G U J A E i T%\re Jfistonj of JA as tob k its ofott pstoriaits THE LOCAL MUHAMMADAN DYNASTIES. GUJARAT. BY THE L A.TE SIR EDWARD CLIYE BAYLEY, K.C.S.I. PARTIALLY BASED ON A TRANSLATION BY THE LATE PROFESSOR JOHN DOWSON. Published under the patronage of H.M.’s Secretary of State for India. FORMING A SEQUEL TO SIR H. M. ELLIOT’S HISTORY OF THE MUHAMMADAN EMPIRE OF INDIA. LONDON: W. H. ALLEN AND CO., 13, WATERLOO PLACE, PALL MALL. S.W. PUBLISHERS TO THE INDIA OFFICE. 1886.LONDON : PRINTED BY W. H. ALLEN AND CO.t 13 WATERLOO PLACE.^ /fait: f'-f 'p1, l-<~- m ■ ?&?. ¿zt sun PREFACE. In the original Preface to his “Mahomedan Historians of India/’ Sir Henry Elliot wrote as follows:— t( The author had hoped to be able to append an account of the historians of the independent Mahomedan monarchies, such as Gujarat, Bengal, Kashmir, and others; but the work, v> as it is, has already extended to a length beyond what either its name or the interest of the subject warrants, and sufficient information is given respecting their annals in many of the general histories.” * Sir Henry Elliot had, however, collected rare works with a view to the undertaking which he was compelled, as above described, to abandon; and on the completion of his work by the late Professor Dowson, several Oriental scholars expressed a desire to see his idea carried into effect. Mr. Edward Thomas having, in extension of the interest and supervision which he undertook in regard to the original work, expressed this wish to the Secretary of State for India, the grant-in-aid which the Government allowed to assist the publication of the former was extended to the present work. On these terms the undertaking was accepted by Messrs. W. H. Allen & Co., who entrusted its execution to the late Professor Dowson, and he determined to commence with the ♦ # See “ Mahomedan Historians,” vol. i. p. xvi.VI PREFACE. history of the local dynasty of Gujarat. He was, perhaps, influenced in this decision by the existence of the well-known and very excellent history of the entire dynasty, known as the " Mirat-i-Sikandari,” which he selected as the basis of his work, and the translation of which he had completed, and in a great measure passed through the press, when he succumbed somewhat suddenly to an insidious and unsuspected disease. On his death the present Editor, who had been employed by Sir Henry Elliot to assist him in the preparation of the earlier work, and who had long been in close communication with him on the subject, was asked to undertake the completion of Professor Dowson’s task. About the same time His Highness the late Sir Salar Jang, G.C.S.I., of Hyderabad, forwarded a fresh and very important MS. of the Mirat-i-Sikandari ”; and on proceeding to compare this with the text, it was found to give considerable additional matter and some important improved readings. The Editor’s views, moreover, of certain details of the plan on which the work should be carried out differed materially from those entertained by Professor Dowson, and he therefore considered himself justified in recommending the reprinting of the entire work. This, by the joint liberality of the Secretary of State for India and of Messrs. Allen & Co., has been permitted, and the work is now submitted to the public on the Editor’s responsibility. The translation of Professor Dowson forms the main basis of the volume, though a few passages have been corrected by the aid of the Hyderabad MS., and a somewhat large amount of new material, chiefly consisting of anecdotes, has been introduced in the translation of the “ Mirat-i-Sikandari.” Professor Dowson did not attempt a perfectly literal translation ; indeed, the texts vary so greatly, that it is impossible to adhere closely to any one of them. The Professor, however, followed generally the less florid recension of the “ Mirat-i-Sikandari,” and has, even in that, occasionally somewhat condensed the language. His version has been correctedPREFACE. Yll only where the fuller texts seem to give the sense more clearly, or where a better reading has been since obtained. The annotations are taken from authors, who wrote more or less incidentally of Gujarat affairs. It is hoped, so far as they can be recovered, to present in a second volume extracts from other works on Gujarat history only, on some of which the “Mirat-i-Sikandari^ was avowedly founded. The names of the latter will be found in the notice of that work (pp. 59-66), and some of them are known to be still in existence. A few extracts from the “ Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shahi ” are to be found in the pages of the “ Mirat-i-Sikandari ” itself, and are sufficient to give an idea of the author’s style. The “ Tarikh-i-Mahmud Shahi ” in its entirety is another valuable contribution which was sent by Sir Salar Jang. A copy of the earlier part also exists in the library of the British Museum. In that Institution also is to be found a large fragment of the “Tarikh-i-Muzaffar Shahi II.,” containing the whole account of his campaign against Maiwah, undertaken to restore Mahmud Shah to his throne. The other works on which the “ Mirat-i-Sikandari ” was founded have not yet been recovered, and Firishtah quotes a passage from a “ Tarikh-i-Gujarat ” which does not seem to occur in any known work. A MS. under that title, however, is found in the British Museum, which relates the closing scenes of the Gujarat dynasty, beginning with Bahadar Shah, and which purports to have been written by Abu Turab, who was probably the same as the nobleman of that name who, together with Ftimad Khan, surrendered to Akbar, and who seems to have been subsequently employed by that monarch. Several friends are still diligently searching for the missing works; but the Editor will gratefully receive (through Messrs. Allen & Co., the Publishers) notices of any other MSS., whether of the Gujarat or of other local dynasties, which any of his readers may be able to furnish. It is hoped, also, in the second volume to add appendices on various matters of interest connected with Gujarat, such as the earlyviii PREFACE. history of the province as revealed by recent archaeological research, and the Portuguese version of the events in which they bore a part during the later years of the Gujarat dynasty. The mode of transliterating proper names adopted is practically that used for the new series of “ International Numis-mata Orientalia.” The spelling followed is generally that of the text; but in a few instances, where the word is Hindi and is much disguised in its Persian form, or is better known in its original shape, the latter has been followed. Thus “Somnat” is written instead of “ Somnath ”; but “ Girnar/’ not <( Girnal,” and " lakh ” in lieu of “ lak In conclusion, the Editor’s object has been to carry out the work as nearly as possible in the form in which Sir Henry Elliot himself would have wished to produce it. To effect this the Editor has given his best endeavours. This, to whatever extent he may have succeeded, is the only tribute which it is in his power to pay to a memory which will long be regarded in India with respect and affection, and the only return which it is in his power to make for kindnesses the recollection of which will never pass away. I am indebted to the kindness of Major Watson for several of the notes on the “ Mirat-i-Ahmadi,” and for the correction of some of the local names. E. C. B. * All spelling has been printed as Sir Edward Olive Bayley left it.BRIEF NOTICE OF SIR EDWARD CLIVE BAYLEY. It is not right that this book should appear without a notice, however brief and imperfect, of its estimable and lamented Editor. Edward Clive Bayley was horn at St. Petersburg in October 1821. He belonged to a family which has been well known in the Indian service now for nearly a century. His father s brother, William Butterworth Bayley, of the Bengal Civil Service, held the office of Governor-General for several months, during the interval between Lord Amherst’s departure and Lord William Bentinck's arrival, and after his return to England was for many years a Member of the Court of Directors, and twice its Chairman. Edward Bayley entered Haileybury in 1840, and went to India in 1842, arriving at the Sandheads just when the disastrous news of the destruction of our force at Kabul had reached Calcutta. He was for some years attached to the North-West Provinces, and in 1849 his character stood so high that he was one of the men chosen by Lord Dalhousie to form the administrative staff of the Punjab ; nearly all of them, civil and military, men who proved to be of marked ability and character. Bayley's lot fell as Deputy-Commissioner of the Gujarat District. His service there was very short, for before the end of the year he was called away to fill the post of Under-Secretary in the Foreign Department. But, short as it was, he seems to have left a moreX BRIEF NOTICE OF distinct mark upon the district than many do after a much longer tenure of office. For we are told by a well known member of the Punjab service, who joined the district as Assistant some seven years after Bayley's departure, that the latter’s name was still affectionately remembered by the people. One help that he afforded to the chief town of his district is mentioned in the obituary notice contained in the Annual Report of the Royal Asiatic Society, and may well be repeated here. Gujarat was the seat of a beautiful art in damascene work, i.e., the inlay of iron and steel with gold. This, like many other Indian local arts, has only become well known in Europe since the Paris Exhibition of 1876, and the diffusion of Sir George Birdwood’s handbooks. Before the annexation of the Punjab its excellence was known to very few Englishmen in India; and its chief exercise was in the embellishment of arms and armour, the latter being t^en still occasionally worn, as a piece of magnificence, by the Sikh chiefs. The disappearance of the Lahore Court, and the establishment of the Pax Britannica, threatened the existence of this artistic industry; and Bayley greatly exerted himself to turn it into new and lasting fields, by procuring orders for caskets, paper-knives, table ornaments, and what not, from Anglo-Indian and English friends. Thus, an art which might have been lost to the town was maintained, and still flourishes. In the Foreign Secretariat Bayley’s chief was Sir Henry Elliot, one of the most brilliant of the many eminent men who have held that office. Bayley’s taste for Indian archaeology had no doubt already taken root, but it was greatly developed by his association and friendship with such a chief. When the manuscript materials connected with Indian History, left behind by Elliot at his premature death in 1853, were placed at the disposal of the Court of Directors, Bayley was one of the Committee to whom the Court submitted the papers, for judgment, as to the mode in which they should be dealt with. After two years in the Foreign Office, Bayley rejoined theSIR EDWARD OLIVE BAYLEY. XI Punjab Administration as Deputy-Commissioner of Kangra, where he continued till he took leave to England on account of his health, in 1854. During his stay in England he was called to the Bar. Returning to India in 1857, the year of the Mutiny, his first service was as Under-Secretary to Sir John Peter Grant at Benares. The revolt had cut off all connection between Agra, the seat of the local Government, and that part of the territory in which order had been preserved or quickly restored, and Sir John (then Mr. Grant) had been sent to Benares to gather up the dropped reins of Government. In 1858 Lord Canning himself took up his residence at Allahabad, and administered the government. Bayley continued for a time to act as Under Secretary with him. Passing over various offices which he held during his gradual rise in the service, in 1861 he re-entered the Secretaiiat ¿¡ter uiiig Foreign Secretary, and in the year following became Home Secretary to the Government of India, a post which he held for ten years. In 1878 he was nominated to the Council of the Governor-General; his tenure ended in 1878, and he then retired from the service. He had held the office of President of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for the three years preceding his departure, and that of Vice-Chancellor of the University of Calcutta for a term. He was nominated K.C.S.I. in January 1877. Sir Edward Bayley’s papers on Indian archseology have been detailed in that Report of the Royal Asiatic Society to which we have already been indebted. They are about twenty in number. The most important, perhaps, were his papers regarding the dates on certain Kabul coins, and on the genealogy of Modern Numerals. The former modified very considerably the views of most Orientalists on one of the most important difficult chronological questions. The origin of the Numerals, a subject to which he had devoted much study, was left unfortunately incomplete when he died, after a very brief illness, April 80th, 1884.xii BRIEF NOTICE OF The following remarks are contributed by a distinguished Orientalist* who held Sir E. C. Bayley in high regard, Professor Biihler, now of Vienna:—“ It would, however, be a mistake to estimate the services of Sir E. C. Bayley to Oriental learning by the number of his essays. In India he did invaluable work by his very successful efforts to preserve the monuments of ancient art, by saving numerous important coins—which are now deposited in the magnificent collection left by him or in the Indian Museums—from destruction* and by giving a warm support to the official search for the remnants of 'Sanskrit literature. Both in India and in Europe he made his influence widely felt by the readiness with which he gave the benefit of his extensive knowledge, and allowed access to his collections, to all students of Indian history and antiquities who asked him for help. Everybody who has had the privilege of corresponding wiiii him on such matters will remember with pleasure and gratitude the warm interest with which he took up all new suggestions and theories, the care and impartiality with which he examined and discussed the arguments, pro and con, and the soundness of his criticism and advice.” Few men are so sincerely lamented as Edward Bayley was. His gentle and kindly manner was a true indication of his refined mind and his sweet nature. One never met him, or parted from him, without retaining a sense of having come in contact with something beneficent and tranquillizing. The testimony of the native newspapers to the feeling with which he was regarded in India lias been of very unusual strength, and obvious sincerity. By the Mahommedan community his sympathy was especially valued, and we print at the end of this notice a remarkable expression of this sentiment. At the dinner which the Viceroy gave in his honour when he was about to leave Calcutta, Lord Lytton told an anecdote which he must have gathered from some of Bayley’s Haileybury contemporaries. We give it in the noble speaker's own words, as reported in the Englishman newspaper of March 15th, 1875 : “ It was unanimously agreed by (Bayley’s)SIR EDWARD OLIVE BAYLEY. Xlll comrades at school, as afterwards by his colleagues in office, that nature’s elements were never kindlier mixed, to associate a sweeter temper with a gentler, more courteous, and more chivalrous character than his. Nor was this feeling confined to his fellows. For I have heard a story told of Le Bas, the old Principal of Haileybury, that he used to say that the character of Edward Bayley was the only thing which had ever caused in his mind a doubt about the doctrine of original sin ! ” On the same occasion Bayley himself concluded his acknowledgments with words which may fitly end the more personal part of this brief notice of our friend: “ Our family motto is taken from the writings of the great Roman orator and philosopher: Quod est, eo decet uti9 et quidquid agas agere 'pro viribus; or, to put the sentiment as it occurs in Scriptural language: ‘ Whatsoever thy hand findeth to do, do it with thy might.’ It is not a vain-glorious motto, but it is, as I know by experience, an ambitious one. If those in India who know us best can say that in any sense we have acted up to our motto, I can scarcely seek for higher praise.” In 1877, when the last volume (VIII.) of the “ History of India as told by its own Historians ” issued from the Press, it was determined to supplement the work by selections from the Mahommedan histories of the Kingdoms of the# Deccan, an addition which had been comprised in Sir Henry Elliot’s original comprehensive scheme. The editorship was again undertaken by Professor Dowson, who had with so much labour and zeal carried through the completion of the eight volumes, from the papers of Sir H. Elliot, and from the complementary matter prepared by himself. Professor Dowson's lamented death occurred, and it was necessary to find a new editor. It was with great satisfaction that those interested heard that Sir E. Bayley had consented to undertake this duty. It is always a difficult matter to take up the thread of a work dropped in death; the more interest and knowledge a man brings to such a task, the stronger and more precise his own views and opinions asXIV BRIEF NOTICE OF to how it should be done are likely to be. Bayley found the wtork, so far as it had proceeded, done on a plan which greatly differed from what he would have himself adopted, and from what he (who knew Sir Ei. Elliot’s plans and views on the subject better than anyone surviving) considered to have been the design of the original projector. But apart from these considerations a very valuable copy of the text of the Mirat-i-Sikandari had been sent by the late Sir Salar Jung, which Professor Dowson had not had the advantage of collating ; and the examination of this enabled Bayley to make some important emendations. The general result was that Sir Edward deemed it necessary to recast the whole. Einally, it must be remembered that this volume has been completed and passed through the press since Sir Edward’s lamented death; and allowance must be made for the absence of various finishing touches which would doubtless have come from his hand. H. Y. Extract from “ The Mahommedan Observer and Guide/’ May 17th, 1884. “ By the Mussulman community of India, who now-a-days so sadly lack powerful friends and sympathisers amongst their rulers, and who for some inscrutable reasons now seem to have unfortunately fallen into the disfavour of Government, the removal by death of a most kind-hearted and staunch friend, like Sir Edward Clive Bayley, must be felt not only as a personal loss, but will be viewed as a deep and public calamity. Descended from an illustrious family, having long and intimate association with Indian affairs from the earliest period of the establishment of British Rule in this country, Sir EdwardSIR EDWARD CLIVE BAYLEY. XV inherited the traditional sympathies of his family for the impoverished and degraded condition of the Mussulmans of India. He had early studied Arabic and Persian literature with our late townsman, Moulvie Abdool Jubbar, at that time Meer Munshi in the Foreign Office, and thus got an insight into the beauties and defects of the Mussulman character, and could thoroughly sympathise with the Mussulman wants and aspirations. When fresh out to India, he had seen the last flickering refulgence of Mussulman power and glory, and after a few years’ course saw it totally vanish into thin air. His natural sensibilities were quickened, and he threw all the weight of his sympathy on the side of our unfortunate co-religionists, and did much to promote their advancement and welfare. Not to speak of his generous and warm friendship for, and patronage of, many a deserving Mahommedan gentleman, both in Calcutta and elsewhere, the Mussulmans owe Sir Edward a ‘ debt immense,’ of endless gratitude for a public measure which was principally due to his powerful influence, and which has already done so much, and is destined hereafter to do so much more, for the promotion of Mahommedan education in these provinces. The fact is well known that it was Sir Edward Clive Bayley, who, as Home Secretary to Lord Mayo’s Government, influenced that noble Earl to sanction the memorable Resolution for putting a stop to the misappropriation of the princely Mohsin Endowment Fund, and for directing the employment of its proceeds to its present legitimate object of advancing purely Mussulman education. For this single noble act—putting aside all else—Sir Edward’s memory will be cherished in the grateful recollection of our co-religionists. “ High-minded, generous-souled, courteous and polite, with dignified but amiable presence, Sir Edward was a man of ‘light and sweetness/ to make use of Matthew Arnold’s expression, and a veritable type of a thorough and noble English gentleman. Those who had the honour of his acquaintance, shall not soon forget his ever cheery face and benign appearance. If EnglandXVI SIB EDWABD OLIVE BAYLEY. desires to conserve her Empire in the East, and to found it on the solid basis of the devoted loyalty and affection of the teeming millions of India, let her only send out to this country high^ bred Englishmen, with generous instincts and enlightened sympathies for the people, like the late Sir Edward, who can attach to themselves the affection, love, and homage of those over whom they are set to rule, and who thus constitute the only true and solid ‘ scientific frontier’ for guarding England’s colossal Empire, not only from aggression from without, but also from danger from within. “ We offer, on behalf of the Mahommedan community, our respectful condolence to the relatives of the lamented deceased/’CONTENTS. PAGE Preface.....................................v Brief Notice of Sir Edward Cliye Bayley . . . ix Note on the “ Mirát-i-Ahmadí ”..............xix CHAPTER I. Introduction . . ...........................1 CHAPTER II. Early History of Gujarat......................24 Note on the “ Mirát-i-Sikandarí ”.............59 CHAPTER III. Rise of the Muhamadan Power.—Reion of Sultán Muzaffar.................... . . .67 CHAPTER IY. Reion of Ahmad Sháh, Son of Tatar Khán, Son of Zafar Khán (Muzaffar Sháh) . . . . 88 CHAPTER Y. Sultán Muhamad, Son of Ahmad Sháh .... 129 CHAPTER YI. Sultán Kutb-ud-Dín......................... 185 bXY111 CONTENTS. CHAPTEE YII. Sultán Dáúd, a Eelatiye op Sultán Kutb-ud-dín . CHAPTEE VIII. Eeign op Sultán Mahmúd Bígarha . CHAPTEE IX. Eeign op Sultán Muzaffar II........... CHAPTEE X. Eeign op Sultán Sikandar, Son of Muzafpar CHAPTEE XI. Eeign of Mahmúd Sháh II............... CHAPTEE XII. Eeign op Bahádar Sháh................. CHAPTEE XIII. Eeign op M!uhamad Sháh Eárúkí . . . CHAPTEE XIV Eeign op Sultán Míahmúd III. . PAGE . 159 . 161 . 243 . 307 . 318 . 326 . 399 . 406MIRÁT-I-AHMADÍ. This work has been described in Dr. Charles Rieu’s Catalogue of the Persian MSS. ill the British Museum. His analysis is to the following effect:— The author, ’Alí Muhamad Khán, states that haying been appointed Díwán of Gujarát towards the close of the reign of Muhamad Sháh, he began, in a.h. 1161, to compile an extensive return of the revenue of the súbah. Subsequently, however, he decided to expand the historical matter, which he had prepared as an appendix, and to issue it as a separate book. He commenced in a.h. 1170, the fourth year of the Emperor ’Álamgír the Second. Contents :—(1) Preface ; (2) Introduction ; (3) Account of Gujarát and its revenues ; (4) Hindu rajahs ; (5) Muhamadan rule from a.h. 696 to the rise of the Gujarát dynasty; (6) Kings of Gujarát (chiefly abridged from the “ Mirát-i-Sikandarí ”); (7) Sketch of the Timuride dynasty from its origin to a.h. 1173 ; (8) Fall of the Gujarát dynasty; Akbar’s conquest and reign; (9) History of Gujarát under Jahángír, (10) under Sháh Jahán, (11) under Aurungzib, (12) under Bahádar Sháh, (13) under Jahándár Sháh, (14) under Farukhsiar, (15) under Muhamad Sháh, (16) under Ahmad Sháh, (17) under ^Álamgír II., and (18) under Sháh Jahán II. till the end of a.h. 1174. The Statistical Appendix contains a description of (1) Ah-madábád and its suburbs, (2) saints and saids buried there, (3) inhabitants, (4) Hindú temples, (5) measures, weights, police-stations, &e., (6) districts andparganahs of the súbah of Gujarat, (7) mountains and divers curiosities of the province. In the present volume will be found a translation of only Chapters III., IV., and V., which were selected as giving, from contemporary Muhamadan sources, a general account ofXX MIKAT-I-AHMADi. Gujarat and of its earlier history. These are not, however, to be accepted as wholly authentic. The author apparently compiled honestly, and has evidently used research to a degree unusual with Muhamadan writers, and has sought for information not only from somewhat rare Muhamadan publications, but also from Hindu authorities. His power, however, of noting and combining historical facts was not equal to his diligence, and his material is often put together in a shape which brings out erroneous results, as may be seen from his accounts of the Hindu dynasties of Gujarat. His notice of the Muhamadan period is unequal; but with some illustration from other sources it affords a fair sketch of events in Gujarat under the Dehli kings. His statistical details in Chapter III. are no doubt valuable, though not always very lucidly arranged. There seem some errors also in the arithmetical results as they stand; but these are probably due to the mistakes of copyists, though, as all the MSS. consulted in the translation, and others examined by Major Watson in Kathiawar (one of which is said to have been copied by the author’s nephew) agree, the mistakes must have occurred at a very early date. The MSS. used have been the four preserved in the library of the Royal Asiatic Society, and described at pp. 84-86 of Mr. Morley's Catalogue of the Persian MSS. belonging to that Institution; also an excellent copy lent by Rao Bahadar Bholanath Suratni, having an additional preface or dedication which shows that the original which it follows must have been a ct presentation ” copy given by the author to the nobleman who was subahdar or Governor of Gujarat when the work was completed. Lastly, a very excellent copy has also been transmitted from Hyderabad, for the use of the Editor, by His Highness the late Sir Salar Jang, G.C.S.I., who took a liberal interest in the prosecution of this work.HISTORY OF GUJARAT BOOK I. CHAPTEK I. INTRODUCTION. The country of Gujarat is known to the experienced and wise as one of the finest provinces of Hindustan. It is reckoned in the second climate,* and the atmosphere generally approaches the temperate, though in some parts, near the sea-side, it varies. The people of the towns, both men and women, especially those of Bar-nagar, Amurath, and of the provincef of SorathJ, are witty and graceful, agreeable in appearance, and pleasant to talk to.§ The soil is generally sandy. It produces graip of all kinds in abundance, but bajri is the main staple of cultivation. The horses of Kachh are mainly fed on this, and a large portion of the population lives by growing it. In former times there was no good rice, but now it is produced in abundance, and of # “ Climate ” ; this is a reference to the technical arrangements of Maho-medan geography. f “ Province,” olkah. This word, which appears to be local, and of Semitic etymology, is perhaps a corruption of halkah, a “ circle ” ; it ik used elsewhere in this work in the sense of “ province.” X Sorath. See note % on following page. § A local proverb is here quoted. “ What is to be said of those Gujaratis of the rosy cheek j but that great beauty is their heritage of the Lord ? ’ ’ 12 GUJARAT. [Mirát-i-Ahraadí.] good quality. In some places the products of the kharif (autumn) and rabí} (spring) harvests are mixed; in others they are distinguished as the productions of the kharif and rabí', or, of irrigation and rain. The cultivation and the houses of the villages they plant round with prickly pear, which grows, in course of time, into a protecting barrier.* From Pattan to Baródah, a distance of nearly a hundred kós, there are mango, khirni, + and other trees, some which bear fruit, and others which do not, in abundance. In this respect it differs from Sorath.J Its melons and guavas are of the most excellent quality. Gourds, water-melons, &c. are sown by the sides of the rivers in the cold season and in the hot season, and produce abundantly twice a year for two months each time. There are many varieties of odoriferous plants, fruits, and herbs; too many to detail. The walls of the houses are built of burnt bricks, and the roofs are made of teak and tiles. In Sórath stone is used instead of bricks. The Kachh horses are active and swift. In speed and action, figure, strength, and appearance, they match with those of Arabia and *Irák, and are in every way equal to them. The Gujaráti oxen are good draught-cattle ;§ they are of a pure white colour, and handsome; indeed, their beauty is the wonder of all beholders. || Falcons, the rarest, most valuable, are also procurable in that country, and elephants, large as # Hisar, “a fortification.” These fences are often so strong as to be virtually impenetrable, and, indeed, are sometimes planted for military purposes, f Khirni, “Mimusops kauki.” j This is the Mahomedan name for the peninsula now known as Kathiawar, the “ Kattywar” of old writers. It is undoubtedly a corruption of the ancient Hindu name, “ Saurashtra,” whence the Saurastrene of the Greeks and Romans. It received the name of Kathiawar later. This was first applied to the eastern portion of it, which was overrun and settled by the Kathi tribe, who migrated from the north, and the name was afterwards extended to the whole peninsula by the Marathas, who first entered it upon its eastern border. It was still known, however, as Saurashtra when visited by Hwen Thsang, in the early part of the seventh century A.D., and is still known to Brahmans by that appellation. Of. Burgess’s “ Tarikh-i- Sorath,’’ Introduction, pp. 1, 2. § Some MSS. add—“ and good milkers.” || This passage is imperfect in the text.[Mirat-i-Ahmadi.] INTRODUCTION. 3 mountains, were formerly hunted in the districts of Rajpiplah and Dohad, but since the mountain valleys have been closed against them they have disappeared. As regards weapons, the swords of Sirohi are everywhere renowned. No such arrow-reeds are to be found in any country, so they are sent as rarities in the rough state, or as arrows, to Hindustan, and even to I'ran and other distant countries. Rings, like those of Yemen, rosaries, cups, knife and dagger handles, and other things, are made of agate of various colours. Hand-combs, and other articles of ivory,* are made at Kambhaiat, and are carried to various countries and ports, to the profit of the merchants. Cloths, as good as those of Hind, I'ran, Arabia, Abyssinia, Turkey, and Europe, both in texture and dye, are manufactured here. Salt is another production of the country. In all places on the sea-shore, beds are made, with raised sides, called in the Hindi Mari. In the winter time these are filled with water from channels dug near them, and they are left till the salt is deposited ,f The salt produced at Kambhaiat, and other places, is like coarse sand, and in consequence of the proximity of the river, has a kind of bitter taste, which verifies the saying “ There is salt and bitter,and this is productive of the itch.§ The Indian salt called “ black salt,” in Hindi named sanchal, is produced at that port (i.e. Kambhaiat), by boiling the grass called morand. It is as hard as a millstone, and is exported to all parts by sea and land. Salt is also produced at the village of Jhinjuwarah, in the parganah of Bairamgaon, which is distant from the sea. Here salt water is drawn from wells, * See Extract from the “ Travels of Caesar Fredericke,” in Appendix ; also “Jour. Bom. Branch R.A.S.,” vol. iii. p. 318. f This mode of manufacture is practised still on those parts of the coast which are low and covered only at high tides, and where the water evaporates and leaves the salt deposited before another high tide arrives. Another mode is practised on the Rann of Kachh, for which see the “ Bombay Gazetteer,” vol. iv. pp. 116-124. J Kuran xxv. 52. § The word translated “itch” is somewhat doubtful, but this is the most probable meaning of the phrase. l *4 GUJARAT. [Mirat-i-Ahmadi.] and the salt is obtained by a similar process. It is like lumps of refined sugar, and is very white, pleasant, and wholesome. It is carried to Malwah and other countries, and the customs levied on it add largely to the revenues of the parganah. Another manufacture is that of paper. The paper of Dau-latabad and Kashmir is good to write upon, and of excellent quality, but it does not equal that of Ahmadabad in whiteness and purity of material. There are several sorts of this made. When the place of manufacture is in a sandy part of the country, during the process of manufacture particles of sand get into the pulp; these come out while the paper is being burnished, and damage it by making (almost) imperceptible holes in it. In consequence of its whiteness, much is sent, as paper ornamented with gold,* to different parts of India, to Arabia, Turkey, and elsewhere. Teakwood alone is used for the roofs and pillars of buildings and in the construction of ships. The shisham+ wood, which is very like ebony, is employed for making bullock-carriages and other things. The quarries of pathali stone,} which is found in the hilly country of I'dar, are not met with elsewhere. On account of its whiteness it is used for the walls and roofs of buildings, great garden palaces, mausoleums, &c. The lime which is burnt from it, when it is plastered and polished, is like a looking-glass, and reflects images. When the royal edifices in the citadel of Shah-Jahanabad were built, in the reign of the Emperor Shah Jahan, lime was carried from Gujarat on purpose. It has also been used in the construction of the tombs of Mahomedan saints, Hindu temples, and other * Paper so ornamented is largely used for writing complimentary letters, &c., by persons of rank and wealth in Mahomedan countries. f The shisham and sisu are two well-known varieties, the former of which is the Bombay " blackwood.” They are produced by two separate varieties of the Dalbergia, D. latifolia, and D. sisijb. In Eastern India, the latter is found, and is known both as shisham and sisti. t This is a very hard limestone, or rather calcareous sandstone; it is elsewhere called sang khdra, or “ hard stone.” The best is obtained from I'dar, but is also found at Gopnath, Junagarh, and Purbandar. Mr. Burgess has kindly supplied this information.[A.D. 1571.] [Mirát-i-Ahmadí. ] IN TROD tICTIÓN. 5 famous buildings, which are too many to be mentioned here, though some of these will be noticed in the Appendix (i.e. of the Mirát-i-Ahmadí). There are river channels, tanks, and reservoirs,* without number, but in most places the water of the wells is brackish. If all the excellences of this province were to be described, a distinct volume would be required. Its praises and its superiority over other countries have been frequently repeated by the tongues of travellers and wanderers over the earth. Order is maintained in the province, at the present time, if there be no special matter in hand, by five thousand horse, who go out with the Ndzim at harvest-time, in addition to the local forces of thefaujdárs and other officials. Extent and Revenue of the Subah. In the reign of Sultán MuzafFar, the last of the Kings of Gujarát, and under the administration of the wazír Ftimád Khán, in the year 979 a.h., corresponding with 1627 of Kájah Bikramájít (a.d. 1571), there were two lakhs and three thousand (2,03,000) horse maintained, and the revenues amounted to five arbs,f eighty-four krórs, and fifty lakhs (5,84,50,00,000) J # The word is bdoh, which is really a large sunken reservoir or well, the water-level in which is reached by stairs. Many of these reservoirs are elaborately ornamented. f 100 thousand = 1 lakh 1,00,000. 100 lakhs = 1 kror 1,00,00,000. 100 krors = 1 arb 1,00,00,00,000. J The kingdom of Gujarat, at the time of its conquest by Akbar, contained twenty-five sarkars, but some of the sarkars were then restored to the provinces from which they had been conquered, and other arrangements were made, reducing the number of sarkars to nine. Therefore, no comparison can be instituted between the revenues of the independent kingdom and the imperial province. The revenues of the kingdom are stated above. The land revenue, under imperial rule, was (in rupees)— Akbar............................. 1,09,24,122 Jahangir . Shah Jahan Aurangzeb—1654 1697 1707 Muhammad Shah Thomas, “Revenue Resources of the Mughal Empire Gujarat,” p. 108. See infra, p. 20. 1,25,00,000 1.32.50.000 2,17,32,201 2.33.05.000 1,51,96,228 1,21,83,600 Bird, “History of6 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1571.] [Mirát-i- Ahxnadí. ] of Gujarátí tankchahs, at one hundred tankchahs to the rupee. At the present time the rupee is fixed at forty dáms. According to the reckoning of the present time, the total amount was five krórs and forty-seven lakhs of rupees (5,47,00,000).* Twenty-five lakhs of hurts and one krór of (double) f Ibráhímís, which may be estimated as about five krórs, sixty-two lakhs, and fifty thousand rupees (5,62,50,000), were received from the Kings of the Dakhin and from the ports of the Europeans and Arabs, as shown in the details hereafter given. This, at least, was the sum which used to be received. When, in the year 955 a.h.,J Sultán Bahádar captured the fort of Chitor, but afterwards fled before the Emperor Nasir-ud-dín Humáiún, he went by ship to the port of Diu, which is in the sea, took refuge in its very strong fort, and there he was treacherously killed by the Europeans; and the port fell into the possession of the Europeans, who hold it to this day.§ The Government of Gujarat, since that sovereign's time, was weak and never recovered full authority, so the above-mentioned tribute was no longer paid. When the power of the sovereigns of Gujarát was on the increase, many sarkdrs and ports and neighbouring districts were subdued, and incorporated with the kingdom of Gujarat. In all, there were twenty-five sarkdrs :— 1. Jodhpur. 2. Jalor. 3. Nágór. 4. Bassai [Bassein]. 5. Mambáí [Bombay], 6. Daman. 7. Rám-nagar. 8. Dúngarpúr. 9. Bánsbalah [or Bánswárah]. 10. Siróhí. 11. Kachh. 12. Súnth. * This may be an error, but it seems to intimate that the Gujarati rupee fell slightly below the standard of the Moghul rupee of Mahomed Shah’s reign. See also p. 11. f The word occurs in the Hyderabad MS., and seems to be the Hindi do biti, i.e. “ double.” J This is an error. According to the “ Mirat-i-Sikandari,” the Rana capitulated in Sha’ban 939 (March 1533). See infra. § This version of the story is curiously loose and inaccurate, and the date wholly wrong.[Â.D. 1571J [ Mirát-i-Ahmadí. ] INTRODUCTION. 7 13. Dandá-Rájpurí. 14. Ahmadábád. 15. Baródah. 16. Bharúj [Broach]. 17. Nádót [Náudód]. 18. Súrat. 19. Chámpánír. 20. Paitan. 21. Sórath. 22. Nawá-nagar. 23. Gódhrah. 24. Malhír. 25. Nandarbár. The personal establishment of Sultán Muzaffar and others was thirty thousand horse and thirty-two mahdls, the income of which amounted to ninety lakhs of rupees, equivalent to ninety krdrs of Gujarátí tank chahs, which were set apart for this expenditure, viz. :— Horse. Tankchahs. Sultán Muzaffar 10,000 33,00,00,000 Ftimád Khán wazír . 9,000 30,00,00,000 Ulugh Khán the Abyssinian 4,000 11,00,00,000 Jhújhár Khán . 2,500 6,00,00,000 Malik- us-Shark 2,500 4,00,00,000 Wajíh-ul-Mulk, Mumtáz-ul-Mulk and others . 2,000 6,00,00,000 30,000 90,00,00,000 The details of the thirty-two mahdls and the ninety lakhs are as follows :— In the city of Ahmadabad the sdir and other taxes amounted to fifteen krors and fifty lakhs of Gujarati tankchahs (15,50,00,000), equivalent to fifteen lakhs and fifty thousand rupees (15,50,000). Of this— Tankchahs. Rupees. Cultivated lands in the environs of the city yielded . . . 50,00,000 50,000 Sair-i-Mandavi (market tolls) . 10,00,00,000 (10,00,000) Profits of the Mint . . . 3,00,00,000 (3,00,000) 13,50,00,000 (13,50,000)8 GUJARAT, [A.D. 1571.] [Mirat-i- Ahmadi. ] A total of thirteen krors and fifty lakhs of tankchahs. Rupees. From the KotwaVs office*...........................15,000 DharichakX ........ 50,000 NakkhdsX........................................... 35,000 Daribah-i-ldkhy on daribahs or stalls for sale of gum-lac ...... 5,000 ,, tarkash,§ on stalls for sale of wire . . 10,000 ,, afiun, on stalls for sale of opium . . 5,000 „ abresham, on stalls for sale of silk . . 18,000 Kiraiah-i-bar-kashi,|| “ porterage dues}9 . . . 5,000 Daribah-i-marsaM,^] letter-writers' (?) stalls . . 1,500 Riyasat-i-muhtasib, fines of the muhtasib’s jurisdiction 5,000 Kiraiah-i-dakdkin, rents of shops . . . . 15,000 Collections at the gates of twelve purahs or suburbs** 3,500 Ditto of the city gatesft • • • . . 13,000 Ditto of the other purahs . . . . . 14,000 Dues from sweetmeat shops, &c., &c. . . . 5,000 2,00,000 # These dues were probably the produce of fines and the sale of unclaimed property, &c., &c. f Dharichah means, as stated by Bird, “ the dues of the Pan market.” j Nakkhds, dues of the slave market. § Daribah tdrkash means the dues on the makers of gold and silver thread (qua “ wire ”)• Ahmadabad was celebrated for the manufacture of this article, and it even now exists, and the makers are still called tdrkash. j| Kirdiah'i-bdr-kasM. In some towns under native government it used to be customary to levy a small toll on every purchase made, or on goods brought to market, and from the produce to pay a staff of official porters who attended the market, loaded and unloaded goods, and in some instances carried them without charge. Weighmen were also often similarly maintained. This amount probably represents the farm or surplus of the dues thus collected. Daribah-i-marsaM, “ customary dues from the regular messengers.” This note is given on the authority of Major J. Watson, Political Agent, Kathiawar, by whose kindness notes + J and § have been likewise furnished. ## “ Collections of the twelve purahs.^ There were originally sixty purahs, or suburbs, of Ahmadabad, but some of these eventually became included within the area of the city when the city walls were extended, probably by Mahmud Begarha; others were also built subsequently without the city. These twelve may possibly have been those included within the city, ft “ City gates ” : probably some kind of octroi.[A.D. 1571.] [Mirát-i-Ahmadí.] INTBODÜOTION. 9 Amounting in all to two krórs of tankchahs, or two lakhs of rupees.* The revenues of the parganahs held by Sultán Muzaffar and others were :— Parganahs. Villages. Pitlad...........................2 76 Kambhaiat .... 6 (Of this total the cultivation belonging to the city and to Dihwan and Mahmudpur, &c., produced 50,000 rupees; and the city dues, the usual market tolls (including ferry dues and other similar items), and the mir-bahri, &c., produced four lakhs of rupees.) Mondah thejagir of Jhujhar Khan 84 Mahmudabad, &c. . . . 75 Nariad . . . . .36 Kupees. 20,00,000 4,50,000 5.00. 000 7.00. 000 4.00. 000 40,50,000f The ports make twenty-three mahals, but of these the mahal of the port of Kambhaiat has already been given; deducting that, the mahals are twenty-two in number, and their revenues amount to thirty-four lakhs of rupees (34,00,000). Five ports appertaining to Gujarat, Bharuj, Surat, Ghogah, Khandhar [Gandhar], and Raner, produce a total of twenty-five lakhs (20,00,000) of rupees. In the sarkdr of Sorath there were the port of U'nah, consisting of two mahals, the ports of Diu, Pur-bandar (two mahals), Mahwah, Pattan Diu, Mangalur [Mangrol] (two mahals), Talajah (four mahals), Nagesar, * These two lakhs, together with thirteen and a half lakhs, summed up on page 7, complete the total of the revenue of fifteen and a half lakhs, which (on page 7 also) is stated to have been derived from the city of Ahmadábád and its environs. The subsequent paragraphs give the revenues of the parganahs (40,50,000 rs.) and the revenues of the ports (34,00,000 rs.), which together make up, with the city revenues, the total ninety lakhs, from thirty-two mahdls, described as set apart for the Sultán himself and for his principal nobles. f The MSS. are very far from being in accord as to these details j the rendering given, therefore, is necessarily somewhat conjectural.10 GUJAEAT. [A.D. 1571.] [Mirat-i-Ahmadi.] Korinar, Dungar, Sukhapur and Chikli, altogether seventeen, producing fourteen lakhs of rupees (14,00,000). Jagirs of the Amirs. Ikhtiar-ul-Mulk served the State with ten thousand ma-ddmi* horse, and held :— Parganahs. Villages. Rupees. Ahmadnagar .... . 44 4,00,000 Purantej .... . 84f 5,00,000 Chahalah-Barah . 19 2,00,000 Harsur ..... . 84 3,00,000 Morasah .... . 162 8,00,000 Mahkrej (245 villages, but 100 villages held in in9dm (50 by the Rajah of I'dar, and 50 by the Rajah of Dungarpur) being deducted, there are left) . . 145 2,00,000 Piplod . . . . . 36 3,00,000 Khatnal Ma'murabad . 44 4,00,000 Birpur .... . 165 4,00,000 Bhil .... . 138 10,00,000 921 45,00,000 A total of eleven mahals, producing thirty krors of Gujarati tankchahs as tankhwah [assignments]. The abdddn jagirdars being added, brings it up to sixty krors of tankchahs, or sixty lakhs of rupees.^ * The word madami implies that the men were always present “ with the colours,” not merely levies liable to be called out when occasion required, i.e. men continuously employed. f Three MSS. agree in giving “ eighty,” but Bird’s translation has eighty-four, and that number is required to make up the total. J All the MSS. agree in this unintelligible statement. Bird gets out of the difficulty by substituting the totals as above shown, “ forty-five krors of Gujarat tankchahs, or forty-five lakhs of rupees.” The “ abdddn ” jagirdars were, possibly, men to whom waste lands had been assigned rent-free in order to bring them into cultivation. Major Watson believes the error probably lies in the revenue given as that of the Mahkrej parganah, which is very small as stated for the number of villages j perhaps the difference of fifteen lakhs may be distributed between this source of error and the dbaddn jagirdars.[A.D. 1571.] [Mirat-i-Ahmadi.] INTRODUCTION, 11 The jagir of Said Miran and Said Hamid, sons of Said Mubarak, who maintained four thousand horse, was the par-ganah of Dholkah, containing six hundred and fifteen villages, and producing sixteen krors of tankchahs, or sixteen lakhs of rupees. The jagirs of Shir Khan Fuladi, who served with seven thousand horse, of Hasan Jamal Khan with five thousand, of Dhokar Khan Sarwani with five thousand, and the assignment to the Shah-zadah* with five thousand horse, and to the Rajputs with three thousand, consisted of:— Villages. Tankchahs. The revenues of the city of Pattan, and of the cultivation of the environs, and the market dues, the tolls, and the kotwali dues — 1,60,000 Parganah Haveli Pattanf . . 419 23,50,000 39 Barnagar, with 13 hamlets — 85,00,000 39 Bisalnagar, 1 town . — 45,000 99 Bijapur . 98 6,70,000 99 Khiralu . 110 5,80,000 99 Palanpur . 180 5,25,000 99 Disah . * . 23 2,85,000 99 Jhalawar . 400 26,00,000 99 Kari .... . 299 28,00,000 1,85,15,000 In all ten mahals. As the current value of the tankchah of Pattan, &c. was less than that of Gujarat, while in Jhalawar and Kari the value was the same as in Ahmadabad, the nett total was one arb, * Shdh-zddah : probably one of the refugee Shah-zadahs who had fled from the Dehli court. f Havdli Pattan. The word haveli, when used with the name of a large city, denotes the revenue sub-division, or parganah (usually a small one), in which the city is immediately situated.12 GUJARAT. [À.D. 1571. j [Mirât-i-Ahmadi.] sixteen krors of tankchahs, or one kror and sixteen lakhs of rupees. The jdgir of Rustam Khan and Changez Khan, sons of *Imad-ul-Mulk, who served with twenty-five thousand horse, and to whom five thdnahs were entrusted, each thdnah having five thousand men, consisted of sixty-nine mahals, yielding a total revenue of two* krors and twenty-five thousand Changezi Mahmudis, which was equivalent to one arb} sixty-two krors, and fifty thousand tankchahs of Ahmadabad, or one kror, sixty-two lakhs, and five hundred rupees (1,62,00,500). The details of the jdgir are as follows, viz. :— Mahals. Villages. Changezis. The sarkar of the port of Surat, but excepting the port itself, the mandavi, and the receipts from the cultivated lands in the environs of the town Sarkar Barodah, with the mandavi and the receipts from the cultivation in the environs of the 31 996 50,00,000 town ..... 1 — 5,00,000 Haveli parganah of Barodah 1 208 38,00,000 Parganah Dabhoi 1 44 8,00,000 ,, Sanur 1 46 5,00,000 „ Bahadurpur 1 27 2,00,000 „ Sonkherah. 1 82 2,00,000 6 407 60,00,000 Altogether six mahals and four hundred and eight f villages, with a revenue of sixty lakhs of Changezis. * This is the reading of the MSS. without variation; but it is clear from the details of the revenue which follow, that it should be two krors and twenty-five lakhs; on the other hand, the equivalent in rupees gives different results from the statement of Nasir-ul-Mulk’s jdgir, on p. 14, where a Chang dzi is given as equivalent to half a rupee, and that of Kamil-ul-Mulk, on the same page, which would make the Changdzi=% of a rupee. See note, also, p. 16. f Sarkar Barodah being reckoned as one “ village ” apparently.[A.D. 1571.] [Mirat-i-Ahmadi.] INTRODUCTION. 13 The sarkar of Nadot, with twelve mahals and a revenue of twenty-five lakhs of Changezis. The sarkar of Bharuj (Broach) :— Villages. Parganah Haveli Bharuj, including Changezis. the town but not the port. 161 30,00,000 Parganah Hansot 36 4,00,000 )) Dhej-barah . 12 1,50,000 >> Goralbarah . 12 2,00,000 a O'rbar (O'lpar) 106 12,00,000 >1 Char-mandavi 1 50,000 ! J Kulah .... 36 4,00,000 )9 J arabusar 56 8,00,000 i) O'klesar 55 6,00,000 )> Atlesar 36 2,00,000 )> Tarkesar 12 1,00,000 )) A'mod and Makbulabad 36 4,00,000 559 75,00,000 Altogether, twelve mahals, four hundred and eighty-nine (sic) villages, producing seventy-five lakhs of Changezis. Sarkar Champanir : — Parganah Haveli Champanir Villages. . 87 ) i Sanouli . 54 }j Dohad . 100 » Halol. . 34 }> Timurah-basnah . . 106 99 Balod . . 25 99 Jhalod . 17 423 * Altogether, eight mahals, four hundred and twenty-fivef (sic) villages, with a total revenue of fifteen lakhs of Changezis.% # The MSS. differ somewhat as to the details of the villages, and the passage is so far palpably corrupt in all. f The same remark applies as in the preceding note. X This completes the detail of the j&gir of Rustam Khan and Changez Khan, which amounts to sixty-nine mahals and two kr6rs and twenty-five lakhs of Chang 4zi Mahmudis,14 GUJAEAT. [A.D. 1571.] [Mirat-i-Ahmadi.] The jagir of Nasir-ul-Mulk, who served with twelve thousand horse: — Parganah Nandurbar . . 25,00,000 „ Sultanpur . . 15,00,000 „ Hissabah Jamanra . 10,00,000 50,00,000 A total of three mahals, producing fifty lakhs of Changezis, equivalent to twenty-five krors of tankchahs or twenty-five lakhs of rupees. Bharji, zamindar of Baglanali, held the forts of Muler and Saler, and maintained a service of three thousand horse. The jagir of Kamil-ul-Mulk consisted of the sarkdr of Godhrah, containing twelve mahals, but from these were deducted two mahals, granted free, in consideration of service, to Chharis zamindar of Sunth, and Chatral Koli of that place. Deducting these there remained ten mahals, with a revenue of fifty lakhs of Changezis, which is twenty lakhs of rupees. The details are:— Parganah Haveli Godhrah . Villages. . 171 Changezis. 20,00,000 >> Sahra . . 24 5,00,000 Miral . . 42 4,00,000 >9 Samdah, otherwise Nasi nib 42 8,00,000 99 Dodah . . 36 2,00,000 99 Ambabad . 42 2,00,000 99 Jhalod . . 84 8,00,000 99 Mirdodah . 24 10,00,000 99 Lohanah . 24 2,00,000 9 9 Dhamod . 12 2,00,000 501 63,00,000* * There is a palpable error here also, as the detail of the revenues gives sixty-three lakhs against the total of fifty mentioned just before. There is probably an error in the amount set down for Parganah Mirdodah, which is shown as having only twenty-four villages, for which a revenue of ten lakhs would be excessive; possibly dah, “ ten,” has been written by mistake for do, “two.” This would reduce the error to five lakhs, which possibly occurs in the revenue assigned to Samdah, Sahra, and Jhalod, which all seem high, or it may be distributed among them.