Lynchburg. John W.
Daniel, the idol of his party, and two negro preachers-Roane
and Derrick-addressed the negro audience from the same plat-
form. While he was speaking, Major Daniel clasped hands with
the negro preachers, with one on his right and the other on his
left he advanced to the front of the platform, and dramatically
exclaimed: "When the best men of both races unite in a cause
it must prevail."
With this damaging record confronting them, many of the
Funder speakers recklessly declared on the stump that it was
the purpose of the Readjusters to pass laws that would intro-
duce mixed schools, mixed marriages, and social equality of the
races in Virginia. In addition to the racial question, the Fund-
ers projected into the campaign class distinction. They follow-
ed Major Daniel's proclamation-"the best men of both races"-
with the absurd claim that they, the Funders, constituted the
better citizenship of the State. And they boldly asserted that
the Readjuster party was composed of the "rag-tag and bob-
tail", the "scum" of the people, and the dishonest and dishonor-
able class of citizenship. Very foolishly, and perhaps uncon-
sciously, the Funders were following the course pursued by the
Federalists in their desperate struggles with Thomas Jefferson
346
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
when he championed the cause of the masses against the classes,
and when he sought to win for the American people a truly re-
publican form of government. And they were using the same
methods of class distinction that were employed by the aristo-
cratic Whigs to defeat Andrew Jackson, when he battled and
won for the masses their just share in the conduct of the Fed-
eral Government. The defiant renunciation by the Funders of
their recent attitude toward the negro voters was amazing, and
their claim to superior class distinction was preposterous.
The absurd accusations were bitterly resented by the
Readjusters and were pronounced both slanderous and mali-
cious. And they charged that the Funders had been inconsistent
and ungrateful in their treatment of the negro, as well as in-
sincere and dishonest in handling the public debt and the free
schools. Upon these unpleasant issues the campaign was made
heated and bitter. In these respects nothing comparable to it
had ever occurred in Virginia. The newspapers in the State,
including the religious papers, generally supported the Funder
candidates. However, the Richmond Whig, ably edited by Will-
iam C. Elam; The Bristol News, edited by I. C. Fover; the
Abingdon Virginian, edited by George W. Ward; The Marion
Patriot-Herald, edited by Wm. C. Pendleton; the Valley Virgin-
ian, edited by Samuel Yost; the Page Courier, edited by Andrew
Broaddus; the Woodstock paper, edited by Harry Riddleberger,
and a few weekly papers in Eastern Virginia did valiant ser-
vice for the Readjuster cause. The State was thoroughly can-
vassed by able and brilliant speakers. John W. Daniel, J. Ran-
dolph Tucker, James Barbour, Philip W. McKinney, Geo. D.
Wise, Holmes Conrad, James A. Walker, and others represented
the Funders. The Readjusters had William E. Cameron, John
F. Lewis, Frank S. Blair, Harry Riddleberger, the wiley John E.
Massey, George W. Hansbrough, Robt. A. Richardson, and
others, as their State canvassers. Daniel and Cameron, the ri-
val candidates for Governor, had about a half dozen joint de-
bates that were of unsurpassed brilliancy and ability. Then the
two highly gifted men separated and canvassed the State; and
everywhere they spoke they were greeted with splendid audi-
ences. There were frequent debates between the State canvass-
ers of the two parties; and numbers of local speakers made fre-
quent speeches and engaged in joint debates in the counties
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
347
and towns. Intense excitement prevailed in every community;
and the Funders were so embittered that in some localities they
practiced ostracism in their business affairs, and even extended
it to their social and religious associations. At some places.
where the Funders were dominant the Readjuster speakers:
were treated with rudeness and sometimes with violence. Har-
ry Riddleberger while speaking at Liberty (now Bedford City)
had brickbats thrown at him; and John E. Massey was rotten-
egged while speaking from the porch of St. Clair Hotel in
Richmond.
When this the fiercest political battle that had ever been
fought on Virginia soil was concluded, victory was found perch-
ing on the Readjuster banner, there to remain until the prin-
ciple of Readjustment was made completely triumphant by the
enactment of the Riddleberger Bill and its humiliating accept-
ance by the Funders. Cameron's majorities in the counties.
that are now embraced in the Ninth Congressional District were-
as follows:
Bland
Buchanan
Dickenson
Russell
Lee
Scott
Smyth
Tazewell
Washington
Wise
Wythe
Total
420
345
253
732
576
1,014
445
755
753
558
156
6,007
Daniel got 97 majority in Giles and 229 in Pulaski, a total'
majority of 326 in the two counties, which made Cameron's
clear majority in the Ninth District 5,681. The Readjusters.
elected members of the House of Delegates from all these coun--
ties except Pulaski and Giles. Those two counties elected as
their representative Samuel E. Lybrook, who was a Funder.
The Readjusters elected from the counties of the Ninth District
were: Buchanan and Wise-John P. Chase; Lee-Campbell
Slemp; Russell-William J. Dickenson; Scott-James A. Taylor;
Smyth and Bland-James D. Honaker; Tazewell-James R. Wit--
348
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
ten; Washington-Jonas Kelly and I. C. Fowler; Wythe-Robert
Sayers. And the Southwestern counties had a solid delegation
in the State Senate as follows: Washington and Smyth-David
F. Bailey; Scott, Lee, and Wise Henry C. Wood; Russell, Buch-
anan, and Tazewell-Robert Barns; Montgomery, Roanoke, and
Craig James E. Eskridge; Pulaski, Wythe, Bland, and Giles-
Samuel H. Newberry; Carroll, Grayson, and Floyd-Peyton G.
Hale.
Other Appalachian counties elected Readjuster members to
the House of Delegates. They were: Montgomery-James C.
Taylor; Floyd-Amos Dickerson; Craig and Roanoke Green B.
Board; Rockbridge James A. Frazier and John B. Lady; Alle-
ghany, Bath, and Highland-W. H. Revercomb; Rockingham-
Henry B. Harnsberger and Philander C. Herring; Page- A. K.
Grim; Shenandoah-George J. Grandstaff.
READJUSTERS HAD CONTROL OF GENERAL ASSEMBLY.
The General Assembly met in regular session on December
7th, 1881, with the Readjusters dominating both Houses. There
were 17 Funders in the Senate, including General Wickham,
who was a straightout Republican. The Readjusters had 23
Senators which gave them a majority of six in that body. The
House of Delegates was composed of 58 Readjusters and 42
Funders, giving the Readjusters a majority of sixteen in the
House. And on a joint ballot of the two Houses the Readjust-
ers had twenty-two majority. There were three colored mem-
bers in the Senate and eleven in the House of Delegates, a total
of fourteen colored members.
I. C. Fowler was elected Speaker and P. H. McCaull was
made Clerk of the House of Delegates. Fowler and McCaull
were both from the Ninth District, the stronghold of the Read-
juster party. Gen. James A. Walker, then Lieutenant Gover-
nor, presided over the Senate until that body adjourned for the
Christmas holidays; and John F. Lewis, as Lieutenant Governor,
presided over its deliberations after it reassembled in January,
1892. Charles H. Causey was elected Clerk of the Senate, and
all subordinate offices of both Houses were filled with Readjust-
ers.
Just after the Readjuster victory in 1879, John E. Massey
announced that all the administrative departments of the State
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
349
Government should be put "in sympathy with the people," and
General Mahone declared: "If I can exert any influence, not one
of them (the present State officials) shall go unexpelled-and
that quickly." As far as possible this purpose of Mahone was
carried out at the 1879-80 session of the General Assembly.
Massey was made Auditor of Public Accounts and all the State
offices elective by the Legislature were filled with Readjusters.
At the session of 18881-82 the program was extended and made
complete. The State asylums and colleges, and the public schools.
were placed as nearly as possible under the control of the Read-
justers. This course of action was said to be justified by the
well known inefficiency of the Funder officials and their lack of
sympathy with the will of the masses of the people.
When the Legislature met, General Mahone left his seat in
the United States Senate, went to Richmond, and assumed
charge and control of the deliberations of the General Assembly.
He proceeded to exercise authority not in an advisory way but
in a peremptory manner. Whether he was impelled to this
course by personal ambition, by desire to protect the interests
of the people, or to punish his political enemies is purely a mat-
ter of conjecture. He went to the extreme of demanding and
exercising the right of having no officers elected or appoint-
ments made in any of the departments of the State Government
except with his approval. Having secured exclusive control of
the Federal patronage in Virginia, he skilfully exercised the
privilege to increase his potency in the State's affairs.
A number of the members of the General Assembly were so
warmly attached personally to Mahone and had so much confi-
dence in the wisdom and propriety of his intentions that they
accepted his dictations without question. There were many
who believed that his conduct was unwise and improper; but
they were reluctant to offer opposition, fearing that it would
endanger the prime objects of the Readjuster Movement-a
just settlement of the State debt, and the enactment of meas-
ures that would permanently benefit the public free schools.
John E. Massey, who had for two years filled with marked
ability the position of Auditor of Public Accounts, aspired to be-
come Mahone's colleague in the United States Senate. For rea-
sons of his own, General Mahone objected to this arrangement.
350
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
A conflict between the two leaders ensued, produced insurgency
in the party ranks, and ultimately resulted in disaster to the
party organization. One of the untoward results of the Ma-
hone-Massey controversy was the bolt of the "Big Four”. It
was composed of Senators Samuel H. Newberry, Peyton G. Hale,
A. M. Lybrook, and B. F. Williams. The first three mentioned
had been Conservatives, while Williams was a Republican from
the North and had located in Virginia in the days of Recon-
struction. They bolted the Readjuster caucus and were prompt-
ly taken into the councils of the Funders. The Funders eager-
ly availed themselves of this rift in the Readjuster ranks, hop-
ing thereby to defeat the Riddleberger Bill and fasten perman-
ently on Virginia the odious Funding measures.
Having failed to obtain the co-operation of Mahone in his
Senatorial aspirations, Massey concluded to stand for re-election
as Auditor. He was supported in this undertaking by the Fund-
ers and the Big Four. The Readjuster caucus had nominated
S. Brown Allen for Auditor, he being Mahone's choice. The
plan adopted by Massey and his allies was to prevent the hold-
ing of a joint session for election of the Auditor, and thereby
keep Massey in possession of the office until the session expired.
And the Funders believed they could in this manner prevent
any successful legislation on the debt question by the Readjust-
ers. For a number of days the Senate refused to go into a joint
session with the House, the Big Four voting with the Funders
each and every time a motion was made in that body for a joint
session. After this struggle had continued for some days, Sen-
ator Hale was prevailed upon to vote with the Readjusters. The
dead-lock was broken, a joint session was held, and Allen was
elected Auditor of Public Accounts.
Following the defeat of the Funder-Massey combination,
the Readjusters pushed with untiring energy their legislation
on the debt question, and on other matters appertaining to
pledges made in their platform of 1881. The Riddleberger Bill,
which had been vetoed by Governor Holliday in 1880, was re-
modeled and re-introduced early in the session of 1881-82. It
was passed in the Senate and in the House; and was approved
by Governor Cameron on February 14th., 1882. This bill ascer-
tained and recognized Virginia's share of the public debt to be
$21,035,377.15. The preamble of the bill is as follows:
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
351
"Whereas to the end which this act comprehends, a full
statement of the debt is essential; and whereas the following
has been carefully made up from the records of the second audi-
tor's office of the State, it is confidently submitted as presenting
a true statement of the account between the State and her cre-
ditors the account is as follows:"
The Statement of the account between Virginia and her
creditors can be found on pages 80, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, Acts of As-
sembly 1881-82. It accurately shows that the equitable amount
of Virginia's share of the debt was at that date $21,035,377.15.
Pearson in his Readjuster Movement In Virginia succinctly de-
scribes the character of the proposed settlement: "New eigh-
teen-fifty bonds, dated July 1, 1882, and bearing three per cent
interest payable in lawful money, were offered in exchange for
various classes of outstanding indebtedness, the ratio of ex-
change being determined by subtracting from the amount of
each class the interest on it already paid. Payment of interest
on the debt in any other form was forbidden. The new bonds
became known as the 'Riddlebergers'."
Two acts, afterwards called "coupon-killers," were passed by
the General Assembly previous to the enactment of the Riddle-
berger Bill. One of the acts was approved by Governor Cam-
eron on January 14th, 1882, and the other on January 26th,
1882. The first act declared that: "bonds are in existence which
are spurious, stolen, or forged, which bonds bear coupons in the
similitude of genuine coupons, receivable for all taxes, debts, and
demands due the Commonwealth, and whereas the coupons from
such spurious, stolen, or forged bonds are received in payment
of taxes, debts, and demands; and whereas genuine coupons
from genuine bonds, after having been received in paymant of
taxes, debts, and demands, are fraudulently reissued and re-
ceived more than once in such payments, etc."
The two above named acts provided remedies for prevent-
ing a continuance of the fraudulent practices; and by this sim-
ple means the Readjusters effected forcible readjustment of the
public debt and acceptance of the Riddleberger settlement. The
coupon killers were very drastic measures, but the conditions
that provoked them more than justified their adoption. Speak-
ing of the acts, Pearson says: "These forbade tax collectors,
352
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
under pain of heavy penalties, to receive coupons except 'for
verification before a jury of the county and when accompanied
by the amount of the taxes in cash; upon the establishment of
their genuineness the cash would be refunded. The remedy
offered for the breach of contract would, it was thought, satisfy
the courts; the difficulty and cost of proving the genuineness of
the coupons clipped from bonds held abroad, perhaps, would
prevent their deluging the treasury and tend to encourage con-
version of consols and ten-forties into Riddlebergers. Thus the
long-desired uniformity and definiteness of obligations, and an
adequate reduction in the annual interest burden, seemed as-
sured for the not distant future."
The brokers and their agents and attorneys on March 20th,
1882-while the Legislature was still in extra session-began
proceedings to test the validity of the "coupon killers." They
used the same man and the same kind of procedure they em-
ployed in the celebrated case of Antoni V. Wright, as follows:
"On the 20th of March, 1882, Andrew Antoni, who owed the
State taxes to the amount of three dollars and fifteen cents, ten-
dered in payment to the treasurer (Greenhow) of the city of
Richmond, the tax-collector, fifteen cents in lawful money, and
a coupon, of the issue of 1871, for three dollars. This tender
was refused, and Antoni, on the 28th of March petitioned the
Supreme Court of Appeals for a mandamus to require its ac-.
ceptance.
"The Treasurer, on the 30th of March, for a return to an
order to show cause, said that he was ready to receive the cou-
pon as soon as it had been legally ascertained to be genuine, and
such as by law was actually receivable. To this return a demur-
rer was filed. Upon the hearing of the demurrer, the court be-
ing equally divided in opinion on the question involved, 'in pur-
suance of an act of assembly in such case made and provided,'
denied the writ."
After the denial of a mandamus by the Supreme Court
of Appeals of Virginia, the case was taken by counsel of the
bondholders on a writ of error to the Supreme Court of the
United States. It was entered upon the docket of that court
as the case of Antoni V. Greenhow. The case was argued by
William L. Royall for Antoni, the plaintiff in error; and by
Frank S. Blair, Attorney General of Virginia, for the defendant
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
353
5
in error, the State of Virginia.
In October, 1882, the Supreme Court rendered its decision
in the case.
It had been contended by counsel for the bond-
holders that the fourth section of the coupon killer act of Janu-
ary 14th, 1882, impaired the obligation of the contract made in
the Funding Act of 1871 between Virginia and the bondholders.
Chief Justice Waite delivered the opinion of the court, and after
ably refuting the contention of counsel of the bondholders, said:
"Without pursuing the subject further, we say that, in our
opinion, the fourth section of the act of 1882 does not impair
the obligation of any contract which the State has made withi
the holders of its interest coupons."
After years of bitter struggle, the Readjusters had brought
the Funders to bay. Forcible Readjustment of the public debt
on equitable lines was now assured. In addition to this wonder-
ful accomplishment, the Readjusters had enacted much valuable
social and economic legislation. They had revised the tax sys-
tem which had previously been wretchedly imperfect and in-
adequate for the needs of the State. The poll tax qualification
for voting was repealed. That tax had been imposed originally
for the benefit of the public schools, but, by constitutional
amendments, the Conservative party had made it a restriction.
on suffrage. The tax rate on general property was reduced
from fifty to forty cents; and the corporations were made to
pay more taxes by increasing their assessed values. The whip-
ping-post, a relic of British barbarism, was abolished. There
were numerous other reform measures put in operation by the
Readjusters. Prominent among these being ample provisions
for the free schools, the asylums, and the State institutions of
learning. There was no reason why the party could not have
continued to function with credit to itself and great benefit to
the people of Virginia. Unfortunately, General Mahone was
obsessed with a desire to construct a machine which he could use
to advance his personal ambitions and employ to keep his polit-
ical foes in subjection. To this end, he tried to get the Gen-
eral Assembly to do things that were unwise and improper.
Though he failed to accomplish most of these undertakings, his
efforts to secure them inflicted much injury on the party organ-
ization and introduced irreparable discord and dissension into
its ranks.
354
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
When an election for members of Congress approached in
1882, the Virginia Readjusters resolved to make contests for
all the Congressmen to be elected from Virginia. The Congress
of the United States had made a new apportionment for its
members, and under this apportionment Virginia was entitled
to an additional member. The State was then apportioned in-
to nine districts, as it had been previously entitled to only nine
representatives in Congress. This necessitated the election of
a member from the State at large. Strange to relate, the Fun-
der party, composed of men who had claimed to be the deposi-
tories of Virginia's honor and integrity, selected John E. Massey
as their candidate for Congressman at large. They had scorned
and denounced him when he was associated with the Readjuster
party, pronounced him a dishonest "disfrocked pulpiteer," hurl-
ed all kinds of vile epithets at him, and rotten-egged him while
he was speaking in Richmond.
Evidently he was now honored by the Virginia Democrats,
not because he was respected by its leaders, but through fear
of future antagonism on the part of the political parson. By
using him they hoped to widen the breach in the Readjuster
party. The Readjusters named John S. Wise as their candidate.
for Congressman at large. He was a man of splendid ability
and the soul of honor, but he was cordially hated by the Funders
and the organizers of the Conservative party. Like his father,
Henry A. Wise, he had condemned the dishonest settlement of the
State debt and expressed contempt for the insincerity of the
Conservative leaders. Wise was very superior to Massey in every
respect. Candidates were nominated by the Readjusters and
by the Democrats in each of the Congressional districts, and an
intensely heated campaign was conducted in every section of
the State.
The Readjusters of the Ninth Congressional District held
a convention at Marion, Smyth County, to nominate a candidate.
Hon. Abram Fulkerson, who had been elected as a Readjuster in
1880, and who was then serving as the representative of the
district, had allied himself with Massey and the "Big Four" in
their fight with Mahone. Notwithstanding his insurgency,
Fulkerson wanted to be nominated at the Marion Convention,
and he had a large following among the delegates in attendance.
1
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
355
Wm. F. Rhea, George W. Ward, and others who had been ardent
Readjusters were determined to get the nomination for Fulker-
son, if possible. But there were other delegates who keenly
resented Fulkerson's association with Massey and the "Big
Four" and his desertion of the party organization. These lat-
ter, who were ably led by Judge P. W. Strother, of Giles County,
had determined to give the nomination to Capt. Henry Bowen, of
Tazewell County. Throughout the day, while the convention

A portrait of Philip Williams Strother is shown above.
He was
a son of James French Strother, was born in Rappahannock County,
Virginia, September 8th, 1839, and died at his beautiful home, "Hill-
top," Giles County, Virginia, May 9th, 1922. For more than fifty
years he took an active part in the affairs of his State and the nation.
During the Civil War he served the Confederacy as first lieutenant
of Company E, Thirteenth Virginia Infantry. He was desperately
wounded at the "Bloody Angle" in the battle at Spottsylvania Court
House, May 12th, 1864. Is civil life he served Virginia in her legis-
lative and judiciary departments. He represented the counties of
Culpeper, Rappahannock, Madison and Fauquier in the State Senate
at the sessions of 1865-66 and 1866-67. After Virginia was restored
to the Union, in 1871 he was elected by the General Assembly judge
of the county courts of Giles and Bland counties. He was elected
for a second term but soon resigned the position and resumed the
practice of law at Giles Court House. In 1875 he was elected to rep-
resent Giles County in the Virginia House of Delegates, and served
at its sessions of 1875-76 and 1875-77. He never afterwards held
any public office, but continued in the active practice of his pro-
fession until about twenty years before his death.
was in session, a heated but orderly battle was fought between
the opposing forces on various questions before nominations
#
356
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
+
1
were in order. At last Fulkerson's friends realized that the
odds were against him and withdrew without placing his ame
before the convention. Capt. Henry Bowen was then nominat-
ed by acclamation.
Very soon after the adjournment of the Marion Convention,
Colonel Fulkerson became an Independent candidate for Con-
gress. He expected to receive the solid support of the Funders
and the votes of a sufficent number of the Readjusters to win
his election. Capt. Samuel H. Newberry, one of the "Big Four",
also announced himself as an Independent candidate. He was
confident he would get the Funder vote in the district, and that
many Readjusters would endorse his active insurgency against
Mahone. However, both of the Independent candidates were
sadly disappointed by the outcome. The people of the Ninth
District were too well satisfied with the excellent accomplish-
ments of the Readjuster Legislature to abandon the party be-
cause of Mahone's despotic management. The triangular contest
was prosecuted vigorously by the supporters of the rival can-
didates. Henry Bowen was triumphantly elected with a sub-
stantial majority over the combined vote of the two Indepen-
dent candidates. The Congressional elections in Virginia had
been very favorable to the Readjusters. They had elected
Wise from the State at large, Mayo from the First District, Lib-
bey from the Second, Hooper from the Fourth, and Bowen from
the Ninth.
The Legislative campaign of 1883 was thrilling and grue-
some in some of its aspects. Successive defeats had made the
Funders desperate. Uncertain as to the course they should
take, they sought the advice of the men they had formerly con-
temned as Readjusters, but whom they now esteemed because
of their bolt from Mahone. Massey, Fulkerson, Newberry and
other recalcitrant Readjusters were taken into the councils of
the Funder Leaders. They told the Funders the name of the
party must be changed from "Conservative" to "Democratic,"
that the party should have new leadership, and that it must ac-
cept and ratify the settlement of the State debt as prescribed
by the Riddleberger Bill. It was a bitter pill the Funders had
to swallow, but they were so eager to regain control of the af-
fairs of Virginia that they decided to take the required dose.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
357
To carry into effect the above suggestions a convention
was called to meet at Staunton. That place was selected be-
cause it was in the midst of one of the Readjuster strongholds,
and where the white voters were heavily predominant. It was
also adjacent to the great counties of Rockingham, Shenandoah
and Page. These counties had been consistently overwhelm-
ingly Democratic prior to the Civil War. And it is obvious
that the Funders hoped by giving the name "Democratic" to
their new party organization they would attract to its folds.
many of the old time Democrats who had affiliated with the
Readjuster party. Accordingly the convention met in Staunton
at the designated time, and gladly gave acceptance to the Rid-
dleberger settlement of the public debt, basing the acceptance
upon the decision of the Supreme Court sustaining the validity
of "Coupon Killer, Number One." The old leaders, who had
been so repulsive to the masses of the people, were cast aside
and a complete reorganization of the party was effected. John
S. Barbour, President of the Southern Railroad and a Funder,/
was made Chairman of the new organization that formally
styled itself the "Democratic Party." He proceeded immediate-
ly to follow the example of Mahone and constructed a political
"machine" that has controlled Virginia politics from that day
until the present time.
Candidates for the Legislature were nominated by both
Readjusters and the newly-fledged Democrats in all the coun-
ties and legislative districts. A vigorous campaign was waged
in every section of the State. On the stump most of the Demo-
cratic orators recklessly charged that the Readjusters favored
mixed schools, mixed marriages, and social equality. These
charges were indignantly and truthfully denied by the Read-
juster campaigners, and denounced as false by the Readjuster
The result of the contest was in doubt up to a few days
before the election. On Saturday night before the election the
"Danville riot," one of the most horrible incidents in Virginia's
political history, occurred. In the bloody riot a number of
negroes were killed and wounded. The Democratic leaders
eagerly availed themselves of the unfortunate occurrence to:
turn the approaching election in their favor. Immediately
after it happened it was wired in magnified terms to every point
in the State where the telegraph wires extended. Flaming
masses.
358
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
posters and circulars were printed depicting the riot as a men-
ace to white supremacy; and these were distributed by riders
in the remote white sections. The awful tragedy constitutes a
dark page in Virginia's political history, and the least said
about it is the best. But it gave the State to the Democrats by
a majority of 18,000 in the 267,000 votes counted, and a major-
ity of nearly two-thirds of both houses of the General Assembly.
On the 5th of December, 1883, the first Legislature calling
itself Democratic after the end of the Civil War assembled at
the Capitol. As quickly as possible steps were taken to remove
the public debt as an issue in the politics of the State. A res-
olution was introduced to that end in the Senate by Samuel H.
Newberry, a Readjuster, and a similar resolution was intro-
duced in the House by William A. Anderson, a heretofore hide-
bound Funder, who had voted for the Funding Bill of 1871 when
he was a member of the House. The resolution, introduced by
Newberry and Anderson, recognized the Riddleberger Bill as
the settlement demanded by the people of Virginia; and it de-
clared that "any expectation that any settlement of the debt,
upon any other basis, will ever be made or tolerated by the peo-
ple of Virginia, is absolutely illusory."
Not a single vote was recorded against the resolution in
either House, the most intense Funders voting for it. At the
suggestion of Governor Cameron, made in a message, other
measures were passed by the General Assembly to make the
"Coupon Killers" more effective. Pearson says:
'Nor did the legislature undo or attempt to undo any of the
other social legislation of the Readjusters, the more liberal suf-
frage, the larger appropriations for schools and charities, the
lower and fairer taxes, and the abolition of the whipping-posts.
On the contrary, it desired to supplement and extend them all..
For such legislation was unquestionably the 'will of the people.""
The next step taken by the Democratic General Assembly
was the enactment of legislation designed to destroy the Read-
juster control of the State institutions and the public schools.
Necessary measures to effect these purposes were passed. They
were vetoed by Governor Cameron but were promptly passed
over his veto by the illegally acquired two-thirds majority.
About this legislation, Pearson says:
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
359
1
"The boards of the asylums were declared vacant and the
appointment of their members was transferred from the Gover-
nor to the board of public works. Over the heads of the county
superintendents of schools was held a threat of fine and loss of
office for active participation in politics. The appointment of
school trustees was taken from the boards, composed each of
county judge, superintendent, and commonwealth's attorney,
and given to new boards elected by the legislature. Registrars,
judges, and clerk's of elections were treated in a similar manner,
without any adequate provision being made for representation
of both parties. The charters of towns were changed so as to
require new registration of voters and otherwise to aid Dem-
ocatic control."
Most of the legislation referred to by Pearson was enacted
at an extra session of the General Assembly held in the fall of
1884. It had been found that not enough had been done at the
regular session to establish and perpetuate Democratic control;
and the extra session was held to complete the work. The most
effective measure for its accomplishment was the enactment of
what was known as the Anderson-McCormick election law.
William A. Anderson, of Rockbridge, a member of the House,
and J. Marshall McCormick, of Warren, a member of the Sen-
ate, were patrons of the bill. At the time of its enactment the
pretended purpose of the act was "to guarantee white con-
trol in local and state governments;" but the real intent was to
guarantee Democratic control by putting all the election ma-
chinery in the hands of the Democrats and thereby create a
self-perpetuating machine. Failing to receive the approval of
Governor Cameron, the act went into force on November 24th.,
1884. It provided that the General Assembly then in session
shall "proceed to elect three qualified voters, who shall be re-
sidents of the county or city for which they are chosen, to be
known as the county or city electoral board." These electoral
boards were invested with authority to appoint all the registrars
and election officers-judges and clerks for their respective
counties and cities. Of course no persons but Democrats were
chosen for the electoral boards directed by the party "machine;"
and the partisan control has been preserved to the present time.
ކ
360
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
MISSION OF READJUSTER PARTY TERMINATED.
Aparently the splendid mission of the Readjuster party had
been terminated. After a desperate struggle of thirteen years
duration against Funderism--the brokers, bondholders and spec-
ulators the Readjuster movement had won a notable triumph.
The State debt had been adjusted on equitable lines; the free
schools restored to a substantial basis; the unfortunate inmates
of the charitable institutions again supplied with the necessary
comforts of which they had been deprived under Conservative
administration; and the credit of Virginia had been restored,
with ample funds held in the treasury. But the morale of the
Readjuster party had been seriously impaired by the crushing
defeat it received at the election of a Legislature in 1883. Gen-
eral Mahone's arbritary management of the party had also pro-
duced considerable confusion in the party ranks and caused
some of its most useful members to sever their connection with
the organization. These conditions, it was evident, demanded
that something daring had to be done, or active opposition to
the Funders, then posing under the guise of Democracy, would
have to be abandoned,
General Mahone and other leaders held frequent conferen-
ces, and the sentiment of the people who had faithfully adhered
to the Readjuster cause was sounded. It was found that the
disposition of the Readjuster voters was hostile to future as-
sociation or co-operation with the Funder Democracy. This
fact established, it was obvious that if the Readjusters wanted
to continue as a militant organization they would have to adopt
another party name and align themselves with a National party.
Accordingly, it was determined to resolve the Readjuster party
into the Republican party of Virginia." There were sufficient
reasons for pursuing this course; and the white Readjusters felt
they were more than justified in taking the step. They had
been maligned and scorned by the Funders; and they had been
expelled from the Conservative party because of their attitude
on the State debt question and adherence to the Jeffersonian
doctrine that the will of the people should be supreme. The
"protection policy" of the National Republican party offered
another inducement for the Readjusters to unite their for-
tunes with that party. The great mineral and other natural
resources of the State-particularly of Southwest Virginia and
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
361
the Valley had remained practically undeveloped; and manu-
facturing industry had made but little progress within its bor-
ders. These conditions were in large measure occasioned by the
free trade sentiment that had dominated, and that still domi-
nates, the tariff views of the Virginia Democrats.
A call for a State Convention of the Conservatives and Re-
publicans who had coalesced to fight the Funders was issued by
General Mahone as State Chairman. The convention met in the
old Richmond Theater, corner of Broad and Seventh Streets, at
Richmond on April 23rd, 1884. Pearson says, "In point of in-
telligence and respectability" it was undoubtedly the strongest
Mahone had ever got together. It was a splendid gathering of
citizens, composed of men of both races, who had assembled not
because of their devotion to Mahone but from earnest desire to
rescue the State from the grasp of what they conceived to be
intollerant Bourbon Democracy. But Mahone had many de-
votedly true friends among the thousand or more delegates in
attendance. With all his faults as a political leader, he was
generously loyal to those who were loyal to him; and even after
his star had gone down in humiliating defeat he was faithfully
followed by those steadfast friends.
Before the convention assembled a very ample and able
platform was prepared under General Mahone's supervision.
It was submitted to the State Committee and a number of the
leaders, and was approved without a dissenting voice the night
before the convention assembled As soon as the convention was
permanently organized, General Mahone advanced to the front
of the stage and with dramatic effect read the platform. Tre-
mendous applause was given as he read each telling point. When
he read the lines that named the party "The Republican Party
of Virginia" cheers and shouts of approval greeted the utterance.
Thus was a Republican party in Virginia evolved from the Read-
juster Movement and placed under the leadership and guidance
of men of ability, many of whom had made excellent records in
the service of the Confederate States as officers and private sol-
diers. Delegates to the National Republican Convention, that
was afterwards held at Chicago, were appointed; and they were
instructed to vote as a unit for Chester A. Arthur, then Presi-
dent of the United States. He had been a pronounced friend of
the Readjusters in their contest with the Funders in 1881, and
362
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
had continued friendly in their behalf. "We are for Arthur be-
cause Arthur is for us" was the slogan which the delegates car-
ried with them to Chicago. The delegation from Virginia, with
one exception, stood solidly for Arthur until James G. Blaine
was nominated by the convention.
·
An earnest and active fight was made for Blaine in Vir-
ginia. The Republican party under its new and aggressive
leadership showed a vitality that greatly alarmed the Demo-
crats. This induced them to project into the campaign all the
alarmist issues they had used so successfully against the Re-
publicans of the State while they were led and controlled by the
carpetbaggers and scalawags. The horror of negro supremacy,
and the misdeeds of the carpetbaggers and scalawags were
shouted from every hustings and glowingly pictured in the col-
umns of all the Democratic newspapers. At the election in
November 324,853 votes were counted in Virginia; and by this
count a majority of 46,141 was given to Grover Cleveland over
James G. Blaine. Is it any wonder the Republicans claimed that
the majority for Cleveland was fraudently procured?
A convention was held by the Republicans of the Ninth
District at Abingdon, and David F. Bailey was nominated for
Congress. He had been elected as a Readjuster in 1881, to rep-
resent Washington and Smyth counties in the State Senate;
and he was one of the most useful members of that body when
the Riddleberger Bill and other valuable Readjuster legislation
was enacted. The Democrats nominated Connally F. Trigg as
their candidate. He had been the Funder candidate for Con-
gress in 1880, when he was defeated by Col. Abram Fulkerson,
Readjuster, by 475 majority. Trigg defeated Bailey by 1,194
majority. The Democrats had exercised complete control of
every ballot box used in the State. It is not surprising that the
Republicans charged that the majority for Cleveland in the
State and for Trigg in the Ninth District had been fraudulently
procured? This impression was strengthened considerably by
knowledge of the fact that the Virginia Democrats had expend-
ed a large corruption fund to carry the election. Money was
used freely by the Democrats in the Ninth District to control
the floating vote. Mr. Blaine and Mr. Bailey got about the
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
363
same number of votes in the district. From that time onward
to the present day the Republican party has been a potential
political force in the Ninth Congressional District of Virginia.
GUBERNATORIAL ELECTION IN 1885.
In 1885 one of the most spectacular campaigns for governor
that was ever witnessed in Virginia was fought between the
candidates of the new Republican party and the new Democratic
party. The Republicans held their State Convention in Rich-
mond; and it was quite as large in number of delegates and as
enthusiastic in bearing as the State Convention of 1884. John
Sargent Wise was nominated for Governor, Henry C. Wood for
Lieutenant Governor, and Frank S. Blair for Attorney General.
The Democrats nominated Fitzhugh Lee for Governor, John E.
Massey, the lately despised "political parson", for Lieutenant
Governor, and Rufus A. Ayres for Attorney General. All the
candidates of the Republicans had done active and efficient ser-
vice for the Readjuster party. Lee and Ayres had been hide-
bound Funders, while Massey had posed as the "original Read-
juster", but had deserted his Readjuster associates because he
was not permitted to go to the United States Senate.
The rival candidates for governor were both of distinguish-
ed lineage. Fitzhugh Lee was a grandson of Gen. Henry Lee, a
daring officer of the Continental Army, a protege of General
Washington, Governor of Virginia, member of Congress, a Fed-
eralist in politics, follower of Alexander Hamilton-to whom he
referred as "My friend Hamilton-" a bitter foe of Thomas Jef-
ferson, and a writer of marked ability. But the crowning
glory of Fitzhugh Lee was that he was a nephew of Robert E.
Lee, the great and venerated military chieftain. To these dis-
tinctions was added the renown Fitzhugh Lee had won as a
major general in the Confederate army.
John S. Wise was a grandson of John Sargent of Philadelphia,
who was for more than half a century known for his extra-
ordinary ability in his profession of the law. Mr. Sargent re-
presented the Philadelphia district in Congress from 1815 to
1823, from 1827 to 1829, and from 1837 to 1842. And he was
especially famous for the part he took in the great Missouri
Compromise of 1820. In politics he was a Federalist until that
party went out of existence. And in 1832 he was the nominee
364
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
of the "National Republican Party" for Vice President, and ran
on the ticket with Henry Clay, who was the Presidential candi-
date of that party. At the outset of President Harrison's ad-
ministration in 1841, Mr. Sargent was tendered the mission to
England but declined to accept the appointment. John S. Wise
was the son of Gen. Henry A. Wise, who was one of the most
gifted men Virginia produced in the Ninteenth Century, and
who became very distinguished in the affairs of both his State
and Nation. The Republican candidate for governor was a ca-
det at Virginia Military Institute early in the Civil War, was
with the immortal Corps of the Institute at the battle of New
Market, and was wounded in the engagement. Later he enter-
ed the regular service of the Confederacy and continued in that
service until Lee surrendered at Appomattox.
Virginia had never had two more gallant and worthy sons
contending against each other for the high and honorable posi-
tion of Chief Executive of the State. Wise was an able lawyer.
and gifted speaker. Lee was a graduate of West Point and an
accomplished soldier. He had attained distinction as an officer
in the regular army of the United States, and had won renown
in the service of the Southern Confederacy. But he was no
match for Wise on the rostrum and was not his intellectual
equal.
Wise canvassed the State very thoroughly, and his speeches
were quite as brilliant and forceful as those made by his father
in his campaign against the Know Nothings in 1855. Every-
where he spoke he was greeted by large and enthusiastic audi-
ences. To destroy, if possible, the impression Wise was making
upon the people, the Democrats decided to make their campaign.
very spectacular. They fashioned it on the lines used by the
Whigs in the Presidential campaigns of 1840 and 1844. They
had barbecues that were attended by throngs of the people, and
large parades of horsemen, with Lee always riding at the head
of the column. He was furnished splendid horses, the best to
be found in the communities he visited. To arouse Confederate
sentiment in his favor, he used the saddle of his illustrious uncle,
the great and good Robert E. Lee. At the election about the
same vote was polled as at the Presidential election in 1884; and
Lee won by about 8,000 majority. The Republicans charged
that his election was procured by fraudulent use of the Ander-
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
365
son-McCormick election law. This charge was based largely
upon the fact that Lee received large majorities in many of the
counties where the negro population was heavy, and upon the
theory that the Democrats had absolute control of every ballot
box in the State. It was generally believed that large numbers
of the colored votes that were cast for Wise were counted for
Lee. In addition to winning the governorship, the Democrats
elected an overwhelming majority to the General Assembly.
Even in the Ninth Congressional District they elected all the
members of the House of delegates but three, and three of the
four Senators apportioned to this district. Entire control of
the State Government was thus restored to the Democrats, and
they have retained it ever since.
Though the Republicans had been disastrously defeated in
the State election of 1885, and were greatly hampered by the
unfair election laws and methods of their adversaries, they were
still imbued with a fighting spirit. And when the Congressional
election came on in 1886 they nominated candidates for Con-
gress in each of the ten Virginia districts. The Republicans of
the Ninth District met in convention, and again nominated
Capt. Henry Bowen as their candidate. He was personally very
popular and had won a splendid victory over Fulkerson in 1882;
and the Republicans were confident that he would win again.
The Democrats nominated Major R. R. Henry as their can-
didate in the Ninth District. He was an able lawyer and was
practicing his profession in Tazewell, the same county from
which Captain Bowen came. Major Henry was living in a sec-
tion of the district that was becoming deeply interested in the
protective policy of the Republican party, occasioned by the ini-
tial development of the vast deposits of coal that have since be-
come a source of immense wealth to the Clinch Valley and the
adjacent territory of Southern West Virginia. The convention
that nominated him was held at Wytheville; and the deposits of
iron, lead, and zinc ores that were found in Wythe and Pulaski
counties were attracting the favorable notice of capitalists and
were being developed. These conditions induced the framers of
the platform on which Major Henry was placed as a candidate
to declare for Protection. At that time President Cleveland was
366
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
demanding that the free trade or tariff for revenue policy of
the Democrats should displace the protection policy of the Re-
publican party. The protective feature of the platform on
which Henry was running placed him in conflict with the tariff
policy of the National Democracy, and contributed in a measure
to his defeat. At the ensuing election, Henry Bowen received
13,826 votes against 10,196 for R. R. Henry, giving Bowen 3,630
majority in the district. The Republicans had won a partial
victory in Virginia. They elected Henry Bowen in the Ninth,
James D. Brady in the Fourth and Jacob Yost in the Tenth Dis-
trict.
In 1887 another election for members of the General As-
sembly was held in the State. At this election the Republicans
made some gains in members; but not enough to give the party
anything more than a helpless minority in the Legislature. Five
Republicans were elected members of the House of Delegates
from counties in the Ninth Congressional District. They were:
Buchanan, Wise, and Dickenson-Richard L. Counts; Lee-Har-
vey Young; Scott-James B. Craft; Tazewell-William L. Moore;
Wythe David H. Porter. In the Senate the Southwestern
counties had four of the six members from this section: Scott,
Lee and Wise-John B. F. Mills; Russell, Buchanan, and Taze-
well-Joseph S. Gillispie; Montgomery, Roanoke, and Craig-
D. F. Houston; Carroll, Grayson, and Floyd-G. W. Cornett. The
Democrats had again used the Anderson-McCormick election law
very successfully.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
367
CHAPTER XXI.
PRES DENTIAY ELECTION OF 1888-HARRISON ELECTED PRESIDENT-
MAHONE DEFEATED FOR GOVERNOR--CLEVELAND AGAIN
PRESIDENT.
The Presidential election of 1888 was an eventful one for
the Republican party in Virginia. It demonstrated that the
party had not lost its vitality; and that it could again be trium-
phant, unless it was thwarted by the ill-conceived management
of its leadership, or was defeated by the desperately unfair
methods of the Virginia Democrats. General Mahone had re-
tired from the United States Senate, with John W. Daniel, his
hated political foe, installed as his successor in that august body.
Mahone was still State Chairman of the party; and, with no
other matters of importance to engage his attention, early in
the year he went actively to work to keep the party organiza-
tion completely under his individual control. He aspired to
drive the Democrats from power and make his will supreme in
the politics of Virginia. Senator Sherman had been his earnest
supporter and political friend while he, Mahone, was leading the
Readjuster Movement in Virginia; and their associations had
been very intimate while they were serving together in the
Senate. For these reasons, and possibly others less commend-
able, Mahone was anxious to have John Sherman elected Presi-
dent; and to assist in bringing this about he wanted to take a
solid delegation from Virginia for Sherman to the National Con-
vention.
A State Convention had to be called for the election of dele-
gates to the National Republican Convention that was to be held
in Chicago. For this purpose General Mahone, as State Chair-
man of the party, issued a call for a convention to meet in the
city of Petersburg, the place of his residence. The laws or rules
of the National Organization, then in force, prescribed that the
delegates at large from a State should be chosen at a State Con-
vention, and the delegates to represent Congressional districts
in the National Convention should be chosen at conventions held
in the several districts. Mahone ignored the last named pro-
368
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
vision, and declined to instruct the district committees to issue
calls for district conventions. He had determined to disregard
the plans of the National Organization for the election of dis-
trict delegates, as he had done at the State Convention in 1884,
when he selected a pocket-delegation to deliver to Arthur; and
his present purpose was to select a similar delegation to deliver
to John Sherman in 1888.
When the delegates gathered at Petersburg, it was notic-.
able that intense opposition to Mahone's despotical management
of the party had developed in every section of the State. His
plan for electing delegates for the Congressional districts was.
opposed and other of his purposes resented. Many hours of
fierce debate were engaged in between the Mahone and anti-
Mahone forces. John S. Wise, Senator Riddleberger, the Yosts,
the Lewises, and others who had been potential figures in the
Readjuster Movement and the creation of the new Virginia Re-
publican Party, were aggressive in their opposition to Mahone's
methods. Much time was consumed in angry tilts between the
Mahone and the anti-Mahone forces; and frequent conferences
were held by the anti-Mahone delegates to devise plans for
handling the situation. But Mahone laughed at and derided
the opposition just like he scorned the insurgency of the "Big
Four" and other Readjuster leaders in 1882. He had packed
the convention with his devoted adherents from each of the ten
Congressional districts, and with these he overwhelmed all op-
position. The delegates from the ten districts assumed the
function of district conventions, and elected delegates from the
several districts to the National Convention, delegates who
would be controlled by the will and wishes of Mahone.
A large number of the opposition delegates refused to par-
ticipate in the proceedings of the convention. At a final con-
ference of those who had withdrawn, a delegate suggested that
the manner in which the Mahone delegates for the ten Congres-
sional districts had been selected was entirely in conflict with
the rules laid down by the National Organization. This dele-
gate then advised that meetings be called in the several districts
and that contesting delegates be appointed from each district.
That plan of action was adopted; and meetings of Republicans
were held in seven districts, and fourteen delegates were chosen,
two for each district, with a corresponding number of alter-
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
369
nates. The fourteen contesting delegates were seated in the
National Convention, leaving Mahone only ten of the twenty-
four delegates from Virginia. It was a serious blow to him, as
the fourteen delegates lined up solidly for Benjamin Harrison,
and played an important part in winning his nomination for
President.
In the campaign that followed the nomination of Harrison,
the Virginia Republicans were thoroughly united in his sup-
port. He would have carried Virginia but for unfortunate
happenings in the Fourth Congressional District. The Repub-
licans of that district met in convention and nominated John
M. Langston, a negro, for Congress. He was highly educated,
was a man of ability, and had been serving with much success
as principal or president of the Negro Normal Collegiate Insti-
tute at Petersburg. His nomination had been opposed by Ma-
hone because of personal dislike for Langston, and for the fur-
ther reason that he believed it would greatly injure the Repub-
lican party in the State to have a negro representative in Con-
gress. To prevent the election of Langston, General Mahone
induced Judge Arnold to announce himself an Independent Re-
publican candidate. As the campaign progressed it was realiz-
ed that Arnold would not take enough votes from Langston, in
a district that normally gave eight or ten thousand Republican
majority, to insure the defeat of the negro candidate. There-
upon, Mahone began to secretly negotiate with the Democratic
managers in the district to effect his purposes.
He proposed to the Democratic managers that, if they
would let him select the Republican judges of election for all
the precincts in the district, he would see that Langston was
counted out, and that Edward C. Venable, the Democratic candi-
date, was counted in. Of course the Democrats gladly acceded
to the proposal, and Langston was counted out. No doubt Gen-
eral Mahone thought this could be done without any substantial
injury to the Republican Presidential candidate. In this, how-
ever, he was mistaken, for the Democrats utilized the scheme
to also practically count out Harrison, as he got only about two
thousand majority in the district, where he should have gotten
eight or ten thousand majority. Cleveland's majority in Vir-
ginia was fifteen hundred and thirty-nine. But for Mahone's
unwise management of the campaign in the Fourth District,
370
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
Harrison would have carried the State. Langston contested the
election of Venable and he gained the seat in the House of Re-
presentatives.
The Republicans of the Ninth Congressional District nom-
inated Henry Bowen for the third time as their candidate for
Congress; and the Democrats nominated John A. Buchanan as
their candidate. The campaign was hotly and vigorously con-
ducted by both parties. Buchanan received 16,520 votes and
Bowen 16,032, giving Buchanan 468 majority in the district.
Bowen contested the election of Buchanan and a number of ir-
regularities were proven by the contestant, but not sufficient to
warrant the unseating of Buchanan. The Republicans claimed
that numerous frauds had been committed that had been skil-
fully concealed by the Democrats.
Benjamin Harrison was elected President over Grover
Cleveland, receiving 233 electoral votes against 145 for Cleve-
land. Soon after his inauguration, President Harrison was per-
suaded by John S. Clarkson and other crafty politicians to com-
mit a serious blunder. He was persuaded to ignore his friends
in Virginia, who had rendered him such valuable service at the
National Convention, and gave Mahone, though he had been re-
tired from the Senate, complete control of the Federal patron-
age in the State. This was unwisely done, though the Presi
dent's attention was called to the fact that Mahone had bitterly
opposed his nomination at Chicago and was responsible for his
loss of the electoral vote of Virginia.
John S. Clarkson, a partisan friend of Mahone, had been
made Fourth Assistant Postmaster General. To him was allot-
ted authority to select all the postmasters in Virginia, and also
in all the Southern States. Whenever an anti-Mahone Republi-
can from Virginia would present the application of any person
for appointment as postmaster at any place in the State, Clark-
son would coolly say: "Have you gotten the endorsement of Gen-
eral Mahone?" Of course the answer would be no! Thereupon,
Clarkson would say it was useless to seek an appointment with-
out having Mahone's endorsement. Sometimes the matter would
be taken to John Wanamaker, the Postmaster General, and he
would say it was in the hands of Clarkson. Then, in some in-
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
371
stances it would be brought to the attention of the President,
and he would say: "You people in Virginia must yourselves set-
tle your differences."
Thus was Mahone given absolute control of the Federal
patronage in Virginia. He made full use of the privilege in
such manner as he thought would strengthen him politically.
Instead of trying to pacify and win back to his support the large
number of Virginia Republicans who had resented and opposed
his arbitrary management of the party, he saw that no one who
refused to obey his will, was permitted to receive any appoint-
ment or to gain favor with the Administration. He denounced
his opposers as deserters from the party, just as he had de-
nounced the "Big Four" and their coadjutors, whom he pro-
nounced deserters and who under military law would be shot.
It ought to have been obvious to Mahone that the course he was
pursuing would intensify the opposition to him that already
existed in the ranks and leadership of the party in his State.
With reckless daring he continued to hurl defiance at the op-
position, and thereby invited and brought about his political
downfall.
MAHONE DEFEATED FOR GOVERNOR.
In 1889 General Mahone decided to make another desperate
effort to re-establish his control of the government of Virginia.
To this end he determined to make himself the Republican can-
didate for Governor. A Republican State Convention of con-
siderable proportions was held at Roanoke. It was composed
of delegates who still remained ardent admirers of their political
boss. The anti-Mahone Republicans had declined to attend the
convention. Mahone was nominated for Governor by acclama-
tion.
He promptly proceeded to use his wonderful capacity for
organization in his own behalf with as much zeal as he had
shown for Cameron and Wise in their respective campaigns for
governor in 1881 and 1885. But he made no effort to allure to
his support the Republicans who had been estranged from him.
in 1885. Col. Campbell Slemp, who was the candidate for Lieu-
tenant Governor did make active effort on that line, but did not
accomplish much, even in the Ninth District, where Slemp was
very popular.
The Democrats nominated Philip W. McKinney for Gover-
nor. He was the candidate for Attorney General on John W.
372
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
Daniel's ticket in 1881. In that campaign he had not vilified
the Readjusters as most of the Funders had done. Nor had he
made himself offensive by coarse epithets hurled at Republicans.
His genial manner and kindly disposition made him very pop-
ular with all persons with whom he came in contact. But he
was not the intellectual equal of William Mahone. The latter
was a man of extraordinary mental force.
chose to be so, of genial and winning manner, but was too often
unnecessarily acrimonious in the treatment of his personal and
political foes, and even to his friends.
He was, when he
In the midst of the campaign the Republicans who had
separated themselves from Mahone's leadership met in a conven-
tion at Richmond. It became known as the "Kickers Conven-
tion;" and about three hundred persons were present, all of
them staunch Republicans. John S. Wise, Samuel Yost, John F.
Lewis, and many other influential State and local leaders were
in attendance. The convention had assembled to determine
what position the anti-Mahone Republicans should take in the
gubernatorial race. Wise was a member of the Resolutions
Committee and prepared a resolution which suggested that the
delegates return to their homes and decline to vote or take any
part in the election.
Another delegate prepared a substitute
resolution which declared that it was the duty of the Repub-
licans in attendance to vote against Mahone and do all they
could to defeat him. Thereupon, Captain Wise withdrew from
the Resolutions Committee and the substitute for his resolution
was adopted unanimously by the committee. It was then re-
ported to and unanimously adopted by the convention. With-
out taking any further action the convention adjourned. The
adoption of the resolution was prompted by an earnest convict-
ion that the only way to procure a united and strong Republican
party in Virginia was to eliminate Mahone as its dictator. At
the ensuing election McKinney was elected by about thirty
thousand majority; and the Republicans elected but few mem-
bers to the General Assembly.
In 1890 another Congressional election was held in Virgin-
ia. The Republicans of the Ninth Congressional District had
been so greatly discouraged by the results of the election in the
district that they took little interest in putting up a candidate
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
373
for Congress; and no one who had previously been prominent in
the party was disposed to seek a nomination. John B. F. Mills,
of Lee County, who had been elected in 1889 to represent the
counties of Scott, Lee, and Wise in the State Senate was induced
to make the race. He was a good man, but was little known
outside of his Senatorial district. And he was greatly hamper-
ed in his candidacy by partisan election laws and the continued
despotic management of the party by General Mahone. The
Democrats again made John A. Buchanan their candidate and
he defeated Mills by a heavy majority. The same causes that
brought about the defeat of Mills occasioned the defeat of all
the candidates in the several districts of the State. This gave
the Virginia Democrats a solid Congressional delegation for the
first time after the State was restored to the Union.
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1892.
General Mahone was in full control of the Republican party
organized in Virginia when the Presidential election of 1892
came on. He had been treated so generously by the Harrison
Administration that he felt constrained to take a delegation
from the State to assist in the re-nomination of the President.
The Virginia Republicans who had helped to nominate Harrison
in 1888, and who had been ignored by him during his term of
office, took no part in the State and district conventions; and
Mahone had no trouble in selecting a delegation to the National
Convention that would be submissive to his dictation. Harrison
was nominated for the second time; and Grover Cleveland was
again made the Presidential candidate of the Democrats. The
result of the election was the very reverse of what it had been
in 1888. Cleveland defeated Harrison by a large majority both
in the popular vote and in the electoral college. His majority
in Virginia was swelled by thousands, and not a single Repub-
lican was elected to Congress from the State. Then it was that
the Democrats commenced shouting: "Four more years of Grov-
er and Clover."
The Republicans of the Ninth Congressional District select-
ed Major H. C. Wood, of Scott County, as their candidate for
Congress. He had been one of the strongest and most efficient
workers in the Readjuster party, and was the Republican can-
didate for Lieutenant Governor on the Wise ticket in 1885.
374
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
James W. Marshall, of Craig County, was the candidate of the
Democrats. That county had been attached to the Ninth Dis-
trict by a new apportionment of the Virginia Congressional
districts, because it was strongly Democratic. George C.
Cowan, of Russell County, ran independently as the candidate
of the Populist party. At the election Marshall received 18,431
votes, against 12,699 votes for H. C. Wood, and 1,709 votes for
George C. Cowan. The defeat of the Republican candidate was
largely due to the unpopularity of General Mahone and Pres-
ident Harrison, as many Republicans in the district declined to
vote or take any active part in the election.
John S. Barbour who had entered the United States Sen-
ate on March 4th, 1889, as the successor of H. H. Riddleberger,
and who had so successfully managed the Democratic party in
Virginia from 1883, died in Washington, D. C., on May the 14th,
1892. Thomas S. Martin, who had been intimately associated
with Mr. Barbour in the management of the party, upon the
death of its chief, took active charge of the Virginia Democracy
and directed its affairs with rare skill until his death, which oc-
curred at Charlottesville, on November 12th, 1919.
93
An election for Governor of Virginia was held in 1883; and
the Democrats nominated Charles T. O'Ferrall as their candidate
for that office. The Republicans had been so thoroughly dis-
pirited by the crushing defeat of Mahone in 1889, and the fail-
ure to elect any of their Congressional candidates in 1890 and
1892, that they declined to nominate a candidate for Governor.
O'Ferrall was elected without opposition, and the Republicans
elected but few representatives to the General Assembly.
THE WALTON ELECTION LAW.
Conspicuous among the enactments of the General Assembly
at the session of 1893-94 was a new election law, which was ap-
proved March 6th, 1894. The Anderson-McCormick election
law had not been so thoroughly effective for partisan uses as its
promoters intended it should be. The open ballot had been re-
tained by the law, each political party furnished its own ballots
at elections, headed "Democratic" or "Republican," as the case
might be, and gave them to the voters outside or inside the poll-
ing rooms. Party workers could even accompany voters to the
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
375
ballot box and see that they were permitted to vote as they de-
sired. With the electors voting in this manner, all possible
chances for fraud at elections were eliminated, unless the ballot
box was tampered with by election officials or fraudulent re-
turns of votes cast were made.
The new law since its enactment has been known as the
"Walton Election Law." It received its name from the patron
of the measure, M. L. Walton, who was then representing Shen-
andoah and Page counties in the State Senate. The various
provisions of the law give unmistakable expression to its intent.
For the first time, it introduced into Virginia the secret ballot,
and a dangerous form of "educational qualification of voters."
The party headings to ballots, with the candidates of the re-
spective parties and the names of the candidates for the several
offices printed or written thereunder, were no longer permitted.
And if there were a half dozen or more candidates, representing
as many parties, running for any particular office "For Con-
gress", "For State Senate", or "For Governor"-this law requir-
ed that their names should be printed immediately "under the
office for which they are so announced."
The Walton law retained the electoral boards for each coun-
ty and city as provided in the Anderson-McCormick law. These
boards were completely partisan, each board being composed of
three Democrats. They were invested with authority to ap-
point three judges of election for each precinct in their respect-
ive counties and cities; and were directed to select one of the
three judges from the minority party. This latter provision
was made valueless to a minority party by the qualifying pro-
vision: "But no election shall be deemed invalid when the citi-
zens appointed as judges shall not belong to different political
parties, or who shall not possess the above qualifications." Con-
sequently the appointment of judges to represent the minority
party was left to the judgment or will of the electoral boards.
This very dangerous partisan provision is found in the present
Virginia election laws. The Walton law also authorized the
electoral boards to appoint a registrar for each precinct in their
respective counties and cities.
The ballots were to be printed secretly under the supervis-
ion of a member of an electoral board, and stamped by him with
an official seal. Then the ballots were to be sealed in single
376
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
packages, one for each precinct, and delivered to the secretary
of the board, he to deliver them before the election to the judges
at the several precincts. The sealed packages of ballots were
not to be opened until the polls were opened, and in the presence
of the judges and clerks. No voter was permitted to see the
complicated ballot until he was admitted to the polling room and
was given a ballot by one of the judges. Of course the framers
of the law knew that no ordinarily intelligent or illiterate voter
could safely mark the ballot without assistance. To cover up
or justify this unrighteous feature of the law, the electoral
boards were empowered to appoint a constable, always a Demo-
crat, to assist a voter when he called for assistance. This put
the illiterate Republican voter completely at the mercy of a
Democratic constable, as the voter was denied the right of hav-
ing his ballot inspected by any person after it was marked by
the constable. If the constable was honest, no injury was done
the voter; but if he was dishonestly partisan the illiterate Re-
publican voter was easily cheated out of his vote. Frequent
occurrences of this character were discovered and not denied by
the perpetrators.
It was claimed that the Anderson-McCormick law and the
Walton Law had been enacted to establish white supremacy in
the State and to eliminate "the vicious, ignorant, and worthless
element from the electorate." The Republicans charged that
these laws were passed solely to establish Democratic supre-
macy, and that they were as flagrantly utilized by the Demo-
crats in the great white districts of the State as they were in
the "black belt," thereby negativing the claim that the laws
were made to secure white supremacy and eliminate the "vic-
ious, ignorant, and worthless element from the electorate."