[A.D. 1571.] [Mirát-i-Ahmadí.] INTRODUCTION. 15 Ghaznaví Khan, son of Malik Khán-jí Jálórí, served with seven thousand horse, and held jágírs amounting to ten krórs of tankchahs, or ten lakhs of rupees, of which the following is the detail. From Jálór :— Rupees. The Mint, the produce of the market tolls and the receipts of the parganah of eleven maháls and six hundred and sixty villages . . 3,00,070 From the ta’alukah of Jodhpur Talpad in the khálsah sarkár of the Sultán, a fourth share belonged to the zamíndárs, who served with their contingent of three thousand horse under Ghaznaví Khán .... 2,00,075 From the ta’alukah of the city of Nágór, which, after lying several years waste, was re-peopled and had its ruined fort rebuilt, through the representations of Malik Khán-jí Afghán. A half of the lands and villages and parganahs were settled as the watan * of the Rájpúts, who furnished two thousand horse to serve under Ghaznaví Khán . . 2,55,000 From taalukah Mirthah in Sarkár Nágór. Half the parganah belongs to the zamíndárs. From all the villages the zamíndárs receive a fourth share, and maintain a force of three thousand horse to serve under Ghaznaví Khán, and they had to supply three thousand additional horse whenever the Governor of Ahmadábád went out on an important enterprise + .... 2,00,000 9,55,145J * Watan, the land revenue of their own property, remitted as official remuneration. f The original expression is somewhat doubtful; it may be “ whenever the ruler of Ahmadábád came into the parganah on any business.” J Here, again, is a discrepancy between the total given and the details; but all the MSS. agree, and the error is probably that of the writer or some very early copyist.16 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1571.] [Mirat-i-Ahmadi.] Rajah Jai Singh, zamindar of Rajpiplah, served the King of Ahmadabad with three hundred horse and one thousand foot, and his tribute was remitted. The jagirs of Fateh Khan, Rustam Khan, and other Biluchis, who served with fourteen thousand regularly enrolled horse, consisted of :— Mahmudis. iur Parganah Radhanpur, with the market tolls 15,00,000 ,, Sami ..... 5,00,000 . 8,00,000 . 7,00,000 Jiarwarah ..... 8,00,000 Morwarah . . . 4,00,000 Simthalpur . . . ^ . 3,00,000 Tharad, with the market tolls, &c, 15,00,000 Morbi......................... 10,00,000 75,00,000 Altogether, nine mahals, with a sum total of seventy-five lakhs of Mahmudis,* or thirty lakhs of rupees. The Rajput zamindars, mentioned below, enjoyed the profits of their hereditary estates (watan) on condition of service, and the revenues were remitted. Horse. Punja Rathor, zamindar of I'dar . . . 2,000 Rana Sahas Mai, zamindar of Dungarpur . 1,000 The Baghelahsf and Jhalahs, who held all the gras of Jhalawar ..... 1,000 * “The traveller Mandelslo (in 1633) says that the Mahmudis are made at Surat, of a very base alloy, are worth about twelve pence sterling, and go only at Surat, Baroda, Boitschia (Broach), Cambaiya, and those parts. There were twenty-six peyse in his time to a Mahmudi, and fifty-four to a rupee.,, “ Bopaias chagam (i.e. Changezis) were of very good silver, and worth half-a-crown French money.M—Bird. Mr. E. Thomas, “Numismatic Chronicle,” vol. iii., 3rd series, quotes Sir Thomas Herbert as saying (about 1676 a.d.), “a Mahmudi is twelve pence, a rupee two shillings and three pence.” It is clear, however, from the other quotation in this paper, that the relative value of silver coin and, small change varied not only from time to time, but also according to locality. f “ Baghelahs ” or “ Waghelahs.”[A.D. 1571.] [Mirát-i-Ahmadí.] INTRODUCTION. 17 Horse. Jám Satá and others, who held four hundred villages in gras in the country of Sórath . 4,000 Bihárá Khéngár, zamíndár of Bhuj, who held one thousand four hundred and nine villages 5,000 13,000 The jágírs of Amin Khán, Fateh Khán, and Tátár Khán Ghórí consisted of nine thousand villages belonging to Junah-garh (constituting) eighty-seven maháls. Seventeen of these maháls consisting of ports, which are accounted for separately, being deducted, there remain seventy maháls. Of these, par-ganahs form sixty maháls, and kasbahs (towns) form ten, and the total produce is one krór of rupees (1,00,00,000). Other sources supplied payments up to the reign of Sultán Bahádar, to the amount of one krór of Ibráhímís and twenty-five lakhs of hurts. The bandars (ports and emporiums) constituted, in all, eighty-four maháls. Twenty-three of these have been accounted for separately as belonging to Gujarat and the sarkár of Sórath. There remain sixty-one maháls, and these produced one krór of Ibráhímís, according to the following detail Ibráhímís. The ports of Diu and other towns in Sórath, belonging to Malik A'íáz and Malik Tóghán: Díú, Maháim* (in Hyd. MS.fí Mahúr”), Bádápúr, and Ráj-pattan, four maháls . . . . . 2,00,000 The port of Daman, dependent on Surat with seven hundred villages . . . . . 43,00,000 Total . 45,00,000 The ports of the Europeans,f twenty-three maháls . . . . . . . . 20,00,000 * “ Maháim,” in some MSS. “ Bhim.” f The term is “ Faringi ” ; as Dutch and English are separately mentioned, this term may, perhaps, be intended only to denote Portuguese, or Portuguese and French together, which last two, being of the same faith, might easily be confounded one with another. 218 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1571.] [Mirat-i-Ahmadi.] Their names were Chewal [Chaul], Dabhol Ibrahimis [Dabul], Balawal [Virawal],* Base [Bassein], Danda [?Reva danda] Mal-weli, Agasi,f Sarab, Kalian,! Bhimri [Bhewndi], Banda - Rajpuri, Loba,§ Mambe [Bombay], Khari-kot,|| Kahilan [? Quilon], Koklia,^[ Das. Madrat Kalbani [or Kalpi**], Malibar, M&l-diu [Maldives], Dhora, Shasht-bandar,ft Nowa-nagar. The ports of the Arabs, twenty-seven mahdls}%J give ........ 25,00,000 Their names were Maskat [Muscat],§§ Makrana [Makran], Basrah [Bussorah], Bushahr [Bu-shire], Lahari [in Sind], Hurmaz [Ormuz], Sadah [PQueddah], Negu [Pegu], Dehnasri [Tenas-serim], Malkat, Makinah [? Malinda, Manilla], Maltah, Sawal [?Tavoy], Hodrila [? Hodaida in Red Sea], Punama [? Manama in Persian Gulf], Badar-ji Khan, Bidar [?Pedir in Sumatra], Par-bhai bandar [or Birbahai bandar], Bedasanah, Bandar-i-Chin [ports of China], Malakhah, [Malacca] * Bedrasa [? Madras, or, perhaps, Bhadresar in Gulf of Kachh], Kalsan, Damar, Rakal [? Ra-khang = Arracan], Jawah [Java]. # The port of Somnat. f The town and the river of “ Aga. 747.3 [Mirdt-i-Ahmadi. ] EARLY HISTORY OF GUJARAT. 25 of her husband, lost her senses, and, as fated by heaven, wandered towards Gujarat, and in an uninhabited waste gave birth to a son. One day a person named Sabal Deo* discovered her, and he, after learning her circumstances, took compassion on her. He placed her in charge of one of his attendants, who brought her to Radhanpur, and carefully attended to the nurture of the boy. When the lad came to years of discretion he frequented abandoned and desperate company, and became a highway robber and a vagabond. It so happened that some treasure which was being conveyed from Gujarat to Kanauj fell into his hands. Thenceforward Fortune favoured him, and by degrees he established an independent authority in that part of the country. He was joined by a grain-dealer named Champa,t who restrained him from his evil courses, and guided him to a reputable course of life. In his fiftieth year he had established his rule and assumed the title of Ban Raj (“The Forest King”)* He laid out the city of Pattan, and made it his seat of government, and from that time Pattan was the capital of Gujarat, until the founding of the mighty city of Ahmadabad. When he resolved upon constructing the city of Pattan he went out on an expedition, avowedly for pleasure and for hunting, but really in order to discover and select a suitable site. A shepherd named Anhal became aware of his real design, and agreed to show the King a suitable spot, on condition that his own name, “ Anhal,should be given to the projected city. He stated that he had there seen a hare deliver herself from the jaws of a dog by its courage and daring. The town was built, and was accordingly called Anhal-warah, which by degrees was corrupted into Nahr-warah, or Nahr- # The MSS. all agree in this name, which by Bird, however, is given as “Rajah Sil.” Tod calls him “Sailag Sur Acharya.” Ban Raj is said to have allied himself with a robber chief, called Surapal of Maolah. Tod’s “ Western India,” p. 153. The Ras Mala calls the father Jay Shakar, the adopted father Shilgan Suri, and the Rajah of Kananj Bhim. t Some MSS. have another word after that rendered “ grain-dealer ”; in the Hyderabad MS. it reads as “ Sanem,.” The “ Saneriahs ff are a noted tribe of plundering vagrants.26 GUJARAT. [A.D. 747.] [Mirát-i-Ahmadí. ] walah. When it was completed, and a pleasant city, it was called Pattan, a Hindi word which signifies a “ choice ” city, and it was also called the “ Seat of the Throne.” The year 802* of Bikramajit, corresponding with 130 h. (747 a.d.), or, as some say, 202 h. (817 a.d.), is the date of the foundation, f Be it known that Rajahs of these tribes have held rule in this kingdom, the Chawarahs,J the Solankhis, and the Baghelahs. Authorities differ as to the number of kings of each family and the duration of their rule. The A'in-i-Akbari of Ab-ul-Fazl records that the number of persons of the three families was twenty-three, and the period of their authority five hundred and seventy-five years and four months, until the time when the Musulmans obtained the ascendancy. Of the Chawarah race there were seven persons. 1. Ban Ráj, who first ascended the throne, and died when about . 60 years of age, 2. Jog Raj, his son, who succeeded his father, and reigned . 35 years. 3. Khém, or Bhim Raj . 25 „ 4. Rajah Pithor .... 29 „ 5. Rajah Bijé Singh ... 25 „ 6. Rajah Râwat Singh . 15 „ 7. Sâwant Singh, the last 7 „ 196 For one hundred and ninety-six years this tribe of Chawarahs continued to reign. # Some MSS. have 812, but, of course, neither date is consistent with the Hijra dates given. The preponderance of authority is in favour of 802. t The Hyderabad MS. here gives some astronomical details regarding the date, evidently taken from a Hindu authority, but they are incorrectly transcribed and unintelligible, and are not, therefore) reproduced. J Tod, “Travels in Western India,” p. 153, gives a tradition that the name of Ban Raj’s father was Jasraj—a Saurah prince of Deo-bandar (Diu)—and considers the word Chdwarh, or Chawah, to be merely a mispronunciation of Saurah.[À.D. 1025.] [Miràt-i-Ahmadi.] EARLY HISTORY OF GUJARAT. 27 The sovereignty passed from the Chawarahs to the Solankhis* in the following manner :—Rajah Sawant Singh Chawarah, the last of his race, had a daughter, whom he married to a man of the Solankhi tribe. She died before childbirth, and a male child was born by the Caesarean operation. The moon was in the mansion Shaulah, which in Hindi is called Mul, and so the boy was named Mul Raj. The Rajah brought him up as his son, and took great pains with his education. When the boy came to years of discretion, Sawant Singh, when intoxicated with the purple wine, named him heir-apparent. When he came to himself he repudiated his drunken declaration. Nevertheless, after he passed away from this mortal world, Mul Raj Solankhi, watching his opportunity, got possession of the Raj. After this, ten individuals of his race reigned two hundred and fifty-six years, three months, and two days. 1. Mul Raj .... Years. -56 Months. Days. 2. Jamand . 12 4 2 3. Balaya . . . . — 7 — 4. Dula, brother of Jamand . 8 — — 5. Rajah Bhim Deo 42 — — 6. Rajah Karan . 31 — — 7. Sid Raj Jai Singh 50 — — 8. Kunwar Pal 30 3 3 9. Aji Pal, poisoned his mas- ter and seized his power . 3 1 2 10. Lakhu Mul Deo, descended from a brother of Bhim Déo .... 20 — — 253 3 7 * The Solankhi kings were probably Chalukya or Chaulukya Rajputs, Solankhi being apparently a local corruption of that name ; it is sufficient to say here that the outline of their history given in this place is a fair approximation to the truth. It is intended to give further details in the Appendix to Yol. II.28 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1025.] [Mirát-i-Ahmadí.] In the reign of Jámand Sólankhí,* in the year 416 h. (1025 a.d.), Sultán Mahmud of Ghazni marched by way of Multánwith the intention of waging religious war against Sómnát.f He came through the territories of Nahrwálah Pattan. Rájah Jámand, feeling unable to resist him, abandoned Pattan and fled. Sultán Mahmud then established himself in that city, and having refitted his army there, proceeded thence against Sómnát, and succeeded in his enterprise in Zi-k'adah of the same year. After the conquest of Sómnát, he learned that Rájah Jámand, who had fled from his approach, had shut himself up in a fort about forty-five kos distant. Mahmud conceived the design of capturing that fort,{ and marched against it. When he arrived there he found that the fort was protected by deep water, which encircled it on all sides. Two divers were brought before him, whom he questioned regarding the depth of the water. They informed him that there was a place at which a passage was possible, but that if the flood tide should come in during the transit every man would be drowned. Mahmud, trusting in the favour of God, entered the water and arrived with his cavalry safe at the foot of the fort. Rájah Jámand, when he was informed of this, fled precipitately, and immense spoil fell into the hands of the army of Islam. The people of the garrison were slain. The author of the “ Rauzat-us-Safá” has given a wonderful account of this conquest.§ It is related that after Mahmud had succeeded in the conquest of Sómnát, he proposed to remain there for some years, because the country was of great extent, but especially because in those parts there were mines where pure gold was found, and, moreover, Serandip (Ceylon) was the place whence all # The wrong name is given, Bhím Déo (Bhíma Déva) was the king who was really on the throne at the time of Mahmud’s invasion. f The Persian spelling of this name is adopted here. J It is intended to discuss the locality of this fort in the Appendix to Vol. II. § See an account of a ballad describing the fall of Sómnát, by Colonel Watson, in the “ Indian Antiq.,” vol. viii. p. 133.|A.D. 1025.] [Mirát-i-Ahmadí. ] EARLY HISTORY OF GUJARAT. 29 precious stones * were brought to Hindustán, and it was in the neighbourhood of that country. His ministers represented that it would be impolitic to abandon Khorasán, and to make Sómnát his capital. The Sultán decided to return; but he said that it would be necessary to appoint someone to undertake the settlement and defence of the country (i.e. Sómnát). His courtiers represented that, as his authority in the country would not be great, it would be politic to select for the appointment some native of the locality. The Sultán accordingly discussed the matter with those people of the country who were well disposed and loyal to him. Certain of them remarked that there was no one who, as regards nobility and ancient descent, could compare with the family of the local rulers, and that there was one scion of that race still remaining, who had assumed the garb of a Brahman and occupied himself with learning and religious austerities; and it was represented that if the King were disposed to give the government to him, it would be an unobjectionable arrangement. Others contradicted this statement, and said this ascetic,f Dábishalím, was a man of evil disposition, and that it was by Divine mercy that he had been brought low, and that his austerities and (self-) discipline were not voluntary, but that he had been for some time cast into prison by his own kindred, and that to save his life he had sought refuge in an ascetic’s cell. There was (they said) another Dábishalím, a relative of the first-named, who was thoroughly versed in the wisdom and lore of the Brahmans, and who at that time was actually ruling in such and such a province; and they said that the best thing the Sultán could do would be to nominate him to the government, and to send him a summons. He would certainly come, and would take fitting measures for the establishment and settlement of the King’s authority. He was a man straightforward and true to # ydkút, literally, “rubies or sapphires.” f murtdz,30 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1025.] [Mirát-i-Ahmadí.] his word, and if he undertook to pay the revenue and tribute, he would, in spite of the long distance, transmit it regularly year by year to the Ghazni treasury. The Sultán said that if this personage (the second Dábishalím) had come to him and asked for the government, it would have been accorded to him; but that it was hardly expedient to make over so important a kingdom to a man who, being already accepted as a ruler in Hindustán, had not up to that moment paid any tribute or offered any fealty. In fine, he desired Dábishalím the Ascetic to be summoned, and gave the kingdom to him. This person undertook to pay the revenue and tribute, and said that he would never in all his life do anything at variance with the Sultán's interests, and would transmit to the Sultán's treasury all the gold and precious stones produced from the mines of Hindustán. But (he represented) that besides himself there was another Dábishalím who bore him desperate enmity; in fact, there had been already war and bloodshed between them. It was not to be doubted that as soon as this man heard of the Sultán’s departure, he would attack him, and since he could not be then prepared, he would assuredly be overthrown and his adversary would get possession of the kingdom. If, however (he said), the Sultán would now march against his enemy, the malevolence of the latter would be averted, and he himself would undertake to pay into the Ghazni treasury a revenue equal to that of both Khorasán and Kábul. The Sultán said that he had started from Ghazni for the purpose of waging a religious war, and had not returned thither for three whole years, and it would not much signify if he did not return for another six months. So he accordingly started to attack Dábishalím’s kingdom. The people of Sómnát told (the ascetic) Dábishalím that he had not done well in inciting the King to this attack, and that a person whom the Lord had blessed with majesty and glory, and deemed worthy of honour, would not be overcome by any endeavour or accusation on his part. This saying was reported to the Sultán, who was shaken in his[A.D. 1025.] [Mir át-i-Ahmadí. ] EARLY HISTORY OF GUJARAT. 31 resolution. Still, as he had already ordered the expedition, and was never disposed to cancel or alter his orders, he eventually inarched against that country, and, having conquered Dábishalím’s dominions, he brought him away captive, and offered to make him over to Dábishalím the Ascetic. This Dábishalím, however, represented that according to his religion it was a grievous sin to put a royal personage to death; indeed, the whole army would be disgusted with any king who put another to death, and would revolt against him. The practice of the kings of those parts was, when they had overcome an enemy, to make a narrow cell underneath their throne, and in this to place this enemy on a seat (masnad), and then to close the doors, leaving only a small aperture, which was daily opened, [through it food was given to the prisoner,*] and it was then closed again. During the time that the reigning king lived, his enemy remained in this dungeon. Dábishalím the Ascetic, however, said that he did not feel himself strong enough to keep his enemy confined in this fashion, and he entreated the Sultán to take the captive away with himself to Ghazni; but requested that when he had established his kingdom and was confirmed on the throne, the Sultan would send his enemy back to him again, that he might keep him in confinement in the manner described. If the King, he said, would consent, it would be a great condescension. The Sultán agreed to the proposal, and sounded the drum of departure. Dábishalím the Ascetic ascended the throne of Sómnát, and sent after the Sultán rarities and costly gifts, and ingratiated himself with the ministers by various services. Accordingly, after he was established in his kingdom, in transmitting treasure and jewels to the Sultán, he sent also for his enemy. The Sultán hesitated to despatch the latter, not liking to deliver an innocent man # These words are not found in the text, but as they occur in the “ Majma-i-Wasaya,’’ and^ are evidently necessary to the sense, they are inserted in this translation.82 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1025.] [Mirát-i-Ahmadí. ] into the hands of his foe; but Dábishalím the Ascetic had, by his valuable gifts, made the ministers and courtiers his partizans, and they all declared that it was quite unnecessary to waste pity on an infidel Káfir, and that, moreover, the King ought not to violate his promises and his oath, and that such conduct would virtually be an act of hostility against Dábishalím the Ascetic, and that he might lose his authority in Sómnát thereby. The Sultán, on the persuasion of his nobles, delivered over the young man to the people of Dábishalím the Ascetic, and wrote letters to the chiefs of India to the effect that they were to forward him to the borders of Sómnát. When he reached the territories of Sómnát, Dábishalím the Ascetic ordered the cell under the throne to be prepared, according to custom. Now it was also a practice with the Kings of Sómnát, whenever an enemy was brought near the seat of government, that the King should go out one stage to meet him, and should place on his head his private basin and water-ewer, and then make him go before his horse’s head as far as the palace. After that the King seated himself on his throne, and his enemy was confined in the dungeon, and seated on the cushion within it. Dábishalím the Ascetic, in accordance with this custom, went out; but there was some delay in the reception of his enemy, and he determined to hunt. So the King and his troops employed themselves till the air grew hot, and the King’s followers took shelter in holes and corners. Dábishalím the Ascetic himself sat down under the shade of a tree, cast a red handkerchief over his face, and went to sleep. In that jungle were many (flying) creatures, with strong claws and sharp beaks, and one of these, flying by, imagined that the red handkerchief was a piece of meat, so swooped down from the air, struck its claw into the handkerchief, and carried it off in its beak; one of Dábishalím the Ascetic’s eyes was blinded by the blow of that creature’s beak. Confusion fell on the army, and, simultaneously, they brought in the young man, When the courtiers saw that Dábishalím the Ascetic[A..D. 1025.] [Mirdt-i-Ahmadi. ] EARLY HISTORY OF GUJARAT. 33 had been supernaturally afflicted,* and that a miraculous fate had befallen him, and that, moreover, except the young man, no one else had any right or claim by kindred to the throne, they unanimously saluted the latter as King. A small minority who opposed were overpowered, and the same basin and water-ewer which had been brought for that youth were placed on the head of Dabishalim the Ascetic, and they made him run (before them) to the royal palace, and sent him to be confined in the cell which had been constructed. Glory be to God, that in the twinkling of an eye was manifested the accuracy of the tradition; or, as Khwajah Khusru says,— Who digs a pitfall for his hated foe Digs his own pathway to the realms below. [The episode here related at length is found in several historical works, and has been the subject of considerable comment by European scholars, who, for the most part, have not regarded it as of any historical value. It is shown, however, by the quotation given in vol. ii. of the “ Mahomedan Historians of India,” p. 500, that the story is at least as old as the “ Majma-i-Wasaya,” the author of which, Nizam-ul-Mulk, was a person of rank and official position, likely to have access to trustworthy sources of information, and died only half a century after Mahmud. The author of the “ Mirat-i-Ahmadi,” appears, indeed, to have had the “ Majma-i-Wasaya” before him, for he has copied the narrative almost verbatim, as may be seen by comparing the version given above with that to be found in the volume of the “ Mahomedan Historians ” just quoted (and which was corrected by the late Sir Henry Elliot himself). Nor are the leading facts of the story, as told, in themselves at all impossible, or indeed improbable, though the details may be somewhat “ embellished.” It is not claimed for either Dabishalim (whatever Hindu name that appellation represents) that he was a member of the family of the Solankhi kings of Gujarat, or that the kingdom which Mahmud committed to one of them was that of Gujarat. On the contrary, it is distinctly called the kingdom of Somnat, and the clear inference, from the language employed, is that they were members of a local dynasty, which had once been in power there, but had been ousted. Hwen Thsang found Saurashtra governed by a local dynasty, tributary to Yalabhi, in the first half of the seventh century a.d., and Somnat is in Saurashtra. The statement of the “ Mirat-i-Ahmadi ” is, that the country of Gujarat was, at the close of that century, broken up into many petty kingdoms, independent of each other; and this statement is corroborated by the recent discovery of several petty dynasties, so that the existence of a local dynasty at Somnat is quite in accordance with what we know of the history of that time. Moreover, that such a dynasty should have been expelled, or have come to an end shortly before Mahmud’s advent, is also in accordance with facts. As has been already said, Saurashtra was at some time after the seventh century overrun by Kashis, Jharejahs, and other tribes from the north, in all # The word rendered “ supernaturally afflicted” is dubious in the text j it has been read as literally, “insane ” or “bewitched,” which is, perhaps, capable of bearing the meaning assigned to it above. 334 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1178.] [Mirát-i-Ahmadí. ] probability expelled thence by the earlier Mahomedan invaders; indeed, the “ Tarikh-i-Sdrath ” (Burgess’s translation, p. 240), expressly gives Hijáj’s invasion as the cause of the migration of the Jharéjáhs to the south, and of their seizure of Bhuj. Nor is the action attributed to Mahmud himself unlikely; in fact, the early Mahomedan invaders of India often adopted such a policy, and committed the charge of territories which they had overrun, but could not permanently occupy, to native rulers willing to yield more or less subordination to themselves, and were thus enabled to some extent to maintain their power over the conquests they had made. If the representatives of an ancient and popular but ousted dynasty were on the spot, they would be exactly the class of persons who would be selected for such a charge. So far the story has every element of probability about it, and may, perhaps, be accepted as true. But the purport of the rest of the story is evidently to give a plausible explanation of the fact that the nominee of the conqueror was ere long expelled by a popular rising, and the local influence of the Mahomedan power in its recent conquests destroyed. There is, therefore, every likelihood of the facts being more or less distorted, so as to soothe Mahomedan susceptibilities. At the same time, all the details are not in themselves violently improbable, and it is only their combination to produce the ultimate effect which is extraordinary. Moreover, there are certain of these details which show that the story must, at least, have been put together by someone having a pretty accurate knowledge of India, and of the prejudices of its inhabitants. It is not incredible that, having selected his nominee, the Sultán should use his power to suppress anyone who was likely to offer opposition to his arrangements. The accident, also, which is described as occurring to Dábishalím the Ascetic, is quite within the bounds of possibility. Some of the Indian birds of prey, notably the common kite or cMl (Milvus Govinda) are very bold. These last-named birds are well known often to swoop on the baskets in which meat is carried from market, and to carry off portions. In defence of their nests, they will fly at persons who incautiously approach too near them, striking at their faces. The Editor has known several such cases, and in one a wound was inflicted which narrowly missed destroying one eye of the person attacked. Again, there is no doubt of the superstition, widespread in India, which regards a one-eyed person Qcdnd, or, more properly, kdnrd) as of ill omen. The story of the local customs and the mode of treating conquered enemies is possibly fictitious, though not entirely out of keeping with tales reported in other cases. So far, at any rate, as the policy adopted by Mahmud in dealing with the territory of Sómnát, and the broad fact that his nominee did not long succeed in maintaining himself, the facts may, perhaps, be safely accepted as authentic history. The remaining details are possibly true, but equally likely to have been invented to modify the unpalatable story of the result.] While Rajah Bhim Deo* held the sovereignty of Nahr-wálah, Mu’ifc-ud-din bin Sám, otherwise called Shaháh-ud-dín, becoming governor of Ghazni in 570 a.h. as deputy of his brother, led an army to U'ch in the year 574 h. (1178 a.d.), and wrested that country from the Karmátians. He also subdued Multan, and *■ This name is correctly given; the monarch was Bhima Deva, the second of that name, of the Sdlankhi race, who reigned from about 1178 a.d. to 1241 A,D,[A.D. 1193.] [Mirát-i-Ahmadí. ] EARLY HISTORY OF GUJARAT. 35 proposed to march through the sandy desert against Gujarát. Rájah Bhím Déo met him, and, after a hard-fought battle, inflicted such a defeat upon him that he had much difficulty in getting back to Ghazni* In the year 589 (1193 a.d.) Kutb-ud-din Aibak, the deputy of Mu’iz-ud-din at Dehli, which in those days was the capital of India, led an army to Nahrwálah, in Gujarát, and revenged the Sultán upon Bhím Déo in a fitting manner. Bájah Sidh Ráj Jai Singh Sólankhí, when he was ruler, conquered the land as far as Málwah, Burhánpúr, &c. He built several great forts, such as those of Bharuj, Dabhoi, &c. He constructed the tank of Sihattar-lingf at Pattan. He also protected various tanks in Bairamgáón and in Sórath, by facing them round with stone. He founded Sidhpúr, and in it the famous temple of Rúdar Mál, celebrated far and wide. It is related that when he founded this temple he asked the astrologers to fix an auspicious time for the work, and they foretold that the edifice would fall into the power of one 'Alá-ud-dín, who would become sovereign of Dehli. The Ráj ah believed in this prediction, and sought to make a treaty with the aforesaid Sultán,J who said that, if he did not fulfil * The subjoined passage from the “ Táríkh-i-Sórath,” though transferred to Mahmúd, evidently relates to this defeat. It is curious (though of late date and probably only handing down the story of tradition) in regard to its account of the disposal of the captives, which, if read in the light of Sir A. Lyall’s researches as to the proselytising action of Hindús, is not per se improbable ; probably, too, pure Hindú prejudices had in that part of India been a good deal shaken by the prevalence of Buddhism, which certainly had not long been extinguished in that neighbourhood. “ Sháh Mahmúd fled in dismay and saved his life. Turkish, Affghan, and Moghul female prisoners . . . were disposed of after the command, ‘ The wicked women to the wicked men and the good women to the good men’ (Kurán, xxiv. 25). . . . Respectable men were compelled to shave their heads and were enrolled among the Chakawál and Wádhál tribes of Rájpúts, while the lower kinds were allotted to the castes of Kólís, Kháuts, Bábriás, and Mérs; all, however, were allowed to retain the wedding and funeral ceremonies current among themselves, and to remain aloof from other classes.”—“ Táríkh-i-Sorath ” (Burgess, pp. 112, 113). f This name is so spelt in the text, but it represents the Sanskrit Sahasra-linga.—See “ Mahomedan Historians of India,” vol. v. p. 268. % This is, of course, a palpable fable. Síddha Ráj ah died long before ’Ala-ud-din Khelji was born,36 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1193. j [Mirat-i-Ahmádí. j the astrologers* prediction, he would at least establish there Mahomedan law. When, after a while, *Alá-ud-dín became Sultán, he led an army there, and left behind him the marks of Mahomedan supremacy by erecting masjids and minars. This Rajah constructed many other idol temples and tanks with stone, too numerous to recount. The transfer of the sovereignty from the Solankhis to the Bághélahs occurred in this way :—Rájah Lakhú Múl Déo, the last of the Sólankhís, left behind him no son fit to rule, so the government passed into the hands of the Bághélahs, and six sovereigns of this line reigned for one hundred and twenty-six years, one month, and two days.* Years. Months. 1. Rájah Andól Múl Déo 12 5 2. Rájah Bísal Déo, who built Bísal-nagar 34 6 3. Rájah Bhím Déo . 42 — 4. Rájah Arjun Déo . 10 — 5. Rájah Sárang Déo 21 — 6. Rájah Karan Déo . 6 126 lit As it was the desire of the Eternal and Unchangeable One that the light of Islam and the practice of the one law should be made manifest in these parts, (therefore) the rule of the three races of infidel kings came to an end, in order that the throne might pass into the possession of the people specially endowed with the faith of purity and the law of patience, and in order that the light of the sun of the (true) faith should flash from all four quarters on the obscurity of unbelief; so that, by * This is a rather meagre account. As a matter of fact, the Baghelahs were connected by intermarriage with the Solankhis. t This list is approximately correct as to the names ; but probably the first was never actually King of Nahrwdrah, and the third seems an interpolation. The period of the reigns is also probably inaccurate as well as that of the duration of their dynasty.37 Lmrfclhmidí.j EARLY HISTORY OF GUJARAT. acquaintance with the true creed and the observance of the injunctions of the (true) faith, the people might be turned from error,* * * § and might be guided from the valley of terrible despair to the pleasant highway of the commandments. This came to pass when 5Alá-ud-dín was established on the throne of Dehli. He was a God-fearing man and the protector of his people, and was obedient to the law, even in the extremes of prosperity and adversity. In consultation with the 'Ulemá of the day he was styled in the khutbah "The warrior in the cause of God,”t and he was generally known by that title when he came to the throne, which he did in the year 695 h. (1296 a.d.). In 696 he sent an army to conquer Gujarat, under the command of Ulugh Khán (who is written and spoken of among the Gujarátís as Alp Khanf) and Nasrat Khán Jálésarí. These Kháns arrived at Nahrwárah, or Pattan, and ravaged the country round. Rájah Karan, the last of the Bághélah dynasty, gave battle, but being worsted, fled to Déogarh Chándah.§ His wives and daughters, and treasures and elephants, fell into the hands of the champions of Islam. The Kháns acquired much treasure and many jewels from the merchants of Kam-bháiat, and they broke in pieces the idol of Somnát, which had been set up afresh after one had been destroyed by Sultán Mahmud of Ghazni. They sent all the effects and treasures, and elephants, and the wives and daughters of Rajah Karan, to the Sultán at Dehli. A daughter of the Rájah of Pattan, whose name was Déwal Dé, arrived at Dehli with the other prisoners. She was very beautiful, and Khizr Khán, son of Sultán Alá-ud-dín, fell in love with her. The Sultán gave her * The passage is dubious in the MSS. j only an approximate meaning can therefore be given here. f J.-«-*» ^ It is possible that ’Ala-ud-din used this title in the khutbah, but it does not appear on his coins, though it does on those of several later monarchs. $ This double appellation has, as will be seen, caused some confusion. ’ Ala ud-din had originally four principal nobles, two of whom were called Ulugh Khan, viz. his own brother, and Alp Khan, his wife’s brother. § According to Zia Bararn and Firishtah, “ to Ram Deo of Deogir.1*38 GUJARAT. [A.B. 1296-97.] [Mirât-i-Ahmadi. ] to him in marriage, and he himself also formed a matrimonial connexion with D6wal De's mother. Amir Khusru Dehlawi has written a poem on the subject called “ ’Ashikah,”* which is widely celebrated, but it might be understood from that work that, as Dewal De was of tender years and great beauty, Ulugh Khan adopted her as his daughter, though at last he, by the Sultan's command, gave her to Khizr Khan. After the conquest of Nahrwalah and the expulsion of Rajah Karan, Ulugh Khan carried on the government, and henceforward nazims were regularly appointed to the province by the Sultans of Dehli. It is said that the great masjid, built of hard stone, and called the A'dinah masjid, which is still standing, was erected by Ulugh Khan. There is a common saying among the people regarding it, which purports that so many columns are employed in its construction that people make mistakes in counting them. There is a fine masjid which, it is said, at that time stood in the centre of the city, but is now far away from the inhabited part.f There are many remains of grand buildings which show what a great and splendid city Pattan was in olden times. For nearly three kos round the present city the ground is strewed with bricks and blocks, which attest the truth of this relation. Ruined bastions and walls found in the open country likewise prove this. In the lapse of ages, from the construction of new buildings and other changes in the city, many vestiges of old times have disappeared. During the times of the Rajahs so much marble was brought from Ajmir for the construction of temples and other buildings, that abundance of it is found at the present time on digging in the ground. All the marble used at Ahmadabad and other places was brought from thence. J * See “ Mahomedan Historians,” vol. iii. p. 552. f The MSS. differ here, and some seem to refer to an idol temple converted into a masjid, and make this the masjid now at a distance from the city. The Hyderabad MS. has been followed here. J Firishtah and Zia. Barani give some more particulars of this conquest of Gujarat. Both place the invasion in ’Ala-ud-din’s third year, i.e. in 697 A.H., and this is pretty certainly the true date, for both the noblemen employed[A.I). 1297-1316.] [Mirát-i-Ahmadí.] EARLY HISTORY OF GUJARAT. 39 Ulugh Khan governed Gujarat as Nazim on behalf of 'Ala-ud-din for twenty years,* but towards the close of that monarch's reign he was recalled, and through an accusation arising out of the enmity of the favourite eunuch, Malik Naib, who was then wazir, he was put to death, without any just cause. By the intrigues, also, of Malik Naib, Khizr Khan, the son of 'Ala-ud-din, was arrested and confined in the fort of Gwaliar. The Sultan shortly afterwards expired; he had in this invasion were engaged first in reducing the party of the late king’s sons, who were in arms at Multan, and afterwards in repelling the inroad of the Moghals under Kadur, who came through the Punjab, and were defeated on the left bank of the Sutlej. It is also said that it was from Gujarát, and at this time, that Malik Káfúr, the eunuch who became the all-powerful wazir of ’Alá-ud-dín in his later years, was brought among the slaves captured. When the expedition was over, and when the troops had reached Jhálláwar, a revolt occurred in the army commanded by these nobles, who demanded from their troops one-fifth of the spoil, and resorted to harsh measures to enforce their orders. Part of their army was composed of “new Musulmáns,” that is, of Moghals who, when the rest of their hordes retired from India, remained behind, embraced Mahomedanism, and were taken into Government service. Their allegiance probably sat lightly on them, and, when thus disgusted, they rose in revolt under one of their leaders, named Muhamad Sháh. They succeeded in killing a nephew of Ulugh Khan (and of the Sultán), and also Malik Tz-ud-din, the brother of Nasrat Khán. The revolt, though serious, was ultimately suppressed . . . and the offensive demands being pressed no further, the army proceeded peaceably to Dehli. On their arrival there, the Sultan and Nasrat Khan, especially the latter, avenged their relatives by the most revolting cruelties committed on the families of the mutineers, who had, for the most part, themselves escaped. Some of them, however, later on were captured at Rautambhor, notably Muhamad Sháh, their leader, and were then put to death.—“ Mahomedan Historians of India,” vol. iii. pp. 147, 148, 163-65, 179; and Firishtah, vol. i., Briggs’ translation, pp. 327-29, 343. # This is an error into which the author of the “ Mirát-i-Ahmadí” has been led by the double use of the title of Ulugh Khán, already noticed. Rautambhor proved fatal both to Nasrat Khán and to the real Ulugh Khán, the King’s brother; the former was killed at the outset of the siege, and Ulugh Khán, to whom the charge of that fortress was committed, on its capture in 700 a.h., fell sick there within six months afterwards, and died on his way to Dehli, whither his body was conveyed for burial. It does not seem certain even that he remained in charge of Gujarát for any length of time, inasmuch as, when summoned to Rautambhor, he is described as being at Baiánah; and he was certainly present in the action with the Moghals, under Katlagh and Targin, near the city of Dehli, where Zafar Khán was killed, about the close of 697 a.h. (“Mahomedan Historians,” vol. iii. pp. 75, 165-68, 171, 172, 179; and Firishtah, vol. i., Briggs’ translation, p. 344.) Alp Khán, the King’s brother-in-law, was the person who, as described in the text, was put to death by ’Alá-ud-dín, shortly before his death in 715 a.h., at the instigation of Malik Káfúr. He was one of the four chief nobles of ’Alá-ud-dín’s court, as already said. (“ Mahomedan Historians,” vol. iii. p. 208.)40 GUJARAT. ÍA.D. 1316.] [Mir át-i- Ahmadí. j reigned for twenty-one years, and died in the year 715 a.h. It is said that Malik Naib had gained such power over the King that he procured the dismissal of Khizr Khán from his position as heir-apparent, and put Shaháb-ud-dín, the Sultán’s youngest son, on the throne, and bestowed on him the title of King, but himself exercised all the real power and authority, and sent a barber to blind Khizr Khán. Things remained in this state for one month and five days, and then certain of the chiefs of’Alá-ud-dín’s time slew him. In the eighteenth year of his age, the nobles and courtiers brought Kutb-ud-din Mu-bárak Sháh, the son of the (late) Sultán AJá-ud-dín, out of his prison, and placed him on the throne. After Ulugh Khán was recalled from Gujarát and killed by ’Alá-ud-dín, great disorders arose in that country. Kutb-ud-din, having succeeded his father on the throne of Dehli, he sent Malik Kamál-ud-dín* to restore order, but he obtained the honour of martyrdom, and the disturbances became greater than ever. In this conjuncture ’Aín-ul-Mulk Multání was sent with an army; he managed admirably, settled the country, and gave it peace. After the disorders were suppressed, Malik Dínár, father of the Sultán’s wife, was honoured with the title of Zafar Khán, and was sent as Nazim to Gujarát. In the course of three or four months he brought all things into order, and sent large sums of money to the imperial treasury. The Sultán then recalled this noble, who was the pillar of his throne, and put him to death for no fault on his part. Hisám-ud-din was brother,f by the mother’s side, of Khusrú Khán, the great favourite of the Sultán. This Hisám-ud-dín received all the equipage of Zafar Khán, and was sent to Gujarát. When # Zia Barani speaks of him as “ Kamal-ud-din Gurg,” probably a nickname. Zia Barani says, also, that Alp Khan was the name of the rebel leader who defeated and slew Kamal-ud-din. The date is not given. It was certainly in 716 a.h. f Zia Barani calls him “ uncle ” {is. “ mother’s brother ”) in one place j this may be meant also here, if so, we should read, “ kinsman on the mother’s side.”[A.D. 1317-21.] [Mirát-i-Ahmadí.] EARLY HISTORY OF GUJARAT. 41 he arrived he assembled the Pramár tribe,* to which Khusru Khán and he belonged, and was about to rebel. The other Amirs who were with him, discovering his base design, sent him a prisoner to the Sultán. Malik Wajih-ud-din Kuraishi was appointed his successor. He was renowned as a valiant and experienced man, and he delivered Gujarát from the distress brought upon it by his predecessor. Towards the end of the Sultán's reign he was summoned to court, was made waziTy and received the title of Táj-ul-Mulk. Khusru Khán was a Hindu boy of the Pramár (Parwárí) tribe,f with whose beauty the Sultan was enamoured. He had obtained complete power and ascendancy over him; so that he procured for himself the appointment as Governor of Gujarát. Not content with this, his wicked heart aspired to the throne. He killed the Sultán, placed himself on the throne, and gathered his tribesmen around him. He styled himself Násir-ud-dín. Kutb-ud-dín Mubárak had reigned four years and four months. Khusru was killed by Ghází Malik, one of the nobles of 'Alá-ud-dín, who, having heard of his wicked act, took up arms against him, J and, being joined by other nobles, gave battle to Khusru, and, having taken him prisoner, cut him in small pieces, and distributed them all over the kingdom. As there remained no descendants of ■’Alá-ud-dín, the nobles unanimously placed Ghází Malik on the throne, in the year 720 a.h., with the title of Ghíás-ud-dín Toghlak Sháh. To- # The word in the text seems intended for “ Pramár,” and the expressions used with it would rather lead to the belief that the two brothers belonged to some powerful tribe, such as the “ Pramár ” Rajputs were. But Ziá Barani and Pirishtah speak of him as a “ Parwárí,” which is a very low caste, and, indeed, the general tenor of all their narratives seems to indicate the usurper as being a man of mean origin. In the case of the murderer of Mahmud III. (infra), who was a “ Parmár ” or “ bird-catcher ” (a class who are always men of low caste), the similarity of names gave rise to a curious play upon words, which is preserved in the “ Mirát-i-Sikandarí,” as will be mentioned hereafter. f Hindú bachah az kóm-i-Pramár. I “ Ghází Malik at first felt his hands tied, inasmuch as his son was at Dehli, and in the power of Khusru; but when the son escaped to him, he promptly took action against the usurper.” (See (t Mahomedan Historians,” vol. iii. pp. 225-28.)42 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1325-45.1 [Mirát-i- Ahmadí. ] wards the close of his reign he made an expedition against Gujarát, and appointed Táj-ud*dín Jafar to be Nazim of that province. When he had reigned four years and some months, the ceiling of his palace suddenly fell and killed him, with six other persons. After him, Sultán Muhamad Sháh, his son, came to the throne. He was a king fully versed in the traditions of the (true) faith, and also in most of the sciences; his knowledge reached far and wide; he personally listened to the complaints of his subjects; in fact, a detailed account (of his merits) would be superfluous. Having appointed Malik Mukbil, son of a musician, who had received the title of Khán Jahán Náíb Bakhtiár, was appointed Názim of Gujarat. This person, while marching to Dehli with treasure and horses for the royal stable, by way of Baródah and Dabhoi, was plundered by the amir-i-sadagan} and flying, arrived alone at Nahrwálah. The Sultán, in great anger, led an army to Gujarát, and remained there two years, in which he reduced the fort of Girnál (Girnár).* Khéngár, Bájah of the country of Kachh, came to wait upon him. When he retired, he left Nizám-ul-Mulk as Názim in Gujarát. While marching back, he was seized with an illness, and after a few days his end came, and he departed to another world. He had reigned twenty-seven years. [As this expedition of Muhamad Toghlak to Gujarat, and the causes which led to it, were very important factors in producing the state of things which led to the establishment of independent local dynasties in Western and Central India, extracts from the (CTáríkh Fíróz Sháhí” will now be given, in which will be found a somewhat full account of these transactions?.] * It will be seen that the Sultan practically marched from Dehli in 745 a.h., and remained in western India till his death, which took place in 752 a.h., so that he was some six or seven years absent from Dehli. As to the alleged capture of Girnar, more will be said in another place.[A.D. 1845.] [Mirát-i-Ahmadí.J EARLY HISTORY OF GUJARAT. 43 At the end of the year (apparently 744 a.h.) in which he summoned Katlagh Khán* from Déógír to Dehli, the Sultan made over the entire province of Málwah to 'Aziz Himár,f who had originally been nominated to Dhár; and in order that he might proceed thither in state, and with a suitable escort, gave him several lakhs of tankahs, and, when he was leaving, supplied him with everything he required for his journey. The Sultan thus directed him: “ You see, ’Aziz, how risings are occurring in all directions, and that sedition is spreading, and I am told that everyone who revolts does so in expectation that he will receive the aid of the amírán-i-sadah,% who, for the * Katlagh Khan, who had been the Sultan’s tutor, had for some time held the government of the Dakhin, with his head-quarters at Déógír (Daulat-ábád). Apparently the Sultán was led to suspect his integrity, and therefore recalled him. He does not appear to have himself merited any reproach, but he had obtained a strong footing in the province, and his followers, who were much disgusted at his recall, seem, from one or two passages, in some cases not to have behaved subsequently with much loyalty to the Sultan. f ’Aziz Himár is hardly ever mentioned by Ziá Barani without some disrespectful, not to say coarse, epithet reflecting on his low origin. These will not be usually reproduced in the extracts given. Firishtah says that he was originally a wine-seller. As stated by that author (vol. i. p. 434, Briggs’ translation), the Sultan at this time took it into his head to promote and place in situations of trust various persons of low birth, whom he thought would be thus personally devoted to him, and more likely to serve him with fidelity than men of family. One of these was Malik Mukbil, a personal slave, who, as has been mentioned already, was made n 5 *68 GUJARAT. rMirát-i-Sikandarí.] son of Júláhan, son of Mandan, son of Abhí Mandan, son of Bhukat, son of Nákat, son of Abhi, son of Trilók, son of Dulah, son of Mahsu, son of Sahsu.* But the line extends upwards to Rama Chandra, whom the Hindus worship as a god. The first of the race who was established in the government of Gujarát was Zafar Khán, son of Wajih-ul-Mulk, and the first who ascended the throne was Sultan Muhamad, sur-named Tátár Khán, son of Zafar Khán. It is recorded that the great and beneficent Sultan AVul Muzaffar Fíróz Sháh, cousin of Sultán Muhamad bin Togh-lak Sháh, sovereign of the realm of Dehli, was very fond of hunting. No one of ancient or modern kings has been so devoted to sport since the days of Bahrám Gur, no one has pursued the beasts in the forest with equal ardour; and even at the present time, hunters when they enter on the chase invoke the memory of this glorious king, and seek aid from his beatified holy spirit.f One day, before Fíróz attained the throne, he went out into the country to hunt deer, and, as he pressed on in pursuit of his game, became separated from his attendants. When the shades of evening began to fall, and the silvery deer (the moon) displayed its brightness in the field of the sky, the bird of his heart sought for a nest; and he perceived in the distance a village which was one of the dependencies of the town of Thánésar. He turned his horse in that direction. Outside the village he found a party of the landholders seated, and he got off his horse and joined them. At his request one of them pulled off his boots. That man was a master of the science of interpreting signs and appearances; when his eye fell upon the sole of the foot of the Sultán, he perceived the marks of royalty and the signs of imperial power. He told his companions that such marks were only found upon the feet of # These names vary in the different MSS., but are not material. f This passage is somewhat obscure and difficult to render literally.rMirát-1-Sikandarí. ] SULTAN MÜZAFFAB. 69 kings—that the person before them either bore the crown of sovereignty* or else heaven designed soon to raise him to that dignity. The chief men of the place were two brothers. The name of one was Sádhu, of the other Sadháran. Both of them were well known for their accumulations of goods and wealth; and they could summon by one sign thousands of horse and foot around them. Both of them did homage to their guest* and begged him to do them the honour of passing the night there. The Sultán assented. All the evening the two brothers remained in attendance, and waited upon him. The wife of Sádhu was a clever woman* and specially endowed with a quickness of apprehension and an ingenious intellect. She observed to her husband that although their guest bore upon his forehead the marks of greatness and dignity, still reliance should not be placed upon any man until his character has been tested. She advised him to engage their guest in a drinking bout* when the conversation might be free and unrestrained. So the sister of Sádhu* who was peerless in beauty and loveliness, was brought forward, and* filling a goblet* presented it to the Sultán* requesting him to partake of it. The Sultán* with great pleasure* received the cup from her hand and took a draught. When he had drunk the three cups* the rosebud of his disposition unfolded. He showed a disposition to jest with the girl, and appeared attracted by her charms. The wife of Sádhu saw that the Sultán was captivated. She approached him respectfully* and, engaging him in conversation* she talked very discreetly and pleasantly on various subjects till she brought the conversation round to the genealogy and family of the Sultán; saying that if he could satisfy her as to his family, she would give him to wife that girl who * This expression refers to an Oriental custom of drinking three cups of wine or strong liquor on an empty stomach, before a meal, under the belief that this practice assists the digestion. It would doubtless assist the “ rosebud of the disposition to unfold,” as in the case here described*70 GUJARAT. [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] was more lovely than a hurí of light. The Sultán told her that he was called Fíróz Khán, and that he was son to the uncle of the high and mighty Sultán Muhamad bin Toghlak'Sháh, who had designated him as his heir apparent. The wife told her husband what she had learnt, and said that fortune had indeed smiled upon them, for if he gave his sister to their guest, great prosperity and honour would accrue to them. Sádhú straightway gave his sister in marriage (nikáh) to the Sultán, and the night passed in pleasure and delight. When the concealing curtain of the night was raised and that silken-robed bridegroom, the sun, came forth from his chamber of rest, the Sultán with a happy heart raised his head from the pillow of delight. His followers collected around him from all sides, and he set out for the city. The two brothers Sádhú and Sadháran attended him like two shadows, and were so attentive to their duties that they never left him for a moment. The Sultán was very fond of their sister, and both brothers shortly became Musulmáns. Sadháran received from the Sultán the title of Wajih-ul-Mulk. Afterwards, with the permission of the Sultán, they became disciples of Kutb-ul-aktáb Hazrat Makhdúm-i-Jaháníán,* and were noted for their devotion. The Sultán himself was a disciple of the same saint, and became favourably disposed towards them on account of their piety, and his esteem for them increased day by day. One day a number of poor people had assembled at the refectory of this holy man, and there was no food. This fact was made known to Zafar Khán, the son of Wajih-ul-Mulk, who also was one of the saint's disciples. He instantly arose, collected a great quantity of the best food and sweetmeats from # “ The pole-star of pole-stars, His Highness the revered of men.” He was by descent a Said of Bukhara. It is, as seen in the preface, one of the main objects of this history to show the connection of the saints of this family with the kings of the Gujarat dynasty which then commenced down to the close of the last monarch’s reign. According to the “ Muntakhab-uh Lubah,” Makhdum-i-Jahanian came from U'chh, in the Punjab, originally.Mir;U-i-Sikamliiri. . SULTAN MUZAFFAB. 71 his own house and from the bázár, and going to the refectory of the revered saint, he fed the poor, who raised a loud cheer. The noise reached the saint, and he inquired what it meant. His attendants told him, and he sent for Zafar Khán. The Khán waited respectfully on the saint, who addressed him thus : “ Zafar Khán, in recompense of this food I bestow upon thee the whole country of Gujarát ; my blessing rest upon you.” At the same time he gave him a fine coverlet for his couch.* * * § Zafar Khán returned thanks and went back to his house. He told his family what had passed, and his wife said : “You are well stricken in years,f and if the country of Gujarát falls to thee, what life wilt thou have left to enjoy it ? Go back and beseech the saint that the succession to the kingdom may come to thy children. The holy saint is now graciously inclined to thee, and whatsoever thou shalt ask he will grant.” Zafar Khán took perfumes, fruits, and other offerings, and returned to the holy man, who graciously accepted them. There was a plate of dates before him. He took a handful of them and gave them to Zafar Khán, and said, “ Thy seed like unto these in number shall rule over Gujarát.” Some say there were twelve, some thirteen dates, others say eleven ; God knows which story is true.J Historians have recorded that in the year h. 749§ Sultán Muhamad Toghlak Sháh died as he was marching upon Tathah, and just when he had arrived close to that city. Twelve days * Palang-posh. f He was born at Dehli in a.h. 743, so that he was now about fifty years of age. J This sentence is explained by the doubt as to the legitimate descent of the two last kings of the dynasty: excluding Zafar Khan himself (Muzaffar Shah I.) and Muhamad Khan Ifaruki, who did not represent the male line of the family, there were thirteen kings ; if Ahmad Shah II. and Muzaffar III. (Hasbu) are omitted, only eleven. It may be remarked that of the whole thirteen, seven certainly died violent deaths, while of the remaining six, one probably died by poison, another escaped assassination by prompt abdication, another was dethroned (both these dying suspiciously soon after they retired into private life), while the death of another was popularly, though probably incorrectly, ascribed to poison. § The year 752 (a.d.‘ 1351) is the real year.72 GUJARAT. [A.B. 1388. J [Mirât-i-Sikandarí. ] after his death, Fíróz Khán, son of the Sultán's uncle, succeeded to the throne, under the name of Fíróz Sháh. Zafar Khán and his brother Shams Khán were advanced to high honour. Through the confidence the King reposed in them he entrusted to them the duties of chief butler* Hence the founders of this dynasty have been described as spirit-dealers (kalalan), but this is wholly an error. The way in which this word (kalál) came to be applied to them was this. One year a great quantity of grapes came to the King; they were spoiling, and these men (the founders of the dynasty) were ordered to make spirits from them. Envious people ill-naturedly nick-named them haláis, and said they were spirit-dealers by occupation. In reality they belonged to the caste of Tánks, as has been before mentioned. Whatever they were, they were men of high and noble spirit, whose charities and deeds of kindness to the people of God were beyond number. Please God, some of these shall be mentioned in their proper places. When Sultán Fíróz Sháh was verging upon ninety years of age, he delivered over the affairs of state to his son Muhamad Khán, and gave himself up to devotional exercises. The khutbah was read in the names of both. In the year a.h. 790 (a.d. 1388), the bandagán-i-Fírózí,f who were a lakh in number, by their vain tales and false misrepresentations, alienated Fíróz Sháh from Muhamad Sháh. The prince, Muhamad Sháh, marched troops against them, and thereupon they brought Sultán Fíróz out from his retirement and exhibited him publicly in their ranks. When the soldiers and elephant-drivers saw the Sultán appear, at the thought of his power and dignity, and the recollection of his many bounties, their hearts turned from the prince and reverted to their old * Uhdah-i-sharábdárí, an important and confidential office in many ancient kingdoms since the days of Joseph’s sojourn in Egypt. * + For a 'full description of this body of men, see Elliot, “ Mahomedan Historians,” vol. iii. pp. 340, 342. They were, in effect, much such a body as the Janissaries, so well known in later Turkish history.[A.D. 1388-91.] [ Mirát -i. Sikan darí. I SULTAN MUZAFFAR. n master. Muhamad Sháh fled to Sirmór, and the Fírózí men plundered his house and the houses of his followers* In this year, h. 790 (a.d. 1388), Sultan Firoz died. His chronogram is found in the words wafát-i-Fíróz. He reigned thirty-eight years and nine days. The bandagán-i-Firózí gave the crown to Ghíás-ud-dín Toghlak, son of Fatteh Khán, son of Sultán Firoz, whom they placed upon the throne in the koshak+ of Fírózábád. They also despatched a considerable force against Sultán Muhamad. This prince offered some little resistance, but, being defeated,-fled from Sirmór. When Toghlak Sháh pursued him he went to Nagarkot. Toghlak Sháh was a mere youth, and yielding to his passions gave himself up to sensual pleasures, so the bandagdn began to use violence and oppression. In the year h. 791 (a.d. 1389) Malik Rukn-ud-dín Náib put Toghlak Sháh to death and hung up his head in darbár. He reigned six months and eighteen days. After this, Abu Bakr, son of Zafar Khán son of Sultán Firoz, ascended the throne. For a long time a struggle for the throne ensued between him and Sultán Muhamad. The latter suffered defeat at first, but in the end Abu Bakr's army revolted, went over to Sultán Muhamad, and gave Abu Bakr into his hands. Abu Bakr was thrown into prison, where he died, and the throne of Dehli fell into the power of Sultán Muhamad. In this year 793 (a.d. 1391) intelligence arrived that the province of Gujarát, under the rule of the Nizám Mufarrah Khán,J entitled Rástí Khán, had broken out in rebellion and was in full revolt. On the 2nd Rab?-ul-awal§ of the same # This passage does not bear on the general story, and is omitted in several MSS. It seems to be taken from the “ Tarikh-i-Mubarah Shahi.” See “ Mahomedan Historians,” vol. iv. p. 16, and Thomas’s “ Chronicles of the Pathan Kings,” pp. 296 and 305. f The word koshak is generally used of a palace in the country or suburbs, a kind of hunting palace or retreat. $ Firishtah calls him “ Farhat-ul-Mulk.” See saprd, p. 58. § So in the text, but it should probably be “ Rabi’-us-sani.” See note J on p. 75.74 GUJAKAT. [A.D. 1391-92.] [ Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] year, Sultan Muhamad gave Zafar Khán* * * § a scarlet tent-equipage, and appointed him to Gujarát to chastise Nizám Mufarrah Khán. Zafar Khán started from Dehli and pitched his tents at the Hauz-i-khás.+ On the 4th of the month Sultan Muhamad followed him out thither, and bade him farewell. Sultán Muhamad kept with him Tátár Khán, son of Zafar Khán, whom he treated as his own son.J After several days* march, intelligence came to Zafar Khán that a fine boy had been born in the house of Tátár Khán, and the name Ahmad Khán was given to him. After some days’ continued marching, Zafar Khán reached the district of Nágór, where several inhabitants of Khambáiat (Kambay) waited upon him to complain of the oppression of Rástí Khán. Zafar Khán comforted them and pursued his march. After some further marches he reached the city of Pattan, where he halted and sent a letter of warning to Rástí Khán to the following effect: “ It is the part of a wise man to suppress the vehemence of a vain fancy, and to extinguish its house-devouring flames before they have attained to any great height. The man who enters upon the road of rebellion comes in the end to disgrace. It is better for you to ask forgiveness of your offence, so that through my intercession with the Sultán you may obtain pardon.’* The unfortunate man would not listen to this advice. He sent no answer in accord with it, but marched eleven or twelve kós towards Pattan.§ Zafar Khán marched out of Pattan, which is also called Nahrwálah, and a battle was fought at the village of * Firishtah states that he at this time received the title Muzaffar Khan. The scarlet tent equipage is still much affected by natives of rank. Its colour at once marks out the chiefs tents from the rest of the camp, and it is therefore an appanage of dignitaries only. The “ Mirat-i-Ahmadi ” says that Zafar Khan received the title of ’Azim Humaiun. f The village still bears this name. It is situated south-east of Dehli, close to Toghlakabad and to the tombs of the earlier monarchs of the Togh-lak dynasty. J Probably in reality as a pledge for his father’s fidelity. § He had ten or twelve thousand men, chiefly Hindus.—Firishtah. The MSS. are all palpably corrupt in this place» The meaning given is the best which can be conjectured.[Á.D. 1392-94.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] SULTAN MUZAFFAB. 75 Kámbhú in the district of Pattan. Victory fell to Zafar Khán. The unruly ruler* was slain, and Zafar Khán returned to Pattan in triumph. This event occurred (on the 7th Safarf) a.h. 794 (4th of January a.d. 1392). Zafar Khán remained for a while in Pattan, and gave orders that a village should be founded on the field of battle. It was called Jit-pur, or “ The Town of Victory,” and it is flourishing to this day. In the year 795 (a.d. 1393) he proceeded to Khambáiat and brought all the country of Gujarát under his authority, as had been the practice of the Musulmáns. Under his rule insubordination was put down, and the people were rescued from distress and injustice and brought to prosperity and comfort. It is stated in the “ Mahmud Sháhí ” that in the despatch which was sent to the victorious Khán, His Majesty Muhamad Sháh, in his great condescension, wrote a few lines with his own hand. These lines, without the addition or omission of a letter, were as follows:—-{Six lines of titles beginning with) <( Barádnr-am Majlis ’Áli Khán ” (and ending with) “ A'zam Humáiún Zafar Khán.” He had also sent him a red umbrella and a superb camp equipage in the month of Babr’-us-sání, h. 793,% [when he took leave of him at the commencement of his march, as already described]. In the year h. 796 (a.d, 1394) Sultán Muhamad bin Firoz Sháh died. His coffin was conveyed from Muhamadábád to Dehli and deposited in the mausoleum {khatirah) of Sultán Firoz. He reigned six years and seven months. He was succeeded, on the 19th Rabi’-ul-awal, by his eldest son, Humáiun Khán, who took the title of Sultán Alá-ud-dín. On the 5th # The original of this expression is Nazim bi-Nizam. f “ Tab. Akbari.” J This date is probably correct, but the date of Zafar Khan’s march from Dehli must, therefore, be placed in Rabi’-us-sani, and not in Rabi-ul-awal, as before stated. It is not likely that the news of the Gujarat rebellion should have been received on the 1st of Rabi’-ul-awal, that Zafar should receive his orders next day, and march the same day I76 GtJJARAT. fA.D. 1394-95.] [Mirat-i-Sikandari. J Jumad-ul-awal of the same year he died, having reigned only one month and sixteen days. On the 20th of the same month, Mahmud Khan, his younger brother, ascended the throne with the title of Nasir-ud-dunya-wa-ud-din Mahmud Shah. At this period information reached Zafar Khan of the Rajah of I'dar having rebelled. The Khan led his army against the rebel and besieged him. Having invested the fort, he sent his forces in all directions over the territory of I'dar to ravage and lay it waste. At length the Rajah, with great humility and sorrow, made due submission, and the Khan withdrew. He then formed the design of destroying the temple of Somnat, i.e. Pattan Dili, but just then intelligence came that Malik Nasir,* * * § alias Rajah ’Adil Khan, ruler of the country of A'sir and Burhanpur, had overstepped the boundaries of his own territory and encroached upon Sultan pur and Nandarbar, which were dependencies of Gujarat. Zafar Khan gave up his design of going to Pattan, and proceeded by regular marches to repel the encroachments of ’Adil Khan. On hearing of his approach, ’Adil Khan fell back + and returned to A'sir. Zafar Khan also retired and went to Nahrwalah. In the year h. 797 (a.d. 1395) he led his army against Jharand, J a dependency of the country of Rai Bihara. He soon brought down the presumption of the infidel of that country, and proceeded from thence to Somnat. He threw down the celebrated idol temple of that place,§ and honoured * Firishtah, in his account of the Faruki dynasty, says that this invasion was really made by Malik Rajah, the father of Nasir Faruki. According to that writer, Malik Rajah, relying on the promised assistance of Dilawar Khan, of Malwah (whose daughter was married to Nasir Khan), invaded Gujarat, but was driven into the fort of Thalnir, where he was besieged and compelled to sue for peace. He did not again attack Gujarat, t “To Talner.”—Firishtah. j Some MSS. have “Bihar,” which is clearly an error. The copyists probably confused Jharand with Jharkand. In the lithographed version it is “ Rai Bihara.” The “ Tab. Akbari ” says that Jharand was to the west of Pattan, and perhaps the expression used in that work may be taken as showing that the name was given to some petty collection of villages. The “ Tarikh-i-Mahmud Shahi ” also gives the name as “ Jharand.” § “He burnt the temple, slew the infidels, ravaged the city, and built a mosque.”—“ Tab. Akbari.”[A.D. 1397.] "Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] SULTAN MUZAFFAB. 77 the city by establishing there the rules and customs of the religion of Islam. In a.h. 799 (a.d 1397) information was received that the infidel ruler of Mandu* was oppressing the Muhamadans in his country. The Khan called together his ministers and nobles, and thus addressed them : “If the Musulmans of the east country suffer hardship, it behoves those of the west to render them assistance. Now, on the contrary, we hear that the infidels of Mandu are oppressing the Muhamadans in their country. If under these circumstances we remain passive, what excuse shall we have to offer for our conduct when we stand before the throne of the King of Kings ? My inclination is to chastise the base infidels. What do you think of the matter ? ” They replied that they all agreed with him. Orders were given to beat the signal drum for the march, and the forces proceeded towards Mandu. The Rajah of Mandu, relying in his heart on the strength of his fortress,f shut himself up in it, and the victorious Khan invested it and strove to reduce it. But the place was very strong, and he was long in accomplishing his object. A year and some months he remained before the fortress, but in the end the Rajah of Mandu, being brought to great distress and thoroughly humbled, made a solemn engagement that henceforward he would not harass Muhamadans and would transmit proper tribute. Zafar Khan went from thence to Ajmir to visit the tomb of Khwajah Mu^in-ul-hakk-wa-ush-shara'-waud-din. J He walked on foot the distance of three kds from Ajmir to the sacred tomb, and there went through the proper observances. From thence he proceeded to Sambhar and Dindwanah. Having # All the copies agree in this reading, but the “ Tab. Akbari,” followed by Firishtah, is no doubt correct in the name “ Mandal-garh,” which, according to Briggs, “ was a dependency of the Rana of Chit or.” f This is the reading of MS. B, and seems to give the best sense. j Shekh or Khwajah Mu’in-ud-din Chioli (of Chisht). He was the contemporary and chief adviser of Muhamad bin Sam. The saint’s shrine is at Ajmir. See “ Gazetteer of Ajmir,” p. 51.78 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1397. J [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] chastised the infidels there, he went on to Dílwárah and Jagwárah.* There also he chastised the infidels, and then returned to his capital. He reached the city of Pattan on the 17th Ramazán a.h. 799 (a.d. 1397). Then he gave his army rest for a year, and did not go anywhere himself. In this year Tátár Khán, the son of Zafar Khán, came from Dehli to Pattan. The author of “ Táríkh-i-Mahmúd Sháhí ” relates that upon the death of Sultán Muhamad, son of Sultán Fíróz, great disturbances arose and continued in the kingdom of Dehli, so that every great noble aspired to the throne. After a period of some duration, the authority in Dehli fell to Ikbál Khán,f as vicegerent. At that time Tátár Khán, son of Zafar Khán, was at the town of Pánípat,J whither Ikbál Khán marched. Tátár Khán left his baggage in the fort of Pánípat, and made a dash upon Dehli and invested it. Ikbál Khán took the fort of Pánípat, seized Tátár's baggage, § and made the garrison prisoners. This loss disabled Tátár Khán from remaining in that quarter, so he proceeded to Gujarát, intending to raise an army there and renew the war with Ikbál Khán.|| When he waited upon his father, Zafar Khán, he met with a gracious reception. But although his father showed him every kindness, the high-flying bird of his ambition would not rest in the nest it had found. The desire for revenge upon Ikbál Khán, and his ambitious designs upon Dehli, were never absent from his heart. His fixed resolve was to lead an army against that city. At this time the news came that Pir Muhamad Moghal, # Jalwara.—“ Tab. Akbari.” The lithographed edition has “ Chakwarah.” f He is called Mallu Khan in other books. See “ Mahomedan Historians,” vol.dv. p. 31. The version of the lithographed edition has been followed in this passage. In all the MSS. it is palpably corrupt. J The “ Tab. Akbari ” says that Tatar Khan was at Thanesar,Jbut he may well have moved down and seized Panipat. § The MSS. give both banah and bangdh in this place; and though the latter is no doubt properly (cf. “Farkang-i-Rashidi ”) rather the “place of the baggage,” i.e. the baggage-guard or rear-guard, the two words seem to be employed in this work as wholly convertible terms, and bangdh should be translated as the context indicates in each case. || “ Mahomedan Historians,” vol. iv. p. 34.[A.D. 1398.] Mirát -i- Sikandarí. ] SULTAN MUZAFFAR. 79 under the orders of Sáhib-kirán Amir Timur Gúrgán, had led his army to the vicinity of Multán, and was besieging that city, which was under the command of Sárang Khán, brother of Ikbál Khán. The design of attacking Dehli, which under these circumstances would have been criminal, was therefore deferred. In the year h. 800 (a.d. 1398) Zafar Khán and Tátár Khán marched to punish the infidels of I'dar. They invested the fort and ravaged the country around it, and they were resolved that they would not retire until the country of I'dar was completely subdued. But the intelligence came that Timur had arrived at Dehli and had captured that city. This intelligence made them think it inexpedient to remain absent from their capital; so, exacting a suitable tribute, they made peace with the Rájah Ráo Mal and returned to the fortress of Pattan. In the same year the infidels of Sómnát rose in rebellion on every side, in the hope of regaining their independence. Zafar Khán and his son marched to repress this presumptuous undertaking, and soon crushed the revolt. In this year also. Sultán Mahmud, the son of Sultán Muhamad and grandson of Sultán Fíróz Sháh, who had fled before Timur, and had been leading a vagrant and wandering life in the remote parts and corners of his own dominions, arrived at Pattan.* Zafar Khán went out to meet him, and brought him into Pattan with all honour. Sultán Mahmud's object was to obtain Zafar Khan's alliance and to march upon Dehli. The Khán did not think the enterprise advisable, so the Sultán felt aggrieved and departed to Alp Khán,f ruler of Málwáh. But his proposal did not find acceptance with that chief, so the Sultán made no stay, but # Tkg « Tabakát-i-Akbarí ” says that Mahmud’s arrival was preceded by that of a host of destitute fugitives from Dehli, all of whom Zafar Khán received hospitably and relieved according to their several wants. f Alp was not yet king, or even ruler of Málwáh, his father, Diláwar Khán, be ng yeb alive. As a matter of fact, Diláwar Khán was rather inclined to support the exiled king in an attempt to recover his throne ; but Alp Khán disagreed with his father on this point, and withdrew himself to Mandú, where he commenced the building of that celebrated fortress. (Briggs’ Firishtah, vol. iv. pp. 168, 169.)80 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1398.1 Mirât-i-Sikandari. ] went off to Kanauj, and remained wandering about in that neighbourhood.* The author of the “ Tarikh-i-Mahmud Shahi” relates that when Tatar Khan came to Gujarat, he was received very graciously by his father. After some time, he one day,f in a respectful manner and in suitable language, represented to his father that the kingdom of Dehli had been ruined by the reverses of its unstable sovereigns, and by the ravages and havoc of Timur. He urged his father to march on Dehli, saying that the moment he displayed his standard in the neighbourhood of that city, his arrival would be joyfully hailed by the people. The Khan replied, that it must be borne in mind that shortsighted people always can see in skill nothing but error, and in virtue nothing but wrong-doing. An advance in that direction (i.e. on Dehli) might be undertaken only for the public welfare, still time-serving men would attribute it to a desire of obtaining the throne; any attempt, therefore, at that time, and in that direction, would be inexpedient. The Prince replied J— “ He who would the throne attain, Must not from the sword refrain.” # The “ Tabakat-i-Akbari ” gives the following particulars. It is not clear whether they are merely another version of the events above narrated, under different dates, or whether they are really the events of later years. “ In the year 803 a.h. (a.d. 1401) Zafar Khan marched against the fort of I'dar. He invested it. After fighting had gone on for some days, the Rajah one night evacuated the place and fled to Bijanagar. The next morning Zafar Khan, having made his entry into the fort, returned thanks to God, and overthrew the idol temples. He placed a garrison in the fort, divided the country among his chiefs, and, having settled the affairs of the country, returned to Pattan. In the year 804 a.h. (a.d. 1402) Zafar Khan was informed that the infidel Hindus had again assembled round Somnat, and were making great efforts to re-establish their religion. He set out for the place, sending on his army in advance. The dogs of Somnat came forth by the road near the sea, and an action began. Zafar Khan pressed forward on the wings of haste, and destroyed many. Those who escaped fled to the fort of (Pattan) Diu. After some days he took the fort, and made all within food for the sword. The chief he cast under the feet of an elephant. He destroyed the idol temples, built a masjid, appointed Mzis, muftis, and masters of the law, and, leaving a garrison, returned to Pattan, his capital.” f The “ Mirat-i-Ahmadi ” says that Tatar Khan made this proposition soon after the retreat of Timur, and when Ikbal Khan had regained power. J The literal meaning of this reply is, of course, “ Hereditary kingdoms are only to be won by the sword,”[A.D. 1403.] [ Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] SULTAN MUZAFFAR. 81 After repeated discussions, in the year 806 a.h. (1403 a.d.), the virtuous mind of Zafar Khan determined to place Tatar Khan upon the throne, with the title of Nasir-ud-dunia-wa-ud-din Muhamad Shah,* * * § and to make over to him his army, treasure, and all the appanages of royalty. He withdrew himself from the eminence of his grandeur, and retired into private life in the town of Asawal,f and in the month of Jumad-ul-akhir of that year Sultan Muhamad Shah ascended the throne at Asawal, with all pomp and splendour. In the very same week he descended from his throne and mounted his horse to make war upon the infidels of Nadot, and he put down several of them whose forces and whose lofty hills had enabled them to defy the royal power. Then he marched with a large army towards Dehli, and so raised great apprehension in the heart of Ikbal Khan. Suddenly in the month of Sha'ban he became seriously ill, and though skilled physicians treated him, all was in vain. When physic only adds to pain, All hope of cure is surely vain. He surrendered the jewel of his life, that is to say, his spirit, to the Keeper of Spirits, and his body was buried in the province of Pattan. J It is commonly believed among the best-informed of the people of Gujarat, and inquiry seems to confirm the story which has frequently been repeated in history, that Tatar Khan conspired with certain discontented men, his friends outwardly, his enemies in reality, and placed his father in confinement. * He then seated himself on the throne, with the title of Mu- * Firislitali gives the title as 6r/ims-ud-dunia-wa-ud- din Muhamad Shah. f Asawal was just outside the site subsequently chosen for the city of Ahmadabad, as will appear more fully in the sequel. J “ He reigned two months and a few days.”—“ Tab. Akbari.” § “ Tatar Khan basely seized his own father and sent him prisoner to Asawal. He then made himself king.”—“ Tab. Mubarak-Shahi,” “ Mahomedan Historians,” vol. iv. p. 39. See also “ Tarikh-i-Alfi,” which says that Tatar Khan deprived his father of power, and that he was confined in the fort of Bharuj. 682 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1403.] [Mirât -i-Sikandar í. ] hamad Sháh, and won over all the officials and army. Afterwards he waged war against the infidels of Nádót and subdued them. Then he directed his course towards Dehli, but drank the draught of death, and went to the city of nonexistence. The cause of his death was this. In his ambition for the things of this life he threw aside the respect due to a father, a respect which is a lasting blessing to him who pays it; and God Almighty then sowed the seed of vengeance in the heart of his father, the natural soil of love and the abode of affection. Wherefore some of those who were in attendance upon Tátár Khán, but who were personally inclined to Zafar Khán, gave him poison.* The author of the “ Mahmud Sháhí” (may God forgive him!) has spent a great deal of eloquence upon this matter, but in accordance with the aphorism that plain truth will prevail, he has recorded the fact. After his death, Sultán Muhamad was known as Khudáiagán-i-Shahid “ the Martyred Lord.” A story is told that Sultán Muhamad sent a large sum of money as a present to Kutb-ul-’Arifín Shékh Ahmad Ganj-bakhsh, and asked for a blessing on his reign. The Shékh refused to accept it, and sent it back, saying, “ This money belongs to your father, withdraw your hand from its posses-sion.” After the death of Sultan Muhamad, Zafar Khán came forth,f and all the officers and nobles again submitted to his * “ Mnzaffar Shah, sent one of his confidants to his brother Shams Khan, urging him to kill Tatar Khan and deliver his old brother from his wrongs.” Shams Khan expostulated, but Muzaffar Shah became more urgent, and “ Shams Khan, moved with pity for his brother, poisoned Mahmud Shah (sic) at the town of Sinor. He then hastened (to Asawal), took his brother out of prison, and replaced him on the throne.”—Firishtah. See “ Maho-medan Historians,” vol. iv. p. 39. The “ Tabakat-i-Akbari ” also mentions Shams Khan as the reported poisoner of Mahomed Shah, who had made him vazir. t According to the “Tarikh-i-Alfi,” “from the fort of Bharuj.” This work also expressly says that though Tatar Khan had assumed the royal style of Muhamad Shah and the royal umbrella, and had the hhutlah read and coin struck in his name, yet that Zafar Khan refrained from doing so at this time.[A.D. 1404-5.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] SULTAN MUZAFFAR. 83 rule, and offered their condolences and congratulations. The Khán reassured them, and proceeded towards his capital. But to the end of his life the eyes of Zafar Khán were always full of tears, and his sighs and lamentations never ceased by night or day. He frequently left the cares of government to his brother Shams Khán, and desired to withdraw into seclusion; but Shams Khán's refusal prevented this. At length he sent Shams Khán to take the place of Jalál Khókhar, and conferred upon him the government of Nágór. He named Ahmad Khán, son of Sultán Muhamad, his successor, and trained him for the (royal) office. On the 19th Sha'bán, in the year h. 807 (a.d. 1404), news arrived that Amir Timur had died in that year, after a reign of thirty-six years. In the same year Ikbál Khán marched out of Dehli to take Kanauj from Sultán Mahmud, grandson of Sultán Fíróz, who had wandered thither. Sultán Mahmud was shut up in the fort at that place, and Ikbál Khán besieged him for some time, but his efforts were unavailing, and he returned to Dehli. In the year 808 (a.d. 1405) Zafar Khán prepared an army for the assistance of Sultán Mahmud, and intended to march against Dehli, but intelligence came that, on the 19th Jumád-ul-awal, a bloody battle was fought between Ikbál Khán and Khizr Khán. Khizr Khán was victorious, and Ikbál Khán was killed. Sultán Mahmud then proceeded from Kanauj to Dehli, and sat upon the throne of his ancestors. Zafar Khán's march was thus stopped. When the striking of coin and supreme authority were no longer exercised by the House of Delhi,^ the nobles and officers (of Gujarát) represented to Zafar Khán, at an auspicious time and favourable moment, that the government of the country of Gujarát could not be maintained without the signs # In rendering this passage the reading of the lithographed edition is followed. Besides, the fact is accurately stated, for the Dehli kings appear to have struck no coins in their own names between 804 and 815 a.h. 6 *84 GUJAEAT. [A.D. 1407.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] and manifestation of kingly authority. No one was capable of wielding regal power but himself; he was, therefore, indicated by public opinion as the person who ought, for the maintenance of the Mahomedan religion and tradition, to unfold the royal umbrella over his head, and to delight the eyes of those who longed for that beautiful display. In compliance with this requisition, in the year h. 810 (a.d. 1407), three years and seven months* * * § after the death of Sultán Muhamad, the victorious Zafar Khán raised the umbrella of royalty, and took to himself the title of Muzaffar Shah at Birpur. From Birpur, Muzaffar went to Dhár, which is a dependency of Málwah, with the object of obtaining the submission of Alp Khán,f son of Diláwar Khán, the ruler of that country. He intimated that if Alp Khán yielded it would be well for him; if not, he was to be driven from the country. Alp Khán, from ill fate and his pride of power, gave battle; but the brave warriors of Muzaffar Sháh soon scattered his ranks as a whirlwind scatters clouds, and he was obliged to fly into the fortress of Dhár. J The Sultán invested the fort, and Alp Khán was quickly reduced to extremity and obliged to surrender. The Sultán ordered him into confinement, and gave the country to Nasrat Khán.§ * According to some MSS. of the “Tab. Akbari,” the interregnum lasted “ one year and four months.” One MS. has “ three years and four months.” It says also that Muzaffar Sháh’s full title was Shams-ud-duniá-wa-ud-dín. f “ Sultán Muzaffar Sháh had been informed that [Alp Khán afterwards] Sultán Hoshang had poisoned his father Diláwar Khán, so he placed him and some of his associates in confinement. There had been great friendship and affection between the Sultán and Diláwar Khán when they served together under Fíroz Sháh.”—“ Tab. Akbari.” “ Mahomedan Historians,” vol. iv. p. 36. Firishtah’s verdict (which is probably impartial) is one of “Not proven.” The “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” says that the occasion of Muzaffar’s attack was that Hoshang had attempted to assume the position of an independent prince in Málwah; it also calls Nasrat Khán Muzaffar Sháh’s brother. Perhaps the discrepancies may be reconciled by supposing that Shams Khán was his only full brother, Nasrat Khán his half-brother. X According to Firishtah the battle was stubbornly contested, and Muzaffar Sháh was himself wounded. § The “ Tab. Akbari ” calls Nasrat Khán the younger brother of Muzaffar, but this is possibly an error. It is said elsewhere that Muzaffar Sháh had only one brother, Shams Khán, who had just been appointed to Nágór,[Mir«:?Sitendarí.J SULTÁN MUZAFFAB. 85 Intelligence now arrived that Sultán Ibráhím Jónpúrí had raised his standards at Kanauj with the intention of subduing Dehlí. Sultán Muzaffar thereupon determined to march to the assistance of Sultán Mahmud, the sovereign of Dehlí. On hearing of this, Sultán Ibráhím Jónpúrí desisted, and returned to Jónpúr. Sultán Muzaffar also fell back to his capital. Muzaffar carried with him Alp Khán, whom he kept in confinement for a year. Músa Khán, a relation of Alp Khán, who had been governor of Mandu under him, having made himself strong, brought several districts of Málwah into his possession. Alp Khán wrote a petition with his own hand, which he sent to the Sultán Muzaffar. He represented that Músa Khán, who was one of his dependants, had established his authority over Málwah; but that if the Sultán would release him (Alp Khán) from the chains of imprisonment, and bind him with the chains of obligation, he would recover the country from Músa Khán, and would remain the Sultáns obedient servant for the rest of his life. Sultán Muzaffar took Alp Khán into favour, and sent his grandson, Ahmad Khán, and a large army along with Alp Khán to expel Músa Khán from the fortress of Mandu, and ordered him to place Alp Khán in charge of that place and its dependencies, and then himself to return. The prince proceeded by regular marches to Mandu, and Músa Khán, being ¡unable to resist, took to flight. The prince then placed Alp Khán in Mandu, and returned.* where he and his descendants ruled for long after. Nasrat Khan may, however, possibly be a title by which he was known, or there may have been other brothers of Muzaffar Shah besides Shams Khan. The statements of mere relationship by various writers are, as will be seen hereafter, very vague and contradictory. * The “Tab. Akbari” states that the people of Màlwah rose against the harsh rule of Nasrat Khan, and expelled him. Then they made Musa Khan, a relation (khwésh) of Alp Khan, their chief ; and he took up his residence in the fort of Mandu. Sultan Muzaffar released Alp Khan, and sent hini with Prince Ahmad and an army to Màlwah, of which they soon obtained possession. Prince Ahmad placed it in charge of Alp Khan, and returned to Gujarat. According to Firishtah, Alp Khan had been placed in the custody86 GUJARAT. LA.D. 1407-10.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] In the same year, 810 (a.d. 1407), Sultan Muzaffar sent an army against the infidels of Kambh-kot,* under the command of Khudáwand Khán. He also sent a person to wait upon Shékh Kásim, who was one of the holy men of the time, to ask his blessing, so that the arms of Islám might prove victorious. The Shékh looked over the muster-roll of the army. He drew a line over several of the names, and said, “ These men will obtain the crown of martyrdom, the others will return triumphant.” The result was just as the Shékh had predicted.” The author of the “Táríkh-i-Bahádar Sháhí” places the death of Muzaffar Sháh in the end of the month of Safar a.h. 813 (a.d. 1410), but does not mention the cause of his death. The circumstances of his death, as commonly reported and believed, were as follows. The Kolis inhabiting the town of Asáwal rebelled and took to highway robbery and plundering. Sultán Muzaffar sent the force which he always had in readiness at the seat of government, under the command of Ahmad Khán, to punish them. Ahmad Khán went out of the city and encamped near the reservoir of Khán Sarwar. He there sent for learned men, and asked what was the opinion of men learned in the law and devoted to religion upon the following circumstances. “If one person kills the father of another unjustly, ought the son of the murdered man to exact retalia- of the prince, and so won him over that he begged, and obtained from the Sultán, the release and reinstatement of his prisoner. The “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” agrees mainly with this statement, and adds that Nasrat disgusted not only the people of Málwah, but the Gujarat troops also who were with him. A large number of these deserted, and the nobles of Málwah put Músa Khán, who was the cousin (uncle’s son) of Hoshang, on the throne. A longer account is also given of the campaign. It is affirmed that Prince Ahmad went no farther than Dhár, and then returned. Hoshang was not at first joined by the nobles, whose families were for the most part in Músa Khán’s power at Mandú; and he himself went to Mahésar on the Harbadah, where he endeavoured to effect the conquest of the country, but without success, until Malik Ma’ghis, who was a son of one of Hoshang’s uncles, took his part, and fled out of Mandú to him. This began to break up Músa Khán’s party, and eventually he found himself unable to hold Mandú, and marched out of one gate as Hoshang walked in by another. * The “ Táríkh-i-Alfi ” gives this name as “ Kanth-kót.”[A.D. 1410.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] SULTAN MUZAFFAE, 87 tion ? ” Everyone answered “ Yes/’ and they gave their formal opinion. Ahmad Khan took the paper and kept it by him. Next day he went into the city, made the Sultan prisoner, and poisoned him. The Sultán said to him, “O son, why art thou in such haste ? all this is intended for you.” He replied (in the words of the Kurán), “ All men have their times appointed, and when the hour is come, they cannot delay or advance it a moment.” The Sultán said, “ Listen to a few words of advice from me, which will be useful to you. First, do not give your friendship to him who has led you to this deed, but rather put him to death. Next, abstain from strong drinks, for such abstinence is proper for kings. Put Shékh Malik and Shir Malik to death, for they are both strife-makers.” He spoke also some other words of advice. Sultán Muzaffar died at the end of the month of Safar, and was buried in the tomb which is in the citadel of Pattan. It is said that Sultán Ahmad bitterly repented of, and suffered deep remorse after, the death of his grandfather, which he compassed in the thoughtless days of youth through association with the wicked.* # The “ Mirát-i-Ahmadí ” says that Sultan Muzaffar reigned eighteen years eight months and fourteen days. The “Tab. Akbari” says he reigned three years eight months and sixteen days after his second accession, and died in the month of Safar 814, five months and thirteen days after the accession of Ahmad Sháh. This is explained by the “ Táríkh-i-Alfí,” which states that Sultan Muzaffar, being ill, abdicated in favour of his grandson, when he had reigned three years eight months and sixteen days, but that he did not die till five months and sixteen days later, which are reckoned as part of his reign, though the khutbah was read, and coin was struck, in the name of Ahmad Sháh during that interval. The “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” says nothing of the poisoning, but, on the contrary, declares that Muzaffar died of the disease which caused him to abdicate. This tallies with the account of the “Tab. Akbari.” The facts so circumstantially given by these two writers seem to be correct, and although not absolutely irreconcilable with the supposition that Ahmad caused his grandfather to be poisoned, are at least prima facie in conflict with it, and, at any rate, seem to dispose of the alleged motive for the crime.88 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1410.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] CHAPTER IV. REIGN OF AHMAD SHAH, SON OF TATAR KHAN, SON OF ZAFAR KHAN (MUZAFFAR SHAH). Sulta'n Ahmad,* son of Muhamad Shah, son of Muzaffar Sháh, ascended the throne on the 14th Ramazan a.h. 813 (a.d. 1410). Soon afterwards his cousin Modud, son of Firoz Khan,t who was Governor of Barodah, won over the amirs of that country, and set up his own claim to rule. In order to carry into effect his futile design, he allied himself with certain men fond of turmoil, who joined him at Nariád, such as Hísám-ul-Mulk Bhandírí and Malik Ahmad his son, Malik BadarJ Khatri, and the son of Habíb-ul-Mulk Mustáufí, Malik Karim Khusrú, Jíwan Dás, and Payág Dás. They defeated Bikan and A'dam Afghan,§ the king’s men, and, making Jíwan Khatri their leader, they went on their way to destruction. || # He assumed the title of Násir-ud-dín, which is given on his coins. See Thomas’s “ Chronicles of the Pathan Kings,” p. 352. f Firishtah says that Fíróz Khán himself was leader of the revolt, and was proclaimed king. The reading of the name here given is supported by the “ Muntakhab-ut-Tawáríkh,” and is, no doubt, accurate, although the “ Tab. Akbari,” followed by Firishtah, says, “ Fíróz Khán, son of Sultán Muzaffar Sháh.” The printed version calls him “ Mu’id-ud-din, cousin of the Sultán.” See subsequent notes. J “Malik Badar,” in two MSS. which have been followed; others read “ Shahpadar.” § The “ Tab. Akbari ” makes these the names of one man; but the probabilities are in favour of the reading in the text. Bikan Afghán escaped, and rejoined the Sultán. || The “Tab. Akbari” says that Sultán Hoshang of Málwah had agreed to support this rebellion, and had actually put his army in the field with that object. Sultán Hoshang was the “ Alp Khán ” of the previous chapter, who was under obligations to the dynasty, and probably personally to Ahmad Sháh himself. The “ Táríkh*i-Alfí ” supports the statement of the “Tab. Akbari,” and says that the descendants of Muzaffar Sháh having come to an agreement between themselves, Sultán Hoshang had to return, having effected nothing. The “Tab. Akbari” says that’Imád-ul-Mulk was sent to attack Hoshang, who retreated, and several of the zamindars who had joined him were captured and imprisoned.[A.D. 1410.] l_Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] AHMAD SHAH. 89 One day Jíwán Dás assembled the amirs, and said that it was incumbent on them to attempt the reduction of Nahrwalah {i.e. Pattan), if they intended to carry out their design. They replied that they were incapable of contending with Ahmad Khán, and that it would be wiser to propose terms of accommodation. Jiwan charged them with pusillanimity, and the discussion ended by a quarrel, in which Jiwan was killed. The amirs all went and paid homage to the Sultán, from whom they received presents and honours.-* Modud, son of Fíróz Khan, went to Khambaiat. Then he was joined by Shékh Malik, entitled Mastí ” f Khan, son of Sultán Muzaffar, J who was Governor of Surat § and Ránér. When the Sultán marched against them they left Kambháiat, and went to Bharuj (Broach).|| He pursued them thither, and invested the place. The army of Modud sent envoys to the Sultán, came over to him, and made their submission. Mastí Khán also asked permission to wait on the Sultán, who, a few days later, sent for him, received him graciously, and forgave his offence. Sultán Ahmad then returned successful to the city of Asáwal. When he got to Asáwal he began to plan the extirpation of A'sá Bhil.^f * Firishtah says he restored them to all the jdgirs, &c. f “ Habib ” is given in none of the texts, which read “ Mati,” “ Mithi,” “Med,” and “ Shahraman,” but the “Tab. Akbari” consistently uses the name “Habib,” which is in accordance with Mahomedan nomenclature. “ Mastí Khán ” may have been his nick-name. J The “ Tab. Akbari ” says that Sa’adat Khán and Sher Khán, also sons of Sultán Muzaffar, joined him. Firishtah gives these names also. § These names are variously given: “ Súrat ” occurs as “ Sórath,” and Ránér in various shapes; but, from the subsequent locality of the fighting, “ Súrat ” seems the most probable reading. || According both to the “ Tab. Akbari ” and Firishtah, Sultán Hoshang was again in communication with this fresh set of rebels, and, apparently, had actually marched to assist them. It is possible that the statement cited, in note ||, p. 88, also from the “ Tab. Akbari,” may apply to this occasion. The account of the “ Tab. Akbari ” here clearly supplies a deficiency in the “ Mirát-i-Sikandarí.” % Inmost of the MSS. this passage reads simply, “extirpated A'sá Bhil,” but one MS. gives the reading adopted, which is evidently preferable; for so important an action as the destruction of A'sá Bhil would hardly have been thus cursorily noticed; and, as a matter of fact, if, as is probable, A'sá Bhil was the same as the founder of Asirgarh, this was eventually accomplished (in an utterly cruel and treacherous manner) by another hand. (See Firishtah, vol. iv. pp. 288-90, Briggs’ translation.)90 GUJARAT. LA.D. 1410-17.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] In this same year/* which is known by the word “ dkhir33 (foundation), with the assent and leave of that Moon of the Faithful and Sun of the Righteous, Shékh Ahmad Ganj-bakhsh, he began to build and establish the great cityf of Ahmadábád, in the immediate vicinity of Asáwal.J This foundation has been well celebrated in poetry by Halwi Shirází.§ In the year 820|| (a.d. 1417), the fortifications of Ahmadábád were finished the year is known by the word “ khirak” It is recorded that the founding of the city of Ahmadábád is attributable to four persons of the name of Ahmad. First, that Pole-star of Shékhs and Holy Men, Shékh Ahmad Khattu, who lined out with his own hand the west side; second, the king of the city, who lined out the east side; third, Shékh Ahmad; and fourth, Mulla Ahmad, who respectively lined out the other two sides, both of these last being among the connections of the Sultán and among the great men of the time. It is recorded that Sultán Ahmad had many outward graces and was pure-minded, and he was usually favoured by God. The beauty of the city of Ahmadábád testifies to this, and all four Ahmads'** have ever since been # This is a chronogram which, by the abjad method, gives 813 A.h. f “ Shahr-i-Mu’azzam,” the epithet which the writer usually applies to Ahmadábád. J As will be evident from several passages which occur later on, “ Asá-wal ” remained outside the walls of Ahmadábád. One part of it was, perhaps, near the tank marked “ Asárva 55 on the Trigonometrical Survey Map of Gujarát, Sheet No. 7, 6 miles N.W. of Ahmadábád ; but it seems also to have extended to the banks of the Sabarmati river on the one side, and up to the gates of the city on the other. § “ Halwi Shirází ” was the author of the “ Táríkh-i-Ahmad Sháhí,” and the verses alluded to form the first of several extracts from that work which will be dealt with hereafter. ¡I 820. This date is variously given in the MSS. as 810, 816, 820, 830; but 810 a.h. was before Ahmad Sháh’s accession, and is, therefore, impossible, but is (as written) an easy error for 820. Two MSS., however, give 820, and the chronogram khirak* (apparently the Hindi or Gujarati khirkh or khirki, “ a door ”), also gives, by the abjad method, 820 a.h. % The “ Táríkh-i-Alfí,” in giving the detail of the building, says it was built on the banks of the Sabarmati, to which, however, it gives the fuller name of “ Sabarnah mati,” evidently the Sanskrit “ Suvarna mati.” ## Shékh Ahmad Khattu, surnamed Ganj-bakhsh (“the treasure-giver ”), was surnamed from Khattu, a village near Nagor, which was the residence of his spiritual father, Shékh (or Bábá) Ishák, and where the latter lies buried. He was instructed by Ishák in the learning and doctrines of the “ Silsilah Maghribiah ” (or Western sect), of which he became kthe lamp orAHMAD SHAH, 91 LA.D. 1417.] [Mirat-i Sikandari.] praised, for by the blessing of their instrumentality this city is so charming to behold that in beauty it outvies all the cities of the earth. Travellers are agreed that they have found no city in the whole earth so beautiful, charming, and splendid.