The constable provision of the Walton law was so odious to the
voters of the white districts that the law was amended by the
General Assembly on March 4th, 1897. The amendment pro-
vided that one of the acting judges at each precinct should as-
sist in marking the ballot of the voters that asked assistance.
This was not much of an improvement, and many instances can
be cited to prove that illiterate voters were deceived and betray-
ed by judges who marked their ballots. Was the Walton elect-
ion law a fair law? Did it tend to promote pure elections in
Virginia?
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
377
In 1894 the election of Congressmen from Virginia was un-
eventful, except in the Ninth Congressional District. The fight-
ing Republicans of the Ninth, though they had been defeated at
the three preceding elections and were greatly disadvantaged
by unfair election laws, resolved to make another fight for con-
trol of the district. They held a convention at Wytheville and
nominated Gen. James A. Walker as their candidate for Con-
gress. He had bitterly opposed the Readjuster Movement be-
cause he believed the Readjusters sought to repudiate what he
thought was an honest obligation of Virginia. And he had been
very hostile to the new Republican party in the State as it was
directed by General Mahone. Therefore, his conversion to Re-
publican principles was viewed with astonishment by Deino-
crats as well as Republicans. There were several causes that
impelled General Walker to change his political views. It was
obvious to him that the protective tariff policy of the Republi-
can party was an evident instrument that might be used for
the development of the great natural resources of Southwest
Virginia, and the other portions of Appalachian Virginia. His
reasoning in that direction has been amply fulfilled. He had
become acquainted with the unfair methods the Virginia Demo-
crats had employed, and were still using, to gain permanent
political control of Virginia; and his profound regard for hon-
esty in politics, as well as other things, drove him from the party
with which he had previously affiliated. From that time until
his death he was made a target for the envenomed shafts of the
Democratic leaders in Virginia.
There was one untoward circumstance connected with the
candidacy of General Walker. He had become as had John W.
Daniel and other Virginia Democrats completely infatuated
with the free silver craze. Retaining this Democratic folly in
his mental political make-up, he had a resolution advocating
the free coinage of silver written into the platform on which he
stood as a candidate for Congress. This placed him in antago-
nism to the policy of the National Republican party on the money
question, and was a source of embarrassment to him in the cam-
paign of 1896.
The Democrats held their convention in Bristol, and James
W. Marshall aspired again to be made the candidate of his party
for Congress. He had been elected to Congress in 1892 by near-
378
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
ly six thousand plurality over his Republican competitor, Maj.
H. C. Wood. For some reason, not then disclosed, he had lost
his popularity with the leaders of the party, especially with the
leaders in the western part of the district. The opposing dele-
gates, under the leadership of Wm. F. Rhea, succeeded in defeat-
ing Mr. Marshall for renomination by what was afterwards as-
certained to be very unfair means.
Judge H. S. K. Morrison, of Scott County was made the Dem-
ocratic nominee. He was an estimable gentleman, and was
highly esteemed as a lawyer and judge. For some unaccount-
able reason the Resolutions Committee placed a gold standard
plank in the platform on which Judge Morrison had to make
the race. Possibly this was done because General Walker had
elected to stand for the free coinage of silver. This made the
contest between the two candidates unique and very ludicrous.
Each candidate was advocating a money policy that was the re-
verse of the policy of the National party he was representing as
a candidate. The campaign was conducted on very high lines,
and General Walker was elected by about one thousand major-
ity. This put the Ninth District again in the hands of the Re-
publicans, where it normally belonged. And General Walker
was the only Republican elected to Congress from Virginia in
1894.
DEATH OF GENERAL WILLIAM MAHONL.
In the midst of the campaign for the election of members
of the General Assembly, Gen. William Mahone died suddenly,
October 8th, 1895, in Washington, D. C. Disappointments,
both in his business and political activities, had borne heavily
upon him; and, so to speak, he died a disappointed and heart-
broken man. He possessed many of the elements of greatness,
but it would not be appropriate to call him a great man. How-
ever, numbers of men have been awarded this appellation who
were far less worthy to bear it than William Mahone. He came
from the plain people. His father was an Irishman and keeper
of a tavern at Jerusalem (now Courtland), the county seat of
Southampton County, Virginia. He was educated at the Vir-
ginia Military Institute, and was graduated from that institu-
tion in 1847, a few months before he attained his majority. Civil
engineering was selected as his chosen profession; and under
his supervision the Norfolk & Petersburg Railroad, pronounced
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
379
one of the most skillful engineering feats of the day, was con-
structed. When Virginia seceded from the Union he participat-
ed in the seizure of the United States Navy Yard at Portsmouth,.
Virginia. And when the 6th Regiment Virginia Infantry was
organized he was made its first commander as colonel. Later he
was made a brigadier general in the Confederate army, and
still later was advanced to the rank of Major General. At the
close of the war he was commanding a corps, and surrendered.
with Lee at Appomattox.
Misfortune beset Mahone in the several exciting enterpris-
es in which he figured. As a military leader he was so capable
it was related that General Lee selected him for his successor
as commander of his army, if any accident required the choice-
of another commander. The pathetic collapse of the Confed-
eracy may have prevented Mahone from being regarded as one
of the greatest military chieftains of the South. The consolida-
tion of the three railroads-the Norfolk & Petersburg, The
Southside, and the Virginia & Tennessee-into one great trunk.
line extending from Norfolk to Bristol, was a splendid concept-
ion of Mahone's, and has been of incalculable value to Virginia's
seabord and Southwest Virginia. The three roads were merged
into one, and it was named The Atlantic, Mississippi & Ohio
Railroad. His purpose was to extend the road through Ken-
tucky to the Ohio River and another line through West Virginia
to that river. If he had succeeded in carrying out his plans he
would have taken rank as a great railroad magnet, like Harri-
man and others did at later periods.
Mahone's performances in Virginia's political field were
really marvelous. When he was placed in charge of the forces.
that were advocating readjustment of the State debt he found
them largely divided in their affiliations with National political
parties. But he skilfully moulded them into a homogeneous
unit on State issues, and when the necessity arose on National
questions. If he had not attempted to rigidly discipline his
political followers in the same manner that he used for the con-
trol of his military and railroad organizations, the Virginia Dem-
ocrats would not so quickly have dislodged him from control
of the State. He made a fatal mistake when he strove to en-
380
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
large his individual power instead of seeking to increase the
numerical strength and fighting spirit of his party.
An election for members of the General Assembly was held
in Virginia in 1895, and resulted in the Democrats keeping con-
trol of that department of the State Government by an over-
whelming majority.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
381
CHAPTER XXII.
GREAT BATTLE OVER GOLD AND SILVER-MCKINLEY AND BRYAN CON-
TEST FOR PRESIDENT-ELECTION FOR GOVERNOR IN VIRGINIA-
CONGRESSIONAL ELECTION IN NINTH DISTRICT-GENERAL
WALKER SHOT HAMILTON AND WAS SHOT BY DAVIS-
GENERAL ASSEMBLY PASSED ACT FOR CONSTITU-
TIONAL CONVENTION-RHEA DEFEATED WALKER
FOR CONGRESS WITH FRAUDULENT BALLOTS.
In 1896 another exciting political drama was staged and
played in the United States. The Presidential election of
that year was the most thrilling and sharply contested
that had occured since the election of Mr. Lincoln in 1860.
These features of the contest were chiefly due to the fact
that all other matters of dispute were eliminated and that
the Democrats forced into the campaign the free and un-
limited coinage of silver as the paramount issue. The cham-
pions of free silver coinage had been for several preceding
administrations vigorously agitating the question in the
halls of Congress, and had infected large numbers of the
electors of both the major political parties with the danger-
ous heresy.
In 1862, while the Civil War was in progress, Congress
passed an act which suspended specie payments. On Jan-
uary 14th, 1875, a Republican measure was passed for the
resumption of specie payments. It named January 1st, 1879,
as the date on which the Government would begin to re-
deem in coin all its notes and demands. The Secretary of
the Treasury was authorized to borrow money (specie) in
preparation for redemption, and to maintain specie pay-
ments afterward. The act was approved by President Grant,
and ultimately carried into effect. Nearly all the Demo-
cratic and a few of the Republican members vigorously op-
posed the measure.
Following the passage of the specie resumption act,
the Independent National, or Greenback, party came into
382
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
existence and lasted for a brief season. It held its first con-
vention at Indianapolis on May 18th, 1876, with 239 dele-
gates in attendance, and nineteen States represented. Peter
Cooper, of New York, was nominated for President, and
General Samuel Cary, of Ohio, was later made candidate
for Vice President. The first resolution in the platform of
the party said: "We demand the immediate and uncon-
ditional repeal of the specie resumption act of January 14,
1875, and the rescue of our industries from ruin and disaster
resulting from its enforcement." In another resolution, the
Greenbackers declared: "We most earnestly protest against
any further issue of gold bonds for sale in foreign markets."
These bonds were being sold to get the gold for resumption
of specie payments.
The Republicans gathered in National Convention at
Cincinnati on June 14th, 1876. There were a number of
candidates for the Presidential nomination. The most prom-
inent of these were: James G. Blaine, of Maine; Benjamin
H. Bristow, then Secretary of the Treasury; Levi P. Morton,
of New York; Roscoe Conkling, of New York; and Ruther-
ford B. Hays, of Ohio. On the seventh ballot Governor Hays
was nominated for President; and then William A. Wheeler,
of New York, was nominated for Vice President. The Re-
publicans in their platform expressed their views and pur-
poses on the resumption of specie payments in no uncertain
terms, as follows:
"In the first act of Congress signed by President Grant,
the National Government assumed to remove any doubts of
its purpose to discharge all just obligations to the public
creditors, and solemnly pledged its faith to make provision,
at the earliest practicable period, for the redemption of the
United States notes in coin. Commercial prosperity, public
morals, and National credit demand that this promise be
fulfilled by a continuous and steady progress to specie pay-
ments."
The Democrats met in convention at St. Louis two
weeks after the Republican Convention was held. On the
second day the platform was reported and adopted, ayes
651, nays, 83. The Democrats expressed in no uncertain
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
383
terms their views on the question of resumption of specie
payment, as follows:
"We denounce the financial imbecility and immorality of
that party which, during eleven years of peace, has made no
advance toward resumption, but instead has obstructed re-
sumption, by wasting our resources and exhausting our sur-
plus income; and while annually professing to extend a
speedy return to specie payments, has annually enacted
fresh hindrances thereto. As such hindrance, we denounce
the resumption clause of the act of 1875, and we here de-
mand its repeal."
Samuel J. Tilden was made the Presidential candidate
of the Democrats, and Thomas A. Hendricks was nominated
for Vice President.
The Greenbackers demanded repeal of the specie-re-
sumption act because they wanted an inflated paper cur-
rency, and were opposed to any further coinage of silver.
The last resolution in their platform declared: "We further
protest against the sale of government bonds for the pur-
pose of purchasing silver, to be used as a substitute for
our more convenient and less fluctuating currency, which,
although well calculated to enrich owners of silver mines,
yet in operation it will still further oppress, in taxation, an
already overburdened people."
The Democrats based their demand for the repeal of the
specie-resumption act upon the suggestion that "the finan-
cial imbecility and immorality" of the Republicans dis-
qualified them for bringing about a "speedy return to specie
payments." But a good many of the Democratic leaders in
1878 were converts to the Greenbacker doctrines; and stood
for an inflated, irredeemable paper currency, and opposed
the sale of gold bonds to procure coin for the resumption of
specie payment.
The position taken by the Republicans on the specie-
resumption act placed them adversely to the Greenbackers
and the Democrats on the money question. That position was
maintained by the Republicans until they made the gold
standard supreme in the United States. During Mr. Cleve-
384
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
land's first administration a strong sentiment for free silver
began to manifest itself in the ranks of the Democratic
party and the Union Labor party-the latter being then in
process of organization-and to some extent in the Repub-
lican party. President Cleveland was very hostile to the free
coinage fallacy, and he favored the demonetizing of silver,
as a means for defeating free coinage. The Republicans were
not so opposed to making silver one of the components of
our money system as the Democrats afterwards sought to
make the people believe. And to prove this they declared in
their National platform in 1888: "The Republican party is
in favor of the use of both gold and silver as money, and con-
demns the policy of the Democratic administration in its
efforts to demonetize silver."
The Democrats nominated Mr. Cleveland again in 1888;
but they declined to make any pronouncement in their plat-
form on the money question. However, the Union Labor
party declared very positively for the free coinage of silver.
Harrison was elected and a first victory won for sound
money; but the agitation for free coinage of silver advanced
with augmented force until it reached a climax in 1896.
President Cleveland, who was opposed to any further
legislation in favor of silver and who was very hostile to
free coinage, called Congress together in extraordinary
session in August, 1893, for the purpose of repealing the
silver purchase clauses of the Sherman Act. On August
28th, 1893, the House of Representatives passed an act of
repeal, called the Silver-Purchase Repeal Act; and on Octo-
ber 30th, it was passed in the Senate. There was a ma-
jority in both Houses of Congress in favor of free coinage.
The act was passed by the United support of the Gold Demo-
crats and the Silver Democrats in the House and by a union
of similar forces in the Senate. The repeal of the Sherman
Act gave impulse to the free silver movement, and precipi-
tated the battle that was fought between the advocates of
a gold standard and the free silverites in 1896.
Political affairs were ridiculously mixed in 1896 when
the time approached for holding National Conventions, and
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
385
many isms were being presented for popular consideration
and approval. The Prohibition party had suddenly entered
the field of politics. It was the first to hold a convention,
which met at Pittsburg on May 27th, 1896. The convention
nominated Joshua Levering, of Maryland, for President, and
Hale Johnson, of North Carolina for Vice President. A
platform composed of a preamble and two resolutions was
adopted. The first resolution was devoted to the prohibition
question, and the second advocated woman suffrage. A mi-
nority of the Resolutions Committee reported a series of
resolutions, and one of the minority resolutions advocated
the free coinage of silver and opposed all bank currency.
This resolution was hotly debated and was rejected by a vote
of yeas, 387, nays, 427. Immediately following the rejection
of the free silver resolution the minority delegates with-
drew from the convention. They held a convention on May
28th, at Pittsburg, took the name of "National Party" and
nominated Rev. Charles H. Bentley, of Nebraska, for Presi-
dent, and James H. Southgate, of North Carolina, for Vice
President. Resolutions favoring the free coinage of silver
and other extreme measures were adopted into a platform.
The Republicans began their convention at St. Louis
on the 16th of June 1896; and they found the most trouble-
some work before them was the formation of a platform
that would harmonize the divergent views of the assembled
delegates on the money question. Many of the delegates
wanted to evade the silver issue and try to force the tariff
as the leading issue of the campaign. More than a hundred
delegates hotly contended for a declaration in favor of free
coinage of both gold and silver. But a majority stood for and
boldly demanded a declaration for the gold standard. These
divergent views were warmly and almost continuously de-
bated in the Committee on Resolutions until the third day of
the session. On June the 18th the platform was reported and
read to the convention. On the tariff the platform declared:
"We renew and emphasize our allegiance to the policy of
protection as the bulwark of American industrial inde-
pendence and the foundation of American development and
prosperity." On the money question the following were the
386
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
Republican declarations: "The Republican party is unre-
servedly for sound money. It caused the enforcement of the
law providing for the resumption of specie payments in
1879; since then every dollar has been as good as gold.
"We are unalterably opposed to every measure calcu-
lated to debase our currency or impair the credit of our
country. We are, therefore, opposed to the free coinage of
silver, except by international agreement with the leading
commercial nations of the world, which we pledge ourselves
to promote, and until such agreement can be obtained, the
existing gold standard must be preserved."
The Silver forces through Senator Henry M. Teller, of
Colorado, offered a substitute for the declaration in the
platform on the subject of currency and coinage as follows:
"The Republican party favors the use of both gold and
silver as equal standard money, and pledges its power to
secure free, unrestricted, and independent coinage of gold
and silver at our mints at the ratio of sixteen parts of silver
to one part of gold."
Senator Teller made an impassioned speech in support
of his motion with full confidence of its defeat; and gave
notice that an adverse vote would compel him and his as-
sociates to withdraw from the convention. At the close of
Mr. Teller's speech a motion to lay the substitute on the
table-which meant rejection-was carried by a vote of
818 ayes to 105 nays. Sixty-seven of the negative
votes were given by delegates from States west of the Mis-
souri River; 33½ from Southern States; and five by dele-
gates from the Middle West. A motion was then made for
the adoption of the financial plank reported by the majority
of the Resolutions Committee, and it was carried by a vote
of 812 ayes to 110 nays. The rest of the platform was
adopted by acclamation. Senator Frank Cannon, of Utah,
then read a protest which had been carefully prepared and
signed by a number of the advocates of free silver. Then
thirty-four delegates, led by Senator Teller, withdrew from
the convention. There were four United States Senators and
two Representatives among the bolting delegates. The cause
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
387
of sound money had triumphed in the Republican Conven-
tion and its champions had thereby secured an inestimable
benefaction for the American people.
After the silver men withdrew the convention pro-
ceeded to nominate a candidate for President. The names of
William McKinley, of Ohio, Thomas B. Reed, of Maine,
Matthew S. Quay, of Pennsylvania, Levi P. Morton, of New
York, and William B. Allison, of Iowa, were placed before
the convention. The number of votes necessary to a choice
was 4532. On the first ballot William McKinley received
6612 votes, and then by unanimous vote was made the
nominee for President. On the first ballot for Vice President,
Garret A. Hobart, of New Jersey, received 5352 votes and
was declared the nominee of the party for the position.
more
It was in 1896 that Labor entered the politics of the
United States as a distinct organization. The Socialist Labor
party held its first National Convention on the 4th of July.
The platform adopted was radically extreme in feature, even
so than the platform recently promulgated by the
Laborites. However, in their first platform the Socialist
Labor party took no position in the battle then imminent
between gold and silver. The convention was small in num-
ber, only 44 votes cast when a candidate for President was
nominated; but the undertakings of the convention were so
arduous that it was in session six days. On the sixth day
Charles H. Machett, of New York, was nominated for Presi-
dent, and Matthew McGuire, of New Jersey, for Vice Presi-
dent.
In several respects the convention of the Democrats
was the most startling and momentous that was held in
1896. It introduced to the party a new quality of leadership
and projected into the campaign the money question as a
singular or paramount issue. The Silver wing of the party
had a large majority of the delegates in attendance; but the
National Committee was controlled by the anti-Silver wing,
and many of the old-liners from the North and West were
in accord with the anti-Silver men. The National Committee
proposed Senator David B. Hill, of New York, for temporary
chairman. This proposition of the committee was vigorously
388
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
contested on the floor of the convention; and John W. Daniel,
of Virginia, the chosen candidate of the Free Silver men,
was elected over Hill by a vote of 556 to 369. The unit rule
was enforced in taking the vote between Daniel and Hill:
and Daniel's election gave the Silver men control of all the
committees. On the second day of the session the silver
forces were increased by unseating the Gold Standard dele-
gates from Nebraska and seating the Silver Standard dele-
gates from that State, headed by William Jennings Bryan;
and four Silver delegates were substituted for four Gold
delegates from Michigan, which gave the Silver men con-
trol of the twenty-eight votes from that State. Senator
Stephen M. White, of California, was made permanent chair-
man of the convention.
On the third day of the session the platform was report-
ed. It proclaimed unalterable opposition to monometalism,
and free coinage of silver was demanded, as follows:
"We demand the free and unlimited coinage of both
silver and gold at the present legal ratio of sixteen to one
without waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation.
We demand that the standard silver dollar shall be a full
legal tender, equally with gold, for all debts, public and pri-
vate, and we favor such legislation as will prevent for the
future the demonetization of any kind of legal tender money
by private contract."
The platform condemned the issuing of interest-bearing
bonds in time of peace to secure gold, as had been done by
the Cleveland Administration, and denounced the use of
federal troops by President Cleveland for suppression of the
Chicago anarchist rioters. A number of other extreme sug-
gestions on the matters of public policy were incorporated
in the platform that contravened former Democratic
thecries of government. The radical features of the Demo-
cratic platform were expected to, and did, make successful
appeal to the Socialist Laborites and the Populists for their
support.
A minority of the Resolutions Committee, consisting
of members from sixteen States, presented a dissenting re-
port. In this report they declared their unwillingness to give
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
389
assent to "many declarations" in the platform. Of these
declarations the minority report stated: "Some are ill-con-
sidered and ambiguously phrased, while others are extreme
and revolutionary of the well-recognized principles of the
party." Referring to the resolution in the majority platform
which demanded the free and unlimited coinage of silver,
the minority report declared:
"It would place this country at once upon a silver basis,
impair contracts, diminish the purchasing power of the
wage of labor, and inflict irreparable evils upon our nation's
commerce and industry."
The minority report also said: "We favor the rigid
maintenance of the existing gold standard as essential to
the preservation of our national credit, the redemption
of our public pledges, and the keeping inviolate of our coun-
try's honor." The minority members also offered as an ad-
dition to the platform this brief commendation of President
Cleveland's administration: "We commend the honesty,
economy, courage, and fidelity of the present Democratic
administration."
Following the reading of the majority and minority
reports, intense excitement prevailed on the floor of the con-
vention. Edward Stanwood says in his History of The
Presidency: "A most earnest debate ensued upon the Free
Silver policy, the most dramatic and interesting event of
which was an impassioned speech by William J. Bryan, of
Nebraska. This gentleman excited the Silver men to the
highest pitch of enthusiasm by his oratory, and at once
leaped into prominence as a presidential candidate. Indeed,
it was believed that, if a vote had been taken on that day,
he would have been nominated by acclamation. The financial
plank offered by the minority was rejected by ayes 303,
nays 626; and the resolution commendatory of President
Cleveland's administration was defeated by ayes 357, nays
564. In all the votes thus far reported, the minority consist-
ed of the members from New England-except a few from
Maine and Massachusetts, and the coast states as far
south as Maryland, and the delegates from Wisconsin,
Minnesota, and South Dakota."
390
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
From all contemporary accounts of the incident, and
from the enthusiastic acclaims of the great multitudes of
Democrats who greeted him for the succeeding eight years,
one must conclude that Mr. Bryan's speech was a wonderful
oratorical performance. His "crown of thorns and cross of
gold" simile so unhinged the reason of the Silver Demo-
crats that they cruelly pressed a crown of thistles on the
head of Grover Cleveland, their fomer idol, and nailed him to
a cross of silver.
It seems that the delegates from the South were of
those that were most deeply impressed with Mr. Bryan's
greatness. That it was the intention of the Virginia delega-
tion and a number of delegates from other States to propose
John W. Daniel for the Presidential candidate was well
known at that time. But the delegates from his State, and
those from the other States, who intended to support him,
were so completely engulphed in the maelstrom of Bryanism
that they did not present the name of the "Lame Lion" from
Virginia as a candidate.
The delegates who had so resolutely opposed the adop-
tion of the free coinage plank did not withdraw from the
convention, but on every opportune occasion disclosed their
intention not to participate in the nomination of candidates.
On the first ballot for the Presidential candidate 752 votes
were cast, and 178 delegates declined to vote. The leading
candidates on this ballot were William J. Bryan, with 119
votes, and Richard P. Bland, with 23 votes. Mr. Bryan was
nominated on the fifth ballot; and then Arthur Sewall, of
Maine, was nominated for Vice President.
The next conventions held were those of the People's
party-also known as the Populists-and the Silver party.
These two new parties held separate conventions at St.
Louis on the 22nd of July, 1896, evidently by previous ar-
rangement. The convention of the People's party was the
largest in point of numbers that had assembled that year,
1375 votes being cast when a vote was taken for a Presiden-
tial candidate. The Populists in making a platform followed
the lead of the Democrats and demanded "the free and
unrestricted coinage of silver and gold at the present legal
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
391
ratio of sixteen to one, without waiting for the consent of
foreign nations." They also placed a plank in their platform
which declared: "We favor a system of direct legislation
through the initiative and referendum under constitutional
safeguards."
The People's party nominated William J. Bryan for
President, and Thomas E. Watson, of Georgia, for Vice
President.
The Silver Republicans, who styled themselves the
National Silver party, also met in convention at St. Louis on
the 22nd of July. They framed and adopted a platform that
conformed on the money question with the Chicago plat-
form of the Democrats. And they nominated William J.
Bryan for President, and Thomas E. Watson, of Georgia,
for Vice President.
After the adjournment of the Democratic convention,
a movement was set on foot by the Gold Democrats-who
had virtually been driven from their party-to organize
themselves into a distinct party. As a result of this move-
ment, a convention was held by the Gold men at Indianapolis
on September 2nd, 1896. Forty-one States and three Terri-
tories were represented; but Idaho, Nevada, Utah, and
Wyoming had no delegates in attendance. Governor Ros-
well P. Flower, of New York, was temporary chairman, and
Senator Donelson Caffery, of Louisiana, was permanent
chairman of the convention. On September 3rd a platform
was reported and unanimously adopted. The following sig-
nificant planks appeared in the platform:
"The declarations of the Chicago Convention attack
individual freedom, the right of private contract, the in-
dependence of the judiciary, and the authority of the Presi-
dent to enforce Federal laws. They advocate a reckless at-
tempt to increase the price of silver by legislation, to the de-
basement of our monetary standard, and threaten unlimit-
ed issues of paper money by the government. They abandon
for Republican allies the Democratic causes of tariff reform,
to court the favor of protectionists to their fiscal heresy.
392
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
"In view of these and other grave departures from
Democratic principles, we cannot support the candidates of
that convention nor be bound by its acts.
"The Democratic party has survived defeats, but could
not survive a victory won in behalf of the doctrine and
policy proclaimed in its name at Chicago."
John M. Palmer, of Illinois, was nominated by the Gold
Democrats for President, and General Simon B. Buckner,
of Kentucky, was selected as their candidate for Vice Presi-
dent.
The campaign that ensued was a most remarkable one.
The two major parties-the Republicans and Democrats-
were sharply separated on a single but vastly important
issue, the monetary system of the country. At the outset
confusion and uncertainty beclouded the contest, owing to
the fact that so many new parties had nominated can-
didates. Two of the new parties-the People's party, and the
Silver party-had nominated Mr. Bryan for President. This
made the situation very alarming for the Republicans, and
their only hope for success was that most of the Gold Demo-
crats would vote for McKinley to insure the defeat of Bryan.
In 1896 the Republicans of the Ninth Congressional
District of Virginia made Gen. James A. Walker their can-
didate for Congress. He had been elected as the candidate
of his party in 1894 by a majority of more than a thousand
over Judge Morrison, his Democratic opponent. But in 1894
General Walker had been an ardent free silver man; and
by his earnest advocacy of free coinage had seriously infect-
ed the Republican electorate of the district with the heresy.
However, he attended the Republican National Convention
in 1896, and there became convinced that it was his duty to
place himself in line with the National party on the money
question. So, the convention that nominated him for Con-
gress in 1896 placed him on a gold standard platform. This
placed General Walker in an embarrassing position, but
fortunately for him the Democrats of the Ninth District.
were in an equally awkward situation.
When the Democrats of the Ninth District nominated
Judge Morrison for Congress in 1894 they placed him on a
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
393
gold standard platform. They, possibly, did this because
Walker was making his race on a silver platform. Then, the
Democrats, in 1896 nominated for their candidate Samuel
W. Williams, a red-hot free silver man, and put him on a
free coinage platform patterned after the one made by the
Chicago Convention. Both parties in the district had changed
their position on the money question from the one they had
occupied in 1894, therefore, neither could twit the other on
that score. The Republicans, however, were greatly concern-
ed, through fear that they would not be able to win their
voters away from the free silver lunacy and rally them to
the support of the gold standard. The Democrats were con-
fronted with a similar trouble, as they were forced to win
the gold Democrats over to the free silver policy In the end
a small number of Republicans voted for Bryan and Williams
and an equal number of Democrats voted for the gold stand-
ard candidates
The campaign was one of the most thoroughly and
hotly contested that has ever been witnessed in this section
of Virginia; and the speakers rivaled in number, but not
in ability, those who spoke here in the Readjuster days.
The respective merits of gold and silver for use as standard
money were debated in every town, hamlet, and neighbor-
hood, not once but many times. The minds of the people were
so constantly directed to the two precious metals, that gold
and silver absorbed men's thoughts by day and occupied
their dreams while they slept at night.
Though the political contest was warmly and vigor-
ously conducted by both parties, it was practically free from
the partisan bitterness and vices that prevailed in the
subsequent campaigns in the Ninth District. James A. Walk-
er, Republican, was elected to Congress, receiving 16,077
votes against 14,900 votes for Samuel W. Williams.
At the beginning of the national campaign there was
much doubt as to what would be the results of the mighty
struggle, but for several weeks preceding the day of elec-
tion there were unmistakable indications of a sweeping Re-
publican victory. As the returns poured in from the States,
these indications were verified. The Eastern, Middle and
394
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
Central Northwestern States were all carried for McKinley
by unprecedented majorities. Even the solid South was
broken. Maryland and West Virginia gave substantial ma-
jorities for McKinley and he carried Kentucky by a plural-
ity of 281 over Bryan. Not one of the Northern States east
of the Missouri River gave Bryan a single electoral vote,
and the Republicans won in California and Oregan.
About fourteen million citizens voted in the election.
Of these, 7,111,607 voted for McKinley, 6,509,052 for Bryan,
134,645 for Palmer, 131,312 for Levering, 13,968 for Bent-
ley, and 36,373 for Machett the Labor candidate. The plural-
ity for McKinley was 602,555 and his majority over all the
candidates combined was 286,257. Of the electoral votes,
McKinley received 271 and Bryan 176. Bryan's majority in
Virginia was 19,597, but McKinley got 135,388 votes in the
State. Palmer, the Gold Democratic candidate, received
only 2,127 votes in Virginia. The Republicans carried most
of the counties of Appalachian Virginia, and the Democrats
got some of their largest majorities in the counties where
there was a large negro voting population. Very naturally
the Republicans charged that the Democrats had carried the
State for Bryan by ample use of the Walton Election Law in
the counties and cities east of the Blue Ridge. And this
charge was reasonably strengthened by the fact that the
Republicans had elected their candidates for Congress from
the two great white districts James A. Walker from the
Ninth and Jacob Yost from the Tenth Congressional Dis-
trict.
GUBERNATORIAL ELECTION-POPULIST PARTY IN VIRGINIA.
The gubernatorial election in Virginia in 1897 was
fraught with issues that were destined to seriously affect the
future political integrity of the State. The Walton Election
Law, as originally enacted, directed that a "constable"
should mark the ballots of illiterate and physically disabled
voters. For some reason, never revealed, the Democratic
Machine decided that the constable provision did not suit
their purposes. An act was passed by the General Assembly,
and approved by the governor on the 4th of March, 1896,
to thus amend the Walton Law: "The judges of election, or
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
395
a majority of them, shall appoint and designate one of their
number, whose duty it shall be at the request of any elector
who is physically or educationally unable to prepare his bal-
lot, to enter the booth with said elector and render him
assistance in preparing his ballot by reading the names and
the offices to be voted for on the ballot and pointing out
which name or names the said elector may wish to strike
out, or otherwise aid him in preparing his ballot." This pro-
vision placed the illiterate voter completely at the mercy of
a Democratic judge, and if the judge was corrupt the il-
literate Republican voter was made to vote for the Demo-
cratic candidates.
At the State election in 1897 opportunity was, possibly,
offered to secure non-partisan election laws, and thereby
insure fair elections in the State. But the opportunity was.
lost through the timidity of the Populists, the reluctance
of the Gold Democrats to separate from their party, even
on the matter of honest elections, and by the selfish action
of the Republican State Committee.
There was a regularly organized Populist party in
Virginia, which was directed by able and well-meaning
leaders. In former campaigns they had been critical of the
unfair election laws passed and operated by the Democratic
party. But they had co-operated with the Democrats in 1896,
and helped to carry Virginia for Bryan. The Gold Democrats
had also been condemning the election laws; and through
their chief organ-The Richmond Times-had made ex-
posures of the frauds committed in the preceding Presi-
dential election at Smithers' precinct in Henrico County,
and at other places in the State.
On the 11th of March, 1897, sixty or seventy of the
leaders of the Virginia Populists held a meeting at Lynch-
burg. The Democrats had been cultivating sentiment in the
State for holding a Constitutional Convention. Desiring to
make combination with the Democrats in the gubernatorial
election, the Populists, at their Lynchburg meeting, by reso-
lution announced themselves as favoring the holding of a
Constitutional Convention. But in the resolution they de-
manded: "that a non-partisan election law shall be enacted
396
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
that will secure a fair expression of all voters in the State
in the selection of delegates to such a constitutional con-
vention."
Following the Lynchburg Conference, the Populists
held a State Convention at Roanoke on the 28th and 29th
of August. They decided not to nominate a candidate for
Governor, but nominated Capt. Edmund R. Cocke, of Cum-
berland County, for Lieutenant Governor. They expected to
induce the Democrats to accept Captain Cocke as their
candidate for Lieutenant Governor, and in that way effect
a combination with the Democrats. But the project of mak-
ing a coalition with the Democrats was completely frus-
trated by the following resolution which was written into
the platform of the Populists:
"We favor the immediate enactment of a non-partisan
election law, so that no advantage can accrue to the party
in power (the Democratic party) by reason of its control
of the election machinery. All other questions in State poli-
tics must continue to be of secondary importance until the
right of suffrage is safely shielded by an aroused and de-
termined public conscience."
This resolution was surely a stunner, promulgated by
men who were of the best citizenship of Virginia, and who
had been prominently associated with the Virginia Democ-
racy, such men as Edmund Cocke, Brad Beverley, Mann
Page, and Haskins Hobson. It was a very bold and defiant
declaration that the party to which they had been attached
was operating under election laws that were partisan and
unfair, and that the right of suffrage was being seriously
impaired by the party in power. These gentlemen must
have realized that their proposal to put Captain Cocke on
the Democratic gubernatorial ticket would be contemptuous-
ly rejected by the Democrats. The Roanoke World had given
ample warning that the Democrats would not associate
themselves with the Populists at the coming election. In
its issue of June 30th, 1897, The World declared: "The
Democratic party is not a Populist party, and we should
do nothing to make people think it is. Let the Democrats
nominate true blue Chicago Democrats on their ticket and
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
397
we will sweep old Virginia like a cyclone." A very absurd
declaration was this, made by the Roanoke World. The
Chicago platform was inspired by William Jennings Bryan,
a Populist in 1892, and by Altgeld, the socialist anarchistic
Governor of Illinois.
The Virginia Democrats held their State Convention
at Roanoke on the 11th and 12th of August, 1907. A com-
mittee of Populists, headed by Haskins Hobson, State Chair-
man of that party, was present to urge the Democrats to
accept Captain Cocke as their candidate for Lieutenant
Governor, but the Democrats gave the cold shoulder to the
Populists. The Democratic Convention was composed of
Bryanites with the Populists excluded. J. Hoge Tyler was
nominated for Governor, Edward Echols for Lieutenant
Governor, and Andrew Jackson Montague for Attorney
General. These were all good and sincere meh, of fair abil-
ity, but their minds were thoroughly perverted on the then
dominant National and State issues, as the platform on
which they were placed as candidates, clearly indicated. To
verify this assertion attention is directed to the following
resolutions embraced in the Roanoke platform:
"We reaffirm the platform of the National Democrat-
ic Convention adopted at Chicago in July, 1896, and upon
which W. J. Bryan was nominated for the Presidency, and
we extend our congratulations to our noble champion upon
the able and brilliant manner in which he discharged the
trust reposed in him.
"We demand the free and unlimited coinage of both
gold and silver at the ratio of 16 to 1, without waiting for
the aid or consent of any nations.
"We demand the repeal of ten per cent taxes on the
issue of State Banks, which pays not a dollar into the
treasury of the United States and which remains upon the
statute books as a monument of perverse legislation, in-
spired by monopoly and conceived in distrust of the people."
John W. Daniel, Carter Glass, A. J. Montague, J. Tay-
lor Ellyson, and all the other "Big Ikes" of the Virginia
Democratic party were there, giving personal and political
398
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
sanction to the wild heresies of the Chicago platform. They
even advanced beyond the radical Chicago platform by de-
claring for the issuance of "wild cat" money by State banks.
This now would be considered by Mr. Glass, and by all the
present Democratic leaders of the State and Nation, a silly
proposition to debase the currency. It shows how far afield
aspiring politicians can go when they get their bearings
improperly adjusted. A grave imposture was practiced when
the Democrats wrote into their Roanoke platform: "Follow-
ing the wisdom of the founder of Democracy it (the Virginia
Democracy) has cherished and built up a system of free
schools which is now the pride and ornament of the State."
And another deception was attempted when they declared
in their platform: "The finances of the State have been
handled by he Democratic party with economy and skill. It
consummated a settlement of a public debt after the sub-
ject had been long a source of turmoil and trouble and with-
out increasing the rate of taxation." The previous record of
the Virginia Democracy on the free schools and the public
debt had been so contrary to the pronouncements made in
the Roanoke platform, that persons who knew that record
were filled with amazement.
For the Virginia Republicans, the campaign of 1897
proved very unfortunate and disastrous. Management of
the party had passed into the hands of Federal officehold-
ers and chronic place-hunters. The State Committee was
dominated by this class of men; and they were not as eager
to have the party in the State a victorious organization as
they were to make it subsidiary to their personal and po-
litical interests. Their motive was to keep the organization
up to such an extent as to hold possession of it, and no
further. With complete control of the party organization,
they believed they could every four years carry a delegation
to the National Convention and make it the basis for con-
trolling Federal patronage in Virginia. Influenced by this
unworthy motive, the State Committee refused to call a
convention.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
399
Col. William Lamb, the hero of Fort Fisher, was a
member of the State Committee, and refused to be bound
by the action of the Committee. Acting as State Chairman
of the party, he issued a call for a convention to be held at
Lynchburg on October 5th, 1897. In pursuance of Colonel
Lamb's call, more than eight hundred Republicans, rep-
resenting every section of the State, met in convention at
Lynchburg at the designated time. They nominated P. H.
McCaull for Governor, Gen. O. B. Roiler, of Rockingham,
for Lieutenant Governor; and James Lyons, of Richmond,
for Attorney General; and placed them before the people as
the "Independent Republican" candidates.
Immediately following the nomination of the Independ-
ent Republican candidates, the Bowden-Brady faction,
which controlled the regular organization, issued an address
of pretended neutrality to the Republicans of Virginia. In
the address they affirmed that Republicans who either
voted for or refused to vote for the Lynchburg nominees
would not forfeit claims or position in the party. But the
announced neutrality of the regular organization faction
was very soon brazenly violated. During the short canvass
that ensued the authority and force of the regular organiza-
tion was actively exerted to prevent Republicans from vot-
ing for the Independent Republican candidates for State
offices and for the General Assembly. Circulars addressed to
the colored voters denunciatory of the Independent Repub-
lican candidates, and tending to excite race animosities,
were industriously circulated by members of the State Ex-
ecutive Committee.
At that time H. E. McCoy was District Chairman of
the party in the Ninth Congressional District. He had come
from Ohio, had engaged in the banking business at Bristol
and at Marion, and was unscrupulous in politics and other
matters. As Republican Chairman of the district, he gave
his official and personal support to the nefarious schemes
of the Bowden-Brady faction. He used his authority and in-
fluence to prevent the nomination of Republican candidates
for both branches of the General Assembly in counties of
the Ninth District that had been formerly strongly Repub-
400
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
lican, and that had given McKinley substantial majorities in
1896. And in some of these counties he gave active and open
support to the Democratic candidates. The disloyalty of
McCoy and the treacherous conduct of the State Executive
Committee produced so much discord and apathy among the
Republicans that the Democrats carried the district by
about three thousand majority. The Republicans elected
but one member of the Legislature from the counties of the
district; and that was William B. Spratt, who was elected.
to represent Tazewell County. Tyler defeated McCaull by
about forty thousand majority. The Democrats won as
sweeping victory in every Congressional District as they
had won in the Ninth. In this accomplishment they were
assisted in a measure by the disaffection in the Republican
party; but the amended Walton Election Law was the most.
deadly weapon they used to defeat the Republicans.
The General Assembly met in the Capitol at Richmond
on December 1st, 1897. Governor O'Ferrall had become
alarmed by and disgusted with the numerous frauds that
his party had been perpetrating at elections since 1893. In
his message to the General Assembly, he was very emphatic
in his advocacy of honest elections, and urged that the laws
be so amended as to provide for the emblem ballot; and that
the form of the ballot be published in the newspapers and
posted at every polling place on the day of every elec-
tion. Hon. W. H. Hale, a Populist and representative of
Floyd and Franklin counties in the State Senate, introduced
a bill which proposed to give to the illiterate voter the privil-
ege of selecting one of the election judges to prepare his
ballot. The special correspondent of the Lynchburg News,
wrote from Richmond to that paper as follows:
"Thus far the only election bill introduced has been that
of the Populist Senator Hale, from Franklin. He wants a law
which will permit the illiterate elector to select one of the
election judges to prepare his ballot for him; which would
mean, of course, that the negro would be told to call on the
Republican for such aid. Mr. Hale seems to be satisfied with
with less than Governor O'Ferrall. His demands in the way
of election reforms are far more moderate than Governor
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
401
O'Ferrall's. It is hardly probable that the recommendations
of either of these gentlemen will have much weight with the
Democratic caucus when that body comes to consider the
important question of changing a law which has given the
largest representation in the Legislature it ever held, and
elected by forty thousand a governor who is now dissatis-
fied with the operations of the present plan."
This communication from the Richmond correspondent
boastfully admits that the Virginia Democrats had won
their sweeping victories in 1893 and in 1897 by the effect-
ive operations of the Walton Election Law. And the com-
munication was published approvingly in the Lynchburg
News, then owned and edited by Carter Glass and the re-
puted organ of John W. Daniel. The Richmond Times, a
staunch Democratic Journal, was considerably disturbed
over the manner in which the government of Virginia was
being debauched by the Democratic Machine; and the paper
made editorial protest as follows:
"The Times found out, nearly four years ago, to its
amazement, that the public service in Virginia was falling
into disrepute to an alarming degree, and it raised its voice.
in solemn warning to the people against what it said was
coming on them. Its warnings were unheeded and its coun-
sel were scoffed at. But even the most incredulous are now
beginning to see that The Times was justified in what it
said and that something must be done to arrest the course
of public decadence, or Virginia will become as badly de-
bauched as some of her Northern sisters have become.
"The effectual measure for cutting the cancer out of
the body politic is to bring fraudulent elections to an end.
That is the fruitful source of all corruption. That is the
noxious spring from which all the poisoned waters flow.
The man in office by fraudulent elections bends all his ener-
gies to corrupt everything that he may stay in office by
fraudulent elections. That is the point to be attacked."
That frauds had been practiced very generally at elec-
tions in Virginia was made evident by the message of Gov-
ernor O'Ferrall, by the bill of Senator Hale, by the com-
402
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
munication of the Richmond correspondent of the Lynch-
burg News, and by warnings of the Richmond Times. These
four utterances were accentuated by a bill which Hon. Alex-
ander St. Clair, of Tazewell, introduced in the Senate. He
was then representing the counties of Tazewell, Russell,
Buchanan, and Dickenson in the State Senate. Mr. St. Clair
was an ardent Democrat, but he was an honest man and was
opposed to frauds upon the ballot box. His bill was a pro-
posed amendment to the Walton Law and read as follows:
"The ballot shall be a white paper ticket, containing the
names of persons who have complied with the provisions
of this act as herein prescribed and the title of the office
printed or written hereinafter provided. Each ballot shall
have as many parallel columns of equal width, of two and
one-half inches, as there are political parties participating
in the election, each party shall head one of the columns
with an emblem selected by its county chairman and under
the emblem shall appear the name of the party which has
selected the emblem. Then shall follow the various offices
to be filled and under the office the name of the party nomi-
nee."
Mr. St. Clair's bill provided a basis for a ballot that was
evidently fair and that would have given every voter oppor-
tunity to cast his vote safely without assistance in the poll-
ing room. But the proposition of Mr. St. Clair received no
consideration from the solidly Democratic Legislature. His
bill was put in a pigeon-hole and never reported out of com-
mittee. And Governor O'Ferrall's recommendation and Sena-
tor Hale's bill were treated with like indifference.
The Walton Law made no provision for the form or
style of the ballot to be used at elections. The Machine con-
strued the lack of such provision to mean that the electoral
boards could have the ballots printed in any form and style
they chose. And the result was that in many of the counties
of the Commonwealth, even in some of the counties of the
Ninth and Tenth Districts, the electoral boards had the bal-
lots printed in such a style that they confused not only the
illiterate voter but the literate voter as well and placed
them in the power of the dishonest election officers. German
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
403
text type, script type, and other styles of type were used to
make the ballot as much of a puzzle as the receipt of a Chin-
ese laundryman, a string of Sanskrit, or bunch of Egyptian
hieroglyphics. This style of ballot was used to defeat Hon.
Jacob Yost for Congress in the Tenth District in 1894, and
to defeat Republican candidates for the Legislature in 1895.
The following is a fac-simile of a ballot used at Newport
News in 1895:
ELECTION TUESDAY
NOVEMBER FIFTH
EIGHTEEN HUNDRED
AND NINETY FIVE
FOR THE HOUSE OF
DELEGATES TO REPRE-
SENT THE COUNTIES OF
YORK, WARRICK, NEW
KENT, CHARLES CITY
JAMES CITY & THE CITY
OF WILLIAMSBURG:
THOMAS T. POWELL,
WILLIAM T. HILLYER,
J. A. ROBINSON,
FOR THE SENATE TO
REPRESENT THE THIR-
TY EIGHTH SENATOR-
IAL DISTRICT OF VA:
MANLEY H. BARNES
HOWARD S. COLLIER.
The above was about one of the least unfair trick bal-
lots used under authority of the Walton Law; and heaven
knows it was bad enough. Horrible to relate! The prediction
of the Richmond correspondent of the Lynchburg News
that the Democratic Legislature would make no alterations
in the Walton Law was completely confirmed. The solemn
warnings of The Richmond Times that "fraudulent elec-
tions" were destroying the public morals, bringing "the
public service in Virginia into disrepute," and producing
a "course of public decadence," were defiantly unheeded.
It behooves the people of Virginia to now examine and see
if "the noxious spring from which all the poisoned waters
flow" is still actively and abundantly pouring out its "poison-
ed waters."
404
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
1893
CONGRESSIONAL ELECTION IN NINTH DISTRICT.
The Democrats of the Ninth Congressional District held
their convention at Pulaski on the 5th of July, 1898, and
nominated William F. Rhea as their candidate for Congress.
Rhea had been selected as the candidate by the Democratic
Machine, of which Senator Thomas S. Martin was chief.
Judge Rhea had won the favor of the Machine by zealous.
service to Martin when the latter was elected to the United
States Senate by the Virginia General Assembly in 1894.
Fitzhugh Lee was the opposing candidate to Martin; and
it was charged by Lee and his friends that the railroads and
certain persons had corruptly used large sums of money to
elect a Legislature favorable to Martin. A committee, com-
posed of members from both branches of the Legislature,
was appointed to investigate the charges, and did investi-
gate to a certain point and then abruptly ended the inves-
tigation. It was told at the time by General Lee's supporters
that the committee discovered enough to warrant the belief
that if the investigation was carried further disclosures
would be made that would be very damaging to the Virginia
Democracy. So well satisfied was General Lee that he had
been corruptly defeated in 1893, he announced that he would
be a candidate for the Senate in 1899 in opposition to Sena-
tor Martin. The South Boston News, a Democratic paper
published at South Boston, Halifax County, spoke editorial-
ly as follows about Lee's proposed candidacy:
"General Fitzhugh Lee has authorized the announce-
ment that he will be a candidate for a seat in the United
States Senate to succeed Hon. Tom Martin.
"It will be remembered that General Lee, then, as now,
a great favorite with the people, was defeated by Martin in
4903 by such methods as were calculated to bring a blush of
shame to the cheek of every true citizen of the Old Domin-
ion.
"To accomplish the election of Martin, it is alleged that
$18,000 of railroad money was expended to mould a Legis-
lature to do the bidding of a few political blatherskites and
wire pullers instead of carrying out the wishes of the people.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
405
There was such an outburst of popular indignation that an
investigation was necessary to be ordered, which investi-
gation was only remarkable for the rare hocus pocus, slight
of hand, legerdemain, dime museum performances which
characterized the proceedings of the committee."
These serious and truthful accusations were made by
a strongly partisan Democratic paper, published in a section
of Virginia where the crooked methods were put in full
force, in a county that had a thousand negro majority and
that gave Fitzhugh Lee a thousand majority over John S.
Wise for governor in 1895. General Lee, no doubt, was
very much chagrined when he realized that the same forces
that had cheated him into the governorship had been turned
against him and had cheated him out of the senatorship.
W. F. Rhea had been one of the most ardent lobbyists for
Martin against Lee for the United States Senate; and he
was rewarded by giving him the nomination for Congress
in the Ninth District.
The platform promulgated by the Pulaski Convention,
if now presented to the Democrats of the Ninth District in
convention assembled, would excite wonderment and pro-
voke ridicule. The Democrats of Virginia, including those
of the Ninth District, were still completely bewitched by
Bryanism; and the Pulaski platform was a rehash of the one
on which J. Hoge Tyler was elected governor in 1897. In the
Pulaski platform the Democrats proclaimed their "continued
confidence in Wm. J. Bryan as the great champion of the
rights of the people," declared: "We are in favor of the free
and unlimited coinage of both silver and gold at the exist-
ing ratio of 16 to 1, and without the aid and consent of any
other nation;" and also declared for repeal of the ten per
cent tax on State banks, which meant that they favored
"wild cat" banks and the issuance of "wild cat" paper
money.
The low tariff plank of the Chicago platform was re-
affirmed and government by injunction denounced. Every
policy of President McKinley's administration was criti-
cised and denounced, and all the legislation of Congress at
406
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
its previous session was opposed. The most extreme Demo-
crat of this day would hardly contend that the Bryanistic
principles enunciated in the Pulaski platform are consistent
with reason.
The Republicans of the Ninth District held their con-
vention at Marion on the 14th of July, 1898. They nomiated
Gen. James A. Walker by acclamation, thus making him
for the third time their candidate for Congress. The plat-
form which was adopted, reaffirmed "the platform of prin-
ciples adopted by the National Republican Convention held
at St. Louis on the 16th day of June, 1896." This was sup-
ported by the following significant declaration:
"We endorse the administration of President McKinley,
which in the short space of sixteen months has restored
confidence, brought prosperity to the country, enhanced
the prices of agricultural products, encouraged and protect-
ed American industries, preserved and maintained sound
money, provided revenue to meet the ordinary expenses of
government, stopped the exportation of gold to Europe, and
filled the treasury of the United States with a surplus of
that coin; upheld the honor and dignity of the Republic at
home and abroad; and caused our flag to be respected and
feared throughout the world."
Another very striking resolution was written into the
platform, as follows:
"We congratulate the people of the whole country that
sectionalism is dead; that dead issues have been buried;
that it has remained for a Republican executive to rise high
above party politics; that a Federal soldier President by
conferring high rank in the army of the United States on
such true and tried Confederate soldiers as Fitzhugh Lee,
Wheeler, Rosser, Oates, Butler, and others, and by appoint-
ing hundreds of Southern men, irrespective of party, to
positions in the army and navy, has shown his confidence
in the loyalty and patriotism of American citizens of all sec-
tions, and of all parties, and has done more to unite the blue
and the gray, and bring together the people of our whole
country than all other causes combined since 1865.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
407
"We arraign the Democracy of the nation for its
abandonment of the ancient principles of the party of Jeffer-
son, Jackson, and Polk, and for embracing the heterogene-
ous doctrines of the crazy quilt Chicago platform, so framed
as to give standing room for all would-be statesmen out of
a government job.
"We arraign the Democratic machine, and the Demo-
cratic leaders in Virginia for corruption and fraud, and for
the most offensive partisanship that ever disgraced the
leaders of any party.
"We denounce the corrupt methods by which a Sena-
tor of the United States from Virginia holds his seat in
that body, and which ought to bring the blush of shame
to the cheek of every honest Virginian.
"We denounce the present election laws and election
methods in this State as a disgrace to the State and a stig-
ma on her people."
The platform of each party hurled severe strictures at
the principles and policies of its rivals. But none of the stric-
tures was more galling than the one in which the charge
was made by the Republicans that the Democratic Machine
was a school of intrigue and conspiracy seeking to over-
whelm both the Virginia Republicans and the anti-machine
Democrats.
On the 8th of September, Judge Rhea and General Wal-
ker had their first joint debate at Lebanon, Russell County.
From start to finish it was featured with an intense acri-
mony which foreshadowed the bitter campaign that follow-
ed. The court room was filled with men about equally rep-
resentative of the two parties; and bitter feeling was as
prevalent in the audience as it was upon the rostrum. At
one stage of the debate a personal encounter between the
rival candidates was narrowly averted by the sheriff, J. H.
Meade, who got between the candidates and commanded
peace. But for the interposition of the sheriff a bloody scene
might have been witnessed, as both of the candidates were
armed.
Judge Rhea opened the discussion and consumed most
of his time with an attack upon General Walker's record as
408
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
a Democrat, his record as a Silver man, and as a member
of Congress. Walker replied to Rhea's attacks in a very
forcible and satisfactory manner, and during the course of
his remarks he said to Rhea:
"If you will consent for the Republicans in each county
in the district to select the Republican judges of election
for the precints in the counties, and will further consent
for the Republican judges to mark the ballots of the Repub-
lican voters when requested to do so, and I do not beat you
two thousand votes in the district, I will agree to not accept
the seat in Congress." To this proposition Judge Rhea made
no response at the time, nor did he do so in his rejoinder.
In his closing speech, General Walker put this question
to Judge Rhea: "Are you willing for the Republicans of the
several counties of the Ninth Congressional District to
select the Republicans who shall act as judges at the pre-
cincts in their counties, and are you willing for the Repub-
lican judges of election to mark the ballots of Republican
voters when requested to mark them?" Judge Rhea replied,
"That is a matter for the electoral boards" and "I have
nothing to do with it." General Walker said: "I repeat the
question," and he did repeat it. Then Rhea rose to his feet
and said: "It is a Democratic law and I am in favor of Demo-
crats administering it," or words to that effect.
The refusal of Judge Rhea to consent for the Repub-
licans to select their own judges of election and have them
mark the ballots of Republican voters, very naturally con-
vinced the Republicans that the election laws would be free-
ly used for the benefit of Rhea. This apprehension was veri-
fied by the results of the election and by future elections
when Rhea was a candidate. Walker and Rhea engaged in
but three more joint debates after that at Lebanon, one at
Gate City, Scott County; one at Pulaski, and one at Marion.
The one at Pulaski was so fierce and stormy that the can-
didates were at times on the verge of violent encounter.
Believing that it was the purpose of the Democrats to pro-
voke General Walker to some act of violence so that they
might kill him or do him great bodily harm, his Republican
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
409
friends insisted that he should have no more discussions
with Rhea.
The campaign was the most gruesome and diabolical
that had ever been conducted in Appalachian Virginia.
Never before had the liberty loving people of this region
been so wickedly trampled and crushed by a politicail ma-
chine. Rhea was counted in by a majority of 744 votes.
Tazewell County stood firm and gave Walker 877 majority;
Washington County, Rhea's home county, gave Walker 384
majority; but Scott County-which has ever since gone
heavily Republican when fair elections were held in the
county was forced into the Rhea column by 204 majority.
"Bonny" Bland gave Walker 10, Dickenson 36, and Wise
132 majority. During the campaign Rhea's managers had
given out that Walker would carry only five counties, and
their system of fraud was skilfully worked out to that end.
So much fraud had been used to secure the election of
Rhea that General Walker felt constrained to contest the
election. He gave notice to that effect, and at the proper time
the taking of depositions was begun. As soon as the taking
of evidence was commenced, systematic persecutions and
tauntings of General Walker were introduced by Rhea and
his allies to provoke General Walker to the commission of
some rash act. On one occasion Rhea was so abusive of one
of Walker's witnesses that the General had to interpose for
the protection of the witness. Then, it was said, that Rhea
drew a pistol; and General Walker, who was unarmed, told
Rhea to lay down his pistol and he would whip him with
his one arm. General Walker's left arm had been made
useless by a wound received at the battle of Chancerlorsville,
while he was leading the charge of the famous Stonewall
Brigade in that terrible battle. Rhea denied that he had
drawn his pistol on the occasion; but an affidavit was made
by the witness in question, in which he swore the pistol was
drawn, named other witnesses who were present at the time,
and defied Rhea to get the affidavit of a single one of these
witnesses that he did not draw his pistol. Systematic efforts
to provoke General Walker to the performance of some
410
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
rash act were said to have been continued until they culmi-
nated in a bloody scene that was enacted at Bristol on
March 18th, 1899.
GENERAL WALKER RECEIVES TWO WOUNDS.
On Saturday night, March 11th, 1899, depositions were
being taken at Bristol in behalf of Judge Rhea in the Walk-
er-Rhea contested election case. W. S. Hamilton was acting
as counsel for Rhea and Walker was acting for himself.
Hamilton was in a maudlin drunken condition, and General
Walker objected to proceeding with the work unless sober
counsel acted for Rhea. Hamilton resented the objection
and made a threatening movement against Walker; and
Walker drew a small derringer from his pocket and shot
Hamilton. Thereupon, George E. Davis, Secretary for Rhea,
fired two shots with a pistol into General Walker. The Bris-
tol Tribune, a partisan supporter of Judge Rhea, the next
morning gave conflicting accounts of the occurence. Of
course the account that came from Rhea's friends placed
chief responsibility for the unfortunate affair on General
Walker. The Tribune published the following as coming
from Rhea's friends:
"Walker dropped his derringer on the table and im-
mediately took to flight with his friends, R. M. Calfee and
A. R. Hickman, following in quick pursuit.
"During the great commotion and confusion that fol-
lowed, two shots were fired by an unknown person, and
General Walker was wounded in the right shoulder and
breast, both shots taking effect.
"The only other pistol that was seen in the room was
in the hands of A. R. Hickman.
"Report and rumor has it that A. R. Hickman was the
person who fired the shots that took effect in General Wal-
er's shoulder.
"There is another rumor to the effect that George E.
Davis did the shooting which inflicted the wounds on Gen-
eral Walker. So far as could be learned no one saw Davis
with any pistol and Davis positively denies having any pis-
tol or that he did any shooting."
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
411
The account of the incident as given out by General
Walker and his friends was very different from that related
by Rhea and his friends. It was to the effect that Hamilton,
when accused of being drunk, said that, if the statement
was intended for him, it was a damned lie. Hamilton arose
form his chair, and in a stooped position was fumbling in
the right pocket of either his pants or coat, and remarked,
with an oath, that he would shoot Walker's head off, brains
out, or words to that effect. Then followed the happenings
as related at the beginning of this chapter. The facts as
thus told by General Walker, immediately following the in-
cident were more than verified when he was later tried at
Bristol for shooting Hamilton.
It is evident from the statement published in the Bris-
tol Tribune that Davis and his associates believed that no
one had detected him when he shot General Walker, hence
his denial of having a pistol and firing the shots. But they
soon realized that ample proof would be forthcoming to es-
tablish his guilt. And as speedily as possible they had Davis
indicted and tried in the Corporation Court of the City of
Bristol. At his trial Davis admitted that he had shot Gen-
eral Walker, but he made a plea of self-defense; and he was
supported by Rhea and the others who testified in his be-
half. Of course Davis was promptly acquitted by a friendly
jury.
GENERAL WALKER TRIED FOR SHOOTING HAMILTON,
The final act in the disgraceful tragedy, that had its
opening scene in the jury room of the Virginia court house
at Bristol on the night of March 11th, 1899, was performed
in the court room of the same court house. General James A.
Walker had been indicted for feloniously shooting W. S.
Hamilton, and he was brought to trial at Bristol on the 3rd
of July, 1899. The Commonwealth was represented by J. S.
Ashworth, Commonwealth's Attorney for Bristol City, as-
sisted by J. H. Winston, Jr., Judge Thomas Curtin, and P.
J. Davenport, the latter Commonwealth's Attorney for
Washington County. General Walker was ably defended
by Col. Abram Fulkerson, Capt. J. H. Wood, Daniel Trigg,
David F. Bailey, John E. Burson and Thomas L. Moore.
412
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
The first four named gentlemen were Confederate veterans,
and gave freely their services to the gallant old Confederate
general.
At a former term of the court a motion had been made
by General Walker's counsel for a charge of venue, but the
motion had been denied. However, a motion for a jury to
be summoned from another county was granted. On Monday
morning, the 3rd of July, 1899, an excellent jury, composed
of twelve representative citizens of Montgomery County,
was sworn to try the issue of the Commonwealth vs. James
A. Walker. As the prosecution was what may be justly
termed a political persecution, it may not be amiss to men-
tion the political complexion of the jury. It was composed
of seven Democrats, three Republicans and two Populists.
There were many battles of words between the oppos-
ing counsel over introduction of evidence by the defense;
and much that was considered not only proper but material
evidence was ruled out by the court. When the defense pro-
posed to exhibit the wounds of General Walker, made by
the pistol of George E. Davis, to contradict the testimony of
Davis, Stone, Rhea and others who had sworn that Davis
had shot Walker in self-defense, part of the counsel for the
Commonwealth objected. Judge Curtin, an able lawyer, ad-
mitted it was proper evidence but the court sustained the
objection raised by Ashworth, holding that the wounds were
immaterial evidence. When the ruling was made by the
court, a murmur of dissent was distinctly audible in the
large audience, which must have awakened in the mind of
the court knowledge of the injustice of the ruling. Very
promptly the court suggested that the matter of exhibit-
ing the wounds be raised and argued upon the question of
res jestae. On Friday morning argument of the question
was concluded, and the court ruled that the wounds could
be exhibited as evidence in the case.
General Walker resumed his place on the witness stand,
and removed from his upper body his clothing, even his
shirt, so that the scars left by the wounds could be seen by
the jury, by counsel, and by all the audience, if they cared
to see. When the scars were shown and the nature of the
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
413
wounds explained by Drs. Pearson and Vance, who attended
General Walker after he was shot, they were accepted as
mute but convincing witnesses that Davis had not shot in
self-defense. Strong men wept when General Walker ex-
posed his scars to public gaze. Wept from sympathy over
his maimed and helpless left arm which had been made
useless by a severe wound received when he led the immor-
tal "Stonewall Brigade" in a charge at Chancellorsville.
Wept from indignation when they saw his helpless right
arm that had been paralyzed by Davis' bullet.
At several stages of the trial counsel for General Walk-
er sought to establish a conspiracy on the part of Rhea's
friends to provoke the difficulty with Walker; but objec-
tion was made each time by the prosecution to the intro-
duction of such evidence, and the court invariably sustain-
ed the objection. John E. Burson was one of General Wal-
ker's counsel; but he refrained from taking any active
part in the trial, because it was understood he might be
called as a witness for Walker, and in this he was not mis-
taken.
When it became necessary to put Mr. Burson on the
witness stand he went there reluctantly, and only from a
sense of duty; and the evidence he gave was of a startling
character. He told how Hamilton had met him a few hours
before the shooting occured and in a conversation had told
him how he (Hamilton) and others intended to provoke
General Walker into a row and what they were going to do
for him; and how he, Burson, had warned Hamilton not
to provoke a difficulty, urging that General Walker would
hurt him. Mr. Burson testified that soon after the shoot-
ing occured he related the conversation to certain friends.
of Hamilton. He said that later on he was sent for by
Hamilton, who tried to employ him as counsel in a suit
Hamilton had brought against
against General Walker for
damages; but that he declined to act as counsel for Hamil-
ton because of his knowledge of Hamilton's declared in-
tention to provoke the row with Walker that resulted in
the shooting of both Hamilton and Walker. Counsel for the
prosecution announced after Burson testified that they
414
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
would both contradict and impeach him. They did not try
to impeach him, and the effort to contradict him was so
feeble that after two witnesses for that purpose were in-
troduced the Commonwealth rested its case.
Rebuttal evidence offered for the Commonwealth was
concluded on Friday afternoon; and instructions asked for
by the Commonwealth and the defendant were argued the
night of that day. Arguments of the case occupied all the
day on Saturday, the case was submitted to the jury a little
after 8 o'clock at night, and in less than half an hour the
jury returned its veridict of "not guilty." When the jury
announced their verdict, General Walker arose and said:
"Gentlemen of the jury, allow me to express my sincere
thanks to you. I had no doubt of the verdict from the time
I heard that I had an honest jury from Montgomery Coun-
ty."
Many of General Walker's friends, from all parts of the
district, pressed forward to cheer and congratulate him;
and express their contempt for Rhea and his associates
who had figured in the trial. And in a conversation, glorious
old Dan Trigg said: "I would rather have the manifestation
and esteem that is being shown General Walker by his
friends in the Ninth District than to have a seat in Con-
gress."
General Walker had discovered and proved by witnesses
that many frauds had been practiced against him at various
precincts in the district; and he put them in the record of
his contest. At Bristol, Rhea's home, the most outrageous
frauds were perpetrated. Four dead men, one a negro, were
voted for Rhea. Prof. Neff, who was a teacher at King
College, had moved from Bristol to a distant point in Ten-
nessee. A negro was voted as a substitute for Prof. Neff.
Men from over the Tennessee line were voted for Rhea, false
registrations were made, and other fraudulent practices
proven.
In the face of the proved frauds and the attempted
assassination of General Walker-which latter unfor-
tunately could not be displayed in the record-he was un-
successful in his contest for a seat in Congress. For selfish
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
415
reasons he was fervently disliked by the political tricksters
who then controlled the Republican organization in Vir-
ginia, and they conspired with Rhea to defeat Walker in
the contest. These men had gained the favor of Mark Hanna,
then the most potential man in the Republican party; and
General Walker had incurred the enmity of Hanna by mak-
ing hasty and severe remarks about that gentleman. Rhea
retained the seat in Congress by the assistance of certain
treacherous Republicans and the ire of Mark Hanna.
VIRGINIA DEMOCRATS HAVE FACTIONAL FIGHT.
Another Virginia General Assembly was to be elected
in 1889; and it was known that the body so to be elected
would choose a United States Senator to succeed Thomas
S. Martin, whose term was to expire on the 3rd of March,
1900. Senator Martin was a candidate for re-election, and
the anti-machine Democrats, who were still angry over the
defeat of Lee by Martin in 1893, determined to defeat Mar-
tin, if possible. They were dissatisfied with the methods
that were employed to elect Martin in 1893. To devise plans
for accomplishing their purpose, the anti-machine Demo-
crats called a conference, to be held in Richmond on the
10th of May, 1899. On the appointed day the conference
met, with about five hundred delegates in attendance. It
was rumored that the Martin ring would try to control the
conference. Whether this was done was never revealed, but
the pronouncements of the conference were very tame. Reso-
lutions were adopted advocating "an amendment to the
Federal Constitution for election of United States Senators
by the people, and until such amendment can be secured,"
they favored nominating United States Senators by State
primaries or a State convention; and made a request "that
the State Central Committee provide at once for holding a
State primary or convention." The conference also recom-
mended to the Democratic voters of each legislative dis-
trict that they "nominate no man for the next General
Assembly who does not favor the principles expressed in
these resolutions." For the purpose of effecting a perma-
nent organization of the anti-Martin forces the following
resolution was adopted:
416
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
"We now and here organize a Democratic league for
reform in the election of United States Senators, to con-
sist of members of this conference and all other Virginians
who approve this declaration of principles."
If they were sincere reformers, the members of the
conference adopted very strange and imperfect means for
effecting political reformation in Virginia. The Richmond
Times a pronounced anti-Machine paper-had previously
declared that: "The effectual measure for cutting the can-
cer out of the body politic is to bring fradulent elections to
an end." And though the Congressional election the pre-
ceding year in the Ninth and in other districts was stamped
and stained with atrocious frauds, the Reform Conference
paid no attention to fraudulent elections. The conference
was seemingly iterested in having nothing more than fairly
conducted Senatorial elections. Their half-baked spirit of
reform availed them nothing, as was proved by the results
of the ensuing election for members of the General As-
sembly.
Following the conference meeting, steps were taken to
get a candidate to oppose Senator Martin. General Fitzhugh
Lee was not available. He had been made a major general
during our war with Spain, and was in charge of the affairs
of the United States in Cuba. General Eppa Hunton, a
splendid man who had preceded Martin in the Senate, was
approached but declined to be a candidate. Hon. William
A. Jones, member of Congress from the First District, also
declined; but Governor J. Hoge Tyler consented to make
the race.
Governor Tyler's candidacy started off gloriously.
He was supported by the Richmond Times, Norfolk Vir-
ginian-Pilot, Roanoke Times, Danville Daily Bee, Salem
Times-Register, South Boston News, Pulaski News-Review,
Brunswick Gazette, Madison Free Press, Culpeper Expon-
ent, Manassas Journal, Radford Advance, and possibly other
Democratic papers. But Governor Tyler was greatly weak-
ened by an address issued by the Executive Committee of
the Democratic League for Reform. In their address the
Reformers fiercely assailed Marcus A. Hanna, of Ohio;
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
417
Thomas C. Platt, of New York; and Matthew Stanley
Quay, of Pennsylvania, and the corrupt political conditions
that were known to exist in their States. But the Reform-
ers did not have the courage to mention the name of Thomas
S. Martin in their address, the man they were striving to
beat because of his corrupt political methods. It was a rare
exhibition of moral and political cowardice and sealed the
fate of the reform movement. However, Governor Tyler
publicly declared, "There is an office-holder's trust in the
State that controls and manipulates everything in the State."
Emboldened by the timidity of the Executive Committee
of the League, the Martin Machine took charge of things
and run them their own way. The following which appeared
in Governor Tyler's special organ, The Radford Advance,
tells of the Martin way:
"Governor Tyler has received a great many letters in
regard to the way Mr. Martin is succeeding in controlling
he next Virginia legislature. Here is an extract from one of
them: 'It was the rottenest most damnable bought up prim-
ary ever held in our county,' and another says: "The Martin
Assemblage was made up of all classes, ages and complex-
ions. Many of these were brought in from various sections
of the county, regardless of their eligibility. It is thought
on good grounds that Martin money has been liberally cir-
culated throughout the county.' And another one says: 'The
election in this county was accomplished by outrageous
methods and by the use of whiskey by the wholesale."
Here is another editorial item from the Radford Ad-
vance:
"The Roanoke Times says that on last Wednesday
night Messrs. Thomas S. Martin, W. A. Glasgow, and W. F.
Rhea met in Roanoke for conference concerning the sena-
torial fight. This is the same trio that figured pretty exten-
sively in this end of the State in the Lee-Martin contest of
six years ago. Let the people never lose sight of the fact that
the railroads money secured the seat that Mr. Martin holds.
in the American Senate today. Mr. Glasgow is the pro-
fessional lobbyist of the Norfolk & Western Railroad. He
handles its politics in Virginia, and disburses its contin-
418
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
gent fund. Six years ago, they gave several thousand dollars
to elect members of the legislature. The signs are very gross
and palpable that this same gentleman, Mr. W. A. Glasgow,
is handling the funds for Mr. Martin again; and Mr. Rhea
was one of the disbursing agents in Southwestern Virginia
at that time, and it is likely that he is doing the same thing
again."
X
At this juncture The Tazewell Republican warningly re-
marked: "Governor Tyler and his friends are finding out
how conscienceless is the Martin ring. It will take snap
judgment and short cuts, underholds and every advantage
known to modern corrupt politics. The Machine cares noth-
ing for the people, it thinks only of the interests of the
Machine."
Early in September the Republican State Executive
Committee of Virginia issued an address advising against
the nomination of Republican candidates for the Legis-
lature. Control of the Republican party in Virginia had fall-
en into the hands of a clique of Federal officeholders who
were more eager to promote their own interests than to
foster the growth of the party. They wanted to keep control
of the party in the State and of the Federal patronage; and
believed this could be better accomplished by continuing it
a minority party. This same committee had adopted a sim-
ilar policy of "masterly inactively" in 1897; and in some
counties Republicans were advised to support Democratic
candidates, and in all the counties were secretly invoked to
not vote for the Independent Republican candidates. The
fruits of this vicious policy of 1897 was the election of a
solid Congressional delegation from Virginia in 1898; and
the placing of the fighting Republicans of the Ninth Con-
gressional District in complete subjection to the Martin
Machine.
The so-called Reform Movement of the anti-Machine
Virginia Democrats was a miserable fiasco. Its timid pro-
nouncements and purely partisan intentions courted and
deserved the humiliating defeat it received. When the Gen-
eral Assembly convened on the 6th of December, 1899, it
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
419
was revealed that Senator Martin had control of 132 of the
140 members of that body. The Republican State Executive
Committee had proved itself an efficient ally of the Martin
Machine.
Smarting under the foul blow the Martin Machine had
given him, Governor Tyler in his message to the General
Assembly said: "Virginia should set an example to her sis-
ter States in devising plans for purifying and keeping clean
the elective system." But the plans he proposed were ab-
surdly partial. He seemingly discovered but one mark at
which to aim his shaft of criticism-that mark being the
use of money to bribe voters. He was so provoked with the
Martin Machine for using money to procure his defeat for
Senator, that he lost sight of the gross frauds that had
been practiced in the Second, Fourth, Fifth, Ninth, and
Tenth Districts at the Congressional election in 1898. Such
frauds as ballot box stuffing, false counting, false returns,
false registrations, illegal voting, and other fraudulent
tricks had been used; and had been proven in the contested
election cases of the Republican candidates for Congress
in the districts above mentioned. These enumerated frauds
had been printed in the records of the contested elections,
and published in newspapers. Governor Tyler was a good,
honest man, and his failure to mention election frauds in
his message must have been occasioned by a proper motive.
It is reasonable to conclude that he thought it would be
useless to ask a machine-controlled Legislature to prevent
frauds at the ballot box. And he, possibly, thought that if
he could secure discontinuance of bribing at elections that
would prove a beginning for his desired purpose of "puri-
fying and keeping clean the eiective system."
Senator William P. Barksdale, of Halifax County, in-
troduced a bill in the Senate embodying the views of Govern-
or Tyler, and it was declared to be a bill for the purification
of elections in Virginia. The bill had twenty sections and its
only apparent object was to prevent the use of money and
patronage for securing the election of candidates. The
numerous known frauds that had been practiced at former
420
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
elections were not hinted at in the bill. Senator Barksdale
knew that his own county, Halifax, had been giving, under
machine management, a thousand Democratic majority;
and that with a fairly conducted election the normal Repub-
lican majority could have been one thousand in that county;
and he knew how the thousand Democratic majority had
been obtained.
While it was in session the Virginia Legislature pass-
ed a resolution which invited William Jennings Bryan to
address that body. The resolution referred to him as "the
greatest living exponent of the time honored principles of
the Democratic party." Two days before adjournment of
the session, on the 5th day of March, 1900, the General
Assembly passed an act: "To provide for submitting to the
quailfied voters of the State the question of calling a con-
stitutional convention. The fourth Thursday in May, 1900,
was designated as the day on which the sense of the people
should be taken on the question. The Richmond Times, that
had been violently assailing the fraudulent election methods
of the Machine, speaking of the purpose of the constitutional
convention, said: 'It has been determined to remove every
obstacle which stands in the way of fair elections in Vir-
ginia. It has been determined, in short, to eliminate the ig-
norant negro vote, and when that has been done there will
be no excuse for election trickery in this State, and the oc-
cupation of the election law (the Walton Law) will be gone."
Hon. Carter Glass was a member of the State Senate
and helped to pass the act which submitted to the people of
Virginia the question of holding a constitutional conven-
tion. Mr. Glass was then the owner and editor of The Lynch-
burg News. He had a far different view from that of the
Richmond Times as to the principal reason for making a
new Constitution for Virginia. A few weeks after the act
was passed, Mr. Glass gave editorial expression in The
Lynchburg News of his views as to the chicf necessity for
a new Constitution, as follows:
"There is but one hope of salvation for the people of
Virginia from the corrupt, costly and intollerable demi-
nation of an office-holding despotism; and that hope is a
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
421
constitutional convention. Without this remedy, within less
than five years we shall witness a campaign of repudiation,
promptly and persistently provoked by a system of official
expenditure and political brigandage that will, just as sure-
ly as it continues, bankrupt the public treasury and arouse
a feeling of resentment that will break in a fury and wreck
the Democratic party. We have talked long enough, and too
long, about enduring the ills we have rather than run the
risk of those we know not of. To continue in this mood and to
chatter longer in this vein is to confess our impotency and
to give free rein to the forces that now prey upon the State
and impudently mismanage public affairs."
"The people who believe in pure government, ought
to be willing to fight for it. We cannot have it under the
present constitution. We can only secure it by adopting a
new constitution. Let us send no man to the State conven-
tion (Democratic convention) at Norfolk in May who will
not pledge himself to aid in a supreme effort to rescue Vir-
ginia from a situation full of peril and alarm. Let us put an
end to the preeminence in our politics of the spoilsman and
the cheat. We can do it. It is childish to sit still and insist
that we can't."
Has the promise of The Richmond Times, that the mak-
ing of a new Constitution would "remove every obstacle
which stands in the way of fair elections in Virginia," been
verified? The new Constitution was made, without the
consent of the people; and frauds innumerable are still
practiced against the Republicans at our general elections,
and we frequently find the Democrats cheating each other
in their primaries.
No fiercer assault has ever been made upon the Vir-
ginia Democratic Machine than that of Mr. Glass, above
quoted. He pronounced the Machine an "office-holding des-
potism," exercising "a system of cfficial expenditure and
political brigandage" that would bankrupt the State treas-
ury; and he charged that his party had given "free rein to
the forces that now prey upon the State and impudently
mismanage public affairs." The only possible means sug-
422
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
gested by him for riddance from these frightful evils was
the making of a new constitution for the State. A new con-
stitution was made and ordained, very largely with the
guidance of Mr. Glass; and what are the fruits thereof?
The same system of political brigandage still exists with
enlarged power, and free rein is still given to the forces
that "prey upon the State." Under the Constitution of 1870,
the expenditures of the State Government in 1900 were
about three million dollars. Under the Constitution of 1902,
now in force, the expenditures of the State Government.
in 1925 amounted to the enormous sum of thirty-four mil-
lion dollars, an increase of more than one thousand per cent.
PRESIDENTIAL AND CONGRESSIONAL ELECTION OF 1900.
The Presidential and Congressional campaign of 1900
in Virginia was featured with many startling incidents.
Many of the Virginia Democrats had already become weary
of Mr. Bryan's domination of the National Democracy.
They believed that his Populistic doctrines would disrupt
and disorganize the National party which they assumed
should adhere to the Jeffersonian theories of popular gov-
ernment, but from which the Virginia Democracy had al-
ready notoriously departed.
The Virginia Democrats held their State Convention at
Norfolk on the 2nd of May, and John W. Daniel and other
prominent men of the party sought to inaugurate a move-
ment for eliminating from the approaching campaign the
wild doctrines embraced in the Chicago platform, and sub-
stitute for the free coinage of silver "Imperialism and Mili-
tarism" as a paramount issue. But when the National
Democratic Convention met at Kansas City it was domi-
nated by the "wild and wooley" Populist Democracy of the
Western States. Despite the efforts of John Daniel, David
B. Hill and other leaders, the Chicago platform was prac-
tically reaffirmed. Mr. Bryan, however, consented to make
"Imperialism and Militarism" the paramount issues in the
campaign. The Democrats were asserting that the policy
of President McKinley in connection with the Philippine
Islands was "Imperialistic and Militaristic." Mr. Bryan was
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
423
nominated again as the candidate of the Democrats for
President; and the rattling chains of the oppressor and the
flashing sword of the despot were the bogies with which he
strove to frighten the people to his support. Thousands of
Virginia Democrats were disgusted with Mr. Bryan and
his insistent demand for the free coinage of silver. But
these thousands sacrificed their honest convictions to keep
their party supreme in the State. The Richmond News
(now published as The News-Leader) editorially correctly
portrayed the posture of the Virginia Democracy to Bryan's
candidacy. In one editorial the News declared that thous-
ands of Virginians would vote "the ticket because it is the
ticket while feeling that we are voting against our own
interests. The best way to meet a condition like this is
frankly and honestly. Thousands of us will stand by our
party against our own opinions." And in another editorial
the News said:
"Down here in Virginia we can talk confidentially
among ourselves because we are behind a fort of Democrat-
ic majority and we are not likely to be attacked; and we can
discuss the confidential and uncomfortable fact that we have
made a mess of things political this year. And it is our own
fault.
"But we are in for it and there is no use crying over
spilt milk. All we can do is trail along in the ranks and obey
orders and hope our generals and captains and things know
their business better than we suspect them of knowing it
and try to believe that things will come out all right in the
end."
The National Republican Convention met at Philadela-
delphia on June 19th, 1900. A platform was adopted that
made strong appeal to the American people. The party de-
clared its steadfast opposition to the free and unlimited
coinage of silver; renewed the allegiance of the party to the
gold standard, and its faith to the policy of protection to
American labor; favored the extension of rural free de-
livery; approved the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands to
the United States; commended the part taken by our Gov-
424
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
ernment in the Peace Conference at the Hague; favored
the construction, ownership and control of an Isthmian
Canal by the Government of the United States; and ap-
proved of President McKinley's policies toward the West
Indies and the Philippine Islands.
William McKinley was again made the candidate of the
Republican party for President; and Theodore Roosevelt
its candidate for Vice President. Never in the history of the
United States had any party placed before the people a
Presidential ticket that combined so many elements of
strength. McKinley and Roosevelt! It was a combination
that inspired the Republican party not only with confidence
but with a stern resolve to give Bryanism a final and death-
dealing blow.
On the 19th of July, 1900, the Democrats of the Ninth
Congressional District met in convention at Pearisburg,
Giles County, and nominated W. F. Rhea as their candidate
for Congress. His nomination presaged another campaign
of violence and fraud in the district.
The Republicans of the district held their convention
at Wise on the 1st of August, 1900, and nominated Gen.
James A. Walker as their candidate for Congress. Possibly
it was numerically the largest gathering of the kind that
had ever assembled in the district, at least two thousand
persons attending.
The Republicans were hopeful that the exposure of
frauds committeed by Rhea's supporters at the election in
1898 would in a measure prevent them from committing
gross frauds at the 1900 election. While the campaign was
in progress, Rhea and his friends made denial of fraudulent
practices at the 1898 election. Thereupon the Republicans
made profert of the following facts:
"It has been proven in the contested election case of
Walker vs. Rhea that fifty persons residents of Bristol,
Tennessee, were illegally registered and voted illegally at
Bristol, Virginia, for Rhea. It was proven that seven persons
who did not reside at Bristol, Virginia, or Bristol, Tennessee,
were illegally registered, and voted for Rhea. It was further
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
425
proven that eleven men who were not at Bristol on election
day were recorded on the poll books as having voted. It was
also proven that four dead men were voted by substitutes
supplied by Rhea's managers. It was proven that three
residents of Bristol whose names appeared upon the poll
books as having voted, did not vote. It was further proven
that twelve fictitious voters were voted for Rhea-all of
them colored-who were evidently personated by repeaters
hired by Rhea's managers. On the returns made by the
election officers at Bristol General Walker was given 199
votes; but he proved by the depositions and affidavits of
voters that 271 ballots were deposited for him at that pre-
cinct."
Many other frauds were proven to have been perpe-
trated at various precincts in the district. At Gate City,
in Scott County, only 125 votes were returned for General
Walker. He proved by depositions and affidavits of electors
that 208 votes had been cast for him at that precinct; and
that a bartender had been imported from Bristol to act as
a Democratic judge and to mark the ballots. At Pattonsville
precinct, Scott County, not a Republican vote was counted.
The Republican judge at that precinct was clubbed with a
pistol in the hands of a Democratic judge, was carried away,
and a Democrat substituted for him as a judge. The Repub-
lican voters were driven from the polls, and by violence and
fraud General Walker lost not less than 100 votes at the
precinct. At Stony Creek precinct, Scott County, equally
violent frauds were committeed, and Rhea was returned
a fraudulent majority of 158 at the precinct. At Lebanon
precinct, Russell County, 204 votes were returned for Wal-
ker. By depositions and affidavits of voters he proved that
280 had been cast for him. At Stonega, Wise County, Gen-
eral Walker was cheated out of 41 votes by a sharp trick of
the registrar at that precinct. And at Clintwood, Dickenson
County, General Walker was defrauded of 36 votes, that
number of ballots having been purposely mutilated by the
Democratic judge who did the marking.
There were other frauds systematically worked at pre-
cincts in the district in 1898. Some of these were detected
426
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
and put in the record of the contest, but others were not
discovered until it was too late to spread them in the record.
The Republicans had indulged the hope that the exposures
of the frauds perpetrated at the 1898 election would pos-
sibly deter Democratic election officials from indulging in
corrupt practices at the 1900 election. Contrary to all expec-
tations on the part of the Republicans, the frauds in 1900
were more glaring and daring than they were in 1898. The
ballots prepared by the Democratic electoral boards in the
several counties of the district were of disgraceful form;
and were so intricate that even the most intelligent voters
found it difficult to mark them, and in many instances had
to call a Democratic judge to their assistance. The most
outrageous ballot used was the notorious "Scott County
Ballot" This ballot was so infamous that no person has
ever been willing to assume its authorship.
Ballots very similar in form to the Scott County Bal-
lot were used in Washington County and in Bristol City,
the latter the home of Judge Rhea. A typewritten copy of
the Scott County Ballot was carried by a special messenger
from Bristol to most of the counties and presented to the
chairman of the respective electoral boards with a request
to follow its form in the preparation of the ballots for their
respective counties. However, the said chairman, from lack
of courage or from proper scruples, declined to comply
strictly with the request; but trick ballots, with Rhea's
name under the Republican electoral ticket, were printed
and used in Russell, Dickenson, and Pulaski counties. In
fact, there was not a single fairly honest ballot used in a
single county of the district. It seems that unfair ballots
were used in all the counties and cities of the State, with the
approval of the Machine. A few days after the election, the
Richmond Times said: "The complication of the ballots'
arrangement seems to have, at least, required an education-
al qualification." And the Staunton Daily News, under the
heading "Our Election Law," said:
"Honest Ingun," now is it fair and square to have an
election law that conceals the shape and form of the ballot
until the voter goes in to vote, and then spring on him a
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
427
ballot quite a half yard long, which must be marked in a
short time, in a very careful way, so that even the best.
educated and most careful may readily mark it wrong? Is
this not a species of juggling with a sacred right that is un-
worthy of the people proud of being honest?
"The election law is said to be patterned after the
'Australian ballot,' but this is a rank deception. Under the
genuine Australian system of voting, the different parties
are arranged in groups on the ballot, each party with its
party emblem, and a copy of the official ballot is posted for
a week or more before election in some conspicuous place
where the people can study it and learn just how to mark it.
properly.
"The Virginia law is, therefore, a device unworthy of
a State with the history and character of Virginia. It ought
to be changed and made an honest law with honest purposes,
sure to bring out honest results."
The Pearisburg Virginian, an ultra Democratic paper
and supporter of Rhea, declared: "If what the Republican
newspapers in the Ninth District have been publishing re-
cently is really a true copy of the ballot used in Scott Coun-
ty, we unqualifiedly condemn its use at the polls as an out-
rage, despicable and indefensible.".
The dishonest ballots had accomplished their deadly
purpose in the Ninth District! Democratic newspapers and
honest Democrats had pronounced the use of the ballots a
shame and disgrace to their party and State; but their
hatred for the Republican party was so intense that the
crime was condoned, even by the best of them, and Rhea
was continued as one of the honored and potential leaders
of his party. According to the returns, Rhea's majority
over Walker in the district was 1715 votes. Walker received
majorities in only three of the counties-Tazewell, 1218,
Wise, 301, and Smyth 136.
General Walker contested the election. He made no ef-
fort to prove other frauds than the use of the dishonest bal-
lots, and to show that these ballots were the product of a
conspiracy formed and operated by Rhea and his im-
428
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
mediate friends and managers. This was done very thor-
oughly, and Walker deemed it sufficient-as it should have
been to deprive Rhea of the seat in Congress. General
Walker died while the contest was pending but the same
evil influences and forces that were used to defcat him in his
first contest were employed again and he lost the second
contest.
On the 30th of January, 1901, the Elections Committee
which decided the first contest case of Walker vs. Rhea
made majority and minority reports to the House of Rep-
resentatives. The majority report said: "While gross frauds
and irregularities occurred in the election they were far
short of changing the result." By this statement the ma-
jority report was intended to say that gross frauds were
committed, but enough had not been proven to overcome
the majority of seventeen hundred which Rhea had secured
upon the fraudulent count. The finding of the majority re-
port was very much like the verdict said to have once been
returned by a jury which tried a criminal-the verdict be-
ing "guilty but not proven." The minority report, signed
by Congressman Linney, of North Carolina, declared that
Walker was entitled to the seat, because the gross frauds
and irregularities were more than sufficient to deprive Rhea
of the seat. Rhea immediately claimed that the majority
report vindicated him from all the charges that his seat in
Congress had been procured by fraud. The report of the
committee was a vindication for neither Rhea nor his party,
but placed an indelible stain of fraud upon them.
Another unmistakable evidence of fraud in the Ninth
District at the election in 1900 is disclosed by the fact that
McKinley got 1,504 majority over Bryan in the district,
and Rhea got 1,751 over Walker. Rhea and his managers
pretended that these results were due to the fact that Gen-
eral Walker had become unpopular. This was not true. If
the election had been conducted fairly, Walker would have
run ahead of McKinley.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
429
CHAPTER XXIII
CONSTITUTIONS OF VIRGINIA--PARTICULARLY THE
CONSTITUTION OF 1902.
Virginia has been governed by only five written con-
stitutions since she declared herself an independent Com-
monwealth a hundred and fifty year ago. The first conven-
tion that had framed a constitution for the State met in the
city of Williamsburg on May 6th, 1776; and on June 12th-
twenty-two days prior to the adoption of the Declaration
of Independence by the General Congress of the Colonies-
the convention at Williamsburg adopted a Declaration of
Rights. On the 29th of June,-five days before the Declara-
tion of Independence-the convention adopted a plan or
constitution for the government of the Colony of Virginia,
which has been correctly pronounced "the first written con-
stitution of a free state in the annals of the world."
The Virginia Bill of Rights is the greatest written
charter of human freedom that has ever been conceived by
man or men. It is much superior in conception and intent
to the vaunted Magna Charta which King John of England
signed at Runnymeade on the 12th of June, 1215, at the be-
hest of the English barons. The Magna Charta gave free-
dom and protection to the classes but left the masses of the
English people villeins, in subjection to Norman feudalism
and despotism. On the other hand, the Virginia Bill of
Rights indisputably declares: "That all men are by nature
equally free and independent, and have certain inherent
rights, of which, when they enter into a state of society,
they cannot, by any compact, deprive or divest their pos-
terity; namely, the enjoyment of life and liberty, with the
means of acquiring and possessing property, and pursuing
and obtaining happiness and safety."
Apprehending that ambitious and unscrupulous poli-
ticans, temporarily invested with limited authority, might
in the future try to deprive the people of their inherent and
430
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
acquired rights, the fathers declared in the Bill of Rights:
"That all power is vested in, and consequently derived from,
the people; that Magistrates are their trustees and servants,
and at all times amenable to them." And realizing that the
elective franchise was the most effective and potential in-
strument or weapon the people possessed for defence of
these rights, the fathers declared, "that all men having
sufficient evidence of permanent common interest with, and
attachment to the community, have the right of suffrage."
The Bill of Rights clearly set forth the principles upon
which a truly republican government was to be constructed
in Virginia; and the basic principle announced therein was:
"That all power is vested in, and consequently derived from,
the people." This basic principle was intended to be enforced
through the exercise of the elective franchise by the people
as a right, and not as a privilege. And this right was de-
clared to belong to every citizen who qualified himself by
evincing "sufficient evidence of permanent common interest
with, and attachment to the community," that is where he
fixed his citizenship.
Unfortunately the framers of Virginia's first Consti-
tution restricted the exercise of the right of suffrage, by
extending it only to freeholders and withholding it from all
other citizens. Suffrage could be exercised only by citizens
possessing an estate for life in not less than 100 acres of
uninhabited land, or in 25 acres of land with a house on it,
or in a house and lot in some town. Thomas Jefferson was
not a member of the convention that framed and adopted
the Constitution. He was serving as a member of the Gen-
eral Congress then in session at Philadelphia. He quickly
discovered this grave defect, and other serious defects, in
the Constitution, and became an earnest advocate for re-
forming the organic law of the State. In his Notes of Vir-
ginia he said:
"This constitution was formed when we were new and
unexperienced in the science of government. It was the first
too which was formed in the United States. No wonder then
that time and trial have discovered very capital defects in it.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
431
"The majority of the men in the State, who pay and
fight for its support, are unrepresented in the legislature,
the roll of freeholders entitled to vote not including general-
ly the half of those on the roll of the militia, or of the tax-
gathers."
Mr. Jefferson not only objected to the restriction of
suffrage but found fault with the inequality of representa-
tion in the General Assembly. This vice was primarily oc-
casioned by the provision in the Constitution which gave the
slaveholders of the counties east of the Blue Ridge rep-
resentation on their negro slaves. Mr. Jefferson claimed that
this provision of the Constitution was unjust and operated
greatly to the disadvantage of the people of the mountain
counties of the State, where there were few slaves and a
heavy white population. He also claimed that it was un-
republican to have the governor, the judges and all the
state officers elected by the General Assembly and many of
them appointed by the governor and other officials. He be-
lieved that as the sovereign power of the State was lodged
in the people, they should elect all their officers.
Niles' Register, a weekly periodical, published at Bal-
timore, in its issue of August 3rd, 1816, said: "Virginia is
in great bustle for a convention to reform the constitution-
its illiberality, as is justly observed, has doubtless retarded
the increase of the white population of the State." This
"bustle" was largely superinduced by Mr. Jefferson's well
known views on the question of reforming the Constitution;
and also by the persistent demands of the people of Appa-
lachian Virginia for relief from the pernicious provisions
of the organic law of the State.
On the 1st. of June, 1816, a meeting of deputies from
various counties was held at Winchester. An address to the
people was issued by these deputies "for the purpose of de-
vising and adopting measures to effect a convention of the
people of this Commonwealth, to reform defects in the con-
stitution of the State." The address was signed by deputies
from the counties of Berkley, Frederick, Harrison, Wood,
Monongalia, Faquier, Fairfax, Loudon, Hampshire, Jeffer-
son, and Brooke.
432
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
This address started the "bustle" for constitutional
reform in Virginia. It caused the people of a number of the
counties to assemble in mass-meetings and elect delegates
to a convention to be held at Staunton. The convention met
in that town on the 19th of August, 1816. About seventy
delegates were in attendance, most of them hailing from
Appalachian counties, and the remainder from Blue Ridge
counties, known as the Fiedmont section of Virginia. There
were but three delegates present from the territory now
embraced in the Ninth Congressional District of Virginia.
These were: David French and John Chapman from Giles
County, and Jacob T. Fishback from Wythe County. How-
ever, this section of the State was almost solidly for Thomas
Jefferson's principles of government and subscribed to his
views of constitutional reform. Andrew Russell and David
Campbell had been elected delegates from Washington Coun-
ty, but from some cause were unable to attend. It was made
known that delegates from other counties had been elected
but were unable to be present. The following resolutions
were adopted by the convention:
"Resolved, That this convention do consider the exist-
ing inequality in the representation in the two houses of the
general assembly of Virginia, as a grievance, and as dero-
gating from the rights of a large portion of the people of the
Commonwealth.
"Resolved, That a committee of seven members be ap-
pointed to prepare, on the part of this convention, a mem-
orial to the legislature of the State, to be presented at their
next session, requesting them to recommend to the people
of the State, the formation, on fair and equal principles,
of a general convention, empowered to amend the constitu-
tion."
These resolutions were passed by a vote of 59 ayes to
9 nays. On Friday, August 23rd, the memorial prepared by
the committee of seven was presented to the convention
and was adopted by a vote of 61 ayes to 7 nays. The author
does not know whether, or not, any portion of the memorial
has ever been published in any history of Virginia. The
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
433
memorial exemplifies so essentially the doctrines of Jeffer-
sonian republicanism that we feel constrained to present
excerpts therefrom, as follows:
"No doctrine has received a more universal assent,
than that in a republican government the will of the ma-
jority should be the law of the land. And, yet, in a State
boasting of the pure republican character of its institutions,
this first and fundamental principle of republicanism does
not exist; for (to borrow the language of a late eloquent
appeal to the people of Virginia) 'the government of the
Commonwealth is actually in the hands of a minority; and
what is still more pernicious to the general interests, in the
hands of a minority inhabiting a particular section of the
State. Forty-nine counties, adjacent to each other in the
eastern and southern sections of the State, including three
of the boroughs situated in those counties, have a majority
of the whole number of representatives in the most num-
erous branch of the legislature. And these counties and
boroughs contained in 1810 only 204,766 white inhabitants,
less than one-half the population (white), by 72,138 souls.
"In the other branch of the legislature, the inequality
is still more apparent. Incredible as it may seem, it is
nevertheless a fact, that while the countries west of the
Blue Ridge, constituting three-fifths of the territory of the
State, and containing, according to the census of 1810, a
white population of 212,036 souls, has but four instead of
nine senators, to which it is entitled; thirteen senatorial
districts on tidewater containing, according to the census,
a white population of 162, 717, have thirteen, instead of
seven senators, which would be their just proportion.'
")
"These facts are respectfully submitted to the house
of delegates of the State of Virginia with the hope that
they cannot fail to produce an impression, favorable to the
cause of republicanism, and the just rights of so decided
a majority of the white population of the State.*****
"The general assembly then are respectfully requested
to recommend to the people of the Commonwealth the elec-
tion of a convention to alter and amend the defects of the
constitution."
434
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
The next session of the General Assembly, following
the convention at Staunton, began on November 11th, 16,
and the memorial addressed to that body was duly placed
before it. A bill was introduced "requiring the Sheriffs of
the different counties and corporations in this Common-
wealth, to take the sense of the people upon the propriety
of the calling a convention." A long and interesting debate
ensued, taking a wide range both on the question of expe-
diency and constitutionality of the bill. Finally, on the 11th
of February, 1817, an aye and nay vote was taken in the
House of Delegates and the bill was passed by the very close
vote of 75 ayes to 71 nays. On the same day the bill was
taken up in the Senate and was defeated by a vote of 9 ayes
to 12 nays.
To illustrate the gross inequality of the representation
then existent in the Senate the district represented by Gen.
Francis Preston can be used as a fair example. The district
was then composed of the counties of Botetourt, Cabell,
Giles, Grayson, Greenbrier, Kanawha, Lee, Mason, Monroe,
Montgomery, Russell, Scott, Tazewell, Washington, and
Wythe. This district bordered on Ohio, Kentucky, and Ten-
nessce. It extended from the Ohio River to the North Caro-
lina line, and from the Cumberland Mountains to the James
River, and was practically two hundred miles square. This
district had living in its bounds the descendants of the gal-
lant pioneers who under the command of Andrew Lewis won
the battle at Point Pleasant, and who under the command
of William Campbell won the victory at King's Mountain
that turned the tide of the Revolution in favor of the Ameri-
can patriots.
Compare this splendid mountain district with some
of the then Senatorial districts of Tidewater Virginia, and
a true conception of the rank injustice heaped upon the
mountain men by unequal representation is made apparent.
The district represented by William Chamberlayne was
composed of the three little Peninsula counties, Charles
City, James City, and New Kent; that represented by
Thomas Hocmes embraced the counties of Essex, King
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
435
William, and King and Queen, that represented by John
Love was composed of Prince William and Fairfax counties;
and the other districts in Tidewater and Southside Virginia
were comparatively as small.
In 1816 the constitutional reformers were foiled in
their righteous undertaking by the stubborn resistance of
the citizens of the sections of the State where negro slaves
constituted a large part-and in a number of instances the
larger portion-of the population. But the action of the
Staunton Convention intensified the spirit of reform, and
it grew steadily until the General Assembly was forced by
public opinion to submit to the people the question of hold-
ing a constitutional convention. On January 31st, 1828, an
act was passed for submitting to the people the question,
"Shall there be a convention to amend the Constitution?"
The question was voted upon by the people in April, 1828,
and the result of the election was 21,896 for and 16,646
against a convention.
It then became the duty of the General Assembly to
provide by an act for electing members of the convention.
The greatest obstacle in the performance of this duty
properly was that of defining the bounds of the districts.
that should have representation in the convention. In Jan-
uary, 1829, the House of Delegates passed a bill which gave
to 22 counties two members, each, in the convention; to
three counties three members, each; to three other counties
four members, each; to all the other counties one member,
each. The intention of the bill was to equalize representa-
tion as nearly as possible and to give to every county in the
State distinct representation in the convention.
The State Senate was completely controlled by Federal-
ist members and others who were opposed to placing repre-
sentation on a white basis. The original bill of the House of
Delegates, in the language of Thomas Ritchie-in his great
paper the Enquirer- was "completely blown up" in the
Senate. A bill was passed by the Senate which provided that
the convention should consist of 96 members, four to be
elected from each Senatorial district in the State. This ar-
436
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
rangement gave to the counties east of the Blue Ridge 60
Members and to the counties west of the Ridge 36- a ma-
jority of 24 for the counties of Eastern Virginia.
The House of Delegates was forced to accept the Sen-
ate bill, or to abandon all hope of assembling a convention
and possibly securing even a partial reform of the serious
defects in the Constitution of 1776. Finally, the House by a
vote of 114 to 93 accepted the Senate bill. This bill of the
Senate was unfair in that the Senatorial districts had been
arranged on the census of 1810, and gave but partial repre-
sentation to the freeholders of Virginia, who had been in-
creased more heavily in the western than in the eastern
counties.
The membership of the convention was composed of
the ablest men of the various sections they represented.
Among its members were ex-Presidents James Madison and
James Monroe; Chief Justice Marshall; Governor William B.
Giles; John Tyler and Littleton W. Tazewell, United States
Senators; Judges Green, Dade, Summers, and Upshur; eight
Congressmen; John Randolph and three other ex-Congress-
men; and James Pleasants, ex-Governor of Virginia.
When the convention assembled on the 5th of October,
1829, the foes of manhood suffrage and a white basis for
representation were found to have absolute control of the
body. These two great republican principles advocated by
Thomas Jefferson were repudiated, and the freehold quali-
fication for voting was practically retained in the Consti-
tution framed by the convention. The Constitution was sub-
mitted to the people and was ratified by a vote of 26,055 to
15,563.
CONST TUTIONAL CONVENTION OF 1850-51.
Mr. Jefferson died on July 4th, 1826, three years before
his ideas of constitutional reform were rejected by the con-
vention of 1829. But his conceptions were kept alive in the
minds of the people-particularly in the mountain regions
of Virginia and grew in such proportion as to compel their
adoption, in the main, in 1851. On the 4th of March, 1850,
the General Assembly passed an act which submitted to the
APPALACHIAN VIRGIINA
437
people the question: "Shall there be a convention to amend
the Constitution of this Commonwealth?" An election was
held in April and resulted in a large majority for the con-
vention. Delegates to the convention were elected on the
fourth Thursday in March. The convention met October
14th, 1850, and adjourned sine die, August 1st, 1851. The
Constitution framed by the convention was ratified by the
people by a vote of 75,748 to 11,760.
Virginians
The Constitution of 1851 was the first
had lived under that accorded with the Bill of Rights on
the matter of the elective franchise. It invested every white
male citizen of the State with suffrage as a matter of right,
excepting only lunatics, paupers, and persons who had been
convicted of bribery in any election, or of any infamous
offence. And this Constitution made all officers, State, coun-
ty, and municipal "from governor down to constable”-
elective by the people. So, the suffrage idea of George Mason
and the election of all officers by the people, as advocated
by Thomas Jefferson, were at last put in force; and Vir-
ginia attained for the first time a truly republican form of
government. It is a matter of history that Virginia has
never had a period of greater happiness and well conduct-
ed government than she enjoyed during the ten years that
intervened from the adoption of the Constitution of 1851
and the beginning of the Civil War in 1861.
THE UNDERWOOD CONSTITUTION.
In a preceding chapter of this volume we have written
at some length about the manner and by whom a Constitu-
tion for Virginia was framed in 1867-68, and adopted by
the people on July 6th, 1869; and little more need be said
on the subject. The suffrage clause or section of this much
berated Constitution provided that: "Every male citizen
of the United States, twenty-one years old, who shall have
been a resident of this state twelve months, and of the coun-
ty, city or town in which he shall offer to vote, three months
next preceding any election, shall be entitled to vote upon
all questions submitted to the people at such election." And
it excluded from the exercise of suffrage, idiots and luna-
438
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
tics, persons convicted of bribery in any election, and citi-
zens who fought or assisted in fighting a duel.
For some reason, Underwood and his radical followers
in the convention took from the people the valuable right
to elect many of their officers, and made them again elect-
ive by the Legislature, or appointed by the Governor and
judges of the courts. This was, possibly, one of the most
unrepublican performances of the convention. The Under-
wood Constitution also substituted the ballot for the viva
voce system of voting that was provided in the Constitution
of 1851. Perhaps this was done through apprehension that
resolute white men might intimidate negro and even white
laborers who were in their employ, and prevent the humble
voters from registering their honest sentiments at the
ballot box, if the viva voce system of voting was continued.
But the secret ballot has since been extensively used in
Virginia as an instrument for fraud and intimidation of the
very class of voters it was intended to protect.
THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION OF 1901-1902.
Article XII of the Constitution of 1870 provided that:
"At the general election to be held in the year 1888, and in
each year thereafter, and also at such time as the general
assembly may provide, the question, 'Shall there be a con-
vention to revise the constitution and amend the same?"
shall be decided by the electors qualified to vote for mem-
bers of the general assembly; and in case a majority of the
electors so qualified voting shall decide in favor of a conven-
tion for such purpose, the general assembly at its next
session shall provide by law for the election of delegates
to such convention."
Influenced by various reasons, the leaders of the party
in power were eager to make their possession of the State's.
affairs easier of attainment and more permanent. This they
believed could be effectuated by making a new Constitution
for Virginia. Acting upon that belief, the General Assem-
bly passed an act that was approved by Governor Lee on
February 24th, 1888, and which submitted to the people the
question, "Shall there be a convention to revise the Con-
APPALACHIAN VIRGIINA
439
Х
stitution and amend the same;" In pursuance of this act
an election was held on the fourth Thursday of May, 1889,
and the proposition for a new Constitution was defeated by
3,698 for and 63,125 votes against it. The result of this
election indicated that the people of Virginia, both white
and colored, were well satisfied with the Constitution of
1870, as it had been amended; and that a few disgruntled
politicians were the only persons interested in having a new
Constitution for the State.
At a later date another effort was made to procure a
new Constitution for Virginia. An act, approved March
4th, 1896, was passed by the General Assembly, submit-
ting to the people the question: "Shall there be a convention
to revise the Constitution and amend the same?" The
question was passed upon by the people at an election held
on the fourth of May, 1897; and again the proposition was
rejected by the people by a vote of 38,326 for and 83,458
against. The restless politicians, most of whom were anti-
Machine men, were once more informed by the people that
they were satisfied with the Constitution of 1870 as amend-
ed, and only desired to have that instrument honestly ad-
ministered.
Though they had been twice defeated in their efforts
to have a constitutional convention, the advocates of a new
Constitution continued to actively agitate the question,
and in 1899-1900 it reached a climax. Various essential
reasons were assigned by the promoters for making a new
Constitution for the State. Hon. Eugene Withers and other
prominent citizens insisted that the Underwood Constitu-
tion created too many offices-State, county and munici-
pal-and made their respective governments unnecessarily
expensive; and that a new Constitution should be made to
reduce the expenditures of these governments. The Rich-
mond Times, and a number of well-intentioned Democrats,
urged that the only way to procure honest elections in Vir-
ginia was to make a new Constitution for the State that
would disfranchise the negro voters. Hon. Carter Glass
asseverated that "There is but one hope of salvation for the
440
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
people of Virginia from the corrupt, costly and intollerable
domination of an office-holding despotism; and that hope
is a constitutional convention." Most of the anti-Machine
Democrats concurred in the views of Mr. Glass.
At this stage of the so-called reform movement the
Machine decided to play a sharp trick on the anti-Machine
men who were urging the convention. The Machine had
been previously making pretense of opposition to a conven-
tion. Secretly, however, they were formulating plans to
stand for a convention; and to see that, if a new Constitu-
tion was framed it would be of such character as to give
the Machine a stranglehold on the anti-Machine forces,
and supply ample means for crushing the Virginia Repub-
licans into a hopeless minority.
With both factions of the Virginia Democracy favor-
ing the movement for a new Constitution, the General As-
sembly passed an act which was approved by Governor
Tyler on March 5th, 1900, and which submitted to the people
the question, "Shall there be a convention to revise the
Constitution and amend the same?" An election was held on
the fourth Thursday in May, 1900. The vote as counted
and returned was: For a convention, 77,362; against a con-
vention, 60,375.
The citizens who had opposed the convention move-
ment-Democrats and Republicans were very critical of
the result of the election. They claimed that it was unfair-
ly and even fraudulently procured. In support of their con-
tention, they affirmed that but eighty-one days intervened
between the passage of the act submitting the question and
the election held thereon; and that this period of time was
too brief for the people to be properly informed on the
merits of the grave question and to pass upon it intelligent-
ly.
It was further affirmed that the ballots used at the
election were unfair; because they gave undue advantage
to the voters who favored a convention. The ballots were
printed with only the words "For Constitutional Conven-
tion" thereon, leaving off the words "Against Constitution-
al Convention." This unfair feature of the ballot was ag-
APPALACHIAN VIRGINA
441
gravated by a provision of the Act which provided that:
"A ballot deposited with the words 'for constitutional con-
vention' printed thereon shall be a vote for a convention,
and a ballot deposited with the words 'for a constitutional
convention' erased or stricken out shall be a vote against
a convention." Thus the act of the General Assembly ob-
viously furnished the elector who favored a convention a
ready-prepared ballot that required no marking or altera-
tion whatever. On the other hand, the voter who was
against a convention was compelled to prepare his own
ballot from the ready-prepared ballot. The elector who was
opposed to a convention had to go into a booth and mark
his ballot or call upon a Democratic judge to mark it for
him. The election law then in force required all ballots to
be marked in a certain way, and if not so marked they were
thrown out when the votes were counted. If one of the
words on this printed ballot remained unscratched, or any
additional word was written on it, the ballot was rejected
as mutilated. How easy it was for an illiterate or nervous
voter to mismark his ballot, and how easy for a dishonest
election judge to so mark a ballot as to place it in the muti-
lated class.
The charge that the said ballots were unfair was veri-
fied by an incident that occured in the Constitutional Con-
vention. On the 24th of May, 1902, Capt. Robert W. Blair,
who was representing Wythe County, made a very able
speech in the convention, in which he discussed the apparent
frauds that were committeed at the election when the
people passed upon the question of holding a convention.
During the course of his remarks, Captain Blair declared
that the ballots were unfair and were prepared "to deceive
the ignorant and illiterate voter and to force through the
measure providing for such a convention." H. D. Flood,
who was representing Appomattox County, and who was
one of the most active leaders of the Democratic Machine,
interrupted Captain Blair, and denied that the ballot was
unfair in the following language:
"I wish to correct the gentleman as to the statement
just made that the ballot as provided for by the act of the
442
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
Legislature of 1899-1900 was unfair. It was not unfair. The
Legislature was confronted with this condition of affairs:
If, under the Underwood Constitution, there had appeared
on the ballot 'for a Constitution' and 'against a Constitu-
tion,' every voter who went to the polls and did not do the
proper scratching would have his vote counted against the
calling of a Constitutional Convention, and that would have
given an unfair advantage, or at least some advantage, to
those who were opposed to the calling of a Convention.
The Legislature, therefore, which favored the calling of a
Constitutional Convention, had, under the Underwood Con-
stitution, which had been rammed down the throats of the
people, either to give the advantage to those who favored
a Constitutional Convention, or to those who opposed it.
The Legislature did not provide for an unfair ballot, but
simply gave the advantage to those who favored the call-
ing of a Constitutional Convention."
To this very feeble and absurd defence of a manifest-
ly unfair ballot, Captain Blair made the scathing reply:
"The gentleman ought to know, because he was the author
of the provision, and ought to be familiar with the facts.
Three hundred and ten thousand voters did not or could not
vote the ballot."
Mr. Flood at the time bore the reputation of a very
shrewd politicinan; but by making that statement to
Captain Blair and having it printed into the Debates of
the Constitutional Convention on page 3119 of the Debates,
he proved himself a reckless and dangerous legislator. His
claim that an improperly scratched ballot would have been
counted against the calling of a Constitutional Convention
was palpably unsound, for such a ballot would not have
been counted, but would have been thrown out as a mutilat-
ed ballot; and this was done at every precinct where such
a ballot found its way into the ballot box. Mr. Flood's ad-
mission that the ballot was formed to favor those who
favored a convention substantially sustained the contention
of those who opposed it, that the ballot in question was not
only unfair but was intended to be a "trick ballot." This
ballot also destroyed the secrecy of the ballot. The voter
་
APPALACHIAN VIRGIINA
443
who wished to vote for the convention was not required to
go into the booth, as his ballot was already "fixed" for him;
but the voter who wished to vote against the convention.
had to enter the booth and prepare his ballot.
As a further evidence that the election had not been
conducted fairly and squarely, the opposers of a convention
asserted and proved that a majority of the great white
counties of the State had voted against calling a conven-
tion; and that a majority of the counties in which the negro
population was greater than that of the whites had given
large majorities for the convention. Of the sixty-five coun-
ties that had a majority of white voters thirty-five voted
counties west of the Blue Ridge twenty-five voted against.
counties west of the Blue Ridge twenty-five voted against
and seven for the convention; and had it been known that
the Democrats intended to violate their pledge to submit
the new Constitution to the people, every county in Ap-
palachian Virginia would have given a majority against.
the convention. Of the thirteen counties that compose the
Ninth Congressional District only one, Giles County, gave
a majority for a convention. Tazewell County, with only
1,675 persons voting on the question, gave a majority of
745 against the convention; and other counties in the dis-
trict gave correspondingly large majorities against it. The
will of the white people of Virginia was against the con-
vention, but their will was defeated by the Machine with
large majorities procured, with the peculiar machine
methods in the large negro counties and in the cities east
of the Blue Ridge. The Republicans could not but look for-
ward with alarm for the aftermath of what they knew was
a fraudulently conducted and fraudulently won election.
Governor J. Hoge Tyler called the General Assembly
in extra session to make provision for the election of dele-
gates to the Constitutional Convention. On the 16th of
February, 1901, an act was approved entitled an act "To
provide for the selection of delegates to the Constitutional
Convention, and for submitting the revised and amended
constitution to the people of the State of Virginia for rati-
fication or rejection." The body of the act contained a posi-
444
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
tive mandate for submitting the revised and amended con-
stitution to the people for ratification or rejection. The act
also provided for the election to be held on the Fourth
Thursday in May, 1901; and that one hundred delegates
should be chosen, apportioned among the counties and
cities of the State as were the members of the House of
Delegates.
One hundred delegates to the convention were elected
on the day designated in the act, and of these the Demo-
crats secured eighty-eight delegates and the Republicans
twelve. Only four Republicans were elected from the Ninth
Congressional District. They were: Albert P. Gillispie from
Tazewell County, John C. Summers from Washington,
A. T. Lincoln from Smyth and Bland, and Robert W. Blair
from Wythe. These four excellent gentlemen, who were true
and able champions of the rights of the people, are now
deceased.
APPALACHIAN VIRGIINA
445
CHAPTER XXIV
THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION OF 1902 AND THE
CONSTITUTION IT ORDAINED.
The convention assembled in the hall of the House of
Delegates at the Capitol in Richmond on Wednesday, June
12th, 1901; and organization was effected by electing Hon.
John Goode, of Bedford County, president, and Mr. Joseph
Button, of Appomattox County, secretary.
The people of the great white districts of the State
were still hopeful that a spirit of conservatism would pre-
vail and that extreme partisanry would not dominate the
deliberations and work of the convention. But at its first
meeting all hope that a majority of the delegates would lay
aside partisan prejudice and be controlled by conscientious
motives in making a new Constitution for the Common-
wealth were rudely dispelled. After a roll of the delegates
was called and a prayer had been offered by Rev. Richard
Mc Ilwaine, of Prince Edward, A. C. Braxton, of Augusta
and the city of Staunton, moved that the convention pro-
ceed to the election of a permanent presiding officer. There-
upon, Alfred P. Thom, of Norfolk City, rose to a point of
order and addressed the convention as follows:
"Mr. Chairman, I rise to a point of order. I do not
think that this convention should proceed to the perform-
ance of any function without the members first taking the
oath required by the Constitution."
Mr. Thom then offered a resolution to that effect. He
was then recognized by his profession as one of the ablest
lawyers in Virginia. Mr. Thom was splendidly supported
in his views on the oath question by other able lawyers, by
Hill Carter, of Hanover, Joseph C. Wysor, of Pulaski, and
R. Walton Moore, of Fairfax. But Mr. Thom's resolution
was strenuously opposed by A. C. Braxton, Berryman Green,
of Pittsylvania, and John W. Daniel and Carter Glass, of
Lynchburg. Mr. Glass not only violently opposed the Thom
446
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
resolution but declared he would suffer himself to be ex-
pelled from the convention before he would take the oath.