* most famous teacher. He started on a pilgrimage to the holy places, while Bastí Khán was governing Gujarat. He embarked at Kambháiat, and on his way thither passed through Pattan, where he became acquainted with, and was apparently received into favour by, Fatteh Khán, the father of Bástí Khán. He did not return by Gujarát, but disembarked at Tathah. He, however, had learned to like Gujarát, and while Muzaffar was still ruling as Governor, and before he had assumed the title of Sultán, he came to Gujarát and settled at Sarkhéj, a village about three hos (S.E.) from Asáwal, and afterwards, at Ahmadábád. He was, as has been seen, associated with Sultán Ahmad in the building of the latter place, and is said to have actively exerted himself in carrying out the Sultán’s wishes. He died at Sarkhéj, in 849 a.h., at the alleged age of 111 (lunar) years. He lies buried at Sarkhéj, and his mausoleum, with the buildings attached, are said to have been begun by Muhamad Sháh L, the son of Ahmad Sháh, and to have been completed by his son and successor, Kutb-ud-dín Sháh. Sultán Mahmúd Bigárah and Sultán Muzaffar II. (“ the Clement ”) lie buried in the shadow of his tomb. [Blochmann’s “ A'in-i-Akbari,” p. 507, which quotes the “Khazínat-ul-Asfiá, Lahór,” p. 967, and other works on saints, and also the “ Mirát-i-Ahmadí,” which quotes the “ Malfúz-i-Kabír,” of Shékh Abúl Kásim, “ Pésh inmáz.”] Of the third Ahmad, Malik Ahmad, the “ Mirát-i-Ahmadí” says, “He sleeps near the Káhnpúrah Gate.” Of the fourth, Kází Ahmad, the “ Mirát-i-Ahmadí ” merely says that he died at Pattan in 840 a.h., and lies buried there. # The Emperor Aurangzib thought differently. In his Memoirs, after abusing the climate, the character of the country, the vegetation, the water, he goes on to say, “ I have already called this city Gardábád (the Abode of Dust) ; now I know not what to call it—whether Samúmistán (the Country of the Simum or hot wind), Bímáristán (the Country of Ill-health), Zakkúm-dár (Thorn-brake), or Jahannumábád (the Abode of Hell), for all these names are appropriate.”—“Mahomedan Historians,” vol. vi. p. 359. From Mr. Hope’s work on the architecture of Ahmadábád it appears that there were at least two other ancient Hindu cities close to this neighbourhood besides Asáwal—Chandrasisti and Srinagar. As has been seen, Asáwal itself was traditionally without the walls ; but Mr. Hope says, “ An old Hindu fortification or enclosure, containing a temple of the goddess Bhadra-Kálee was selected as a nucleus, and one of its towers called Mánik boorooj (burj) is said to contain the foundation-stone (whence the name of the principal street, the Mánik Chok). Close by arose a mosque, named after the Sultán, a palace which received magnificent additions in subsequent reigns, and other edifices, some of which still survive as public buildings, and make the enclosure, yet called the Bhudder (Bhadar), now, as ever, the seat of Government.” At a distance of about a mile from the palace, the city walls described a semicircle of some five miles in circumference, resting on the river and frowning down upon it, fifty feet high or more. The space within the ramparts was reserved for the faithful alone; in the suburbs the Hindoo was permitted to locate himself.”—Hope’s “ Architecture of Ahmadábád,” 1st ed., p. 27. It must not, however, be forgotten that the city walls are not now as left by Sultán Ahmad. Sultán Mahmúd Bigárah is expressly said by Firishtah to have drawn a fresh line of circumvallation round the city. Sultán Ahmad is said by the “Tab. Akbari” to have founded 360 púrahs or hamlets outside the city, and some of these appear, from later notices, to have been included within this or some other later wall.92 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1412J [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] Other cities may excel it in population, but no other city comes up to it in beauty and splendour.^ The chief masjid situated near Manik Chok, was commenced in a.h. 815f (a.d. 1412). A detailed account o£ its measurement, of its pillars, its domes, and its arches, has been drawn up for the information of the followers of Islam. Length (exclusive of the court and north and south corridors (oV^)) • • . Breadth (exclusive of the court) . . . Breadth of the court . . . . . . Breadth of the south and north wings 100 gaj 50 120 20 >) Number of Pillars. Within the masjid itself (exclusive of those in the Muluh Khanah)..............................352 In the entrance of the Muluh Khanah . . . .12 In the throne of the Muluh Khanah .... 8 In the north and south corridors . . . . .212 In the east, south, and north gates .... 32 In the ..... 91 Domes. Besides the domes on the south and north corridors, and on the great gates . . . . . . 77 Of which 20 are large, and 57 small. Steps. In each of the two recesses are 176 steps, and below each 93. # Here follow two pieces of poetry, possibly extracts from the “ Táríkh-i-Ahmad Sháhí” of Halwí Shirází. f 815 is the date given in all the MSS., but the lithographed copy has 817. The former date is, in itself, more probable, for the Sultán, who was a zealous Mahomedan, was not likely to have deferred the foundation of the great public masjid of his new city for several years. The dimensions given prove that the masjid mentioned is the great or jam’a masjid of the city, which bears an inscription, stating that it was founded by Sultan Ahmad, and was finished in 827, seven years after the fort or “ Rhadar.” The masjid now known as that of Sultan Ahmad stands inside the “Bhadar” in the S.W. corner; it was used by Sultán Ahmad’s successors as a kind of royal chapel, and was probably erected for that purpose. Its inscription states that it was finished in 817.—(“ Indian Antiquary,” vol. iv. (1875), pp. 290, 291. See also Hope’s “Architecture of Ahmadábád,” Burgess’s “Report on Kathiáwár,” p. 5.)[A.D 1412.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. AHMAD SHAH. 93 In the same year* that the Sultán left Bharuj (Broach), and engaged in the building of Ahmadábád, Módud son of Fíróz and Mastí Khán, at the instance of the puzzle-headed Badar 'Alá,f entered into a conspiracy with Ran Mal, Rájah of I'dar, and broke out in rebellion. They sought refuge in I'dar. The Sultán marched towards I'dar to put them down. From the town of Birhatí J he sent a powerful army, under the command of Hoshang, whose title was Futteh Khán, his only uncle, and son§ of Sultán Muzaffar. This force was to march by way of the town of Mórásah, into the country of I'dar. At this juncture Ibráhím, son of Nizám, whose title was Rukn Khán, held Mórásah on the part of Sultán Ahmad. The rebel Módúd brought this Rukn Khán over to his side. Módud, Badar 'Alá, Mastí Khán, and Ran Mal, Rájah of I'dar, having joined, set forth from I'dar and went to the village of Rangpur,|| one of # The “ Tab. Akbari ” says in 814. f Badar ’Alá was, according to the “ Tab. Akbari,” a near connection of Muzaffar Sháh I., and that work says that it was this Badar ’Alá who instigated Módud to his first revolt; if so, he may be the same as Malik Badar Khattu, spoken of in a previous note. Considering that Muzaffar Sháh was himself originally of a Khattú stock, it is quite possible that Badar’Alá may have been a Khatri of the same stock; or he may have been a connection by marriage. One MS. makes Fíróz Khán also a participator in this outbreak, or, at least, to have instigated it. J Or Barhani, or Parhani, “ Pirthi.” One MS. of the “ Tab. Akbari ” has “Patani,” but most MSS. give Birhatí. § The language of the writer is vague, and the relationship of the various persons named to Sultán Muzaffar and to Ahmad is not always very clear. Shams Khán Dindání seems certainly to have been the brother of Muzaffar Sháh, and may have been the same as Nasrat Khán, who has been already mentioned. Fíróz Khán was certainly the son of Shams Khán, who was Governor of Nag or wken Muzaffar died—where, also, his descendants seem to have long continued in power. Módúd was son of Fíróz Khán. Fíróz Khán seems to have died (see infra) in 855 a.h., and Módúd, whose death is also expressly mentioned, would seem to have predeceased his father. Their relation to Ahmad Sháh was that of cousinship. It is less easy to say what was the exact relationship of Mastí (Haibát) Khán; he is called a son of Muzaffar Sháh, but, on the other hand, Fatteh Khán is said to be Ahmad’s “ only uncle.” This may mean only uncle of full blood. Firishtah, however, calls Mastí (Haibát) Khán also the King’s full ('hakiki) uncle, and both the “ Tabakát-i-Akbari ” and Firishtah, as has been seen, make Sa’adat and Sher Khán also sons of Muzaffar Sháh, and it seems they too joined this rebellion. According to Firishtah and the “ Tab. Akbari,” moreover, Fatteh Khán was also won over by Sayyid Ibráhím (Bukn Khán), and joined the rebels with his whole force. || According to the “ Tabakát-i-Akbari,” only Módúd and the Rájah of I'dar were in Rangpúr. The other chiefs were all in Mórásah. This account tallies better with the subsequent story, for Badar ’Alá was killed in the storming of Mórásah,GUJARAT. [Mirát-i-SikandLrí.] the dependencies of I'dar, about five kós from Mórásah. There they encamped. They then began to strengthen the fort of Mórásah. They dug a deep ditch round it, and they furnished the ramparts with guns and muskets in regular form. The Sultán marched and encamped near Mórásah. His religious feelings and fear of God inclined him to peace. He sent a messenger to the rebels to warn them that perseverance in revolt would end in their destruction, and that they had better seek for forgiveness and open for themselves the gates of mercy. To this they gave no ear. The Sultán invested the fort, and again pressed friendly counsel upon them. The rebels deceitfully and treacherously answered that they had again and again offended, so they despaired for their lives and for the safety of their families. They intreated that some of the ministers and nobles of the state should be sent to conduct them to the royal presence, and the names were suggested of Nizám-ul-Mulk, wazir, of Sa'd-ul-Mulk, commander of the left wing, Malik Ahmad 'Aziz-ul-Mulk, and Nasir-us-Saif, entitled Azhdar Khán. The Sultán granted this request, but said (to those who went), “Do not go into the fort, and beware of treachery/' When the above-mentioned nobles approached the gate of the fort, Badar 'Alá, who had set a party of armed men in ambush, came out to meet them. They conversed freely and pleasantly with each other, so that the amirs were deceived, and all suspicion of treachery was banished from their hearts. Badar 'Alá then proposed that Nizám-ul-Mulk and Sa'd-ul-Mulk should come aside and listen in private to what he had to say. They withdrew from the assembly, and Badar 'Alá gave the signal for the men in ambush to rush out, and having made the two maliks prisoners, to take them inside the fort.* Nizám-ul-Mulk cried out with aloud voice, “Tell the Sultán that what was fated has happened to us, and let him not delay, on our account, in # “ And confine them, with chains on their feet, in a dark cell.”[A.D. 1411-13.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.J AHMAD SHAH. 95 pressing the siege and reducing the fort.”* * * § The Sultán gave orders for his men to push boldly forward to the fort on every side, and to swarm round it like ants. On the third day he himself went to the edge of the ditch, and the soldiers esca-laded the fort on all sides. The rebels gave up resistance, and tried to hide themselves in underground places.f Badar 'Alá and Rukn-ud-dín Khán were killed. Modud, son of Fíróz, and the Rájah of I'dar escaped and fled to I'dar. Nizám-ul-Mulk and Sa'd-ul-Mulk came out safe and sound from the dungeon in which they had been confined. This happened on the 5th Jumád-al-awal, a.h. 814 (a.d. 1411). When the Rájab of I'dar realised what had happenedj he hit upon a plan for making terms for himself. He got together all the elephants^ and horses belonging to Modud, son of Fíróz Khán, and of Mastí Khán, and sent them to the Sultán. He then gave up their baggage to plunder. After this they went to Nágór and joined Shams Khán Dindání.§ This man was called Dindání because some of his front teeth had grown long and projected. In the end, Módúd|| was killed in a battle between Ráná Mókal, Rájah of Chitor, and Shams Khán Dindání. When the Sultán learned what the Rájah of I'dar had done, he forgave his offences, and after receiving a suitable tribute from him, returned. • In the year h. 816 (a.d. 1413) ’Usmán Ahmad Sarkheji and Sher Malik, son of Sah Malik, officials^ in the town of Nahr- * The “ Tab. Akbari ” explains that this speech was made, as it appeared that the object of Badar ’Alá in seizing these nobles was that he hoped that the storm of the fort would hardly be attempted while he held them in his power. f Tai-hhánahhái, i.e. underground rooms, used both for concealment and for occupation in warm weather. J This shows that the Rajah could not have been in Mórásah itself. § Dindáni, from danddn, “teeth.” The literal meaning of the explanation in the text is, that the two teeth between the two centre and the two canine teeth had grown out and projected. || The “Tab. Akbari” makes this Fíróz Khan, and also gives the battle as being between Fíróz Khán and Ráná Mókal. The text is probably correct. The word is tarfdardn, which means usually the administrators of certain small subdivisions of territory.96 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1413.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.J wála, Ahmad Sher Malik, Sulémán Afghán-^ entitled 'Azam Khán, and Fsa Sálár, turned traitors and opened a secret correspondence with Sultán Hoshang, King of Málwah, telling him that if he had a mind to conquer the country of Gujarát, he should come forward, and they would bestir themselves to assist him, and that, between them, in removing Sultán Ahmad the throne of Gujarát would be at his disposal. To strengthen themselves in this design they won over several of the zamíndárs of Gujarát, such as Kánhá Satarsál, Rájah of the country of Jháláwár, who had fallen into the hell of turbulence, and others, and prepared a revolt. Sultán Hoshang, upon this incitement, sent several of his chief officers from his capital towards Gujarát to make war upon Sultán Ahmad. When he was informed of these proceedings, Sultán Ahmad sent Prince Latíf Khán, his brother,f and the wazír Nizám-ul-Mulk to bring Shékh (Shér) Malik and Kánhá to account. He also marched out himself, and took up a position at the village of Pándrú, in the pargana of Sánouli, ten miles from the hill of Chámpánír. Thence he sent Tmád-ul-Mulk Khásah-khél,J at the head of a powerful army, to attack Hoshang. Sultán Hoshang said to his ministers and amirs, “ I must not fight against Tmád-ul-Mulk; for if Heaven gives me the victory, it will be said that I have vanquished the slave of Sultáú Ahmad; but if the result should be contrariwise, it will be said that the slave of Sultán Ahmad defeated Sultán Hoshang.. This would be defeat upon defeat. So it is better to withdraw from this war at once/’ Sultán Hoshang accordingly, considering discretion the better part of valour, # The “ Tab. Akbari ” says Malik Adam Bhíkan Sulémán Afghán, thus making him the same as the loyal chief defeated in Modud’s first revolt. f The MSS. of the “ Mirát-i-Sikandarí ” differ as to the relationship; two, and the lithographed version, call him “brother,” two call him “ cousin,’* and one “ own brother to Sultan Mahmud.” The “ Tabakat-i-Akbari99 says the Sultán’s own brother and son of Sultán Mahmud, i.e. the Sultán’s father, originally Tátár Khán. J The “ Tab. Akbari ” adds the epithet of “ Samarkandi,”[A.D. 1413-14.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] AHMAD SHAH. 97 retreated.* *Imád-ul-Mulk laid waste a small portion of the territories of Málwah and retired. Latíf Khán and Nizám-ul-Mulk drove Shékh Malik and Satarsál before them to the country of Sórath, which belonged to Mandalík, Rájah of Girnár. There they left the offenders to the consequences of their offence, and returned.]- Sultan Ahmad went with a light and joyful heart to Ahmadábád. It is well known to historians that the rust of idolatry was first removed from the mirror of the country of Gujarat by *Alá-ud-dín, King of Dehli.J Along a line drawn from the city of Nahrwálah to the fortress of Bharuj (Broach) the faith of Islám shone bright, but in the countries beyond that line the dimness of infidelity maintained its ground. In the end the efforts and perseverance of the Sultans of Gujarat (God’s mercy and pardon be on them !) made all pure and bright. Several districts were brought to the light of Islám by Sultán Ahmad, and will be mentioned, with descriptions. * It need not be said that this is not the literal translation, but it gives the force of the sneer conveyed by the original, and, indeed, is not far from its actual purport. The “ Tab. Akbari ” enters into a grave argument to prove that Sultan Hoshang’s defence was a very lame one. f According to the “ Tab. Akbari,” when Latif Khan halted to return, the rebels came back and made a night attack on his camp, which, however, resulted in their entire discomfiture. X Cf. Elphinstone’s “ History of India,” 3rd ed. (1849), p. 677 : “ When Gujarat separated from Dehli, the new king had but a narrow territory on the plain. On the N.W. were the independent Rajahs of Jhalor and Sirohi, from whom he occasionally levied contributions. The Rajah of I'dar, another Rajput prince, was in possession of the western part of the hills, and though he was obliged to pay contributions, and sometimes regular tribute, yet these advantages were seldom gained without a struggle, and he was a constant source of disturbance to the King of Gujarat by joining his enemies and harbouring fugitives from his country. The rest of the hilly and forest tract was held by the mountain tribes of Bhils and Kolis, among whom some Rajput princes, mostly connected with Mewar, had also formed petty states. The peninsula [of Sorath or Kathiawar] was in the hands of some of the Hindu tribes, who had mostly come from Koch or Sind at different periods some centuries before. They were probably tributary, but by no means obedient. All these petty states preserved their existence, and were within the last few years almost as independent as under the Kings of Gujarat. The real possessions, therefore, of these Kings only included the plains between the hills and the sea, and, even of that the eastern part belonged to a Rajah who resided in the fort of Champanir. On the other hand, the territory of Gujarat stretched along the sea to the south-east go as to embrace the city of Surat, and some of the country beyond it.” 798 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1414-15.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] In the year h. 817 (a.d. 1414), Sultán Ahmad marched against the infidels of Girnár, a celebrated fortress in the country of Sórath. Ráo Mandalik,* the Rájah of Girnár, had assembled his forces near the skirts of the mountains to await him. He fought an action with the royal troops, and was defeated; a large number of infidels are said to have been slain. The Rájah fled to his fortress.f The light of Islám did not shine fully over the country on this occasion; still the power of the infidels was broken, and they were changed from the quality of harbis (i.e. enemies) to the condition of zimmis (i.e. tributaries or subjects). The fort of Junahgarh, which stands near the skirt of the mountains of Girnár, fell into the hands of the Sultán,J and many of the zamindars of Sórath submitted, gave in their allegiance, and agreed to pay suitable tribute. The Sultán then returned to his capital, leaving Sultán Said Ab-ul-Khán and Said Kásim to receive the payments of the zamindars. In the month of Jumád-ul-awal a.h. 818 (a.d. 1415),§ Ahmad went forth with his army to destroy the temple of Sidhpur, the # Ráo Mandalik, the title assumed by all the chiefs of Girnár. According to the “ Táríkh-i-Sórath/5 the Ráo Mandalik was, at this period, Khengán, son of Jay a Singh. f There are some descriptive verses here quoted from the “ Táríkh-i-Ahmad Sháhí/’ of Halwí Shirází. It is intended to give these in vol. ii., when describing that work. X The “Tab. Akbari ” implies that the fort capitulated, and it says that the law and teaching of Islám were restored, i.e. as Muhamad Toghlak had established them. § Firishtah says that “ in this year Sultán Ahmad gave to Malik Tuhfah the title of Táj-ul-Mulk, and commissioned him to war with the infidels on the borders of Gujarát. He overcame them, and placed the burden of the jiziah and khardj (the tax on infidels and the payment of revenue or tribute) on the necks of recusants and rebels. Some he brought into the fold of Islám, and he established such a firm hold upon Gujarát that the names of grds and mawds were no longer heard of.” The expedition was probably against a number of petty recusants. As to the terms grds and mawds, they occur repeatedly in the course of this work. As to their etymology, see “ Rás Mála,” 2nd ed. p. 56V. It may be said that at this time grds had come to signify (1) black mail paid to powerful local chiefs for protection and for immunity from plunder, (2) lands or allowances made over to such chiefs by Government, or allowed to be retained by them both as a politic provision to keep them quiet, and as a retainer, for military or other services ; as a matter of fact, the holders of these fiefs were mostly Rájpúts, and the lands they held part of their ancient hereditary possessions. Mawds seems to signify “ a natural stronghold,” or place of refuge not necessarily fortified,AHMAD SHAH. 99 [A.D. 1416.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] idols of which were all made of silver and gold.* In the year h. 819 (1416 a.d.) the Sultán led his army against Dhár, for the following reason. On the occasion when the Sultán marched against Sultánpúr and Nandarbár, in order to put down Nasir bin ’Ain-ul-Mulk^f the ruler of Asir and Burhán- such as abounded in the rough and sparsely populated hills to the east of Gujarat. In these places many Koliand other chiefs maintained a quasi-independent authority, and were termed mawdsis. It was the policy of the Mahomedan rulers to reduce as far as possible the independent status both of grdsiahs and mawdsis, and the extracts already given from the “ Mirát-i-Ahmadi ” as to the condition of the revenue in the days of Muzaffar III., show that even then that policy had been carried very far. In the early and palmy days of Moghul rule this desired object was almost completely attained. Only a very few chiefs still retained any grds allowances or any hereditary status. But in the decline of the Moghul empire some of those who were wealthy enough extended their influence by farming Government villages in their own neighbourhood, and when the central power collapsed these villages were included in their grds. Others levied, by force, dues from the cultivators of all the villages which they could overawe. (This class of grds is now distinguished in Gujarát as Todd grds.) And thus many of the old families, especially in Káthiáwár, who had been crushed and impoverished, recovered much of their ancient importance and in a great measure still retain it under British rule. [The latter part of this note is given in the words of Major Watson, Political Agent in Kathiawar.] The following extract of a translation by Mr. Kinloch Forbes (“ Rás Mála,” 2nd ed., p. 564) gives a vivid picture of the result of Ahmad Shah’s policy and of the state of the country in his time. “All the zaminddrs in the time of Ahmad Sháh raised their heads in rebellion; they were, however, punished, and the servants of the king established in every place. In consequence of being thus completely dispossessed, that bad (class) of inhabitants being hopeless, began to infest the roads and villages with their depredations. Anarchy ensued. . . . Those whose duty it was to advise put an end to these calamities, and exacted security from the zaminddrs to discontinue their opposition. Three portions of the land of each was acknowledged as the portion of the king, and one part that of the zaminddrs, under the denomination of wdntd, and they engaged to furnish guards and protection to their own villages, and to hold themselves in readiness for the service of the king whenever called upon. As these people did not see it possible to maintain themselves without paying obedience to the prince, they now attended to make their submission and to pay the king’s salami for their wdntds. From this time salami and peshkash became established among them. Some of the zaminddrs were converted to Islam and were entrusted with their own talukahs. . . . they engaging, however, to pay the imperial peshkash; on the other hand, from those zaminddrs over whom the hand of conquest did not extend, the payment of a yearly peshkash was exacted.” The Hindú zaminddrs seem to have retained their wdntd till the time of Mahmud III., by whom it was forcibly resumed. Salami and peshkash were apparently money payments, probably of no great amount, exacted as an acknowledgment of the Sultan’s superiority. # Here also follow verses pretty certainly from the “ Táríkh-i-Ahmad Sháhí (though this is not expressly said), and these also it is proposed to give in Yol. II. f Firishtah and the “ Tab. Akbari ” here supply several links which are deficient in the “ Mirát-i-Ahmadí.” In the first place the former author relates that in 819 a.h. (it must have been early in the year) Sultán Ahmad marched rj *100 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1416.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] pur, the zamindars of Gujarát, such as Púnjá Rájah of l'dar, Tirhang Dás Rájah of Chámpánír, Satarsál Rájah of Jhalá-wár, and Tirí Rájah of Nadót, conspired together, and wrote to Sultán Hoshang, the ruler of Mandu, informing him that Sultán Ahmad had gone to Sultánpúr and Nandarbár, and that he was fighting with Nasir-ud-din, and (promising) that if he (Sultán Hoshang) would seize the opportunity of attacking Gujarát, they would make his conquest of that country an easy matter. Accordingly, Sultán Hoshang prepared an army, and wrote to Shams Khán Dindání and to Modud, the son of Fíróz Khán, of whom mention has been before made, informing them of his intention to attack Gujarát, and asking them to lend their assistance. In return, he promised to make over to them the city of Pattan and its dependencies, and told them that, if they refused, Sultán Ahmad would satisfy his old grudge against them. Upon the receipt of this message, Shams Khán wrote to Sultán Ahmad, informing him that Sultán Hoshang was secretly hostile to him, and had solicited their assistance in an attack which he was meditating on on a “religions campaign” towards Nágór, destroying all the idols and idol-temples which he came across, and acquiring much plunder. He arrived at Nágór (held apparently by Shams Khán Dindání) and laid siege to it, but on hearing that Khizr Khán, the ruler of Dehli, was marching to its relief and had advanced as far as the village of Táng, Ahmad Sháh raised the siege and returned to Ahmadábád. The subsequent events about to be described are referred by Firishtah to the year 821; but, as they manifestly occurred between the Nágór expedition and the events recorded in the text, they must have taken place in 819 a.h. They are as follows : It would seem that while Sultán Ahmad was campaigning in Nágór, Nasir, who had succeeded his father, Malik Rájah (whose title, apparently, was ’Ain-ul-Mulk), as ruler of Asir and Burhánpúr (Khándésh), invaded Sultánpúr and Nandarbár, the outlying provinces of Gujarát adjoining his own frontier. Sultán Ahmad moved down promptly to Sultánpúr [it is not quite clear whether he went in person, but it seems, from what followed, probable that he did so], and the invasion failed. Firishtah says that Nasir Khán was incited to this attack by Sultán Hoshang. On its failure, Nasir Khán retired to Asir, and Sultán Ahmad despatched a force against Batnól (now called Tambol), a small hill-fort in Khándésh, which was reduced [Firishtah says a large sum of money was exacted from the Rájah of Batnól], and, as the rains had then set in and the army was wearied with several months of continuous marching, Sultán Ahmad was on the point of returning to Ahmadábád, when he received intelligence of the confederation mentioned in the text. This narrative explains the allusion in the text to the march against Nandarbár and Sultánpúr, of which no previous mention had been made.[Miíál?Siton¿rí.] AHMAD SHAH. 10Í Gujarát. But, said they, “We are the subjects of your Majesty; we rule in this quiet place under favour of your auspices. Far be it from us to join with your enemies! ” This letter was carried by camel-express to the Sultán at Sultanpur, and at the same time he received intelligence that Sultán Hoshang had marched from the town of Mákréj, and halted at Mórásah. The Sultán started from Nandarbár, although it. was the rainy season, towards the Gujarát country. Notwithstanding the violent rain and the heavy mud in the roads, he arrived at Mórásah, and pitched his camp opposite to that of Sultán Hoshang, on the seventh day, which was the 16th Rajab, a.h. 819. Sultán Hoshang said to the above-mentioned Rájahs, “ You told me that you would take me to Gujarát before Sultán Ahmad could hear the news, but now he is here, only five kós off, and you gave me no warning of his coming. This is a plain proof that you are really hostile, and not friendly. I have no longer any trust in your statements.” Sultán Hoshang fled by night, and the Rájahs scattered in all directions, and repented of what they had done. Sultán Ahmad stayed for some days at Mórásah. It was now reported that, in consequence of the disturbance created by Sultán Hoshang, the zamíndárs of Sórath had refused to pay their revenue, and had broken out in revolt. At the same time news arrived that Nasir, son of Rájah Malik, ruler of Asir, in confederation with Ghazni Khán, son of Sultán Hoshang, had recommenced hostilities. By a stratagem of Iftikhár-ul-Mulk, son of Rájah Malik, they obtained possession of the fort of Thálnír.* Supported by the zamxn- # The relation given in the text is somewhat confused, and is stated with more clearness and apparent probability by Firishtah. Thalnir had been assigned to Iftikhar-ul-Mulk (who was Nasir Khan’s younger brother), by their father, Malik Rajah, the first of the Faruki kings of Khandesh, and with it certain territories, as his inheritance. Nasir Khan, who seems to have been restless, ambitious, and unscrupulous, seized the fort from lftikhar-ul-Mulk, instead of gaining it by a stratagem of his. Firishtah says it was taken by force, but the “ Tab. Akbari ” says by stratagem; anyway, he got it, and102 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1416.] [Mir át-i-Sikandarí. ] ddrs of the districts of Nádót, they proceeded towards Sultánpúr and Nandarbár, and revived the former sedition.* On the new moon of Zi Hijj, they killed Malik Ahmad Sharf, Court Chamberlain, in the fort of Sultánpúr, and were pressing on their attack; nor was it then known what they had accomplished. Sultán Ahmad detached Malik Mahmud Bargi and Mukhlis-ul-Mulk, with an adequate force, to reduce the rebels of Sórath, and detached Malik Mahmud, entitled Khán 'A'zim, with a large number of troops, against Nasír Khán.f When Malik Mahmud had ravaged the country of Nádót and approached Sultánpúr, Ghazni Khán fled towards Málwah, and Nasír to the fort of Thálnír. Mahmud pursued and besieged Nasír in the fort of Thálnír. He so pressed the siege that in a short time Nasír was compelled to capitulate. Malik Mahmud wrote a report to the Sultán, and asked forgiveness for Nasír. The Sultán complied, gave Nasír the title of Khán, and so secured his adhesion. Sultán Ahmad, shortly after, led an army towards Málwah to punish the offence, above described, of which Sultán Hoshang had been guilty. At that time, Púnjá, son of Ran Mal Rájah of I'dar, Tirbang Dás Rájah of Chámpánír, the Rájah of Nádót, and others, who had joined Sultán Hoshang at the time of his inroad, now sent their envoys to make their submission to Sultán Ahmad, and to ask for his forgive- was assisted in doing so by Ghazni Khan, who was his wife’s nephew; Sultán Hoshang being his brother-in-law, as he had married the daughter of Diláwar Khán. Whether their object at first was merely to seize Thálnír, and the attack on Sultánpúr an after-thought, or whether this was designed from the beginning, the fact was that the two confederates did renew their attempt on these provinces, and, aided by the Rájah of Nádót (“ Tab. Akbari ”), for a time carried all before them. On the whole it seems likely that the attack by Sultán Hoshang, the rising in Sórath, and the second adventure of Nasír Khán in Sultánpúr, were concerted movements, and intended to be simultaneous; and, if it had not been for Sultán Ahmad’s prompt march to meet Sultán Hoshang, and the precipitate flight of that irresolute and treacherous prince, Sultán Ahmad would have had a very serious task on his hands. # “ Revived the former sedition.” Literally, “ Watered the plant of sedition.” f This passage is omitted in some of the MSS., but it is necessary to the story.[A.D. 1416.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] AHMAD SHAH. 103 ness.* The Sultán, from motives of policy, forgave them. Leaving Malik Zíá-ud-dín, entitled Nizám-ul-Mulk, wazir at the capital, Sultán Ahmad marched, by regular marches, against Málwah. When he reached the confines of the territory of Ujain, on the banks of the Káliádah, he came in face of Sultán Hoshang, who had surrounded his army with a deep ditch and strong abattis, and was ready for battle. The story runs that Sultán Ahmad, on the day of battle, armed himself and mounted his horse. On his way he came to the tent of Malik Farid, son of Hmád-ul-Mulk. He drew rein, and sent a message to him, saying that he would confer upon him the title of Hmád-ul-Mulk, which his father had left vacant, and desiring him to come out and put on the robe of honour. Malik Farid was engaged in anointing himself, that is, he was rubbing his body with oil. They told the Sultán what he was doing, and begged for a few moments’ delay; but the Sultán went on to the field of battle, and the forces on both sides were drawn up in array. Malik Farid, according to habit, after anointing himself with oil, mounted his horse, and came to the side of a river, where there was a difficult ford. Men were standing about, and he called out, “ Can anybody show the road to the Sultán ?39 as he could find no way to where the Sultan was. A person told him that he knew a way over, but that it led to the rear of Sultán Hoshang’s army. Farid exclaimed, “What better could be desired ? ” Malik Farid pressed forward under the guidance of this man, and just when both armies closed with each other, and were engaged along the whole line, Malik Farid, as it were from the invisible or from the realms above, appeared in the rear of Sultán Hoshang’s centre, and at once shouting “ Allah, Allah ! 99 charged like a tiger or a leopard. Just at that time Sultán Hoshang’s advanced force was repulsed, and, although * According to the “Tab. Akbari,” the Rajah of Mandal did not submit with the rest of the Rájahs, and Nizam-ul-Mulk had orders to punish him in Sultán Ahmad’s absence.104 ‘ GUJABAT [A.D. 1418-19.] [Mir át-i-Sikandarí. ] he fought bravely, he was overpowered,* and suffered a signal defeat. Sultán Ahmad was victorious and triumphant. All the treasure and equipage and baggage fell into the hands of his army, and Sultán Hoshang took refuge in the fort of Mandú. Sultán Ahmad pursued him to the gates of the fortress. He then fell back, and, encamping in the neigh- bourhood of Mandú, he sent out forces to ravage the country of Málwah. After a while he set out for his capital, and entered it in triumph. At the beginning of the month of Zí-1-ka’da, a.h. 821 (a.d. 1418), Sultán Ahmad started to settle accounts with Tirbang Dás Rájah of Chámpánír, but that year he did not press the siege with determination^ because his heart was really intent upon the reduction of Mandú. He plundered and destroyed some places in the district, but he accepted a suitable peace-offering. On the 19th Safar, Sultán Ahmad marched towards Sónkherah Bahádarpúr. The conquest of Sónkherah has been sung in verse by the poet Halwi.J . . . After ravaging the country of Sónkherah, on the 22nd Safar 822 * The “ Tab. Akbari ” represents the matter somewhat otherwise. It says that an elephant from the Gujarát army charged that of Málwah and threw it into confusion, and then the Gujarat cavalry charged. Ghazni Khán, Sultan Hoshang’s son, confronted it and drove it back, by shooting arrows into its forehead, then rallied his troops and charged the Gujarát line so vigorously that it was beginning to give way when Malik Farid charged, as described, in the rear of the Málwah army. Firishtah says the elephant broke the enemy’s line, and, their cavalry charging, Ghazni Khán was wounded, and fell back. All accounts, however, agree that it was Malik Farid’s charge which decided the day, and both do justice to the personal gallantry of Sultán Hoshang, who, whatever his faults may have been, does not seem to have been deficient in valour, as the “ Tab. Akbari ” expressly says, though adding that he was no general. The “ Tab. Akbari ” states that Ahmad Sháh, before retiring, cut down all the trees near his camp (whether fruit trees or others) to punish Sultán Hoshang. f The words in the text are somewhat dubious, and might mean that the Sultán did not actually besiege Chámpánír, but, according to the “ Tab. Akbari,” he at least very strictly invested it till the Kájah submitted. J The details given in this extract are of no importance; no mention of any fighting is made; the expedition seems to have been undertaken solely to plunder and destroy the idol temples of Sónkherah, and to have been com* menced without any provocation, and to have been completed without resistance. The original will be dealt with in Yol. II. under the head of the “ Táríkh-i-Ahmad Sháhí,” with the other extracts from the same work found in the “ Mirát-i-Sikandarí.”[A.D. 1419-21.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] AHMAD SHAH. 105 (a.d. 1419) he laid the foundation of a fort at Sónkherah; he also built a mosque for the rites of the Mahomedan religion, and appointed kázís and preachers to maintain its laws and doctrines. In the same year he founded a fort at the village of Mákní, a dependency of Sónkherah; and having left a garrison to maintain order in that neighbourhood, he led his army towards Mandu.* When Sultán Ahmad arrived at Dhár he was met by envoys from Sultán Hoshang, two confidential counsellors of that sovereign, whose names were Mauláná Musa and 'Alí Jámdár (i.e. “ Treasurer **). They were admitted to an audience, and sued for peace, and made apologies in full detail for all Sultán Hoshang’s past offences. The trusted ministers and wisest nobles of Sultan Ahmad strongly supported their plea for peace. He yielded to their solicitations, and, foregoing all intentions of revenge, withdrew from the place. On his camp passing through the territory of Chámpánír, he directed his soldiers to lay it utterly waste. From thence he went to Ahmad ábád, where he arrived in the month of Rabf-ul-ákhir. In the year h. 823 (a.d. 1420) he went forth to establish rule and order in his territories. Wherever there was turbulence he repressed it. He threw down the idol temples and built masjids in their stead, and founded forts and established military posts. First he built a fort at the village of Janur, in thepargana of Bárá Sanwál. After that, he built the town of Dhámód in the hills, and he erected a fort there. He repaired the fort of Káreth, which was founded in the time of Sultán ’Alá-ud-dín by Alp Khán Sanjar in h. 704 (a.d. 1304), but had fallen into decay, and he gave it the name of Sultán-ábád. After that, he returned to Ahmadábád. In the year h. 824 (a.d. 1421) he led his army from Ahmadábád towards Chámpánír, from thence to Sónkherah,f and * The “ Tab. Akbari ” says that on his way to Mandú he punished “ the infidels of the hills of Kántúrá” by laying waste their territories. f According to the “ Tab. Akbari,” Sultán Ahmad built another jama* masjid at Sónkherah on this occasion.106 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1422. [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. onwards to Chóli Mahesar, which belongs to Mandú."* In the month of Rabf-ul-awal, h. 825 (a.d. 1422), he encamped at the town of Mahésar, and invested the fort. At that time Sultán Hoshang had gone to Jájnagar elephant-hunting, and the people of the fort, having no hope of relief, surrendered the keys to Sultán Ahmad, who placed a trusty garrison in the place.f On the 12th Rabí'-ul-ákhir he sat down before Mandu, and, having invested the fort, he sent out detachments to get possession of the territories of Málwah. He maintained the siege of Mandu for one month and eighteen days, during which continual fighting went on. The rainy season then came on, and he repaired to Ujain, which is in the very centre of the dominions of Mandu. J There he halted, and secured possession # According to the “ Táríkh-i-Alfí,” Ahmad Shah made an expedition in 822 a.h. against Jháláwár, bnt the Rajah purchased peace by the payment of a heavy tribute. f According to the “ Táríkh-i-Alfí,” Sultán Ahmad began this year with an attack on the Rájah of Jháláwár, whom he besieged in his capital. The Rájah submitted, and paid a heavy tribute to secure himself from molestation. The reason of Sultán Ahmad’s attack upon Mandú does not seem very clear. It does not seem much in accordance with Ahmad Sháh’s general conduct that he should have been induced merely by the absence of Hoshang, with whom he was at peace, to attack a Mahomedan country. Of course, for an attack on an infidel country no special justification would have been necessary. The “ Tab. Akbari ” says, and Firishtah quotes the “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” as representing [the passage is not to be found in the only copy of the “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” available for this work] that the facts as stated to Sultán Ahmad were, that Hoshang had disappeared, that no one knew what had become of him, and that his nobles had divided his kingdom, among them-selves; this last passage may, perhaps, explain Sultán Ahmad’s motives, for certainly the account of Hoshang’s sudden disappearance, while proceeding in disguise to Jájnagar, might well lead to a belief that he had, by some means, come to an untimely end, and Sultán Ahmad might well consider himself as ■much entitled to the throne thus left vacant as the nobles of his court were. The particulars of Hoshang’s romantic excursion to Jájnagar are given in full detail, by both the “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” and the “ Tab. Akbari,” as well as by Firishtah, and there seems no reason to doubt their general correctness. J According to the “ Tab. Akbari,” while he was at Ujain, Sultán Ahmad parcelled out the districts of Ujain among his own officers. The names of some of these, and of the districts assigned to them, are given in the “ Tab. Akbari,” which says that arrangements were made to collect the autumn (kharif) harvest. It seems, also, that it was the dispersion of his troops on this duty which made him unable to prevent the entry of Hoshang into Mandu. According to the “ Táríkh-i-Alfí,” another reason for deferring the siege of Mandú was a deficiency in the apparatus for a siege, which Sultán Ahmad found would be necessary, and which arrived from Gujarát just as Sultán Hoshang came back. The “ Tab. Akbari ” confirms this.[A.D. 1422.] ["Mir át-i-Sikandarí. ] AHMAD SHAH. 107 of the greater part of Málwah. At the end of the rainy season he again laid siege to Mandu. In the meantime Sultán Hoshang, having obtained some fine elephants at Jájnagar, returned by a circuitous route, and got into the fort of Mandu through the Tárápúr gate. He exerted himself strenuously in strengthening it ; and Sultán Ahmad, feeling that he was then unable to reduce the place, marched to Sárangpúr, hoping to draw Hoshang out of his fortress, or, failing this, to take possession of his territories, so as to compel him to come out of the fort. Ahmad invested Sárangpúr at his leisure,-* and ambassadors then came to him on a mission from Hoshang, concealing enmity under the cloak of amity. They presented their master's greetings, and expressed his surprise that a religious, God-fearing monarch should, for one offence committed by the Sultán, thus personally attack and lay waste a country of Islám, and should listen to no explanation and apology. They promised on behalf of Sultán Hoshang that he would henceforth act loyally and submissively, and expressed his hopes that his offence would be forgiven, that Sultán Ahmad would withdraw to his own country, and abandon all intentions of vengeance. Sultán Ahmad was himself disposed to mercy rather than to revenge. His ministers and attendants also added their intercession, so he graciously granted peace and issued orders for a return towards his own country. On the 12th of the month of Muharram, a.h. 826 (26th of December 1422), just when Sultán Ahmad had decided upon # According to both the “ Tab. Akbari” and the “ Táríkh-i-Alfí,” Sultán Hoshang, by a rapid march, got into Sárangpúr before the Gujarát army arrived there. But before leaving Mandu, he sent the embassy to Sultán Ahmad to put him off his guard. According to the latter work, these men reached Sultán Ahmad before he came to Sárangpúr, and, as Firishtah quotes the “ Táríkh-i-Alfí,” their instructions were to amuse him till Sárangpúr was put in a state of defence. This passage is not, however, in the copy of the “ Táríkh-i-Alfi ” used for this work. But Sultán Ahmad, having agreed to peace, sent the ambassadors back to Hoshang, and the same night encamped in fancied security outside Sárangpúr. This account is at least probable, for the text says that after the battle Sultán Hoshang escaped to Sárangpúr, and the scene of the battle certainly seems to have been there, or close by.108 GUJAEÁT. [MiíaAfsifuirí.] peace, Sultán Hoshang treaclierously made a night attack upon him when he was thrown off his guard against all deceit and perfidy. Suddenly a great outcry arose in camp, and the silence of the night was disturbed by a tumult. Some thought the Day of Judgment had come, others thought a furious elephant had broken loose. At last it became known that it was the noise of a night attack by the enemy. Malik Munir awoke Sultán Ahmad, who armed himself and came out of his tent. There were two horses there, belonging to the horsemen on duty. The Sultán mounted one, and his equerry,* * * § Malik Jaunán, mounted the other, and they rode out to the verge of the camp. The forces of Sultán Hoshang fell first upon Sámantf Rájpút, Grásiah of the district of Dandáh, who held the advanced post, and he, with five hundred Rájpúts, was killed. The enemy pressed onwards, and many of Sultan Ahmad's men were slain. The Sultán said to Malik Jaunán, “ Can you find out what Farid Sultání and Malik MukarrabJ are doing, and bring them to me ? " Jaunán galloped off into the camp, and found that these two amirsj with their forces armed and ready, were proceeding from their own tents towards the Sultán s pavilion. He asked them where they were going, and told them the Sultán had sent for them. They replied, “The enemy is advancing, let us first fall upon him." Malik Jaunán told them that the Sultán was standing alone at the margin of the camp and expecting to be joined by them, and that they ought to ask him and act according to his orders. These two veterans brought nearly a thousand armed and mounted men to the support of the Sultán. He grossly abused them,§ saying that he had allowed * . f These names are variously given—Sámamt, Sámant, Sámat, and Dandáh* Rékht, as well as Dandáh. J Malik Mukarrab is said, by the “ Táríkh-i-Alfí,” to have brought up the siege material from Gujarát to Mandu, and to have joined the Sultán there. On his arrival he had been told off to attack the Jodhpúr gate, but the news of Hoshang’s return frustrated Sultán Ahmad’s designs. § Literally, “gave them filthy abuse,”[MiíáfsikSdari.] AHMAD SHÁH. 109 himself to be off his guard depending on their watchfulness, but they had been more off their guard even than himself. They replied that it had been so ordained, and craved permission to attack the traitor and give him the recompense of his perfidy, which, God willing, they hoped to do. The Sultán directed them to wait patiently for a while, as the morning was near and the enemy would then be caught plundering. Sultán Ahmad then again despatched Malik Jaunán to learn what he could of the enemy. He galloped off, and found that Sultán Hoshang, with a few men, was standing in front of Sultán Ahmad's pavilion, and that they were bringing out the horses of the royal guard and the fighting elephants for Hoshang's inspection. The bulk of the soldiers were busy plundering. Jaunán returned and reported the state of affairs. Just then the day dawned, and Sultán Ahmad cried, “Now, my brave fellows, now is the time to play the man ! ” With a thousand men, each of whom was as brave as a lion, he advanced, and when Sháh Hoshang's army came in sight they brandished their swords and charged, shouting “ Allah! Allah ! ” Each of the two kings with his two-handed sword fought for his honour and his dignity with the greatest fury imaginable, till both were wounded.* When it grew light the eyes of the elephant-drivers of Ahmad Sháh fell upon their sovereign; they formed line with their elephants and charged the enemy. Hoshang, unable to withstand them, took to flight, and the victory remained with Sultán Ahmad. The soldiers of Hoshang abandoned their spoil an5 were glad to escape with their lives.f From every side Sultán Ahmad's troops collected and congratulated him, and the Sultán returned thanks to Almighty God. Sultán Hoshang, depressed # The “ Tab. Akbari ” confirms the story that the Sultáns mutually wounded each other. f “ Seven fine elephants, brought from Jáinagar, also fell into his hands,” —“ Tab. Akbari,”110 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1422-26.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] and dejected, with a few disordered troops, took shelter in the fort of Sárangpúr. On the 24th Rabí’-ul-ákhir Sultán Ahmad turned towards his capital, but Hoshang rallied his forces and again made ready for battle. Sultán Ahmad halted till the enemy came up, and another battle was fought.* It was obstinately contested, but Hoshang was again defeated. They say that four thousand of his men were slain upon the battle-field, f The grand elephants which he had brought from Jájnagar fell into the hands of the Sultán, who returned triumphant towards his capital. On the 4th Jumád-ul-ákhir a.h. 826 (a.d. 1423), he reached Ahmadábád and rested there with great satisfaction and pleasure. The people of the city were loud in their congratulations and praises. It is said that two months before this happened Sultán Ahmad, writing from Sárangpúr, said to Shékh Ahmad, “ From the present appearance of affairs it seems likely that I may be detained some time longer in these parts.” The Shékh wrote in reply that the Sultán would return to his capital victorious and glorious in the year eight hundred and twenty-six, and so it proved. ... For three years{ after this the Sultán gave his army rest, and every man lived in ease and comfort. In the year h. 829§ * The “Tab. Akbari” says that the engagement was preceded by an attack on a foraging party of Sultán Ahmad’s, commanded by Iftikhár-ul-Mulk and Safdar Khan, but the Gujaratis came off victorious. f The “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” says that four thousand nine hundred of Hoshang’s men fell in this battle and in the subsequent pursuit. J “ In consequence of the hardships endured by his army in this campaign, he rested for three years.”—“ Táríkh-i-Alfí,” cited by Firishtah. § The “ Tab. Akbari ” says that the reason of this campaign was, that while the campaign against Sultán Hoshang was proceeding, Púnjá, the Rájah of I'dar, was detected in a hostile and secret correspondence with Sultán Hoshang. Púnjá made offers of submission, but Sultán Ahmad, as he had twice before broken his engagements, declined to treat with him. I'dar was plundered, and Púnjá fled to the hills of Bijanagar. The attack on the foragers is given in the “ Tab. Akbari” as an incident of a further campaign against Púnjá. That Prince again made offer of submission, but as the Sultán had decided on occupying the country, he would not listen to any négociations. In fact, he seems to have built Ahmadnagar as an outpost to overawe I'dar, and only delayed his second attack till the fortifications of that place were complete. Briggs, in a note to the parallel passage in Firishtah, would correct the name of the town to Sábarmatí, but Ahmadnagar on the Hátmatí exists to this day.[A.D. 1427-28.] [Mirát-i- Sikandarí. ] AHMAD SHAH. Ill he marched against I'dar, drove the Rajah into the hilly country, and laid waste his territory. In a.h. 830 (a.d. 1427) he founded the city of Ahmad-nagar upon the bank of the Hátmatí on the confines of Gujarát, ten kós from I'dar, and built a strong stone wall round it. He proposed to make the place his own head-quarters. In a.h. 831 (a.d. 1428) some troops went out to collect forage, when Punjá, Rajah of I'dar, came out of an ambush and attacked the foragers. The commander of the foraging party suffered defeat, and Punjá captured and drove off before him an elephant which had accompanied the party. In the end the troops who had been scattered rallied, and pursued Punjá. They came to a defile, on one side of which was a lofty precipice and on the other a ravine of vast depth. Between the two ran a narrow path which one horseman only at a time could traverse, and that with difficulty. Punjá entered this narrow pass, and the royal forces pursued him. The elephant-driver turning his animal, drove it at Punjá,* whose horse shied, and, springing aside, fell into the abyss. There Punjá gave up his soul to the lord of hell. The soldiers led back the recaptured elephant, but no one knew what had happened to Punjá. The next day a wood-cutter cut off his head and brought it to the Sultán, who was astonished and would not believe that it was Punjáis head. He inquired if anyone could identify Punjá. One of the royal soldiers who had been in the service of Punjá said that he knew him, and when he saw the head, exclaimed, “Yes! this is the head of Ráo Jiu/’ The attendants of the court reviled the man because he had mentioned the name of the infidel in such respectful terms; but the Sultán reproved them, saying that the man had only been faithful to his salt.f # According to the account in the “ Tab. Akbarí,” Punjá was following the elephant, and urging him on with the point of his spear. f The “Tab. Akbarí” here again furnishes details which are wanting in the “ Mirát-i-Sikandarí,” and which run as follows :—“ On the day after (after that on which Punjá’s head was brought in), Sultán Ahmad proceeded112 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1428-30.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] For two years the Sultán remained in his capital, occupied in bringing his own kingdom into order, and did not concern himself with other countries. He settled the arrangements of his army and for the administration of his territories, under the advice of ministers of integrity and nobles of wisdom and experience, after the following manner. The remuneration of his soldiery was given half by means of a jágír and half in ready-money from the Treasury. The reason of this measure was that it was believed that if the whole amount were paid in cash, it would be of no benefit (i.e. the men would spend it recklessly), and the men would be found unprepared with their equipments, and would take no interest in the defence of their country. Whereas if half the remuneration were given by a jágír,* the men would get fodder and wood, milk, curds, and goats from their own lands, and would be in comfort. They would engage in agriculture and build themselves houses. They would, by these means, be themselves advantaged, and would also be interested heart and soul in the protection of the country. The money moiety was regularly paid month by month without excuse or delay, and the men were required to towards 1'dar, and sent out detachments to ravage the villages of Rdar and Bíjanagar. Bír Ráí (some MSS. have Har, qua Hari Rao), the son of Púnjá, through the mediation of Khán Jahán Sultání, sought forgiveness and promised to pay an annual tribute of three lakhs of silver tankahs. The Sultan graciously pardoned him, and accepted him as one of his adherents. Having given to Malik Hasan the title of Safdar-ul-Mulk, he left him, with a strong force, in charge of Ahmadnagar. He then laid waste the country of Gílwárah and returned to Ahmadábád, where he made the people happy by his bounty and condescension. A little while after the Sultán sent Malik Mukarrab with a party of the royal retainers to Bír Raí, the Rajah of I'dar, with an imprest for the payment of their allowances. When they arrived, Bír Ráí procrastinated and evaded payment. It so happened that he heard that the Sultán had moved out of Ahmadábád, and was getting ready his army. This news so alarmed Bír Ráí, that he fled and went into hiding. Sultán Ahmad, on being informed of the Ráfs behaviour, left Ahmadnagar on the 4th Safar 832 a.h. (14th Nov. 1428 a.d.), and, marching rapidly, reached I'dar on the 6th (the distance is described as ten kósi say twenty miles). After returning thanks to God, he laid the foundation of a masjid there, and, leaving a garrison in the place, returned to Ahmadábád.” * It is not necessary to suppose that the men always had lands actually assigned to each. They may often have received (probably actually did) assignments of the revenues of lands held by others. Still even jágírdárs always received, by custom, such articles as those enumerated in the text as perquisites, over and above the bare money revenue.[A J). 1428-30.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] AHMAD SHAH, 113 attend at the place of payment to receive it. Thus, when they were called out on service, they would not be in want of means whether the campaign was in a place near at hand or in a distant one. And when the soldier had to go a long distance from home, or his supplies could not be forwarded to him by reason of the difficulties of the road, the money portion of his allowances was, in such cases, paid to him from the royal treasury (sc. at head-quarters with the army), so that the man might not either be destitute of necessaries during the campaign, or get into debt. The soldier also felt at his ease regarding his family, which could draw its support during his absence from his jagir. As regarded financial officers, it was made a rule that there was to be one a dependant of the Sultán, together with one who was a man of good family; for if both were men of good family they would probably become intimate, would form a league with each other, and give themselves up to peculation. If both were dependants of the Sultán, the case would be worse still.* The proverb says :— Creatures in their own class their own friends find$ Pigeons to pigeons, hawks to hawks, are kind. The collectors of the parganahs also were to be appointed upon the same principle. This system continued in operation until the end of the reign of Sultán Muzaffar, son of Sultán Mahmud Bigarha. In the reign of Sultán Bahádar, when there was a very large army, competent ministers inquired into the resources of the country. Some districts had increased [in value] tenfold, others nine, eight, or sevenfold, and nowhere was the increase less than double the original value. After that, changes and alterations found their way in. Rule * The meaning of this passage seems to be that two men were to have joint charge of each office, and, in order that they might act as checks upon each other, they were to be selected from different classes: one was to be usually taken from the personal followers of the Sultán (often probably from the Khánahzádí); the other from the local nobility. The oouplet quoted is a well-known Persian saying. 8114 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1432-41.1 [Mir át-i-Sikandarí. ] and system were set aside. From that time forward, confusion sprang up in the country, and factions raised their heads, as will be set out hereafter. In the year h. 835 (a.d. 1432), Fíróz Bahmani, King of the countries of the Dakhin, had led an army against the infidels of Bijanagar, and had been defeated. Between him and Sultán Ahmad there was a friendly and intimate alliance, so the latter sent a large army to assist him. When this army reached the fort of Thálnír (?), Sultán Fíróz died, and his son* Sultán Ahmad Bahmani succeeded him. He transmitted some valuable presents to Sultán Ahmad, and sent back his army. From the year 836 to 845 (a.d. 1432 to 1441) every year Sultán Ahmad sent forth an army, sometimes against the Rájah of I'dar, sometimes to call Nasír Khán, son of Rajah ruler of A'sir, to account, sometimes to chastise Sultán Ahmad Bahmani, and sometimes to plunder the country of Mewár. Occasionally he led his army himself, and victory always attended him. In all his reign he never suffered a defeat, and the armies of Grujarát invariably prevailed over those of Mandu, the Dakhin, A'sir, the infidels of Mewár, and surrounding countries. [The “ Mir át-i-Sikandarí” for some reason, gives only the above brief summary of the latter years of Sultán Ahmad's reign. The following extracts will supply the deficiency.] The “ Tabakát-i-Akbarí ” says that—In the year 833 (a.d. 1430), Kánhá, Rajah of Jháláwár, seeing how Sultán Ahmad had nearly made an end with I'dar, and apprehending that he would next deal with other zaminddrs, thought it prudent # This is an error. Ahmad Shah (Wali) Bahmani was brother, not son, of Firoz Shah, whose throne he usurped, supplanting Firoz’s son and heir. As Ahmad Shah of Gujarat was personally attached to the deceased king, Ahmad Shah Wali Bahmani probably did not feel at all strengthened by the presence of the Gujarat troops, and so politely dismissed them. The chronology of the text is, moreover, erroneous here by ten years. Firishtah gives the date of Firoz Shah’s death and Ahmad’s accession as 825 a.h., and this date is verified by coins (published by the Hon. Mr. Gibbs in the “ Numismatic Chronicle,” vol. i. (1881), 3rd series, pp. 112-14) of Firoz Shah dated 825, and of Ahmad Shah dated 826, and struck at Ahsanabad (Kulbargah).LA.D. 1430. J [_Tabakát-i-Akbarí. ] AHMAD SHAH. 115 to seek safety in flight. The army which had been sent for his chastisement pursued him. He proceeded to A'sir and Burhánpúr. Nasír Khán of A'sir accepted from the Ráí a present of two worn-out elephants, and forgetting what was due to the Sultán, admitted the Ráí into his territory. After a short stay, Kánhá went to Kulbargah, and obtained from Sultán Ahmad Bahmani a force to assist him. With this he plundered and laid waste a few of the villages of Nandarbár. When this news reached him, Sultán Ahmad of Gujarát sent his son, Muhamad Khán, attended by several great nobles, such as Said Abu-1-Khán, Said Kásim, son of Said ’A'lam, Malik Mukarrab, Ahmad Aiáz, and Malik Iftikhár-ul-Mulk, to punish these proceedings. He fought an action with the Dakhinis, in which they were defeated; a great many were killed or taken prisoners, and those who escaped fled to Daulatábád.* The Bahmani Sultán then sent his eldest son, 'Alá-ud-dín, and a younger son Khán-Jahán, to give battle to Prince Muhamad. The general direction of the army was given to Kadar Khan, one of the great nobles of the Dakhini kingdom. Under the advice of Kádar Khán, Prince *Alá-ud-dín marched to Daulatábád, where Nasír Khán of A'sir and Burhánpúr, and Kánhá Rájah of Jháláwár, joined his army and besought his protection. Prince Muhamad of Gujarát also advanced to Daulatábád. Several skirmishes ensued between the two armies. Muhamad Khán offered battle, and both armies eagerly engaged. In the midst of the fight Malik Mukarrab Ahmad Aiáz and Kádar Khán, both of them generals, engaged each other, and Kádar Khán was unhorsed. Malik Iftikhár- # The “ Tarikh-i-Alfi ” says this battle was fought at the Manik-bruj pass, and the second one in the immediate vicinity of Daulatabad. Firishtah says the second battle was fought at Manik-bruj. The context seems to show that the “ Tarikh-i-Alfi ” is right. There were, according to that authority, one hundred elephants with the second Gujarat army, but it puts these events a year earlier, and calls Kanha“Kantha Sarsal ” (Satarsal ?) ; but as the narrative is continued by an account of the invasion of Mahaim by Malik-ut-Tujjar, it is probable that the narrative covers some time, as both from the text and Firishtah this latter occurrence seems to have taken place in 834 a.h, 8 *116 GUJARAT fA.D. 1431.] [Tabakát-i-Akbar i. ] ul-Mulk captured two* large elephants. Prince *Alá-ud-dín fled for refuge to the fortress of Daulatábád, and Nasír Khán to the mountains of Kaland in the territories of A'sir. The Prince of Gujarát, when he perceived the reduction of Dau-latábád to be impracticable, laid waste part of the territories of A'sir and Burhánpúr, and took np his quarters at Nandar-bár, from whence he sent a despatch with the news to Sultán Ahmad, who, in reply, directed him to remain there for a while and settle the country, so as to put matters on a permanent footing. Year 834 (a.d. 1431). A person named Kutb, who held the island of Maháímf (Bombay), and several other oppressed persons, complained to Sultan Ahmad that Malik Hasan,J called Malik-ut-Tujjár, one of the great nobles of Ahmad Sháh Bahmani, had come from the Dakhin, and had taken forcible possession of the island and of the neighbouring districts, thus attacking a Musulmán territory, and making Musulmáns prisoners. Sultán Ahmad of Gujarát despatched his son Zafar Khán to put down Malik-ut-Tujjár, and many leading nobles * Some MSS. say only one elephant. f Firishtah is more explicit: “ Who held the island of Maháím on the part of the Gujaratis.” His version is that Kutb died, and the Bahmani seized the opportunity so presented. The “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” calls him “ Ráí Kutb, hdkim of Maháím ” ; and he was, doubtless, the Ráí of Maháím whose daughter Prince Fateh Khán is said, in the sequel, to have married. He was, probably, one of the petty local princes, former rulers of Maháím, who had embraced Muhamadanism, and had been allowed by the Gujarát kings to retain a modified independence under them. The “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” also says that his death was the occasion of Malik-ut-Tujjár’s attack. Yery probably he had left no direct male heir, and in jnarrying the Ráí’s daughter to his own son, Sultán Ahmad consolidated the Gujarát claim on Maháím. J il Malik Hasan.” The “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” calls him 1‘ Hasan Arab.” This was “ Khalf Hasan,” a merchant of Basrah, who, when Ahmad Wali fled for his life from Kulbargah, in the reign of Fíroz Sháh Bahmani, was the first adherent who joined him. Ahmad Wali, indeed, owed his success and his throne in a great measure to the active assistance and to the counsels of Khalf Hasan, and when he became King he conferred on Khalf Hasan, with reference to his original calling, the title of “Malik-ut-Tujjár,” the “ Lord of the Merchants.” The title seems to have continued as one of those attached to the Bahmani court even after the death of its first holder. He was not improbably an Arab by birth, as the expression in the “Táríkh-i-Alfí” implies. The Bahmani histories admit, while endeavouring to extenuate, the defeat of their army on this occasion, Firishtah says that Malik-ut-Tujjár’s brother was killed,[A.D 1431.] [Tabakát-i-Akbarí.] AHMAD SHAH. 117 of experience were sent with him. The Sultán also wrote to Mukhlis-ul-Mulk, kótwal of Dip (Diu) to prepare the ships belonging to his ports, and to co-operate with Prince Zafar Khán. Mukhlis-ul-Mulk collected seven hundred ships, small and great, from the towns of Pattan, Dili, the port of Ghógah, and the district of Kambháiat, and having fitted them out, he went to the environs of Maháím to serve with Prince Zafar Khán. The amirs agreed that the ships should go to Thánah, and that they should go by land. When Zafar Khán approached Thánah, he sent forward Malik Iftikhár-ul-Mulk and Malik Suhráb Sultání to invest it. The ships also arrived, filled with armed men, and closed the entrance [from the sea]. When the siege was commenced, the commander of Thánah made a vigorous sally, but was driven back, and as he could not cope with the forces of Gujarát, he fled, and the Prince, by the advice of his nobles, leaving a considerable force in that vicinity, himself advanced against Maháím. Malik-ut-Tujjár had felled large trees and made a barricade on the shore of Maháím. When the troops of Sultán Ahmad advanced, he sallied out from behind the barricade. The contest was fiercely maintained on both sides during the whole day, but in the end Malik-ut-Tujjár fled within the island of Maháím. As the ships now arrived, the Gujarátís attacked it both by sea and land. Malik-ut-Tujjár wrote to the Sultán Ahmad Bahmani asking for succour; Sultán Ahmad Bahmani sent ten thousand horse and sixty odd elephants from Daulatábád, under the command of his two sons, and he sent Khán-Jahán, his wazir, to guide and advise the princes. When this army drew near, Malik-ut-Tujjár, having satisfied himself as to the security of the island and the stockade, went out to wait upon the two princes. After full discussion, it was resolved that the first effort should be made to clear the Thánah district, and they accordingly moved upon Thánah. The prince Zafar Khán of Gujarát moved to the support of his men in Thánah, and when the118 GUJARAT. [Á.D. 14&2.] [Tabakát-i-Akbarí.] two armies met they fought from early morning till sunset, but in the end the Dakhinis were defeated. Malik-ut-Tujjár retired to the village of Jálnah.* His men fled for their lives from Maháím, and Zafar Khán entered and victoriously took possession. Some of the agents of Malik-ut-Tujjár fled by sea, but ships were sent in pursuit and captured them. Several ships were loaded with stuffs and clothes and precious stones, and sent as offerings to Sultán Ahmad. All the country of Maháím was occupied and divided among the amirs and officers. This defeat greatly vexed Ahmad Sháh Bahmani, and in revenge he attacked the country of Baglánah, near to Surat, f Prince Muhamad Khán, who was in the vicinity of Nandarbár and Sultánpúr, wrote to his father, saying that he had now been detached for four years and some months, that many ot his officers, great and small, in consequence of the lapse of time and the desertion of their men, had returned to their homes, and that he had not a sufficient force at his disposal, that Sultán Ahmad Bahmani had attacked Baglánah and was threatening the country he held. On receipt of this letter, the Sultán of Gujarát postponed attacking Chámpánír,! and proceeded to Nádót. He ravaged that country, and then went on to Nandarbár, and met Prince Muhamad Khán and his nobles, each of whom was honoured with favours according to his rank and position. At this place, and in the same year, 835, spies reported that the Bahmani king, on hearing of the Sultán’s approach, had withdrawn to his capital at Kulbargah, leaving an army on the frontier of his territories. Bejoiced at this intelligence, the Sultán of Gujarát returned towards Ahmadábád by regular marches. When Ahmad had crossed the Táptí, news was brought that the Bahmani king had laid siege to the fort of Tarnbol, which Malik Sa'ádat Sultán was vigorously defending. The # Firishtah, “ Chaknah.” f Firishtah says a hill fort in Kándésh. j According to Firishtab, he had actually marched against Chámpánír in person.[A.D. 1432-33.] [Tabakát-i-Akbarí.] AHMAD SHAH. 119 King of Gujarát instantly turned back and marched towards Tambol. As soon as Sultán Ahmad Bahmani was made acquainted with this news, he engaged, by robes of honour and many presents, a party of páíks, and told them that succours for the garrison were near at hand, and that the King of Gujarát was approaching. Immediate action was therefore necessary, and, if they could effect his object that night, he would give them untold rewards. Early in the night the páíks went to the glacis of the fort, and, proceeding quietly under cover of the rocks to the wall, climbed inside, and were about to throw open the gate, when Malik Sa’ádat came up and attacked the assailants. Many of them were slain, and the rest, in despair, threw themselves down from the walls and perished. The garrison then opened the gate and made a sortie, when they killed and wounded many who were asleep in the trenches. Sultán Ahmad of Gujarát now drew near, and the Bahmani king, drawing off from the fort, went to meet him. He summoned his nobles and chief officers, and thus addressed them: “ The army of Gujarát has now on several occasions overthrown that of the Dakhin, and has taken possession of Maháím. If I now show any hesitation or weakness, the kingdom of the Dakhin will pass out of my hands.” He then marshalled his troops and prepared for battle. Sultán Ahmad also advanced with his forces in battle array, and a desperate contest ensued. When the action began, Dáúd Khán, one of the chief Dakhini nobles, having sought a personal combat, was made prisoner by ’Azd-ul-Mulk. Both sides were intermingled in the fight, and both displayed great gallantry. When the day closed the battle ceased, and both sides sounded the retreat, and both withdrew to their first positions. As the Dakhini troops had suffered severely, Sultán Ahmad Bahmani determined to retreat. Next day the King of Gujarát entered Tambol. He commended Malik Sa'ádat Sultán, and, leaving a party of troops to strengthen him, he proceeded to Thálnír.120 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1433.] [Tabakát-i-Akbarí.] He ordered the rebuilding of the fort, and after ravaging the country round, he left Malik Táj-ul-Mulk, to whom he gave the title of Mu'in-ul-Mulk, in charge, and proceeded by way of Sultánpúr and Nandarbár to Ahmadábád.* Shortly afterwards the daughter of the Ráí of Maháím was given in marriage to Prince Fateh Khán.f In the Bahmani historyJ the story of the siege of Tarnbol is somewhat differently told. The substance of the contradictory tale of the Dakhini history is that the siege had lasted two years when Ahmad Sháh Gujarátí sent an envoy to the Bahmani king, asking him to leave the fort in the possession of Gujarát. Sultán Ahmad Bahmani would not consent, and the Sultán of Gujarát, in revenge, marched into the Bahmani territories, and began to plunder and destroy, which prevented the Bahmani king from continuing the siege. The account given by the author of the Bahmani history is not clearly written, while that in the Gujarát history is explicit and is probably nearer the truth. In Rajab, 836 (a.d. 1433), Sultán Ahmad set out on a campaign against Mewár and Nágór and Kólíwárah. When he reached Sidhpur, he sent out detachments to lay waste the towns and villages in all directions, and they razed the idol-temples wherever they found them. After some time he reached the town of Dúngarpúr. Ganesá, Rájah of that place, fled, but he repented and returned to wait upon the Sultán, when he was received as an adherent and offered a befitting tribute. The Sultán having chastised and ravaged Kólíwárah, proceeded to the country of Gílwárá, where he levelled with the ground the lofty fort and the idol-temples of Ráná Mokal.§ * According to Firishtah he went to Nádót before returning to Ahmadábád, and left *Ain-ul-Mulk in charge of that district. t According to Firishtah this marriage took place in 836 a.h. (probably early in the year). J Firishtah says the Sirdj-ut-tawáríkh-i-Dakhin. According to the Bahmani account which Firishtah extracts, the campaign was a drawn one, and ended by an engagement to respect the status quo ante helium. § This paragraph is not in all copies of the “ Tab. Akbari,” but is confirmed by Firishtah, who places this campaign also in 836 a.h. The “Táríkh* i-Alfi” also gives this date, and says it was conducted against Dilwarah and Dahhilwarah (Gílwárah ?), dependencies belonging to Ráná Mokal (of Chítór).[Á.D. 1433-35.] [ Tabakát-i-A kbarí. ] AHMAD SHAH. 121 He also executed several rebels who fell into his hands, by casting them under the feet of elephants. Leaving Malik Munir Sultání to collect the revenue of that country, he went on towards the Ráthór country. The chiefs of the Ráthors* submitted to him, and, having paid tribute, were enrolled among his adherents. Firoz, son of Shams Khán Dindání, nephew of Sultán Muzaffar, who held the government of Nágór, came to pay his respects, and offered a tribute of several lakhs of rupees, which the Sultán graciously refused. Having established some military posts in the Mawás districts, he returned to Ahmadábád. Whenever Sultán Ahmad returned from a journey or a campaign, he always gave a grand entertainment, and rewarded any of the nobles or soldiers who had done approved service, either by presents or by advancement in employment, or in rank; and also dealt liberally with all the people of the city, with the moulvies, shékhs, and other deserving people. On the present occasion, also, he gave a great entertainment, and conferred various favours. In the year h. 839+ (a.d. 1435) intelligence was received that Mahmud Khán, son of Malik Mo’ghis, wazir of Sultán Hoshang, had poisoned Prince Ghazni Khán, who had acted as regent during the reign of his father, and had seized the government himself, under the style of Sultán Mahmud. Prince Maksud Khán, of Málwah, fled for refuge to Sultán Ahmad of Gujarát. [The history of the campaign which ensued is here supplied from the “ Táríkh-i-Alfí,” whichy while avoiding the details as to Málwah history which swell the account in the Málwah portion of the “ Tabakát-i-Akbaríj3 gives a fuller and more intelligible # Firishtah specifies the chiefs of Bindi and Nowlát. t This date is practically given by all authorities. Ghazni Khán, however, reigned for a short time after his father’s death under the name of Muhamad Sháh. It will be remembered that, according to the “ Táríkh-i-Alfí,” Malik Mo’ghis was originally a kinsman (cousin) of Sultán Hoshang, and, having been largely instrumental in placing him on the throne, had held the offiee of wazir throughout his reign, and had doubtless gained wealth, power, and influence.122 GUJARAT. |A.D. 1437.] [Táríkh-i-Alfí.] account than Firishtah, and a far more complete one than that contained in the Gujarát portion of the “ Tabakát-uAkbarí” Between two and three years seem to have elapsed since the murder of Ghazni Khán before Sultán Ahmad actually invaded Málwah. In the meantime, after various strong and unscrupulous measures to establish his authority, Mahmud Shah Khilji had gone to the eastern frontier of his dominion, where he was engaged in a campaign with the Dehli troops under the personal command of Bahlóh Lodi {not yet on the throne), while his father, Malik Mo'ghis {termed always 'Azim Humáiún, or Khán Jahán), had vigorously attacked the numerous insurgents who were in arms against Mahmud's usurpation. The chief of these was Prince Ahmad Khán, son of the late Sultán Hoshang, who defended himself vigorously in Islámábád, till Malik Mo'ghis procured his death treacherously by poison. Malik Mo'ghis having effected this, had proceeded to attack other insurgents in Chanderi and Bhilsah, where Mahmud Sháh9 having heard of Sultán Ahmad's intention, patched up a hasty peace with Bahlóh Lodi and returned to Málwah. The sequel will be given in the words of the “Táríkh-i-Alfí,” under the headfirst of the year 841 a.h.] When Maksud, the son of Hoshang Sháh, fled from Mahmud Khilji, he went to Gujarát. Sultán Ahmad of Gujarát adopted his cause, and marched in his support against Málwah. When he reached the town of Salangpurah,* he detached a force under some of his most trusted and experienced officers, against Khán Jahán (Malik Mo’ghis), who had marched from Bhilsah and Chanderi to join the army at Mandú. Khán Jahán learning this, by a rapid march reached the fort of Mandú, and the Gujarát ruler also arrived beneath its walls. Mahmud Khilji did not consider it prudent to risk a pitched battle, and shut himself up in the fort ; but sent out a force every day which made a brief sally and then re-entered the fort. After some time he conceived the project of a night attack, but some * “ Jágnapúrah ” or “Basondah ** according to various copies of Firishtah._TA.D. 1438.] [Táríkh-i-Alfí.] AHMAD SHAH. 123 of the people in the fort warned Ahmad Sháh of Gujarát, who was prepared to meet the attack. Mahmud sallied from the fort, and when the forces met a stubbornly contested fight took place, and in the morning Mahmud Khilji drew off and returned into the fort. Ahmad Sháh Gujarátí detached his son, Muhamad Khán, with five thousand horse to Sárangpúr, and he gained possession of that district. ^ 'Umar Khán, a son of Hoshang Sháh, who had fled from Mahmud Khilji, originated a rising in Chanderi. Mahmud Khilji became very anxious lest his enemies should get possession of all the outlying territories. He had, however, by great gallantry and foresight, made such excellent arrangements, that no one in the garrison was in any way straitened for the means of subsistence, whereas the besiegers were greatly in want of grain. (Under the year 842 a.h.).—In this year. . . . Mahmud Khilji, who was within the fort of Mandu, perceiving that no advantage was to be gained by remaining shut up in the fort, issued out of the Tárápúr gate, and marched towards Sárangpúr. Malik Hájí of Gujarát, who was guarding the road to Kaital,* opposed him and attacked the Mandu force, but was overthrown in the first charge and fled. He, joining Sultán Ahmad, informed the latter that Mahmud Khilji was marching on Sárangpúr. Sultán Ahmad recalled his son, Muhamad Khán, who rejoined him by way of Ujain, and the governor of Sárangpúr, who had espoused the cause of the Gujarátís, now again joined Mahmúd Khán. 'Umar Khán marched from Chanderi.f When he reached the banks of the Sárangpúr * “ Kaital.” This name is variously given j one edition of Firishtah calls it Kanil, and Briggs says “a ford of the Chambal.” t According to the Malwah history in the “ Tab. Akbari,” Mahmud Khan, who was pursuing Muhamad Khan towards Ujain, when he heard of the march of Prince ’Umar, was alarmed (and not, as it proved, without reason) that Ahmad Khan on being joined by Muhamad Khan would advance upon him, and that he would thus be shut in between two hostile forces. Accordingly he promptly turned upon the weaker force, that of ’Umar Khan. He sent before him Taj Khan, with a light force, who gained over the governor of Sarangpur (the name of this accomplished time-server was Malik Istahak), and carefully reconnoitred the ground. Had ’Umar Khan remained at Chanderi, or even at Bhilsah (whioh the “Tab. Akbari” says he burnt124 GUJARAT. [A.B. 1438.] [Táríkh-i-Alfí.] river there were only six kos* between him and Mahmud Khán’s army. 'Umar Khán, leaving his standard flying in his centre, himself, with a party of veterans, lay in ambush,t watching a favourable opportunity for charging Mahmud Khilji’s main body. Someone informed Mahmud Khilji of this, who at once proceeded with his entire force to the spot where ’Umar Klián was lying in ambush. 'Umar Khán gave battle and was defeated, and although his men endeavoured to bring him off the battle-field he would not go, saying, “ Mahmud Khán is the son of my father's servant; to fly before him would be a hundred times worse than death." So saying, he charged the centre of the Málwah force, and was slain.J The Chanderi force which was with ’Umar Khán begged for a truce, but fled in the night to Chanderi.§ Mahmud Khán was greatly strengthened by this victory. A pestilence 11 broke out in the Gujarát army, and Sultán Ahmad en route to Sárangpúr), and stood a siege till Ahmad came np, the nltimate result might have been very different j for, as Mahmud Khilji feared, Sultán Ahmad did march against him with his main force; but Prince ’Umar appears to have been acting quite independently of Sultán Ahmad, if, indeed, he was not actually jealous of him, as the avowed champion of his brother Ma’súd. # This distance is given from the “ Tab. Akbarí ” (Málwah history) the passage in the *■* Táríkh-i-Alfí ” is defective, but it seems to say “two to four ¡cós.” t “ On the top of the hill.”—“Tab. Akbarí” (Málwah history). j According to the Málwah history in the “ Tab. Akbarí,” ’Umar Khán was taken prisoner, his head struck off and exhibited to the main body of his troops on the end of a spear. § Where they elected Sulimán, son of Malik Shér Malik Ghori, who had been next in command under ’Umar Khán, to be king, under the title of Sultán Shaháb-ud-dín. || The term used by Firishtah and by the “Tab. Akbarí” in the history of Gujarát is wabd. In the “Táríkh-i-Alfí” and the Málwah chapter of the “Tab. Akbarí” it is called td'a/An and tá’afaní ’azím, “ a great pestilence.” Firishtah describes it as “ of, a kind little known in Hindústán.” The “ Tab. Akbarí” says that several thousands died in two days, and that the survivors were unable to bury the dead. These particulars, especially the sudden and enormous mortality, seem to indicate that the disease was probably epidemic cholera; if so, this is apparently the earliest distinct mention of its ravages in history. Oddly enough it was a similar outbreak, in Lord Hastings’ camp in Central India, which first practically drew the attention of modern observers to this form of the disease. It would seem, however, that cholera was known in a sporadic form to Greek, Sanskrit, and Arab writers on medicine at an earlier period. See Macpherson’s “ Annals of Cholera,” London, 1872. *LA.D. 1441.J LMirát-i-Sikanaarí. ] AHMAD SHAH. 125 was compelled to return* to Gujarát; all on the way back fell sick, and entered into Ahmadábád without any parade.f (Close of extract from the Táríkh-i-Alfí.) [The history is here again taken up by the “ Mirat-i-Sikandari.”] Sultán Ahmad died at Ahmadábád in the year 845 (a.d. 1441),í and was buried in the mausoleum in the Mánik chók of that city. He was born on the 19th Zí-1-Hijj 793 (18th of November, a.d. 1391). Twenty years of his noble life had passed when he ascended the throne, and he reigned thirty-two years, six months, and twenty days. His age, at his death, was # rpke « Akbari” says he returned “ slowly.” f Be-hazúr It may perhaps mean “ dejected.” According to the “ Tab. Akbari ” Sultan Ahmad expressed his regret to Ma’sud Khan that he was compelled to defer his reinstatement, but promised to repeat his campaign, which, however, he did not do before his death. J The chronology of the “ Mirát-i- Sikandari ” is here apparently at fault. The “Tab. Akbari” says Ahmad died on the 4th of Rabi’-ul-Akhir, 846. Firishtah and the “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” say also 846. Coins exist struck in Ahmad Sháh’s name in 846. (See Thomas, “ Chron. Pathan Kings,” p. 352.) There is a considerable difference in the MSS. of the “ Mirát-i-Sikandari ” as to the details given in the text, but those of MS. E (which agree with the “ Tabakát-i-Akbari ”) give the only figures which agree among themselves and with other facts stated, and these point also to 846 a.h. If Ahmad was born in the last month of 793 a.h. he would have been a little under twenty on the day when he ascended the throne, which all authorities place in the middle of Ramzán 813. Thirty-two years from that date would bring the time to Ramzan 845, and six months and twenty days would bring the date down exactly to Rabf-ul-Akhir 846. It may be useful here to give an approximate arrangement of the chronology of the last fourteen or fifteen years of Sultán Ahmad’s reign. The death of Púnjá Rájah of I'dar seems to have occurred in 831 a.h. The first occupation of I'dar followed, and Bir (or Hari) Ráí’s submission after this date. There is considerable difference between the histories. According to the “ Mirát ” the second occupation of I'dar followed shortly afterwards, say in 832, and the Rájah of Jháláwár’s flight, being expressly connected with that event, can hardly have been much later; besides, Prince Muhamad’s remonstrance to his father (which the “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” puts in 835) complains that he had been absent from headquarters above four years. It is possible that this may be partly accounted for by supposing that he was first detached against Bír Ráí, while his father was occupied in reforming the administration of the country. The wars with Nasír Khán and Ahmad Sháh Bahmani certainly occupied part of 833 ,but possibly began before and ended after that year. The attack on Maháím by Malik-ut-Tujjár seems to have occurred in 834, and the war with the Bahmanis and the attack on Baglánah to have taken up that year and the greater part of 835. In 836 occurred apparently the attack on Batnól (Tamból), and the latter part of the same year (possibly part also of 837) was occupied by Sultán Ahmad’s last recorded “ crescentade ” against the outlying territories of Chitdr. He appears to have remained quiet till 842, when the Málwah campaign occurred, and nothing worthy of note is reported after that; possibly he did not recover his health sufficiently for further campaigning.126 GUJARAT. [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] fifty-two years and some months. They say that from his youth to the last day of his life he never neglected to say the morning prayers. He was a disciple of the great Shékh Rukn-ud-din, who was a descendant of Shékh Farid Ganj-i-shakar Chishti,-* whose sepulchre is in the pure city of Pattan, and he also maintained close friendship with the great Shékh Ahmad Khattu. Once on a dark night he poured the water for ablution on the hands of the Shékh, who said, “ Is it Salah-ud-din ? ” (who was the Shékh's servant). He replied, “ No ! Ahmad ! ” The Shékh answered, “ O King, most blest! '* He made his son serve Muhamad, the Shékh’s disciple, but he himself continued to be the disciple of Shékh Rukn-ud-din.f Above all things the Sultán had no equal in justice, piety, and valour, and was always fierce in religious warfare. It is related of him that his son-in-law, in the arrogance of youth and the pride of his royal alliance, committed murder. The Sultán arrested the criminal and sent him to the kazi> who compromised the offence with the heirs of the murdered person for forty camels as the fine of blood, and brought the parties before the Sultán. The Sultán said: “ The heirs of the murdered person may be satisfied, but I must not be so; because persons enjoying my favour of high degree, through this deed, will trust to their own interest and power, and will be emboldened to spill innocent blood. In this case retaliation (Jcisás) must be preferred to the mulct for blood (diat) ” He ordered the kázi to execute the criminal in the bázár, and directed that the body should be exposed on the gibbet for a day; on the next day he ordered it to be taken away and buried. The effect of this exemplary punishment lasted from the beginning to the end of the Sultán’s reign, and no noble or * Shékh Farid Shakargunj Chishti buried at Pák Pattan or Ajhódhan in the Punjáb; hence the word ‘‘pure,” equivalent to Pák, is used to distinguish it from the Gujarat “Pattan” or Nahrwálah. f The “ Mirat-i-Ahmadi ” mentions Shékh Rukn-ud-din as one of the holy men buried at Nahrwalah, and says that he was fifth in descent from Shékh Farid Ganj-i-shakar, and that he died in 842 a.h,[Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] AHMAD SHÁH. 127 soldier was concerned in murder. There is another story. The Sultán was sitting in the upper part of his palace one day, looking over the Sábarmati which flows under the palace. He saw something black tossing about in the stream which was in flood, and ordered it to be brought to him. It proved to be a large jar, enveloped in a black blanket, in which someone had placed a corpse and set it afloat in the water. The Sultán desired all the potters in the city to be summoned, and when they were assembled he asked if any of them could identify the maker of the jar. One of them said, “ It was made by me. I sold it on such-and-such a day to the head-man of such-and-such a village, in the environs of Ahmadábád.” The man named was arrested, and, on inquiry and trial, it proved that he had murdered a grain merchant, and, putting the corpse into the jar, had set it adrift on the river. Orders were issued for his execution; and, except these two murders, no one attempted any others during the reign of Sultán Ahmad.* * Sultán Ahmad was doubtless, from the Muhamadan point of view, almost a pattern monarch. He was a wise administrator, and the people prospered under the administration which he formed, as is amply proved by the increase of revenue which took place up to the time of Muzaffar II. He appears, too, to have strictly and justly enforced the law. He was an active and successful soldier, ready for the most part to assist a Muhamadan friend ; ready, also, with or without pretence, to attack an idolatrous neighbour, and to extirpate idol-worship wherever he could. No doubt his Hindu neighbours and subjects looked on the matter in a somewhat different light. Mr. Hope, in his “ Architecture of Ahmadábád,” represents what was probably their feeling. “ The vocation of Ahmad seems rather to have been to destroy than to build, for his whole reign is a series of efforts to break down the liberties, the temples, and the faith of the Hindú landholders of G-ujarát, in which, of course, he met with determined resistance. . . . Among the special causes of irritation were the appointment of an officer to destroy all temples, and the efforts of Sháh Ahmad to replenish his harem. Two stories are characteristic of the spirit in which the latter were received. The chief Matur was invited to Court, and then thrown into prison for refusing to marry his daughter to the Sultan. His queen obtained his liberation by surrendering the beauty. On his release she told him what she had done. The Rájpoot rose quick as thought and seized his sword. His wife cast her arms round him, but he dashed her to the ground, plunged his sword into his breast and expired. The gallant chief of Béóla was more fortunate; feigning to consent to a similar demand, he fixed a day for the marriage, but when the Sultán arrived at Bédla he was attacked by five thousand Rájpoots, and had to carry on a campaign for five months, at the end of which time the chief escaped with his daughter and married her to the Row of Edaur (Ráí of I'dar), the inveterate enemy of the Sultán.”—See also “Rás Mála,” pp. 336-346. It is, however, to be remembered that these marriages were128 GUJARÁT. [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] Sultán Ahmad was also fond of poetry, and a couplet in praise of the saint Shékh Burhán* is attributed to him (a couple of lines consisting of puns on the saint's name and titles, which would lose all force in translation) .f insisted upon everywhere in India by its Muhamadan invaders, in a great measure from motives of policy. Ahmad Shah was, doubtless, a fanatical Muhamadan, and acted accordingly; but if this be put aside, and if he be acquitted of poisoning his grandfather, he was a sovereign far above the average, and he may be reckoned, not only as the “ founder of Ahmadabad ” CA> bdnl Ahmadabad), as historians often call him, but also as the virtual founder of his dynasty and of Muhamadan power in Gujarat. The “ Tabakat-i-Akbari ” states that after his death he was usually mentioned as “Khudayagan-i-Maghfur” the “ Great Lord whose sins are forgiven.” ' * Shekh Burhan, surnamed “Kutb-ul-’A'lim,” was by descent a Bukhari Said. (He was, according to the “ Muntakhab-ul-Lubah,” a grandson of Makhdun-i-Jehanian.) He first became a disciple of his uncle, Shah Raju, at the age of ten years. Eventually he settled with his mother at Pattan, where he became a disciple of Shekh Rukn-ud-din. (According to the “ Muntakhab-ul-Lubah,” he came to Gujarat when grown up, because he quarrelled with the Dehli King.) He was patronized by Sultan Muzaffar, and afterwards was invited to settle at Ahmadabad. He first settled “ at the village of Asawal, on the bank of the Sabarmati.” He afterwards moved to Batok, and founded the religious establishment there of which much is said in the course of this history. He was born in 790 A.H., settled in Pattan in 802 a.h., and died, when he was sixty-six years old, in 850 (the date is probably an error for 856). f Some conception of its idea and poetical merits may be gathered from the following:—If the Shekh’s name of “ Burhan ” be freely rendered as “ prosper,” and if his title of “ Kutb ” be taken as “ pole-star,” it would run somewhat thus— My “ pole-star ” of life may be “ prosper ” for me j May he, like his name, always “ prosper ”-ous be.129 [A.D. 1441-45.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] CHAPTER Y. SULTÁN MUHAMAD, SON OF AHMAD SHAH. On the third day after the death of Ahmad Sháh his son Muhamad Sháh ascended the throne in the year h. 845 (a.d. 1441).* He gave himself np to pleasure and ease, and had no care for the affairs of Government; or rather, the capacity of his understanding did not attain to the lofty heights of the concerns of State. But he was liberal with his money, even to excess, so that people called him Sultán Muhamad Zar-bakh$h (Gold-giver). On the 20th Ramazán 849 (a.d. 1445) God gave him a fortunate and glorious son, to whom, in an auspicious moment, the name of Fateh Khán was given.f In the same year he led an army against the Rájah of Ifdar,J who fled and hid himself in the hills. From thence * According to the “ Tabakát-i-Akbarí,” the new king’s title was “ Grhíás-ud-dnnia-wa-nd-din Mnhamad Sháh,” which is the title found on his coins (see Thomas’s “Chronicle of the Pathán Kings/’ p. 353), and the date of his accession was “ 3rd Rabí’-ul-ákhir 846” (12th of August, a.d. 1442), which is doubtless the right date. f “Mahmúd Khan.”—“Tab. Akbari.” Fateh Khan was probably the name given to him at his birth. He became afterwards the great Mahmud Sháh Bigarha, and this is the reason why special note is here made of his birth. J One copy of the “ Tab. Akbari ” says “ Ráí Bir,” and another “ Ráí Har Ráí, son of Púnjá.” Firishtah and the “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” make this expedition against I'dar take place in the first year of Muhamad Sháh’s reign. The “Tabakát-i-Akbarí” agrees with the “ Mirát-i-Sikandarí ” in fixing it after the birth of the young prince, and in placing that event in 849 a.h. ; indeed, the “ Tab. Akbari” expressly says that grand entertainments took place on the occasion of the prince’s birth, and that it was not till these were over that the expedition began. This is probably the correct version. 9130 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1451.1 [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] he sent envoys to wait upon the Sultán and ask forgiveness for his offences. He also sent his daughter to the Sultán, who was fascinated with her beauty. Through her influence the Sultán restored the country of I'dar to her father. Afterwards he marched against the country of Bágar,* which he plundered and wasted, and then returned to his capital. In this same year the chief of Shékhs, Shékh Ahmad Khattu, renowned as Ganj-bakhsh, departed this life. He was a disciple of Shékh Ishák, who sleeps at Khattu. Khattu is one of the towns in the sarkár of Nágór. In the year h. 855 (a.d. 1451)f he marched with his army to reduce the fort of Chámpánír. Gang Dás, son of Tirbang Dás, gave battle, but was defeated, and shut himself up in the fort. The Sultán invested it, and fighting went on every day. When the garrison was in straits the Rájah sent an emissary to Sultán Mahmud ofMandu, soliciting his assistance and offering to pay as tribute one lakh of tankahs for each day's march to cover expenses. Sultán Mahmud, in base greed, was heedless of his duty to Islám, and marched from his capital. When he reached the town of Dáhód, belonging to Gujarát, and situated near the confines of Málwah, Sultán Muharnad, raised the siege of Chámpánír and went to the village of Kothrah in the parganah% of Sánoulí. There he fell ill, and was taken to * The “Tab. Akbari” adds : Ganesá, Rájah of Dúngarpúr, fled to the hills, but, seeing that his territory was being wasted, he came forth, made submission, paid tribute, and preserved his country. f The “ Tab. Akbari” places this campaign in 853 a.h. Firishtah agrees. J Firishtah says (Briggs, vol. iv. p. 36), “Muharnad Shah, having lost many of the carriage cattle of his army during the campaign, no sooner heard of the advance of Sultán Mahmud than he set fire to the greater part of his baggage, and, against the earnest remonstrances of his officers, commenced to retreat to Ahmadábád.” According to the “ Tab. Akbari,” the Gujarát king retired only as far as Kothrah, and there halted to recruit and re-equip his army; while Mahmúd Sháh also halted at Dáhód and remained there. It seems probable that this is the true account. If Sultán Mu-hamad marched not very early in 853, the siege of Chámpánír would necessarily occupy some time, and he died in the very first month of 855. The “ Táríkh-i-Alfi ” accordingly makes Muharnad’s attack on Chámpánír (which it calls “Biánah”) to take place in 853, and Mahmud’s advance to its assistance in 854. This work says Mahmud returned to Málwah the same year,LMiráfsilanVari.] SULTÁN MUHAMAD. 131 Ahmadábád. In the month of Muharram h. 855 he died, and was buried in the mausoleum in Mánik chók, near his father.* He reigned nine years and some months.f The above is the account of the writer of the “ Táríkh-i-Bahádar Sháhí ”; but the story which is credibly believed in Gujarát, and which has been told me upon good authority, is as follows:—J Sultán Mahmud Khilji never omitted the smallest trifle of his royal duties, whether towards his people or to his troops, and in addition to these merits he was a disciple of, and maintained intimate friendships with, darvéshes; and when any very perfectly skilful darvésh came to any place (in his dominions) far or near, he sent him presents and valuables, and waited on him with all ceremony, and gained his good will by professions of devotion and piety. Now at this time there was a very holy man in the province of Gujarát, named Shékh Kamál, of Málwah. His tomb is at the back of the Jáma* masjid of Khudáwand Khán, known as Malik ’I'lim (“the learned chief”), at ’I'limpurah, in the environs of Ahmadábád. Mahmud, both while he was at Ahmadábád and previously, maintained an intimacy with this man ; and, accordingly, he now wrote to him to say that, if through blessings invoked by him from the throne of the Absolute King (the Almighty) the kingdom of Gujarát should be made over to him (Sultán Mahmud), such an event would be in accordance with the favour with which the saint regarded the Sultán's ancestors ; and, moreover, that the Sultán would establish for him a refectory for (feeding) the poor, and would settle upon him a stipend equal to that of three krors of tankahs enjoyed by Shékh Ahmad Khattu. The Sultán also transmitted to him, # The “ Tab. Akbari ” says he was known after death as the Khudáyagán-i-Karim (the Great Merciful Lord). f The “Tab. Akbari” and Firishtah say seven years, nine months, and four days. The “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” gives the same number of months and days, but the number of years, by an evident misreading, is given as “ twenty.” J This passage occurs in all the best MSS. of the “ Mirát-i-Sikandarí ” and in the lithographed edition, but part of its sequel occurs mixed up erroneously in other parts of the other MSS. It is quoted from the “ Mirát-i* Sikandari,” in a somewhat condensed form, by the “ Mirát-i-Ahmadi.” 