After a prolonged debate, Mr. Braxton made a motion
to lay the resolution on the table. The result of the vote on
Braxton's motion to lay the resolution on the table was
yeas, 56; nays, 37.
On the 26th of June the question of the delegates tak-
ing an oath was again brought into the deliberations of the
convention on a motion made by R. A. Ayers, of Wise Coun-
ty. The motion was: "I move to take from the table the
resolution offered by the delegate from Norfolk (Mr. Thom),
on the first day of the session, proposing that the delegates
elected to this convention shall proceed to the Clerk's desk
and take the oath prescribed by the Constitution." The
motion was agreed to, on a division, ayes 58, nays 17. The
resolution that had been offered by Mr. Thom on the first
day of the session was then read by the Secretary of the
convention, and it was as follows:
"Resolved, That the convention, without undertaking
to decide whether members of this body are officers or not,
deem it prudent that the cath required by Section 5 of
Article 3 of the present Constitution be taken and subscrib-
ed to by the delegates to this Convention."
Immediately following the adoption of the motion of
Mr. Ayers, a debate on the question of taking an oath began,
and it was continued at suceeding sessions up to and in-
cluding the 28th of June. Mr. Thom made the opening
argument in behalf of the taking of an oath. In his discus-
sion of the question involved, he based his argument upon
the four following propositions:
"First-That this convention has its origin in the
present Constitution of Virginia-is provided for by its
terms, is acting under its authority, and is a lawful and
constitutional-and not a revolutionary-body.
"Second-That its members, in the highest sense, are
officers of this State.
"Third-That the oath prescribed by Section 5 of
Article 3 of the present Constitution is a condition pre-
APPALACHIAN VIRGIINA
447
cedent to the exercise of their functions by the delegates
to this convention.
"Fourth-That when its members have duly qualified
and have assembled, this convention is a competent body,
with the conscientious right and without restriction on
its powers, to change the present Constitution constitution-
ally, and if any provision of the present Constitution is to
be construed as undertaking to limit the power of amend-
ment or revision, such provision is absolutely void as re-
pugnant to the natural right of the people and to the ex-
press terms of the Bill of Rights which declares that the
right of the people to reform, alter or abolish their form
of government is inalienable."
Mr. Thom's first proposition was intended to controvert
the assertion of those who opposed taking an oath in that
the convention was not bound in any manner by the provi-
sions of the Underwood Constitution. And it was also used
to rebuke the extremists who were disposed to employ
revolutionary methods for framing the suffrage provisions
of the new Constitution. When Mr. Thom was arguing the
oath question on the 12th of June, he was interrupted by
Carter Glass in such a manner as to cause Mr. Thom to
lightly remark: "We may be in favor of doing it by revo-
lutionary proceedings. (Laughter) To which remark Mr.
Glass promptly replied: "Well, I am in favor of doing it by
revolutionary proceedings right now. (Applause.) I think
this indefinable discrimination sought to be made between
a peaceable process and a revolutionary convention has no
place here. (Applause.)" Thenceforward, until the conven-
tion made its final adjournment Mr. Glass constituted him-
self the vociferous leader of the revolutionary forces, and
practically dominated the deliberations of the body. On a
certain occasion, Rev. Richard McIlwaine, the delegate from
Prince Edward County, asserted on the floor of the conven-
tion that Mr. Glass was dominating the body.
Some of those who were anxious to avoid taking an
oath were urging that the delegates were not officers of the
State of Virginia, and, therefore, were not required to take
448
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
an oath. Mr. Thom's second proposition was directed to
disproving this ridiculous assumption, and he accomplished
his purpose very successfully. Mr. Thom's arguments in
support of his third and fourth propositions were very
thorough and able and were considered unanswerable by
many of the ablest lawyers and thinkers in Virginia. Mr.
J. C. Wysor made a very abłe speech advocating the taking
of an oath; and Mr. Beverley A. Davis, of Franklin County,
urged that the members should take the oath as a matter
of duty and conscience. Mr. Davis concluded his remarks
by saying:
"The convention, Mr. President, ought to take the
oath, for the people of Virginia do not look at this question
from a strict legal standpoint. It is a question which cannot
be solved by legal writers or by references to legal decisions.
It is a question of conscience; it is a question of duty which
cannot be wiped away even by the eloquence of the most
distinguished members of this body; and I hope that the
convention, before it proceeds to work, will take upon itself
an cath to support the Constitution of the United States
and the Constitution of Virginia."
The opposition forces were earnestly represented in
the debate on the oath question by Senator Daniel, Mr.
Braxton, Judge Ingram, Col. Wm. E. Cameron and other
gentlemen. But Col. Cameron made what the revolutionists
pronounced the greatest speech of the occasion. With keen,
intuitive knowledge of the quality of the audience he was
addressing, he used very effectively his wonderful gifts as
a rhetorician and actor to play upon the vanity and passions
of the sentimental and bitterly partisan members of the
convention. He based his remarks upon certain premises or
apothegms, which he did not state until nearly at the close
of his speech. They were:
"No oath is required of any sovereign on earth.
"There is no one to whom a sovereign is responsible
or can take an oath.
rior.
"The idea of an oath implies the existance of a supe-
APPALACHIAN VIRGIINA
449
"We are the people for the purposes set forth of fram-
ing a Constitution. To whom then shall we swear fidelity
except to ourselves?"
The first, second and fourth propositions of Colonel
Cameron were and are not true. The third proposition is
true, but Colonel Cameron directed it from the truth by
arguing that the people had divested themselves of their
sovereign power and invested the convention with all the
sovereign authority that belonged to the people. Colonel
Cameron's apothegm: "No oath is required of any sover-
eign on earth," was merely bald assertion and clever
sophistry which he skilfully used to quiet the apprehen-
sions of the more timid members, who were willing to make
the convention a revolutionary assembly, but who were not
as defiant in their assertions as were Glass and Cameron.
These two gentlemen had declared that they would leave
the convention rather than take the oath.
Every sovereign who has ever reigned over a constitu-
tional monarchy was required to take an oath to obey and
faithfully execute the laws of his country. Such an oath,
known as the "Coronation Oath," has been, from almost
time immemorial, taken by every one of the monarchs
crowned in England. It is only in countries where sover-
eignty is coupled with autocracy and absolute despotism
that the sovereigns have claimed to be responsible to no one
nor to their peoples collectively. Not only are the Kings of
England required to take an oath at their coronation, but
an oath has to be taken by the British Parliament which
is the law-making power of the British Government. Every
time a new Parliament assembles the Speaker first takes
an oath of fidelity and allegiance, and then all the members
take the oath. This is the oldest law-making body in the
world, and it is recognized as the representative of the
sovereign power of the people. The Parliament can alter the
succession to the throne, and change the Constitution of
the Kingdom. If the sovereign power of England-as repre-
sented by the King and the Parliament-is required to take
an oath, by what kind of reasoning can it be demonstrated
that a delegated body-representing the sovereign people
450
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
in a republic-should not be required to take an oath of
fidelity to the superior power and the supreme law before
entering upon a discharge of the delegated authority to
frame the organic law of the republic?
The contention of Senator Daniel, Colonel Cameron,
and others who held with them, was in effect that the con-
vention was sovereign and owed no obedience to the exist-
ing Constitution of Virginia or to the Constitution of the
United States. If their contention was true, such a conven-
tion can proceed to make a Constitution that will violate
all existing law and precedents, change the form of our
government, declare it to be the organic law of Virginia
without ratification by the people, and subvert every
principle of our republican form of government. The con-
tention of Colonel Cameron that, "We are the people for the
purposes set forth in framing a Constitution. To whom
then shall we swear fidelity except to ourselves?" is too
absurd to call for refutation. In the course of his remarks,
Colonel Cameron declared: "I could not take that oath. It
would place me between two alternatives each equally hate-
ful; one of having consciously sworn to what I did not mean
to perform, and breaking it; the other of being unable to
do for the people of Virginia what I came here to do. ***
The oath calls on me to swear as a member of this conven-
tion that I will support the civil and political equality of all
men before the law."
Previous to the election of the delegates various neces-
sary reasons had been given by its advocates for holding
the convention. It was affirmed by some that a new Consti-
tution was to be made to get rid of fraudulent elections.
Others said it was going to be done to get rid of the menac-
ing negro electorate. Still others declared that a new Con-
stitution was needed to rescue Virginia from the grasp of
"political brigands" and an unscrupulous "office-holding
trust." The debate on the oath question revealed the real
purposes of those who had so urgently pressed the holding
of a convention. Colonel Cameron voiced the sentiment of
a majority of the delegates. They were assembled as a
APPALACHIAN VIRGIINA
451
partisan body with a resolute purpose to act in defiance of
the existing State Constitution, to infract the Constitution
of the United States, and to violate the fundamental
principles enunciated in the Virginia Bill of Rights and the
Declaration of Independence.
Colonel Cameron's speech was vociferously applauded
by the delegates who had already resolved to not take an
oath. The speech voiced the opinion of a majority of the
delegates; and the Thom resolution was ingloriously de-
feated by a vote of 69 to 14. Six members who would have
voted against the resolution were paired with six who would
have voted for it; and five delegates who were, probably,
absent were not recorded as voting.
ACCOMPLISH MENTS OF CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION OF 1901-2
After willfully and deliberately usurping the sovereign-
ty of the people-whom they admitted to be the source of
all power in the government-the revolutionists proceeded
to make a Constitution that contravened the fundamental
principles upon which our State and Federal governments
had been erected. They defied and set at naught the Federal
Constitution which many of them had previously sworn to
support and maintain; they refused to retain in the Virginia
Bill of Rights the clause which declared that the Consti-
tution of the United States "constitutes the supreme law of
the land;" and they violated the sacred Bill of Rights by
cunningly depriving many thousands of American freemen,
who were citizens of Virginia, of their most valuable right,
the elective franchise.
A full year, with only a few brief recess intervals, was
consumed by the convention in making a Constitution which
its leading spirits were afraid to submit to the people for
their acceptance. We will call attention to only a few of the
many obnoxious provisions of the new organic law to up-
hold our contention that the convention transgressed its
legitimate functions and subverted the true principles of
popular government as expounded by Thomas Jefferson,
and that were ardently supported by the patriots who sub-
scribed to his republican doctrines.
452
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
Beyond dispute the most obnoxious features of the
Virginia Constitution of 1902 are its suffrage provisions,
and the means provided for exercise of the elective fran-
chise. Suffrage is the most essential and the most sacred
attribute of citizenship and should not be denied to or with-
held from any reputable citizen, no matter how poor or un-
educated he may be; and in the performance of that duty he
should not be hindered by any artful device or maliciously
contrived obstacle. The Virginia Constitution of 1851 pro-
vided that: "Every white citizen of the Commonwealth, of
the age of twenty-one years, who has been a resident of the
State for two years, and of the county, city or town where
he offers to vote for twelve months next preceding an elec-
tion-and no other person, shall be qualified to vote for
members of the general assembly and all officers elective
by the people. *** And no person shall have the right to
vote, who is of unsound mind, or a pauper, or a non-com-
missioned officer, soldier, seaman or marine in the service
of the United States, or who has been convicted of bribery
in an election, or of any infamous offence." That Consti-
tution was made by a convention that was controlled by
Democrats, and was fashioned on Jeffersonian lines. It de-
creed but one paramount qualification for voting and that
was good citizenship, thus correctly interpreting the dec-
laration of the Bill of Rights, "that all men, having suf-
ficient evidence of permanent common interest with, and
attachment to, the community, have the right of suffrage."
The Constitution of 1902 was made by a convention
that was composed of one hundred delegates, and of this
number eighty-eight boastfully proclaimed themselves Dem-
ocrats. The vital object of the revolutionary extremists,
who were in control, was not who they should include in the
suffrage provisions of the Constitution, but was who they
might exclude therefrom. When they completed their work
of revising the suffrage clauses they had very thoroughly
destroyed the manhood suffrage provisions of the Consti-
tution of 1851, that had been subsequently adopted into the
Constitution of 1870. The sections of the new Constitution
APPALACHIAN VIRGIINA
453
that related to the Elective Franchise were placed in Article
II of that instrument, and Sec. 18 of that Article says:
"Every male citizen of the United States, twenty-one
years of age, who has been a resident of the State two years,
of the county, city, or town one year, and of the precinct in
which he offers to vote, thirty days, next preceding the elec-
tion in which he offers to vote, has registered, and has paid
his State poll taxes, as hereinafter required, shall be entitled
to vote for members of the General Assembly and all of-
ficers elective by the people."
Section 19 provided for general registrations of voters.
in the counties, cities and towns of the State during the
years nineteen hundred and two and nineteen hundred and
three, and specifically enumerated the persons who would be
permitted to register as follows:
"First. A person, who prior to the adoption of this Con-
stitution, served in time of war in the army or navy of the
United States, of the Confederate States, or of any State of
the United States or of the Confederate States; or,
"Second. A son of any such person; or,
"Third. A person, who owns property, upon which, for
the year next preceding that in which he offers to register,
State taxes aggregating at least one dollar have been paid;
or,
"Fourth. A person able to read any section of this
Constitution submitted to him by the officers of the regis-
tration and to give a reasonable explanation of the same;
or, if unable to read such section, able to understand and
and give a reasonable explanation thereof when read to him.
by the officers."
The fourth qualifying clause after its adoption into the
Constitution was known as the notorious and despised
"Understanding Clause." Perverse human ingenuity could
hardly have invented a more pernicious means for destroy-
ing the purity and vitality of the Virginia electorate. Its
promoters proclaimed it to be an enabling measure for pre-
serving the white electorate and disqualifying the negro
electorate.
454
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
When the scheme was first brought to the attention
of the convention, its authors were told by the members who
opposed it, that, if it was fairly and legally administered it
would play havoc with the white electorate. To this asser-
tion such members as William A. Anderson, then Attorney
General of Virginia, and Alfred B. Thom, the strong ad-
vocate of taking an oath, declared that the "Understanding
Clause" was to be partially administered-that is not fairly
and lawfully. When it became known that its promoters in-
tended that the clause should be partially administered,
severe criticism of the measure was made by some of the
Democratic newspapers and leaders. The Richmond News,
then edited by the brilliant journalist, Alfred B. Williams,
thus wrote of the proposed operations of the "Understand-
ing Clause:"
"The chief and the highest purpose of this convention.
is to save our State and people from the necessity of elec-
tion frauds, which are disgraceful, degrading and demoraliz-
ing.
"This clause proposes to use fraud to avoid fraud, trans-
fer dirty work from election managers and clerks to com-
missioners of registration. Swindling negroes is dirty work.
Many officers who are otherwise honorable men have done
it, believing it to be necessary for the protection of the
Commonwealth from negro rule, but no man with right in-
stincts will do it if he can avoid it. Under this clause our
judges will be brought into the nasty business. They will
be expected to appoint commissioners of registration who
will solemnly swear to do exact justice and will discriminate
in favor of the poor and illiterate white man and against the
negro.
"With the 'Understanding Clause,' we say to certain
of our people, including the judges: Nullify the Fifteenth
Amendment directly by violating your oaths of office and
discriminate on account of race and color after you have
sworn not to do so. The difference is between doing a thing
boldly, openly and honestly and under at least color of law,
APPALACHIAN VIRGIINA
455
and doing it hypocritically and feloniously and in violation
of law."
The apprehensions of the Richmond News that the
judges of the law courts might be called upon to do "dirty
work" were removed by the convention assuming authority
for appointing the Registration Boards for the several
counties and cities of the State. And the convention relieved
the Registration Boards from committing perjury by not
requiring them to take an oath before engaging in their
work of discriminating in favor of the poor and illiterate
white Democrats against the poor and illiterate white Re-
publicans as well as the negroes.
In January, 1902, Hon. Richard E. Byrd made a speech
to an audience of 500 people at Winchester, and gave a
scathing review of the work of the Constitutional Conven-
tion. He critized severely the proposed suffrage laws, pro-
nouncing them "appaling;" and he declared that the Under-
standing Clause was "degrading and humiliating." At that
time Mr. Byrd was one of the most highly esteemed leaders
of the Virginia Democracy, and was then eminent in his
profession of the law. He was the father of Harry Flood
Byrd, who was until recently State chairman of the Demo-
cratic party and who is now Governor of Virginia. Mr.
Byrd's criticism of the suffrage and registration laws writ-
ten into the new Constitution are eminently just and are
worthy of respectful consideration by all persons who desire
to have politics in Virginia made clean and honest.
Early in June, 1902, when it had been determined that
the convention would appoint all the Boards of Registration,
the Richmond Times made urgent appeal to the convention
to "appoint none but honest men on these important
boards." Commenting on this urgent request of The Times,
The Brunswick Gazette said:
"The Times warns the convention that it should make
no mistake in this important matter, that it should take
nothing for granted and that it should as a body know that
the men who are to perform this delicate and difficult task
are men of character who can be relied on to discharge their
456
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
duty. Men of character! What kind of character? Where is
the man of unblemished character and incorruptible integ-
rity to be found who will be willing to serve as a member
of a Board of Registration and execute the 'understanding
clause' in the spirit and for the purpose that induced the
convention to engraft it in the suffrage provision of the
Constitution? The Times need not hope to find such a
man until it has succeeded in finding an honest thief or a
truthful perjurer. Men who will discharge their duty! How
would the Times have them discharge it; Will the Times
kindly define its views as to what constitutes the duty of the
Board of Registration in the execution of the 'understand-
ing clause?""
To these very serious suggestions and inquiries of the
Brunswick Gazette, the Richmond Times made the following
response:
"We believe the new law should be administered honest-
ly and courageously. We believe that it should be adminis-
tered in such a way as to debar from the suffrage all negroes
who are not fit to vote and all white men who are not fit to
vote. We believe some negroes should be admitted to the
suffrage and some white men excluded. We can see no reason
whatever why an honest registrar may not administer the
law honestly and without violence to his conscience. Hence
it is that we are urging the convention to appoint none but
honest men on these important boards.
"We certainly do not want the law executed by trick-
sters and ringsters and the tools of cliques and factions. If
so, the law will be a dismal failure, and the blame will fall
on the Constitutional Convention."
The Times was of the first to declare that some negroes
should be enfranchised on account of their fitness and that
some white men should be disfranchised because of their
unfitness. And the application of the tests of fitness and
unfitness the Times repeatly urged should be placed in the
hands of "honest men," who would not do viclence to their
consciences, or deal unjustly with honest suffragans-the
men who had previously exercised the right of suffrage
APPALACHIAN VIRGIINA
457
without their fitness being questioned. The repeated urgings
of the Times, that the convention should appoint "none but
honest men on these important boards," were expressions
of apprehension that the extreme partisans who were domi-
nating that body would appoint tricksters and ringsters and
the tools of cliques and factions on the registration boards.
When the Richmond Times predicted that, if the
"Understanding Clause" was not administered by "honest
men" it would be a "dismal failure" that paper must not
have had in mind the real purpose of the clause, that is, that
it was designed to be administered by rabid partisans-the
class of men The Times had designated "tricksters and
ringsters." It is a fact that the convention selected men for
the registration boards for all the counties and cities that
were recommended by the Democratic party organizations
of the respective counties and cities; and all of the appoint-
ees were Democrats and controlled by the Machine. The
Republican members were not permitted to have any voice
in the selection of the registration boards for the counties
they were representing, even though they wanted to name
Democrats whom they knew would conduct the registrations
fairly. Consequently, the handling of the "Understanding
Clause" was not a "dismal failure" but a diabolical success.
Thousands of white Republicans were refused registration
at the registrations of 1902 and 1903, but no illiterate Demo-
crat was denied registration when he made application
therefor. And thousands of poor and illiterate Republicans
lost their right of suffrage rather than submit themselves
to the humiliating and degrading inquisition imposed by the
"Understanding Clause."
Immediately following the first registration that of
1902 under the new Constitution, it became evident that
the Virginia electorate had been emasculated by the opera-
tion of the "Understanding Clause." Ninety per cent of the
negro voters had been disfranchised and nearly fifty per
cent of the white electors were either refused registration
or had declined to submit to the humiliation and degrada-
tion of having their educational and intellectual qualifica-
458
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
tions passed upon by ignorant and bitterly partisan boards
of registration. These conditions had obtained not only in
the great white districts, but even in the sections of the
State where the negro population was very large. The Nor-
folk Virginian-Pilot declared that 756 more whites than
negroes were disfranchised at the registration in the city
of Norfolk; and the Virginian-Pilot said:
"The percentage of negroes disfranchised was greater,
to be sure, but that does not change the fact that so far as
Norfolk is concerned the new Constitution has turned out
to be an instrument for the disfranchisement of the white
man rather than the negro."
The Lynchburg News, then owned by Carter Glass,
had this to say about the reduced electorate:
"The registration books in Virginia have been closed.
The new constitution provides that registration shall be
completed before the 15th of October. Whoever is not a
voter now cannot become a voter before the registration to
be held in 1903. Thousands of citizens entitled to registra-
tion have failed to have their names enrolled, and have
thereby voluntarily disfranchised themselves for the time,
at least. It is their own fault, and they have no body to
blame but themselves." ***
"It is not easy to understand the apathy of the white
voters of Virginia. They seem to think that because so
many negroes are disfranchised under the new constitution
there is no necessity for the trouble to go to the polls. The
consequence of this apathy is that a very large percentage
of the white vote will be voiceless in the approaching elec-
tion."
It was not apathy that caused so many of the white
electors to fail in qualifying themselves to vote at the elec-
tion in 1902. The conditions that Mr. Glass could not under-
stand were not produced by apathy but were due to the in-
sidious workings of the "Understanding Clause." If any
one who had before doubted the dire consequences of an
attempt by a poor and illiterate white Republican to regis-
ter under the "Understanding Clause," that doubt would
APPALACHIAN VIRGIINA
459
have been removed by attending the sittings of the boards.
of registration in most of the counties of the Ninth Con-
gressional District. We were present at three precincts in
one county when registration was being done. It was pain-
ful and pitiful to see the horror and dread visible on the
faces of the illiterate poor white men who were waiting to
take their turn before the inquisition. They had seen some
of their neighbors and friends turned away, because they
were unable to answer satisfactorily the questions put to
them by the registrars; and it required much earnest per-
suasion to induce them to pass through the hateful ordeal.
This was horrible to behold, but it was still more horrible
to see the marks of humiliation and despair that were
stamped upon the faces of honest but poor white men who
had been refused registration and who had been robbed of
their citizenship without cause. We saw them as they came
from the presence of the registrars with bowed heads and
agonized faces; and when they spoke, in many instances,
there was a tear in the voice of the humiliated citizen.
About the time the Virginian-Pilot and the Lynch-
burg News expressed the foregoing related conclusions on
the results of the registration of 1902, Capt. Robert W.
Blair-who had represented Wythe County in the Consti-
tutional Convention-wrote a letter to the Richmond News,
in which he affirmed that many white Republicans had been
refused registration in Wythe County as had been done in
nearly all the counties of the Ninth District. Captain Blair
called the attention of the News to a pledge it had given
to the Tazewell Republican when the latter paper asserted
that white Republicans would be disfranchised by the
"Understanding Clause." The pledge of the News was as
follows:
"The Richmond News, as one Democratic newspaper,
pledges itself if it finds that such conditions exist to take
the lead in exposure and denunciation. We invite the Taze-
well Republican, or any other Republican or citizen to bring
to our attention any case that may arise of the exclusion
from the registration lists of a white man and we promise
460
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
to investigate it to the uttermost and to demand public at-
tention and reprobation for it and to do all that can be done
to bring the guilty to punishment.
"In other words, as we understand the spirit and pur-
pose of the Democrats of the State-the decent ones, at
least, from Governor down, it is that hereafter elections
shall be absolutely and exactly fair so far as the white people
are concerned and that no white Republican shall be denied
his vote by any means, except as punishment for crime, or
defrauded of it."
The response of the Richmond News to Captain Blair's
letter was, in part, as follows:
"County Chairman Blair, of the Republican party of
Wythe County, calls on the Richmond News to make good
its promise to expose in its columns any registrar guilty of
disfranchising a white man. We do not know how we can
fulfill that promise better than by printing Mr. Blair's let-
ter, which will be found in another column. It contains a
very clear statement of what Mr. Blair alleges, and, we have
no doubt believes, to be facts.
"If it is true that the registrars in Wythe County have
disfranchised any respectable white man, they have violated
the pledge given by their party and the purposes of the
Constitutional Convention and have gone counter to the
wishes of the vast majority of the white people of the State
and to the requirements of public policy. The distinct pledge
was that no white man in the State should lose his vote
because of this new constitution. That pledge is binding
on every Democrat and should be sacredly observed. The
distinct understanding and purpose is that political fights
in Virginia hereafter shall be fair fights among white men
regardless of their politics.
"We are glad Mr. Blair called our attention to this
matter and we hope every Democratic paper in the State
will speak out on it promptly and clearly. All of them know
that it was not the purpose of the constitutional convention
and is not the design of the new constitution to disfranchise
APPALACHIAN VIRGIINA
461
any white man. These men in Wythe County are as much
entitled to consideration and protection as if they had been
voting the Democratic ticket for forty consecutive years."
The Richmond News was absolutely correct in its
avowal that the Democratic party in Virginia had solemnly
pledged that no white citizen should be disfranchised by
any provision of the new constitution. And a number of the
Democratic members of the convention had positively
averred-while the "Understanding Clause" was being con-
sidered that the clause was to be administered "partially"
in favor of the white man and against the negro. But what
more could be expected than that the Democratic party con-
trolled by the Machine would violate this particular pledge,
just as it had perfidiously violated the pledge to submit the
new Constitution to the people for ratification or rejec-
tion? Both of these pledges were seemingly nothing more
than flimsy "scraps of paper" that were made to be disre-
garded when occasion arose; and they were violated-with-
out scruple or sting of conscience-by those who were re-
sponsible for their utterance.
Hon. Henry C. Stuart, of Russell County, was a member
of the Suffrage Committee of the Constitutional Conven-
tion and was one of the earnest champions on that com-
mittee of the "Understanding Clause." In the gubernatorial
campaign of 1901, while the convention was in session, Mr.
Stuart addressed a circular letter to his constituents.
Speaking of the proposed suffrage laws, he said: "The poor-
est and most uneducated white man can and will vote under
the provisions of any of the bills. The clause known as the
'Understanding Clause' has been reported as the only con-
stitutional means yet discovered to include the white man
and exclude the undesirable negro. The registration pro-
vided for by this clause will be conducted by your neighbors
and friends, who believing in white supremacy, see no way
of securing it without preserving white suffrage and at the
same time curtailing negro suffrage. *** The Republican
leaders know only too well that we are not proposing to dis-
462
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
franchise the white men, and that the blow will fall on the
negro, where it is aimed."
Mr. Stuart delivered a speech at Lebanon, May 6th,
1902, on which occasion his Democratic hearers sought by
resolution to release him from the pledge he had made
the people of Russell County to vote for submitting the
new Constitution to the people for ratification or rejection.
In that speech he again asserted that no white man would
be disfranchised by the new suffrage laws. The Lebanon
News (Democratic) said: "He explained the Understand-
ing Clause, and declared that any white man who could.
register under the old law as it is today can register under
the new constitution, and with characteristic earnestness
he said: 'If he fails to register I want him to come to me and
tell me the reason why.""
Be it said to his credit, Mr. Stuart endeavored, as far
as he could, to see that his interpretations of the new suf-
frage laws as they affected the white voters of Russell
County were carried into effect; but unfortunately they
were not applied to the white men of the other counties of
the Ninth Congressional District. The registration boards
in all the counties of the district were partisan adherents
of the Democratic Machine, and in compliance with its in-
structions refused registration to thousands of white Re-
publicans.
The suffrage laws of the new Constitution were inter-
preted to the people in a manner similar to that of Mr.
Stuart by a number of the most prominent Democratic
members of the convention. Major William A. Anderson,
while canvassing as a candidate for Attorney General in
1901, repeatedly affirmed in his speeches that no honest
white men would be disfranchised by the new suffrage
laws. In a speech at Wytheville in the campaign of 1901,
John W. Daniel declared that the reports that white men
would be disfranchised by the new Constitution were noth-
ing more than "Republican lies."
After the Constitution was proclaimed it was an-
nounced that John S. Wise and other lawyers would attack
APPALACHIAN VIRGIINA
463
in the Federal Courts the suffrage clauses as violative of
the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments to the Federal
Constitution. Hon. John Goode, who was President of the
Constitutional Convention, and was, therefore, better quali-
fied than any one to speak of the real intention of the suf-
frage clauses, was interviewed in Norfolk in January, 1903,
and was asked what he thought of the contemplated attack
upon the Virginia Constitution. He scornfully answered:
"It will be futile; absolutely futile. That instrument
was drawn with an eye single for justice to all and the up-
building of the State.
"That much talked of suffrage clause was drawn with
but one object in view-that of purifying the ballot in Vir-
ginia without discriminating against any race, class or con-
dition. *** The idea of disfranchising the negro was not our
object."
Mr. Goode gave a widely different reason for the adop-
tion of the "Understanding Clause" to that offered by Mr.
Stuart, Major Anderson and Senator Daniel. He em-
phatically asserted that the clause had been placed in the
Constitution for purifying the ballot in Virginia "without
discriminating against any race, class or condition." In
other words, Mr. Goode affirmed that the negro and the
white man and the rich and poor of both races were to be
treated without distinction at the ensuing registrations of
voters. The other named gentlemen affirmed that the clause
was to be administered so as to exclude the negroes from
suffrage and preserve the suffrage for every honest white
man in Virginia, no matter how poor or illiterate he might
be. The manner in which the registration of voters was con-
ducted in 1902 and in 1903 proved beyond doubt that Mr.
Goode's interpretation of the "Understanding Clause" was
illusive, and that the one presented by Stuart, Anderson
and Daniel was distressingly delusive. With malice prepense
and purpose aforethought the artful and bitterly partisan
members of the Constitutional Convention wrought havoc
to the Virginia electorate.
The radical revolutionists were not sure that the tem-
464
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
porary understanding clause would accomplish their desired
purpose of greatly impairing the Virginia electorate. To
help make their plans sure they placed in the Constitution
a permanent educational clause and a permanent semi-
understanding clause. These two clauses are as follows:
"That, unless physically unable, he (the applicant)
make application in his own hand writing, without aid,
suggestion, or memorandum, in the presence of the registra-
tion officers, stating therein his name, age, date, and place
of birth, residence and occupation at the time and for the
two years next preceding, and whether he has previously
voted, and, if so, the State, county, and precinct in which he
voted last; and,
"That he answer on oath any and all questions affect-
ing his qualifications as an elector, submitted to him by the
officers of registration, which questions and his answers
thereto, shall be reduced to writing, certified by the said
officers, and preserved as a part of their official records."
Was there ever anything more unrighteous, more con-
trary to law and equity done by a body of men who essayed
to make the organic law for an organized society of people
that had established themselves as a republic, than the en-
grafting of the suffrage clauses in the present Constitution
of Virginia?
These clauses gave to partisan registrars opportunity
and obvious inducement to refuse registration to thousands
of worthy white citizens of Appalachian Virginia; and the
opportunity was freely utilized in many of the counties. The
provision which requires all applicants for registration-
subsequent to the registrations of 1902 and 1903-to make
application in their own hand writing, in the presence of
the registration officers, stating their name, age, etc., is
particularly obnoxious and of evil intendment.
The provision which invests registrars with authority
to require an applicant for registration to "answer on oath
any and all questions effecting his qualifications as an
elector, submitted to him by the officers of registration,"
is appalling in its intendment and cruel in its enforcement.
APPALACHIAN VIRGIINA
465
It gives to registrars autocratic power which they can use
to deprive any fairly well educated negroes and even white
citizens of their right to vote, if a registrar from personal
or political prejudice desires so to do. An applicant may
fill out properly a memorandum in his or her hand writing,
stating their name, age, etc; but if the registrar wishes to
refuse registration to the applicant, he can submit ques-
tions to the applicant that any ordinarily educated person
will be unable to answer, and which only persons familiar
with constitutional and statute law are competent to answer
correctly.
Carried beyond the bounds of reason by partisan zeal,
the revolutionists took another audacious step for curtail-
ing the Virginia electorate. This was done by writing into
the Constitution the poll tax qualification for voting. Sec-
tion 21, Article II. prescribes that all persons who have or
who shall register under preceding sections "shall have the
right to vote for members of the General Assembly and all
officers elective by the people, subject to the following con-
ditions:
"That he, unless exempted by section Twenty-two (the
soldier exemption), shall, as a prerequisite to the right to
vote after the first day of January, nineteen hundred and
four, personally pay, at least six months prior to the elec-
tion, all state poll taxes assessed or assessable against him,
under this Constitution, during the three years next preced-
ing that in which he offers to vote, provided that, if he
register after the first day of January, nineteen hundred
and four, he shall, unless physically unable, prepare and
deposit his ballot without aid, on such printed form as the
law may prescribe; but any voter registered prior to that
date may be aided in the preparation of his ballot by such
officer of election as he himself may designate."
To make the prerequisite payment of the poll tax effec-
tive for depleting the electorate, the cunning framers of
the provision attached to it an enticing invitation to other-
wise qualified voters to become delinquent on their poll tax
466
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
and thereby forfeit their suffrage. The enticement still re-
mains in the Constitution, and is found in the single sent-
ence: "The collection of the State poll tax assessed against
any one shall not be enforced by legal process until the same
has become three years past due." This atrocious staying
of the poll taxes was done upon the pretext of making a
still further reduction of the negro electorate. It was a
rank deception, as more than sufficient provisions had al-
ready been placed in the Constitution to make the negro
electorate a negligible factor in Virginia politics. In the
imposition of the poll tax qualification for voting the Con-
stitutional Convention assumed that suffrage was a privil-
ege, and upon that assumption placed a price upon it. The
Saturday Evening Post of December 30th, 1905, under the
heading: "Where Shall We Draw The Line?" had a brief
editorial on the suffrage question, in which it said:
"Almost everybody thinks that suffrage ought to be
limited. But the argument ends the instant it is asked:
Who shall be excluded? And there is no hope of getting to-
gether. Why? Because the real truth is that the right to
vote is much like the right to live.
"Most people think the 'ignorant' ought to be excluded
from the suffrage. But ‘ignorant' like 'educated' is one of
those large, vague words that have to be explained before
they mean anything. The average human animal is pretty
shrewd, shrewder than his neighbor thinks, if less shrewd
than he himself thinks. We greatly underestimate the
İignorant—and also the education of the educated.”
In December, 1908, the Newport News Times-Herald
designated the poll tax qualification for voting "The Poll
Tax Nuisance." The Times-Herald declared: "We are oppos-
ed to it because we believe it is against public policy." and
added: "voting is not an inherent right."
This latter assertion of the Times-Herald was and is
absolutely correct. Suffrage is not an inherent right, nor
is citizenship. Both of these rights are acquired rights in
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
467
a republic. When a person acquires citizenship in an organ-
ized society functioning as a government he or she also ac-
quires the right to exercise suffrage. Such persons when
they are once invested with these rights cannot be divested
of them, except for cause. And when they are deprived of
one they are deprived of both. The right to vote acquired
by and through citizenship becomes a vested right. It be-
comes vested by its acceptance at the period of age fixed by
and set forth in the written rules and laws of the state of
society or government prevailing at the time the age limit
is reached. Exercise of the right is only contingent upon the
mental and moral fitness of the citizen when he attains the
age fixed for its acceptance. When denied the right to ex-
ercise suffrage a man loses his citizenship, and he becomes
a subject of the organized society or government where he
resides and of which he has previously been a member. He
has no voice in the government which has charge and con-
trol of his life, liberty and property, and this without re-
leasing him from the most onerous duties of citizenship-
taxation, and the performance of military duty, when neces-
sary for the defence of the country.
If we want to find an apt illustration of the wickedness
of the disfranchising clauses of the Virginia Constitution,
we only have to give attention to their workings in connec-
tion with the recent World War. Thousands of young Vir-
ginians, both white and colored, were drafted and forced,
against their will, to go to Europe to fight, and some of
them to die, to make free citizens of the subjects of Euro-
pean despotical governments, when these poor Virginia
boys had been denied in their own native land the most
precious right of American citizenship. And suffrage has
been reduced to a degraded privilege, to be exercised only
by those who can pay for it, just as they would have to pay
for any common commodity.
It would seem to even the most unreasonable persons
that enough had already been done to restrict the Virginia
electorate, but it did not so appear to the reckless members
468
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
of the Constitutional Convention. They determined to go
still further in their partisan plot of disfranchisement.
This was accomplished by providing in the Constitution a
complicated form of ballot that was certain to cause many
citizens, who had been duly registered and had qualified
themselves by payment of their poll taxes, to lose their
votes after their ballots were deposited at an election. This
form of ballot provided is as follows:
"Sec. 28. The General Assembly shall provide for bal-
lots without any distinguishing mark or symbol, for use in
all State, county, city, and all other elections by the people,
and the form thereof shall be the same in all places where
any such election is held. All ballots shall contain the names
of the candidates and of the offices to be filled, in clear print
and in due and orderly succession; but any voter may erase
any name and insert another."
That the intention of the proponents of this form of
ballot was subtle-and their purpose to defraud certain
classes of the electorate is manifest. The General Assem-
bly is prohibited from providing a fair ballot by forbidding
the use of "distinguishing mark or symbol" to designate
the political parties that offer candidates for election. This
is an arrant departure from the Australian ballot which is
admitted to be the best form for a secret ballot that has
ever been devised, and that is now being used in all the
Northern and Western States, and even in some of the
Southern States. The Constitutional provision that: "All
ballots shall contain the names of the candidates, and the
offices to be filled, in clear print and in due and orderly suc-
cession," meant that all candidates for any particular office
-For Congress, For Governor, For County Clerk, etc-
shall be grouped under a single heading, indicating the
office for which they are candidates. Nothing is permitted
on the ballot to show the party of any candidate. There may
be three or more candidates for any one office and their ap-
pearance "in due and orderly succession" is calculated to
confuse the timid and nervous voters rather than help them
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
469
in correctly marking their ballots. It is hard to understand
how men of high character, who had been honest and fair
in all other transactions with their fellow-citizens, could
give their consent to placing in the Constitution this mon-
strous instrument of fraud.
The above mentioned clause merely provides for the
form of the ballots without directing in what manner and
by whom the ballots to be used at future elections should
be prepared, printed and distributed to election officers.
However, the clause gave the General Assembly authority
to make the necessary provision. Sec. 21, Article II. of the
Constitution provided that: "There shall be in each county
and city an electoral board composed of three members,
appointed by the circuit court of the county or the corpora-
tion court of the city, or the judge of the court in vacation."
The General Assembly made it the duty of the electoral
boards to supervise the printing and distribution of the bal-
lots in their respective counties and cities. Of course all the
electoral boards, so appointed and given authority, were
composed of partisan Democrats who were adherents of the
Machine. The minority party is not allowed any representa-
tion on these important boards. Needless to tell, the elec-
toral boards have complied faithfully with the mandate of
Sec. 28 as to the form of the ballots, and there has not been
a truly fair ballot printed and used at elections in Virginia
since the new Constitution went into force.
The election laws direct that the ballots shall be print-
ed secretly, no one being permitted to see them except the
printer and the member of the board who is supervising
the work. After they are printed the ballots have to be
wrapped securely in a package and sealed, and kept by the
supervising member until they are delivered to the board;
and he is forbidden "to communicate to any one information
as to the size, style, or contents of said ballots." The board
is directed to meet, receive, and verify the number of the
ballots, and affix an official seal to every ballot. The ballots
are then to be distributed to the judges of the various pre-
470
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
cincts in carefully sealed packages. The sealed packages
are to be opened on the morning of an election in the
presence of the clerks and the judges of election, and the
ballots in said packages carefully counted.
The foregoing enumerated provisions for the printing
and distribution of the ballots are seemingly ample, if they
were strictly carried into execution; but in many instances
this has not been done. In fact in some of the counties of the
Ninth District, and possibly in all the counties of the dis-
trict, the printing of the ballots, and especially their dis-
tribution, has been loosely conducted. But if the provisions
are strictly conformed to, still the electoral boards cannot
and do not prepare and supply a fair ballot, one that can
be easily and safely marked by the voter, thanks to the
unfair form prescribed by the Constitution.
Some years ago the Democrats in the Ninth District
realized that the official ballots were so confusing and com-
plicated in form that they could not be used with safety
by many of the Democratic voters. This realization caused
the Democratic managers to have prepared and printed
guide or educational ballots to train their voters before
elections. These guide ballots were practically arranged in
the same form as the official ballots, with the names of all
the candidates, except the Democratic candidates, marked
out. As soon as the Republicans found out that the Demo-
crats were using the guide ballots, the Republicans began
to use them; and these guide ballots have been used for
years at every important election in the Ninth District;
and, no doubt, they have been used in the other districts
where elections are sharpely contested. This practice is
clearly violative of the election laws, but the party in power
is responsible for the violation.
The continuous employment of the poll tax qualification
and the complicated ballot has done much to destroy the
moral tone of the electorate and has greatly reduced its
numbers. A large class of venal voters has been created by
the poll tax qualification. Many of them have concluded
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
471
•
that, if suffrage is merely a privilege for which one has to
pay a price before they can exercise it, they are justified
in demanding from the politicians a consideration for their
votes. Crafty politicians have been, to a large extent, re-
sponsible for this deplorable situation. They tell the venal
voters that they have no interest in the election other than
the money they can get out of it; and thus, for a money con-
sideration, get them to vote for some particular candidate or
candidates. Such voters are called "floaters," and they are:
arranged in lists as "Democratic" floaters, "Republican"
floaters, and "Doubtful" floaters. There is another class of
voters who have political convictions and will vote their
convictions when they go to the polls. Frequently persons
of this class are persuaded to stay away from the polls, for
a money consideration, to shuck corn or perform some other
• kind of work.
There is another class of voters who have been disgust-
ingly corrupted by the poll tax qualification. This class is
composed of persons who have property-real or personal or
both-They pay the taxes on their property but make
themselves delinquent in their poll tax; and force their
party managers to pay it or else lose their votes. This class.
is the cheapest and most contemptible of the venal voters.
Is it any wonder that the venal vote in Virginia has grown
to disgraceful proportions? The most shameful feature of
this malodorous condition is that it has been created by a
Constitution that was pretended to be framed to purify the
Virginia electorate.
That the ballot provided by the Constitution is dis-
graceful in form is evidenced by the fact that thousands of
ballots were declared void and thrown out in Virginia,
because they were not properly marked, at the Presidential
election in 1924. About two hundred were thrown out in
Smyth County for that reason at that election, and a similar
performance was witnessed in nearly every county and city
in Virginia. In the city of Richmond the fruitage of the poll
tax qualification and the ballot was so appalling that the
472
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
News Leader-a sterling Democratic newspaper-made the
following editorial comment thereon:
"AN OUTRAGEOUS BALLOT.
"Not alone in the Coolidge landslide was yesterday's
election a revelation, for many Virginia women learned for
the first time how difficult it is to vote in this common-
wealth. It might almost be said that voting has become a
highly technical procedure which was designed to prevent
and not to record the expression of public opinion. The pur-
pose of preventing a free expression of the public will has
been most admirably accomplished and the gentlemen of the
constitutional convention, who planned the present electoral
qualifications of Virginia, can take just pride in viewing
the success with which their legislative barriers have de-
terred many and repelled as many more from the exercise
of the right and duty of voting.
"Innumerable citizens, who had with no small expense
of time and trouble sought to qualify for the privilege of
voting, found themselves disqualified by the intricate and
vexatious regulations thrown around the ballot box. Many
others were disqualified by the carelessness with which
their names and tax payments were recorded.
"But of all the snares for the simple minded voter the
ballot itself appeared to be the most deadly and the most
effective. In one precinct in Richmond, in a ward where
education is unusually high, over one-third of all the ballots
were thrown out for being improperly marked. Such a situa-
tion is an outrage on the voter. When a citizen pays his
taxes and goes through the arduous and complicated process
of qualification for voting, the ballot at least ought to be
foolproof. As a matter of fact, the ballot is proof that it is
designed to deceive the wise, and not to safeguard the fool-
ish.
"Are Virginians so imbecile that they cannot be trust-
ed to express their own opinion at the polls; Or does the
constitution feel that the opinion of Virginia is not worth
recording? Evidently one of the two thoughts controlled
the framing of the present constitution. Equally plain is
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
473
it that Virginia cannot have at the same time an extremely
difficult method of voting and a free expression of the
voters' will. In a democracy it is essential that voting be
simplified to the last degree. By this test Virginians may be
Democrats, but Virginia is not a democracy."
The News Leader has very accurately described the
character of the ballot and disclosed the purposes for which
it was originated and imposed upon the Virginia electorate;
and this ballot should be imprecated by every honest and
intelligent person who undertakes to register his or her
political convictions at an election in Virginia.
THE CONSTITUTION ORDAINED AND PROCLAIMED.
Of the numerous unwise and politically wicked acts of
the Constitutional Convention the ordaining and proclaim-
ing of the new Constitution was the most audacious. In
performing this act the forty-seven members who did it
violated precedent, disregarded the solemn pledge of their
(Democratic) party to submit the Constitution to the people
for ratification or rejection, and contemptuously disobeyed
the mandate of the act of the General Assembly which
authorized them to assemble in the convention as the agents
and servants of the people. In the whole range of politic-
al activities in Virginia since she became a Commonwealth
nothing has ever occurred that approximates in grossness
this arrogant assumption of the sovereign power which is
lodged exclusively in the people. A number of members who
had participated in the Democratic Convention at Norfolk
and voted for the resolution that pledged submission of the
New Constitution to the people-including Mr. Glass, the
author of that resolution-voted for proclamation; and
some who had pledged their people when they were can-
didates to vote for submission; and others who had declared
that the chief need for a new Constitution was to get the
State from the grasp of "political brigands" and an "office-
holding despotism;" others who said that it was intended to
purify the electorate and give us honest elections; and still
others who had asserted that a new Constitution was need-
474
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
ed to reduce the number of office holders and give the people
a more economical government, were the most ardent ad-
vocates of proclamation. They helped to make and promul-
gate a Constitution that put the government of Virginia
in the hands of "an office-holding despotism," that has con-
tinued in aggravated form fraudulent elections; and that
has more than trebled the number of office-holders and in-
creased the expenses of the State Government one thousand
per cent.
It is pleasing to relate that such eminent Democratic
members as Joseph C. Wysor, George D. Wise, Alfred B.
Thom, and R. Walton Moore, made splendid speeches in
which they disputed the authority of the convention to pro-
claim the Constitution, and that they voted against proc-
lamation. Other prominent Democratic members who op-
posed proclaiming were: William A. Anderson, William E.
Cameron, John W. Daniel, H. D. Flood, T. W. Harrison,
James W. Marshall, and W. Gordon Robertson. Only one
Republican member, James Mundy, of Botetourt, was un-
faithful to his people and voted for proclamation.
The late Robert W. Blair, Republican member from
Wythe County, made the most finished and convincing
argument against proclamation that is published in the De-
bates of the convention. A. L. Pedigo, the Republican mem-
ber from Henry County, made a masterly attack upon the
proclamation movement and upon the Constitutional pro-
visions for registration of voters and the poll tax qualifica-
tion. The speeches of Captain Blair and Mr. Pedigo should
immortalize them as advocates of political righteousness.
These speeches ought to be published jointly in pamphlet
form, and placed in as many Virginia homes and libraries.
as possible. All the Democratic members, except Mr. Wysor,
who represented counties that are embraced in the Ninth
Congressional District, voted for proclaiming the Consti-
tution.
John W. Daniel was the most distinguished and highly
esteemed man of his party in the State. In fact, he was then
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
475
and had been for many years the idol of the Virginia Democ-
racy. His personal integrity was flawless and his fidelity to
political pledges made by himself or his party was firmly
established. Possessed of these facts, the Richmond Dis-
patch desired to ascertain and make public Senator Daniel's
opinion on the question of ordaining and proclaiming the
new Constitution. Accordingly, The Dispatch addressed a
letter to Senator Daniel and requested him to give his views
on the question. He promptly replied by letter to the inquiry
as follows:
"United States Senate,
"Washington, D. C., April 19, 1902.
"To the Editor of the Dispatch:
I have just reached here from Richmond and have
your favor inquiring as to my position respecting the sub-
mission of the Constitution to a vote of the people for rati-
fication or rejection. It should, in my opinion, be submitted.
This was the universal expression of Democratic opinion
prior to the calling of the convention; and I was one of
those who made the distinct declaration of favor to sub-
mission. The people took us at our word and called the con-
vention; and we should keep our word, now that the work
is done. As to what people the Constitution should be sub-
mitted to is another question. Both the Act of Assembly,
which relates to the matter, and the platform of the Nor-
folk Democratic convention, speak of 'the people' as the
proper parties for the Constitution to be submitted to, using
no manner of qualification or limitation. The call for the
convention was made by 'the people' without any qualifica-
tion or limitation upon their number or character-save
that they were qualified voters, of course. The submission
back to them of the Constitution which they elected the
convention to prepare, would be according to the natural
and grammatical construction of the pledges made by the
Norfolk Democratic platform and by Democratic speakers.
everywhere.
"Nothing was said in the canvass about proclaiming
one part of the Constitution and submitting another part,
476
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
The pledge of 'submission to the people' was made as to
'the Constitution,' and not as to a part of the Constitution;
and performance should be as broad and full as the pledge.
"There is much good in the new Constitution, and I
shall support its adoption, notwithstanding the fact that I
would prefer that some of its provisions were different from
what they are. "The people' wanted a convention and called
it. If they want the new Constitution they will adopt it. If
they do not want it, they should not be compelled to accept
it.
"These are my views, frankly, though hastily stated
and there is no privacy about them. You can use this in any
way you deem proper.
Very truly yours,
John W. Daniel."
Senator Daniel gave a frank and honest interpretation
to the pledge made by his party at the Norfolk Convention
-and that was repeatedly made on the stump by himself
and all other prominent Democrats-for submission of the
new Constitution to the people for ratification or rejection.
It was the only intelligent and honest interpretation that
could be given to that pledge. The equivocating interpreta-
tion adopted by Mr. Glass-the author of the resolution that
gave the pledge-and the other gentlemen who joined him
in violating the pledge was absurd and reprehensible. Will
the honest people of Virginia accept as a truth the frank
and irrefutable interpretation of John W. Daniel-which
was sanctioned by such Democrats as William E. Cameron,
R. Walton Moore, Joseph C. Wysor, William A. Anderson,
D. W. Bouldin, Alfred P. Thom, James W. Marshall, and
George D. Wise, who voted against proclamation-or will
they sanction the interpretation of Carter Glass and the
other partisan politicians who joined Glass in violating
party and personal pledges?
CHAPTER XXV
TWENTY YEARS REIGN OF THE SLEMPS-EFFORT MADE TO DEFRAUD
COLONEL SLEMP-CHAIRMAN ELLYSON URGES DEMOCRATS
TO NOT CHEAT IN PRIMARY.
The entrance of Col. Campbell Slemp and Major C. Bas-
com Slemp-father and son-into the active politics of the
Ninth Congressional District and of the State of Virginia is
among the most interesting events in the political history of
the Commonwealth. This was in 1902, just after the Demo-
cratic organization-known as the Machine had revealed
its intention to employ the registration provisions of the new
Constitution in such manner as to make the State "safely
Democratic." Many of the Republicans of the Ninth Dis-
trict had arrived at the conclusion that it would be useless
to make any effort in 1902 to elect a Republican to represent
the district in Congress. This conclusion was not unreason-
able. The fraudulent methods used by Judge Rhea and his
conscienceless satellites to defeat General Walker in 1898
and 1900-though severely condemed by many of the fair-
minded Democrats of the district-had been sanctioned and
applauded by Rhea's party leaders and condoned by the
Democratic press. And the Republicans were confident that
the unsworn registration boards would, in most instances,
follow the instructions of the Democratic managers and
refuse registration, as far as possible, to every white Re--
publican in the district. This expectation was amply con-
firmed at the ensuing registrations of voters.
The Tazewell Republican-then pronounced the most
aggressive Republican newspapers in Virginia-foreseeing:
the manner in which the registration laws would be
operated and the election laws administered, in an editorial,
headed: "To Your Tents," said:
"Under existing conditions it seems to us a useless ex-
penditure of time and energy for the Republicans of the
Ninth Congressional District, or even of Virginia, to make
-478
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
any contest in National or State elections. Heretofore they
have had only a dishonest election law to contend against;
and that has been effective enough in the hands of a politi-
cal machine to defeat the popular will in every Republican
district in the State. Now, that an unfair election law is to
be re-enforced by a constitutional suffrage provision which
even Democratic newspapers and leaders admit is capable
of such administration as may make it more fruitful of
fraud than is the Walton law, it will be worse than folly
for the Republicans to undertake and expect to win in any
Congressional district in Virginia."
In another editorial published May 15th, 1902, the
Tazewell Republican said:
"The Tazewell Republican has heretofore been the per-
sistent advocate of an aggressive party policy. We had con-
tinued to hope that justice would be done the Republicans
of the State by giving them a fair chance to exercise their
constitutional rights at the ballot box, either by the enact-
ment of an honest election law, or by protection extended
from Congress against the outrages that have been commit-
ted at the Congressional elections in Virginia. All our hopes
on these lines, however, have been blasted; and we have be-
come convinced that the supreme duty of the Virginia Re-
publicans is to adopt a policy of 'masterly inactivity' in
State and National elections until public sentiment has
forced the men who control the legislation of the State to
put in operation an honest election law that will be honestly
administered."
The Republicans of Tazewell County assembled in mass-
meeting on June 17th, 1902, and the following resolutions
were unanimously passed by a rising vote:
"We denounce the partisan acts of the Constitutional
Convention as unpatriotic, unmanly and dishonorable.
Especially do we denounce the proclamation of the new
Constitution as a cowardly and perfidious act of usurpation
and a violation of the fundamental principles underlying
the making of all constitutions.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
479
"In view of the fact that the unlimited opportunities
for fraud heretofore furnished by statute law have been
supplemented and strengthened by constitutional enactment
with the avowed purpose of destroying the Republican par-
ty; and in view of the fact that those who devised and
operated the numerous schemes for fraud in the Ninth Con-
gressional District are still the honored (?) leaders of the
Democracy in this district, having control of our elections;
and further, in view of the fact that a Republican House
of Representatives has twice ratified and condoned the
shameful frauds by which W. F. Rhea obtained a seat in
Congress, we deem it a useless undertaking to try to defeat
the men who originated and operated the "Scott County
Ballot" and the other fraudulent ballots used in this district
at the Congressional election in 1900.
"Therefore, Be it resolved by the Republicans of Taze-
well County, that we disapprove of the party running a can-
didate for Congress in this district at the approaching elec-
tion, and that we advise the Republicans in this district to
refrain from voting in State and National elections until we
can have an honest election law honestly administered; and
to this end we invoke the aid and sympathy of all honest
Democrats as well as Republicans."
The Republicans of Buchanan County, held a mass
meeting at Grundy on July 29th, 1902, and passed the fol-
lowing resolution:
"We, the Republicans of Buchanan County, in mass
meeting assembled, do reaffirm our allegiance to the last
National Republican platform, and do proclaim to the world
that we firmly believe that the future prosperity of our
country depends upon putting the principles in the said plat-
form into effect. But owing to the fact that the dominant
party in Virginia has fallen into the hands of unscrupulous
men and political tricksters and that these men have ap-
pointed in our county on the Registration board two men,
namely, Alexander Runyons and Will Horton, who have in
the past been proven to be politically dishonest and men
480
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
without the first instincts of gentlemen; and that the rest of
the registration board is composed of extreme partisan
Democrats, and as it is reasonable to suppose that those
same men, or men of the same kind, will mark our tickets-
this Fall, therefore, be it
"Resolved, That we refrain from voting in the election
this Fall, and, therefore, by so doing, not give these men an
opportunity to perjure their already polluted souls by steal-
ing our votes."
The Republicans of Wise County assembled in mass-
meeting on the 28th of July-one day previous to the meet-
ing of the Buchanan Republicans—and passed a resolution
favoring the call of a convention and the nomination of a
candidate for Congress. In response to this sentiment, the
Republican District Committee met at Bristol on the 5th
of August, and issued a call for a convention to meet at
Abingdon on the 3rd of September "to nominate a Repub-
lican candidate to represent this district in the House of
Representatives of Congress." And the Tazewell Republi-
cans again assembled in mass meeting on August the 19th.
They appointed delegates to the convention to be held at
Abingdon, but passed the following resolution:
"In conformity with an expression heretofore given in
mass meeting by the Republicans of this county, we deem
it unwise to nominate a candidate for Congress in this dis-
trict for the approaching election."
Early in August it was generally rumored and under-
stood that the registration boards appointed by the Consti-
tutional Convention for the several counties and cities would
not be required to take an oath before proceeding to perform
their fraudulent work. To ascertain whether this iniquity
was intentional or was an oversight on the part of the re-
visers of the Constitution and the ordinances attached there-
to, the author of this volume-being a citizen of Tazewell
-addressed an open letter to the Revision Committee, as
follows:
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
481
"Tazewell, Va., Aug. 12, 1902.
"To the Hons. William A. Anderson, John W. Daniel,
William E. Cameron, R. W. Moore, Roger Gregory, W. H.
Boaz, Berryman Green, Clagget B. Jones, J. C. Wysor, D.
Tucker Brooke, and B. A. Davis:
"Gentlemen:-I see from the Manual of the late Con-
stitutional Convention of Virginia that you, eleven in num-
ber, constituted the 'Committee on Final Revision and Ad-
justment of the various provisions of the Constitution that
may be agreed upon and upon the schedule;' and that as
such committee, I am advised, you framed and revised, 'An
Ordinance' attached thereto. Section I of said ordinance
reads as follows:
"Registration shall be conducted in each magisterial
district of every county, and in each ward of every city, by
a board of registrars, composed of three competent citizens,
resident in such district or ward, appointed as hereinafter
provided each of whom shall qualify by signing and filing
with the clerk of the county court of their respective coun-
ties, or the corporation court of their respective cities, as
the case may be, a paper signifying their acceptance of
their appointment, and who shall hold office until the first
day of January, nineteen hundred and four, etc."
"I am informed that in many sections of the State
registrars are construing this section to mean that they
are not required to take an oath of office before entering
upon and discharging the duties of registrars, and that they
will not take any such oath. I wish to inquire of you, and
will thank each of you for a prompt answer to the question:
"Does the language of Section One of the ordinance above
quoted relieve registrars from taking an oath of office, and
was the section framed with that intention?
"An early reply to my inquiry will be greatly appreci-
ated."