9 *132 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1451.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] as a present, five hundred heavy gold tankahs of full current weight. Somebody reported this to Sultán Muhamad, and said that Shékh Kamál, in spite of his ostentation of holiness and the abandonment of wealth, was such a lover of money that he made the holy volume the receptacle for the gold which he had received from Sultán Mahmud, and kept it there. Sultán Muhamad caused inquiry to be made’ into this matter, and found that the story was perfectly true. The Sultán was very angry, and, in his wrath, took away the gold coins from the Shékh, and deposited them in his own treasury. The Shékh, in consequence of the kindness and friendship of Sultán Mahmud, had always a corner for him in his heart. He was now exceedingly enraged at Sultán Muhamad's action, and did not cease day or night to complain against Sultán Muhamad before the Almighty, and to pray that the kingdom of Gujarát might be bestowed on Sultán Mahmud. At last, in accordance with the text, “ The prayer of the oppressed shall not be in vain, even though he be a vile sinner,” his petition was accepted. The Shékh promised the kingdom of Gujarát to Sultán Mahmud. Indeed, he drew up a grant from the Almighty to Sultán Mahmud of the administration of the country, and wrote to him saying, f 1f God has given you the kingdom of Gujarát. Come quickly, and make no delay in your coming.”* Sultán Mahmud, accordingly marched with eighty thousand horse.t Sultán Muhamad sought the advice of a certain grain-dealer (bakál), who was his intimate friend and counsellor. The bakál suggested that the King should for safety place his women and treasure on board ships, and should for some time amuse himself by fishing at sea. In the meantime, he said, Sultán Mahmud finding himself baulked, like a dog who has got into an empty house, would return, and his # The sequel of this story will appear under the reign of Sultán Kutb-ud-din. f Firishtah says : “ In the year 855, Sultan Mahmud, perceiving the timidity of the present sovereign of Gujarát, advanced with a hundred thousand men, with the resolution to conquer and annex it to the kingdom of Málwah,”— Briggs, vol. iv. p. 36,[A.D. 1451.] l_Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] SULTÁN MUHAMAD. 133 anger on account of Shékh Kamál would cool down. The bakdV8 advice pleased the Sultán, who set to work to prepare the ships, but said nothing to any of his wise or brave servants. However, one of the great nobles, by name Said ’Alá-ullah, who bore the title of Kiwám-ul-Mulk, who lived at Sáídpúr, which is near the Asturiah gate, and which was founded by him near the Saidas burial-ground, got intelligence of the affair; and, thinking that matters were getting out of hand, he seized the bakal, and taking him apart and placing his hand upon his dagger, said, “ What do you mean by advising the Sultán to fly ? I ought to kill you ! ” The bakál replied : “ My Lord, you are a man of perfect intelligence. Do you not perceive that the King has shrunk from taking the advice of men who, like you, are wise and brave, and has sought it from me, who am a peaceable and timid bakal. Naturally, the result is not manly counsels.” The Said said that the bakál was right, and withdrew his hand from his dagger.* But after consideration he determined to test the Sháhzádeh Jalál Khán and to find out where he was. The prince was then in the city of Nariád. The Said proceeded thither, journeying through the night, and, taking the prince into his counsels, said, “ Your father has decided to fly, with his wives and treasure, to sea, and to fish; what is your opinion ? Suppose the Lord Almighty were to bestow the authority on you, what would you do with Sultán Mahmud, who is advancing with an enormous force to conquer Gujarát?” Jalál-ud-dín replied: “ If I succeeded to this sovereignty, I swear by the Lord of Heaven that I would either conquer my enemy or leave my head on the field of battle.” The Said was delighted to hear this, and said to himself: “ Though our master is not all that he should be, yet our masters son may be so.” He then told the prince plainly that the nobles of Gujarát, seeing that his father did not care for his country, and was allowing the government to * The «Tab. ^kbari,” by a mistake, transfers the story of the balcdl and of his advice to the reign of Kutb-ud-din.134 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1451.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] pass out of the hands of his dynasty, had determined on elevating the prince to the kingdom, in order to oppose Mahmud Khilji, if he liked it, and would agree (to fight). The Prince assented, and the Said introduced him secretly by night into Ahmadábád by the “ Mirzu ” gate, and dropped the medicine of death into the cup of the Sultán’s life.* '# Firishtah confirms this story substantially; he says the Sultán endeavoured to get on board ship, and to fly to Díú, and refused to take any action in defence of the country, and that his nobles thereupon went to the Sultan’s wife, and brought such pressure to bear on her, that she consented to his death by poison. Firishtah gives the date of his death as the 7th of Muharram 855 a.h.; and this is probably—at least, approximately—correct, for the text makes Kutb-ud-din succeed on the 11th of Muharram.[A.D. 1451.1 ¡_Mirát-i-Sikandarí. 135 CHAPTER VI. SULTÁN KUTB-UD-DÍN. On the 11th Muharram h. 855 (13th February a.d. 1451), Sultán Kutb-ud-din,* eldest son of Sultán Muhamad, ascended the throne, and, according to the rules and practice of his ancestors, he bestowed complimentary dresses and gifts upon his soldiers. The author of the í( Táríkh-i-Bahádar Sháhí *’ relates that when Sultán Muhamad died and Kutb-ud-din succeeded to the throne Sultán Mahmud Khilji, King of Málwah, had led his army from his own country to attack Gujarát. When he reached Sultánpúr, Malik JAlá-ud-dín, son of Suhráb, who was governor of the place for Kutb-ud-din, shut the gates of the fort in his face and opened fire both with guns and musketry. Mahmud Khilji besieged the place for seven days. After that, through the mediation of Mubárak Khán, son of Ahmad Sháh and uncle of Kutb-ud-din, who had gone to Sultán Mahmud at Mandil during the previous reign, and had joined his court, 'Alá-ud-dín came to terms with Sultán Mahmud. Sultán Mahmud required 'Alá-ud-dín to take an oath (of allegiance) on the Kurán. Malik ^Alá-ud-dín swore evasively, saying, “ If 'Alá-ud-dín acts against his master, may the holy word * He was the Jalál Khan of the previous chapter, and his full title as King was Sultán Kutb-ud-din Ahmad Sháh.136 GUJAKAT. [A.D. 1451.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] destroy his life/'* * * § Sultan Mahmud was satisfied. Sultan Mahmud sent 'Alá-ud-dín s property to Málwah, showed him great favour, and gave him an important command in his forces.t Sultán Mahmúd Khiljí pursued his march, and on reaching the village of SársápálríJ in the sarlcar of Bharuj, he sent a message to Malik Sídí Marján Khan, who held the fort of Bharuj for Sultán Kutb-ud-din, inviting him to surrender, reciting the favours and honours bestowed on 'Alá-ud-dín, and promising that if he would give in his allegiance he should be similarly treated, and that he should have anything he desired; and that if he would bring out the leading merchants dwelling in Bharuj with him, he would double those favours. Sídí Maiján gave him an angry answer, and put the fort in order and prepared for resistance. The King of Mandu asked Malik 'Alá-ud-dín how long it would take to reduce the fort. He replied that it would require at least six or seven months, and that mines must be driven and sabots constructed in various places. To this the King replied that he hoped to subdue the whole of Gujarát in six months. He continued his march, and crossing the river Narbadah, he approached Barodah. On reaching the village of Barnáwah,§ one of his elephants became furious, and breaking loose, made off into the country. The animal came at night into the village of Barnáwah, and the Bráh-mans || of that place attacked him with their swords and spears and cut off his head. In the morning, when the Sultán came into the village he saw the elephant cut to pieces, and inquired how it had been done. When he was informed that Bráhmans * This evasive form of oath was, as will become evident later on, expressly adopted to cover the treachery already designed by ’Alá-ud-dín. f There is a doubtful word before the word “ forces,” but it is probably Hdbish or Sabsh, “ Abyssinian.” This word, which literally signifies “ Abyssinian,” will be so translated in this work; though it is really used as a specific name for all negroes. % “ Sársápálrí.” So in two texts; others have “ Sársábálrí,” “ Sársá-málrí,” “ Sársámákrí,” and “ Sármárí.” § So in the MSS., but the lithographed text has “ Nariád.” || The word is zánárdár, that is “ wearer of the janéó or sacred thread.” This, of course, would include Kájpúts, but the word seems always taken as equivalent to ** Brahman ” only.[Mi^íéiwLí.] SULTAN KUTB-ÜD-DÍN. 137 had killed this fighting elephant, he observed that the climate of Gujarát must be very favourable to valour if such a deed had been there done by Bráhmans. Sultán Mahmud advanced to the town of Barodah and gave it up to plunder. There he learnt that Sultán Kutb-ud-din, encouraged thereto by the holy men of the country and of Ahmadábád,* had marched out and pitched his tent on a ford of the Mahindri, at a place called Khánpúr Bánkánír. The author of the “ Táríkh-i-Bahádar Sháhí” has not recorded the encouraging advice of the holy men, but I have made inquiries of men of good repute in the country, and report what I have heard.f When the footsteps of Sultán Mahmud Khilji were heard on the confines of Gujarát, the people of that country were greatly troubled at the weakness of their own army and the enormous forces of Mahmud Khilji. Accordingly the wisest and most prudent among them came to the conclusion that, as the kingdom had originally been bestowed on the present dynasty J by the Holy Kutb-ul-aktáb Makhdúm Jeháníán, it would be now expedient in the first place to apply to the Holy Burhan-ud-din, who was that saint’s descendant and virtual successor.' Accordingly, the next day they brought Sultán Kutb-ud-din before the Saint. The Sultán made his respects to the latter, and explained that Sultán Mahmud Khilji, with eighty thousand men, many elephants, and innumerable followers, had invaded the kingdom of Gujarát with the intention of conquering it, and that as in fact the kingdom of * Firishtah says that Kutb-ud-din was advised to withdraw to Sorath and to abandon the rest of his dominions, and was disposed to acquiesce in this advice, but that his nobles would not let him. The “ Tab. Akbari” reproduces here the story of the bakdl, which, as has been seen, really belongs to the history of Sultán Muhamad II. Kutb-ud-din’s subsequent behaviour is not at all in accordance with such a demeanour on this occasion, and probably the story got imported from the history of his father. f The MSS. differ considerably in the following story, which is given in all, moreover, at a tedious length. What is here given is an abstract version only. It is, as will be seen, the sequel of the story of Shékh Kamál-ud-din. X See p. 71.138 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1451.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] Gujarát had bee^ iferred on his (the King's) ancestors by the predecessors Saint, he trusted that the latter would now take cognizi ; the matter, and would avert the present dangers. TL int desired the King to be of good cheer, and to put aside all. ar and alarm. That no doubt the origin of all the mischief was the offence given to a certain darvésh (Shékh Kamál) by the short-sighted conduct of his father. Nevertheless he would do his best in the matter, and endeavour to effect the Sultan's desire. He then said, tK Who will go to Shékh Kamál and beg him to excuse the offences committed against him ? " All present replied that the Saint's youngest son was undoubtedly the best person to send* The Saint expressed his agreement, so his son, Shah 'A'lam, was brought to him, and he directed him to go to Shékh Kamál with his respects, and beg that he would excuse his interference, but that it was not right to visit the sins of the father upon the son, for, as the Lord of Glory had said in his holy word, it behoved him to let bygones be bygones and to grant forgiveness, for there was a delight in pardon which revenge could not have. He wished, therefore, that he would write to Sultán Mahmud Khilji to return to his own country, in order that the people of Gujarát, who were in alarm and anxiety, might be reassured. Sháh ’A'lam went to Shékh Kamál and told him what Said Burhán-ud-dín had said, and preferred his request in the most respectful manner. Shékh Kamál, however, did not vouchsafe a satisfactory answer, and Sháh ’A'lam came back and told Said Burhán-ud-dín what had passed. His father desired him to return and to present his regards to the Shékh, and to say that he was bound to grant his pardon for the sake of the people of the Lord, who were not strong enough to resist; nor could they bear either to abandon their country or to live in it # It appears from the context that “ Sháh ’A'lam ” was sent j and, according to the “ Mirát-i-Ahmadí,” he was the saint’s eleventh son (there were twelve in all), and known always as “ Mián Manjlah.”[A.D. 1451.] [Mirát-i-Sikaiidarí.] SULTAN KUTB-UD-DIN. 139 under foreigners. Sháh *A'lam went accordingly, and with all respect delivered his message and repeated his request. Shékh Kamál answered as before, and his reply was not unmixed with anger. Sháh ;A'lam returned, vexed and annoyed, to his father, and told him that the Shékh had refused his request, adding that he himself would not go to him again. Said Burhán-ud-dín said : “ In this matter I must regard the interests of the people of the Lord, and cannot allow myself to be remiss. You must go once again to Shékh Kamál, and say, ‘ Your servant Burhán-ud-dín, the humble Burhán-ud-dín, the helpless Burhán-ud-dín, kisses your feet, and intreats you by the love of the Prophet to forgive the offence of your servant, and to desist from your revenge; for the people of Hindustán are a rude and unpolished race, and the people of this country cannot get on with them.’ ” Sháh ’A'lam accordingly returned to Shékh Kamál and delivered this message. Now Shékh Kamál had not yet perfected himself as a darvésh, and had not attained to his maturity of wisdom . . . else he would not have refused the requests of the Said, and would have paid him proper reverence. However, not duly considering the gravity of the matter, he again commenced to return a rude answer, and said, “ I have for the past seven years been continually praying to the Lord of Glory that the kingdom of Gujarát may be given to Sultán Mahmud; why should I give it now to the son of the man who oppressed me, and disappoint Sultán Mahmud, who has always been the friend and associate of darvéshes ? It cannot be. Son of the Said! give my respects to Mián Burhán-ud-dín, and say that what he asks is impossible. The arrow which has left the bow cannot return to it.” Sháh 'A'lam smiled and said : “ Saints can o’er sins the cloak of grace let fall, And the sped arrow to the bow recall.” * When he said this the Shékh flew in a rage, and said : “ Boy ! * This appears to be a proverb. The appositeness of the quotation seems to be the point which enraged Shékh Kamál.140 GUJAEAT. LA.D. 1451.] [Mirát-i- Sikandarí. ] this is not child's play. One cannot continually be chopping and changing in the matter of a kingdom. It must be accepted as finally settled that the kingdom of Gujarát has passed out of the possession of the Tánk dynasty, and has been settled upon Sultán Mahmud Khilji.” Then rising on his knees, and lifting his hand above his head, he took out of its hiding-place a purple paper and gave it to Sháh ’A'lam, saying, “ This is the firman which has been prepared, granting the kingdom of Gujarát to Sultán Mahmud Khilji; it is no use to importune me; the matter is recorded in the indelible tablets of God." Sháh ’A'lam returned to his father and told him what had passed. Burhán-ud-dín's anger was violently inflamed, and he then and there tore the paper in pieces, and said: “ This order has no currency or authority in the jurisdiction of the ‘ Kutb-ul-aktáb.' " Shékh Kamál was supernaturally apprised of this speech, and he became faint, and saying, c‘ The son of the Said is too strong for me," at once gave up the ghost.* When Burhán-ud-dín was told of this, he said, “ My son has been hasty. There was need of patience here.f I would have humbled myself before Shékh Kamál in any way he wished, until I forced him, for very shame, to grant forgiveness." It is credibly reported in Gujarát, and I have heard it on good authority, that three days after the death of the Shékh Kamál Sháh 'A'lam said, “ Friends, let us visit the tomb of Shékh Kamál and pay our respects, for he has passed away in anger \vith me." On the morning of the next day but one Sháh 'A'lam arrived at the tomb of Shékh Kamál, and, after the fátihah had been said, and flowers had been distributed, Sháh * The historical fact covered by this story appears to be that there was a struggle between two rival sects or schools of mystic devotees for political power, which one endeavoured to gain by intriguing with Sultan Mahmud (already predisposed to attack Gujarat), and the other by sustaining the reigning dynasty. The latter triumphed, and the death of the leader of the opposite party does not, perhaps, require a supernatural explanation. The sequel of the story, though nonsensical, is given as picturesque and as illustrative of the manners and customs of the “ darvésh ” of that day. f This, apparently, is intended to intimate that Sháh ’A'lam, and not his father, was responsible for Shékh KamáTs death, whether this was miraculously caused or otherwise.[A.D. 1451.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.J SULTAN KUTB-UD-DÍN. 141 ’A'lam got up, and, placing some of the flowers upon the sheet which covered the tomb, said: “ O Shékh! efface from your heart your feud with me; the day of resurrection is nigh at hand, when, please God, you and I shall meet each other again.” He had hardly finished speaking when the flowers leaped off the sheet and fell upon the ground, as if a hand from beneath the sheet had struck them off. The people assembled were all amazed. But Sháh 'A'lam again placed the flowers on the sheet, and said: “ Have a care, O Shékh! I have committed no offence against you; accept these flowers/’ Again it happened as before; the flowers leaped off the sheet, and fell on the ground. The lookers-on were much excited, and Sháh 'A'lam, becoming angry, took the flowers a third time into his hand, and exclaimed : “ Oh, silly Shékh ! if you again reject my flowers I will adjure you by the person of the Glorious One to come forth out of your tomb on which I, the lowliest of the lowly, have placed them. Moreover, desist from your hatred and enmity. Of what are you thinking ? ” As Sháh 'A'lam uttered these words a sensible tremour passed over the tomb, and the lookers-on noticed it to each other; and this time the flowers which Sháh 'A'lam deposited on the tomb remained undisturbed. The beholders were beyond measure astonished; but what room is there for astonishment at any act of the great and holy saints.* All these matters were made known to Sultán Mahmud Khil ji; but he, confident in the number of his troops and in the abundance of his war material, his guns and his muskets, took no heed of them, and advanced by regular marches. Great confusion resulted in the kingdom of Gujarát; many persons fled the country, and others, devoting themselves to death, lost both lives and property. # The whole of this passage, from the close of Burhán-ud-dín’s exclamation as to the death of Shékh Kamál down to the march of Sultán Kutb-ud-din from Ahmadábád, is found only in the Hyderábád MS. The text is, even there, doubtful in some passages, but what appears to be the sense is given here.142 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1451.1 [Mirát-i-Sikanaarí. ] Sultán Kutb-ud-din entreated the same Burhán-ud-dín to accompany him to the war, or, at any rate, to direct that his son Mián Jiw (for so the Sultán was accustomed to call Sháh 'A'lam) should do so, that by the sanctity of their presence glory and victory might be assured. Burhán-ud-dín said that as Sultán Kutb-ud-din was the oppressed, and Sultán Mahmud Khilji the oppressor, and as it was the first of virtues to succour the oppressed, he would permit Shah 'A'lam to join him. On the second day's march there was a scarcity of water, and Sháh 'A'lam could procure none to perform his ceremonial ablutions. The next morning he sent a message to the Sultán, saying that he was not able to bear the difficulties of the journey and the discomforts of camp-life, and to express his regret that he must take leave and go back. The Sultán, however, might be of good cheer, for that victory was secured, and had been decreed to him from heaven. The Sultán replied that his spirits were greatly depressed at the Saint’s return, and begged that the Saint would give him his sword. Sháh 'A'lam replied, “The sword of darvéshes, their staff, their slippers, their rosary, all possess intelligence. God forbid that you should do anything hostile to darvéshes! but if you did, the sword might injure you/’ The Sultán fell at his feet, and said, “ You have raised me up out of the dust. You are my teacher, I your disciple. How could I do anything wanting in respect to darvéshes ?The Saint answered, “ The time will come when God appoints.'’ Nevertheless, the Saint relented at the vehemence* of the Sultán, and he drew his swordf from the scabbard and gave it to the Sultán. It so happened that at this time Sultán Mahmud had in his army * “ Vehemence.” The word so translated is given in all the texts as shudani, which means “ practicability ” ; the addition of a single dot, however, converts the word into shidati, which means “ vehemence,” and makes good sense, which the other reading does not. This passage explains the reason for giving the name of Shidati to the small elephant mentioned in the next paragraph. f Some MSS. say he gave only the scabbard,[A.D. 1451.] [Mir át-i-Sikandarí. ] SULTAN KÜTB-UD-DÍN. 143 an elephant called Ghálib Jang,* * * § which was nearly always in a state of fury,f and if, in this condition, any other elephant opposed it, would rip up its belly; for this reason it was known in the army as “The Butcher/’ Sháh ’A'lam ordered all Sultán Kutb-ud-din's own elephants to be brought for his inspection ; he selected one rather under-sized elephant, which was not yet come to maturity, and placed his hands on it, saying, “ O Shidati! by the help of God tear open the belly of the Butcher.” Then, placing in his bow an arrow without a feather, and without a point, he shot it towards the army of Sultán Mahmud ; after this, he left, and returned to Ahmad-ábád. Kutb-ud-din moved against the enemy and encamped at Khánpúr Bánkánír.% Gang Das, Rájah of Chámpánír, forsook his allegiance, submitted to and joined Sultán Mahmud, and in this invasion he acted as his guide. He informed Mahmud that the enemy had seized the ford, but offered to lead him by way of Kaparbanj§ over a ford at the village of I'nárí in the parganah of Bárah Sanwál. Mahmud approved, and the army marched in that direction. Here Malik 'Alá-ud-dín Suhráb said to the nobles who were his companions, “ I have sworn that I will not act against my master. Sultán Kutb-ud-din is my master, and I am going to him; follow ye your own master.” So he went off and joined Kutb-ud-din, who received him with honour. || He told Kutb-ud-din that Sultán Mahmúd was marching by way of Kaparbanj, and advised him to proceed thither. Mahmud had not yet reached the place when * “ Overcoming in battle.” f Literally, “ in a mast condition.” j In most of the MSS. the story of the Saint Shah ’A'lam’s march from and return to Ahmadabad is inserted here. The Hyderabad MS. alone gives it as the sequel of the other stories relating to the Saint and his son, and this arrangement seems more appropriate, and has been adopted in the text. § Twenty kos from Ahmadabad (“ Tab. Akbari ”). || According to the “ Tab. Akbari,” Kutb-ud-din was so delighted that he bestowed dresses of honour on ’Ala-ud-din Suhrab seven times in the course pf one assembly, and gave him the title of ’Ala-ul-Mulk,144 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1451.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] Kutb-ud-din arrived and encamped in the environs of that town. Mahmud encamped at the distance of three Ms. On the night of 1st Safar, Sultán Mahmud issued from his cámp to make a night attack, but his guide lost his way and wandered in the sand and dust till morning without finding the right road. At daybreak Sultán Kutb-ud-din set his army in array. The right, with a veteran force and the elephants, was placed under the command of Diláwar Khán, the left under Malik Nizám, Mukhtas-ul-Mulk; with the centre, under himself, he kept Khán Jahán, Malik Mir Wazír, Mahtáb Khán son of Sultán MuzafFar, Zíá-ul-Mulk, Tóghán Sháh Khatrí entitled Iftikhár-ul-Mulk, Sikandar Khán son of Sultán Muhamad and grandson of Sultán Ahmad, Malik Halim 'Azam Khán, and Kadar Khán. He placed some of his most tried and bravest troops in advance. On the other side, Sultán Mahmud arranged his right opposite his enemy’s left, and his left opposite the enemy's right, and moved forward. When the battle began Mahmud was mounted on an elephant, and had a black umbrella over his head which flashed in the sun like lightning, and he placed the elephant Ghálib Jang like a key in front of his forces, hoping by means of that key to open the locked ranks of the enemy. Kutb-ud-din was mounted on a bay horse, and had a green umbrella over him, and the rolling billows (of war) dashed together like the waves of the ocean. Both sovereigns bravely kept their post in the centre, encouraging and rewarding their men. First, on Sultán Mahmud's side, Muzaffar Khán, the governor of Chanderi, with several well-known elephants, attacked Sultán Kutb-ud-din's left, and routed it, and then attacked Sultán Kutb-ud-din’s camp, which he began to plunder; while he was loading the Sultán’s treasure on his elephants, Sultán Kutb-ud-din s right attacked and broke Sultán Mahmud's left. The troops closed, and the fight spread to both centres. Sultán Kutb-ud-dins elephants gave way to Ghálib Jang, so Sultán Kutb-ud-din called to his men to bring out “ Shidati,” for, he[A.D. 1451. J [Mir át-i-Sikandarí. ] SULTAN KUTB-UD-DÍN, 145 said, “ the Saint promised that he should rip up the Butcher.” Accordingly, “ Shidati ” was brought, and charged the Butcher; at that moment a band of the powerful and brave inhabitants of Dhólkah, whom they call “ Darwaziahs,” dismounted and hamstrung the Butcher, which fell to the ground like a cow, and the tusks of Shidati, entering its belly, tore out its intestines. Just at this instant an arrow shot by an unseen hand pierced the umbrella of Sultán Mahmud, and, breaking the staff, the top fell down.* On beholding this his troops took to flight.f Muzaffar Khan, who was the cause of # This is, of course, supposed to be the pointless arrow described as haying been shot (with a prediction) by Sháh ’A'lam. f The “Táríkh-i-Alfí’’ says that Kutb-ud-din’s left was so utterly overthrown that it continued its flight to Ahmadábád. It says, also, that Mahmud Khilji fought with the greatest gallantry, and, when his army had given way, remained on the battle-field, with only eighteen men, till he had expended all his arrows and had no option but to fly. Even then he collected a few scattered fugitives, and in a loud voice gave pretended orders for a night attack on the Gujarátí army; he thus created an alarm in the Gujarátí camp, and kept the enemy’s troops on the defensive all night, during which he effected his retreat unmolested. The “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” also states that in 857 a.h. Sultán Mahmud Khilji assembled a large force on the Gujarat frontier, but only for defensive purposes; and in 858 a.h. concluded a treaty of peace with Kutb-ud-din to the effect that they were to unite in attacking the Báná (of Chitor), and that each Sultan was to retain for himself any territory he could seize from the infidel. The “ Tab. Akbari ” adds to these particulars that Muzaffar Khan, having penetrated to the rear of the Gujarátí force, fell upon their camp and seized the Sultán’s treasury. He at once proceeded to load his elephants with valuables, and conveyed them to his own camp; and, having unloaded the elephants, was returning with them for more plunder, when he learned that the left wing of his own army had been routed. The “ Tabakát-i-Akbari ” also informs us that Mahmud Khilji was attacked during his retreat by the Bhils and Koles, and lost many men. Firishtah varies in many particulars. He places the scene of the battle at Sarkhéj; he also tells a romantic story that Mahmud, with only thirteen men, charged into the Gujarátí camp and carried off thence the crown, girdle, and other valuables belonging to Sultán Kutb-ud-din. These jewels [which underwent curious vicissitudes] no doubt fell into the hands of the Málwah king; but the story of his personal seizure of them is hardly probable. Both the histories above quoted, including the Málwah chapter of the “Tab. Akbari,” which is founded on Málwah authorities, are entirely silent on this point; nor is such a story consistent with the description of the battle as given by them, which agrees entirely with that of the text. Indeed, such an act would hardly have been creditable to Mahmud, if true; the jewels, in all likelihood, formed originally part of Muzaffar Khán’s plunder. Firishtah adds that the Gujarátí army captured eighty elephants on this occasion, and confirms what is said by the “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” as to the pretence of a night attack used by Mahmud Khilji to cover his retreat, and as to the treaty and its provisions, which latter are in themselves probable and in harmony with sub- 10146 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1451.1 [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] these hostilities, was taken prisoner,* and Kutb-ud-din ordered that he should be beheaded, and that his head should be hung over the gate of Kaparbanj. This battle was fought on a Friday, in the month of Safar, a.h. 855 (March 1451). Thus Sultán Mahmud, who relied on his numerous army, and the number of his implements of war, was defeated, and Sultán Kutb-ud-din, who listened to the words of darvéshes and holy men, and obeyed their commands, gained the victory. It is said that when Sháh 'A'lam was departing from the camp he said to Sultán Kutb-ud-din, “Will you not make a small offering to the spirits of the prophets of the faith in acknowledgment of the attainment of your wishes ? ” The Sultán said he would give a tankdh of gold for each prophet, to be divided among the poor. The Saint said that this was too much, that such a payment would be difficult even for the rich. The Sultán pressed the acceptance of his offer, and the Saint said, “ Then let the tankahs be silver, and not gold,” and the Sultán agreed. After the victory the Sultán sent seventy thousand silver tankahs. Sháh 'A'lam said the number of the prophets was more than seventy thousand, and returned the money; but he divided among the poor a lakh and twenty-four thousand tankahs out of his own money. The Sultán took no notice, but one day he remarked to Saint Burhán-ud-dín, “I sent seventy thousand tankahs of silver to Sháh ’A'lam; he did not honour me by accepting them, but sent them back.” He said, however, nothing about what he had promised. Burhán-ud-dín said to Sháh ’A'lam, “ My son, a thank-offering sequent events. The “ Mirát-i-Sikandarí,’5 further on, relates the conclusion of a similar treaty, but dates it in 860 a.h. It is probable that 857 a.h. is the correct date. # Three reasons are above assigned for Mahmud’s invasion ; viz. first, the weakness and timidity of the Sultan of Gujarát j secondly, the invitation from a disloyal but influential portion of the religious recluses; thirdly, the advice and instigation of a discontented member of the royal family of Gujarát. In all probability all these causes combined to induce Sultán Mahmud to give the reins to his ambition, which was never of a scrupulous character. It is probable that Muzaffar Khán was not the Muzaffar Khán distinguished by the title of Governor of Chandérí, of whom mention is made above.[A.D. 1451.] f Mir át-i-Sikandar i. ] SULTAN KUTB-ÜD-DÍN. 147 for a victory is not a matter for chaffering. You should not have returned the money." Sháh ’A'lam, out of politeness, kept silence, and said not a word; but he was offended with Sultán Kutb-ud-din on account of this matter, and a coldness came over the affection with which he formerly regarded Sultán Kutb-ud-din, and the effects of this coolness will appear in the subsequent narrative. Another story relates that when Mahmud Khilji reached the frontiers of Gujarát he was waited upon by some Hindu accountants who had gone over to him from Kutb-ud-din. Mahmud asked them for a statement of the revenues of Gujarát, and on looking at it he perceived that two-sixths were appropriated to the jágírs of the soldiery, and that one-sixth was assigned in charitable allowances, as áímah, &c. This proportion of charitable allowances existed to the days of Kutb-ud-din. Afterwards each Sultán increased it at his pleasure. Mahmud observed that the conquest of Gujarát was a difficult undertaking, because it had one army for day and another for night.* Sultán Kutb-ud-din returned triumphant to Ahmadábád, and gave himself up to amusement and pleasure. He gave splendid feasts and regal entertainments, and indulged in drinking of wine and sensuality. He erected some fine buildings, such as the matchless Hauz (tank) of Kánkaríah, the garden of Naginah, and the tank therein; also the palace and gardens of Ghát Mandol,f all of them as magnificent as the mansions of heaven, and as lovely as the gardens of Fairyland, and are still to be found outside the walls of the city. The writer of this work saw them all some years ago, but now not a trace is left of * The meaning is that there was an army of soldiers for service by day, and an army of holy men who spent the night in prayer for the kingdom. Some MSS. say that one-sixth was devoted to charity and to the expenses of Royalty, but the reading in the text has been adopted as preferable. f Ghát Mandól. This name, which is very variously written in the texts, is restored from the “ Mirát-i-Ahmadí,” in the appendix to which is also a long account of# these gardens, the story of their construction, and the etymology of their names. This account it is proposed to give as an appendix to Vol. II. 10 *148 GÜJAEÁT. [MiíftfsSarí.j the palace, though the tank (of Kánkaríah) and the garden remain. In the year 855 (a.d. 1451), Sultán Mahmud Kliilji went out with an army to effect the conquest of the country of Nágór, and Sultan Kutb-ud-din sent Said 'Atá-ullah, entitled Kiwám-ul-Mulk, with a strong force to his support.* He had reached the neighbourhood of Sámbhar when Mahmud desisted from his enterprise and returned home. Kiwám-ul-Mulk did the same.f Soon after this Fíróz Khán, son of Shams Khán Dindáni, ruler of Nágór died. Mujáhid Khan, brother of Fíróz Khán, then expelled Shams Khán the son of Fíróz, and seized upon the government. Shams Khán took refuge with the Ráná,{ and having obtained his assistance he attacked Nágór. Mujáhid Khán being unable to meet the attack went to Sultán Mahmud. The Ráná wished to throw down a building in Nágór,§ but Shams Khán objected, and the dispute grew so warm that they nearly came to a fight. The Ráná went off in anger to his own country, and having collected an army he returned to attack Nágór. Shams Khan set the fort of Nágór in order, and went * This is probably a version of the statement in the “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” as to Mahmud’s assembly of a defensive force on his frontier in 857 a.h. It seems more probable that this part of the narrative relates to this last-named year than to 855 a.h. as stated in the text. f According to the “ Mirát-i-Ahmadí,” Burhán-ud-dín, the Saint, died in 857 or 858 ; this must be at least approximately correct, for, as will be seen, his son, Sháh ’A'lam, thenceforward took the leadership of the school of devotees, and took a very active part in the politics of his day. J Ráná Kómbhá, son of Ráná Mókal (“ Tab. Akbari” and Firishtah). § This, as it stands, is unintelligible. The “Tab. Akbari ” says : “ The Ráná promised to wrest Nágór from Mujáhid Khán, and restore it to Shams Khán on condition of his throwing down the top of the battlements of the fort. His object was this. Ráná Mókal had formerly been defeated by Fíróz Khán and put to flight with a loss of three thousand Rájpúts, and his son now thought that if he removed the upper battlements from the fortifications, the world would say, 1 Although Ráná Mókal ran away, his son has laid his hand upon the fort.’ The wretched Shams Khán had no option but to accede. . . . After the place was taken, the Ráná sent to require the fulfilment of the condition. Shams Khán called a meeting of his nobles and officers and laid the matter before them. They said, ‘ Would to God that Fíróz Khán had left a daughter, for then the honour of his family would have been saved.’ Shams Khán proudly answered the Ráná, ‘ That heads must fall before the battlements came down.’ The Ráná then retired to his country.” Firishtah gives the same account, and it is also confirmed by the “ Táríkh-i-Alfí,”[Miráfsiktnárí.] SULTAN KUTB-UD-DÍN. 149 to wait upon Sultán Kutb-ud-dín and seek his aid. He took with him his daughter and gave her to the Sultán to wife. Kutb-ud-din sent Ráí A'mi Chand Mánik and Malik Gadáí, with other nobles and an army, to relieve the fort of Nágór, but he kept Shams Khán near himself. The nobles fought a battle with the Ráná near Nágór. Many Musulmáns received the honour of martyrdom, and numberless infidels went their way to hell, but victory declared for neither. The Ráná plundered the town of Nágór and the neighbourhood, and then retired to his own country.* In the year 860 (a.d. 1456) Sultán Kutb-ud-din led forth his army against the country of the Ráná to avenge the ravaging of Nágór. On his way he was waited on by Khatíá Déórah Rájah of Siróhí, who came to complain that the Ráná had taken from him, by force, the fort of A'bu, which had been the abode and refuge of his ancestors, and entreated the Sultán to right him by recovering it. The Sultán deputed Malik Sha’bán 'Imád-ul-Mulk to wrest the fort out of the hands of the adherents of the Ráná and to make it over to Khatíá. The Malik had never been employed in such a service before. He went in among narrow and difficult passes in the hills in an unsoldierly manner, and the enemy opposed his advance and poured down on him on all sides from the heights, and he was defeated with the loss of many men.f When this news reached the Sultán he was already in the neighbourhood of Kómbhálmír, * According to the “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” Shams Khan went with this force and was decidedly worsted, and Firishtah has the same story. f According to the “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” Sha3ban simply failed in reducing A'bn, and, after suffering heavy losses, was recalled. Firishtah takes no notice of the episode. According to the “ Tab. Akbarí,” Sha’bán failed, and, losing many men, the Sultán recalled him, ordering him to raise the siege of A/bú for the present, but to promise Khatíá Déórah that he would deal with A'bu on another occasion. X According to Firishtah, the “Tab. Akbari,” and the “Táríkh-i-Alfí,33 Kutb-ud-din first marched against Siróhí, the Rájah of which place came out and gave battle, and after a severe engagement was defeated. Kutb-ud-din then pressed on against Kómbhálmír, sending out detachments to ravage the country as he advanced. On reaching Kómbhálmír he sat down before it, and Ráná Kómbhá came out and gave battle. (The “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” says two days after Kutb-ud-din’s arrival.) Khómbhálmír was one of the thirty-two fortresses erected by Ráná Kómbhá (Tod’s “ Rájasthán,” ch. 8).150 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1457. J [Mirát-i- Sikan darí. ] and Ráná Kómbhá came down from his fort and made an attack, but he was defeated with heavy loss, and retired to his stronghold. Sultán Kutb-ud-din invested Kómbhálmír and sent out detachments to ravage the country. It is said that it was so frequently and completely plundered that not a single head of cattle was left in the home of any Hindu, and slaves, male and female, beyond count fell into the hands of the spoilers. Kómbhá was helpless and begged for pardon. He sent a suitable tribute, and bound himself by a solemn engagement never again to attack Nágór or invade the territories of Islám. The Sultán then returned to his capital, and gave himself up to splendid festivities and pleasures. In course of time, ambassadors arrived from Sultán Mahmud Khilji, with a message to the effect that strife among the people of Islám resulted in the peace and security of the infidels, and that it was expedient, in accordance with the precept that “ believers should be brothers/’ that they should enter into a close alliance with each other, and direct their efforts to the repression of the infidels, especially Ráná Kómbhá, who had so often wronged Musulmáns. Mahmud Khilji proposed that he should assail him on one side, and Sultán Kutb-ud-din on the other; thus they would utterly destroy him, and they could then divide his country between them. Sultán Kutb-ud-din accepted the proposal, and a treaty in accordance therewith was duly executed.* In the year 861 (a.d. 1457) Kutb-ud-din led an army against Ráná Kómbhá. Mahmud Khilji advanced on the other side till he reached the town of Mandisór ; while Sultán * Firishtah says the embassy, of which one Taj Khan was chief, reached Kutb-ud-din on his return towards Gujarat. The “ Tarikh-i-Alfi ” especially calls this a fresh treaty; probably the object of the first treaty of 858 a.h. was really only to conclude peace between themselves. The present one was directed against the Rana of Chitor. Firishtah says the treaty was executed at (or near) Champanir. The “ Tabakat-i-Akbari ” gives the names of the nobles who negotiated the treaty: on behalf of Mahmud, Shekh Nizam-ud-din and Malik-ul-’Ulema j on Kutb-ud-din’s side, Kazi Hisam-ud-din.[MMtístonirí.] SULTÁN KUTB-UD-DÍN. 151 Kutb-ucUdín advanced by Nádót and Bálásanwah. Sultán Kutb-ud-dín's first operation was to reduce the fort of A'bu, which he made over to Khatíá Déórah. From thence he advanced upon Kómbhálmír and ravaged all its territories. At that time Ráná Kómbhá was in the fort of Chitór, and Sultán Kutb-ud-dín marched thither. The Ráná came out of Chitór with forty thousand horse and two hundred elephants, and, occupying the narrow defiles and rugged positions, gave battle. It is said that fighting went on for five days, and that a cup* of water was sold for five phadiyas, equivalent in that neighbourhood to twelve Murádí tankahs. On the fifth day the Musulmán army gained the victory, and the Ráná, baffled and defeated, returned with a sad heart and a pale face to Chitór.f The Sultán followed him and invested the fortress, and in the end the representatives of Ráná Kómbhá, son of Mókal, came to beg forgiveness at the feet of the Sultán. A suitable tributej was taken, and the Ráná made a covenant that he would never again molest Nágór. The Sultán then returned to his capital,§ and Sultán Mahmúd went homewards, having received from the Ráná the district of Mandisór and several other parganahs adjacent to the territories of Málwah.|| Six months later Ráná Kómbhá broke the treaty, and set forth to plunder Nágór. Intelligence of this reached Malik Sha'bán Hmád-ul-Mulk at midnight. He went at once to the Sultán^s private apartments and asked for him. He was told * Some MSS. read, “ a poppy-head fall,” i.e. “ a mere thimbleful.” f The “ Tab. Akbari ” says the fighting lasted only one day j the battle was drawn. The next day the Ráná withdrew into the fort and sued for peace. The “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” gives no particulars, but Firishtah speaks of two battles, one near Sirohi, another near Chitór. J Firishtah says fourteen maunds of gold, two elephants, and other valuables ; the Ci Tab. Akbari,” four maunds of gold, several elephants, and other things; the “Táríkh-i-Alfí,” four maunds of gold, two elephants, fifty horses, and precious stuffs. § The “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” seems rather to intimate that Kutb-ud-din made his own terms and left Mahmud to shift for himself. || Ráná Kómbhá’s view of these transactions has been put on record by himself on the celebrated “ pillar of victory ” which he erected at Chitór. See Fergusson’s “ History of Architecture,” and Thomas’s “ Chronicles of the Pathán Kings,” p. 254. He claimed to have captured Mahmud of Málwab ; see Tod’s “ Rájasthán,” vol. i. ch. 8.152 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1458. J [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] that the Sultán was sleeping. “ Wake him/* he said. The servants replied that they dared not do so. The wazir entered the king’s bed-room and pressed his feet. The Sultan started up and said, “ What is it ? ** The wazir replied, '‘It is your slave, Sha’bán/* The Sultán asked if there was any news. Sha’bán answered, “ Yes/* “ Tell it at once/* said the Sultán, and the wazir said: “ The news has just come that the accursed Kómbhá, in violation of his oath, is again marching against Nágór; let the order be given this moment for the alarm to be beaten, and ride outside the city with your troops. Then the Ráná, as soon as he hears of it, will at once march back and will not attempt this place again. Otherwise the mischief will spread far and wide. Now is the time to devise means to stop it.*’ The king said, “ I have a sick head-ache,* and am unable to ride.*’ The wazir said, “ You can go in a pálkí.** So the Sultán got into a pálkí and commanded the march towards Kómbhálmír at once. The Ránas spies informed him of this movement, and he, on hearing of it, returned to his country. In 862f (a.d. 1458) Kutb-ud-din the Sultán moved to # The expression used signifies a head-ache produced by drunkenness, íirishtah says that the Sultan could not be got out of his capital at all; but that ’Imád-ul-Mulk moved the troops on one march ; but the troops were not equipped for the campaign till after a month’s halt there, and says that Kutb-ud-din returned to Ahmadábád when the Ráná withdrew. The “ Táríkh ” gives nearly the same story, but puts it in 862 a.h., and makes the Sultán continue his march in spite of the Ráná’s withdrawal, and connects this affair with the foray against Siróhí, mentioned in the next paragraph of the text. The “ Tab. Akbari ” separates the two events, and places the first in 861 a.h., making the Sultán return to Ahmadábád, and says that he moved against Siróhí at the commencement of 862 a.h. f The “ Tab. Akbari ” speaks of this campaign as follows : Kutb-ud-din marched towards Siróhí with the intention of punishing Kómbhá; the Rájah of Siróhí, who was a near relative of Ráná Kómbhá fled to the hills (this was not, apparently, Khatíá Déórah), and the Sultán for the third time burnt Siróhí, and plundered the towns (in the neighbourhood). He then sent a detachment to lay waste the territories of the Ráná Kómbhá, and himself moved upon Kómbhálmír. On his way he heard that Sultán Mahmud Khilji had marched upon Chit or by way of Mandisór, and had occupied all the districts dependent on it. Sultán Kutb-ud-din pushed on straight in pursuit of Ráná Kómbhá, and shut him up in Kómbhálmír. After the lapse of some time he discovered that to reduce the fort would be a very difficult business, so he raised the siege and marched towards Chitór. After ravaging the country in that neighbourhood he returned to Ahmadábád. To every soldierSULTAN KUTB-UD-DIN. 158 [A.D. 1458.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] Siróhí, and from thence he entered the country of the Ráná, and having laid it waste, returned home. The Sultán was now in the decline of life,* and on the 20th of Rajabf he died. He had reigned eight years, six months, and thirteen days. It is related that when the daughter of Jám Jun of SindJ gave birth to Fateh Khán, another daughter (of the Jám) was married to Sháh 'Alam. She also had children.§ Sháh Bhikan was her son. When the Sultan's wife told her sister the news, the latter begged Sháh 'A'lam to send for the boy to her house, lest any harm should happen to him. Fateh Khán’s mother kept him most carefully in that house; but they were in perpetual anxiety for fear of Sultán Kutb-ud-din. At last one day Sultán Kutb-ud-din in an idle moment bethought him of Fateh Khán, and asked where he was; they told him that he was with his maternal aunt in the house of Sháh 'A'lam, and that the Saint treated him with the utmost regard. On hearing this the Sultán became jealous and angry, and took a dislike to Fateh Khán. One day he sent a message to the Saint, which revealed his real intentions, to the effect that, whether he liked it or not, he was to send* Fateh Khán to the who lost a horse during the campaign he paid its value from his own treasury, and made careful inquiry into the circumstances of his men. Báná Kómbhá sent messengers after the Sultán begging forgiveness for his offences. The Sultán granted pardon and sent the messengers back happy. In the year 863 a.h. he again prepared to take the field, but fell ill. The account of Firishtah is an abstract of this account. The “ Mirát-i-Ahmadí ” follows the “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” in making the last expedition against Siróhí, the continuation of Kutb-ud-din’s effort when roused by the Báná’s march to Nágór. As stated in note || p. 151, the Báná has given his version of these occurrences on the magnificent “ pillar of victory,” which he erected as a memorial of them at Chitór. See Fergusson’s “ History of Architecture,” vol. ii. p. 635. # This sentence, as it stands, is unintelligible. The Sultán was (as the “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” expressly says) only twenty-eight years and a few months old j perhaps it merely means “ his health began to break up,” as was likely, from his debauched habits, to be the case. f This is the date given in the lithographed edition, and fits in with the dates of Dáúd’s accession and deposition, but all the MSS. have “3rd Bajab.” J Jám Jún may perhaps be the king called Raidán in the MSS. of the “ Táríkh-i-Ma’asúní.” The date would suit, and the spelling of the name seems to be doubtful (“ Mahomedan History,” vol. i. p. 230). § In what follows the language is slightly condensed, and one unmeaning anecdote, a very short one, is omitted.154 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1458.1 [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.J Sultán* Sháh ’A'lam replied that the boy had, in fear of his life, sought refuge with the darvéshes, and that it would not be becoming in them to seize him and make him over to the Sultan. “ You,” he said, are lord, but in any case he is still your brother.” The Sultán sent spies to watch, and himself left the city and moved out to the palace of Malik Nur,t which was near Rasulábád, where the Saint lived, that he might be at hand to seize Fateh Khán when his spies brought him information of him. On one occasion he sent Rání Rúp Mánjarí, his favourite wife, who was a disciple of Sháh ’A'lam’s, with a party of eunuchs to visit the Saint, and desired her to inquire for Fateh Khán and to bring him away, and if she saw him she was to seize him and carry him off. The Rání saw Fateh Khán sitting by the Saint, and she ran to him, seized him by the hand, and tried to drag him away. The Saint smiled and said, “ To-day, Bibi, you take Fateh Khan by the hand, but one day he shall take you by the hand.” [Eventually, on the death of Kutb-ud-dín, Rání Rúp Mánjarí was married to Fateh Khán, who, on his accession to the throne, was entitled Mahmud Sháh, and so the Saint's prediction was fulfilled.] When she heard this the Rání let Fateh Khán go, and excused herself to Sháh 'A'lam. She came to the King and said, <(I found him, but I did not get him.” Another day the spies brought intelligence that Fateh Khán was in a certain chamber reading to Sháh 'A'lam. Sultán Kutb-ud-dín at once mounted a fleet horse, and, galloping up, was about to enter in haste, when one of the doorkeepers, named Mukbil, stopped him. <( Do you stop me in paying my respects to the Saint?” the Sultán cried with a loud voice. When Sháh 'A'lam heard it, he called out: “ Mukbil, let him pass! ” and he said to Fateh Khán, “ From a young man * This fact shows something of the social position of these holy men, and both exemplifies and explains to some extent the great political influence which they seem to have exercised. f Some MSS. have, instead of Malik Núr, “ Wahídpúr’’ ; others, “ Kamad-pnr,” and “Kahídpúr.”