A copy of the open letter was mailed in a sealed en-
velope to each one of the eleven gentlemen who constituted
482
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
the Revision Committee. Mr. B. A. Davis was the only Re-
publican member of the Committee, and was not permitted
to take part in its secret sessions; and, therefore, could
not say what was the intention of those who framed the
ordinance. Of the Democratic members of the Committee
three made replies to the open letter. Col. William E. Cam-
eron gave an evasive reply and seemed to think that if the
registrars were not required to take an oath it was merely
an oversight of the convention. Mr. Joseph C. Wysor was
horrified when his attention was called to the construction
that was being given to Section I of the ordinance, and de-
clared he would not have voted for it if he had been advised
of its intention. Judge Berryman Green gave a direct
answer to the inquiry, as follows:
"I am of the opinion that the section of the Registra-
tion Ordinance quoted by you does not require Registrars
to take an oath of office before entering upon their duties,
and I believe such was the intention of the convention."
There can be no doubt of the fact that it was the in-
tention of the convention to relieve registrars from taking
an oath of office. The third paragraph of Section I settles
the matter. This paragraph provided for the appointment
by the courts of men to serve as registrars in the place of
any who might decline to act after being appointed by the
convention. The last clause of this paragraph says: "and
such appointees shall qualify in the same manner as those
appointed by this ordinance"-that is without taking an
oath.
Following its receipt, Judge Green's letter was pub-
lished in the Tazewell Republican. Commenting on the let-
ter the editor of the Republican said: "We published Judge
Green's letter, and failing to hear from the other seven
Democratic members, including William A. Anderson, At-
torney General, who was expected to express an opinion, we
have concluded that they all hold the same opinion as that
given by Judge Green." The Norfolk Virginian-Pilot, which
had been a staunch defender of the performances of the
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
483
Constitutional Convention-was so startled by the disclo-
sures made by Judge Green that it made the following scath-
ing comments thereon:
"If the convention failed by oversight to require regis-
trars to take an oath faithfully to comply with the require-
ments of the suffrage articles, the oversight was most un-
fortunate. If it deliberately refrained from imposing an ob-
ligation uniformly required of all persons who perform an
official function in a public capacity, then that august body
was guilty of issuing an invitation and a license to commit
gross frauds upon the citizen body and to trample under foot
that code of decency that may never be ignored without
peril to the State.
"The thing leaves a bad taste in the mouth. The suf-
frage article was drastic enough, in all conscience, to permit
of the disfranchisement of the negro without scoring the
conscience of a sworn registrar.
"We protest that it is undemocratic, contrary to pre-
cedent and subversive of good public policy to give to any
group of men the power to say who shall constitute the body.
of suffragans without binding them by the usual moral and
legal obligations to discharge their duty conscientiously."
A considerable number of the respectable Democrats
were opposed to having Judge Rhea made the candidate for
Congress in 1902. They were heartily ashamed of the des-
picable methods that had been employed by his managers
to procure his election in 1898 and in 1900. The "Scott Coun-
ty Ballot" was a stench in their nostrils, and the attempted
assassination of General Walker they pronounced a foul
crime. But the Democratic Machine, of which Rhea was an
active member, had complete control of the party organiza-
tion in the district and brushed aside all opposition to Rhea,
and made him the party candidate for the third time. With
Rhea's unsavory record and he the chosen candidate of the
Democrats; with the Democratic Machine in absolute con-
trol of the elections machinery; with a pronouncedly unfair
ballot prescribed by the Constitution; and with partisan un-
484
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
sworn registration boards selected to conduct the ensuing
registration of voters, it required unusual courage on the
part of any capable Republican to offer himself a candidate
for Congress. However, a courageous spirit-in the person
of Campbell Slemp-was found to confront and conquer
these obnoxious political conditions in the Ninth Congress-
ional District of Virginia.
FAMOUS ENTRANCE OF THE SLEMPS-FATHER AND SON
The Republicans of the Ninth Congressional District
of Virginia met in convention at Abingdon on the 3rd day of
September, 1902, and nominated Col. Campbell Slemp of
Wise County, as their candidate for Congress. There were
other worthy gentlemen who sought the nomination, but
the concensus of opinion among the delegates was that
Colonel Slemp would prove the most available man as the
candidate of the party; and in exercising this opinion they
made no mistake, as the future events forcibly demonstrat-
ed. He had consistently opposed the so-called Virginia De-
mocracy from the day the public debt question had been
introduced into the politics of the State; and had been an
able expounder of the principles of the National Republican
party after he united his fortunes with that great political
organization.
Only two months intervened between the day of
Colonel Slemp's nomination and the election day in Novem-
er. This afforded a very limited period for party organiza-
tion and placing before the people the new and momentous
issues introduced into the politics of Virginia by the new
Constitution. However, Colonel Slemp lost no time in pros-
ecuting his campaign. Immediately following his nomina-
tion he began to canvass the district and made telling
speeches in every county. It was a very difficult task he had
accepted, as he had to travel over rough roads to many of
his appointments on horseback. He was earnestly and ably
aided in the campaign by a number of excellent speakers;
namely, David F. Baily, Robert W. Blair, H. H. Hamilton,
Philip W. Strother, John C. Blair, L. P. Summers, W. S.
Poage, R. Walter Dickenson, Thos. Lee Moore, J. Lucian
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
485
Gleaves, A. P. Gillispie, James S. Browning, John C. Noel,
T. M. Alderson, A. M. Dickinson, and Thomas J. Munsey.
The last named gentleman, Thomas J. Munsey, in this cam-
paign began to make for himself the reputation he later
enjoyed as one of the most gifted and popular speakers
Virginia has ever produced.
It was at the beginning of this strenuous campaign that
Bascom Slemp made his first entrance into the active field.
of Virginia and National politics. Upon him was placed the
responsible duty of organizing the Republican party in the
Ninth District, and otherwise safeguarding the interests
of his father as the Republican candidate for Congress.
While the campaign was on he was seemingly ubiquitous.
He was at several places today and at other places tomor-
row. The arduous task was performed with rare diligence
and such precision and thoroughness, and so quietly that
the crafty foe was not able to correctly measure his per-
formances.
The Ordinance adopted by the Constitutional Conven-
tion for the general registration of voters provided that:
"Prior to the fifteenth of October, nineteen hundred and
two, and again prior to the fifteenth day of October, nine-
teen hundred and three, there shall be a general registra-
tion in each of the counties, cities and towns of the State;
and each board of registrars for each district and ward,
prior to each of the foregoing dates, shall convene and sit
at some place and time to be designated by it in each pre-
cinct in its district or ward." The boards to sit not more
than fifteen days in any district or ward at the 1902 regis-
tration and ten days at the 1903 registration.
The registrations of voters in the several counties and
cities of the Ninth Congressional District was begun on or
about the 22nd of September, 1902, and was completed as
rapidly as possible. Only at the very large precincts was
more than one day allowed and occupied for the registration
of voters. At some of the smaller precincts as many as
one hundred and fifty to two hundred white men had voted
486
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
at the Presidential election in 1900. Was one day sufficient
time for the registrars to examine fairly and intelligently
such a large number of white men who would apply for
registration? This very haste in conducting the registra-
tion was indicative of fraudulent purpose.
The Republicans were then aroused to the fact that the
unsworn registration boards had been instructed to apply
the "Understanding Clause" with deadly effect to the white
Republicans as well as the negroes. Early in August-Mr.
Thomas Lynch, who was a member of the District Demo-
cratic Committee and also a member of the State Committee
-gave out an interview in Richmond. In the interview he
talked about political conditions in the Ninth District; and
he declared that Tazewell County-his county-would be
"safely Democratic" after the new registration. It was then
evident that the registration boards throughout the district
had been instructed by Rhea and his campaign managers to
refuse registration when possible to white Republicans. If
there was even a lingering doubt in the minds of the Re-
publicans that the registration boards had been instructed
as to how they should use the "Understanding Clause" to
disqualify white Republicans, that doubt was dispelled by a
communication published in the Abingdon Virginian, a Dem-
ocratic newspaper. The letter was written by a Democrat
from Mendota, Washington County, was dated October 21st,
1902, and the following extracts are copied from it:
"The Democratic party has given the State of Virginia.
a new Constitution and I have been taught to believe that
the Constitution 'was the sacred pledge of the better element
of the Democratic party in Virginia, that this iniquity of
stuffing ballot boxes, mismarking the ballots of the people
and other similar practices would cease;' and so believing
I was greatly surprised a short while ago to see Judge Rhea,
the Democratic candidate for Congress, come to Mendota,
and, notwithstanding the fact that he was a candidate be-
fore the people, have private consultations with the Demo-
cratic registrars.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
487
"We believe that such work as this will bring into
discredit the efforts and labors of the honest Democrats of
Virginia, and I know that it is disgusting to all honest men
to see our candidate for office thus interfering with the
Boards of Registration in the discharge of their duties. I am
told by a Republican that it is a very common thing to see
Judge Rhea in consultation with the registrars throughout.
this district. I am sure, that if the registrars knew the very
bad impression that such actions as I have stated make
upon the people, they would resent such interference; and I
believe, in justice to the Democratic party, Judge Rhea
should keep his hands off these matters and not cause good,
honest Democrats to blush for shame."
The registrations in some of the counties of the Ninth
District were loosely and arbitrarily conducted and impor-
tant requirements of the Ordinance not obeyed. Sec. 4 of
the Ordinance which provided for the registration of voters
says: "The board shall record in suitable books, hereinafter
provided for, in alphabetical order, the names of all persons
registered, the date of birth and registration, their occupa-
tion and residence. Separate books, in duplicate, for white
and colored voters, shall be kept for each precinct; one of
each of which shall, after registration, be forwarded by the
chairman of the board to the clerk of the county court of
the county, or of the corporation court of the city, to be
copied in a proper book and preserved in his office."
It was declared, and not denied, that at the close of the
general registration the board of registrars for Clear Fork
District, in Tazewell County, did not comply with the im-
portant provisions of Sec. 4 of the Ordinance. The board had
tablets and wrote the names of the applicants on the tab-
lets, and at their leisure, at some other point than the place
of registration, put the names of the successful applicants
on the registration books. They told but very few, if any,
of the applicants that they were rejected, and many persons
who applied were not registered and were never told that
they were rejected. By this procedure a large number of
488
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
Republicans in the said district were misled by being in-
duced to believe that they had been registered and were
deprived of opportunity to take an appeal to the circuit
court. The registration in Clear Fork District was flagrant-
ly unfair and defiantly illegal, but the wrong was never re-
paired. The new registration, thus conducted, disfranchised
about three-fifths of the former electorate in Clear Fork
District as the following figures will demonstrate. At the
Presidential and Congressional election in 1900 Generai Walk-
er got 943 votes and Judge Rhea 721 in the Clear Fork Dis-
trict, a total of 1664, a majority of 222 for Walker. At the
1902 election Rhea got 393 votes and Colonel Slemp 293 in
the district, a total of 686 being polled, with a majority of
100 for Rhea. The new registration, illegally and corruptly
conducted, disfranchised one thousand of the former elec-
tors of Clear Fork District, nearly all Republicans and most
of them white men. We have used Clear Fork District to
illustrate the unfair methods and tricks that were used at
the registration of 1902 in nearly all the counties and at
nearly every precinct in the Ninth Congressional District.
While the general registration was in progress, the
diligent Republicans at the various precincts did what they
could to secure registration for those Republicans who were
forced to register under the "Understanding Clause." But
at many—and perhaps at most-of the precincts the regis-
tration was conducted in a room where none but applicants
were permitted to enter. This compelled the timid or il-
literate voter to "tread the wine press alone" and in case
he was a Republican he was completely in the power of the
partisan registrars; and in too many instances he was put
on the suffrage "scrap heap" and deprived of his citizenship.
It was a shameful outrage upon the sacred rights of the
Virginia electorate to have unsworn officers pass upon their
qualifications for exercise of the elective franchise. The out-
rage was greatly intensified by investing the unsworn regis-
trars with authority to administer oaths and examine under
oath applicants for registration. Sec. 3 of the Ordinance is
as follows:
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
489
"The board shall register all persons who apply for reg-
istration entitled to register under this Constitution, prior
to January the first, nineteen hundred and four, and none
others; and it shall have the power to administer oaths to,
and examine under oath, any applicants and witnesses, and
to receive evidence and hear testimony touching qualifica-
tions for registration."
Thus did the revolutionists who dominated the Consti-
tutional Convention empower the boards of registration to
exercise both ministerial and judicial functions without
requiring the registrars to take an oath before they exer-
cised these high functions. Could any law, constitutional
or statutory, be more dangerously vicious than this pro-
vision of Sec. 3 of the Ordinance? Never before and never
since has an instance been encountered in Virginia where
a person or persons were empowered to administer oaths
and take evidence without they had previously qualified
themselves therefor by taking an oath. If this provision
was placed in the Ordinance carelessly or unwittingly, it
demonstrated the unfitness of the men who framed the
Ordinance to make a Constitution for Virginia. If it was
placed there designedly, it was a crime which should be con-
temned by all true Virginians.
Bascom Slemp did all he could to obstruct the merciless
treatment that was being meted out to the Republicans who
sought registration; but the general registration was con-
ducted at the same time in all the counties of the district
and he could only make hasty visits to the counties where
the Republicans were most numerous. However, he suc-
ceeded by employing lawyers to go before the registrars
and by other means-in securing registration for a number
of Republicans, many of whom had been previously rejected.
The campaign was waged with intense vigor by both
parties but on very dissimilar lines, and the result of the
contest was far different from what Rhea and his managers
had confidently predicted. They believed that the disfran-
chisement of such a large number of Republicans-both
490
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
white and colored-in the district had insured victory for
the Democratic candidate. But the unholy work of the un-
sworn registrars had inspired the Republicans with resolute
purpose to rid the district from the blight of Rheaism. And
some of the less partisan Democrats had become so disgust-
ed with the unfair provisions of the new Constitution that
they joined the Republican party and most of them after-
wards remained loyal Republicans. The unofficial returns
reported on the night of election day indicated that Colonel
Slemp had won over Rhea by about 450 majority.
Immediately after it became known to Rhea and his
managers that Colonel Slemp had received a majority in the
district, steps were taken to give the count to Rhea. Messen-
gers and messages were sent out from Bristol to various
county seats to have the returns from certain precincts al-
tered, and the returns from other precincts that had given
Slemp a majority thrown out by the Commissioners who
were to canvass the returns. This was a very bold and law-
less movement, but it was in keeping with the performances
of Rhea and his party workers at the elections of 1898 and
1900. We know the names of some of the men who were en-
gaged in this despicable plot to again thwart the will of the
people of the Ninth Congressional District. Most of them
are still living, and are occupying prominent positions in the
professions and in business; and some are shining lights in
the Church. With the hope that they are truly penitent and
are pursuing an honorable course in life, we refrain from
mentioning their names, lest we put an indelible stamp of
shame on them and their descendants.
A messenger, who was a lawyer, was sent from Bristol
to Lebanon, the county seat of Russell County. There the
messenger went with the commissioners who were to can-
vass the returns into the office of the clerk of the circuit
court and instructed them as to how they should canvass
the returns. The canvassing board, as appointed, was com-
posed of four Democrats and one Republican, but the Re-
publican member had not been notified of his appointment
and consequently was not present. In the meantime, Hon.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
491
R. Walter Dickenson, who had been requested by Colonel
Slemp to represent him at the canvassing of the returns,
sought admittance to the office where the returns were be-
ing canvassed. Mr. Dickenson afterwards sent a communi-
cation to the Lebanon News reciting what occurred but that
paper declined to publish it "because it was too personal."
However, the communication was published in the Tazewell
Republican on the 11th of December, 1902. The following is
a part of the contents of Mr. Dickenson's communication:
"The four Democrats, without having taken the oath
as the law requires, called themselves together in the circuit
clerk's office and locked the door to purify the election re-
turns from the various precincts of Russell County. I went
to the clerk's office, knocked and asked admittance, but got
no response. Concluding no one was in, I made further in-
quiry and was told they were in there. I went back and called
again for admittance. I was told they did not have the key,
and that Sam Meade had it. Mr. Meade is Circuit Court
Clerk and is regarded as a truthful gentleman. I went to the
court room, asked him for the key and told him my business.
He said he did not have the key, that Capt. Gent had it. I
then went to Capt. Gent who said he did not have the key
and that Meade had it. Going back to Mr. Meade, he then
told me the canvassers had the key in the room. I returned
to the clerk's office, called again for admission, telling them
Mr. Meade said they had the key. They insisted they did
not have it and a party standing near informed me he saw
Meade lock the door and put the key in his pocket. Realizing
the plan was to let no Republican see that vote canvassed,
and knowing I had a moral and legal right to be present, I
walked around to the outside door of the office, threw my-
self against the door and sprung it open. Now these are the
facts in the case, and I want to ask all fair-minded men if
they think any citizen of Russell or of Virginia with part-
icle of manhood or patriotism about him, could have done
otherwise."
Notwithstanding the startling invasion by Mr. Dicken-
son of the secret and unlawful gathering, the commissioners
492
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
canvassed the returns in compliance with the instructions
of the messenger from Bristol. They threw out the returns
from four of the Russell precincts and certified the votes
for Colonel Slemp to be 336 less than he had actually re-
ceived in the county. This certified vote was forwarded to
the State Board of Canvassers at Richmond.
It seems that the messenger from Bristol, or some
other person, sent a messenger forthwith from Lebanon to
Grundy, the county seat of Buchanan County, to have things
fixed there; and they were fixed. After the commissioners
had canvassed the returns from all the precincts in that
county, and the clerk of the county court had certified the
return of the commissioners and attached the official seal
of the county thereto, the return was left unsealed on a
table in the clerk's office. This gave opportunity to a crook
to fix things, no doubt according to pre-arrangement. He got
hold of the certificate return of the canvassers, and changed
the figures so as to take from Colonel Slemp 100 votes that
had been counted and certified for him. The falsified return
was then forwarded to the State Board of Commissioners
for their approval.
The commissioners of election in Washington County
refused to certify the returns from Mendota precinct, which
gave Slemp a majority of 79. This is the precinct at which
Rhea was in consultation with the registrars before the
registration took place in 1902. The precinct was thrown out
by the commissioners because it was claimed that the polls
were not opened until 9:15 A. M. It was known to be strong-
ly Republican precinct, and, no doubt, the delay in opening
the polls was an intentional error.
The commissioners in Wythe County refused to certify
the returns from Austinville precinct, which gave Rhea a
majority of 33, and Patterson precinct which gave Slemp
a majority of 109, thus losing Slemp 76 votes.
The returns from all the precincts as certified by the
election judges gave Colonel Slemp 58 majority in Scott
County. After the poll books were returned to the clerk's
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
493
office they were tampered with so as to give Rhea a majority
of 97 in the county. The returns from Jennings precinct
were changed, increasing the majority for Rhea from 10.
to 30. The Stoney Point precinct was changed from a ma-
jority of 16 for Slemp, to a majority of 4 for Rhea. The
Rye Cove precinct was changed from a majority of 16 for
Slemp, to a majority of 20 for Rhea.
These changes in the returns of the said precincts in
Scott County were made with a different colored ink from
that used in the original certificates and in different hand-
writings. The falsified returns were accepted by the Scott
County commissioners and certified to the State Board of
Canvassers.
When the Board of Commissioners of Tazewell County
met to canvass the returns, they found fault with the re-
turns from Liberty Hill precinct, which gave Slemp 77 ma-
jority; and they declined to certify that precinct. The Re-
publicans protested against this and the board decided to
adjourn over to another day; and to write the Attorney
General for instructions. Accordingly, G. W. Doak wrote to
William A. Anderson, Attorney General, as follows:
"When we struck Liberty Hill precinct we found that
the judges of election there had not used the registration
books, but had used a copy, certified by the clerk of the
court, of a list furnished by the registration board, which
included about thirteen names refused registration. Several
of these were permitted to vote, and the vote polled was
exactly the number registered, and several we know that
were registered did not vote. In other words too many voted,
and the board, knowing this, passed the precinct till Sat-
urday next. **** Please advise me by wire early Saturday
morning if we can throw out this precinct, under these con-
ditions, or will we have to certify to a thing we know to be
incorrect?"
It is very evident that the party managers at Tazewell
had been in communication with Rhea's managers at Bris-
tol; and were striving to reduce Slemp's vote in Tazewell
494
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
County, just as the commissioners and tricksters in other
counties were doing. The very fact that Mr. Doak asserted
so positively the board's knowledge of what they assumed
to be facts in connection with the election held at Liberty
Hill, proved that Rhea's managers were seeking by any
possible means to throw out precincts that had given Slemp
large majorities. But Mr. Doak had made a mistake in
asserting that a proper list of the registered voters had
not been furnished the election judges at Liberty Hill pre-
cinct. The list certified by the clerk of the court was an ac-
curate copy of the names on the registration book for
Liberty Hill precinct that was made by the registration
board for Maiden Spring District. This book was furnished
by the registrars of the district to the clerk of the court for
recordation and every man's name he certified was recorded
as a voter on the permanent list. Attorney General Ander-
son replied to Mr. Doak's letter of inquiry on the 8th of
November, 1902; and in part he wrote as follows:
"You have no power to go behind the returns. You can
see very well that, if commissioners of election had any such
authority, it would be in their power in almost every case
of a contested election, to determine the result according to
their views.
"Your board has no power whatever to ascertain
whether the votes received by the judges of election were
cast by legal voters, or whether the election was properly
conducted by the judges of election.
"If the judges of election have wilfully and corruptly
violated the law in the conduct of the election, their action
cannot be reviewed by your board, though they make them-
selves liable to a criminal prosecution."
Attorney General Anderson's letter to Mr. Doak
brought confusion and chagrin into the camp of the Rhea-
ites; and the commissioners of Tazewell re-asembled on the
11th of November and properly certified the returns from
that county.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
495
In the meantime the Slemps had applied to the courts
for redress; and the Supreme Court of Appeals issued an
order which caused correction of the returns from Russell
and Wythe Counties. But tampering with the returns had so
confused the situation that Col. Slemp's majority in the
district was reduced to 218 as was ascertained by the State
Board of Commissioners. At the outset of the fraudulent
movement the Roanoke Times, the Richmond Times, and the
Richmond News made strong editorial protest against the
scheme of fraud. The Democratic papers in the Ninth Dis-
trict expressed no disapproval, and their silence was con-
strued as acquiescence in the attempted frauds. The Rich-
mond News said:
"We hope the Democratic organization in the State
will refuse its sanction to the attempt to defeat the will of
the people of the Ninth district and to give the certificate
of election to Congress to Judge Rhea. According to the re-
turns, official and unofficial, Col. Slemp is fairly elected. The
votes were cast, counted, and reported. Several precincts
have been thrown out on strictly technical grounds.
"This is a good time and occasion for Virginians to
prove that they told the truth when they declared the pur-
pose of the new constitution is to give honest elections and
fair counts."
There never followed any action which indicated that
the Democratic organization (the Machine)-either in the
Ninth District or in the State-frowned upon this trans-
parent effort to steal the seat in Congress for Rhea. Upon
the contrary, he was continued as an honored and favored
member of the Machine. He was elevated to the State Corp-
oration Commission by Governor Swanson in 1908, and has
just ended about eighteen years uninterrupted service in
that very important department of the State Government.
There were other frauds committed at the 1902 elec-
tion in the district, but the Republicans were so occupied in
defeating the after-election plot to get the certificate for
Rhea that they failed to give attention to frauds committed
496
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
at the ballot box. However, one case of ballot box stuffing
was brought to light. A Democratic election judge was
detected stuffing a ballot box at one of the precincts in Rus-
sell County. The Republicans could not get the matter before
a grand jury of the county. They did, however, get the
culprit before a Democratic magistrate, who convicted him
of the actrocious crime but made the conviction a farce by
the sentence imposed-confinement in jail for ten minutes
and the payment of a fine of ten dollars. The Russell magis-
trate followed Democratic precedent. At a former election a
Democratic election officer was caught stuffing a ballot box
at Smither's precinct in Henrico County. He was tried in a
Democratic court, was convicted, and was sentenced to con-
finement in jail for ten minutes and to pay a fine of ten dol-
lars. His admiring Democratic friends honored him with a
champagne supper; and he was afterwards rewarded as
a martyr, by appointment to a subordinate position in the
State Senate, and was successively re-appointed to the posi-
tion. Nothing was ever done by the Democratic authorities
to bring the criminals who tampered with the returns in
Russell, Scott and Buchanan counties to the bar of justice.
That the electorate in the Ninth District had been fear-
fully curtailed by the registration boards was indicated by
the vote polled in Tazewell County at the 1902 election. In
1900 the vote in the county was 2,675 for Walker and 1,458
for Rhea, or a total of 4,133. In 1902 the vote in Tazewell
County was 1,333 for Slemp and 931 for Rhea, or a total of
2,264. These figures show a reduction of 1,869, and that
more than one thousand white men had been robbed of the
elective franchise in Tazewell County. The reduction of the
electorate in the other counties of the district was com-
paratively as large as it was in Tazewell.
When the State Board of Canvassers canvassed the
returns from the Ninth District, Colonel Slemp's majority
over Rhea was ascertained to be 218; but his actual majority
should have been more than six hundred. The falsified re-
turns from Scott and Buchanan counties were never correct-
ed, because the State Board had no authority to go behind
the returns.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
497
Though the election in Virginia in 1903 was held only
for electing members of the General Assembly and mu-
nicipal and county officers, it was strikingly expressive of the un-
wholesome political conditions then existing in the State. It made
evident the fact that the Virginia Democrats, finding it no
longer necessary to steal from the Republicans at general
elections, were beginning to cheat each other in their prim-
lary elections. Previous to holding these primaries the Rich-
mond Times-Dispatch said:
"Hon. J. Taylor Ellyson, Chairman of the Democratic
State Committee, has issued a circular letter to the can-
didates and party managers throughout the State calling
attention to the Barksdale pure election law, and urging all
to abide by its provisions religiously."
The urgent appeal of the Democratic Chairman to
the candidates and local managers of his party not to cheat
each other must have seemed ridiculous to the Norfolk
Virginian-Pilot, as was evidenced by the following para-
graph which appeared in its editorial columns just after the
circular letter of Mr. Ellyson was made public.
"Hon. J. Taylor-Ellyson warns the candidates for office
to keep off the toes of the Barksdale pure election act. Hon.
J. Taylor Ellyson has been at it long enough to know where
his warnings are needed."
Thereupon the Tazewell Republican said: "We agree with
our esteemed contemporary, the Virginia-Pilot, that Mr. Ellyson
knows where his warnings are needed. He knows full well that
the State Democratic organization has been a training school for
fraud and its headmaster knows where to find his pupils. Being
perfectly familiar with their aptness for appropriating the les-
sons that have been taught them, he is now greatly alarmed lest
they use the knowledge they have acquired to the detri-
ment of each other, rather than for defrauding Republi-
cans, for which latter purpose the said training school was
established. *** The Virginia Democracy has been too long
instructed in a school of fraud to become free from prac-
498
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
ticing its corrupt teachings, until the present generation of
party managers have passed away. They have too freely
imbibed the doctrines of political jesuitism to be honest
even toward each other. The habit of cheating has become
fixed upon them; and if they are not required to defraud
Republicans they will cheat each other. They will do both as
occasion and necessity require."
The foregoing remarks of the Tazewell Republican
provoked a bold confession and evasive response from the
Virginian-Pilot, from which we quote the following:
"Democrats have stolen from the Republicans in Vir-
ginia, as our contemporary says. If there has been any pre-
tense that they did not, it has not been in this quarter. Nor
have the Democratic papers generally hesitated to say that
there was stealing in all the counties of the black belt. We
had supposed that everybody knew that throughout the
black belt the South Anglo-Saxon rule was based on and
maintained by ballot box frauds until the negro was dis-
franchised. Democrats have not even taken the trouble to
apologize for that."
This confession of the Virginian-Pilot was made to
evade the charge of the Tazewell Republican that the Demo-
cratic managers had for years been practicing frauds in the
great white districts, and that an effort had been made the
previous year (1902) to steal the Ninth District for Rhea.
The Richmond News Leader had severely condemned the
frauds committed by Rhea's managers in the Ninth Dis-
trict, but that paper objected to the manner in which the
Tazewell Republican referred to Mr. Ellyson. In part it
said:
"It is unfair to select Chairman Ellyson as a special
target. If there has been crookedness in our elections he is
no more guilty than every other Democrat in Virginia, in-
cluding the most eminent clergymen and purest laymen. All
of us are tarred with the same stick, if there is any tar.
Chairman Ellyson acted with the full approval of his party
and virtually under its orders."
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
499
Thus did the Virginian-Pilot and the News Leader seek
by pleas of confession and avoidance to escape from the
charge that the Democrats were cheating each other in their
primaries. However, very soon it became known as an es-
tablished fact that frauds had been committed in the prim-
aries in every section of the State. They were discovered
in Norfolk City and County, and other counties of the Sec-
ond District; and in Pittsylvania County, the home of
Claude A. Swanson; in Culpeper County and in Wythe and
Henrico counties. In a Democratic primary held in Henrico
for the purpose of selecting candidates for county offices
a man by the name of Brauer received the largest number
of votes as the candidate for county treasurer. His right to
the certificate of nomination was contested before the Demo-
cratic County Committee upon the ground that he had used
both money and whiskey to secure his nomination at the
primary. The county committee refused to give Brauer
the certificate, it having been shown that he had used whis-
key and money to secure his nomination in violation of the
so-called Barksdale pure election law. Brauer appealed his
case to the State Democratic Committee, and that commit-
tee, with J. Taylor Ellyson presiding over its deliberations,
reversed the Henrico County Committee and issued a cer-
tificate to Brauer. Thus did the State Committee of the
Democratic party sanction a violation of the so-called pure
election law, and which State Chairman Ellyson had recently
by circular letter urged Democratic managers and candi-
dates to "abide by religiously."
The results of the election in 1903 presented some
significant features. Wherever the Republicans made ag-
gresive fights there was a decided change shown in the
sentiment of the people. The constant demand of the Re-
publicans for fair elections, and the exposure of the efforts
of Rhea's managers to steal the seat in Congress from
Colonel Slemp, bore some fruit. It was the fairest election
that had been held in the State in twenty years. This was
especially so in the great white counties and in the South-
west in particular; and the results in the Ninth District
demonstrated beyond caviling that this was a Republican
500
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
"
district. The Democrats had selected as their candidates
for the Legislature, in nearly every instance, the best men
they could find; but the Republicans elected nine of the
eleven members of the House of Delegates that were sent
from the district and the only member of the Senate to be
chosen from its bounds. The county of Russell, which had
been held by the Democrats for fifteen years, was redeemed
by the Republicans, and the fraudulent practices of the
Machine in that county were rebuked in no uncertain
terms by the honest voters. Not only did the Republicans
win the member of the House of Delegates in Russell, but
they elected their candidates for all the county and nearly
all the district offices. So it was in most of the counties of
the Ninth District, a large proportion of the county and
district offices were captured by the Republicans.
In the Fifth Congressional District the Republicans
showed greatly increased strength. They carried the coun-
ties of Grayson, Carroll and Floyd, and reduced the Demo-
cratic majorities in all the other counties, except Pittsyl-
vania, to insignificant proportions. If there had been a Re-
publican candidate for the House of Delegates in every
county in the State, and the party had been properly organ-
ized and managed, there would have been made a wonder-
ful showing by the Republicans on the popular vote.
FRIGHTFUL TRAGEDY IN SCOTT COUNTY
At every precinct in the Ninth Congressional District,
save one, the election in 1903 was conducted without any
serious disorder. The exception was at Fairview precinct in
Scott County, which was a strong Republican precinct. I.
E. Nickels and William Bostick, Democrats, and C. P. Roller,
Republican, had been appointed judges to conduct the elec-
tion at Fairview. When the judges met at the polling place,
Roller told Nickels he preferred not to serve, as he was not
well and could not see well enough after dark to help count
the ballots and make out the returns. Thereupon, the Re-
publicans present requested that I. P. Robinett be selected
to take the place of Roller, but Nickels and Osborne refused
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
501
to give their consent to Robinett's serving. Eye witnesses
thus related what followed:
"Nickels swore he would die and go to hell before Robin-
ett should mark the tickets. Nickels came into the house in
a very boisterous way, kept swearing if Roller did not serve
there would be no election, keeping his hand in his breast
pocket on his pistol, and occasionally drawing his hand out
exposing the handle to public view. Osborne, who had sub-
stituted for Bostick, seemed as stubborn or more so than
Nickels. A Mason of the Republican side plead with Osborne,
who was also a Mason, to let them have the man of their
choice, as the Democrats had two, that the Republicans had
no chance to get any advantage even if they were inclined
to do so. By this time Nickels and Osborne had walked back
to another room. **** But from the way Nickels and Os-
borne were acting, some of the voters became uneasy fear-
ing they would pass out at the back door and get away
with the tickets to keep the election from being held, this
being a strong Republican precinct. So, several men walked
around to the door. J. H. Catron and John Barnett were a
little in front of the others, and when they stepped in the
house, two or three steps inside the door, they were fired
on by Nickels first, then by Osborne. Nickels shot two of the
first shots, and then, for the next half minute, the noise put
a man in mind of the noise of the 60's, and when the smoke
got so we could see, Nickels and Osborne were dying on the
floor."
In the bloody fight Catron was severely wounded in the
face and neck, and another Republican, named Keys, was
painfully shot in the thigh. Nickels and Osborne were the
first to break the peace, after disclosing their intention to
conduct it unfairly or prevent an election being held. The
eye witnesses said: "After the shooting was over, and the
dead taken care of, the Election Board was organized, the
election was held quietly and every man that had been regis-
tered that wanted to do so, voted, and there was not an
angry word passed during the remainder of the day."
Since this deplorable incident occurred, Scott County
has remained uniformly Republican in National elections.
502
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1904
Political conditions in Virginia were very much con-
fused in 1904. Factional quarrels were in evidence in both.
the Republican and Democratic parties. The Republicans
of the Ninth and Fifth Congressional districts, and of the
city of Richmond and of other localities east of the Blue
Ridge, had become dissatisfied with the conduct of the
party organization. It had for some years been made the
asset of a bunch of Federal officeholders, who had used
it for the advancement of their own selfish interests rather
than for the upbuilding of a militant party in Virginia. In
fact, the party organization was completely under the con-
trol of three men. These three men had been favored by
Mark Hanna and it was believed had conspired with W. F.
Rhea to defeat General Walker in his two contests for a seat
in Congress; and for this reason more particularly they were
eschewed by the Republicans of the Ninth District. From
the time they helped to defeat General Walker until Colonel
Slemp was elected to Congress, they had controlled and
dispensed the Federal patronage accredited to Virginia.
When Colonel Slemp took his seat in the House of Rep-
resentatives in 1903, these men, called the "Big Thres," be-
gan to formulate plans to discredit him with the Adminis-
tration, just as they had done with General Walker. As
soon as Colonel Slemp got in touch with President Roose-
velt he won the favorable consideration and support of the
President; and Allen, Agnew, and Bowden began to lose out.
Then these three shrewd politicians resolved to crush Slemp,
if possible, and sought to demonstrate to the President that
they were the actual live force of the Republican party in
Virginia. This they planned to do by making Colonel Slemp
an insignificant figure in the State Convention that would
elect delegates to the National Convention of 1904.
When the convention assembled at Norfolk on the 3rd
of March the officeholder's contingent was largely in the
ascendant; but Colonel Slemp was backed by a solid fighting
delegation from the Ninth District and by strong delega-
tions from the Fifth District, from Richmond City, and
from various counties in other sections of the State. It
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
503
was a resolute minority, and it made a splendid fight against
the Allen, Agnew, Bowden aggregation. The minority named
Judge L. L. Lewis for permanent chairman, but after a
fierce struggle between the opposing factions, the office-
holders and their pie-counter crowd elected Park Agnew to
the position. Emboldened by their first victory, the Big
Three determined to name themselves, or some of their
pliant followers, delegates and alternates to the National
Convention. They started out to do this but became alarm-
ed and named Colonel Slemp as one of the delegates at large.
He promptly refused to accept, and the Ninth District re-
fused the appointment of one of its delegates as State elec-
tor. Both factions were for Roosevelt, and the delegates
elected to the National Convention were instructed for him.
Immediately after adjournment of the convention, Colonel
Slemp went to Washington, where he was interviewed by a
correspondent of the Richmond News Leader and expressed
himself about the convention as follows:
"We made a fight in the convention against the 'pie'
element of the party. The Republican party of Virginia can
never become strong and deserving of support from the
best men of the State until it is purged of people whose only
purpose in being in the party is to secure offices. This office-
grabbing, selfish class of Republicans has been the disgrace
of the Republican party of the South for years, and it must
get out. We made a fight against that element in the con-
vention. We put up Judge L. L. Lewis, a high-minded, able
man for chairman of the convention. The officeholders
beat him. Then they tried to smooth things over by electing
me as a delegate at large to Chicago. I told them that I
would not have the place and if they wanted a good man,
to elect Judge Lewis; but they would not do that.
"I don't care a rap about a petty little place as delegate
to Chicago; President Roosevelt's nomination is assured
anyhow, and so whether I go or not would not effect his
chances at the convention. We are going to continue the
fight for the re-organization of the party in Virginia and we
will win."
504
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
The correspondent of the News Leader added: "Colonel
Slemp did not say whether he had discussed the situation
in Virginia with the President, but it is presumed that he
did. Judge Lewis, who was defeated by the organization
people, is a close personal friend of the President. As both
of the Virginia factions were unanimously for the Presi-
dent, Mr. Roosevelt naturally does not take part in the
fight, but it is regarded as certain that his sympathies are
with the Lewis-Slemp people. He wants to see a fighting
party organized in Virginia and has not much regard for the
pie-counter people."
The Virginia Democrats were also greatly disturbed by
factional quarrels. There was a serious revolt against what
was called the Martin Machine, and the revolting Democrats
were being led by Governor Montague and his political
friends. The Richmond Times-Dispatch, the News Leader,
the Lynchburg News, the Roanoke Times, and other Demo-
cratic papers were showing hostility to Martin and were
friendly to Montague. The Montague people had tried to
pass at the preceding session of the General Assembly a
bill called the "Machen Bill." And the avowed purpose of
the bill was to provide for general primary elections in Vir-
ginia with the intention of having the people select at prim-
aries their United States Senators as well as all important
State officers. The bill was defeated by a shrewd act of a
friend of Martin at the closing hours of the session of the
General Assembly. Defeat of the bill was made a pretext
for beginning a campaign against Martin for re-election as
Senator from Virginia, and with Andrew Jackson Montague
as the opposing candidate. The promoters of the Machen
Bill pretended that its object was to purify politics and
elections in Virginia; but it was merely another movement
in the factional game that was being played by rival Demo-
cratic machines-one led by Montague, the other by Martin.
The Montague faction charged that the Martin Machine
had defeated the Machen Bill because they did not want to
have fair elections or to get an honest expression of the will
of the people. To this charge the Martin people replied that
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
505
there had been frauds committed at the Democratic prim-
aries held in Henrico County and in Norfolk City in 1903;
and that the frauds in the Norfolk primary were perpetrat-
ed by the "good government" Democrats who were allied
to the Montague faction. The frauds at Norfolk were so
flagrant that the State Central Democratic Committee was
forced to make an investigation and sent a special com-
mittee to Norfolk, which secured a large amount of evidence
in the matter. The State Central Committee met at Rich-
mond and heard counsel for the rival factions and consider-
ed the report of the investigating committee. The Richmond
Times-Dispatch of the 29th of April, thus spoke about the
result of the hearing:
"The long drawn out investigation by the State Central
Democratic Committee of the malodorous primary election
held in Norfolk October 13, 1903, ended at 2:20 o'clock this
morning in the adoption of a resolution declaring the elec-
tion in the Fourth Ward unquestionably fraudulent, and,
therefore, null and void. A new election was ordered.
"The committee, by a vote of 23 to 14, declined to de-
clare the election in the First, Sixth and Seventh Wards
fraudulent, and in this way only the one ward was thrown
out. The committeemen were unwilling to place the brand
of fraud upon the election in those wards, because by so
doing they might be reflecting upon the characters of men
who served as judges when fraud was not absolutely proved.
More than two-fifths of the members of the committee re-
garded fraud as proved in the other wards also. It was not
denied by any one who spoke that the primary plan was
one that was open to suspicion, and in which fraud was
easy, and that many foresaw and predicted fraud. There
was really little doubt, apparently, in the minds of the
committeemen that the State Committee could not afford
to endorse the election. But they were unwilling to condemn
it."
The frauds in the Henrico and Norfolk primaries were
acquiesced in by the State Democratic Committee and con-
doned by the Democratic press. If the Democrats were to
506
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
be permitted to cheat each other in their primaries, the
Republicans wondered what would be done to them at the
general elections.
The Virginia Democrats held their State Convention at
Norfolk the first week in June. It had already been de-
termined by the party leaders to instruct the delegates at
large from Virginia for Alton G. Parker, of New York, who
was a gold man, and had refused to support Mr. Bryan in
1896. And it was also in evidence that the convention would
repudiate Bryan and his political vagaries. The Staunton
Spectator, a warm supporter of Bryan, gave the following
warning to the Parker men: "We advise our Parker friends
not to be too overbearing and dictatorial, or they may spoil
the nice sweet dish of crow they are preparing for those who
were voting the regular Democratic ticket when they were
hobnobbing with the enemy." The Democratic Convention
at Norfolk was composed chiefly of the same leaders and
largely of the same delegates that constituted the State con-
vention at that place in 1900. In 1900 the convention was
wildly for Bryan and free silver. The 1904 convention was
against Bryan and for the gold standard and the delegates
to the National Convention were instructed for Alton G.
Parker. The Virginia Republicans were uncertain as to the
most appropriate term for the dominant party in the State.
Perhaps it ought to have been called the "fickle" or the
"insincere Virginia Democracy."
Following the Norfolk Convention the District Demo-
cratic Committee for the Ninth District proclaimed Joseph
C. Wysor, of Pulaski, the Democratic candidate for Con-
gress. It had been arranged to hold a primary to select a
candidate, but Mr. Wysor was the only person who filed a
notice of candidacy with the committee and the primary
was unnecessary. The Tazewell Republican, speaking for the
Republicans of the district, had this to say about Mr. Wy-
sor's candidacy:
"Mr. Wysor is an able lawyer, eloquent speaker and
honorable gentleman; but his political convictions are not
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
507
in accord with those held by a large majority of the voters
of the district, and he can hardly be elected as its repre-
sentative in Congress. His candidacy, however, gives
promise of improved election methods. If he is the man he
is reputed to be, and we believe him to be, the Republicans
will not have to contend against the fraudulent methods
that were employed in the last three Congressional elec-
tions in this district. We take it for granted that he would
not desire to hold a seat in Congress obtained by such a
fraudulent device as the "Scott County Ballot." In fact,
we have heard him express disgust for that and the similar
ballots that were used in the election of 1900. *** We have
said before that we do not believe that any Democrat who
was a member of the late Constitutional Convention can
ever be elected to Congress from this District, and we ex-
press the conviction again."
On the 15th of June, 1904, the Republicans of the Ninth
District met in convention at Tazewell. Col. Campbell Slemp
was re-nominated for Congress by acclamation. The conven-
tion was a very large and enthusiastic body of men repre-
sentative of the best citizenship of the district. Resolutions
were passed endorsing the adminstration of President
Roosevelt and the record of Colonel Slemp as represen-
tative in Congress.
The Republicans assembled in National Convention in
Chicago on the 21st of June. There was but one sentiment
among the delegates as to the choice of a candidate for
President. Theodore Roosevelt had so endeared himself to
the great mass of the people, and had shown so much apti-
tude in managing the affairs of the Nation, that his nomi-
nation was treated as a matter of course. At the proper time
in the course of its proceedings he was nominated as the
Republican candidate for President, and Charles Warren
Fairbanks, of Indiana, was nominated for Vice President.
They were placed on a truly Republican platform, with
sound money and a protective tariff as the chief isues.
The Democrats held their National Convention at St.
Louis the first week in July. The first three days of the
508
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
convention were devoted to effecting temporary and perma-
nent organizations and constructing a platform. Efforts were
made by David Bennett Hill and other friends of Judge
Parker to insert a gold standard plank in the platform.
These efforts so incensed Mr. Bryan that he declared if such
a plank was placed in the platform he would bolt the con-
vention and fight its nominees. A compromise was effected
with Mr. Bryan by which it was agreed that the platform
should be silent on the money question. Alton G. Parker,
of New York, was nominated as the Democratic candidate
for President, and Henry G. Davis, of West Virginia, was
made the candidate of the party for Vice President. The
latter gentleman was eighty years old, and was the oldest
man that had ever been nominated by any party for Vice
President or President. Senator Davis, however, was worth
twenty million dollars, which made him very available as a
candidate. Soon after the nominations were made, W. J.
Bryan predicted that the campaign with Parker as the can-
didate "would begin with a foot race and end with a rout."
Upon his return to his home at Lincoln, Mr. Bryan gave
out the following:
"Judge Parker stands for enough things that are good
to justify me in giving him my vote but as I have tried to
point out for several months, the triumph of the Wall Street
element of the party, denies to the country any relief on
economic questions. I have nothing to take back. I have
nothing to withdraw of things that I have said against the
methods pursued to advance his candidacy. It was a plain
and deliberate attempt to deceive the party. **** His friends
attempted to secure a gold plank, which was overwhelm-
ingly defeated in the ccmmittee. After the party had re-
joiced over harmony secured by omission of the question
and after he had secured the nomination, he injected
his views upon the convention at a time when he could not
be taken from the ticket without demoralization. The nomi-
nation was secured, therefore, by crooked and indefensbile
methods."
Mr. Bryan's attitude toward Parker's candidacy proved
very disastrous to the Democratic candidate. It caused
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
509
disintegration of the Democratic party in Kansas, Indiana,
Iowa and in all the States west of the Mississippi where the
Bryanistic doctrines had taken deep root. The result was
that the campaign of Parker very soon became a veritable
"rout" as had been predicted by Mr. Bryan.
CONGRESSIONAL CAMPAIGN IN NINTH DISTRICT
Another very interesting political contest was in prog-
ress in the Ninth congressional District of Virginia. It was
interesting because the Presidential candidates of the two
great parties held identically the same views on the money
question, both favoring the Gold standard. And it was interest-
ing because the candidates for Congress of the respective
parties were striving to conduct the campaign on higher
lines than had been followed by the Democrats in the three
campaigns when they had Rhea for their candidate. Sud-
denly, however, the pleasing aspects of the campaign were
thrust aside by injection of the greatly over-worked race
question, the negro, into the contest. The Virginia Demo-
cratic leaders were cognizant of the fact that the merciless
abandonment of Bryan and his wild theories of government
was disrupting their party in the West, and was chilling the
ardor of many followers of the "peerless leader" in Virginia..
Knowledge of these conditions prompted the Democratic
leaders and press to resurrect the negro question-which
they had claimed was killed and buried by the new Consti-
tution and make it again a live and flaming issue in the-
politics of the State. J. Taylor Ellyson, Chairman of the
State Committee, had a conference at Bristol with Mr.
Wysor, Judge Rhea, W. D. Smith the Ninth District Chair-
man, and possibly other Democrats. Following the con-
ference, a press dispatch was sent out from Washington
telling that Mr. Ellyson would superintend the campaign in
the Ninth District. And the dispatch said: "The majority
of the Republican voters are white men. For this reason
the leaders have determined to play the race issue for all
it is worth, and there is every reason to believe that hun-
dreds who voted for Slemp at the last election will vote for
Wysor this fall."
Furious attacks were made by the leaders, speakers
-510
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
and the Democratic press upon President Roosevelt because
of the Booker Washington incident and for the reason that
the President had appointed a negro a railway mail clerk.
And similar attacks were made upon Colonel Slemp because
he had voted for and helped to erect George Cook, a negro,
one of the doorkeepers of the Virginia House of Delegates.
The Richmond News Leader and the Roanoke Times
made virulent attacks upon President Roosevelt and Colonel
Slemp. These two papers, or their editors, assumed to be-
lieve that the acts of Roosevelt and Slemp committed them
to social and political equality of the races; and occasional-
ly the Richmond Times-Dispatch chimed in with the News
Leader and the Roanoke Times. Then the Washington
Post published a letter said to be contributed by Henry
S. Baker, a negro. Baker could never be located, and the Re-
publicans charged and proved that the letter was spurious
and that its principle averments were false. The mythical
Baker, in the letter, referred to a scene which he had wit-
nessed on the stage at a session of the recent National
Convention at Chicago, in which a beautiful white girl and
a negro youth were the actors. The story told by Baker was
absolutely false; but the News Leader and the Roanoke
'Times-eager to help Mr. Ellyson "play the race issue for
all it was worth" in the Ninth District-published the Baker
letter in their columns and gave it editorial approval. These
papers argued therefrom that the incident related and the
Booker Washington incident tended to the encouragement
of social equality and even to miscegenation.
The Tazewell Republican replied to and completely re-
futed, it was believed, the malignant attacks made by its
contemporaries on President Roosevelt and Colonel Slemp.
The Republican called the attention of its contemporaries
to the indisputable fact that President Cleveland had re-
ceived and entertained Fred Douglass and his white wife
and his negro daughter by a former negro wife at a high
social function at the White House. Douglass entered the
social gathering with his white wife clinging to one of his
arms and his negro daughter to the other. They were re-
ceived by the President and dined with him and his other
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
511
guests. Mr. Cleveland after this social affair was made the
Presidential candidate of his party-in 1888 and in 1892-
and no portion of his party supported him more cordially
than did the Virginia Democracy.
And the Tazewell Republican also reminded its con-
temporaries that President Cleveland had appointed negro
postmasters in the Southern States. He appointed no less
than five in Virginia. Two of these were appointed at the
solicitation of Claude A. Swanson, then Democratic Con-
gressman representing the Fifth District. Two more were
appointed at the request of William A. Jones, then Congress-
man from the First District; and one was appointed in
Tazewell County at the suggestion of prominent Democrats.
The Democratic leaders and newspapers in Virginia were
assailing President Roosevelt for appointing negroes to Fed-
eral offices, and because his nomination at Chicago was
seconded by a negro lawyer from Baltimore. The Tazewell
Republican reminded them that negro delegates sat in the
convention that nominated Mr. Cleveland in 1892, and that
President Cleveland sent one of those negro delegates as
minister to one of the white republics of South America.
The Republican also called attention to the fact that Presi-
dent Cleveland appointed a negro Recorder of Deeds for the
District of Columbia during his first term; and that he
appointed another to the same position during his second
term. But the editors of the Richmond News Leader and the
Roanoke Times made themselves ridiculous by trying to
show that the conduct of Mr. Cleveland in these particular
instances was commendable but that similar conduct on the
part of President Roosevelt was contemptible.
And the Tazewell Republican-in defending Colonel
Slemp against the assaults made upon him for voting for a
negro doorkeeper of the House of Delegates-pointed to
the fact that Maj. William A. Anderson, the recently elect-
ed and acting Attorney General of Virginia, had in 1869 and
again in 1871 voted for Abram Hall, a negro, for the posi-
tion of one of the doorkeepers of the State Senate. In a
labored editorial, the Richmond Times-Dispatch admitted
that Major Anderson had voted for and helped elect the
512
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
negro Hall and commended Anderson for so doing. But the
Times-Dispatch and all the other Democratic organs per-
sisted in denouncing Colonel Slemp for voting for the
negro, Cook. It was a matter of regret to Mr. Wysor's Re-
publican friends-he had a goodly number in the district-
that he fell into line with Ellyson and his clan and stressed
this obnoxious issue in the campaign.
The result of the election in the Ninth District was very
gratifying to the Republicans but appalling to the Demo-
crats. Roosevelt and Slemp carried the district by more
than four thousand majority. They carried twelve of the
fourteen counties that then composed the Ninth District.
Wysor got 11,678 votes and Slemp 15,929, giving Slemp
a majority of 4,251 in the district. The only counties in
Virginia outside of the Ninth District that the Republicans
carried were: Floyd, Grayson, Greene, Highland, Mont-
gomery, and Page. In the State the vote for Presidential can-
didates was: Parker, 86,683; Roosevelt, 46,450; Swallow,
Prohibitionist, 1,382; Watson, Populist, 359-a total of
128,874.
The State Board of Canvassers had certified that
46,607 votes were cast and counted for the Congressional can-
didates in the Ninth District at the election in 1900. And
it was known that thousands of Republicans lost their votes
because of their inability to properly mark the infamous
Scott County Ballot and the complicated ballots that were
used in other counties. The State Board of Canvasers certi-
fied that 38,578 votes were cast and counted for the Con-
gressional candidates at the election in the district in 1904.
Thus it will be seen that the electorate of the district had
been reduced about eight thousand through the operation
of the "Understanding Clause" and the poll tax qualifica-
tion.
A few days after the election, the Richmond Times-
Dispatch voiced the grief and resentment of the Democrats
occasioned by the defeat of Mr. Wysor. The Richmond
paper said: "There is a great deal of speculation as well as
a feeling of widespread regret among the Democrats of Vir-
ginia concerning the almost brutal defeat of Hon. Joseph
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
513-
C. Wysor in the Ninth District by Colonel Campbell Slemp,
but those who ought to be familiar with the situation are
clearly of the opinion that money had more to do with
the result than any other one cause." The Tazewell Republi-
can resented the charge of venality preferred against the
electorate of the Ninth District by saying:
"This is a slander upon the Ninth District. The idea
of enough men being purchased in the district to give the
splendid majority of four thousand is not only ridiculous
but silly. The 'Slush Fund' that did the work for Mr. Wysor
was disgust for the Virginia Democracy. The people of the
Ninth District are unpurchased and unpurchasable. The
great victory won for Roosevelt and Slemp was occasioned
by disgust for Virginia Democratic methods, and a spirit
of progressive Americanism."
VIRGINIA POLITICS IN 1905.
Colonel Slemp had declared in an interview just after
the State Convention was held at Norfolk in 1904 that he
and his friends would fight for a thorough reorganization
of the Republican party in Virginia, and that they would win
the fight. Very soon after his splendid victory in the Ninth
District, Colonel Slemp was recognized by President Roose-
velt as the most aggressive and successful Republican in
Virginia; and the President made him referee for all political
matters in the State. The Federal officeholders, who had
been controlling the party organization for the previous
ten years, realized that they had been superseded and
wisely concluded to gracefully retire before they were
kicked out. Accordingly, Park Agnew, Chairman of the
Executive and State Central Committees, called a meeting
of the two committees to be held at Lynchburg on the 21st
of January, 1905. It was given out that Mr. Agnew, who
had been serving as chairman of the party for seven years,
would tender his resignation at the Lynchburg meeting.
When the State Central Committee met it was found that
forty-four of the fifty members were present or represented
by proxy. Mr. Agnew tendered his resignation which was
promptly accepted. Five members of the committee--adher-
ents of the "Big Three"-also resigned; and S. Brown Allen.
514
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
resigned from the State Executive Committee. Several
persons were mentioned for the vacant chairmanship, but
Bascom Slemp had made himself famous as an organizer
in his father's 1902 campaign, and he was unanimously
elected State Chairman of the party. Needless to tell, he
has from that time to the present day been the potentially
controlling force in the Republican party of Virginia. And
he has recently won the distinction of being one of the
greatest political organizers in the United States.
At this time the Democratic party in Virginia was
separated into two distinct factions. One of these was known
as the Martin Machine and the other as the Montague
Machine. The two plums for which the rival factions were
contending were the successor of Martin for United States
Senator and the successor of Montague for Governor. The
Democratic candidates for these two positions to be voted
for at the general election in November, together with cer-
tain State officers and candidates for the General Asembly,
were to be selected at a Democratic primary in August, 1905.
Martin was a candidate to succeed himself in the Senate
and Montague was the opposing candidate.
In the Martin-Montague contest much soiled linen was
exposed and washed in public. It was a contest of crimina-
tion and recrimination. In the gubernatorial contest there
were three candidates. Claude A. Swanson was the Martin
Machine man; Joseph E. Willard was the Montague man;
and William Hodges Mann the anti-saloon candidate. There
was much mud-slinging in this contest also, and from what
the rival candidates said about each other neither one was
fit for the position of Chief Executive of the once great
State of Virginia. The primary was held in August and
Martin defeated Montague by between fifteen and twenty
thousand majority. Swanson won over Willard by a plural-
ity approximately as large as Martin's majority over Mont-
ague. J. Taylor Ellyson won the nomination for Lieutenant
Governor by an overwhelming majority, but was defeated
at every precinct in Richmond, which was his home city,
by a young and comparatively unknown man who was op-
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
515
posing him. Ellyson had been of great service to both Mar-
tin and Montague when they each profited by frauds in the
negro counties, and both factions gratefully remembered
his services. Among the prominent Democrats who opposed
Martin in the primary contest were Henry C. Stuart, of
Russell, Carter Glass, of Lynchburg, and William A. Jones,
Congressman from the First Congressional District. Two
of these gentlemen, Messrs. Stuart and Glass, are now
identified with the Machine.
Before the Democratic primary was held the Republi-
cans had nominated a full ticket for the State officers then
elective by the people. They held their State Convention at
Roanoke on the 8th of August and made the following
nominations: For Governor, L. L. Lewis, of Richmond. For
Lieutenant Governor-William P. Kent, of Wythe. For At-
torney General-George A. Revercomb, of Alleghany. For
State Treasurer-John Acker, of Rockingham. For Super-
intendent of Public Instruction J. N. Harman, of Tazewell.
For Commissioner of Agriculture-W. H. Egborn, of Cul-
peper. For Secretary of the Commonwealth-V. M. Sowder,
of Floyd.
After the Republicans had nominated their State tick-
et the Richmond Times-Dispatch said: "They have nomi-
nated for Governor Judge L. L. Lewis, a man of ability and
character, who is deservedly popular and who commands
the respect and confidence of all classes of Virginia citizens."
Commenting on these remarks, the Tazewell Republican
said: "The Times-Dispatch might have added to the above
tribute to Judge Lewis a like endorsement of every can-
didate on the Republican State ticket." Confirming the pro-
nouncement of the Tazewell Republican, the Roanoke Times
declared: "Democrats can at least recognize that they are
confronted with foemen worthy of their steel. The Republi-
can party now comes upon the stage of Virginia politics
arrayed in new clothes. It can now justly lay claim to the
attribute of intelligence and many other virtues. True
reason for its evolution to one of respectability and power
is traceable directly to Democratic legislation." To this ut-
516
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
terance of the Roanoke Times the Tazewell Republican sar-
castically replied:
"Virginia Republicans should be profoundly thankful
(?) that they have become, according to the exalted ideas
of the opposition press, "foemen worthy of their steel," and
that they are no longer to be treated as foemen worthy of
Democratic "steal." Of course Republicans have been deeply
impressed with the Democratic legislation which for the
past twenty years has been directed chiefly to evolving the
Republican party from an impotent, discredited organization
to one of respectability and power. The partisan election
laws passed in succession by Democratic Legislatures and
the ultra partisan provisions of the suffrage clauses of the
new Constitution were, no doubt, enacted to make the Re-
publican party strong and respectable, and not to prolong
Democratic power in the State."