[A.D. 1458.] [Mirát-i-Sikanáarí.] SULTÁN KUTB-UD-DÍN. 155 become a little old one/’ At once Fateh Khan’s appearance was changed, and to Sultán Kutb-ud-din's eyes he appeared an old man, with white beard and eyebrows and a bent back. Fateh Khan was then ten years old. Sultán Kutb-ud-din sat down on the carpet for a few minutes, and cast his eyes all over the chamber, but could see no one except the Saint and the old man. So he was ashamed and went away, and rebuked his spies. [Sultán Mahmud used to say,*] In those days they were accustomed to dress me in girl's clothes, lest anyone should see me accidentally, for the search after me on behalf of Sultán Kutb-ud-din was extremely active. One day I was hidden on the top of a house with my nurse; spies gave information to the Sultán, and he ran up intending to kill me. They told the Saint, who only said, “ It is ill done, but how will he take the tiger ? " The Sultán took me by the hand, and my nurse cried out, “ This is the daughter of so-and-so, a Bukhárí Said." The Sultán loosed my dress, and seeing that my person was that of a girl, let me go. He went away and told his boon companions, who said, “You should in any case have brought the child away ”; so he returned and took me by the hand, when my hand assumed the appearance of a tiger's paw. The Sultán dropped it at once, and ceased to pursue me any more. After this the Sultán's ill-feeling against Sháh 'A'lam increased day by day, but he did not openly display it. At last, Bibi Mirgi, the Saint's wife, died, and he sent this message to Bibi Moghali: “ While your sister was alive, a marriage between us was unlawful; now it is expedient that you accept another house here in exchange for your own." On receiving this message, Bibi Moghali was much disturbed, and overcome with care and grief; but the Jám Jónánf of Sind, who * These words are necessary though they do not appear in the text, as the Sultan is made to speak in the first person. This story occurs in all the best texts of the “ Mirát-i-Ahmadí,” otherwise it might seem that the passage was an interpolation. f “ Jám Fíróz ” in some MSS., which also give her father’s name as Jám Jámán, the Jám Jun before mentioned. The passage is a little doubtful, as the MSS. differ; but the meaning seems to be that the Jám interfered and156 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1458.1 [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] was her uncle, expressed to her that, in the first place, both her father and her mother had originally designed her for Sháh ’A'lam. The fact was that Jam Jaunán had two daughters, Bibi Moghali, and Bibi Mirgi. Bibi Mirgi he betrothed to Sultán Kutb-ud-din, and Bibi Moghali to Sháh A/lam. Sultán Muhamad heard of the great beauty of Bibi Moghali, and partly by force, and partly by bribes, got the Jám's envoys to give Bibi Moghali to him, and to make over Bibi Mirgi to Sháh 'A'lam. Sháh 'A'lam complained to his father, Burhán-ud-din, who said, “My son, it is fated that you should marry both of them.” Eventually the Saint conceived an affection for Bibi Moghali; so his father's words came true, for he married her. She waited upon him, as if desperately in love with him, or like a slave girl, and he, charmed with her sweet disposition and great beauty, grew very fond of her. It so happened that one day, being on stfch easy terms with him, she went into his private room and laid her face against his curly hair. When he felt it he expressed himself greatly delighted, and told her to ask for anything she wished. She said: “ Fateh Khán desires to be established in the place of his ancestors. If it be an unbecoming desire, pardon it, for it is mine also.” The Saint replied : “ It has been already determined that Fateh Khán shall have the kingdom of Gujarát, and this will shortly come to pass; and, certainly, if he had done anything unbecoming, for your sake I would pardon all.” When Bibi Moghali was married to Sháh A/lam, the Sultán Kutb-ud-din took it very ill; and what was already in his heart began to show itself, and he commenced to quarrel with the Saint and to complain of him. One day, when excited with wine, he mounted his horse and gave orders to plunder Rasúlábád. Men collected in knots, and looked at each other; recommended the marriage. The chronology, however, does not seem to suit the alleged intervention of Jam Firoz. Apparently, if the story be true, the two Jams should be Jam Saugar and Jam Nanda, or Nizam-ud-din.SULTÁN KÜTB-ÜD-DÍN. 157 [A.D. 1458.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] but no one would begin. The Sultán himself set the example, and galloping his horse about, by tongue and hand he urged on the plunder of the town. God Almighty so ordained that an infuriated camel appeared; the King slashed at it with his sword but missed it, and cut his own knee; he fell from his horse, and they put him into a pálkí and carried him to his palace. He died on the third day.* People say that this was not really a camel, but the Angel of Death who assumed the form of the camel. Indeed, it is commonly said that it was a phantom camel which appeared on that day. They say, too, that the sword was the same weapon which Sháh 'A'lam gave to Sultán Kutb-ud-din when he went out to do battle with Mahmud Khilji, as has been already related above. Other accounts are given of his death. It is said that one day he wanted to take his ladies to view the city of Ahmad-ábád, and gave orders that every male should go out of the city. He took his ladies from street to street, when suddenly he saw a man. In a great rage he drew his sword and struck at him, but the man slipped away, and the King cut his own knee. The wound caused his death. Another story is, that his wound was painful and got. worse and worse. One day, while in agony, he looked from an upper room of his palace, which stood on the banks of the Sábar. He saw a wood-cutter with a great bundle of wood, which he carried over the river, with great difficulty, on his head. On reaching the bank, he threw down his load, drew out a dry crust from his waist-cloth, and pulling up a few onions he ate them with great relish and enjoyment, and drank water from the river to his satisfaction. Then he fell asleep in the shade of a tree. The King exclaimed, “ Oh, that I could give my * Neither the “ Tab. Akbari,” Firishtah, or the “ Táríkh-i-Alfí,” ascribe Kutb-ud-din’s death to anything save natural causes. The first named, indeed, particularly says that when taken ill he went to Batdh, to the Saint “Kutb ’A'lam,” and prayed for a son, but was informed in reply that he should be succeeded by his brother. These tales, told by the author of the “ Mirát-i-Ahmadí,” are clearly intended to glorify the darvéshes generally and the Bukhárí Saids in particular,158 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1458.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] sovereignty to this wood-cutter, and that I might have his health and his labour.” The author of the “ Bahádar Sháhí ” states that the daughter of Shams Khán, wife of the Sultan, at tha instigation of her father, poisoned the Sultán, in order that Shams Khán might obtain the kingdom, of Gujarat. When the Sultán was at the point of death his nobles killed Shams Khán,* and his mother gave orders for the handmaids to tear the wife to pieces. It seems impossible to reconcile the common stories and the statement in the “ Bahádar Sháhí.” It may be that after the King was wounded the poison was administered. But God knows the truth.f # Some MSS. of the “ Mirat-i- Sikandari ” say that the Sultán gave the order himself, and make him assign as a reason that his death was brought about by the machinations of the darvéshes—insinuating that Shams Khán was their tool. But the majority of MSS. run as in the text, and this form of the story obtains alike in the “Tab. Akbari,” Firishtah, and “ Táríkh-i-Alfí.” f The “Tab. Akbari” adds that he was buried in the mausoleum of Muhamad Shah, to which some copies add, “ in the Mánik Chdk.” This would, of course, be the khatirah of Muhamad II., his father. Firishtah also says he was buried in Muhamad Sháh’s mausoleum. The “ Tab. Akbari ” praises his valour, but says that in anger, and, especially when under the influence of liquor, he waq reckless in shedding blood, and that he did many cruel things.[A.D. 1458.1 [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] 159 CHAPTER VII. SULTÁN DAUD, A RELATIVE OF SULTAN KUTB-UD-DÍN. On the third day after the death of Kutb-ud-din, he was succeeded by one of his relations,* Sultán Dáúd Sháh, who ascended the throne by the choice of the wazirs and amirs. He ascended the throne on the 23rd day of Rajab, and was dethroned at the close of the month. He had hardly obtained authority when he held out to a carpet-spreader, who had been his neighbour before he attained to the throne, the hope of obtaining the title of Hmád-ul-Mulk, notwithstanding that the noble Tmád-ul-Mulk was his permanent wazir. About the same time he promised to elevate another low fellow to the title of Burhán-ul-Mulk, although Burhán-ul-Mulk was the amir-ul-umrá of Sultán Kutb-ud-din, and was alive and well. These two base fellows allowed their expectations to become known, and the ministers and great nobles said, “If he does such things before his authority is established, what will he do afterwards ?” He got together all the plate and the rich stuffs manufactured (for the king) in the reign of Sultán Ahmad, and he instituted an inquiry into most trifling accounts,+ from the beginning of the reign of Sultán Muzaffar, and caused the # The two best MSS., A and Hydr., have this reading; the lithograph and the other three MSS. have Dáúd, the son of Sultan Ahmad. f The expression literally is, “ into the accounts of dried figs and oranges ”! Muzaffar Sháh began his reign (as Sultán) more than fifty years before this time!160 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1458.] [Mir át-i-Sikandarí. J balances to be paid into his own treasury. The first order which he gave was for reducing the grain of the pigeons and the oil of the lamps. When the nobles saw this, they said, “ A character like this is unfit for the kingdom of Gujarát/’ and they determined upon raising to the throne Fateh Khan, half-brother of Sultan Kutb-ud-din, who bore the marks of dignity and majesty on his brow. They deputed ’Alá-ul-Mulk bin Suhráb to communicate with Her Majesty Bibi Moghali, mother of Fateh Khán. The Bibi at first refused,* but 'Alá-ul-Mulk urged that there was no one else worthy of the throne of Gujarát, and that she ought to accede to the proposal. In the end ’Alá-ul-Mulk placed Fateh Khán on horseback and conducted him in royal state towards the Bhadar. (The people of Gujarát call the royal palace “ Bhadar.") The ministers and nobles came forth to meet him, and, having saluted him as king, they gave him the title of Sultán Mahmud Sháh and offered their congratulations. When they reached the Bhadar, the noise of the drums and trumpets reached the ears of Sultán Dáiíd, and he inquired what had happened. They told him that the nobles had made Fateh Khán king, and were bringing him to take his seat on the royal throne. Sultán Dáúd got out of a window facing the river Sábar, and went into hiding. He reigned only seven days. It is related that he entered as an inquirer into the monastery of Shékh Adhan Rumi, and became his attendant; in a short time he obtained advancement (in spiritual rank). He soon afterwards died. * According to the “ Tab. Akbari,” because she did not consider him equal to the duties of the position.[A.I>. 1459.] LMirát-i-Sikandarí. ] 161 GHAPTEE VIH. REIGN OF SULTÁN MAHMÚD BÍGARHA. Sulta'n Di'n-pana'h Mahmü'd ascended the throne on a Sunday, the first Sha'bán, h. 863 (18th of June, a.d. 1459). He added glory and lustre to the kingdom of Gujarát, and was the best of all the Gujarat kings, including all who preceded, and all who succeeded him; and whether for abounding justice and generosity, for success in religious war, and for the diffusion of the laws of Islám and of Musulmáns ; for soundness of judgment, alike in boyhood, in manhood, and in old age; for power, for valour, and victory—he was a pattern of excellence. It is said that in the Hindui language, as spoken by the Hindus of Gujarat, they call a bullock Bigarh, because its horns stretch out right and left like the arms of a person about to embrace. The moustachios of the Sultán were straight and long like these horns, hence he obtained the cognomen Bigarha. Some say that in Hindui bi means “ two,” and garh “ a fort.” The Sultan took the forts of Júnáhgarh and Chámpánír, and from the conquest of these two forts he was called Bigarha.* * This word is written in the Persian. Bigarh or Bigarha. The second etymology above given suits this spelling exactly, as it would make the word come from the Gujarati (or Hindi) words vi (the Sanskrit dvi), “ two,” and jp©“ gadh (pronounced garh), “ a fort,” in which Atter word, as in the name, the vowel a is sáhort. The other etymology, wbhh the author seems to prefer, and whkfo is adopted by Aurangzib, the : \ Akbari,” and by li62 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1459.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] Notwithstanding his high dignity and royalty, he had an enormous appetite. The full daily allowance of food for the Sultán was one man Gujarát weight. In eating this he put aside five sirs of boiled rice,* and before going to sleep he to make it up into a pasty and place one half of it on right-hand side of his couch and the other half on the left, Sv that on whichever side he awoke he might find something to eat, and might then go to sleep again. He used thus to eat several times every night. In the morning, after saying his prayers, he took a cup full of honey and a cup of butter, with a hundred or a hundred and fifty golden plantains (or banánas). He often used to say, “If God had not raised Mahmud to the throne of Gujarát who would have satisfied his hunger ? ” He was thirteen years, two months, and three days old when he began to reign. After the manner of his ancestors, the early European traveller Varthenck, would seem to derive it from hi, as above, and the Gujarátí (or Hindi) JiTsT gddha (pronounced gdrha), of which Professor Biihler writes as follows :—“ JTT"^" is a Sanskrit word, the past perfect participle of the verb iTHT ‘ to submerge,’ ‘ to penetrate.’ It is used as an adjective, and means ‘ strong,’ ‘ close/ ‘ excessive,’ e.g. as in the common phrase, ‘ a close embrace ’ JTTS'iT WlfwiTWiT (gddham dlinganam or gdrham dlinganam). It occurs in these and some other meanings in all the modern Prakrits, in Gujarátí as well as in Maráthí and Hindi. But I do not find in the dictionaries the meaning ‘ intimate friend.’ However, I think it would be correct to say gddha mitra, £a firm or intimate friend.’” Thus it would seem the word Bigárha might be used in the sense of “ a double embrace,” or, perhaps, of “ two intimates,” i.e. intimate friends. Sir B. Erere has heard it used as meaning “an intimate friend” (though but rarely) in Gujarát, and in Kinloch Forbes’s “ Rás Mála,” a man’s name is given as Veguroo (i.e. Bigaru), which is rendered as “the long-horned bull” (“ Rás Málá,” vol. i. p. 359, 1st ed.). This carries the application of the term a step further in the direction indicated by the author. The shortening or “ clipping ” of a long vowel in the course of descent is not a very fatal objection to the derivation of a word in any of the “ modern Prákrits,” from a Sanskrit original; and it is to be remembered that in this case the word has been transliterated into Persian, and the long vowel, even if it existed, might easily (especially if not strongly accentuated), have been dropped in the process. On the whole, therefore, while the second etymology is best suited to the modern orthography, the first is not in itself improbable, and is supported by a strong preponderance of evidence,. * One man, Gujarat weight, equivalent to fifteen Bahlólí sirs (“ Mirát-i-Ahmadi”). A simi ar legend exists as to the celebrated AJbu-1-Fazl, only his allowance is to have been twenty-two sirs\! See Blochmann (on the authority of r ásir-ul-Umrá), “ A'in-i-Akbari,” Introduction, p. xxviii.163 [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.J SULTAN MAHM« J BIGARHA. he bestowed gifts and honours upon soldiers, and he gave titles to several persons. When soine months had passed, some misguided nobles, whose names were Kabír-ud-dín Sultání, entitled Burhán-ul-Mulk, Maulána Khizr, entitled Safí-ul-Mulk, Hámid bin Isma'il, entitled ’Azd-ul-Mulk, and Khwájah Muhamad, entitled Hisám-ul-Mulk, entered into a conspiracy against Tmad-ul-Mulk, whose name was Malik Sha'bán, and aimed at depriving him of power. One morning they went to the door of the Sultán’s private apartments before 'Imád-ul-Mulk got there, and said that Tmád-ul-Mulk was meditating treason, and was intent upon raising his own son, Shaháb-ud-dín, to the throne, after which he would do whatever he pleased. “We,” said they, “ are the cherished dependants of your throne, and how can we connive at such proceedings? It behoves your Majesty to probe the matter to the bottom.” The Sultán asked what it meant, and they told him his (own) death or close confinement. The Sultan kept silence. When Tmad-ul-Mulk came to the Sultán's apartment these nobles seized him,* placed a collar on his neck, and fetters on his feet, and, giving him in charge of five hundred of their own trusted followers, they directed them to keep him under guard on the roof of the darbdr called Bhadar.f Having thus succeeded to their hearts’ content, they went home and gave themselves up to enjoyment. * According to Firislitali tlie Sultan, dissembled when he ordered the arrest of his minister; but the language of the other accounts seems hardly to warrant this assertion. If there be any truth in the accounts which have thus come down to us, Mahmud behaved with a degree of courage and resolution very marvellous for a boy of his age, although no doubt most Indian boys of that age would be considered precocious in intellect if they were European boys. Still, it is incredible that he should have attained such maturity of judgment and dissimulation as at once to have decided on his course of action, and to have deceived a number of men of the world regarding it. He was probably uncertain what to do at first, and allowed (or ordered) the arrest, but, when he had been more fully informed, took his part decidedly and bravely. f According to the “ Tab. Akbari,” Imad-ul-Mulk was confined “ on the roof of the Ahmadabad gate of the Bhadar,” which makes the story olnq.T'Of) 11 *164 G». .ABAT. [A.D.U59J [Mir át-i-Sikandari. J When the night set in ’ Abdulláh, the master of the elephants,* told the Sultan the Jie apprehension of ’Imád-ul-Mulk was not in the interes - oi the State, because the nobles who were friendly to him were preparing for flight, and thv, refractory nobles were keeping Habib Khán, the Sultán’s uncle, son of Ahmad Sháh, in their charge, and intended, at a fitting opportunity, to raise a revolt against the Sultán and to place Habib KMn upon the throne.f On hearing this statement the Sultán told this to his mother. She sent for ^Abdulláh; and the Sultán, after administering binding oaths, told him to speak; and ’Abdulláh repeated what he had before stated. The Sultán summoned some of his most faithful servants, Malik Hájí, Malik Kálú, and Malik ’Ain, who were the most important and most loyal of his supporters, and consulted with them. It was resolved to release Tmád-ul-Mulk, and to give the houses of the artful treacherous nobles up to halán (that is to say, to plunder), that they might reap the reward of their own acts. The Sultán ordered Abdulláh to bring all the eleph^^te fully equipped to the darbár. After that he took his seat upon the throne, and told Sharf-ul-Mulkto bring“ that traitor’Imád-ul-Mulk from his prison-house to receive punishment, and to be made a warning for others/’ Sharf-ul-Mulk proceeded on his errand, but the guards appointed by the amirs would not obey the Sultán’s command. Sharf-ul-Mulk returned and reported the state of affairs. The Sultán himself then took action. He went to the top of a tower of the Bhadar, and with angry tone and loud voice commanded them to bring forth Sha’bán Tmád-ul-Mulk. When the guards heard the voice of the Sultán, they had no option save to take the Malik out of the place where he was confined, and to bring him. The Sultán ordered them to take him upstairs, that he might ask * “Master of the elephants,”—the text calls him shdhnah the “Táríkh-i-Alfí ” dáróghah of the elephants. f The accession of Habib Khan was, according to Firishtah and “ Táríkh-i-Alfi,” the real object of this plot.[A.D. 1469.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] SULTAN MAHk'ÜD BÍGARHA. 165 the traitor why he had conceived such a design, regardless of the Sultán’s wrath. When they reached the upper story, he ordered them to take the fetters off the Malik’s feet. As soon as the guards perceived the turn which affairs had taken, several of them ran off to inform the amirs, and others stood humbly* before the Sultán and stated that they had imprisoned the Malik by order of the Sultán, and that what they had done under his command was no fault of theirs. The Sultán reassured them. When morning broke, the Sultán took his seat upon the roof of the Bhadar, and intelligence reached the disaffected amirs, who assembled their adherents in arms and moved in order of battle towards the gate of the darbar. Altogether, with the nobles and personal followers, there were three hundred men in attendance on the King. Some of them said, “ Let us get out of the windows towards the river Sábar, and escape to some place whence, after collecting a force, we may return/’ The King stood firm and lent no ear to these cowards By this time the amirs were close to the gate of the darbdr. Malik Sha'bán, Hájí Malik, and Malik Kálú suggested that an order should be given for the elephant-drivers to charge upon this rout of rebels, and they will all fly together. The Sultán gave orders that the five or six hundred elephants should charge all at once.f The enemy's force was panic-struck, and the amirs fled. Their soldiers cast away their arms, dispersed, and crept into their houses, and the amirs made their way out of the city and scattered in different directions. Hisám-ul-Mulk went off towards Pattan, where his brother, * Literally “with, tlieir hands joined,” i.e. in an attitude of supplication, f According to Firishtah, who quotes a certain “ Hájí Muhamad Kanda-hárí,” the Sultán had only two hundred elephants, and himself accompanied the charge with his bow and arrows. This seems improbable ,* but the fact that in the narrow streets the superior numbers of the rebels availed nothing against the elephants is a valid explanation of their easy defeat, the rather, as he explains, that the elephants were also used to hold the various approaches to the palace.166 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1459.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] Rukn-ud-din, was Mír-gúí.* * * § Kabír-ud-dín *Azd-ul-Mulk took refuge in a ravine of the river Sábar.f There he was recognised by a Rájpdt whose brother he had put to death. This man cut off his head and brought it to the Sultán, and it was hung up at tbré gate of the city. Burhan-ul-Mulk was corpulent and could not fly. He went on the other side of the river, by way of Sarkhéj, to a place which is now called Fattehpur. There he turned his horse loose and endeavoured to conceal himself. A eunuch who had been to pay a visit to the tomb of Shékh Ahmad Khattu, recognised him, made him prisoner, and took him to the Sultán, who ordered him to be thrown under the feet of elephants. Mauláná Khizr Safi-ul-Mulk was taken prisoner and sent to Diu to be kept in confinement. But as he was an old friend of Malik Sha'bán, that nobleman induced the Sultán to pardon him. He was recalled from Diu and a pension settled upon him.J The Sultán had now attained his fourteenth year, but acting with the vigour of a man of ripe years he sent his enemies into the realms of non-existence, and righted those who sought for justice. From that time to the end of his life his orders carried such authority that no one dared to disobey. When the rebels had thus trodden the road of annihilation the injured were redressed. Malik Hájí was created ^Azd-ul-Mulk and was appointed ’A'riz of the kingdom, Malik Tóghán became Farhat-ul-Mulk, Malik Bahá-ud-dín was made Ikhtiár-ul-Mulk, Malik ’Ain was promoted to the title of Nizám-ul-Mulk, Malik Sa'd was made Burhán-ul-Mulk, Malik Kálú became Tmád-ul-Mulk, Malik Sárang was made Mukhlis-ul-Mulk, and after a time he was promoted to the dignity of Kiwám-ul-Mulk.§ * Mirgui. The “ Tab. Akbari ” says Kotwal. f Went among the grasiahs with only one attendant. % The “Tab. Akbari” says that Malik Sha’ban, after the suppression of the rebellion and his own success, resigned the wazir's office, and retired into private life with a pension. § The MSS. 0. D. alone say ’Azd-ul-Mulk was appointed ’A'riz-ul-Mamalik, but it is confirmed by the “ Tab. Akbari.”[MiíftfsilSarí.] SULTÁN MAHMUD BÍGABHA. 167 Fifty-two other officers received titles, and mansabs and par-ganahs were settled upon them. After a short time an army was raised, tw. ts large as that of Sultán Kutb-ud-dín. Gujarát now entered upon a new and unexampled course of prosperity, the army was well off, the people contented; darvéshes worshipped God with hearts at ease, traders safely carried on a profitable trade, the country was everywhere full of peace and security, and the roads were free from robbers. No one had any cause of complaint, and everyone revelled without care in prosperity. A rule was established by the Sultán * that if an amir or any soldier was killed in battle or died a natural death, his jágír was confirmed to his son; if there was no son, half of the jágír was given to the daughter; and if there was no daughter, a suitable provision was settled upon the dependants, so that there might be no ground of complaint. It is said that a person once told the King that the son of a deceased amir was not worthy of his position. The King answered, “The position will make him worthy.” No one ever made such a remark again. The reason for the contented condition of the cultivators was that a jágír could not be taken away from the holder, unless he was harsh and tyrannical. When regulations were laid down there was no deviation from them. In the course of the reign of Mahmud the Martyr,f certain experts of his ministers made an inquiry into the state of the resources of the country. In some cases they found an increase of tenfold, and in no village was it less than two or three-fold. Traders were contented, because traffic on the roads was perfectly safe and secure; there were no thieves or robbers in the days of Sultán Mahmud. Ministers of religion were satisfied, because the Sultán was their disciple and devoted follower, * This rule probably applied only to those who were killed, or died while in the field, or died of wounds, or sickness contracted on a campaign, f i.e. Mahmud III.168 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1459.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] and every year he bestowed increased allowances and pensions on them in recnr—’^lon of his victories, and their allowances were paid íd tever place they wished. Fine savais and inns were built for the accommodation of travellers, and splendid colleges and mosques were raised. The artizans were contented because the Sultán was perfectly just and generous and righteous, and no man had the power of injuring or threatening to injure another. Men high and low are agreed, that among all the kings of Gujarát there never was one like Sultán Mahmud Bigarha ; for during his reign nothing was done in Gujarát which was inconsistent with right and justice, security and prosperity. He conquered two great forts, Júnáh-garh in the country of Sórath, and Chámpánír, with its dependencies. In both he abolished the customs of the infidels and introduced the laws of Islám ; therefore, until the Day of Judgment he will have credit for everyone that was circumcised and embracéd Islám, in accordance with the text, “ He who causes the circumcision of another produces circumcision also in himself/’ The Sultán was the cause of their turning to Islám, and assuredly the circumcision of that people stands inscribed against his name in the great book of account. It is generally admitted that Sultán Bahádar, his grandson, exceeded him in military glory, but he had not the same ability in administration. As regards the combination of capacity for both, Sultán Mahmud was without a peer. What a glorious age was that of Sultán Mahmud ! Sultan Husén Mirza,* a ruler endowed with brilliancy and liberality, sat on the throne of Khórásán, and his wazir was that most incomparable of wazírs, Mir 'Alí Shér, and the chief mulla was Mouláná Hájí, beloved for his elegance and renowned for his learning. In Dehlí Sultán Sikandar bin Bahlól Lodi was king, and his wazir was Mián Bhuwáksh Lohání, who excelled in prudence and soundness of judgment. Sultán # Husén Mírza Baikrah, whose descendants had a good deal to do with the affairs of Gujarát.[Mií«.?Sitan¿rí.] SULTÁN MAHMt'p BÍGARHA. 169 Ghiás-ud-dín, son of Mahmud Khiljí, reigned in Mandú with order and liberality. In the Dakhin, Mahmud Sháh Bah-mani governed, and the office of his wq¿ ír was filled by Malik Nishán,* the teacher of the great, the inventor of the rules of administration. It might be said th the spirit of Sultán Mahmud Ghaznavi, after many years, hau \imated the soul of Sultán Mahmud Bigarha, for all his dee and actions were like those of that glorious monarch. It is said that one day, in the royal presence, Khudáwand Khán, known as Malik 'Ilim (the learned malik), who was the father-in-law of Sultán Muhamad, who had a great knowledge of poetry, and was himself very eloquent, put into the Sultán's hands a copy of the writings of Háfiz, and invited him to try for a fa’l or omen. The book opened at an ode which promised to the person to whom it was addressed kingly honour, success, glory, and victory. The nobles were all delighted at this auspicious result, and expressed their congratulations, quoting also some verses from the Bostón of Sa'di, enjoining the practice of virtue and religious duties. The King's son (i.e. Mahmud, then Fateh Khán), stood up and replied by repeating verses of a similar character, which wound up by saying that a king should so live as to gain ee the prayers of the servant and the testimony of the muhtasib (a Muhamadan officer who is supposed to be a species of censor morum). The muhtasib himself was present, and the King in pronouncing the word “ muhtasib ” pointed to him. Everybody was delighted at the felicitous reply, especially Khudáwand Khán and his son, who sent presents and complimentary dresses to the persons who were present.f > It is said that during his reign corn never rose to a high price. Everything was cheap during his rule—the people of * The texts differ considerably as to these two names. Probably Muhamad Sháh Bahmani and his minister, Malik Gáwán, are intended. f This anecdote is translated in a condensed form, and the quotations, which are of no historical interest, are omitted. The story is palpably apocryphal, for Mahmud was certainly not more than six years old when his father died, and in Kutb-ud-din’s court he was never present.170 QÜJARÁT. LÁ.D. 1459.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] Gujarát never saw suet, cheapness again. His army, like the armies of Change? Khán the Moghal, never suffered defeat, but fresh victories and immeasurable triumphs were constantly won. He established a rule that no soldier should borrow money upon usurT and he appointed treasurers in different places, who were to vanee money to soldiers in need of loans, and take from iem a promise (to pay). Through this rule usurers led the life of dogs, or rather they were looked upon as worse than dogs. The Sultán used to say, “ If Musulmáns borrow money upon interest and usury, how can they be expected to fight ?” In consequence of this kind consideration and worthy bounty, God Almighty always gave his armies the victory. The abundance of fruit trees—such as mango, the date palm, the hhirnx,* * * § the cocoa-nut, the jaman,f bel9% fig, mhówah,§ &c.—in Gujarát, is owing to the kindness and efforts of this great sovereign. Every cultivator who planted trees in his land received encouragement, so people planted trees and raised plants every year with increased zeal. If he saw any beggar who had planted a fig, a pipal,\\ or other tree by the road-side or at the door of his hut, he would draw rein and stop. Having called the planter to him, he would ask him in a kind manner, “ Where do you get water from ? ” If he answered, “ I bring it from far, and it is troublesome to get it,” he would order a well to be made there and would assist in the expense; and he would say, “ If you plant many trees you will receive fresh rewards/’ The garden of Eirdós, which is five kós in length and one in breadth, was formed by this praiseworthy king; and the garden of Sha’bán, which rivals the gardens of Paradise, was laid out in his reign. If in any city or town or village he saw a shop empty or a house in ruins, he would ask * Khirniy “Mimusops kauki.” f JdmaUy “ Calyptranth.es caryophyllifolia,” or “ Eugenia jambolana.” J Bél, “ -¿Egle marínelos.’* § Mhówahy “ Bassia latifolia.” Ü Pipaly “ Ficus religiosa.”[MirLáísiton¿rí.J SULTAN MAHMUD BÍGAEHA. 171 the head men or the accountants the reason, and would provide what was needed for its restoration. It is said* * * § that in the latter part of his life the Sultán employed himself largely in religious exercises; he became very gentle in spirit, and often wept bitterly. One day Malik Sárang,t known as Kiwám-ul-Mulk (who built Sárang-púrah, which stands outside the walls of Ahmadábád on the eastern side) said to him, “ You have attained kingly pow r and dignity, wherefore do you weep ? ” The Sultán repliedv “ Ah, silly one, what shall I say ? My patron Sháh 'A'lam used to say, ‘In the endj Mahmud shall be praised’; but though I am hasting to my end, I do not find that in myself ; and the stream of my life, moment by moment, is continually running away, and once gone never returns. I deeply regret that I cannot fully understand the Shékb/s value. As the proverb says, ‘ When I could I did not know, and now when I know I cannot/ ” At last, the Sultán joined himself to Shékh. Siráj,§ who was the most perfect man of his day, and by his blessed teaching shook off this sorrow and depression. Shékh Siráj was the name of a darvésh who was one of the disciples of Shékh *Alí Khatáb (the preacher), who was invested with the religious garb by Shékh Burhán-ud-dín, Kutb-ul-Kutáb. Shékh Siráj-ud-dín brought many heretics and sinners to repentance, and many who had gone astray resorted to him, and were put in the right way by the blessing of his teaching. He became very celebrated, and the Sultán one day inquired about him from Amin-ul-Mulk, who was his * This anecdote and the next are given in a slightly abbreviated form. f An account of Malik Sárang will be found later on, among the accounts of Mahmud’s chief nobles. He was a violent and turbulent man, who, under the weak rule of Muzaffar II., became very mischievous. Eventually his chief confederate, Malik K<5bi, was deservedly put to death by the latter king. J This expression involves a sort of play upon words, and is, in the original, jy j«3y**&s*; the phrase “ praised in the end,” seems to be a not unusual complimentary term applied to a person who has led an honourable life, and is applied to Ahmad I. and Mahmud III. in the present work. § He is elsewhere called Shékh Siráj bin Shékh ’Azíz-ullah.172 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1459.1 [Mirát -i-Sikandar i. ] friend and disciple. Amin-ul-Mulk told him much about the Shékh, and the Sultán became very desirous of seeing him, and ordered Amin-ul-Mulk to come that night alone to a certain window of the palace looking over the Sabarmati. Amin-ul-Mulk did so, and the Sultán came out alone, holding a small sword in his hand, and said, “ Show me the way to the Sh^kti’s house ”; so Amin-ul-Mulk went before, and the Sultán Allowed, till they reached the Shékh’s dwelling. Amin-ul-Mulk went within and explained the affair to the Shékh, while the King stood without. The Shékh sent to invite the Sultán in, and, after the usual greetings, the Shékh, who was seated on an old bedstead ( BIGARHA. 193 to be wazir,* but was allowed to retain his other appointments, the duties of which he discharged by deputies. He was an ancestor of the author of the “ Táríkh-i-Bahád&r Sháhí.”f The Sultán also appointed amirs for governing the suplís of Barodah. He named Bahá-ul-Mulk, entitled Hmád-ul-Mulk, to the post of Sónkherah-Bahádarpúr, Malik Sárang Kiwám-ul-Mulk, to the post of Godhrah, and Táj Khan, son of Sálár, to that in the village of Torakh, on the banks of the Mahindri. In consequence of the establishment of these posts Ráí Jai Sing gave up his hostile proceedings. In the year h. 876 (a.d. 1471) the Sultan gave to Rao Mandalik the title of Khán-Jahán, and gave him a jagir.% All the idols covered with gold, which he had taken from the temple of the Ráo, he gave to his soldiers. Subsequently he marched against Sind By a march of sixty-one kós in two days, he passed over the Ran and laid waste the lands of the neighbouring zaminddrs of Sind. The land there is saliue; it is inundated in the rains, and, as one end of it joins a bay of the sea, at high-tide the sea-water finds its way over the country. § # Wazir. This last dignity does not appear to have been actually conferred on Muháfiz Khan till after the death of Tmád-ul-Mnlk, and after Khudáwand Khan’s conspiracy of 885. See passage from the “Tab. Akbari” quoted below. f This passage occurs in the lithographed edition and in all the MSS. except MS. A, which reads, after “ deputies,” “ whose names are mentioned in the ‘ Táríkh-i-Bahádar Sháhí,’ ” a manifestly corrupt reading. The passage is of importance, for Mián Mánjhú, the writer’s father, was a personal friend of the author of the “ Táríkh-i-Bahádar Sháhí,” and is likely to have been well informed as to the fact, which shows also that the author of this latter work was a man of good social position and likely to be well informed. X This is the last mention of the unfortunate Ráo. According to the “ Táríkh-i-Sórath,” his name as well as his title was “ Mandalik,” and he was the fifth of his dynasty of that name. Briggs, quoting the “ Muntakhab-ut-Tawáríkh,” calls him “Ambar ” or “ Hambar.” According to the “ Táríkh-i-Sorath ” (p. 131), the Ráo’s descendants held the jdgir, assigned to him till after the close of the fifteenth century. They still, it is said, exist under the name of “ Ráí-zádahs.” § The whole of this paragraph is corrupt in the MSS., which differ greatly from each other. According to some, the Sultán marched sixty-one kós (over ninety miles) in one day ; others make it two days, which is more probable. The sentence as to the overflow of the “ Ran ” by the sea is barely intelligible in any one MS., but on comparing them the sense given above seems to be that which the original text conveyed. The “ Tab. Akbari ” says the Sultán marched sixty-one kós in one day. Firishtah, “ without a halt,” which last is possible, though hardly likely. 13194 CTOJARÁT. LMirftfsillíndlrí.] In some places the breadth oí it is sixty Ms more or less. The water is always salt, the land is incapable of cultivation, and the country produces nothing but salt and fish. On that forced march the Sultán had with him altogether only six hundred horse. The zamíndárs of Sind are Sumrahs, Sódrahs, and others. Twenty-four thousand of them had assembled to await the arrival of the Sultán, having been warned beforehand, and they had taken a strong defensive position and made ready for battle. But as soon as they saw his force they all sent envoys to him, asking for peace on the ground of their being Musulmáns. They were so humble and submissive that he refrained from destroying them.* The Sultán said, however, that all who urged the plea of Islám ought thoroughly to perform the duties of Musulmáns, and ought to abandon all the relations with infidels such as they still maintained; that from every tribe the men who were of good position should come and do homage to the Sultán, and accompany him to Junahgarh, in order to learn the rules of Islám from men learned in religion; and after remaining at that place some time and thoroughly acquainting themselves with the rules of Islám, some of them should return to teach their respective tribes. Whether they liked it or not, they were obliged to comply, and, coming in with suitable offerings, did # The “ Tab. Akbari ” gives only an abridged version of the story in the text. Firishtah is much; fuller. In one point he is probably, too, more correct, as he calls the country attacked “ Kachh,” not Sind; but some points are possibly imaginary embellishments. The story runs thus : “The inhabitants of Kachh, very far removed from Dehli, had long thrown off allegiance to that Government. The people, having little to subsist upon, were in the habit of plundering their neighbours, and had lately invaded Gujarát. . . . The Kachhis consisted of four thousand archers, who drew up in good order. Mahmud dismounted to put on his armour, and with his small party charged the enemy, who . . . were defeated, and numbers of them slain . . . the remainder . . . came forward to implore mercy. . . . The Sultán questioned them as to their religion; they replied that they were men of the desert without teachers; they knew that there was a sky, earth, water, and fire; that they had no wants but the necessary articles of food; but begged His Majesty to send teachers among them in order that they might become true Muhamadans.” (Yol. iv. pp. 57, 58.) It is probable, as the text implies, that these men were really professing Muhamadans, though pot very strict in their allegiance tp Islam,[A.D. 1472.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] SULTAN MAHMÍB BÍGAEHA, 195 homage to the Sultán, and went with him to Junahgarh, where he gave them into the charge of learned and religious men, who were to instruct them in the duties of their religion. After a considerable time, when they had been duly taught, some returned to their own country, and some, captivated by the royal kindness and the favours they received, abandoned their country and their kindred and remained in the service of the Sultán. All of these in course of time obtained high employment and received titles. In the year h. 877 (a.d. 1472), the Sultán marched with a numerous force to settle accounts with certain rebels in Sind. He made a forced march with nine hundred horsemen, each with a spare horse, to Sarpalah, and fought with forty thousand men of the Hindú zamíndárs of Sind, who were armed with bows, and skilful archers. He defeated them, and having taken their women and children prisoners, he sent them to Junahgarh.* In this year Jagat and Sánkhódhárf were conquered. The cause of this conquest was as follows :—Mauláná Mahmud Samarkandi,J a man skilled in the rules and practice of poetry, took ship on the coast of the Dakhin, and was proceeding by sea on his way back to Samarkand. Some pirates of Sánkhó- # The “ Tab. Akbari ” says that when he arrived at the saline district he picked out about one thousand horsemen, and told them each to carry food and water for seven days, and says that the enemy (they had been plundering some of the Gujarat districts) fled at once. The account of Firishtah sj^ys that the Sultan halted a day before moving to attack, and that some csí,mel-men bringing news of his'advance, the Sindis fled and abandoned thefó camp. The “Tab. Akbari ” adds that the Sultán had occupied a cp^siderable extent of the Sind country (Firishtah and the “Tab. Akb^fa” gay he penetrated as far as the Indus), and his nobles suggested ^hat he should annex and occupy it. The Sultán, however, refused, saying ^that the country belonged to Makhdumat Jehán (?) who was of Sind (royal) family, and that he was bound to respect her rights, and that it would be ungenerous and improper to seize her territory. f The “Tab. Akbari” says Jagat was “a sacred place of the Brahmáns,” and is the Dwárka of to-day; and Sánkhódhár is (as it is actually called in the “ Tab. Akbari ”) Bet. The country was that generally called “ ókéman-dal,” and the Rajputs, as they are to-day, were Pághars and Wághars, a poor but brave and hardy race, much given to piracy and robbery generally. x The “ Tab. Akbari ” says “ whose name (literary appellation or nom de plume) was Fázilí.” The “ Mirát-i-Ahmadí ” makes these events, including the second attack on Sind, to take place in 878. The truth appears to be that the attack on Sind took place in 877, and the Sultán marched against Jagat just at the close of the same year. 13 *196 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1472. J [Mir át-i- Sikandar i. ] dhár took the ship of the Mullá and brought it to Sánkhódhár, where they turned the Mullá and his two sons adrift on the sea-shore, but retained his women, his property, and the ship. The Mullá, after undergoing many troubles and dangers, reached the court of Mahmud Shah. The two boys were of tender age, and could not make the journey on foot, and the Mullá was unable to carry them both on his shoulders or his bank at once. So he took up one and carried him for some distance; he then went back and fetched the other. In this way, in some days, he accomplished the journey of seventy kós, and reached the court of the Sultán. With a sorrowing heart and with tearful eyes he related the wrongs he had suffered, in a manner which touched the hearts of the King and all who were present. The Sultán desired him to come near, and inquired more particularly into his affairs, and the Mullá, with many sighs and lamentations, informed him of all that had happened. The Sultán had already formed the design of conquering Jagat, which was a celebrated sacred place of the heathen infidels, and also the island of Sánkhódhár ; but people spoke so seriously of the difficulties of the road, of the jungly neighbourhood, and of the strength of the island of Sánkhódhár, that it had made him hesitate and give the matter more consideration. The occurrence of the present event gave the oid inclination a fresh impulse. The Sultán was disturbed, and said he would never rest till he had punished the insolence of thosfe infidels. He comforted the Mullá, showed him very great kindness, and sent him to Ahmadábád. On the 17t\ Zí-1-hijjat he commenced his march towards Jagat. When he reached the place the inhabitants fled to Sánkhódhár. The place was given up to plunder, and, by order of the Sultán, its buildings were razed, the temples destroyed, and the idols broken to pieces. From thence he proceeded to the village of Arámrah,* ten kós from Jagat, on the sea-shore, opposite to the island of Sánkhódhár, and en- * This name also reads, in some MSS., Arámah, Adhámrah, and Dhararah,[Mitótfsikfníarí.] SULTAN MAHMUD BÍGAEHA, 19? camped there. The author of the “ Malimud Sháhí ” relates that this place was infested with serpents. That night, through fear of the snakes, no man dared to go to sleep. There was not a tent into which a snake did not enter. .Seven hundred snakes were killed that night within the royal enclosure.* One of the wonders of these parts is that, between the ninth and fourteenth of the month of Asár, which the Hindus call “ Púranmáshi,” in the beginning of the rainy season, a small bird, about as large as a sárang, of a peculiar appearance like no other living creature, comes from the direction of the sea and perches on the top of the idol temple in the village of Mádhópur, in the parganah of Manglor, and does not continue its flight for two or three hours. When it arrives the inhabitants assemble, and deduce from it omens regarding the rains. According as the white and black of its plumage appears to be distributed, they augur what kind of rainy season they will have, whether the rain will fall early or late, or otherwise. If nothing but black or nothing but white is to be seen, they infer that the rain will be continuous throughout the season, or that there will be a drought. No year ever passes without the appearance of the bird at this season. It is said that in the same manner a creature comes and sits on the idol temple of Pattan Diu, and on that of Jagat, which is by the sea-shore, and they similarly deduce auguries from it.f The inhabitants of Jagat having fled to Sánkhódhár, made themselves secure. Sánkhódhár is an island in the sea, about three kós from the mainland. The pirate subjects of the Rájah of Jagat lived there, and plundered those who journeyed by sea. When the Sultán found that the infidels had taken refuge in this island, he collected ships from the neighbouring * Firishtah says “seventy snakes,” the “Tab. Akbari seven hundred in one watch of the night.” As Briggs points out, the disturbance of the ground by the levelling and other operations carried on in pitching the camp, would naturally disturb the snakes and drive them out of their holes. + This passage is interesting as preserving one of the current Hindú superstitions of that day. There are still parallel superstitions extant in some parts of India. The story is here given in an abridged form.198 GU.TaRAT. [A.D. 1473.1 [Mirát -i- Sikandar í. ] ports, and, filling them with well-armed men, sailed to attack the island.* He surv^anded the island on every side with his fleet, and gave battle. The infidels resisted bravely, and kept np a sustained discharge of arrows and muskets, and fought hand-to-hand; but the soldiers of Islám by strength of arm prevailed,, and gained the victory. Many infidels were killed, but many others escaped in ships, j* The Sultán disembarked on, the island, and sent some soldiers in well-equipped ships to ehase the fugitives and capture them. The summons to prayer was cried from the summit of the temple, and then the edifice was ruined and its idols broken. The Sultan returned repeated thanks and praise to God for the victory, and the people of the Mulla, who were in prison, were released. It is said that a great booty in rubies and pearls of fine water and precious stuffs fell into the hands of the victors. The Sultán remained there for some time, and laid the foundation of a mosque, and, having collected a large store of provisions, he left Malik Tóghán, entitled Farhat-ul-Mulk, in charge of Sánkhódhár and the country of Jagat, and then went to Junah-garh. The conquest of Jagat and the island of Sánkhódhár was effected in the year h. 878 (a.d. 1473). No former king had been able to conquer this island. The conquest was effected by the strong arm of Sultán Mahmud Ghází. It was two years after this, that is to say, in the year h. 880, that the holy saint Sháh ’A'lam, the son of the holy Said Burhán-ud-dín Bukhárí, quitted this transitory life. The date of his death is to be found in the words Akhir-ul-Ouliá.