Disregarding the nice tribute it had paid to that emi-
nent and worthy citizen Judge L. L. Lewis, before the cam-
paign was concluded the Times-Dispatch became his most
pronounced vilifier. J. Taylor Ellyson, the crafty chairman
of the Democratic party and its candidate for Lieutenant
Governor, concocted a scandalous charge against the Re-
publican candidate for Governor. The charge was, that
Judge Lewis, some years before, in a speech at Chesterfield.
Court House, had declared he was in favor of miscegenation.
The Times-Dispatch was the first newspaper to make public
the false accusation; and other Democratic papers and
Democratic speakers joined the Times-Dispatch in promul-
gating the falsehood. Judge Lewis, in a speech at Newport
News pronounced the charge a lie, and holding Mr. Ellyson
responsible for its circulation, declared that Ellyson was
so dishonest he would not trust him with his purse. There-
after, the campaign was very bitterly conducted and the
Democratic organization utilized the negro scare to conceal
contemplated frauds in the negro counties.
Of course the Democratic Machine, with its usual
methods, accomplished the defeat of Judge Lewis and the
other Republican candidates on the State Ticket by a ma-
jority that had already been fixed by J. Taylor Ellyson. This
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
517
placed the affairs of Virginia again completely in the hands
of the Machine, where they have remained, to the great
injury of the State, until the present time. Bascom Slemp
had effected a splendid and successful organization of the
party in the Ninth District; but the discredited organiza-
tion of Allen, Agnew and Bowden continued hostile to Judge
Lewis, made no effort in his behalf, and the districts they
controlled gave him a ridiculously small vote. It was
generally believed that the old Republican organization had
secretly conspired with the Democratic Machine to encom-
pass the defeat of the Republican candidates.
The Republicans won a notable victory in the Ninth
District. They carried eleven of the thirteen counties west
of New River. Of the eleven members of the House of Dele-
gates from the thirteen counties they elected seven, and the
four Democrats who were elected to the House had in the
aggregate less than three hundred majority. Two of the
three State Senators voted for in the district were elected
by the Republicans; and the Republican State ticket got a
majority of about twenty-five hundred in the thirteen coun-
ties.
In addition to this the Republicans elected ten of the
twelve county clerks elected in the respective counties—
there was no election for clerk in Lee County. This was the
first time the Republicans had ever been able to elect the
clerks in the district to any considerable number, never
having had the clerk in any of the counties except Tazewell
and Bland.
518
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
CHAPTER XXVI
VIRGINIA LEGISLATURE DOMINATED BY LOBBIES-DEATH OF COLONEL
SLEMP-BASCOM SUCCEEDS HIS FATHER IN CONGRESS--TAFT DE-
FEATS BRYAN FOR PRESIDENT-BASCOM ELECTED AGAIN TO
CONGRESSMANN ELECTED GOVERNOR
Politics in Virginia were absolutely dominated by the Demo-
cratic Machine in every section of the State, except the Ninth
Congressional District. The General Assembly at its session
of 1906 was the most riotous and scandalous that had ever as-
sembled in the State. After its adjournment the Richmond
Journal, a staunch Democratic paper, thus wrote about the
conditions that prevailed while the Legislature was in session:
"A feature of the General Assembly was the size, aggress-
iveness and persistency of the lobby that flocked to the Capitol
on the opening day of the Legislature, and remained hovering
about that body during the entire session. Representatives of
the railroads, insurance companies, private corporations, en-
deavoring to block legislation deemed adverse to their interests,
or to suggest measures that would minimize the effect of re-
strictive laws, officers of State institutions seeking increased
appropriations, candidates hunting office, individual interests
pressing personal bills the Capitol was overrun with them.
They crowded the corridors, hung about the committee rooms,
congested the lobbies of the two chambers, and filled the cloak
rooms. Upon several occasions in each House business was
forced to be suspended until the noisy, pestiferous breed could
be cleared out.”
On the 3rd of March, 1906, John Curlett, a member of the
House of Delegates, rose to his feet in the hall of the House and
declared:
"Corporate interests have been brought to bear upon this
General Assembly to hold up legislation that threatens to mili-
tate for the people against private corporations.
"Conditions exist of which the people know nothing. I am
reliably informed, for example, that one of the most prominent
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
519
members of the House (calling him by name) represents some-
thing like a dozen corporations.”
The corporations had helped to construct and maintain the
Machine with large contributions of money, and they were
demanding compensation for services rendered. It appears
that the lobbies got about everything they wanted in the way
of legislation and appropriations. The insurance men killed
the Wharton law, the whiskey men defeated all the amendments
to the Mann law demanded by the temperance people, and the
corporations, generally, won out. A number of corrupt trans-
actions in different departments of the State Government had
been brought to public notice. Some of them had occurred be-
fore the General Assembly met and some while that body was
in session. The things reported were: Graft in the Corpora-
tion Commission. Concealed corruption in some of the chari-
table institutions. Inefficiency and uncleanness in some of the
State educational institutions. Tampering with a bill after it
was reported by a committee, the tampering being done by a
member of the House from Richmond. Soliciting a check from
a lobbyist by the Clerk of the Senate to be given one of the
engrossing clerks for promptly engrossing a bill which the lob-
byist wanted to get to the Governor as quickly as possible.
These were serious charges, and legislative committees and com-
missioners were appointed to investigate them. The several
committees in their reports exonerated all the accused persons
from either graft, bribery or fraudulent intention, but pro-
nounced certain acts of the accused parties "indiscret" and
improper. The findings of the committees provoked the Nor-
folk Landmark, a sterling Democratic newspaper, to utter as
follows:
"Of course, nothing but indscretion is ever committed now-
adays in Virginia by a prominent or influential person. When
such persons are caught doing things which would put the
vulgar in the calaboose, they are excused on the convenient
theory that they had no wrong intent. If the Legislature were
in session, we have no doubt that it would hasten to adopt the
minority report of the committee on snakes. The circumstances
are like another Corporation Commission case, in miniature."
The Landmark was commenting on the report of the com-
mittee which investigated the solicitation of a check by the
520
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
Clerk of the Senate from a lobbyist. The Tazewell Republican,
commenting on the report of the committee in the same case,
remarked as follows:
"If the investigating committee can find such facts as they
related in their report and treat the facts as only an act of in-
discretion, what else can honest citizens think than that the
investigators were more eager to conceal than reveal the crook-
ed work that was done by officials and representatives under the
influence of persons who were lobbying for private and cor-
porate interests? Graft and bribery have been transformed
into the more euphonious word "indiscretion" by Democratic in-
vestigating committees. And the Virginia Legislature has dis-
covered that 'a grave error of judgment and an act of indiscre-
tion' sounds nicer than graft."
In the early days of the Summer of 1906 the Virginia Dem-
ocrats commenced to search for a leader or Presidential candi-
date at the election that would come in 1908; and they began
to turn attention again to William Jennings Bryan. The re-
cord of the Virginia Democracy had been absurdly inconsistent
and fickle in connection with Mr. Bryan. They went wild about
him in 1896, were acquiescent but not cordial in the support
they gave him in 1900, and in 1904 were contemptuously critical
of their recently adored "peerless leader." It was amusing to
witness the adroit manner in which the Virginia Democratic
press prepared the way for support of Mr. Bryan in 1908. The
Richmond Times-Dispatch, that previously had been severely
hostile to the Nebraskan, moving on this line said: "Mr. Bryan
has seen a new light. No matter what he said or thought ten
years ago, he now understands that Democracy and Socialism
are necessarily and diametrically opposing forces. If Mr.
Bryan can gather up the remnant of true Democracy that yet
remains and organize it for a gallant fight against Republicanisin
and Socialism, he will render his fellow-citizens signal and in-
valuable service."
The Tazewell Republican thus commented on the utterance
of the Times-Dispatch: "To such a state of desperate hope is
the 'safe and sane Democracy' reduced. It is forced to admit
that Mr. Bryan has again vaulted into the Democratic saddle,
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
521
and it accepts the situation with the vain hope that he may yield
his strong convictions to those whom our Richmond contemp-
orary is pleased to call 'the remnant of true Democracy;' and
that he will be so generous as to lead this remnant against the
tremendous and dangerous forces that rallied so enthusiastically
under his brilliant leadership to the aid of the Democratic party
in 1896 and in 1900."
CONGRESSIONAL CAMPAIGN AND ELECTION IN NINTH DISTRICT
In the Ninth Congressional District the Democrats were
feeling their way as to who they would prefer for their candi-
date for President in 1908. And they were also industriously
hunting for a candidate to pit against Colonel Slemp in the
approaching Congressional election. Their first intention was
to select their candidate by a primary election, but failing to
get any one of their available men to enter for the primary
they abandoned that plan for selecting their candidate.
While the Democrats of the district were in their state of
uncertainty and confusion, the Republicans held their District
Convention at Marion, on the 20th of June, 1906. The con-
vention was a very large and enthusiastic body, composed of the
stalwart citizenship of the district. An excellent platform-
endorsing the principles and policies of the National Republi-
can party and the splendid administration of President Roose-
velt, and severely arraigning the Virginia Democrats for their
many misdeeds was adopted. The second resolution of the
platform was as follows:
"We endorse the record and work of our representative
in Congress, the Hon. Campbell Slemp, and assert, without
fear of successful contradiction, that no more faithful and ef-
ficient representative has ever represented the people of this
district in the National House of Representatives. And should
it be the will of this convention that he again carry the flag of
the party in this district, we pledge him our united support and
promise him a triumphant victory at the November election."
Having abandoned their plan for holding a primary, the
Democrats of the Ninth District called a convention to meet
at Bristol on the 16th of August to nominate a candidate for
Congress. In the meantime they continued to hunt for a man
who would consent to be made a victim for the sacrificial altar;
522
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
but when the convention assembled at Bristol no one had as yet
consented. J. Taylor Ellyson, the efficient and sufficient State
Chairman of the party, was present to counsel with the leaders
and assure them that he would freely use his well known meth-
ods to help them capture the district. After frequent confer-
ences and much earnest persuasion they secured a conscious vic-
tim in the person Robert P. Bruce, of Wise. His name was pre-
sented to the convention by R. Tate Irvine, who was a few years
later made one of Bascom Slemp's victims. In the nominating
speech, Mr. Irvine, referring to Mr. Bruce, said: "He is not a
politician; he is a gentleman." That was a pretty severe thrust,
even if made unintentionally, at the timid politicians who were
ready to sacrifice the "gentleman" but were unwilling to sacri-
fice themselves. Mr. Bruce, in his speech of acceptance, admit-
ted himself to be a sacrificial offering, by saying: "I have made
and will make a sacrifice for you, and I have a right to ask you
to make a sacrifice for me." This was a pitiful wail; and its
personal pronouns "I" and "you" recorded a personal immola-
tion.
The platform adopted by the convention contained declara-
tions that were plainly contradictory. In the second resolution
of the platform it was declared: "We reaffirm and ratify the de-
claration of principles set out in the St. Louis platform of 1904."
This declaration was completely nullified and contravened by
the fourth paragraph of the second resolution, which said: "It
is with great pleasure we notice the fact that with one accord
the Democrats of every section of our common country, North,
South, East and West, are endorsing the splendid character, ag-
gressive statesmanship, wise counsel and heroic devotion to
principle of Democracy's great leader, William Jennings Bryan,
and we unite with them in pledging to him our unqualified sup-
port for the Presidency in 1908."
The St. Louis platform was written by Democrats who were
hostile to Mr. Bryan and the Chicago platform of 1896; and he
refused to go on the stump for Parker after the latter was nomin-
ated for President at St. Louis. Truly it was amusing to see
the eagerness with which the Virginia Democrats were again
getting aboard the Bryan band wagon. Soon after the Ninth
District Democrats declared for Bryan, John W. Daniel, Thomas
S. Martin and Hal. D. Flood announced themselves for Bryan.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
523
The Staunton Spectator, an ardent Bryan paper, thus spoke of
the announcement made by the three distinguished Virginians:
"The appearance of Messrs. Daniel and Martin, our two
Senators from Virginia, and Hal D. Flood, one of our Virginia
Congressmen, in the Bryan procession last week, was truly a
cause for guffawing. If we could only here repeat the many
mean things these gentlemen have said of him, and could in the
remotest degree approximate the mean things they have
thought, they would fill a volume."
The attitude of the Virginia Democratic leaders and news-
papers to Mr. Bryan was so ludicrious that the Richmond News
Leader, then edited by the brilliant Alfred B. Williams, jeering-
ly pictured the situation as follows:
"Few things are more amusing than the flopping and
floundering various Democratic newspapers and leaders have
been doing on the Bryan question. When his return to the
country and his probable candidacy for the next Democratic
nomination for President were announced, these supposed
moulders of public opinion had a case of Bryan hysterics. They
insisted on nominating him two years in advance of the meet-
ing of the convention and there was a grand rush for the band
wagon, everybody scrambling to get aboard.
"In all this there is no sense. Too many of our newspapers
and alleged statesmen are like the nautilus which hoists its sail
in tropic seas and veers with every vagrant breeze. Apparent-
ly without rudders or purposes or destinations of their own
they go hither and thither as they think public sentiment is
tending."
Commenting on the sarcastic utterances of the News Lead-
er, the Tazewell Republican said:
"What more can be expected of a party that occupies all its
time hunting for a candidate or for a policy upon which it can
hope to win? Verily, the Democratic party is 'like the nautilus
which hoists its sail in tropic seas and veers with every vagrant
breeze.' It would not be very inappropriate to call it the “va-
grant party." So far as principles and candidates are concern-
ed it has neither settled habits nor abiding faith. It rapidly
strolls about from man to man and from principle to principle,
with all the instincts and habits of a vagrant."
524
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
In the campaign which followed the nomination of Mr.
Bruce his managers completely ignored the platform adopted at
Bristol. They made the fight against Colonel Slemp a personal
one, and charged that he had been inefficient and incapable as the
representative of the people. And they asserted that Mr. Bruce
was far better equipped mentally and morally to represent the
district than was Colonel Slemp. These assertions were repell-
ed and successfully controverted by the Republicans with ample
comparison of the records and accomplishments of the two part-
ies they represented. The campaign in the Ninth District as
conducted by the Democrats was of a desperately bitter char-
acter; and the flings made at Colonel Slemp by the Lynchburg
News and the Roanoke Times were wicked and slanderous. Here
is a sample from the Roanoke Times:
"It is a momentous question that confronts the people of
the district. It is not a question of the triumph of Democracy
or Republicanism, but, will the good people of the Ninth District
continue to have as their representative a man whose every
public act is reprehensible and whose sole aim is the gratifica-
tion of selfishness."
The Republicans regarded this and other similar utterances
as not only a mean slander upon Colonel Slemp but an insult to
"the good people of the Ninth District," who had twice elected
him to Congress, and who had resolved to elect him a third
time. The Tazewell Republican said: "But what more or other
than slander can be expected by Republicans from the Roanoke
Times, the Lynchburg News and the other partisan sheets that
condone and defend the many immoral practices of the Virginia
Democracy? They vilified General Walker, they vilified and
slandered Roosvelt and Slemp two years ago; they vilified and
slandered Judge Lewis last year; and they are now merely re-
peating their former unrighteous acts."
The campaign of slander and vilification availed the Demo-
crats only what they richly deserved. Their candidate, who was
not a "politician" but who was a "gentleman" was severely de-
feated. The Republicans, at their Marion Convention, had pro-
mised Colonel Slemp "a triumphant victory at the November
election," and they made good that promise. His majority over
Bruce in the Ninth District was 2,041 votes. The entire vote
cast and counted in the district was 25,555, and was nearly one-
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
525-
third of the whole vote cast in the State at this Congressional
election. The Republicans made no showing in any of the other
districts except the Fifth. In that district Saunders, the Demo-
cratic candidate got 222 majority over Simmons, the Republican
candidate. Only 5,396 votes were cast in the Sixth District of
which number Carter Glass, the Democratic candidate, received
4,060 and C. A. Heermans, the Republican candidate, 1,336. This
was the smallest number cast in any district in the State. Verily
the poll tax qualification, the "Understanding Clause," and the
other destructive provisions of the New Constitution had
wrought havoc with the Virginia electorate.
Colonel Slemp was the only Republican elected to Congress
from Virginia at the 1906 election; but the election was highly
favorable to the Republicans throughout the Union. They won
a majority of more than sixty in the House of Representatives
and made a gain of four members in the Senate. The policies
of President Roosevelt, so vigorously assailed by the Democrats,
were heartily endorsed by the American people.
The announced purpose of Mr. Bryan to become a can-
didate for Democratic nomination for President in 1908
spread much confusion in the ranks of the Virginia Demo-
crats in 1907. His advocacy of government ownership of
railroads, regulation of child labor by the Federal Govern-
ment and other centralization doctrines were a potential
cause for the said confusion. Senator John W. Daniel cre-
ated further disturbance in his party in Virginia by making
public a platform for the Democratic party for 1908. He
placed in his platform a resolution favoring protection to
American labor and industries. The closing sentence of
Daniel's protection platform said: "We should not develop
cther countries at the expense of this country, pay other
laborers at the expense of our laborers, or fatten distant
consumers at the expense of our consumers." Senator
Daniel also renounced the free silver doctrines he had so
earnestly espoused and accepted the Republican doctrine of a
single gold standard.
Previcus to the promulgation of the Daniel platform,
ex-President Cleveland published several articles abounding
526
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
in advice to his hopelessly disrupted party. He urged that
the tariff should be made the chief issue in 1908. The Rich-
mond Times-Distpatch said: "Mr. Cleveland is calling the
Democrats back to fundamentals," and quoted as proof
thereof the tariff plank in the Democratic platform of 1892.
That plank denounced "Republican protection as fraud and
robbery," and declared "that the Federal Government has no
constitutional power to impose and collect duties, except
for the purpose of revenue only." Thus it will be seen that
Senator Daniel had separated himself from Mr. Bryan on
the money question and from Mr. Cleveland on the tariff
question. Though it was understood that Senator Daniel
aspired to be made the Presidential candidate of his party
in 1908, his platform was not cordially received by the Vir-
ginia Democrats, because it favored the Republican doc-
trine of Protection.
In the meantime Mr. Bryan threw another confusing
bomb into the Democratic camp by publishing a three col-
umn article, in which he propounded, and answered, in his
way, the question: "What is a Democrat?" The Norfolk
Virginian-Pilot answered the question thus:
"The world's riddle, What is a Democrat:' bids fair to
go sounding down the ages without solution as does that
older and solemn inquiry, 'what is truth?" There are as
many answers to it as Homer had birthplaces and Columbus
graves. They who profess Democracy are all sorts, sizes,
complexions and creeds. A large class is the Paddy's owl
variety, which says nothing but keeps up a devil of a
thinking. Another class clings to the Jeffersonian creed
as interpreted by Abraham Lincoln. A third votes the Demo-
cratic ticket if the nominee be running on a Populist ticket;
and yet another draws its inspiration and its doctrines from
the eminent Republican, Mr. Theodore Roosevelt."
A very amusing and partly accurate answer to Mr.
Bryan's question. The Norfolk paper, however, erred in
classing those who cling to the Jeffersonian creed as inter-
preted by Abraham Lincoln and those who drew their in-
spiration and doctrines from Theodore Roosevelt as a part
of the Modern Democracy. These two classes were and
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
527
are Republican of the Jeffersonian and Lincoln stripe.
The Richmond News-Leader, remarking on the ques-
tion, said: "A great many persons after reading Mr. Bryan's
three-column definition of what is a Democrat, will be no
wiser than they were before." An Eastern newspaper re-
marked that if Mr. Bryan had published his picture instead
of that three-column article it would have been a more rea-
sonable answer than the article. This struck the fancy of
the Richmond Evening Journal and that paper declared that
Mr. Bryan was "It." Thereupon, the Tazewell Republican
intervened to help its Democratic friends solve the momen-
tous riddle by saying:
"If our Democratic friends will permit us to help solve
this almost unanswerable question, we believe we can help.
What do you think of chameleon? The chameleon is a small
lizard-like reptile, and the following is in part the descrip-
tion given in Webster's Dictionary of the little lizard: 'Its
celor changes more or less with the color of the objects
about it, or with its temper when disturbed. In a cool, dark
place it is nearly white, or grayish; on admitting the light
it changes to brown, bottle-green, blood-red, of various
shades and more or less mottled in arrangement.'
"With the growing predisposition of the Democratic
party to change its principles in every National campaign
we would like to know if any word or words will so correctly
define, 'What is a Democrat?' as the one word chameleon."
In the midsts of the squabblings of the Virginia Demo-
crats over Mr. Bryan and his question, "What is a Demo-
crat?" a campaign for the election of members of the next
General Assembly was begun. The Democratic Machine had
gained such absolute control of all sections of the State, ex-
cept the Ninth District, that the campaign excited but little
interest elsewhere. But in the Ninth District the Republi-
cans had candidates in all the counties west of New River.
COLONEL SLEMP'S SUDDEN DEATH
Three weeks before the election for members of the
General Assembly and certain county officers was held, a
528
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
severe shock was given the friends of Colonel Slemp in the
Ninth District and throughout the State when news was
received of his death. The Tazewell Republican, recorded
the lamentable happening as follows:
"On last Sunday, the 13th inst., a violent shock was
given many of our people by the announcement that Hon.
Campbell Slemp had died suddenly at his home in Big Stone
Gap at 4 o'clock in the morning of that day. It was not only
a shock but also brought sorrow to many of our people who
had been intimately associated with him in politics and
socially for a number of years. For the past five years he
had mingled freely with our people, and never tired of ex-
pressing his affection for and devotion to the people of Taze-
well County. The steadfast support they had given him in his
several contests for Congress had made a deep and lasting
impression. He was an able and faithful representative of
his people, and his place will be hard to refill."
Campbell Slemp was born in Lee County, Virginia, De-
cember 2nd, 1839, and was, therefore, nearly sixty-eight
years old at the time of his death. Some years ago he
changed his place of residence to Big Stone Gap. He was a
student at Emory and Henry College when a youth, where
he always stood at the head of his classes. While a senior
he was compelled to leave that institution on account of the
death of his father and take charge of his father's affairs.
Early in the Civil War, Mr. Slemp enlisted as a private
in the Confederate service and was soon commissioned
captain, and later made lieutenant colonel of the Twenty-
First Virginia Battalion. He was subsequently Colonel of the
Sixty-Fourth Regiment, which was composed of both in-
fantry and cavalry, and his record was that of a brave
soldier and capable officer.
Colonel Slemp was elected to the House of Delegates as
the representative of Lee County in 1879, and again elected
in 1881, but was defeated for re-election in 1883. He was the
Republican candidate for Lieutenant Governor in 1889, was
elector on the Harrison ticket in 1888 and on the McKinley
ticket in 1896, and as such elector he made a thorough can-
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
529

Colonel Campbell Slemp
vass of the Ninth District. He was serving his third term
in Congress at the time of his death, having defeated Judge
W. F. Rhea, of Bristol, in 1902; Hon. Joseph C. Wysor, of
Pulaski, in 1904; and Hon. Robert P. Bruce, of Wise, in 1906.
His entire mature life was one of faithful service, and his
death was a serious loss to his friends, his constituents, his
party and to the general public.
At the election which was held on the 5th of November,
1907, for members of the General Assembly and county
officers, the Republicans won a notable victory in the Ninth
Congressional District. They elected all four of the State
Senators apportioned to the counties embraced in the dis-
trict, and eight of the eleven members of the House of Dele-
gates. Two of the three Democrats who were elected to the
House of Delegates had no opposition, and the other Demo-
cratic member was elected by less then twenty majority.
The Republicans also elected county treasurers in nine of the
thirteen counties west of New River; and in those counties.
they elected about all the other county and district officers.
So, the Republicans in the Ninth District, under the guid-
ance of Colonel Slemp and his devoted son, Bascom, had
grown since 1902 from a small majority party into a splendid
invincible organization.
530
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
BASCOM SLEMP SUCCEEDS HIS FATHER IN CONGRESS
Colonel Slemp's death left the Ninth Congressional
District of Virginia without a representative in Congress;
and it was necessary to hold a special election to select his
successor. Accordingly, the Governor of Virginia issued the
required writ of election for that purpose, and fixed the 17th
of December, 1907, as the day for the election. Immediately
following the death of Colonel Slemp the Republicans of the
district with almost unanimity decided that C. Bascom
Slemp should be their candidate to succeed his father. The
Democrats of the district were so demoralized by the three
successive defeats of their candidate for Congress and the
victories won by the Republicans in the election of members
of the Legislature and county officers that they wisely con-
cluded to put no candidate in the race at the special election.
But the Democrats with a desire to disrupt the Republican
party in the district sought to accomplish that end by get-
ting a Republican to run as an independent candidate against
Bascom. They encouraged David F. Bailey to be an inde-
pendent candidate, promising to give him cordial and united
support; and that excellent, stalwart Republican was per-
suaded to undertake the job. He was victimized by the
Democrats as they did nothing to secure his election.
The Republicans held their convention at Gate City on
November 19th, 1907. It was a very large and enthusiastic
gathering, with delegations present from every county in
the district; and C. Bascom Slemp was nominated for Con-
gress by acclamation. Following his nomination, Major
Slemp received a number of letters of congratulation from
men distinguished in the affairs of the Nation. Among
these were letters from J. S. Sherman, Chairman of the
National Republican Congresional Committee; and from
Joseph G. Cannon, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
Mr. Sherman wrote: "I want to congratulate you on your
nomination, and I congratulate the Republicans of the Ninth
Virginia District in their choice of a candidate to fill Col.
Slemp's unexpired term. Your splendid work in the dis-
trict and State is well known to us here, and we expect you
to be elected by a handsome vote." And "Uncle Joe" wrote:
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
531
"I have learned with pleasure of your nomination to fill your
father's unexpired term in the Sixtieth Congress, and I
sincerely hope that the voters of the Ninth Virginia Con-
gressional District will thus honor you and themselves by
giving you the largest vote ever polled by a Republican can-
didate in the district. I am sure the Republicans of the
House will be glad to welcome you here to continue the work
of your father." Another very interesting testimonial to
the ability and worth of Major Slemp was given by General
E. W. Nichols, who was then Acting Superintendent of Vir-
ginia Military Institute. The testimonial in question is as
follows:
"Superintendent's Office,
"Virginia Military Institute,
Lexington, Va.
"To whom it may concern:
"The record of Hon. C. B. Slemp, of Big Stone Gap,
Virginia, at this institution is as follows:
"Cadet from 1887 to 1891, the first distinguished gradu-
ate of his class, having taken the first stand on almost every
topic of instruction.
"Assistant professor of mathematics and tactics with
the rank of captain 1892-93 and 1895 to 1897.
Adjunct Professor of mathematics, 1898 to 1902.
"During Major Slemp's connection with the school as
Adjunct Professor of Mathematics, he traveled extensively
in its interests with results that were greatly beneficial.
(Signed) E. W. Nichols,
Acting Superintendent."
The campaign was of brief duration but was actively
conducted by Major Slemp and the party leaders. He de-
feated Mr. Bailey by a majority of nearly seven thousand
votes. Mr. Bailey, during the campaign, charged that Slemp
was bossing the party in the Ninth District and had packed
the convention that nominated him at Gate City. His tri-
umphant election by an almost solid vote of his party refuted
these charges. In its first issue after the election, the
Tazewell Republican said: "The Hon. C. B. Slemp gives
promise of making one of the most useful representatives
532
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
the district has ever had in Congress; and our people are to
be congratulated on having so capable and good a man to
represent them."
POLITICS IN VIRGINIA IN 1908.
At its session of 1908 the Virginia General Assembly
did many things that conflicted with the promise made by
the Democrats to give the people a more economical govern-
ment and honest elections. New offices were created for
favorite members of the "tribe," and the salaries of certain
other favorites were substantially increased. The Staunton
Spectator said: "We are again blessed with some new high
salaried officials. Each year that body (the Legislature)
meets new ones are added to the list; and should this epi-
demic continue, it will not be many generations before every
other man we meet will be an official, with a salary that will
jolt the treasury every time it comes in for payment." The
epidemic has continued until 1926, and the Machine now has
an army of more than fifty thousand on the State, counties
and municipal pay rolls. Is it any wonder that the Machine
is invincible?
Early in the 1908 session of the General Assembly,
Governor Swanson appointed William F. Rhea a member
of the State Corporation Commission. When his name was
sent to the Senate, John C. Noel, Senator from Lee County,
protested against confirmation; and exposed Rhea's general
reputation for political crookedness. Noel's protest resulted
in referring the appointment back to the committee;
and consequently to the appointment of a committee to in-
vestigate specific charges filed by Senator Noel. A number
of witnesses were summoned both for Rhea and for the
prosecution, Henry C. Stuart being one of the chief wit-
nesses for the prosecution. The investigating committee
was composed entirely of Democrats, a majority of them
being Machine men. The investigation thoroughly exposed
the frauds committed by Rhea's agents against General
Walker in 1898 and 1900, and the attempt to defraud Colo-
nel Slemp in 1902. But Rhea's agents, who were witnesses
in his behalf, swore that the frauds had been committed
without his knowledge. This gave the partisan investigat-
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
533
ing committee opportunity to report favorably for Rhea,
and his appointment was confirmed by the General Assem-
bly by a vote of 87 to 45.
The charges preferred against Rhea were of a very
damaging character, and they were sufficiently sustained
by proof to make the average citizen of Virginia feel that
he was not a proper person to sit upon the State Corpora-
tion Commission. After the proof had been taken and be-
fore the confirmation the Richmond Journal in an editorial
summed up the evidence in the record and closed its editor-
ial with the following:
"If he did have knowledge of what was going on, he is
the sum of political villainy.
"If he did not know, he is not the man Virginia wants
in a body whose duty is to prevent corporations hoodwink-
ing the State.
"In any event, a man whose strongest claim is that he
has not been directly connected with the commission of the
crimes crimes by which he admittedly profited-cannot
read his title clear to a seat on the commission. Judge Rhea
should not be confirmed."
The Richmond Times-Dispatch, commenting on the con-
firmation, said: "In an investigation that was remarkable
both in its inception, range and conclusion, the wisdom and
propriety of the Governor's choice was weighed and scruti-
nized and tested. After following the investigation, it seem-
ed to the Times-Dispatch, as to many other unbiased citi-
zens, that the propriety of confirming Judge Rhea could
not be justified." But Rhea was one of the "tribe;" and
Governor Swanson, having in mind Rhea's achievements
in the political field, declared that such "party service was
a badge of honor."
Soon after Judge Rhea was confirmed as a member of
the Corporation Commission, the Virginia Democrats en-
gaged in an acrimonious contest, with Mr. Bryan as the
bone of contention. The Bryanites and anti-Bryanites strug-
gled for control of the State Convention that had to elect
delegates to the National Democratic Convention. Feeling
534
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
was so intense that his constituents at his home precinct in
Campbell County and also in his home city, Lynchburg, re-
fused to name Senator Daniel a delegate to the State Con-
vention. After his defeat at home, Senator Daniel was made
a delegate from Pittsylvania County to the convention. And
the Hon. Carter Glass, who was anti-Bryan, came within
seven votes of being defeated as a delegate at large to the
State Convention from his home city, Lynchburg. He was
opposed by a man who was comparatively unknown in the
politics of the State. The Democrats of Winchester refus-
ed to send Hon. Richard Evelyn Byrd as a delegate to the
convention, though he had been their representative in the
last General Assembly and was Speaker of the House of
Delegates. These incidents evidenced great factional dis-
cord in the ranks of the Virginia Democracy, and demon-
strated that the adherents of Bryan were in the ascendent.
The Republicans held their State Convention at Lynch-
burg on the 16th of April and elected delegates to the Na-
tional Convention. The delegates were instructed to vote
for William H. Taft for the Presidential nomination.
On the 11th of June, the Virginia Democrats met in
convention at Roanoke. The Bryanites were in complete
control, and instructed the delegates elected to the Denver
Convention to vote for Bryan as the nominee for Presi-
dent. It was not a very dignified body according to the re-
ports made by the Democratic papers. The Richmond News-
Leader said: "The convention was not a dignfied or deliber-
ative body. There was a strong tendency to howl down any
man who lifted his voice against Bryan *** On the floor
several personal altercations developed and there was one
fist fight-and a mighty poor fight at that."
The National Republican Convention assembled at
Chicago on the 18th of June, 1908. William Howard Taft,
of Ohio, was nominated for President, and James S. Sher-
man, of New York, for Vice President.
On the 24th of June, 1908, Grover Cleveland, twice
President of the United States, died at his home in Prince-
ton, New Jersey. His death was occasioned by heart trou-
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
535
ble superinduced by stomach and kidney ailments of long
standing. He was seventy-one years of age. President
Roosevelt issued a proclamation eulogizing his predecessor
in the White House, and ordered flags on government build-
ings, at all army posts, and on all naval vessels and at the
navy yards to be placed at half mast for thirty days. The
Tazewell Republican, in its remarks upon the death of the
illustrious Democrat, said:
"Mr. Cleveland was not a brilliant or scholarly man,
but he was honest, painstaking, and a profound thinker.
It must have been very humiliating to him to have the party
he had rescued from its low estate turn upon and rend him.
No more disgraceful conduct has ever been known in any
political party than that which was extended to Mr. Cleve-
land. The Chicago Platform was vicious in many particu-
lars, but the assaults it made upon Mr. Cleveland, the Demo-
cratic President of the United States, were simply infamous.
The very men who had profited by his victories, when they
found his political star waning, began to slander and hate
him. Ingratitude, the basest sentiment of the human heart,
characterized the conduct of the Bryan Democracy toward
Mr. Clevelend. This was his sorrow, but it was their
shame."
The Democrats met in convention at Denver in July
to nominate their Presidential ticket. No one was thought
of or mentioned as the Presidential candidate except Mr.
Bryan. Of course he was nominated by acclamation, and
James W. Kern, of Indiana, was selected for his running
mate. The platform was made by Mr. Bryan and conformed
to his views on National questions. It was understood that
Judge Parker had prepared and would present to the conven-
tion resolutions extolling Grover Cleveland and expressing
the sorrow of the Democracy occasioned by the death of the
great political chieftain. The Bryanites declared that such
action would be an insult to the Nebraskan. Even poor
old Henry Watterson worked himself into a fury over the
suggestion, and swore that such action on the part of Judge
Parker would be ghoulish. But Mr. Bryan fancied that he
saw an opportunity to checkmate Judge Parker and win
536
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
favor with the "safe and sane" who had remained faithful
to Mr. Cleveland. So, he prepared resolutions of respect
to Cleveland, and had I. J. Dunn, of Nebraska, introduce
them. The first resolution recognized "in him one of the
strongest and ablest characters known to the world's states-
manship, who possessed to an extraordinary degree the
elements of leadership, and by his able conscientious and
forceful administration of public affairs, rested honor upon
his country and his party."
The sincerity of these sentiments, expressed in Mr.
Bryan's resolutions, could not fail to be questioned by per-
sons who recalled that two years previously he had refused
to attend a "harmony meeting" of Democrats in New York
because Mr. Cleveland had been invited to attend and speak
at the meeting. Could one believe Mr. Bryan was sincere
when they recalled the statement he gave out at Lincoln a
few days after the harmony meeting, explaining why he
did not attend the meeting. The statement was a menda-
cious and scurrilous attack upon the Democracy and integri-
ty of Mr. Cleveland. The following are extracts from
Bryan's statement:
"His administration, instead of being a fountain of
Democracy, sending forth pure and refreshing streams,
became a stagnant pool, from whose waters foul vapors
arose, poisonous to those who lingered near. Having de-
bauched his party, he was offended by its efforts to reform,
and gave comfort to the enemy. Virginius killed his daugh-
ter to save her chastity; Cleveland stabbed his party to pre-
vent its return to paths of virtue.
"And now, still gloating over his political crimes, he
invites the party to return to him and apoligze for the con-
tempt which it has expressed for him. Will it? Not until
the principles of Jefferson are forgotten and the words of
Jackson cease to inspire."
Were ever bitterer, meaner words hurled by a man
who claimed to be righteous at a fellowman, at one who had
been so highly honored by his party and nation? Such
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
537
words should never be spoken of any man, except he be a
self-confessed or publicly convicted scoundrel. Was Mr.
Cleveland such a man? If not, William Jennings Bryan
descended to the level of a coarse slanderer.
On the 30th of July, 1908, one of the most notable polit-
ical conventions that had ever assembled in the Ninth Con-
gressional District was held by the Republicans at Norton.
Nearly one thousand delegates and alternates, representing
the Republicans of the several counties of the district had
gathered there to nominate a candidate for Congress, select
a new organization for the district, and devise plans for giv-
ing the Democrats the worst defeat they had ever suffered
in the Ninth District. Bascom Slemp had been successfully
filling the unexpired term of his deceased father, as was
testified by the following resolution in the platform adopt-
ed by the Convention:
"We endorse the record and work of our representative
in Congress, the Honorable C. B. Slemp, and assert without
fear of successful contradiction that no more faithful and
efficient representative has ever served the people of this
district in the Congress of the United States.',
When the time arrived for nominating a candidate,
Senator J. C. Noel, of Lee County, in a very able speech,
placed the name of C. Bascom Slemp before the convention
for nomination as the Republican candidate for Congress.
Seconding speeches were made by T. J. Munsey, Arthur
Ratliff, Jasper Colley, A. P. Strother, L. S. Calfee, V. Jessee,
G. B. Robinson, R. Walter Dickenson, N. J. Hill, H. M. Ad-
dington, G. S. Hale, J. H. Catron, R. A. Anderson, A. T. Lin-
coln, Barnes Gillispie, H. C. Calloway, W. J. Kendrick, A.
P. Crockett, Capt. Henry Taylor, W. H. Horton and W. S.
Poage.
While the seconding speeches were generally good, per-
haps much better than had ever been heard in a District
Convention, the speech of T. J. Munsey, of Bland, was an
oratorical gem. Mr. Munsey had before been considered a
fine speaker, but his effort at Norton placed him in the front
rank of Virginia orators. He was filled with the spirit of
538
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
the occasion and actually thrilled the audience of fifteen
hundred with his superb eloquence. And when he conclud-
ed he received an ovation that lasted fully a quarter of an
hour. As no other name was placed before the convention
Mr. Slemp was nominated by acclamation; and he started
out on one of the most remarkable political careers that has
ever been made in Virginia.
The Democrats of the district had been so completely
discomfited by the sucessive defeats they had suffered that
they experienced great difficulty in getting a candidate to
oppose Mr. Slemp. In the Spring they began to hunt for a
strong man to act as their candidate but met with no suc-
cess. The Norfolk Virginian-Pilot noting the demoralized
condition of the Democrats in the Ninth, facetiously said:
"Prominent Democrats in the Ninth District are busy de-
clining the honor of opposing Slemp. Ex-Governor Tyler and
Mr. Bruce have been urged to run but each finds excellent
reasons why the other should be the man to go first, after
the manner of the tournament in courtesy of Messieurs
Gaston and Alphonse."
The Virginian-Pilot could have named other prominent.
Democrats in the Ninth who were following the manner of
Gaston and Alphonse, among these was Henry C. Stuart,
the biggest man in the Ninth, who had the courage to
tackle Bascom Slemp two years later, only to his heart's
discontent.
At last the Democrats found a man who was willing to
take a remote chance of defeating Bascom. When they
gathered in convention at Pulaski on the 5th of August,
J. Cloyd Byars was the only man that was willing to be made
a victim, and he was made the Democratic nominee for Con-
gress.
J. Taylor Ellyson directed the campaign for Mr. Byars,
as he had done for Mr. Bruce in 1906, and untiring efforts
were made to drag the Ninth District back into the Demo-
cratic column. And the Democratic newspapers urged that
every dollar that could be raised in other sections of the
State should be sent to the Ninth to help defeat Slemp. This:
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
539
suggestion, no doubt, was complied with. The campaign was
conducted with great vigor by the Republicans, and another
splendid Slemp victory resulted. Bascom carried twelve of
the thirteen counties that then constituted the Ninth Dis-
trict, Giles County and Bristol City gave Byars majorities.
Slemp's majority in the district was 4,101, and Taft's ma-
jority was about 4,000.
ELECTION FOR GOVERNOR AND OTHER STATE OFFICERS.
An election for governcr and other State officers and
a General Assembly for Virginia was held in 1909. The
Democrats had discarded the convention system and adopted
the primary plan for the selection of their candidates for the
State officers elective by the people. There were four citizens
who announced their willingness to be made the Democratic
candidate for governor: Henry C. Stuart, of Russell; Carter
Glass, of Lynchburg; Henry St. George Tucker, of Lexing-
ton; and William Hodges Mann, of Nottoway. Mann was the
recognized candidate of the Machine and the Anti-Saloon
League. At that time Stuart, Glass and Tucker were pro-
nounced anti-Machine men. In February Messrs. Stuart and
Glass withdrew from the contest and Mr. Tucker became
the anti-Machine candidate for governor. John Thompson.
Brown, of Bedford, announced himself a candidate for Com-
missioner of Agriculture in opposition to Geo. W. Koiner,
the Machine candidate.
The Virginia Republicans met in State Convention at
Newport News on the 28th of August and nominated a full
State ticket as follows: For Governor, William P. Kent; For
Lieutenant Governor-A. T. Lincoln; For Attorney General
-George A. Revercomb; For Secretary of Commonwealth
-John B. Locke; For State Treasurer-Joseph P. Crupper;
For Commissioner of Agriculture-James T. Robson; For
Superintendent of Public Instruction-Frank P. Brent.
The primary campaign of the Democrats was tinged
with great bitterness by the rival candidates, and the
primary election was held on the 5th of August. Unofficial
returns made after the election placed the entire vote cast.
at not more than fifty thousand. This small vote so alarmed
540
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
the Machine that the official returns were held back for more
than two weeks. Mann had received a substantial majority
over Tucker, but the election between Brown and Koiner
for Commissioner of Agriculture was very close, with the
odds in favor of Brown. Koiner was a pet of the Machine
and he had to be saved. J. Taylor Ellyson, State Chairman
of the Democratic party and candidate for Lieutenant
Governor, made two circuits of the State and it was report-
ed had the returns that had been held back so altered as to
count Brown out and enlarge the vote cast at the primary.
When the returns were opened and counted, the vote footed
up twenty thousand more than had been estimated by the
winning candidates, twenty thousand more than had been
estimated by the defeated candidates, twenty thousand more
than had been estimated by the very anxious and intelligent
Democratic newspapers of the State.
The primary campaign and the one for the general
election were among the most disagreeable political battles
ever fought in Virginia. The unrighteous methods of the
Democratic organization injected a spirit of bitterness into
both campaigns; and created such disgust among the voters
that thousands declined to go to the polls and vote. As a
result there was a heavy falling off in the vote of both
parties. The Republicans were defeated, but Mann's major-
ity over Kent was about one-half that counted for Swanson
in 1905. One thing that contributed largely to the success of
the Democratic candidates was the united support given
them by the Anti-Saloon forces and the saloon men. The
Machine leaders had cunningly united the temperance and
liquor forces in support of their candidates.
The General Assembly which met in January, 1908,
found a surplus of about a million dollars in the State
treasury, and a campaign of loot was immediately in-
augurated. New offices were created for the hungry horde
of office-seekers and salaries were increased with a reck-
lessness that was startling and that bore bitter fruit for the
taxpayers of the State. One of the offices created was Ex-
aminer of Records-one Examiner for each judicial circuit
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
541
in the State. The duties of these officials were nothing more
than a duplication of certain duties that were performed by
the Commissioners of Revenue and entailed double fees to be
paid out of the State's revenues. The office has been con-
tinued in existence to the present time; and there are now
thirty-three Examiners of Records-all of them "tribesmen"
-who are drawing from the State treasury, possibly, one
hundred thousand dollars annually. Their work could be
done by the Commissioners of Revenue and this large sum
saved for useful purposes.
When the newly elected General Assembly met on Jan-
uary 12th, 1910, the million dollar surplus of 1908, had found
its way into the pockets of "tribesmen" and a deficit of about
the same amount was found to exist in the treasury. It was
thought that this disgraceful exhibit would call a halt in
the raids of the looters; but such was not the case. The same
indecent disposition to loot and bankrupt the treasury that
was practiced by the Legislature of 1908 was repeated by
the General Assembly of 1910. New offices were created to
be presented to the creatures of the Machine, and the ap-
propriations for the State's annual expenses were swelled
to six million dollars, double the amount under the last year
of the Constitution of 1870.
The most disgraceful defiant act of the looters was the
creation of a new and expensive office-that of special coun-
sel for the State and the appropriation of five thousand dol-
lars for his pay. The item creating this office was No.6112
and was secretly attached to the general appropriations
bill the last day of the session. Governor Mann promptly
appointed Hon. Richard E. Byrd, Speaker of the House and
father of the present Machine Governor of Virginia, special
counsel for the State. The Lynchburg News-the paper of
Carter Glass-commenting on the disgraceful performance,
said:
"The fact is that a fat job was created by the act of the
General Assembly. The Governor was given the right to
fill the job at an annual salary. And the Governor named.
as the man to occupy the post the Speaker of the House of
Delegates. If this thing can be done constitutionally, then
-542
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
what is there in the Constitution to prevent a land office
business in official jobs being carried on in the Legislature?"
Mr. Glass, who in 1900 clamored for a new Constitution
to "dethrone the political brigands and rescue the Common-
wealth from the grip of an official despotism," in 1910
realized that he had helped to foist upon the people of
Virginia a Constitution that intrenched the "political brig-
ands," with seeming permanency, in control of the affairs
of the State. Wonderful to relate, Mr. Glass is now an af-
filiate of the organized "political brigands," and in 1925
zealously supported for Governor the son of the "political
brigand" he snarled at in 1910. The Tazewell Republican,
commenting on the appointment of a "special counsel for the
State" in an editorial headed: "A Byrd of Prey"-said:
"The Machine has been very diligent in providing for its
members, and no one, it seems, has fared better than Mr.
Byrd. He will draw a goodly sum from the State treasury
during the year 1910, as we understand he will be on four
different pay rolls. First, he is Speaker of the House of
Delegates, for which he receives an ample salary. Second,
he is Examiner of Records for the judicial circuit in which
his county, Frederick, is located, and he gets large pay for
the little work he does as such Examiner. Third, he is special
counsel for the State and will get that $5,000.00 rake-off.
Fourth, he is a member of the tax commission created by
the General Assembly to reform the tax laws of the State,
and he will receive a substantial per diem compensation
while engaged on that commission. The bill creating the
commission appropriated $10,000 to pay the expenses there-
of."
Thus was one of the "Big Men" of the tribe furnished
with ample supply of wampum for services previously
rendered the Machine. Another pull on the State treasury
was made by the Legislature. This was done by creating
a new office styled Assistant Assessor of Mineral Lands. The
Richmond-Times Dispatch said: "This office was created
at the solicitation of Judge Rhea." The act creating the
office gave the Corporation Commission authority to appoint
the man for the position, and it was given to James A.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
543
Stone, of Bristol. He had been one of Rhea's most faithful
and efficient agents in executing the lawless acts by which
General Walker was defeated for Congress in 1898 and in
1900, and the effort to nullify Colonel Slemp's election to
Congress in 1902. The annual salary was fixed at $3,000.00
and traveling expenses. Stone and his succesors had no
duties to perform except to travel over the State and assist
the assessors and the commissioners of revenue in classi-
fying and appraising the mineral lands. The assessors and
commissioners of revenue had to make the assessments and
for the work received their usual fees. This useless office
is still in existence and is held by a member of the "tribe."
Still another effort was made to mulct
made to mulct the State
treasury. The Senate passed a bill appropriating $10,000
for a fee to be given ex-Attorney General Anderson for
services thereafter to be performed in the suit of the West
Virginia certificate holders against West Virginia. Major
Anderson was a faithful adherent of the Machine, was out of
a job and had to be taken care of. The Lynchburg News
protested against this action as a "useless expenditure" or
an unnecessary job, and was joined in the protest by The
Richmond Times-Dispatch, the Richmond Journal and the
Norfolk Virginian-Pilot.
The revenues of the State had proved inadequate to
meet the expenditures incurred from the extravagant ap-
propriations made by Machine-controlled Legislatures. To
enlarge the revenues, so that the increased and constantly
increasing expenditures could be met, an attempt was made
to fasten upon certain taxpayers an odious and inquisi-
torial tax measure. It was known as the "Fletcher Bill," and
was introduced in the Senate by George Latham Fletcher,
who represented the district composed of the counties of
Fauquier and Loudoun. The bill was passed in the Senate,
every Democratic Senator voting for the disgraceful
measure; but the six Republican Senators recorded their
votes against it. They were: A. T. Lincoln, of Smyth, John
C. Noel, of Lee, Roland E. Chase, of Dickenson, A. P. Stro-
ther, of Giles, and G. O. McAlexander, of Franklin County.
The Fletcher Bill provided for a Tax Inquisition with
544
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
the Auditor of Public Accounts as the chief inquisitor. If
it had been enacted into a law it would have doubled the tax-
es on real estate and supplied an enormous fund for the
looters. Under the provisions of the bill an assessor was re-
quired to assess all lands and other real estate at a fair mar-
ket value. That value was to be ascertained by reference
to the sale value of all lands and other real estate conveyed
by deed the previous year in his county or city. If the as-
sessor failed to comply with the requirements, the auditor
was given authority to make him correct the assessment,
and upon his failure so to do, the auditor could himself make
the correction. And to carry this out, the auditor was given
"power to summon before him any person or persons to be
examined by him, under oath, with directions to bring such
papers as he may require." Sheriffs were ordered to serve
the summons, and if the party summoned failed to appear
he was in contempt. And the bill directed that the judge of
the circuit court of the city of Richmond, upon the written
request of the auditor of public accounts, should "issue a
rule requiring the attendance of the person summoned or
order imprisonment until he submit to the examination
herein authorized." This very objectionable law did not pass in
the House of Delegates, but the motive which inspired it
is still alive with the politicians of certain sections of the
State.
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
545
CHAPTER XXVII
STUART AND SLEMP HAD NOTED CONTEST FOR CONGRESS--DEMOCRA-
TIC PRIMARY FOR UNITED STATES SENATORS-REPUBLIC-
AN PARTY SPLITS INTO FACTIONS-WILSON
ELECTED PRESIDENT
Of the several exciting Congressional campaigns that
were staged in the Ninth Congressional District of Virginia
in recent years, none proved more sensational than the one
of 1910, when Henry C. Stuart and C. Bascom Slemp were
the rival candidates. It had been rumored that Mr. Stuart
would be a candidate for United States Senator in opposi-
tion to Senator Martin at the primary to be held in 1911.
But in February 1910, he gave out a statement announcing
that he would not be a candidate for the Senatorship but
would be an aspirant for governor in 1913. He said: "I am,
and will continue to be in the race for the governorship in
1913."
Strenous efforts had been made to get Mr. Stuart's
consent to run for Congress against Bascom Slemp in 1910,
but he persistently declined to make the race until the
Democrats held their convention to make a nomination for
Congress. This convention was held at Bristol on March
1st, 1910. It was a very large and enthusiastic gathering
and Mr. Stuart yielded to the solicitations of his party
leaders, and accepted the nomination for Congress. There
was a rumor current at the time that he was promised by
the Democratic leaders, that if he would make the race.
for Congress he should not be opposed for governor in 1913
by a Democrat. There must have been some foundation for
the rumor as Mr. Stuart had no opposition for governor at
the Democratic primary in 1913. The Richmond Times-
Dispatch of the 5th of March, 1910, announced that Senator
Martin had expressed a hope of victory for the Democratic
candidate in the Ninth District. This expression of Senator
Martin indicated that he and Mr. Stuart had compromised
their differences. Later, an incident occurred which confirm-
546
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
ed the report that Mr. Stuart had compromised with the Ma-
chine. Harry Tucker, William A. Jones and Carter Glass-
who had been intimately associated with Mr. Stuart in op-
position to the Machine-held a conference in Washington
to formulate plans for the defeat of Martin and Swanson
for the United States Senate in 1911. The press reports of
the conference stated that Mr. Tucker announced that Mr.
Stuart would be the Machine candidate for governor in
1913. This prediction of Mr. Tucker was verified in 1913.
One of the largest and most enthusiastic conventions
ever held by the Republicans in the Ninth District as-
sembled at Abingdon on the 20th of July, 1910. Amid the
wildest enthusiasm, C. Bascom Slemp received a third nomi-
nation as the Republican candidate for Congress. The dele-
gations from every county in the district had been instruct-
ed for Slemp; and the thousand or more citizens who com-
posed the convention gave ample expression to his popular-
ity as their leader and representative in the halls of Con-
gress.
After nominating Mr. Stuart, the Bristol Convention
appointed a special campaign committee, with R. Tate Ir-
vine as chairman. On the 11th of March, Mr. Irvine sent out
a circular letter calling a meeting of the campaign com-
mittee to be held at Bristol on Tuesday, March 15th. The
chief object of the meeting was to raise funds for the pay-
ment of poll taxes of delinquent and unregistered voters,
for Mr. Irvine said: "Our work for the present, of course,
will be confined strictly to poll tax matters. In doing this
it will be necessary, however, to qualify every possible voter
who is not registered or transferred so that later on we can
register and transfer them in time to vote. Please come pre-
pared to make a close estimate of the funds that will be
needed to complete the organization, and do the legitimate
work in your county between now and the 8th of May."
The meeting of the campaign committee was held at
the designated time and place; and, according to well au-
thenicated reports, a very large sum of money-reported
about twenty thousand dollars-was raised to be used for
"poll tax matters." The amount was so large that the Re-
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
547
publicans asserted it was Mr. Irvine's intention to pay the
poll taxes of all the delinquent floaters in the district and
have them vote for Mr. Stuart; and that he had floaters in
mind when he expressed a desire "to qualify every possible
voter."
After the campaign got in full swing the Republicans
came into possession of evidence which confirmed them in
the belief that the Democrats had practically qualified all
the floaters in the district and were planning to vote them
for Mr. Stuart. On the 22nd of July a circular letter was sent
out from Democratic Headquarters by the Secretary of the
Campaign Committee to precinct workers. In that letter the
Secretary said: "It is of the utmost importance that we
know just how many Democrats there are at each precinct,
how many Republicans and how many floaters, and above
all, know exactly who they are." The corrupting suffrage
and election laws had brought into existence a host of
floaters in the Ninth District, composed of men who were
willing to commercialize their suffrage right. In preceding
Congressional campaigns both the Democrats and the Re-
publicans had declined to qualify the floaters and they had
not voted. Very naturally the Republicans concluded that
the Democrats had paid the poll taxes of the floaters with
the intention of handling them on election day by purchase.
While the managers of the two parties were engaged
in perfecting their respective organizations, the rival can-
didates were occupied in preparing their speches to make
known to the people the views they held on the issues in-
volved in the campaign. Mr. Stuart opened his campaign at
Gate City, Scott County, on the 20th of August, and dis-
closed his purpose to make the tariff a leading issue. He pro-
claimed himself a protectionist by saying:
"I would be ashamed to condemn the work of the Re-
publican party and the record of my opponent without a
definite statement of my own views. Speaking for myself,
after observing labor conditions in the Old World, I cannot
commit myself to a tariff policy which would leave wholly
out of view the difference of cost in production here and
abroad. I know there are some important American products
548
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
in which, owing to our natural situation and superior facili-
ties, the unit cost of labor is smaller than in the foreign
product, but that is the exception, as I believe, and not the
rule. Hence, I would favor only such a tariff as would dis-
tinctly guard the wages of workingmen, and one which
would justify at least the present standard of wages in this
country. *** Furthermore, I would yield all prejudices for
or against the trick phrases of party platforms. I would
unite with moderate and conservative men of any party who
honestly and sincerely want to give substantial relief to the
masses of the people, and who to that end would limit duties
on all foreign articles competing with American products
to such figures as would cover the difference between the
cost of production here and abroad."
For more than fifty years the Democrats of Southwest
Virginia had been taught that Protection was an intol-
erable vice that had been inflicted upon the masses by the
Republican party. Mr. Stuart had boldly abandoned the
cherished tariff creed of his party and had adopted substan-
tially the tariff plank of the Republican platform of 1908,
and on which Mr. Taft had been elected President. His en-
tire previous political life had been devoted to upholding the
creed of a party that in its Denver platform of 1908 said:
"We denounce protectionism as a robbery of the many to
enrich the few." His conversion to the doctrine of protec-
tion-though proclaimed in mild and qualified form-as-
tounded both Democrats and Republicans. The Republicans
even doubted the sincerity of his professions, but his sub-
sequent and recent broader advocacy of the doctrine has
dispelled any doubt of the sincerity of his utterances at Gate
City on the tariff question. His abandonment of the Demo-
cratic tariff creed received prompt approval from most of
the Democratic leaders, newspapers, and the voting masses
of the party.
There were some expressions of dissent made by news-
papers and individual Democrats to Mr. Stuart's attitude on
the tariff. The Bristol Herald-Courier declared that Mr.
Stuart was standing on the same tariff line with President
Taft. This pronouncement of the Herald-Courier caused the
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
549
Lynchburg News to make a caustic editorial criticism of
Mr. 'Stuart's views on the tariff. The Roanoke Times-which
was recognized as Stuart's mouth-piece-made a tart reply
to the criticisms of the News and, in part, said: "The Lynch-
burg News hears, through the Bristol Herald-Courier, that
Stuart is on the same tariff line with Taft. Thereupon it
protests dismally, in double leads. Such things cannot be.
We gather that in the opinion of The News if Stuart is on
a platform which he believes to be right and Taft gets on
it also, then Stuart must get off instantly and wander with
the News into the woods seeking for himself a new platform.
The truth is Stuart knows where he is and Mr. Taft doesn't
know where he is." The News made a lengthy reply to the
Times, and clearly demonstrated that Mr. Stuart-if his
utterances on the tariff meant anything-was standing
squarely on the Republican tariff platform and had repudi-
ated the platform of his party. And the Lynchburg paper
very aptly closed its reply by saying:
"The News may not have much sense, as The Times
graciously suggests; but it thinks it has sense enough to
know that Democratic campaigners in the Ninth Congress-
ional District will not relish having thrust in their faces.
editorial declarations from the Roanoke Times to the effect
that Mr. Stuart, the Democratic candidate, stands on the
same tariff platform 'word for word' with the Republican
signer of the Payne-Aldrich act."
It is a notable fact that Mr. Stuart gave approval to the
"editorial declarations from the Roanoke Times; "and in
every speech delivered after his opening speech at Gate
City he stood to his tariff views as outlined in that speech.
With a single exception the Democratic speakers who cam-
paigned for Mr. Stuart either subscribed to his tariff views
or gave silent acquiescence thereto. The single exception
was Hon. Carter Glass. He came to the Ninth District to
fill a list of appointments and made his first speech at
Marion on the 5th of September, 1910, and in that speech he
boastfully declared: "I am a Democrat. I stand upon the
tariff plank of the Democratic platform that has been hand-
ed down to us by the party in its platforms since the forma-
550
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
tion of the party. I believe in a tariff for revenue only with
the government economically administered." He had found
out that Mr. Stuart had ratified and confirmed the asser-
tions of the Roanoke Times as to his position on the tariff;
and Mr. Glass thought it necessary to preserve his Demo-
cratic standing by showing that he and Stuart were not
standing on the same tariff platform. The supposed ortho-
dox Democracy of Mr. Glass was considered the incentive.
that moved him to give a severe stab to the Democratic
candidate for Congress in the Ninth District. But it is
probable that still another reason incited him to deal the
blow. For several previous years Mr. Stuart had been allied
with Tucker, Jones and Glass in fighting the Democratic
Machine. And Mr. Glass, no doubt, had gotten an inkling
of the arrangement that had been made with the Machine
to suppress opposition to Stuart for the governorship in
1913. If this arrangement had been made, it evidenced that
Stuart in the future was to identify himself with the Ma-
chine. Hence, it behooved Mr. Glass to magnify his own
Democracy by contrasting it with the Democracy of Mr.
Stuart. Mr. Glass filled but one more of his listed appoint-
ments in the Ninth District, and then quietly returned to
more congenial Democratic environments east of the Blue
Ridge.
Mr. Slemp opened his campaign on the 5th of Sep-
tember at Jonesville, the county seat of Lee County, the
county where he was born and reared to full manhood. He
had prepared a very able speech in which he thoroughly
reviewed the records of the two major parties on all im-
portant National questions. His discussions of the tariff
was masterly in design and overwhelming in facts; and
proved beyond quibble the excellence of the protective poli-
cy of the Republican party. Inferring that Mr. Stuart had
introduced his peculiar tariff views into the campaign for
the purpose of drawing to his support as many protection-
ists as possible, Mr. Slemp said:
"From a careful reading of my opponents speech in this
campaign, I have come to the conclusion that he is going to
try to crowd me off my tariff platform, but I am going to
APPALACHAIN VIRGINIA
551
stick to it. I was elected on it; I served on it in Congress and
am going to be elected again on it; and I am going to stand
on it in spite of all my opponent may say or do. He can
stand on it with me if he will do so. There is plenty of room
for us both, and other repentant Democrats, and I will wel-
come him; but I want him to stand on it as a Republican."
Mr. Slemp sent a printed copy of his speech to Theo-
dore Roosevelt, and he made acknowledgement of its re-
ceipt by writing. "I thank you heartily, and appreciate you
sending me the speech which of course I like. I look forward
to my trip to Bristol." Colonel Roosevelt had engaged to go
to Bristol to speak in behalf of Mr. Slemp's candidacy; and
he filled the appointment on the 7th of October. Mr. Slemy
was with him on the occasion, and a tremendous audience
was present to greet and hear the then greatest living
American citizen. His visit to the district, no doubt, saved
Mr. Slemp from defeat.
In his opening speech at Gate City, Mr. Stuart confined
himself strictly to a discussion of National questions, with
the hope, possibly, of barring Slemp and other Republican
speakers from attacking his political record on State mat-
ters, and that of the Virginia Democracy. But it was not
intended that he should escape facing that damaging issue,
for in the closing part of his speech at Jonesville, Mr. Slemp
said:
"A discussion of the State issues has no particular part
in the campaign since neither candidate for Congress has
any power to change the State laws. It is pertinent, how-
ever, to mention the record of any public servant as to
whether he has or has not fulfilled the pledges and promises
he made to the people on which he was elected. My opponent
was elected to an honorable office, from his own county, up-
on a platform of his party which promised a submission to
the people of the State of a Constitution after it had been
prepared by the Constitutional Convention. This pledge was
violated and it is pertinent to discuss that feature as to
whether or not my opponent was justified in violating his
pledge to the people."
It was well that Mr. Slemp, perhaps against Mr.
552
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
Stuart's will, forced this issue into the campaign, for it
served to put Mr. Stuart on the defensive. He was per-
sistently and effectively assailed by the speakers and news-
papers that supported Slemp for betrayal of the confidence
of the people whose suffrage he was now seeking. His as-
sailants charged that he voted to proclaim the Constitu-
tion after giving a pledge to the people that he would vote
for submission; that he voted against the proposition to
give the Republicans, or minority party, one member of
the Electoral Board in each county and city of the State,
and refused to allow the Republicans the privilege of select-
ing the men who should act as judges at the various pre-
cincts; that he first advocated giving the Republicans one
of the clerks of election at each precinct, stating on the
floor of the convention that to insure fair elections it was
necessary for the Republicans to have one of the clerks,
and that he receded from that position and helped to put
a clause in the Constitution which gave both clerks to the
Democrats; that he helped to frame and voted for the
"Understanding Clause" which destroyed the suffrage
rights of thousands of white men in the district; that he
voted for the clause in the Constitution which forbids the
General Assembly from providing ballots with "distinguish-
ing mark or symbol," thereby denying electors a fair ballot;
that he voted for the clauses which put the poll tax qualifi-
cation for voting on the poor man as well as the rich man,
after he had pledged that no clause would be written into
the Constitution which would prevent any white man, "no
matter how poor or uneducated he might be," from voting;
that he voted for the unfair partisan registration laws that
are found in the Constitution, and that give to partisan
Democratic registrars powers that are dangerous and des-
potical; and that he voted to adopt into the Constitution
an apportionment of the State into legislative districts
which deprived the people of the Ninth District of their
just share of representation in the General Assembly. Mr.
Stuart did not deny that he had voted for these unrighteous
constitutional provisions as had been charged by the Re-
publicans. He stood pat on his votes by declaring in a speech
APPALACHAIN VIRGINIA
553
at Pocahontas on the night of the 9th of September: "I
would repeat every vote I cast on important clauses of the
new Constitution."
The Democrats could find nothing more objectionable in
the representative record of C. B. Slemp than that he
cordially supported "Uncle Joe" Cannon for Speaker and was
friendly "to the interests, the great corporations, the har-
pies who are preying upon the liberty and rights of the
people," as the Richmond Times-Dispatch put it. After Mr.
Stuart's nomination, the Roanoke Times, knowing that Mr.
Slemp would be again the Republican candidate, tried to
"Slam Slemp" by dragging the negro again into politics of
the Ninth District. But the Tazewell Republican slammed
the Times so heavily that it ceased its cry of "nigger." And
Mr. Stuart in his Gate City speech tried to introduce the
negro question into the campaign by asking Mr. Slemp if
he would vote for the repeal of the Fifteenth Amendment.
To this question Slemp in his speech at Jonesville gave such
a clever answer that Mr. Stuart said nothing further on the
subject.
The campaign was hotly contested but neither the
candidates nor the campaigners of the respective parties
indulged in mud-slinging or personal criminations. In these
respects the campaign was a clean one; but the political
records of the candidates and of the parties they represent-
ed were freely and amply placed before the people. How-
ever, it was disfigured with one very ugly feature-in a
sense it was a "boodle" campaign. At the time it was cur-
rently reported and believed that more than two hundred
thousand dollars was spent by the rival parties, much of
it being used on election day to corral the floaters. It was
believed by the Republicans that the Democrats had paid
the poll taxes and registered every floater they could locate
and possibly hold for Mr. Stuart. He must have gotten the
bulk of the floater or venal vote, as he got 5,139 more votes
than Byars, the Democratic candidate, received in 1908,
when he opposed Slemp for Congress, and Slemp got only
2,874 votes more in 1910 than he got in 1908.
554
POLITICAL HISTORY OF

C. Bascom Slemp has made for himself a wonderful record in the
politics of Virginia and the Nation. His first endeavor in the politi-
cal field was organization of the Republican party in the Ninth Con-
gressional District of Virginia in the interest of his father, the Re-
publican Candidate for Congress. His father was elected to Con-
gress in 1902, 1904 and 1906; and the several victories won by Colonel
Slemp were largely due to Bascom's superior organization
work. Following the death of his father, Bascom was elected in 1907
to fill out his father's unexpired term; and he was elected for seven
succesive full terms to represent the Ninth Congressional District in
Congress. And in most instances he defeated the ablest and most
influential Democrats that could be induced to oppose him. At the
expiration of his last term in Congress, in March, 1923, he retired to
private life and gave attention to his business affairs. Later he be-
came the confidential Secretary of President Coolidge, and was a
potential figure in the organization of the forces that gave the Presi-
dential nomination to Mr. Coolidge in 1924. After his retirement
as Secretary to the President he located in Washington, where he is
now, with untiring energy, successfully practicing his profession.
When the day for the election was nearly at hand each
party continued to express great confidence of victory, but
it was apparent to careful observers that the outcome was
uncertain. On the night following the election, when the
unofficial returns from the counties were given out, the
Democrats were certain that Stuart had been elected; and
at many places in the district his enthusiastic friends en-
gaged in loud and almost riotous shouts of victory. The
next day, however, the returns were more correctly given,
and it was found that Slemp had won by a very close mar-
gin, the official count giving him a scant majority of 217
APPALACHAIN VIRGINIA
555
votes. He had defeated the ablest man in the district and
possibly in the State, a man who was possessed of great
wealth and social and political power; and this success can
be truly recorded as the greatest of the many triumphs of
the Slemps.
Democratic politics in Virginia were rather spectacular
in 1911. That splendid gentleman, John W. Daniel, had pass-
ed to his reward; and Governor Mann had appointed Claude
A. Swanson to fill the vacancy in the United States Senate
created by the death of Senator Daniel. The Democrats de-
cided to hold a primary to select candidates for the two
Senators from Virginia. An exciting battle was then raging
between the Machine and anti-Machine forces. Martin and
Swanson, of course, were the Machine candidates and Wil-
liam A. Jones and Carter Glass were the anti-Machine can-
didates. Jones was opposing Martin and Glass was antago-
nizing Swanson. It would startle the young men who have
allied themselves with the present day Virginia Democracy
if they could see and read what the rival candidates and
factions said about each other; and these young men would
be astounded to see Swanson and Glass now lovingly rest-
ing on each other's bosom. They attacked the political and
personal integrity of each other in a manner that should
have caused the intelligent voters to question the fitness of
either of the candidates to fill the honorable positions that
had been occupied by Madison, Monroe, Mason, Randolph,.
and other great Virginia statesmen. Senator Martin, how-
ever, remained comparatively quiet. He remained in Wash-
ington and kept the Machine well oiled and in perfect run-
ning order, and had his fawning fags do his barking. In its
leading editorial, headed "For Virginia," on the morning
of the Democratic primary, September 7th., the Richmond
Times-Dispatch said:
"Virginia meets a fateful issue today. That issue is not
a much heralded efficiency in Washington; it is a much
needed fidelity in Virginia. What Virginia should consider
today is not white supremacy twenty years ago, but with
truth now; not brilliant extravagance, but spotless trust-
worthiness.
556
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
"Senator Martin has been judged by his own letters and
his own statements, and found unworthy. Senator Swanson
has been judged by his own actions, his own admissions and
his own claims, and found unfaithful.
"For the honor of Virginia, Senator Martin and Senator
Swanson should be defeated."
The remarks of the Times-Dispatch relating to the un-
fitness of Martin and Swanson to represent Virginia in the
United States Senate were very mild in comparison with the
utterances of Glass and Jones denunciatory of their op-
ponents. The four chief moguls of the Machine were Thomas
S. Martin, Claude A. Swanson, Hal D. Flood and Richard
E. Byrd. Jones and Glass were crushingly defeated in the
primary and Martin and Swanson were re-elected to the
Senate at the ensuing session of the General Assembly.
NATIONAL REPUBLICANS DIVIDE INTO TWO FACTIONS
The year 1912 was very disasterous to the Republican
party as a National organization. A rift in its ranks had
been occasioned by acute differences between two factions.
of the party, one of them called the Standpatters and the
other the Progressives. President Taft was leader of the
Standpatters and ex-President Roosevelt led the Progress-
ives. The Virginia Republicans were the first by convention
action to take a stand in the conflict between the opposing
factions. They held their State Convention at Roanoke, and
under the guidance of Alvah H. Martin, who was then State
Chairman of the party, a delegation instructed for Taft was
chosen to the National Convention. The individual senti-
ment of the membership of the convention was largely
favorable to Roosevelt; but owing to a lack of organized
leadership the Roosevelt forces were unable to combat the
shrewd management of Martin, and he won out for Taft.
Hon. C. B. Slemp was present, but, owing to a great
sorrow that had recently come upon him, he took no active
part in the proceedings of the convention. He afterwards
realized that a great mistake had been made in instructing
the Virginia delegation for Taft. When he again became a
candidate for Congress, he found that Republican sentiment
in the Ninth Congressional District was overwhelmingly
APPALACHAIN VIRGINIA
557
for Roosevelt, and that the same feeling prevailed with
Republicans throughout Virginia. And the unfortunate con-
ditions that brought about the defeat of the Republican
party in 1912 had their beginning at the Roanoke Conven-
tion of the Virginia Republicans. Mr. Slemp committed his
first serious political blunder when he permitted Alvah
Martin and his associate conspirators to misrepresent Re-
publican sentiment in Virginia by instructing the delegates
for Taft.
It seems that the Democratic Machine had determined
to take an uninstructed delegation to the National Conven-
tion of the party that was to meet at Baltimore. To carry
into effect this scheme an agent was chosen for each Con-
gressional district. James A. Stone, one of W. F. Rhea's
most intimate and efficient pals, was the agent selected for
the Ninth District. On the 17th of April, 1912, Stone sent
out a circular letter, typed on the stationery of the "State
Corporation Commission" and directed to party workers in
all the counties of the district. In the letter he said: "I
have just returned from Washington, and had a conference
with a number of our Democratic friends, and they are
extremely hopeful-in fact, confident-that we will elect a
Democratic President, if we do not make a mistake and
nominate the wrong man. It is agreed that the proper thing
for Virginia to do is to send an uninstructed delegation to
Baltimore, and if we want to win, it is absolutely the thing
to do. *** I wish you would please advise me fully the
situation in your county. If you think it will be possible
to work up an uninstructed delegation, please advise. I
would also like to know if, in working up this delegation,
you think that some legitimate expense might be incurred,
to a small amount, to absolutely secure this result, and if so,
to indicate about what amount it would be. Please treat this
letter strictly confidential and let me hear from you fully
by return mail."
From the tone of Stone's letter one is warranted in
concluding that the Machine had resolved to take a hand-
picked delegation to the Baltimore Convention, and to attain
this purpose used the necessary boodle to control the action
558
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
of the county mass meetings. Stone was eminently success-
ful on that line, for of the 111 delegates chosen to represent
the Ninth District at the Norfolk Convention, ninety-three
were instructed in favor of sending an uninstructed dele-
gation to the Baltimore Convention.
On the 18th of June the Republicans assembled in Na-
tional Convention at Chicago. The convention continued in
stormy session until the 23rd of June. On that day William
Howard Taft was renominated for President amid the wild-
est excitement that produced everything from argument to
fist fights. Taft's and LaFollette's names were the only ones
formally presented to the convention. Only one ballot was
taken with the following ominous result: Taft, 561, Roose-
velt, 107, Cummins, 17, LaFollette, 41, Hughes, 3, not vot-
ing, 344, absent 6.
In the meantime the Progressives repaired to Orchestra
Hall and organized themselves into a convention; and nomi-
nated Theodore Roosevelt for President and Hiram Johnson
for Vice President. It was not only a large gathering but
was pronounced the most exciting meeting that had ever
been held in Chicago. All of the Roosevelt delegates who
had been driven from the regular convention by the Taft
Steam Roller participated in the Progressive's Convention.
Roosevelt accepted the nomination and the overwhelming
majorities he got over Taft both in the electoral and pop-
ular vote proved conclusively that he was the supreme
choice of the Republicans throughout the Union as their
candidate for President; and that they knew he had been
defrauded of the nomination by the Standpatters who con-
trolled the regular party organization.
On June 25th, 1912, the Democrats met in their Nation-
al Convention at Baltimore. The press reports had this to
say about the opening scenes: "No wilder scene was ever
enacted on the floor of a National Convention than that
which marked the progress of William J. Bryan to wrest
the temporary chairmanship from the hands of Alton G.
Parker in the Democratic National Convention on Tuesday
at Baltimore. It was replete with thrills, rowdyism and fist
fights, that were rapidly nearing the riotous stage, when
APPALACHAIN VIRGINIA
559
quieted by the magic voice of the Nebraskan. The lid blew
off when Representative Fitzgerald, of New York, ascended
the stand to speak for Parker. Like prairie fire through tall-
er grass ran a crackling volley of jeers, hoots and boos. 'O
you canned Cannon Democrat' howled a Texan." A roll call
for the election of a temporary chairman was finally finish-
ed and the result announced to be: Parker 579, Bryan 506,
O'Gorman 4.
Mr. Bryan had been defeated for temporary chairman
by one of his most despised Democratic foes, and, as he be-
lieved, by Wall Street influence. The Nebraskan was still the
most potential figure in the Democratic party, and very
naturally resented a discomfiture in a Democratic Conven-
tion. To appease him the Parkerites very shrewdly made
Ollie James of Kentucky, an ardent Bryanite, permanent
chairman of the convention, and named William Jennings
Bryan to write the platform. On the forty-sixth ballot
Woodrow Wilson was nominated for President, having re-
ceived 990 votes to 84 for Champ Clark. Thomas P. Mar-
shall, of Indiana, was nominated for Vice President.
While the Democratic Convention was in progress at
Baltimore the correspondent of the Lynchburg News inter-
viewed William G. McAdoo. The following is a part of the
interview published in the News:
"As to your State of Virginia," said the New York
capitalist, "I am afraid she labors under similar disadvant-
ages to those which obtain in Tennessee. My father was
a Tennesseean and I am familiar with the situation there.
I was also a visitor to your recent State Democratic Con-
vention held at Norfolk, where I received a second liberal
education in crooked politics.
"My púrpose in linking Virginia and Tennessee to-
gether is for the reason that the will of the people in each
State is not being represented by the delegations sent by
them to Baltimore. In Virginia, if I am correctly informed,
the sentiment of the counties was first throttled at the
county conventions, which sent to the state convention at
Norfolk delegates already instructed against instructions,
although the voice of the people was for Wilson.
560
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
"My dear fellow," continued the New Yorker, his face
breaking into a smile, "if I could tell you all I know about
Thomas Fortune Ryan and certain others among the "big
men," politically speaking, of your State, you would want
to sign me up as a reporter on your paper."
Mr. McAdoo according to his statement-had received
a "second liberal education in crooked politics," at the Nor-
folk State Convention. He witnessed the manner in which
the Machine procured an uninstructed delegation, and com-
prehended its scheme for enforcement of the "Unit rule"
at the Baltimore Convention-the purpose thereof to defeat
Woodrow Wilson for the Presidential nomination. And Mr.
McAdoo ascertained that the Machine was under the in-
fluence of Thomas Fortune Ryan, who had won its favor by
making enormous contributions to its campaign funds. At
that time Hal D. Flood, the uncle, and Richard E. Byrd,
the father of the present Governor of Virginia, were two
of the "big men" in the Virginia Democratic Machine. They
had Mr. Ryan made one of the delegates from Virginia to
the Baltimore Convention, though he was making his home
in New York and it was known to the Machine that Ryan
and August Belmont and other New York Democrats were
conspiring to defeat Wilson at Baltimore.
It will be remembered that when William Jennings
Bryan discovered that Thomas Fortune Ryan was sitting
and acting with the Virginia delegation he was so provoked
that he made a severe attack upon Mr. Ryan. He moved that
Ryan be expelled from the Virginia delegation and be not
permitted to participate in the proceedings of the conven-
tion. When he failed to get Ryan expelled, he immediately
withdrew the support of himself and the Nebraska delega-
tion from Champ Clark, for whom they had been instructed.
He had found out that Ryan and Belmont and other Wall
Street magnates were championing Clark and were using
the Virginia delegation to defeat Woodrow Wilson. Bryan's
abandonment proved the death knell of Clark and made
Woodrow Wilson famous.
The familiar saying that history often repeats itself
has been substantially verified by recent performances of
APPALACHAIN VIRGINIA
561
the Virginia Democratic Machine toward William G.
McAdoo. In 1924 Harry Flood Byrd, now Governor of Vir-
ginia, was the leader of the Machine. He must have re-
membered what Mr. McAdoo said in 1912 about the crooked
politics of the Machine. In 1912 Hal D. Flood, an uncle, and
Richard E. Byrd, the father of Governor Byrd, were ac-
counted of the "big men" in the Democratic Machine. Mr.
McAdoo was the leading candidate for the Presidential
nomination by the Democrats in 1924; and Harry Flood
Byrd determined to avenge the accusations made by McAdoo
against his father and uncle and others of the Machine in
1912. This he accomplished in 1924 by having the unit rule
for voting imposed upon the delegates to the National Con-
vention at Baltimore. Some of the Virginia delegates were
for McAdoo, but under the unit rule they were forced to
vote against him; and on every one of the more than a
hundred ballots taken in the Convention, the twenty-four
votes of Virginia were cast solidly for Carter Glass.
The Congressional campaign in the Ninth District was
complicated by having three candidates for Congress. C. B.
Slemp was re-nominated by the Republicans at Bristol on
the 28th of August by a convention in which the Roose-
velt men constituted about seventy per cent of the delegates
attending. He had provoked the hostility of some of Mr.
Roosevelt's followers by supporting Taft at the Chicago
Convention; but his excellent record in Congress had so en-
deared him to all of his Republican constitutents that the
great mass of the Progressives rallied to and helped to
elect him again. The Democrats had already nominated
General R. A. Ayers as their candidate for Congress. Gen-
eral Ayers, to his misfortune, had been a member of the
Constitutional Convention of 1901-2, and had helped to
make the obnoxious suffrage and election laws that were
written into the new Constitution, and which had contrib-
uted to Mr. Stuart's defeat for Congress in 1910. Walter
Graham became an Independent Progressive candidate. Gra-
ham's candidacy proved to be a joke, and only served to re-
duce Slemp's majority over his Democratic opponent. The
562
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
result of the election, as shown by the official count, was
14,868 votes for Slemp, 13,857 for Ayers, and 1,004 for
Graham. Slemp's plurality over Ayers was 1,011, and his
majority was 7 over both of his opponents.
For President the official vote of the district was: Wil-
son, 12,996; Roosevelt, 7,582; Taft, 6,535. The combined
vote for Roosevelt and Taft gave the Republicans a majori-
ty of 1,081 over Wilson in the district. Of the popular vote
in the several states, Wilson received 6,473,963, Roosevelt
4,291,715, and Taft 3,763,195. The combined popular vote
for Roosevelt and Taft was 1,580,947 more than was cast
for Wilson. Of the electoral votes of the states Wilson got
429, Roosevelt 90 and Taft 12. The combined popular vote
for Roosevelt and Taft in each of the following named
states was larger than was received by Wilson: Colorado,
Connecticut, Delaware, Indiana, Kansas, Maine, Maryland,
Massachusetts, Missouri, Montana, Nevada, New Hamp-
shire, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, North Dakota,
Ohio, Oregon, Rhode Island, Tennessee, West Virginia, and
Wyoming.
If Roosevelt had been the candidate of the Republican
party he would have gotten about all of the electoral votes
of these States, and Woodrow Wilson would never have been
President of the United States. Mr. Wilson carried Vir-
ginia by a majority of 38,880 over the combined vote of
Roosevelt and Taft.
VIRGINIA POLITICS IN 1913
According to the predictions made by Harry Tucker and
others in 1910, Henry C. Stuart was made the Democratic Ma-
ching candidate for Governor of Virginia in 1913. He had no
opposition at the primary election; and, therefore, was declared
the nominee of his party to be voted for at the general election.
However, for the other State officers elected by the people there
were contests in the primary. The most notable of these con-
tests was the one between John Garland Pollard and Samuel W.
Williams for the nomination for Attorney General, and Mr. Pol-
lard won the nomination. When he was canvassing the State
in the primary campaign he took a very bold and commendable
stand against the unfair election laws then in force in Virginia.
APPALACHAIN VIRGINIA
563
In a speech delivered at Louisa Court House, he said:
"I consider the first and most fundamental need of the
State to be a thorough purification of her general and primary
election laws. A mere casual examination of our election laws
will show that they invite fraud.
"If I am elected Attorney General of Virginia I shall let
no strict construction of the office prevent me from suggesting
and using the influence of the office to promote measures which
will make effective the will of the people.'
While Mr. Pollard was making his brave fight against un-
clean politics, the Roanoke Times belittled his candidacy and
ridiculed his effort to break up corrupt Machine rule in the
State and to restore the rule of the people. However, after
Mr. Pollard had won in the primary, The Times laboriously tried
to prove he had won with the aid of Machine votes. Mr. Pollard
was very sincere in his desire to restore honest and clean
government in Virginia. On the 5th of January, 1914, he and
a number of prominent Virginia Democrats held a meeting at
Richmond and organized a "Virginia Progressive Democratic
League." They adopted and promulgated a series of resolu-
tions from which the following are quoted:
"1. The object of this league is to restore popular govern-
ment in Virginia, and to that end we reiterate that all power
is vested in, and consequently derived from, the people; that
magistrates are their trustees and servants and at all times
amenable to them.
"3. We favor the reform of our general election laws so as
to render fraud at the polls impossible, and to that end we favor
making willful frauds in election a felony."
Deeply impressed with the utterances and performances of
Mr. Pollard in behalf of honest elections, Wm. C. Pendleton, then
publisher and editor of The American at Marion, Virginia, on
the 14th of January, 1914, addressed an open letter to the At-
torney General, elect. In this letter Mr. Pendleton said: “At
the risk of appearing presumptious, I will name some of the de-
formities and evils that I believe afflict our present sufferage
and election laws." After enumerating the evils and suggest-
ing methods for their removal, Pendleton declared:
"In addressing you this letter I am inspired by no partisan
spirit, but am moved by as deep and abiding affection for my
564
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
native State and its people as any living man can possibly
hold." On the 24th of January, 1914, Mr. Pollard very cour-
teously replied to Mr. Pendleton's communication. In his reply,
the honorable gentleman and worthy citizen of Virginia said:
"I thank you for drawing the attention or your readers to the
first and most fundamental need of the State, to-wit: A thorough
purification of both the general and primary election laws. In
aiding in focusing the attention of the people on the necessity
for election reform you are rendering your State a distinct
service. This is one reform upon which all honest patriotic
citizens may unite, regardless of party affiliations. The man
who does not see the need of honest election laws is past re-
demption. When we meet such a man it is useless to argue
with him. As Mr. Bryan fittingly says: 'If a man wishes to
convince you that stealing is honest, do not argue with him—
search him,' and so the man who is satisfied with Virginia elec-
tion laws should not be argued with, but his record should be
searched and you will generally find that he has been in some
way a beneficiary of the present dishonest election laws.
"I fully agree with you that the Constitution should re-
quire bi-partisan electoral boards. Twelve years ago as a mem-
ber of the Constitutional Convention I voted in favor of such
a board and was sincerely sorry the measure was not adopted.
"I wish time would permit me to express my views con-
cerning many other defects in our election laws but I am now
about to leave the city and upon my return will be so engross-
ed with my official duties that I am unable to discuss the matter
more at length, but I assure you of my willingness to co-operate
with you and all other patriotic citizens, regardless of party
affiliations, in placing upon the statute books of Virginia an
election law which will be in keeping with the exalted patriot-
ism for which Virginians have been noted."
Mr. Pollard had helped to make the crganic law of the State,
which contains the basis of Virginia's suffrage and election
laws; and had codified and interpreted the statute laws inade in
pursuance of the constitutional provisions on the elective fran-
chise. Thus was he peculiarly qualified to point out the evils in
these laws and suggest the reforms that sound public policy and
common honesty require. But all effort on his part--and of
those who co-operated with him-have availed nothing in the
APPALACHAIN VIRGINIA
565
way of purifying the general and primary election laws. The
Constitution and statute books of Virginia are still stained with
provisions and laws that suggest, invite and generate frauds at
elections.
At the general election in November, 1913, Henry C. Stuart
was elected Governor of Virginia without opposition from the
Republicans. Alvah H. Martin was then chairman of the Re-
publican party in Virginia and controlled the State organiza-
tion of the party. Mr. Martin was then in collusion with the
fusionists of Norfolk County and City, which was composed of
Machine Democrats and Alvah Martin Republicans. This, it
was believed induced Martin and the Republican State Commit-
tee to decline to call a convention to nominate a State ticket.
The Republicans elected very few members of the House of
Delegates, as there was no organized effort made by the State
organization to elect men to that body.
Henry C. Stuart was inaugurated as Governor of Virginia
on the 2nd of February, 1914. Republicans in the Ninth Dis-
trict and the other districts of the State were hopeful that Gov-
ernor Stuart would join hands with Attorney General Pollard
in an effort to purify the suffrage and election laws then in
force. But the Republicans suffered a keen disappointment, as
Governor Stuart made no effort during his four years' term of
office to reform the laws which the Attorney General had pro-
nounced "dishonest," and had declared that: "A mere casual
examination of our election laws will show that they invite
fraud."
CONGRESSIONAL ELECTION IN 1914.
A very interesting Congressional campaign was waged in
the Ninth Congressional District of Virginia in 1914. The
Democrats of the district were deeply enamored of President
Wilson, though the Virginia delegation at the Baltimore Con-
vention in 1912 had-at the behest of Thomas Fortune Ryan-
persistently opposed his nomination for President. The Dem-
ocratic leaders were confident that President Wilson's popular-
ity was great enough to surely elect their candidate for Con-
gress and permanently terminate the Slemp reign. Acting on
this belief, they met in District Convention at Bristol on the
18th of March, 1914. It was pronounced the largest and most
enthusiastic convention of the party that had ever gathered in
566
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
the district. To add to its dignity and importance, Governor
H. C. Stuart was made permanent chairman. The only name
presented to the convention was that of Hon. R. Tate Irvine, of
Big Stone Gap, and he was nominated by acclamation. A reso-
lution was adopted endorsing "the wise, progressive and suc-
cessful administration of Woodrow Wilson." A society had just
been organized in the district and named "The Fair Elections
Society of the Ninth District of Virginia." The Bristol Con-
vention endorsed the Society with the following resolution:
"We endorse the movement of the Fair Elections Society of
the Ninth District of Virginia, to secure fair and clean elections
throughout the district, and we congratulate our country on the
success of the movement already attained, and earnestly urge
all members of the party to join the Society and give it their
moral, personal and financial aid, believing as we do that noth-
ing is more important to the people as a whole than an honest
ballot, honestly cast, counted and returned, and that when mon-
ey and other corrupting influences shall have been entirely
eliminated from elections, the Ninth District will be irretriev-
ably and overwhelmingly Democratic."
The Republicans of the district believed that this resolution
was adopted by the Bristol Convention to mislead ther: in re-
gard to the purpose of the Democrats in the conduct of future
elections. No expression of approval was given by the Con-
vention to the pronouncements of Attorney General Pollard
about the unfair and "dishonest" election laws then in force in
Virginia. Future events proved to the satisfaction of the Re-
publicans that they had properly appraised the intention of the
resolution.
At a convention of the Republican party of the Ninth Vir-
ginia District held at Bristol on July 9th, 1914, the Regulars
and Progressives were practically united, and Congressman C.
B. Slemp was re-nominated as the candidate of the united party.
The American, an Independent Progressive newspaper, publish-
ed at Marion, Virginia, commented as follows on Mr. Slemp's re-
nomination for Congress:
"That was a wonderful scene at Bristol, Va., on last Thurs-
day, the 9th inst. We refer to the large gathering of Republi-
cans, assembled in convention to nominate a candidate to repre-
APPALACHAIN VIRGINIA
567
sent the Ninth Congressional District of Virginia in Congress.
No such gathering of earnest, enthusiastic and representative
citizens has ever been seen in a similar meeting at Bristol or
anywhere in the district.
"The most wonderful feature of the gathering was the
manifestation of confidence and deep affection for Bascom
Slemp. This affection seemed to be more intensively personal
than political. Even those who had previously differed with
Mr. Slemp on questions of party policy vied with those who had.
stood with him in expressing their confidence and affectionate
regard. That he could not resist such a force, and yielded,
against his desire and personal interest, to the solicitations of his
friends, and again accepted a nomination for Congress, shows
how Mr. Slemp reciprocates the deep affection of his constit-
uents.
Two conventions were held at Bristol on the same day, one
by the Regulars and the other by the Progressives. Nearly all
the delegates left the Progressive Convention and united with
the Regulars in nominating Mr. Slemp. However, a small num-
ber of the Progressives remained in convention and nominated
J. L. Rose for Congress.
The campaign was conducted on very high lines, and was
free from the bitterness that had attended many previous cam-
paigns in the district. Slemp and Irvine entered into an agree-
ment that no money should be used to influence the voters, and
that they would make the contest one of party and principle.
Slemp was again triumphantly elected. He received 15,321
votes and Irvine 14,153, making Slemp's plurality over Irvine
1,168. Rose, the Progressive candidate, got 210 votes; and Dut-
ton, the Labor candidate, received 106 votes.
PRESIDENTIAL AND CONGRESSIONAL ELECTIONS IN 1916.
There was considerable excitement among the Virginia.
Democrats in 1916. Carter Glass, who was then the representa-
tive in Congress of the Sixth Congressional District, wanted to
be made a member of the Democratic National Committee. Sena-
tor Swanson wanted to elevate his particular friend Rorer A.
James to that position. James had engineered and defended
frauds in the Fifth District by which Swanson had first gained
a seat in Congress; and was a valued servant of the Democratic
568
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
Machine. Glass was then the most virulent leader of the anti-
Machine faction. The quarrel became so heated that the astute
leaders feared it would disrupt the Democratic party in the
State. Late in May a conference was held in Washington which
was attended by Senators Martin and Swanson, J. Taylor Elly-
son, H. D. Flood, Rorer A. James and other active members of
the Machine faction. At the meeting a slate was agreed upon
The slate as
and was put through at the State Convention.
constituted was: For State Chairman, Rorer A. James, of Dan-
ville; for National Committeeman, Carter Glass, of Lynchburg;
for delegates at large to National Convention, Senator Thomas
S. Martin, Senator Claude A. Swanson, Governor Henry C.
Stuart and Congressman H. D. Flood. Thus was Glass initiated
into the Machine; and he and Swanson ever since have been
billing and cooing like a loving pair of turtle doves.
The Republican party in Virginia was also in an unfortu
nate condition. A strong sentiment was prevailing among Re-
publicans throughout the Union to make Theodore Roosvelt the
The New York Tri-
candidate of their party against Wilson.
bune had declared for him and said:
"We are for Colonel Roosevelt because we believe the coun-
try needs him. No one else will quicken the pulse of the nation
as he will quicken it. No one else will stir the conscience of the
people as he will stir it. No one else will inspire patriotism as
he will inspire it. No one else personifies the issue which the
Republican party must make as he personifies it. No one else
presents so effective an antithesis of Wilson as he. We are for
Colonel Roosevelt in spite of the fact that we were against him
four years ago. No one fought him harder than we. No one
will fight harder for him."
Alvah Martin was still chairman of the Republican party
in Virginia and had complete control of the party organization.
He continued very hostile to Colonel Roosevelt, and he succeed-
ed in taking a delegation from the State to the National Con-
When the
vention that was subservient to the "old guard."
National Convention met at Chicago on June 7th, 1916, it was
known that Roosevelt would not be a candidate for the Presiden-
tial nomination. Charles Evans Hughes was nominated for
President by the Republican convention.
APPALACHAIN VIRGINIA
569
The Progressives met in National Convention in Chicago at
the same time the Regulars were holding their convention and
nominated Colonel Roosevelt for President. He declined the
nomination and announced that he would support Hughes. On
the 26th of June the National Committee of the Progressive
party met at Chicago, and by a vote of thirty-two to six endors-
ed Charles E. Hughes, Republican nominee for President.
The Democrats met in National Convention at St. Louis on
June 14th, 1916, and Woodrow Wilson was re-nominated for
President.
The Democrats of the Ninth Congressional District met in
convention at Bristol on the 12th of August and nominated E.
Lee Trinkle for Congress. Talking to a newspaper correspon-
dent about Trinkle's nomination, Hon. C. B. Slemp said: "Sena-
tor Trinkle is a most effective man personally, a good lawyer
and a fine speaker. In a moment of temporary excitement he
yielded to his better and maturer judgment and accepted the
nomination. He was selected as a candidate by a defeated can-
didate for Congress, Mr. Stuart. The motion to make it unan-
imous was made by General Ayers, another defeated candidate
for Congress; and the obsequies were presided over by another
defeated candidate for Congress, Mr. Irvine. All this was ap-
propriate and likewise indicative."
On the 31st of August the Republicans of the Ninth District
held their convention at Bristol and re-nominated C. Bascom
Slemp for Congress. The Republicans realized that the Dem-
ocrats were going to make another desperate effort to defeat
Mr. Slemp. When Trinkle was nominated at Bristol many of
the prominent Democrats of the district and of the State were
present to assure him that he would receive the united support
of his party, both in the district and throughout the State. Gov-
ernor Stuart was there and placed Trinkle in nomination. The
three candidates who wan.ed to succe Governor S ua t, t-wi
J. Taylor Ellyson, John Garland Pollard, and Westmoreland
Davis, were in attendance, and pledged themselves and their
friends to give hearty and efficient support to Mr. Trinkle. And
last, but not least, W. F. Rhea, the shrewd politician, was also
there to offer his counsels and pledge the assistance of his ex-
pert manipulators to secure Trinkle's election.
Mr. Trinkle made a very serious mistake in conducting his
570
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
campaign. In his first speech, made at Pulaski, he severely at-
tacked the capability of Mr. Slemp to represent the district; and
from that time until election day he and his supporters not only
belittled the representative record of Mr. Slemp, but actually
sneered at his intellectual qualifications. This was very foolish,
as Mr. Slemp was not only the equal but actually the superior
of Trinkle in educational and mental equipment. Of course the
Republicans were greatly angered by what they knew were un-
just and untrue criticisms of the man they had elected to Con-
gress five times successively. They regarded it as a reflection
upon their intelligence and integrity to say that they had been.
repeatedly voting for a man who was unfit and incapable.
A thorough canvass of the district was made by the rival
candidates, and a number of Democratic and Republican speak-
ers engaged actively in the campaign. The result of the elect-
ion was a distinct surprise and disappointment to the Dem-
ocrats, as Slemp defeated Trinkle by an increased majority.
Slemp got 17,848 votes and Trinkle got 16,460 a majority of
1,388 for Slemp. Hughes received about the same majority
over Wilson in the district.
In 1917 the most important event in Virginia politics was a
primary held by the Democrats to select a candidate for Gover-
nor and candidates for other state offices. There were three
candidates seeking the nomination for Governor: J. Taylor Elly-
son, John Garland Pollard, and Westmoreland Davis. Mr. Elly-
son was the candidate of the machine. Mr. Pollard had made
himself very obnoxious to the machine by pronouncing the elect-
ion laws of Virginia "dishonest" and by criticisms of the meth-
ods used in operating those laws. Mr. Davis was the anti-na-
chine candidate and was very popular with the farmers and
business men. In the primary contest Davis won the nomina-
tion for Governor; and B. F. Buchanan, of Smyth County, was
nominated for Lieutenant Governor.
The Republicans held a State Convention and nominated
Thomas J. Munsey for Governor and Beverly Davis for Lieuten-
ant Governor. The Republican party in the State was very
poorly organized and was greatly disheartened by successive de-
feats; and, consequently, those two excellent men were over-
whelmingly defeated by their Democratic opponents. However,
APPALACHAIN VIRGINIA
571
the vote polled at the general election was a very small one.
Governor Davis and Lieutenant Governor Buchanan filled out
their terms of office with great credit to themselves and to the
general satisfaction of the people. The administration of Gov-
ernor Davis was conducted without any scandals in any of the
departments of the State Gove nment, as they had a's been cen-
ducted under the administration of his immediate predecessor
Governor Stuart.
For some reason the Democrats in 1918 declined to enter
a candidate to represent the Ninth Congressional District of
Virginia; and the Hon. C. B. Slemp was re-elected to Congress
without opposition. The reason assigned by the Democrats for
not opposing Mr. Slemp was, that he had been representing his
district so efficiently that it would be unwise and unjust to turn
him out of the House of Representatives. But it is more than
likely that the real reason was, that they remembered how they
failed to elect Mr. Trinkle in 1916 by the supposed poularity of
President Wilson and their specious cry: "He kept us out of
war." They knew that President Wilson had involved our coun-
try in the World War; and that his popularity had been thereby
greatly diminished in the Ninth District of Virginia and all over
the United States. And their knowledge of 1918 was amply
confirmed by the results of the Presidential election in 1920.
Nothing of very great interest occurred in the politics of
Virginia during the year 1919. A new General Assembly was.
elected, and the Republicans increased their membership in the
House of Delegates by electing about twenty members to that
body, and increased their membership in the State Senate. At
the session which began in January, 1920, the most interesting
question considered and acted upon was the eighteenth amend-
ment to the Federal Constitution, which extended to women the
right to the elective franchise. This amendment was fiercely
opposed, by the Democratic members of both Houses, with few
exceptions, and was earnestly supported, with one exception, by
the Republican members. When the final vote on the amend-
ment was taken it was rejected by the House and the Senate by
a heavy majority.
572
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
CHAPTER XXVIII
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION 1920-DEMOCRATIC PRIMARY 1921-CON-
GRESSIONAL ELECTION 1922-PRES DENTIAL ELECTION 1924-ELEC-
TION FOR GOVERNOR 1925-BYRD REVAMPS VIRGINIA FORM OF GOV-
ERNMENT CONGRESSIONAL ELECTION 1926.
An election for President and a new Congress came on in
1920 and politics were again livened up in Virginia. The Re-
publicans held their National Convention at Chicago and nomi-
nated Warren G. Harding, of Ohio, for President. The Dem-
ocrats held their National Convention at San Francisco and
nominated James C. Cox, of Ohio, for their Presidential Candi-
date. A determined effort was made by the Democrats to make
the tariff and prosperity under the Wilson Administration lead-
ing issues in the campaign, but President Wilson demanded
that the League of Nations be made the paramount issue and
his will prevailed. The people passed upon the League and
gave a majority of seven millions against it, Harding receiving
that majority over Cox on the popular vote and a corresponding-
ly large majority in the electoral college. The Republicans of
the Ninth Congressional District of Virginia held their conven-
tion in 1920 at Bristol to nominate a candidate for Congress. C.
B. Slemp, who was then representing the district in Congress,
was desirous of retiring to private life, but a demand was made
upon him for further service, and he consented to accept the
nomination and serve the district for another term.
nominated by acclamation.
He was
For some reason, never explained, the Democrats of the
Ninth District were reluctant to nominate a candidate to oppose
Mr. Slemp, but Bolling H. Handy, an estimable young man, who
had done gallant service as a lieutenant in France, became an
independent Democratic candidate against Mr. Slemp. He
failed to get the united support of the Democrats and was de-
feated by a heavy majority. Slemp's majority was more than
four thousand, and Harding carried the district by about the
same majority. Needless to tell, Slemp was the only Republi-
can elected from Virginia.
APPALACHAIN VIRGINIA
573
A primary was held in 1921 by the Virginia Democrats to
select their candidate for Governor and candidates for other
State officers elective by the people. While the General Assem
bly was in session in February, 1920, General Pershing visited
Richmond. He was given a reception in the hall of the House
of Delegates. The author was present and the floor and gallery
were crowded with members of the two Houses and interested
spectators. B. F. Buchanan, of Smyth County, was then Lieu-
tenant Governor of Virginia, and he was selected to introduce
General Pershing to the splendid audience. The Lieutenant
Governor was introduced by the Speaker of the House, and in
the course of his remarks the Speaker announced that he was
introducing the next Governor of Virginia. Storms of applause,
both on the floor and in the gallery, greeted this pronouncement
of the Speaker. This spontaneous expression of the sentiment
of a representative audience clearly evinced that Mr. Buchanan.
was the choice of the rank and file of his party for the governor-
ship. A few days thereafter Harry St. George Tucker announc-
ed himself a candidate for Governor, with full knowledge that
he would be opposed by the Machine at the ensuing primary.
Tucker Headquarters were opened at Murphy's Hotel by his en-
thusiastic supporters, and they adopted for their battle cry,
"Back to the Constitution."
From what occurred at the Pershing reception, and from
frequent subsequent incidents, it was not only conceded but
seemingly assured that the contest for Governor at the Demo-
cratic primary in 1921 would be between Buchanan and Tucker.
But before the campaign for the primary was launched the
Democratic Machine decreed otherwise. For some reason, it
was determined that E. Lee Trinkle should be made the candi-
date of the party organization and that Mr. Buchanan should
be induced to withdraw. To effect this purpose, those who were
arranging for the primary called upon Mr. Buchanan to put up
a large sum of money to be used in the primary election. For
good and sufficient reasons he declined to do so, and withdrew
as a candidate. Mr. Trinkle was then pitted against Mr. Tuck-
er, and by the use of the usual machine methods was over-
whelmingly defeated in the primary.
The Virginia Republicans held a State Convention and
nominated Col. Henry W. Anderson as their candidate for Gov-
574
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
ernor. Colonel Anderson was then known to be one of the ablest
men of the State. He challenged Mr. Trinkle to meet him
in a series of joint debates but the Democratic candidate declin-
ed to accept the challenge. Anderson made a vigorous but not
extensive canvass of the State and the speeches he made
were pronounced among the ablest that had been heard in
the Commonwealth since the Civil War. Mr. Trinkle made
a thorough canvass of the State. He was the candidate of
the Democratic Machine and as such was elected by the
usual Democratic majority.
CONGRESSIONAL ELECTION IN 1922
An election for Congressmen came on in 1922, and no
effort was made by the Virginia Republicans to elect a
member except in the Ninth Congressional District. The
Democrats of the District were determined to use every
possible means for electing a representative from the Ninth,
and thus make the Congressional representation from Vir-
ginia solidly Democratic. C. B. Slemp had declared that he
would not be a candidate for re-election, and this declara-
ticn made the Democrats more confident of winning in the
district. They met at Bristol in March and nominated George
C. Peery, of Tazewell, as their candidate for Congress. Im-
mediate steps were taken to strengthen the party organiza
tion and to qualify every possible Democratic voter by pay-
ment of poll taxes and registrations, as had been done in
the Stuart campaign in 1910. After Mr. Peery's nomination
and before the delegates left Bristol it was currently
ported that a very large sum of money was raised to be
used for the payment of poll taxes of delinquent voters and
for cther campaign expenditures.
jre-
The Republicans of the Ninth District held their con-
vention at Norton in July 1922. Several gentlemen were
present with their friends and actively pushing their claims
for the nomination for Congress; but a majority of the
delegates were not inclined to support either of the active
aspirants. They thought it would be advisable to nominate
a strong man from Tazewell County to oppose Mr. Peery
When the aspirants who were in attendance became ap
prised of the disposition of a majority of the delegates,
APPALACHAIN VIRGINIA
575
they determined to defeat it. This they accomplished by
nominating Mr. Slemp, with full knowledge of the fact
that he would not accept the nomination. The convention
then adjourned, and Mr. Slemp, who had gone West to re-
cuperate his health, promptly wired the District Chairman
that he would not make the race.
Following Mr. Slemp's declination, the District Com-
mittee called the delegates to meet again in convention, and
they assembled at Bristol on the 3rd of August. The same
gentlemen who had actively sought the nomination at Nor-
ton were present with their friends at Bristol, eagerly striv-
ing for the nomination. But the temper of the delegates was
so wrought up by the unfortunate blunder made at Norton.
that the aspirants realized that neither of them could win
the nomination. Thereupon, a compromise candidate was
sought and found in the person of Senator John H. Has-
singer, of Washington County. This excellent gentleman
was prevailed upon, against his inclination. to become the
candidate of his party. An active campaign was promptly
begun by the Republicans, and was continued until election
day, and resulted in getting about twenty-eight thousand
Republicans to the polls who deposited their ballots for
Hassinger. But this number was not sufficient to secure his
election. The unfair election laws were effectively used in
registrations of voters, and the voting of absent voters by
mail was unfairly employed by the Democratic election
officials to encompass his defeat. The official returns gave
Mr. Peery nearly three thousand majority in the district.
Soon after the elcction a conference of leading Repub-
licans from the several counties of the district was held at
Bristol to consider the matter of contesting the election of
Mr. Peery. It was claimed that while the campaign was in
progress, abundant evidence had been collected to prove that
the managers of the District and State organizations had
induced the registrars at a number of precincts in the dis-
trict to grossly violate the registration laws; and had in
many instances flagrantly violated the poll tax laws. And at
the conference, it was reported that many frauds had been
576
POLITICAL HISTORY OF

Ancel D. Witten, whose portrait is shown above, was a native of
Tazewell County, Virginia: and he died suddenly at Charleston, South
Carolina, April 7th, 1.27. He was sixty-five years old, was a son of
the late James Richard Witten and a lineal descendant of Thomas
Witten, who was the first settler in the great Clinch Valley. When
he was a very young man he began to carve out his fortune, and he
made his business career eminently successful. About thirty years
ago he located at Martinsville, Virginia. At the time of his death
he was president of the America Furniture Company and the Ameri-
can Dining Room Furniture Company, and a director in other furni
ture factories, several banks and other enterprises in the South.
committed at certain precincts on election day. But Mr.
Hassinger declined to contest the election.
In 1923 a new General Assembly was elected in Vir-
ginia, and the Democrats made the membership of both
branches of that body nearly solidly Democratic. The Repub-
licans of the Ninth Congressional District were so greatly
discouraged by the manner in which the partisan election
laws had been used by the Democrats to defeat Mr. Has-
singer in 1922 that they made little effort to elect members
of the Legislature in 1923.
Previous to the session of the General Assembly in
January, 1924, a disgraceful scandal was revealed in the
Commission of Fisheries and the department of Game and
Inland Fisheries. McDonald Lee, who was Commissioner for
both departments, was accused of gross immorality and
malfeasance in the exercise of his official duties and authori-
APPALACHAIN VIRGINIA
577
ty. He was appointed Commissioner of Fisheries in 1908 by
Governor Swanson under circumstances that were consider-
ed by many persons illegal and unethical. And he was re-
appointed to the position by Governor Mann. When Henry
C. Stuart became Governor he refused to re-appoint Lee, no
doubt, because he considered Lee unworthy. Governor Davis
also refused to re-appoint him. And we are informed that
Governor Stuart advised, Governor Trinkle, not to appoint
Lee again; but Trinkle ignored the advice of Stuart and
placed Lee again in control of the Commission of Fisheries,
and Game and Inland Fisheries.
When the General Assembly met in 1924, Mr. Stubbs,
a member of the State Senate, preferred specific charges
against Lee and asked for the appointment of a legislative
committee to investigate and report on the charges. It was
charged he had been using his yacht-which was the prop-
erty of the State-for entertaining jukenting parties. And
it was charged that on one particular occasion he had taken
out a party composed of himself and male companions and
two young women. On this particular occasion it was said
that the boat was anchored all night at a certain point, and
that intoxicants were indulged in freely and that acts of
immorality were committed that involved the reputation
of the young women. These charges were investigated by
the legislative committee, and at its sittings much scandalous
testimony was given by witnesses, and records were produc-
ed to show that Lee, in a number of instances, had illegally
used the public funds intrusted to him.
Two reports were made by the investigating committee.
The majority report exonerated Lee as to the charges of
immorality; but admitted he had used the public funds in-
discreetly if not illegally. And the majority report made.
suggestions as to how the State's property and funds in-
trusted to Lee should be handled in the future. The sug-
gestions were of such a character that they clearly indicated
he was not a fit person for the office he was filling. The
minority report found Lee guilty of both immoral conduct
and malfeasance in office. As soon as the two reports were
made public an instant demand was made by a large por-
578
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
tion of the people and Democratic newspapers for the re-
moval of Lee from office. A demand was made for Lee's
removal by the Richmond Times Dispatch, the Roanoke
Times and other papers. Governor Trinkle declined to re-
move him, and he was permitted to serve until the end of
his term, which came on the 1st day of February, 1926.
Lee was and is a potential and honored member of the Demo-
cratic Machine and will be taken care of, just as certain
other members of the Machine have been cared for in the
past after they had been discredited by the press and public
opinion.
PRESIDENTIAL AND CONGRESSIONAL ELICTION N 1 21
The year 1924 was a very satisfactory one for the Re-
publican party in National politics. Calvin Coolidge, who
had succeeded to the Presidency at the death of President
Harding, was nominated by the Republicans as their can-
didate for President; and Gen. Charles G. Dawes was nomi-
nated for Vice President. The National Convention, which
was held in Cleveland, Ohio, was comparatively harmonious
in all its deliberations. And this spirit of harmony presaged
victory for Coolidge and Dawes. The young Robert La Fol-
lette tried to create discord in the convention by presenting
a platform prepared by his father, the late Senator La Fol-
lette, but the effort was abortive.
Early in 1924 discords and dissensions began to devel-
op among the leaders and the voting masses of the Demo-
cratic party. These discords related more particularly to the
men who were seeking the nomination for President than
to the issues that the Democratic leaders were striving to
introduce into the approaching campaign. William G.
McAdoo and Governor Al Smith, of New York, were the two
leading candidates for the nomination. Wall Street was as
bitterly opposed to the nomination of McAdoo as it had
been in 1920, and the "Wet" vote and influences were also
arrayed against him. Smith was antagonized by the "Dry"
and anti-Catholic forces, but was supported by Wall Street
and the Wet forces. However, there was a very considerable
element in the party that was opposed to both McAdoo and
Smith, and this element was resolved to block and defeat
•
APPALACHAIN VIRGINIA
579
the nomination of either of them.
When the discordant elements of the Democratic party
met in National Convention at New York strife and con-
fusion immediately evolved it into the most turbulent and
riotous National political convention that had ever been held
in the United States.
The convention was in session for more than a week
and its proceedings were so riotous that the Democratic
press, generally, conceded that disaster for the party was
inevitable at the approaching election in November. At last
-after more than a hundred ballots had been taken-John
W. Davis, of West Virginia-who was a business associate
of J. P. Morgan and identified with Wall Street-was nomi-
nated as the Democratic candidate for President. At one
stage of the proceedings of the convention, William Jen-
nings Bryan had vigorously opposed the nomination of Mr.
Davis. The Democratic leaders knew that it would be neces-
sary to have Bryan support Davis, or there was no hope
of carrying a single State west of the Mississippi River for
the Democratic ticket. And they appeased Mr. Bryan by
making his brother Charles their candidate for Vice Presi-
dent.
The Virginia delegation had been instructed at the
State Convention in Norfolk to vote as a unit at the Nation-
al Convention; and to vote for Carter Glass as long as his
name was kept before the Convention. Some of the dele-
gates would have voted for McAdoo but for the adoption
and rigid enforcement of the unit rule. Thus was the Vir-
ginia delegation constrained to vote for Glass on every bal-
lot. His managers assumed to believe that he might get
into the scramble as a "dark horse," but he never attained
the proportions of a dark suckling colt, and his candidacy
for the Presidential nomination was so absurd that most
people regarded it as a huge joke.
Though the Virginia Machine had failed to get Mr.
Glass prominently before the convention, they were ap-
parently satisfied with Davis as their candidate, and the
Democratic press in the State praised him as a splendid son
of the South and a sterling Democrat. They supported Davis
580
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
zealously and gave him a majority of 56,257 in Virginia
over his three opponents, Coolidge, LaFollette, and Johns.
In doing this the Virginia Democrats abandoned a cherished
former political conviction or practice-that is a denial of
political equality to the negro.
John W. Davis, the Democratic candidate for Presi-
dent, on the 28th day of October, 1924, delivered an address
in New York's Harlem before a capacity crowd of negroes.
gathered in Liberty Hall. Mr. Davis declared to this vast
crowd of negroes that he stood for the political equality
of the negroes of the United States. He said: "The under-
lying principle of democracy, the great principle that
breaths through the Democratic party, is the principle of
equal and exact rights for all men and special privileges to
none. And there is no limitation in that motto of race or
creed or color and I for one will never write such a limita-
tion there." Mr. Davis then declared that at the beginning
of the campaign he promised his friends that if he became
President he proposed "to leave no uncertainty as to my
determination to enforce the Constitution of the United
States and all laws made in pursuance of it." He enumer-
ated in turn the thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth amend-
ments to the Constitution of the United States.
The Virginia Democrats have ever since they accepted
the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments as a condition
precedent to re-admission of the Southern States to the
Union striven boldly and successfully to prevent the enforce-
ment of these two amendments to the Federal Constitution.
They have practically nullified these amendments by adroit
legislation and Constitutional enactments, and by such
means have deprived nearly all the negroes and thousands
of white men of the elective franchise. In every National
election previous to 1926, the Virginia Democratic leaders
and newspapers used the Fourteenth and Fifteenth amend-
ments as their chief alarm to arouse and aggravate the
hate of white citizens for the Republican party. They told
the people that everlasting disgrace would be visited on
every Virginian who dared to vote for a candidate who
favored the enforcement of the despised amendments. But
APPALACHAIN VIRGINIA
581
the Democratic leaders and newspapers in Virginia dis-
credited their previous record and avouched the insinceri-
ty of their former professions by urging every Democrat
in the State to vote for John W. Davis. The Democratic
voters responded very enthusiastically to the urge of their
leaders, and John W. Davis-who had publically proclaimed
that he would enforce the Fourteenth and Fifteenth amend-
ments-was given 139,717 Democratic votes in Virginia.
All this effort on the part of the Virginia Democrats
availed nothing so far as their National party was concern-
ed. Coolidge defeated Davis by an immense majority, both
in the electoral college and on the popular vote. The League
of Nations was made an issue in the campaign by the Demo-
crats referring it to the people in their National platform;
and the people recorded about seven millions majority
against the League. However, the Virginia Democratic Ma-
chine rested satisfied with the result as they had kept the
State safely Democratic. Coolidge got 72,902 votes in Vir-
ginia, but carried only thirteen of the one hundred counties
in the State. The counties he carried were: Alleghany, Arl-
ington, Bath, Bland, Buchanan, Carroll, Floyd, Lee, Scott,
Shenandoah, Smyth, Tazewell, Wythe.
CONGRESSIONAL ELECTION IN NINTH VIRGINIA DISTRICT
The Republicans of the Ninth Congressional District
held their convention at Bristol in March, 1924, and nomi-
nated Lewis P. Summers, of Washington County, as their
candidate for Congress. Later on the Democrats of the Dis-
trict met in convention at Bristol and nominated George C.
Peery as their candidate for the House of Representatives.
About the first of September the rival candidates began to
make an active canvass of the district. Early in October it
was rumored that Mr. Summers had gotten into trouble
with the Department of Justice at Washington on account
of some irregularity on his part in the performance of his
official duties as United States District Attorney for the
Western District of Virginia. On account of this trouble-
and for other reasons announced by him-Mr. Summers
withdrew as a candidate. Thereupon, C. Henry Harman, of
Tazewell County, was induced to file notice with the Secre-
582
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
tary of the Commonwealth at Richmond that he would be a
candidate in opposition to Mr. Peery.
On October the 17th, 1924, the same delegates that had
nominated Lewis P. Summers in March as the Republican
candidate re-assembled in Bristol, and by resolution en-
dorsed the candidacy of C. Henry Harman, thereby making
him the candidate of the party to oppose Mr. Peery.
When it became known that Mr. Harman would oppose
Mr. Peery, the Democrats in the district were greatly alarm-
ed, and E. R. Combs, who was the Democratic Chairman
of the Ninth District, and Dr. Williams, brother-in-law of
Mr. Peery, went to Richmond to solicit funds to aid the
Democratic candidate. Harry Flood Byrd, then State Chair-
man of the Democratic party, and now Governor of Virginia,
had a conference with Combs and Dr. Williams. Following
the conference, Mr. Byrd sent a confidential circular letter
to Democrats throughout the State urging them to send
contributions to the Ninth District to assist in the election
fo Mr. Peery. Mr. Byrd said: "I have just returned from
Richmond, where I had a conference with Chairman Combs
of the Ninth District and Dr. Williams, Chairman of the
finance committee-If Peery is elected the backbone of the
Republican party in Virginia will be broken. From my own
personal knowledge, I know that the Democrats of the
Ninth are contributing liberally and are not asking the
Democrats elsewhere in Virginia to do what they are not
doing in larger measure."
Mr. Harman's agreeing to stand as the Republican can-
didate very effectively removed the damper that had been
placed upon the spirit of the party by the withdrawal of
Mr. Summers. And the Republicans throughout the district
quickly rallied to his support with a measure of fidelity and
enthusiasm that had never been surpassed, not even in the
triumphant days of the Slemps.
Mr. Harman established his headquarters at Tazewell.
James W. Harman, cousin of the candiate, was made Dis-
trict Chairman, and as such took charge of the head-
quarters. During the three scant weeks that intervened be-
tween Harman's endorsement at Bristol and the election in
APPALACHAIN VIRGINIA
593
November, he instituted and prosecuted one of the most
notable and effective campaigns that had ever been made in
the Ninth Congressional District of Virginia.
The Democrats were greatly disturbed by the can-
didacy of Harman and the cordial support he was getting
from the Republicans of the district. This was evidenced by
the urgent appeal State Chairman Byrd (now Governor
Byrd) made to Democrats in the State, outside the Ninth
District, to pour money into the Ninth to supplement the
funds the Democrats of the district were so "liberally" con-
tributing for Peery's benefit. The Republicans very natural-
ly inquired what use was to be made of such a large slush
fund. The Democratic party had already been thoroughly
organized, the poll taxes of delinquents had been paid, and
every possible Democratic voter had been registered, and
then some. Mr. Peery's managers had already proclaimed
repeatedly in the newspapers that he would be elected by not
less than five thousand and possibly by ten thousand majori-
ty. The Republicans very reasonably concluded that the
large slush fund was to be used as a corruption fund.
Though the Republicans were confronted with the
prospect of having large sums of money and full use of the
unfair election laws utilized by the Democrats to defeat
Harman, they struggled bravely and hopefully against these
frightful odds until the polls were closed on election day.
They succeeded in polling and having counted and returned
for Harman 28,341 votes. This was about the largest num-
ber of votes a Republican candidate for Congress had ever
received in the District. But the Democrats made such
ample use of their partisan registration and election laws,
including the absent voters law, that they swelled Peery's
vote to 31,407, which made his majority over Harman 3,066.
After the results of the election were known, the Re-
publicans asserted and very confidently claimed that
Peery's majority had been illegally and fraudulently ob-
tained. They charged that thousands of votes had beeen
given him by illegal registrations, by padding the poll tax
lists, and by fraudulently using the "Absent Voters" law.
And they charged that the enormous number of votes given
584
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
to and counted for Peery by what a Republican lately named
the "Mail Order" system was prima facia proof of illegal
and fraudulent use of the "absent voters" law. A few days
before the election improper and unlawful uses of this law
were claimed to be detected and exposed by the Republi-
cans, and it was claimed that hundreds of similar frauds
were detected after the election.
To verify their claims the Republicans declared that
the States of New York and West Virginia have "absent
voters" laws which make provision for voters who are away
from their homes temporarily to vote by mail. At the Presi-
dential and Congressional election of 1924 in New York
State, approximately, 3,000,000 votes were polled and only
750 votes were cast by mail. In the entire State of West
Virginia at the 1924 election 583,000 votes were polled and
625 were cast by mail. In McDowell County, West Virginia,
at the same election 20,000 votes were polled and only 25
were cast by mail.
At the election of 1924 in the Ninth Congressional Dis-
trict of Virginia the combined vote polled and counted for
Peery and Harman was 59,743. Of this number, approxi-
mately, 5,000 were voted by mail. And we have been in-
formed that more than fifteen hundred ballots were voted
in Wise County by mail.
Unbiased persons-who are made acquainted with the
very large number of ballots that were cast by mail in the
Ninth Congressional District-may very reasonably con-
clude that the charge made by the Republicans that the
"absent voters" law was unfairly and freely used to secure
Mr. Peery's election is a substantial charge.
Outside the Ninth District the Republicans had no can-
didates for Congress except in the Second, Fifth, Sixth and
Seventh districts. In the last named four districts the Re-
publican party had no organization, and the Republican
candidates were overwhelmingly defeated by their Demo-
cratic opponents. Consequently the Congressional repre-
sentation from Virginia remained solidly Democratic. For
United States Senator, Carter Glass received 151,498 votes,
and William H. Doak, the Republican candidate, got 50,498.
APPALACHAIN VIRGINIA
585

Appearing above is a portrait of Hon. James French Strother.
He is a son of the late Judge Philip W. Strother, and a native of
Giles County, Virginia. When a mere youth he entered the service
of the Norfolk & Western Railway Company and remained in its em-
ploy for several years. Later he received academic training at Agri-
cultural Mechanical Institute (now V. P. J.), and afterwards studi-
ed law at the University of Virginia. In 1895 he located at Welch,
West Virginia, where he practiced his profession most successfully
for ten years. In 1905 he was appointed Judge of the Criminal Court
of McDowell County, West Virginia was elected for several succeed-
ing terms, and filled that position with ability till 1924. He was the
Republican candidate in 1924 to represent the Fifth West Virginia
District in the National House of Representatives. He was elected
with a majority of 2,910 in the district and got 7,590 majority in Mc-
Dowell County. In 1926 he ran again as the Republican candidate
for Congress, and swelled his majority to about 3,600. He is now
serving his second term in Congress. Soon after he first took his
seat in the House of Representatives, the Washington Star thus re-
marked: "It is a tradition in the Strother family for the men folks to
come to Congress, so James French Strother, Representative from
Welch, W. Va., is here. His Great-Grandfather, George French Stro-
ther, was a member of the 15th and 16th Congresses; and his Grand-
father, for whom the present Representative was named, was a mem-
ber of the 32nd Congress. The Congressman has already served 20
years as Judge in McDowell County, West Virginia. "
H. Lester Hooker was given 135,376 votes for State Cor-
poration Commissioner and D. Henry Davis, the Republican
candidate, received 73,350 votes for that position.
GUBERNATORIAL ELECTION IN 1925
An election for Governor of Virginia and other State
officers elective by the people and a General Assembly fell
due in 1925. Having abandoned the convention system it
586
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
was necessary for the Democrats to select their candidates
for the offices in question by a primary election. Sometime
before the primary was held the Democratic Machine named
Harry Flood Byrd as their candidate for Governor. In the
meantime Senator G. Walter Mapp, of Accomac County, had
declared himself a candidate for Governor to be voted for in
the Democratic primary. While a member of the State Sen-
ate he had been a zealous supporter of the Anti-Saloon
League in all its efforts to obtain anti-saloon legislation by
the General Assembly, and Mr. Mapp was an ardent pro-
hibitionist. He also had been one of the few Democratic
members who advocated and voted for adoption of the
Seventeenth Amendment to the Federal Constitution-
which conferred suffrage on women-when that amend-
ment came before the Virginia Legislature for adoption or
rejection.
Mr. Byrd was at the same time a member of the State
Senate and his record on the liquor question had been very
unsatisfactory to the Anti-Saloon and Prohibition forces.
He also had opposed and voted against the adoption of the
Seventeenth Amendment. One might have supposed that
the prohibition Democrats and the Democratic women who
had been invested with suffrage would, as a matter of
principle, support the man who had espoused the causes in
which they were so heartily interested. No doubt, Mr. Mapp
hoped and expected when he became a candidate that they
would support him; but his hopes and expectations on that
line were cruelly crushed. Their devotion to the Machine
was so intense that many of the prohibitionists and most
of the Democratic women suffragists abandoned their at-
tachment to the great moral and suffrage questions and
rallied to the support of a selfish political machine.
Very soon after they made announcement of their can-
didacy for the Democratic nomination for Governor, the
rival candidates became involved in an acrimonious contro-
versy which was made public by their speeches and through
the newspapers. Each of the candidates sought to show
that he was specially fitted to conduct the affairs of Virginia
as its Chief Executive, and that the other fellow was not so
APPALACHAIN VIRGINIA
587
well equipped for the position. They were agreed on one
thing, that the affairs of the State had not been economical-
ly administered, and that the expenses of the government.
should be reduced and the people relieved as much as pos-
sible from burdensome taxation. As the campaign pro-
gressed the controversey between the candidates reached
a vitriolic stage. They made charges against each other
that were so personal and bitter that the Democratic news-
papers were greatly alarmed. They demanded that the rival
candidates should cease to make it a mud-slinging cam-
paign. And they warned Mapp and Byrd that the dis-
closures they were making might result disastrously for the
Virginia Democracy. However, many Democrats were so dis-
gusted with the charges and disclosures made by the can-
didates they declined to vote in the primary, and some re-
fused to vote for Byrd at the general election in November.
The primary campaign for Attorney General was mal-
adorous. Attorney General Saunders was the Machine can-
didate and he was opposed by Mr. Smithey, a former mem-
ber of the House of Delegates from Brunswick County.
Smithey made charges of official malfeasance against Saun-
ders, and demanded an investigation of the charges, but his
demand was ignored. There also was a very heated contest
made in the primary for the nomination of a candidate for
State Treasurer. John M. Purcell was the Machine candidate
for that office. He was a Roman Catholic, and Arch Williams,
of Wythe County, opposed him for the nomination. Williams
made a strong appeal to the anti-Catholic vote and came
very near defeating Purcell for the nomination.
Needless to tell, all the Machine candidates, except Pur-
cell, won out at the primary by the usual machine ma-
jority. Mapp's friends claimed that Byrd's large majority
was obtained by unfair methods; and cited in proof thereof
that election officials who conducted the primary at all the
precincts in the State, with a very few exceptions, were
Byrd supporters, and Williams charged that he had been
fraudulently defeated for the nomination for State
Treasurer. The State ticket nominated at the Democratic
primary and elected at the general election was as follows:
588
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
For Governor, H. F. Byrd; For Lieutenant Governor, Juni-
us E. West; For Attorney General, John R. Saunders; For
Secretary of the Commonwealth, B. O. Jones; For State
Treasurer, John M. Purcell; For Superintendent of Public
Instruction, Harris Hart; For Commissioner of Agriculture
and Imigration, G. W. Koiner; For Member of State Corp-
oration Commission, Louis E. Epps.
The Virginia Republicans held a State Convention at
Roanoke on the 5th day of September to determine whether
or not they would place a ticket in opposition to the Demo-
cratic State ticket. There was some opposition-which came
chiefly from the Federal officeholders-to naming a State
ticket. But the overwhelming sentiment of the very large
and representative convention favored the nomination of a
full ticket. Accordingly, a full ticket was nominated, with
Col. Henry W. Anderson at its head as the Republican can-
didate for Governor. Colonel Anderson asked for time to
decide whether he would make the race. Later, he declined
-on account of pressing business engagements-to run,
and several others of the candidates who had been nomi-
nated by the convention declined to make the race. The
State Executive Committee of the party was authorized to
supply any vacancies on the ticket and this was promptly
done by the Committee. The ticket as nominated and sup-
plied was as follows: For Governor, S. Harris Hoge; For
Lieutenant Governor, Carl A. Marshall; For Attorney Gen-
eral, T. X. Parsons; For Secretary of the Commonwealth,
Henry B. Crockett; For State Treasurer, John D. Bassett;
For Superintendent of Public Instruction, Willie Walker
Caldwell; For Commissioner of Agriculture and Immigra-
tion, William E. Thomas; For Member of State Corporation
Commission, Percy S. Stephenson.
The campaign that followed between the contesting
candidates of the two parties was devoid of excitement, and
aroused but little interest among the electors. However, Mr.
Hoge, the Republican candidate for Governor- and other
candidates and speakers of his party- earnestly contended
that many essential reforms not mentioned by the Demo-
cratic candidates are needed in the governmental affairs of
APPALACHAIN VIRGINIA
589

The above is a portrait of Henry B. Crockett, who is now a prom-
inent resident of Pulaski, Virginia. He was born in Wythe Coun-
ty, Virginia, forty-two years ago. When he was a youth he went to
California and began his business career in the circulation depart-
ment of the San Francisco Chronical. Since his return to Virginia
he has been engaged chiefly in the real estate business and assisting
in the organization of two large financial institutions. He raised
two hundred and fifty thousand dollars for the Mountain, Trust Bank
of Roanoke, and six hundred and thirty-seven thousand dollars for
the Union Trust Bank of Bristol, Tennessee. In the real estate busi-
ness, he organized the Jackson Park Home Corporation, Roanoke,
Virginia, is now its president, and owns two-thirds of that property.
He also owns a half interest in two valuable subdivisions of land at
Pulaski. In 1925 the Virginia Republicans made him their candi-
date for Secretary of State. Though he was defeated in the State
contest, he had the distinction of running considerably ahead of his
ticket in his native county and adjacent counties. Mr. Crockett has
been very successful in his several business enterprises.
Virginia. Among the important reforms advocated by the
Republicans were: The calling of a Constitutional Conven-
tion to get rid of the unhallowed organic law forced on the
people in 1902; the enactment of non-partisan fair election
laws to substitute for the existing partisan election laws;
and a reduction of the number of the vast and ever increas-
ing army of officeholders; and thereby relieve the people
of oppressive taxation and heavily curtail the enormous ex-
penses of our State and local governments.
At the 1926 session a considerable number of what were
denominated reform measures were enacted into law by the
590
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
General Assembly, nearly all of these measures being made
to conform to the views and plans of Governor Byrd. How-
ever, none of the so-called reform measures is likely to light-
en the burdens of the taxpayers, curtail the expenses of the
State and local governments, or diminish the number of
officeholders. It will be remembered that one of the chief
arguments presented to the people in 1900 by the politicians
who advocated the making of a new Constitution for Vir-
ginia was, that it would be so framed and used as to lower
the expenditures of the State and local governments and to
greatly reduce the large number of officeholders. When the
question of holding a Constitutional Convention was being
agitated in 1900, Carter Glass, in his Lynchburg News-re-
plying to objections urged by the Brunswick Gazette to hold-
ing the convention-wrote in his paper as follows: "To us
it is exasperating to hear people who are constantly com-
plaining of our deplorable condition, set up a wail of impo-
tency every time the only possible remedy is proposed. They
admit that we need a new constitution. They cannot deny
that our judicial expenses alone equal the expenses of North
Carolina and Georgia combined. They confess that we have
twice as many public officials as needed, and they bitterly
complain of the desperate and dishonest political methods.
This is our present state; those are insufferable conditions
which we must face. And, yet, when it is proposed that the
people of Virginia, who used to be indomitable, shall take
matters in hand, dethrone the political brigands and rescue
the Commonwealth from the grip of official despotism, those
who complain must forthwith set up a whine and insist
that it can't be done."
The Democratic party ever since the new Constitution
went into force has held control of the Executive and Legis-
lative departments of the Commonwealth of Virginia; and
what Mr. Glass termed the "political brigands" and an "offi-
'cial despotism" have absolutely dominated all of its govern-
mental affairs. And all the promises and commitments made
and given by Mr. Glass and other Democratic leaders for
a reduction of the number of officeholders, for more eco-
nomical administration of the State and local governments,
APPALACHAIN VIRGINIA
591
for dethronement of the "political brigands" and for fair
elections have not only failed of verification but have been
defiantly ignored.
Since the present Constitution went into effect, State
and local officials have been enormously increased in num-
ber. While the Democratic primary campaign was in pro-
gress in 1925 to select a candidate for Governor, a Danville
Newspaper declared that Mr. Mapp was hopelessly handi-
capped in the race for Governor by having more than fifty
thousand voters committed to his opponent, Mr. Byrd.
Those fifty thousand voters were identified with the Demo-
cratic State organization-the Machine-and were on the
payrolls of the State, the counties, and the municipalities.
At its recent regular session the General Assembly of Vir-
ginia undertoɔk to enact into laws the refor mea ure s and poli-
cies advocated and suggested by Governor Byrd. And he
has since its adjournment repeatly avowed, in public speech-
es and interviews, that this General Assembly had accom-
plished more in the way of constructive legislation than any
Virginia Legislature that had preceded it for many years
past. His reform tax bill establishing the segregation plan
or system of taxation in the State is, we believe, the best
that can be devised, and all Virginians should strive to make
it successful, as it is the surest means for securing equali-
zation of taxation.
However, the General Assembly did not by any act
lighten the burdens of the taxpayers, generally, by reduc-
ing the amount of revenue to be collected and expended for
running the various departments of the State Government
for the fiscal years 1926-27 and 1927-28. The General As-
sembly of 1924 appropriated about thirty-two million dol-
lars for each of the two fiscal years 1924-25 and 1925-26,
or sixty-four millions for the two fiscal years. The General
Assembly at its 1926 session appropriated for State ex-
penditures about the same amount, that is thirty-two mil-
lions, for each of the fiscal years 1926-27 and 1927-28.
One so-called reform measure was introduced and pass-
ed by the General Assembly at the instance of Governor
Byrd. It is a joint resolution for amending the State Con-
592
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
stitution so as to provide what the Governor and his sup-
porters call the "Short Ballot." The purpose of the Short
Ballot resolution is to invest the Governor with authority
to appoint certain State officers that are now elective by the
people. This Short Fallot movement contravenes the Jeffer-
sonian principles of popular republican government, in that
it denies the right of the people to choose their own officers,
who are their "trustees and servants." Adoption of the joint
resolution will mean a return of Virginia to the Federalist
doctrine of centralization. It is the antithesis of Jeffersonian
Democracy, and an unqualified reaffirmance of the Hamil-
tonian teaching, that the people are incapable or unfit to
choose their own agents or servants. This resolution will
have to be adopted by another General Assembly at the
session in 1928; and will then have to be submitted to the
people for ratification or rejection. If it should be ratified
by the people-and it will be ratified if the present Demo-
cratic Machine controls the election-its ratification will
mean an abandonment of one of the most cherished funda-
mental principles of Jeffersonian Democracy-the right of
local self-government-and a return of Virginia to the
Federalist doctrine of centralization.
There was one very important reform movement in-
augurated in the House of Delegates, but it was killed in the
Senate. A joint resolution was introduced and passed in the
House for so amending the State Constitution as to extend
to the people of the counties and cities authority to elect
their respective superintendents of schools and their county
and city school boards. These officials are now appointed
and the people of the various communities have no voice in
their selection. The joint resolution in question was passed
in the House by a substantial majority, but when it went
to the Senate that body referred it to a committee; and the
committee put it in a pigeon hole, where it remained to suf-
fer an inglorious death. Governor Byrd did not favor the
resolution, or it would have been promptly passed by the
Senate. Throughout the session, the Senate was so passive
to his will and influence that on one occasion a Senator de-
clared, that, if Governor Byrd told the Senators to "take
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
593
off their shirts" they would comply with his request.
Governor Byrd is seemingly alert in his activities to re-
form Virginia's State and local governments so as to have
them more efficiently and, possibly, more economically ad-
ministered. He appears to be eager to put the State Govern-
ment on a modern business basis. But he, and the General
Assembly which co-operated with him pliantly and faith-
fully in his suggested reform movements, lost sight of or
neglected to give attention to the two most fundamental
needs of Virginia, to-wit: A Fair Ballot and Fair Suffrage
and Election Laws.
Can Governor Byrd place his hand on his heart and
truly avow that the ballot provided for in the present State
Constitution is a fair ballot. Will he so avow?
Just after the Presidential election was held in 1924,
Dr. Douglas Freeman, the able editor of the Richmond News
Leader, mentioned editorially some of the many snares that
the voters of his city encountered at that election. Among
other things, Dr. Freeman said: "But of all the snares for
the simpled minded voters the ballot itself appeared to be
the most deadly. In one precinct in Richmond, in a ward
where education is unusually high, over one-third of all the
ballots were thrown out for being improperly marked. Such
a situation is an outrage on the voter-As a matter of fact,
the ballot is proof that it is designed to deceive the wise and
not safeguard the foolish.
"Are Virginians so imbecile that they cannot be trusted
to express their own opinion at the polls? Or does the Con-
stitution feel that the opinion of Virginians is not worth re-
cording? Evidently one of the two thoughts controlled the
framing of the present constitution. Equally plain is it that
Virginia cannot have at the same time an extremely diffi-
cult method of voting and a free expression of the voters'
will."
The closing sentences of the editorial of the News
Leader are: "In a democracy it is essential that voting be
simplified to the last degree. By this test Virginians may
be Democrats, but Virginia is not a democracy."
This averment of the News Leader, that "Virginia is
594
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
not a democracy" is an absolute verity. And it is equally
true that the Virginians who have adopted the name of the
Democratic party, and who have for more than forty years
positively controlled the government of the State, are not
Democrats of either the Jeffersonian or Jacksonian type,
but are autocrats and bureaucrats of an intensive type. This
affirmance on our part is verified by the fact that the suf-
frage and election laws and the method of voting made and
employed by the party in power in Virginia renders it im-
possible to obtain at elections a true expression of the will
of the people. This averment is affirmatively proven by the
number of votes polled and counted at the Presidential elec-
tion in Virginia in 1920. R. H. Lynn, Special Washington
Correspondent of the Roanoke Times, writing to the Times
on May 20th, 1921, said:
"For every hundred votes cast for President in 1920
in Virginia, 347 persons 21 years old and over stayed at
home or were absent from the polling places. A tabulation
made available here today shows that the percentage of
stay-at-home votes in the Old Dominion is greater than in
any other State with the exception of Louisiana, Georgia,
South Carolina and Mississippi, which is at the bottom of
the list. Nor can apologists take refuge in the colored
citizen and his non-voting status. A single comparison, and
that with the neighboring State of North Carolina, is most
illumating.
"Virginia-population 21 years and over, 1,207,474;
vote for president 1920, 230,999; unnaturalized and other
disqualified, 176,170; stay-at-homes and absentees, 799,905;
percentage of stay-at-homes per 100 voters, 347.
"North Carolina-population 21 years and over, 1,210,
727; vote for president in 1920, 538,758; unnaturalized and
other disqualified, 207,745; stay-at-homes and absentees
464,224; percentage of stay-at-homes per 100 votes, 86.
"With approximately the same population of voting
age, and with about 30,000 more disqualified citizens, North
Carolina polled 307,759 more votes than Virginia, or not
far from two and a half times as many. The figures are
amazing."
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
595
On April 20th, 1925, Mr. Lynn sent another communica-
tion to the Roanoke Times relative to the vote in Virginia
at the Presidential election in 1924. From Mr. Lynn's cor-
respondence we quote the following:
"Five States touch the borders of the Old Dominion--
Maryland, West Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee and North
Carolina.
"In Virginia in the last presidential election, the per-
centage of eligible voters-persons 21 years old-who voted
was 17.95.
"The average percentage of eligible voters who voted
in the five bordering States was 48.73.
"Here are comparative figures.
Vote 1924 Eligible 1924
Eligibles Voting
Virginia
223,177
1,243,482
17.95
Maryland
358,630
853,387
42.02
W. Virginia
583,662
728,125
76.99
Kentucky
815,332
1,304,520
62.50
Tennessee
300,550
1,238,146
24.27
N. Carolina
482,674
1,274,209
37.88
Summing up, Mr. Lynn said:
"Kentucky's excess over Virginia was more than two
and a half times the total the Old Dominion cast. West Vir-
ginia's excess was more than one and a half times the Vir-
ginia total.
"North Carolina's excess was appreciably more than
Virginia's total. It is to be noted that the colored popula-
tion is somewhat greater than that of Virginia, so that fac-
tor does not explain in any degree the reason why more
than twice as many North Carolina men and women go to
the polls."
While the Democratic primary for Governor and other
State officers was in progress in 1925, the doleful appeals
made to the people by the Democratic press and politicians
to turn out and vote would have been ludricrous but for the
fact that the conditions which provoked the appeals were
so appalling. They must have known that the deplorable
condition to which the Virginia electorate had been reduc-
ed was traceable to an unfair ballot and partisan suffrage
596
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
and election laws. Dr. Douglas Freeman-rated as one of
the ablest editors in the State-had warned them that the
true will of the people had been made impossible by the use
of the ballot provided by the present Constitution, and that
democratic government was no longer existent in Virginia.
It was evident that Jeffersonian popular government had
been subverted and bureaucratic centralized government
had been established in its stead in the Commonwealth of
Virginia.
When Governor Byrd entered upon his term of office
there were about one hundred bureaus and agencies ad-
ministering the governmental affairs of Virginia. Of this
number fifty-four are administrative bureaus, and the
Governor appoints the heads of only twenty of them. The
heads of the other eighty bureaus and agencies are elected
by the people or the General Assembly or appointed to office
by some one so chosen.
It is the design of Governor Byrd-by the means of
Constitutional amendments and legislative enactments-to
consolidate the numerous bureaus and agencies into twelve
bureaus or departments, and to have the heads of all of them.
appointed by the Governor. This is intended to make the
Governor the real head or ruler of the Commonwealth,
"with something of the power and authority exercised by
the heads of big business corporations." On the 30th of May,
1926, a staff correspondent of the Baltimore Sun interview-
ed Governor Byrd and wrote an account of his interview.
which was published in the Baltimore paper on the 31st of
May. The article of the correspondent as published bore the
significant heading:
BYRD REVAMPS VIRGINIA FORM OF GOVERNMENT
From the article of the correspondent we quote the
following:
"In urging his governmental reorganization plan.
Governor Byrd cited the Federal Government as an example,
the members of the Cabinet and the heads of the principle
bureaus and agencies being appointed by the President,
subject to the approval of the Senate. He also pointed out
the need of centralization of authority had been recognized
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
597
recently in a number of States."
Very strange democracy in this, which the Governor
of Virginia-who claims to be a Democrat-is advocating
for revamping the Government of the Commonwealth. It is
passing strange to find him striving to fasten upon the
people of the Old Dominion a centralized bureaucratic form
of Government, while he and his party followers are so
furiously resenting and denouncing a similar form in the
Federal Government. The glorious Virginia Bill of Rights
declares: "That all power is vested in, and consequently
derived from, the people; that Magistrates are their trust-
ees and servants, and at all times amenable to them."
Here we find the fathers affirming in the Bill of Rights
that the people are the source of all power, and that Magis-
trates (their officers) are merely their trustees and ser-
vants. If Governor Byrd's revamp form proposals are
adopted, he, who is merely the Chief Magistrate and ser-
vant of the people, will be transformed into their master
and ruler. Will Governor Byrd persist in pursuing this line
of undemocratic effort? If so, he and his followers ought
to no longer call themselves Democrats, but should acknowl-
edge themselves Hamiltonian Federalists and the arch-ene-
mies of popular government.
Evidently it is the desire of Governor Byrd to put the
government of Virginia on a strictly business basis, to be
conducted as a great corporation. The State's material inter-
ests may possibly be appreciably developed and enlarged
by adpotion of the governmental plans he is advocating;
but will they be helpful to the moral welfare of the people?
He ought to keep in mind the truthful saying that "a cor-
poration has no soul." The dear old Commonwealth has a
soul. Shall its soul, its moral and spiritual attributes, be
sacrificed on an altar of sordid materialism?
We apprehend that Governor Byrd and his political
associates are seeking to introduce a plan of government
that will further demoralize and degrade the Virginia elec-
torate. What Virginia needs most is a fair ballot. She does
not need a "Short Ballot." The one now in use is too short,
too short on honesty.
598
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
What is the use of clamoring for honest elections and
a pure electorate, with our statute books, and even our Con-
stitution, loaded with suffrage and election laws that are
purely partisan and confessedly unfair and that invite
fraud? The stream cannot be made pure, while the source
is polluted.
What will it avail to proclaim that the Government of
Virginia is a peoples' government, or a republic, with our
suffrage and election laws so constructed and operated as
to deprive or bar from exercise of suffrage more than two-
thirds of the white men and women of voting age in the
State?
We should hike back as quickly as possible to the hon-
est election methods that obtained under the Constitution
of 1851. Let us restore the rule of the people by a return
to the suffrage conditions that prevailed under that Con-
stitution-when the only necessary qualification for voting
was good citizenship.
Let the people again exercise the right that is the
foundation of popular government-of selecting and elect-
ing their own magistrates and servants, as was the case
when a true Democracy governed Virginia under the Con-
stitution of 1851.
In the Congressional election of 1926, the Virginia
Republicans failed to secure the election of a Represent-
ative, and the representation from the State remained solid-
ly Democratic. The Republicans made contests in but two
of the ten districts-the Seventh and the Ninth. In the
Seventh District, W. R. Tolbatt, of Winchester was the Re-
publican candidate, and he was defeated by T. W. Harrison,
the Democratic candidate, by a heavy majority-though a
very small vote was cast in the district.
In March, 1926, the Republicans of the Ninth District
met in convention at Bristol and nominated S. R. Hurley,
of Buchanan County, as their candidate for Congress. In
June the Democrats held their convention at Bristol and
nominated George C. Peery as their candidate. Mr. Hurley
promptly following his nomination commenced to organize
his party in the district; and immediately after Mr. Peery
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
599
began to canvass the district, Hurley engaged in a thorough
canvass of each of the counties. In his first speech he bold-
ly charged that Peery had fraudulently defeated C. Henry
Harman in 1926.
Mr. Peery and his managers promptly pronounced Hur-
ley's charges false, and demanded either proof of or retrac-
tion of the charges. Thereupon, Hurley made profert in
his speeches and through newspapers of a number of affi-
davits to sustain his charges of fraud. This action on the
part of Mr. Hurley provoked the wrath of Mr. Peery and
his managers and friends, and converted the campaign in-
to one of the bitterest that had ever been witnessed in the
district. The Democrats pronounced the charges false and
produced counter affidavits to refute some of the charges.
At the election the number of votes polled for both can-
didates was 52,989, of this number Peery received, as offi-
cially returned, 28,685 and Hurley 24,685-making Peery's
majority 3,619.
A few days after the election, Mr. Hurley and a number
of active Republicans met in conference at Bristol, to de-
cide whether or not a contest should be made of Mr. Peery's
election. Numerous frauds were reported to have been com-
mitted and detected in the several counties of the district;
but the conference adjourned without suggestion or adop-
tion of any definite plans for a contest.
The Republicans continued to proclaim that Hurley had
been defeated by frauds. Then, the Lynchburg News in an
editorial, headed "Put up or shut up," said: "The Rich-
mond Times-Dispatch now calls on the Republican whiners
in the Ninth District to prove their case or stop howling."
The News then challenged the Republicans of the Ninth
District to prove their charges by a Congressional investi-
gation. And the Roanoke Times and the Bristol Herald-
Courier approvingly reproduced in their columns the edi-
torial of the Lynchburg News. So far Mr. Hurley has not
revealed what will be his response to the challenge.
SHALL VIRGINIA'S FORM OF GOVERNMENT BE REVAMPED?
Governor Harry Flood Byrd is proceeding actively with
his scheme to "Revamp Virginia's Form of Government."
600
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
At the 1926 session of the General Assembly he procured
from that body authority to appoint a "Committee on Con-
stitutional Changes" and a "Committee on Efficient Govern-
ment." He very promptly appointed the two committees;
and recently the committees reported their separate find-
ings to the Governor. The Committee on Efficient Govern-
ment, composed of 38 members, based its report on a survey
made of State and County administrations by the New
York Bureau of Municipal Research. The employment of
this New York Bureau to instruct Virginians how to con-
duct their State and County administrations is a distinct
confession by Governor Byrd that his party, which has been
in complete control of the affairs of Virginia for the past
fifty-six years—with the exception of the four years of Re-
adjuster control-has proven itself incapable and inefficient.
On the 24th of January, 1927, Governor Byrd issued
a statement, addressed to the people of Virginia, notifying
them that he had issued a call for a special session of the
General Assembly. In this statement he said: "I am con-
vinced that the public interest requires a special session.
The decision, however, is mine. I assume full responsibility."
In enumerating the reasons that impelled him to call
a special session of the General Assembly, Governor Byrd
says: "My first reason is that many of the important econo-
mies and reforms must await upon changes in the present
Constitution." This declaration discloses that Governor
Byrd is seeking to accomplish his most important and de-
sired reforms by reforming the present Constitution. And it
is another open, defiant confession that his party-the Vir-
ginia Democrats-have proved themselves incapable and un-
faithful in administering the affairs of the State. If he so
desired, he might remember that when his party leaders
and newspaper organs, in 1900, urged the holding of a con-
vention to make a new Constitution, they assured the people
that their chief aim was to make State and local govern-
ments more economical and to reduce the number of office-
holders.
The Democratic Machine without scruple violated its
promise to give the taxpayers a more economical govern-
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
601
ment, after unscrupulously breaking its party pledges to
submit the new Constitution to a vote of the people for
ratification or rejection.
In prosecuting his plan for reforming the present State
Constitution, the Governor has employed a Committee ap-
pointed by himself. That Committee recommended that fifty
or more changes be made in the Constitution now in force;
and the Governor approved the recommendation. This is
a new method for making a Constitution for Virginians.
The present Constitution was ordained by forty-seven mem-
bers a minority of the membership of the Constitutional
Convention of 1901-02. That was an usurpation of the
sovereignty of the people. The Byrd plan is even more
revolutionary than that of the revolutionists who proclaim-
ed the Constitution of 1902.
If the Governor and his associates in this peculiar
movement are sincerely seeking to secure more economy
and efficiency in the management of the State and local
governments, he should urge the holding of a convention to
make a new Constitution that would express the will of the
people. Instead of so doing he is seeking to have fifty or
more changes made in the monstrosity that in 1902 was
imposed by proclamation upon the people of Virginia for
their organic law.
The Governor has expressed but one objection to hav-
ing a new Constitution made by a convention, and that is
that it will cost too much. And he asserts that it would cost
$500,000. The convention that framed the present Constitu-
tion was in session, with a few brief intervals, about one
year; and the actual cost of holding that convention was
$187,242.02. However, it took $10,806.11 to publish two
enormous volumes containing the debates of the conven-
tion. The cost of publishing proposed amendments to the
present Constitution amounts to $28,798.72. These figures,
taken from the records of the Auditor of Public Accounts,
show that the entire cost of making the present Constitu-
tion, with the amendments added thereto, amounts to
$232,135.40.
Governor Byrd presumes to be so well informed about
602
POLITICAL HISTORY OF
the cost of government in Virginia that he has assumed all
responsibility for calling the General Assembly in special
session to pass his measures of constitutional reform. This
being true, he ought to give the people some explanation
of why it will now cost more than twice as much to make
a constitution for the State as it cost in 1901-02.
Seemingly the promoters of this reform scheme are
actuated by a single motive, and that is to secure econom-
ic benefits for the taxpayers. In their announced plans for
reforming the organic and statute laws they have revealed
no inclination or disposition to make greatly needed moral
reforms in those laws. They want to retain in the Constitu-
tion its most positive vices: the trick ballot, the suffrage,
registration and election provisions. These are so manifest-
ly partisan and unfair that they are indelibly stamped dis-
honest. Instead of suggesting removal of these obnoxious
provisions from the Constitution and statute laws, the
Governor is endeavoring to have another vice written by
amendment into the Constitution: "The Short Ballot." He
strives to get into Virginia's organic law a thing that
Thomas Jefferson pronounced one of the greatest vices in
the Constitution of 1776. That is, he is seeking to restore
the appointive power to the Chief Executive which was
abolished by the Democratic Convention that framed the
Virginia Constitution of 1851. Popular government has al-
ready been destroyed in Virginia. Adoption of the Short
Ballot will practically destroy representative government in
the State.
This reform scheme is proclaimed by the Governor and
his associates a "progressive movement." Is it not likely
that they are moving in the wrong direction? They ought
to realize that going forward to wrong principles of govern-
ment is really going backward and that going backward to
right principles is going forward. Have the people of Vir-
ginia become so degenerate and the electorate so corrupted
that they are no longer fit to govern themselves? If so, the
Goddess of Liberty should be removed from the Great Seal
of the Commonwealth and the Dollar ($) Mark placed there-
APPALACHIAN VIRGINIA
603
on as an appropriate symbol of the sordid spirit that now
controls political thought in Virginia.
Responding to the Governor's call, the General Assem-
bly met in extraordinary session on March the 16th, 1927,
to act upon his proposed plan "to fashion a new form of
government for Virginia." On the 9th of April the adminis-
trative bill was ratified by both branches of the General
Assembly, only one Senator and three members of the
House voting against the measure. The earnest appeals.
made by Col. Henry W. Anderson and his associates for
essential reforms of the suffrage and election provisions of
the Constitution and statute laws were rudely rejected. And
it was made evident that it is the purpose of Governor Byrd.
and his political adherents to permanently fasten upon Vir--
ginians-if possible-a bureaucratic form of government-
the very antithesis of Republican or Democratic govern-
ment.
In passing upon these so-called reform measures, the
Virginia electorate or rather the remmant that now com-
poses the electorate-will have to make choice between.
Jeffersonian popular
popular government and bureaucratic-
oligarchic-machine government. God save the Common-
wealth!
INDEX
Page
Page
A
Abb's Valley, Surveys in....
Abolitionists Convention
6
Delegates, 1799-1800.... 76
Assistant Assessor of min-
eral lands, created..
542
Auditor, Election of, Polit-
of 1843..
151
ical Move
350
Res. adopted by 1844... 152
Augusta County.
6
"Absent Voters" Law..
583
Australian Ballot.
468
Adams, John Quincy
B
Censure of by House........ 147
Death of..
148, 182
On Abolition of Slavery.. 147
Bailey, David F., Candidate
for Congress
530
Presents Petition.
146
"Barbour Bill".
322
Political Battle of..
116
"Barnburner's" Convention
Alien & Sedition Laws 1798
of 1848.
185
59, 66, 69, 77, 81, 82
Bedini, Visit to America..
206
American Party, 1853..
204
Biddle, Nicholas
146
Anderson, Wm. A..
474
Bidwell Resolution.
101
Wm. A., Attorney Gen'l. 482
Bill of Rights.
429
Anderson-McCormick Elect-
ion Law, 1884...
Birney, James G..
166
359
"An Outrageous Ballot"
(1924)..
472
Blaine, James G.
1830
Anti-Masonic Convention,
Antoni's Tax Case, 1882.... 352
127
Nom. for President
Blacksburg, Location of
Blair, Robert W., Speech in
convention against pro-
claiming Constitution. 441
"Bocock-Fowler Act".
Bowden Brady Faction.
152
7
279, 362
Appalachian Counties, Vote
323
of in election of 1812.... 102
Boone, Daniel..
9
1828
117
399
1840
142
Bristol, City of, Location of
5
1844
176
1848
189
"Broker's Bill”.
Brooks-Sumner Incident
328
1898
409
1856
220
1901
443
Brown, John
204
Appalachian Territory,
Executed
235
First permanent settle-
ment
Appalachian Virginia, rep-
resentation in House of
Bruce, Robert P., Defeat of
1
in 1908
524
Bryan, Wm. Jennings, Dis-
cussed for Leadership of
604
INDEX
605
Page
Page
Democratic Party in
Confederate States, First
1908
520
Congress of…..
258
Buchanan, James, Adminis-
Congress Election of 1820.. 109
tration of.
223
1826.
114
Buchanan, Colonel John.... 4, 6
1846..
181
Buchanan Co., Republicans
1882.
354
of, held mass meeting
1886.
365
1902
479
1890.
372
Burke, James
5
1894.
377
"Buffalo Lick".
5
1898.
404
Burke's Garden.
5
1900.
424
Surveys in
6
1914.
565
Butler, Benjamin F. speaks
1916.
567
against two-thirds rule 155
1922.
574
Byars, J. Cloyd, Candidate
for Congress...
9th District, Results of.... 583
538
Congress of Oct. 1774...
17
Byrd, Harry Flood, Candi-
1798-9.
71
date for Governor.....
586
1799-1800.
82
Second Continental.
17
C
Congressional Campaign in
Calhoun, John C. Sec. of
Ninth District, 1904
509
State..
Resolutions
Slavery
149
Congressional, 1908.
521
concerning
1913.
561
178, 180
Congressional Caucus, 1800
84
Cameron, Wm. E., Speech
in Constituional Con-
1808.
99
1812.
101
vention.
Cherokee Indians.
448
1816.
107
1, 2
Congressional Caucus aban-
Cherokee & Iriquois treaties
9
donment of..
115
Clay, Henry, Appalachian
Constitution ordained & pro-
Counties, Vote for 176
claimed.
473
Nom. for President.
152
Ratification of..
42
Position on Texas Ques-
Reform of Advocated 434
tion.....
165
Submitted to Vote of Peo-
Resignation from Senate 149
ple, 1869..
284
Clear Fork District, Regis-
Ballot form.
468
tration illegal.
488
Constitutional Conventions,
Cleveland, Grover..
362
Va.
Death of
534
1829.
122, 436
Clifford, Nathan..
154
1850-51
192, 437
Clinch River, Surveys on....
6
Work of.
198
Clinch Valley..
3
1867.
281
Combs, E. R...
582
1901, Accomplishments of 451
Commissioners to France
1902.
438,445
1799..
71
Reform, plans for 1796.... 431
Committees of Safety, 1775
18
Union Party Convention 250
606
INDEX
Page
Page
Contested Election, 1792.
48
Continental Congress..
17
Party, condition of in Va. 504
Events Leading up to
Convention at Richmond
Forming of..
284
1775.
24
Opposition to.
212
Committee, 1861,
Presi-
Plans for Platform of... 525
dent's Reply to..
262
Split in
514
Of Tyler Democrats..
157
Primary, 1917.
570
Craig County.
2
Primary, 1921.
573
Crockett, Henry B..
589.
State Convention, 1900.... 422
Cumberland Gap & Fincas-
1907.
397
tle Turnpike.
2
1912.
539
1916.
569
D
Daniel, John W..
474
Daniel, John W.-letter
1924.
from.
476
Democrats, Appeal made to
by State Chairman,
Factional fight 1889. 415
583
Davis, Jefferson.
238
Meeting of at Sulphur
High Points in Life of.... 270
Springs 1844.
160
Davis, John W., Speech in
Of South, Sentiment of
N. Y., 1924.
580
in 1855.
220
Democratic Control..
359
Dickenson, R. Walter, Com-
Convention, 1844, Adopt-
munication of
491
ion of two-thirds rule.. 156
1844, Division in...... 154, 175
Delegates to, 1850.
Dickinson, Daniel S..
154
Dissolution of Union, Peti-
197
tion for 1842.
146
Thirteenth Dist. 1858.
225
Disunion & Slavery Senti-
1860-Report of Platform
ment, 1859.
238
Committee..
242
Dixon, Archibald.
202
1912, Instructions to dele-
Doak, Wm. H...
484
gates
557
"Domestic Labor".
153
Legislature, First-1883 358
Machine, Assault upon by
Douglas, Stephen A...
Drapers Meadows, Massacre
203
Carter Glass.
420
of
7
National Convention,
Dred Scott Case..
223
1832
133
1840.
138
Dunkards, Settlement of....
"Dunkards' Bottom".
6
6
1844.
153
1848.
E
183
1852
200
Editorial Comments on 1903
1856
214
politics.
497
1860
241
Election Law.
82
1896.
382, 387
Election of 1800.
85
1904
508
1804.
95
1912
558
1808
99
1916.
569
1848.
183
1924.
578
1859, Results of.
228
INDEX
607
Page
Page
1881.
347
G
1896, Vote on.
394
1897.
394
Game and Inland Fisheries
1903, Results of.
499
Scandal
576
1907.
529
General Assembly, 1786 37
1909.
539
1897.
400
1920, Statistics on.
595
1899
418
1924
578
1909.
540
1925-Democratic Candi-
1910.
541
dates in..
588
Extra Session of.
259
1925, Republican Candi-
1901.
443
dates in
588
1926 Reforms Measures
For Congress for 1926,
of.
589
Results of.
599
Accusation of Corruption
Election returns 1902, falsi-
in, 1906...
519
fication of..
492
Election for in 1887.
366
Electro Magnetic Telegra-
Investigating Committee
phy, Appropriation for 156
of, 1906..
519
Ellyson, Hon. J. Taylor
Lobying in
518
Circular letter..
497
Looting of Treasury by
Estill, Benj....
107
540, 541
Examiner of Records creat-
Readjuster's
Control,
ed.
540
1881.
348
Reason for calling Special
Session of 1927.
600
F.
"Fair Election Society in
the 9th District".
566
Reso. on Wilmot Proviso
& Calhoun Resolutions 180
Fifteenth Amendment.
280
Ghent, Treaty of.
106
Fincastle Address 1775.
19
Giles County..
2
Resolutions 1775...
23
Glass, Carter.
473, 579
Fiscal Bank of the United
Assault upon Democratic
States, the..
145
Machine..
420
Corporation of the United
Goggin, Wm. L...
227
States, the.
146
Government,
Organization
Fletcher, Geo. L..
543
of under Constitution.... 46
Fletcher Bill..
543
Grants on Western waters
Floyd, Benjamin Rush.
226
Cession of.
8
Flood, H. D..
474
"Great Lick".
2
Floyd, John B.
161
Greenback Movement.
324
Fourteenth Amendment.
278
Party
381
Fort Stanwix, Treaty at...
9
Grundy, Felix.
2, 161
France, Trouble with... 54, 58
Free coinage, Discussions on
1877
381, 382
French & Indian War.
Fulton. Andrew.
6
1925
181
Gubernatorial Campaign in
Election in 1885
Guide Ballot, use 06..
3.1
ሰ-
of. 339
518
608
INDEX
Page
Page
H
Hamilton, Alexander, Advo-
cates form of Govern-
ment for United States 41
Hamilton, W. S., Shooting
by Jas. A. Walker 410
Harman, C. Henry, Re-
publican Candidate for
Congress
Death of 1826.
195
Letter from, 1816.
193
Johnson, Andrew.
2
Proclamation of
275
Jones, Seaborn, Attacks on
Wilmot Proviso..
179
K
581
Kemper, Gen. James L. Gov.
1874
312
Harper's Ferry Insurrection 229
Financial Policy.
313
Effects of.
236
Harrison, William Henry,
Kentucky & Virginia Reso-
lutions.
67
Death of
145
Know Nothing or American
Holliday, F. W. M., Elected
Party, 1853.
204
Governor 1877..
320
Know Nothings, Anti-Cath-
Holston, Stephen..
4
Holston River..
4
Settlement on
6
Holston Valley.
1, 5
Hopkins, Geo. W..
154, 161
olic Declarations......... 205
National Convention, 1856 212
"Kickers" Convention.
372
Kings Mountain, Battle of 26
Kircheval, Sam'l, Letter to 193
Horton, Will..
479
"Hunkers".
Hurley, S. R., Republican
L
183
Land laws.
31
candidate for Congress 598
Langston, John M..
369
I
Lee, Fitzhugh..
363
Lee, Mc. Donald.
576
Indian raids.
7
Charges against.
577
River..
4
Lee Highway......
3
Trails.
2
Legislative Campaign in
Indians, Attacks by.
9
1883..
356
Treaties, with...
9, 13
Letcher Gov., Mobilizes Va.
Trouble with.
9, 10
Internal Tax laws..
Iriquois & Cherokee treaties
Irvine, R. Tate..
82
9
546, 566
J
Military Forces.
Letcher, "Honest" John. 227
Lewis, Judge L. L., Defeat
of by Democratic Party 516
Praised by Democratic
263
Jackson, Andrew.
Attacks on...
Death of..
Letter from..
Political Battle of..
1912, Thomas, Cabinet
1916... 1...
1924
Press..
515
2
Vilification of..
516
118
"Liberty Party".
152
182
Lincoln, Abraham, Early
163
Life.
265
..... 116
Republican
Nominee,
1860..
253
888888
89
Speech of, 1860..
237
87
"Locofoco" Party.
176
INDEX
609
Long Hunters...
"Loyal Company, the" in-
corporation of..
M
Page
1
6
Page
Valley
1, 3
Mc Coy, H. E..
399
Norfolk, State Democratic
McCulloch Bill, Passed.
334
Nichols, E. W., Testimon-
ial for Slemp....
Noel, John C., Charges
against Rhea..
Convention, 1904 506
531
532
McGill, Bishop..
206
0
Mc Mullen, Fayette..
181
Mahone, William, Death of 378
"Mail Order" System...
584
Oath of office, registrars re-
lieved from...
482
Mapp, G. Walter,
Candi-
In Const. Convention
date for Governor.
586
of 1901.
445
Marion, Town of..
6
Old Stage Road.
2
Marshall, James W...
474
Omnibus Bill.
191
Marshall, John, Appoint-
ment as Chief Justice 90
Martin, Elbert S..
Mason, James W., President
226
of Convention 1850........ 197
Massacre, of Drapers Mea-
dows..
Paris, Treaty of 1782.
Parker, Alton G., Democrat-
ic Candidate for Pres
1904.
36
506, 508
Patton, Colonel James.... 4, 5, 6
Oregon, Organization of...
181
Р
7
Mecklenburg, Declaration of
Independence.......
21
Death of..
8
Methodist Episcopal Church
Peace Conference, 1861.
150
Division of....
169
Pedigo, A. L..
474
Methodist Episcopal Church
Peery, George C..
581
South, Organization of 171
Democratic Candidate for
Mexico, War with..
181
Congress..
598
Missouri Compromise.
108
Pendleton, James F..
226
Move to repeal..
203
People's Party..
390, 391
"Money Power".
153
Pershing J. J. Genl..
573
Monroe, James, Administra-
Philanthropist, The.
152
tion..
107.
Pierce, Franklin, Nominat-
Doctrine...
109
Mormans, Organization of 172
ed for President, 1852.. 200
Attacked by Know Noth-
Morse, Prof. Samuel.
156
ings.
207
Morton, Marcus...
154
Political Views of..
202
Munsey, T. J., Speech by.... 537
Pierpont, Francis H..
275
Pioneers of Southwest Va... 14
N
Point Pleasant, Battle of
National Political Conven-
10, 13, 16
tion, First..
New River..
127
Political Condition in 1903.. 497
2
Political Parties and Con-
Establishment of homes on
Settlements on.
5
ventions, Review of
339
6
Politics in Va. in 1906.
518
610
INDEX
Page
Page
Polk, James K..
2
Party, Mission Terminat-
Administration of.
177
ed..
360
Charges against.
162
Organized.
332
Vote for in Appalachian
Victory.
336, 347
Counties..
176
Reconstruction.
274
Poll Tax, Nuisance..
466
Registrations unfairly Con-
Qualification, Corruption
ducted.
487
of..
471
Religion, Committee on, in
Qualification for voting.. 465
House of Delegates......... 32
Populist Party.
390
"Republic Builders".
5
In Va....
395
Republican Convention at
Postmasters, Appoinment of
Lynchburg 1897........... 399
in Va..
370
1831.....
128
Powell's Valley.
9
1908.
534
Presidential
Election of
1912 Instruction to dele-
1824..
113
gates.
556
1856.
212, 222
1924..
578
1860.
241, 254
Republican Government,
1880.
338
Principals of.....
193
1888.
367
Republican National Con-
1892.
373
vention, 1860...
251
1900.
424
1876..
382
1904.
502
1896.
385
1912, Results of.
562
1904.
507
1916.
570
1912.
558
1920..
572
1916..
568
Preston, Francis.
2, 98
Republican Nominations for
Hon. John S...
260
Capt. Wm..
49
Pro & Anti Slavery Influ-
State Offices in 1905.... 515
Republican Party 115, 152
Change in leadership...... 513
Condition of in Va...
ence in Politics, 1858-
503
1859..
224
Organization of, 1856...... 215
Protective Tariff.
153
Split in, 1912..
556
Pulaski Convention 1898.... 404
Va. Convention of 1914.... 566
૨
Views of, 1856...
216
"Republican Party of Vir-
"Quids".
100
ginia, The".
361
R
Republican State Conven-
tion, 1898..
406
Race Question Revived in
Convention, 1900.
424
Politics....
509
1908....
534
Radford, City of...
6
1909.
539
"Raleigh letter," of Henry
1916.
569
Clay....
151
1917..
570
Randolph, John
100
1922.
573
Readjuster Movement..
290
1925..
588
INDEX
611
Page
Leadership broken in 1888 368
Republican Victory in Ninth
District, 1905..
517
Results of Election in Ninth
District in 1904.
...... 512
& Anti...
Rhea, W. F......
479
Slavery Question.
Appointed to State Corp.
Page
Slavery, Jefferson's views on 33
Slavery, Lincoln's Policy in
Regard to...
Slavery in Territories, Pro.
268
203
107
Slemp, Col. Campbell. 477, 529
Commission..
532
Campaign of 1902.
485
Judge.
477
Slemp, C. Bascom
Opposition to as candi-
530, 537, 554, 561
date for Congress 1902 483
Riddleberger, H. H..
333
Campaign speeches of 550
Candidate for Congress
"Riddleberger Bill".
337
in 1910.
545
Remodeled & Approved
Charges against.
553
1882..
350
Nomination
530
Ritchie, Thomas on Birney
Testimonial for.
531
Affairs..
166
Work in Congressional
Rives, William C......... 146, 149
campaign
489
Roanoke, City of..
2
Nominated by convention
County....
2
at Abingdon.
484
Robertson, W. Gordon.
474
Persuaded to offer for
Roosevelt, Theodore, Repub-
lican Candidate for
Congress, 1902
484
Republican candidate for
President...
507
Congress.
507
Runyons, Alexander.
479
Sudden Death of
527
Russell's Fort.
9
Victory of in 1908
525
Victory over Rhea
490
S
Smith, Hyram, Assassina-
Salt Lake.
5
tion of
172
Saltville, Town of
5
"Saplings" The..
5
Joseph, Assassination of 172
Joseph, Candidate for
"Scott Co. Ballot".
483
President
173
Scott Co., Tragedy in
500
Smyth, Alexander,
Seceders Convention.
249
2, 107, 109, 114
Sedition Laws..
59
Seward, William H..
237
Shawnee Indians,
attacks
tion
English
6
Sheffey, Daniel.
99
106
Smyth Co., elections
Social & Economic Legisla-
Socialist Labor Party 1896 387
Southern Senators advise
withdrawing from Un-
471
353
Sheffey, James W., Extracts
ion...
256
of letter from
196
Southwest Va. Climate of....
15
Sherman, J. S. letter from 530
Description of
3
Short Ballot.
592, 602
First survey of
4
Silver Party.
390
Slavery, Abolition of.... 135, 147
Pioneers of
Spanish possessions, Plot
14
612
INDEX
Page
Page
to invade.
64
Special Counsel for State
"Tyler Democrats" Conv. of 157
Tyler Whigs
146, 149
created.
541
State Debt, Auditor's Re-
U
port of-1870
296
"Understanding Clause" of
Beginning of..
291
Constitution.
454, 456
Funding Bill.
299
Effect of.
486
Gen'l Wise's views on
295
Underwood Constitution
State Democratic Platform
35, 437, 442
for 1908..
522
State Treasury, Condition
V
of in 1878.
327
Van Buren, Martin,
Ad-
States Secede.
257
ministration of
133
Stalnaker, Samuel.
6
Cause of defeat of
151
Stone, James A..
542
Letter of
151
Strother, James F.
585
Virginia Constitution, dis-
Philip Williams
355
Sub-Treasury Law, Repeal
of.
146
System
134
franchising clauses of 467
Convention 1861, Commit-
tee from visits Presi-
dent Lincoln...
261
Suffrage Rights
466
Delegates in National
Summers, Lewis P..
581
Convention of 1924 579
Stuart, Henry C., Campaign
Division of..
273
speeches of. ..... 547, 551
Candidate for Congress
Financial Condition of
1855..
209
in 1910
545
Charges against
Government,
Organiza-
552
Elected Governor in 1913 565
tion of..
29
Government Reorganized 276
T
Military Rule of..
281
Taylor, Zachary
Politics in 1905.
513
184
Letter of
1913.
562
187
Tazewell Co., comparison of
electorate in 1900 &
1902
Republicans of, assembled 478
Texas, Annexation of. .... 149
Thom Alfred B..
474
Tucker, Hon. J. Randolph. 324
Virginia resolutions 1844
496
concerning Calhoun re-
solutions
180
Supreme Court of Ap-
peals, Decision of.......... 304
Withdrawal from Union,
discussed at Convention
Twelfth Amendment.
95
1861..
260
Two Thirds Rule
129
Ratification
Convention,
Tyler, John, Cabinet resigns 148
1788.
42
Death of...
150
Pres. of Peace Conference 149
cation of..
Sworn as President.
Withdrawal...
145
168
Polytechnic Institute, Lo-
& Kentucky Resolutions
7
1798..
67
INDEX
613
Page
Page
W
Party.
115
State Meeting 1840.
141
Walker, Dr. Thomas....
4, 5
Witten, James Richard.
337
Walker, Gen.-1898-1900.... 477
Wilmot's "Proviso".
177
Walker, James A., Shoots
179
W. S. Hamilton...
410
Resolutions
of General
Trial of..
411
Assembly Concerning.. 180
Walker Expedition, Object
Wise, Geo. D...
474
of.
6
Wise, Henry A..
146
Walton Election Law.
374
149
Proposed Amendment to.. 402
War between States, Causes
Elected Governor of Va.
1855.
208
of...
264
Wise, John S...
363
War of 1812, Declaration of 101
End of..
Wise Co., Republicans of
106
assembled July 28, 1902 480
War with Mexico..
181
Witten, Ancel D..
576
Washington, George, Death
Wood, H. C.........
373
of..
78
World War-suffrages.
467
Washington, Col. George
Wysor, Joseph C....
474
Preston's letter to.
8
Democratic Candidate for
Washington County,..
2, 4
Congress, 1904..
506
Whig Congress..
145
Wythe Co., Republican mem-
Whig National Convention
ber from...
474
1839.
138
Y
1844.
152
1848.
184
Yellow Creek Massacre...
11
1852.
201
Yellow Fever, 1855.
205
1856..
218
PLEASE RETURN TO
ALDERMAN LIBRARY
DUE
4-23-82
10-28-83
60-266-89
3-16-91
4-17-91
5-17-91
5/10/96
DUE
FEB 1960
YX 000 414 757