% * According to both the “ Tab. Akbari ” and Firishtah, the Sultán delayed on the mainland for four months, during which he was occupied in collecting and equipping a fleet, and in destroying the temples at Jagat. Firishtah says that during this period the Hindú ships attacked the Sultán on twenty-two distinct occasions. According to the “ Tab. Akbari,” when the island wTas attacked, the Sultan’s fleet w^as opposed by that of the Rajah, and a severe naval engagement took place before the landing was effected. t The “Tab. Akbari ” says the Rájah escaped, and this was evidently the case, as is shown further on in the text. X The expression is probably intended to imply that he was the last great man of his family. From the account given of him, it will be seen that he was a man of strong wdll and fierce temper. His marriage, his wealth, and his sanctity gave him, no doubt, great political and social importance.[A.D. 14730 [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] SULTAN MAHMUD BIGARHA. 199 On the 13th Jumád-ul-awwal, h. 878 (A.d. 1473), the Sultan arrived at Mustafábád, otherwise Junahgarh. It so happened that on the very same day the warriors who i;ad gone in pursuit of the Rajah of Jagat, whose name was Bhim, son of Ságar, brought him there with a collar on his neck and chains upon his feet. The Sultán richly rewarded each of the raptors, and gave directions that Mauláná Mahmud Samarkand! should come from Ahmadábád. On his arrival the Sultán directed that Bhim should be given over to him, so that he might have his revenge. Bhim was brought forward in his collar and chains. The Mullá then rose, lauded the Sultán for his devotion to Islám, and said that through his means he had attained his desire. It was then decreed that the infidel should be sent to Muháfiz Khán at Ahmadábád, that his body might be cut to pieces and a piece hung over each gate of the city, as a warning to other ill-doers. When Bhim was brought to Ahmadábád, Muháfiz Khán acted according to these instructions. When the Sultán was satisfied with the working of the administration introduced into Sórath, the design which lay dormant in his heart for the conquest of Chámpánír became active. He started from Mustafábád for Ahmadábád, and on the way he heard that some Málabárís had equipped a number of ghrabs, and were committing piracies near the ports of Gujarát. This induced him to turn aside to the port of Ghóghah, where he placed brave sailors and soldiers on board ships excellently equipped, and sent them against the Málabárís.* From Ghóghah he went to Kambháiat, and from thence to Sarkhéj, where he encamped, and had the honour of paying a visit to the tomb of Shékh Ahmad Khattu. He remained there three days, and summoned thither the sons of the amirs and soldiers who had been killed or had died in the campaign. When # According to the expressions employed by the “Tab. Akbari,” it would seem that Mahmúd commanded his fleet in person, and that a naval action took place, in which several of the Málabárí ships were captured. Firishtah says the pirates came from Balsar.200 GUJARAT. [Mirdtis^kandari. there was a son he continued to him his father's appointments, and when there wars no son he gave half the jagir to the daughter, and when there was no daughter he made a sufficient provision for his wives and dependants. In these three days the Sultan’s eyes were often filled with tears and his countenance marked with grief. Some of his followers remonstrated, and a;sked what was the object in delaying so long when only three kos from the city, and of such lamentations when he had returned safe and sound after gaining two such glorious victories as those over Girnar and Junahgarh. They represented that the people of the city were all anxiously expecting the Sultan’s entry, and that it was a time of rejoicing both for them and for the whole army, not one for weeping. The Sultan replied that a person must be wonderfully devoid of generosity, or very inhumane, who, having himself returned safe and sound, could not wait three days to inquire for and see the widows and families of those who had been killed or who had died, to console and comfort them, before returning to his city and enjoying himself. It is said that Kazi Tuhm-ud-din came out and congratulated the Sultan, who replied with a sigh, “ Ah ! Kazi, it is well with me, but you should ask those who have lost husbands and sons in these campaigns. If I had remained at home all these years, how many children might have been born who have been sacrificed for these victories ! ” In the month of Sha'ban he entered Ahmadabad, and in Ramzan marched from thence with his army for Champanir. On reaching the village of Mor-Imli, in the j)arganah of Sanouli, on the banks of the Mahindri, he halted. From thence he sent out forces to lay waste the country about Champanir, which the\r accomplished and returned. When the rainy season came on he retired to Ahmadabad, and there stayed during the rains. These being over, he moved out in the direction of Mustafabad, where he remained hunting and marching about for a time, and then returned to Ahmadabad.CMiíáfs^irí.j SULTÁN MAHMUD BÍGARHA. 201 It is said that the Sultán used to go every year from Ahmad-ábád to Mustafábád, and spend some time there in hunting and travelling. His mind, however, still dwelt upon the conquest of Chámpánír, and whenever he went out from Ahmadábád to hunt he was drawn towards that place. One day while hunting he came to the river Watrak, which lies twelve kós southeast of Ahmadábád. He heard that highway robberies were committed in that neighbourhood from time to time. He ordered that a city should be founded there, and be called Mahmudábád. The foundations of the city were begun immediately. Strong embankments of stone were placed along the river, and on them handsome edifices were raised. The founding of this city is a proof of the sound judgment and wise perception of the Sultán; for the water of that city is pure and wholesome, and the climate of the site of that city is such as the site of no other city on the face of the earth possesses. . . . Every one of its gardens had the hues of the gardens of heaven. ... A proof of the advantages of this city is that it pleased the Said Mubárak,* the martyr, of whom more will be said when the reigns of Mahmud the Martyr and Sultán Ahmad are narrated. In the year h. 885 (a.d. 1480), the Sultán went to Junah-garh, leaving his eldest son, Ahmad Sháh, at Ahmadábád with Khudáwand Khán as his guardian.f The soldiers were out of temper with the Sultán through their perpetual marches, and some designing men induced Khudáwand Khán to acquiesce in raising Prince Ahmad to the throne, and to form treacherous designs against the Sultán. Tmád-ul-Mulk,J who was an * Said Mubarak was the immediate patron (in Gujarát) of the writer and the writer’s father, and his choice of Mahmudábád for his residence is mentioned again further on. t Firishtah gives this story differently, and makes Khudábandah Khán (as he calls him) Governor of Ahmadábád, as he probably was. Firishtah gives the name of the prince as Muzaffar, and not Ahmad; but on this point the “Tab. Akbari” corroborates the text, which, as other evidence further on shows, is pretty certainly correct. All the authorities agree in describing the discontent arising from the Sultán’s incessant campaigns as giving rise to this conspiracy. J He was in charge of Sonkherah, as has been already said.202 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1«=«.] [Tabakát-i-i kbarí.] attached servant of the Sultán, discovered their schemes, and warned them not to let the fire burst into flames. The Sultán got notice of what was going on, and returned from Mustafábád to Ahmadábád, when he inflicted severe punishments on Khudá-wand Khán and his associates. [ The story of this plot is given in full detail by the “ Tab. Akbqpri” • this account is important, as explaining the reason why Prince Ahmad was passed over eventually for the succession, and, moreover, it gives a curious insight into the working of the administration, and into the Sultan's personal character. It is, therefore, here reproduced in detail.*] Khudáwand Khán, who was on terms of intimate friendship with the Raí Ráián,j* said to the latter in private, “ We are all annoyed at the Sultán's continuous labours. Not a year passes that he does not call us nobles out and send us off on some campaign. If I were to take my own followers and five hundred soldiers to Tmád-ul-Mulk's house, I could easily put him out of the way, and then we could the next day make Prince Ahmad Khán Sultán. There could not be a better time for killing Tmád-ul-Mulk, for all his troops are away at his command. I have spoken to the Prince Ahmad Khán, and he, too, consents.’^ The Raí Ráián said that Tmád-ul-Mulk was his closest and most intimate friend, and he did not see why he should not tell him. Moreover, he, too, was aggrieved with Sultán Mahmud, and would, doubtless, give in his adhesion to the plot, and, if so, the matter was practically settled. Khudáwand Khán strongly opposed this proposal, but the Ráí Ráián firmly relied on his close friendship with Tmád-ul-Mulk, and, accordingly, after administering an oath of secresy to Tmád-ul-Mulk, privately communicated to him the conspiracy. Tmád-ul-Mulk, as his men were all absent in his # One MS. only being available, which is palpably corrupt in some passages, some of the translations are necessarily tentative. f Beyond the self-evident fact that this man was a Hindu of rank in high employ, nothing is to be found of his history. % This is the meaning of the sentence, but the text is not quite clear.[A.D. 1480.] [Tabakát-i-Akbarí.] SULTAN MAHMÍJD BÍGABHA. 203 jágír,* at once expressed his agreement, but objected that Ramzán was drawing to a close, and when it was over they should make an attempt to carry out their intention.f The Ráí Ráián was delighted, and informed Khudáwand Khán. Tmád-ul-Mulk, the moment that Ráí Ráián had left him, called Malik Mián, and said to him, “When Sultán Kutb-ud-din was king I wished for a second house, and could not afford one. Now, when, under Sultán Mahmud's favour, I have gained such high dignity, shall I join in this baseness?'^ So he wrote a letter to Farhat-ul-Mulk, who was encamped at Sarkhéj, and another to Kiwám-ul-Mulk, who was lying at the village of Rakhiál (?), to come in by forced marches. Early next morning Farhat-ul-Mulk arrived with five hundred horse, and went to Tmád-ul-Mulk's house; all was quiet, so Tmád-ul-Mulk desired Farhat-ul-Mulk to go to his own home. He then summoned Maháfiz Khán, the kotwál of the city, and said to him, “We are connected with each other; we must rival each other in loyalty, and the way to prove your loyalty is this : do you personally supervise the management of the city, lest any sedition come into being, and especially on the day of the T'd§ ; you must hold ready all your following and retainers, and attend on the Prince Ahmad Khán.” Tmád-ul-Mulk added that he, too, in person, would see to the peace of the city on that day. Khudáwand Khán, as soon as this came to his knowledge, was horrified, and sending for the Ráí Ráián, said to him, “ I told you that Tmád-ul-Mulk would not agree to the plot; it has now come to this, * As is mentioned previously, ’Imád-ul-Mulk was really in charge of Sonkherah, but probably, as wazir, had official duties also at Ahmadábád. f This passage, also, is not clear in the text. X This is clearly the meaning of the passage, bnt it is imperfect in the text. § This, as will be seen in the sequel, was the ’I'd-ul-fitr. It is held at the conclusion of the feast of Ramzán, on the first of the month of Shawál. It means, literally, “ the feast of alms.” It is incumbent to distribute five pounds (about) of some kind of ordinary food, or the equivalent in money, at the ’I'dgdh, or place of the 'I'd, a building usually ontside the city or village. The ’I'd- az-Zohd, which is held on the ninth of the month of Zí-1-hijj, is distinguished from the above feast maiuly by the sacrifice at the ’I'dgdh of a sheep, cow, or camel. The feast is intended to commemorate the offering up of Isaac by Abraham. (See “ Qánún-i-Islám,” pp. 253-267, 2nd ed.)204 GÜJABAT. [Taíatót-i-fflarí.] that both our houses are ruined.” When the 'I'd had passed and *Imád-ul Mu]k”s troops had arrived, Khudáwand Khán was frightened, and held his peace, and the affair remained apparently undiscovered. It happened, however, that shortly after a report reached Mustafábád that on the day of the ’Td Khudáwand Khán had murdered Tmád-ul-Mulk, that all the nobles had joined him, and that they had made Prince Ahmad Khán Sultán. Some imprudent fellow told all this to Sultán Mahmud, who at once sent for Kaisar Khán and Fíroz Khán, and told them privately that he had heard that Prince Ahmad Khán was ill, and that he was very anxious about him. He desired them to send Malik Sa’d-ul-Mulk out on the Ahmad-ábád road for two or three kos, and desire him to question carefully and fully anyone he might find coming from that direction. Sad-ul-Mulk went out, and, as it happened, met one of his own connections, who was coming from Ahmadábád, of whom he inquired the news. The man replied, “ I was at Ahmadábád on the day of the }I'd ul-Fitr. The Sháhzádah, who was unwell, showed himself.* Khudáwand Khán and Maháfiz Khán were writh him, and when the Prince went home Maháfiz Khán remained in Darbár till the second watch of the day had passed. The people of the city also said that ’Imád-ul-Mulk would not give any of his officers leave to go out, but insisted on their remaining ready at their houses all day.” Malik Sa'd reported everything to the Sultán, who said, “ Then the man who told me the Prince was ill lied.” Two or three days later he sent for Fíroz Khán and Kaisar Khán, and privately told them the whole story. He went on to say that he was about to give out that he proposed going on a pilgrimage toMekkah, and that he should understand by the way people inquired about it who were well affected to him.f Accordingly, a few * This is the reading of the text, but it must mean that the Prince was not unwell, and showed himself in the grand procession which, on the *¥d-ul-jitr, at the close of the Ramzán, moves out to the ’I'dgdh, or “ place of delight,” usually outside the city. t This paragraph, also, is apparently corrupt in the original MS.[A.D. 1480.] [Tabakát-i-Akbarí.] SULTAN MAHMTL BÍGAEHA. 205 days later, he ordered ships to be prepared, and gave out several lakhs of tankahs in order to equip them for the voyage to Mekkah, and, leaving Mustafábád, he embarked at Ghóghah, but disembarked again at Khambay. When this news reached Ahmadábád, all the nobles hastened to join him. The Sultán saw that, abandoning Prince Ahmad Khán, they all were delighted at his arrival,* * * § and the Sultan was relieved from all anxiety in regard to his kingdom, but still pursued his design, f and said that he intended to gain the merit of a pilgrim. 'Imád-ul-Mulk suggested that the Sultán should at least once more visit Ahmadábád, and there decide what course to pursue. The Sultán perceived that this was sound advice, so proceeded to Ahmadábád. After his arrival at that city he collected all his nobles, and said, “ I desire you to give me leave to perform a pilgrimage; until you give it I will eat no food/' The nobles perceived that this was said to try them, and remained wholly silent. When they had withdrawn^ ’Imad-ul-Mulk said to them, “ You must give the Sultán an answer; he is fasting.” Nizám-ul-Mulk went in to the Sultán, and said, “ The Prince is now of years of discretion. I have acquired wealth by trading, and am well acquainted with the seasons.§ Appoint me your personal attendant, and thus I shall, while in your service, acquire the benefits of the pilgrimage/’ The Sultán said that no doubt the benefits (of pilgrimage) were great, but that the interests of the kingdom could not be neglected in his absence. Sa’d-ul-Mulk came out and reported all to the nobles. None of them spoke a word. When Tmád-ul-Mulk saw that they were all silent, he again said, “The Sultán is fasting, you must give an answer. You, Nizám-ul-Mulk, are older than your companions; go and say to the Sultán that he had better conquer the fort of Chámpánír, where * Literally, “ prepared triumphal arches in their hearts.” f This sentence is doubtful in the original. j This sentence, too, is imperfect in the original. § The seasons of cold and heat $ meaning, probably, the seasons and winds suitable for travelling.206 JJAEAT. [A.D. 1480.1 [Tabakát-i-Akbarí. ] he may place in safety his wives and treasure, and then start safely for foreign parts.5'* The Sultán replied, “ Yes, by God's will, we will take it,” and immediately called for food. Nevertheless, he sent for Kaisar Khán, and said privately, “ Tmád-ul-Mulk has not told me the whole truth. Go to him, and talk to him, so that he may tell it to you.” Some days passed, and affairs remained in this condition, when one day 'Imád-ul-Mulk said, c< Your servant perceives his error/’f The Sultán said, “ In order that you may tell the truth I will not say a word;” and he made him take an oath to tell the truth. He then said, “ If my loyalty cost me my life, they will say, Though the unfortunate Tmad-ul-Mulk was slain he told the truth.” The Sultán acted with gentleness, and the punishment which he assigned to Khudáwand Khán was this: he called one of his pigeons by his name.! The Sultán marched to Nahrwálah, and from thence he despatched 'Imád-ul-Mulk to subdue Jálór and Sájór. Kaisar Khán was sent with him. At the end of the first day's march they encamped near the shrine of Shékh Háji Zakariah(?). Here Mujáhid Khán, son of Khudáwand Khán, with his cousin, Sáhib Khán, went into Kaisar Khán’s tent at night and murdered him.§ Next morning Tmád-ul-Mulk waited on the Sultán, and informed him of the murder. Somebody told the Sultán that Azdar Khán, son of Alaf Khán, was the murderer. The King ordered the apprehension of Azdar Khán.|| That night Mujáhid Khán and Sáhib Khán fled with their families, and in the morning it became known that they were the murderers, and that Azdar Khán was innocent. Azdar Khán was # The text reads, “ for Muháfiz Khán, his wives and treasure,” but it is clear that the second word should be mahdfizat, “safe keeping.’’ f The text reads this in the negative : “ Your servant has not perceived his error ” ; but this is clearly wrong. X Firishtah says, “ caused the person employed in the meanest office in his household to be called by his name.” See remarks on Khudáwand Khán at the close of Mahmud’s reign (infra). § According to Firishtah, the Sultán received the first intelligence of the conspiracy from Kaisar Khán. || Azdar Khán was, Firishtah says, known to be at enmity with Kaisar Khán.[A.D. 1482.] [Mir át-i-Sikandarí.] SULTAN MAHMUD BIGARHA. 207 released, and orders were given that Khudáwand Khán should be put in chains and placed in charge of Muháfiz Khán. After a few days the Sultán returned to Ahmadábád. At this time the unfortunate 'Imád-ul-Mulk died. The King gave his eldest son, Malik Badin, the title Ikhtiár-ul-Mulk, and he appointed Muháliz Khán to be wazxr.—“ Tabakát-i-Akbari.” In the year h. 887 (a.d. 1482)* the rains were deficient in the country of Gujarát, and also in the territories of Chám-pánír. Malik Sidá,f Khássiah Khél Sultání, who was posted at Mor Imli, otherwise called Rasúlábád, undertook a plundering expedition into the country of Chámpánír. When he came near the fort, Ráwal Patáí,J Rájah of Chámpánír, sallied out and attacked him. The malik fought bravely, but he was defeated, and many of his men were killed. Several elephants and horses belonging to the Sultán, and all the baggage, were lost. The Sultán was highly incensed, and firmly resolved within himself to take Chámpánír. When the Sultán marched from Ahmadábád to besiege Chámpánír and reached the town of Barodah, great fear fell upon Ráwal Patáí and the people of the fortress. The Rájah sent his waMls, who professed complete submission ; but the Sultan would not listen to any of their appeals, and told them that this time between him and them there could be negotiations only by the sword and dagger. They returned in dismay and sorrow, and told their master what had passed. The Ráwal determined to fight till death, set his fortress in order, and prepared for the conflict. The Sultán invested the place, and fighting went on between the combatants every day from morn till eve. After some days the Sultan ordered the con- # Firishtah places at this date the expedition against the Málabárí pirates, and says that it was fitted out at Balsar. As to chronology, however, the text is supported by the “Tab. Akbari,” and is probably right. f This name is variously written “ Sadá,” “ Salá,” “ Sidá,” &c. The “ Tab. Akbari ” calls him “ Sadhá,” and says he was killed in the fight. Khássiah Khél seems to mean the Sultán’s personal escort, or “guard.,, I The “ Tab. Akbari ” says, Patáí bin Káí Adhang, and says two elephants were lost,208 GUJARAT, [A.D. 1482.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] struction of covered ways, and men skilled in their erection set about the work, Ráwal Patáí sent his minister, Sahúrá, to Sultán Ghiás-ud-dín, son of Mahmud Khilji, to solicit assistance, and promised to pay him, for every day's march he should make towards Chámpánír, one lakh of tankahs, each tankah being equal in value to eight Akbari tankahs. Sultán Ghiás-ud-dín marched from Mandil, and halted at Nalchah, three kós from Mandil, where he set about the organisation of his army.* When the Sultán heard of these preparations, he left the conduct of the siege to some of his amirs, and marched towards Mandil. He reached the village of Dahód, on the frontier between Gujarát and Mandil, and there he halted. Sultán Ghiás-ud-dín, when he saw what the result was likely to be, conceived a plan for putting an end to his expedition.*)- * The accounts both, of Firishtah and the “ Tab. Akbari ” give the preliminary measures somewhat more in detail. The “ Tab. Akbari ” says that when the Sultán reached Baródah, the chief of Chámpánír sent a missive to him, as reported in the text, but, apparently, besides returning the spoil, only offered excuses, and to restore two elephants in lieu of those captured, which were badly wounded ; and the Sultán is reported to have told the ambassadors that “ the sword should convey his answer.” When his plans were matured, the Sultán sent on an advanced force to invest the fortress, or, perhaps, rather to watch it, under Táj Khán, Asad-ul-Mulk, Bahrám Khán, and Ikhtiár Khán. They were every day attacked by the Rájpúts, who sallied out. At length the Sultán himself arrived, and, passing round the fort, encamped at Ginárí, or Girnárí, and entrusted Sidi Ulang with the duty of collecting forage, &c., and to keep open the communications. One day the Rájpúts lay in ambush, surprised and defeated the Sidi, who was bringing up a convoy, which fell into the enemy’s hands. The Sidi’s loss was heavy. . . . The Sultán, for a time, desisted from the attack, and prepared for a regular siege. After relating the preparation of the covered ways (sábáts is so translated, for this seems the nearest equivalent term; they seem to have been trenches of approach, or “ zig-zags,” roofed in with heavy logs of wood), the “ Tab. Akbari ” says that the Rájah again solicited terms, offering nine mans of gold, and corn equivalent to two years’ consumption of the army. The Sultán replied that the fort must be taken, and said nothing would turn him from it. The Ráí then applied to Ghiás-ud-dín. Firishtah’s account is similar, but adds that “ Girnárí ” was on the Málwah road, and puts the amount of gold offered at two elephant-loads, which would be about nine mans. He says the Ráí’s troops and auxiliaries amounted to sixty thousand men. According to Firishtah, moreover, the King himself was first attacked by the Rájpúts, but he describes the Hindús as repulsed, and that afterwards the attack on the convoy took place; but he makes the suspension of the siege to begin before the Sultán’s arrival, and to end after the battle, in which, he says, the best of the Rájpút forces fell. f That is, of putting an end to it without risk, and with a decent excuse.[A.D. 1482.] ' [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] SULTÁN MAHMÚD BÍGARHA. 209 He assembled his learned men and icázis, told them of the proposition of the Rájah of Chámpánír, and asked them for their advice. They unanimously declared that no Muhammadan sovereign ought to give the required assistance. Upon hearing this Ghiás-ud-dín returned home, and Sultán Mahmud went back to Chámpánír* The Ráwal now despaired of relief, and the covered ways were completed. It is said that pieces of wood for constructing the covered ways were bought at one ashraft each. When the infidels in the fortress were reduced to extremity, they collected their women and children and gave them as food for the flamesf ; then they rushed out to fight. It is said that everyone was killed except Ráwal Patáí and his minister Dúngar Si. They were brought wounded before the Sultán, and he gave them into the custody of Nizám Khán. In this interview the Ráwal was most courteously urged to become a Musulmán, but he would not agree. At the end of five months his wounds were cured, and he was brought before the Sultán, who entreated him to become a Musulmán, but he refused. In the end, in accordance with the decree of the learned men and kdzis, his head was struck off and exposed on a gibbet. Dungar Si, the minister, was then led to the gibbet. He dexterously wrested a sword from the hand of an attendant, and attacking Shékhan, son of Kabir, one of the Sultán’s connections, killed him by a single blow. In the end the infidel was sent to hell. Of all the family of the Ráwal, two daughters and one son were left. When they were brought into the presence of the Sultán, he sent the girls into his harem and he gave the boy to the son of Saif*ul-Mulk. He was brought up and educated by the Malik, and in the reign of Sultán Mu-zaffar, son of Mahmud, he attained the title of Nizám-ul-Mulk, * The “ Tab. Akbari ” says that, on his return to Chámpánír, he founded a jama’ masjid ; from which circumstance people inferred that he was determined to take the fort (however long the time required might be). f This was the practice termed johar, well known as practised often by Rájpúts and Brahmans, especially the former. 14210 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1484.] [Tabakát-i- Akbarí. and became one o£ the great nobles. The fort of Chámpánír was taken on the 5th Zí-1-kaMah h. 889 (24th November a.d. 1484).* [Both the “Tab. Akbarí” and Firishtah give a fuller and interesting account of the storm. The former account is accord-ingly added here, with annotations.] [When the covered ways were ready, the troops in the trenches noticed that in the mornings most of the Rájpúts retired to bathe and to worship, leaving only a few on guard. When this was reported to the Sultán, he desired Kiwám-ul-Mulk to take his own personal troops, and the next morning at day-break to sally out of the trenches under his command, and to effect, if possible, an entrance into the fort, adding that there was good hope of success. At daylight next morning, which was the 1st of Zí-1-ka'dah a.h. 889, Kiwám-ul-Mulk, at the head of his men, sprang out of the covered way and put many of the enemy to the sword. A desperate fight ensued. The Rájpúts poured out of the interior of the fort. The Ráí and his Rájpúts prepared for the johar, while Kiwám-ul-Mulk and his chiefs, who had the glory of martyrdom before their eyes, felt it their duty to fight to the utmost of their power. Some days previously a gun had been brought to bear on the main wall of the fort on the western side, and had effected a serious breach. Malik Aiáz Sultáni, watching his opportunity, rushed into this breach with his men, and came like the fury of fate on the people of the fort. Having got inside the main wall, they fought their way up to the roof of the principal gate. Sultán Mahmúd, who had gone into the covered ways, now humbly prostrated his face to the ground and gave praise to God and thanks for the victory, and then despatched men in support. The Rájpúts were confounded and lost their * Firishtah says that the Sultan decided on the attack of Chámpánír in the month of Zí-1-ka’dah 887, and that the first troops reached Chámpánír on the 7th Safar 888 = March 17th, 1483. The actual siege, therefore, lasted a year and 253 days, if the fort was taken on 5th Zí-1-ka’dah j if on the 3rd, two days less.[Tabakát-i^Akbarí.] SULTÁN MAHMUD BÍGARHA. 211 heads. They fired a rocket* against the roof of the gate. By the mercy of God the wind of favour blew, and that very rocket fell on the palace of the Ráí. When the Rajputs saw that affairs were in this condition, they everywhere set fire to the johar which they had prepared, and consumed the bodies of their wives and children. All that day and night and the next day the troops remained under arms, fighting. The next morning (the 2nd Zí-1-ka'dah) they forced the gatef and put many to the sword. The Sultán himself came near to the gate. A number of Rájpúts who had thrown their armour away came to the gate of the bath, and seven hundred at once made a charge upon the Sultán. Many were slain on either side. Just then the Ráí Patáí and his wazír, Dúngar Si, were taken wounded, and brought before the Sultán. The Sultan returned thanks to God, and made them over to Muháfiz Khán till their wounds were cured, and that very day renamed Chámpánír “ Muhamadábád.” When the city (palace ?) was captured the Rájpúts fled to a third line of fortification, but they were turned out of this also on the third day. When Muháfiz Khán reported the Ráí Patáfs wounds as cured, the Sultán desired him to profess Muhamadanism. The unfortunate RáíJ declined, and, as he had publicly rejected Muhamadanism, the Ulema ordered his execution and that of his minister. This took place in a.h. 890. In that year the Sultán ordered Mu- # The word in the original is hulcTcah which has been usually translated “ shell ” ; and Sir H. Elliot, in a note, p. 408, yol. iv. “ Mahomedan Historians,” has stated the arguments for either interpretation. The eccentric behaviour of the missile mentioned, both in that place and here, accords so exactly with that of a rocket, and is so opposed to that of a shell, that in the text the word has been preferably given as above. It is not impossible that the rocket may be the oldest fire-arm of any now used. f There seems some omission here ; apparently this fight took place at the gate of the palace. The door of the bath was the natural scene of this last desperate charge, for it is the right conclusion of the johar that the men should cast aside all defensive armour, bathe, and then charge naked and sword in hand upon their enemies, and fight till death. J Firishtah gives the speech which the Ráí is supposed to have made when first brought before the Sultán, and says the Sultán was very favourably impressed. It amounted to this, that the fort had been handed down to him by his ancestors, and that he would not tarnish their honour by surrendering it. Firishtah says his name was Béni Ráí. 14 *212 GUJARAT. LA.D. 1485.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] hafiz Khan to construct a special fortification * * * § and an outer wall.] The climate of Chámpánír was exceedingly agreeable to the Sultán, and he made it a royal residence, and founded there a grand city, and named it Muhamadábád.f He built a fine masjid and an outer wall. Nobles and ministers, merchants and tradesmen, also built some houses for their own accommodation. In the outskirts of the city, during a.h. 890, the Sultán formed beautiful gardens, and in a short time the city became so fine and handsome that it made the people of Gujarát forget Ahmadábád,{ and they all agreed that there was not any place like it in Gujarát, probably not on the face of the whole earth. The lofty buildings of the city were inhabited by the great men of the day. Its gardens were full of flowers of various colours and of fruits of all sorts, especially of mangoes; also grapes, pomegranates, bananas, &c. The sandal wood was so abundant in the neighbourhood that the inhabitants are said to have used it in building their houses. Now, thanks be to God, Chámpánír is not still the same. Its buildings are in ruins, it is inhabited by the tiger, and its gardens are for the most part jungle, nor is there any sandal wood produced : its very name is unknown. It is said§ that a man from Khurásán asked the Sultán for a piece of land in the neighbourhood, and offered to make a garden excelling all others. The Sultán consented, and issued an order to assign land to him. He made accordingly a beautiful garden, * This appears to have been an upper citadel; apparently the remains of the upper fort now existing are of Muhamadan construction, and are attributed to Mahmud Bigarha, who is said to have named the citadel Man Mahesh. See “ Gazetteer,’’ Kaira and Panch Mahals, p. 190. t Major Miles, “Asiatic Researches” (Bombay), vol. ii. p. (151) 141, describes the ruins as, in his day, reaching to Halol, a distance of four miles from the hill. J This digression is, for the most part, here translated only in very brief abstract. The praises of the flowers and fruits, especially of the mangoes, occupying many pages of the original, are not of sufficient interest to warrant reproduction at length. § The following stories, told at tedious length in the original, are reproduced here in abstract to illustrate the character of the Sultan and the manners of the day.[Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] SULTAN MAHMUD BÍGABHA. 213 with which the Sultán was greatly pleased, as it was on a pattern quite unknown before in Gujarát, and he bestowed presents and favours on the man. Upon this a man of the name of Halu, a Gujarati carpenter* by origin, said to the Sultán, if allowed, he would make a garden to rival this one. The Sultán replied, “ If you can, why not ? ” and in a short time the man laid out a garden which excelled that of the Khurásání. The Sultán was much astonished, and inquired of him, saying, “The people of Gujarát do not understand this art. Whence did you learn it ? ” He replied, “ When any man skilled in this art was laying out a garden, I got access disguised as an ignorant labourer; and partly from what I heard, and partly from my own genius, I have attained this skill.” The Sultán was much pleased at his perseverance and skill, and gave him many presents and a special dress of honour. It is said that part of the buildings attached to this garden are still in existence, and the people of Gujarát call it “ Hálól/’ + Most of the elegant handicrafts and ingenious arts now practised in Gujarát were introduced under Sultán Mahmud. Clever men from various distant cities and countries were settled there; and the people of Gujarat were thus, by the Sultán’s exertions, instructed in the knowledge and practice of the conveniences and elegancies of civilized life. Before his time they were very rude and ignorant. For example: A connection of the Sultán, who was serving in the army, took leave and went to his home. When he returned thence, he collected some vetches, packed them in baskets, and presented them to the Sultán. The Sultán asked what he had brought. The man replied, “ A few vetches, which will afford excellent food for your horses.” The Sultán smiled, and the man went on to say: “In the village where I live there is a Kolin woman (i.e. a woman of the Kóli tribe) who has a son every year. * The word in the original is daródgir, which means a - carpenter usually, but also is used in the sense of “ artificer.” t Hálol is now the name of a small town near Chámpánír, and gi^es its name to the parganah in which it is situated.214 GUJARAT. [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] Her husband is dead, and, if the Sultán likes, I will get her for him, so that plenty of sons may be born to him.” The Sultán laughed outright, and the man declared with an oath, “ She has had seven sons in seven years. I am telling no lie ! ” To be brief, the Sultán was created by the Lord Almighty solely for the happiness of his people. His time was a time when no one was in any anxiety of mind, but all persons lived in ease and comfort; and in spite of many wars the law and faith of Islám were carried out to the utmost, so that no one dared offend against them, and the reason of this was that the Sultán himself obeyed them and conformed his actions thereto. It is said that one day a jeweller had made a jewelled rubáb,* and was bringing it to the Sultán, when, on the road, he met Kází Tuhm-ud-din, who was Kází of the city. When the Kází saw the rubáb, he called out, “ What is this, and whose is it ? ” The jeweller said, “ It is the Sultán’s rubáb” “ Bring it here,” cried the Kází, and his followers took the instrument to him. The Kází broke it in pieces and rubbed the jewels together till he ground them to dust. The goldsmith cast dust upon his head and made his complaint to the Sultán, saying, “I have been for many months employed in making a jewelled rubáb to your order, and I was bringing it to you when the Kází Tuhm-ud-din took it from me and destroyed it.” The Sultán said not a word ; but when the assembly had broken up, and he had withdrawn into private, he said: The tree which grows by the roadside everyone rubs his hands on it.f This man attacks me, why does he not go to Rasulábád to Mián ManjlahJ (i.e. Sháh ’Alam), for he wears silken trousers and is fond of music ?” This speech was repeated to the Kází, who wrote out certain verses, § selected from theological works, about improper dressing and listening to music, and put the papers in * A musical instrument of the nature of a guitar with four strings, but haying a surface of parchment instead of wood ; a species of “ banjo.” f This sentence is given also in Gujarátí, and is evidently a local proverb. { S^e note, p. 138. § These verses were to be used to defend his action, which he presumed would be condemned by the Saint.[Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] SULTAN MAHMUD BÍGARHA. ¿15 his turban, saying to himself, “ I shall show these verses to the Saint; what answer can he make ? ” Accordingly the next Friday the Kazi set out for Rasulabad, because, except on Fridays, no one could have an interview with the Saint. Six days the Saint remained shut off from the world, in converse with God. On Fridays he received the people, taught and advised them, pointed out the right way to his disciples, or listened to the complaints of those who were in distress, and who poured out to him their spiritual and worldly difficulties. He went on with this business till the time of afternoon prayer; after performing his ablutions for these prayers, he retired into seclusion, and if before the following Friday even the king of the country came to seek an interview, he would have had to go back (disappointed). When the Kazi arrived the Saint called him up; as the Kazi*s eyes fell on the Saint his spirit died within him, and the flames of his severity and bigotry were extinguished. The Kazi drew near with all respect, and seated himself on the step opposite the Saint.* The jeweller, too, was seated before the Saint, and, as it happened, he was that day clad in a black woollen cap and old black woollen coat. The Saint said to the Kazi, “ What is the paper which you have in your turban? ’* The Kazi said, “ A few verses which I have written out.*’ “ What about ? ** asked the Saint. The Kazi in reply deposited the paper in his hands. When the Saint unrolled the paper it was blank, and he said, “ You told me you had written something, but this paper is blank.** The Kazi was troubled, and put up his hand to his turban, but could find nothing more, and became altogether confused. There was a log of wood lying in the court of the building. It fell under the alche-mistic gaze of the Saint; its nature was changed and it became pure gold. The Shekh then said to the Kazi: “ You are a man with a large family; take this and carry it home, it will be of use for your sons.** The Kazi answered : “ I seek not gold, but a place for repentance.” “Kazi,** remarked the Saint, “in * Some MSS. have “ In the place where the slippers are deposited.”216 Gujarat. [A.D. 1486-87.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] my house are singing and music and silken garments; those who altogether approve of them affect my society, will you join us ?33 The Kází cried, “ I approve all, and repent me of my acts.5* The Saint then told him to pick up, and give him a string which the jeweller had let fall; the Kází gave it to him, and he twisted it round his waist, and stuck a little hit of wood in it dagger-wise. He then told the Kází to bring him the (jeweller’s) cap and his old black coat, so torn and tattered that the threads were visible everywhere, and when the Kází gave it to the Saint he put it on ; he then performed his ablutions and proceeded towards the masjid to perform the Friday prayers. As soon as he set foot outside his house, in the eyes of the beholders the bit of string became a jewelled girdle, the piece of wood an inlaid dagger, and the woollen coat a dress of silk shot with gold. The Saint turned to the Kází and said, “Kází, you and your sons are witness, for ye have seen it, and know what the Almighty makes this appear in the sight of the people and what it really is.” After prayers the Kází placed the hand of submission in the Saint’s hands, and by degrees became one of his most intimate and approved disciples, and ¿ornewhat attained to righteousness.* In the year h. 891 the Sultán went to Mustafábád, and left the city of Muhamadábád in charge of Muháfiz Khán ’Afw. Completing his business at Mustafábád he returned to Muhamadábád. In the year h. 892 (a.d. 1487), the Sultán started again for Mustafábád, and on reaching the town of Dhandukah on the borders of Gujarát and Sórath, he placed the country of So-rath and the fort of Junahgarh in charge of Prince Khalil Khán.f He then went to Ahmadábád. A party of merchants came to him complaining that they were bringing four hundred Persian and Turki horses from ’Irák and Khurásán, and some * Another anecdote much to the same purport as the above follows ; but, as it in no way bears on the history, and is only a glorification of the Saint, it is not given here. f Afterwards Muzaffar II.fA.D. 1487-90.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] SULTAN MAHMUD BIGARHA. 217 rolls of Hindustání fabrics, with the intention of exhibiting them at the court of Gujarát.* But on reaching the foot of Mount A'bu, the Rájah of Sirohi had seized them all, and had not left them even an old pair of trousers. They professed they sought redress from His Majesty, who was the deputy of God. The Sultán told them to furnish a written statement of the value of the horses and goods. When he had examined it he gave orders for the payment to the merchants out of the royal treasury, and said he would recover it from the Rájah of Sirohi. The money was brought to the Sultán and counted out in his presence to the merchants. The Sultan marched with an army towards Sirohi, and sent a sternly-expressed letter to the Rájah, requiring him to give up instantly the horses and the goods he had taken from the merchants, or the Sultán and his army would follow immediately. The Rájah on receiving the letter surrendered every horse and all the goods, and sent a suitable tribute to the Sultán and abjectly sought forgiveness. The Sultán then returned to Muhamadábád. For four years the Sultán resided at Muhamadábád in ease and comfort. In the hot weather and the melon season he used to go from thence to Ahmadábád, and after enjoying himself there for three months returned to Muhamadábád. About this time the Sultán learned that Khwájah Muhamad, who bore the title of Khwájah Jahán,f and was a peerless minister, # This event took place in 892, as both the . “ Mirát-i-Ahmadí ” and Firishtah expressly assert. The merchants were coming from Dehli. All accounts agree in the general story. The “ Tab. Akbari ” says the horses seized were 403, of which 370 were restored, and the price of the other 33 was paid by the Rájah. t Khwájah Jahán, that is, Khwájah Mahmud (not Muhamad, as in the text) Gawán, was a minister of great renown; he was unjustly and cruelly put to death in 886 a.h. as is related in Firishtah’s separate account of the Bahmani dynasty, where the story will be found at full length (Briggs, vol. ii. pp. 505-9.) Mahmúd Gawán was a native of the province of Gílán in Persia, and seems to have surrounded himself by his own countrymen. This practice appears to have been one of the chief causes of the hostility aroused against him among the nobles of the Bahmani court, which ultimately brought about his downfall. Bahádar Gílání was doubtless one of these countrymen. (See Rieu’s Catalogue of Persian MSS. in British Museum, pp. 527 and 983 ; Briggs’ Firishtah, vol. ii. p. 511. Three letters written by him to Mahmud Sháh Bigarha, in the name of his master Muhamad Sháh Bahmani, are still extant.218 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1490.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] had been put to death by Sultán Muhamad (Lashkari), King of the Dakhin. Thereupon Bahádar Gílání, who had been a protege of the Khwájah, broke out in rebellion at the port of Dábhól. Sultán Muhamad Lashkari then died, and his son, Sultán Mahmud Bahmani was raised to the throne. He was of tender age, and several of the amirs of the Dakhin revolted, and confusion forced its way into the administration of the Dakhin. Bahádar Gílání, availing himself of the opportunity thus offered, got possession of several districts of the Dakhin, and, having collected a number of ships, he engaged in piracy along the coasts of that country and off the ports of Gujarát.* The fear of him was so great that no ship dared to go out of or enter into any port of Gujarát. The reason of his hostility to Gujarát was that the Malik-ut-Tujjárf of the Dakhin, after the murder of Khwájah Jahán, fled from the Dakhin to the port of Kambháiat. Bahádar Gílání sent a person to him from Dábhól to ask for the hand of his daughter. Just then Malik-ut-Tujjár died, and his wakil, Muhamad Khaiát, refused Bahádar Gílání’s request, and sent a silly answer, asking how a slave of six generations! could presume to ask the hand of a daughter of Malik-ut-Tujjár. When the messenger returned and told Bahádar Gílání, he sent certain desperadoes who treacherously assassinated Muhamad Khaiát. After all, the girl was saved from Bahádar Gílání by the assistance of the people of Kambháiat. Therefore this scoundrel turned against them and practised his piracies all about the ports of Gujarát. For some years no ship dared to go from one port to another, and goods imported by sea became * According to the “Tab. Akbari ” and Firishtah, Bahádar Gílání captured certain of Sultán Mahmúd Bigarha’s own vessels and detained the crews in captivity. One of his officers, an Abyssinian named Yakát, is said by Firishtah to have attacked Maháím with a fleet of twelve ships, and to have sacked and burnt it. f See note at p. 116 for the origin of this peculiar title; it had apparently become an established one, in use at the Bahmani court, but there is nothing in the author to show who the holder of it now was. $ Probably a mere term of insult. As shown above, Bahádar seems to have been an adventurer from Gílán in Persia.[Miíá:“sikanáarí.] SULTAN MAHMUD BÍGARHA. 219 so difficult to procure that people were reduced to use coriander seed instead of areca nut with their betel.# The Sultán was enraged on hearing of these proceedings. He sent Malik Sárang Kiwám-ul-Mulk with a large army and fighting elephants against Dábhól by land, and by sea he sent three hundred ships filled with armed men and furnished with guns and muskets. When the land army reached Agáhí (Agásí) and Basai (Bassein) on the borders of Gujarát and the Dakhin, the regents for Sultán Mahmud Bahmani reflected that Sultán Mahmud Gujarátí had been a patron to their kings. He had time after time assisted them, and had saved them from being destroyed by Sultán Mahmúd Khiljí of Mandu; gratitude, therefore, required that before he could attack Bahádar they themselves should anticipate him and dislodge Bahádar. It was, moreover, very objectionable that any foreign army should enter their country; strife might arise, and there was no knowing what might be the end of it. The best course was to endeavour to eject Bahádar, and thus avoid # Apparently, Bahádar Gílání’s revolt remained unchecked for some time, for Mahmud Gawán, as has been seen, was murdered in 886 a.h. The “ Tabakát ” places the Gujarat expedition against him in 895, which seems to agree with the facts stated in the context, but while the author of the “ Mirát-i-Sikandari ” slurs over the disagreeable part of the narrative, it is given both by Firishtah and the “ Tab. Akbari ” at full length. Practically, they both concur in saying that there were two expeditions from Gujarát; the first under Kamál Khán and Safdar Khán, according to the “ Tab. Akbari ”; under Safdar Khán alone, according to Firishtah; the other under Kiwám-ul-Mulk. According to the “ Tab. Akbari ” the fleet was under Safdar-ul-Mulk, and was wrecked. Kamál Khán, whose force was small, was amused by Bahádar Gílání with offers of submission, and then suddenly attacked, and after a very bloody battle defeated, both leaders being wounded and taken prisoners. According to the account of the “ Tabakát-i-Akbari (which seems the most probable story), Kiwám-ul-Mulk’s army was not sent off till the news of this defeat reached Mahmud Bigarha. What passed then is not quite clear, though apparently Kiwám-ul-Mulk considered it inexpedient to attack without aid from the Dakhin. On this Mahinúd sent an ambassador to the Bahmani court, and on receiving the formal complaint of the Gujarát King, the Bahmani Government was roused to vigorous action, which seems to have been necessary as Bahádar aspired to independent sovereignty. The result was a long campaign, or series of campaigns, related at great length by Firishtah, and also by the “Tab. Akbari,” which resulted in the death of Bahádar, and the release of Safdar-ul-Mulk, to whom, according to Firishtah, Bahádar’s fleet was made over on his release. Firishtah places the close of this war in 900, but the text would make it not later than early in 899 a.h. Probably Bahádar Gílání fell either at the beginning of 900, or the early part of the previous year.220 GUJARAT [A.Í>. 1494-96.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] all occasion of difference. A letter was sent to Sultán Mahmud Gujarátí, stating that the armies of the Dakhin were his faithful friends, hut they required that he would give orders that his army should stop where it was, as the punishment of Bahádar appertained to them. If they failed in effecting it, he could still interfere. In the end the whole army of the Dakhin marched against Bahádar. He offered battle, was defeated, taken alive, and his head was cut off and sent to Sultán Mahmud Bahmani, who apprised Mahmud Gujarátí of the fact and that king withdrew his army. In the year h. 899 (a.d. 1494), the Sultán led his army to the town of Morásah, because Alaf Khán, moula-zádah* of the Sultán, who was in charge of the district of Morásah, had become rebellious. On hearing of the approach of the Sultán, Alaf Khán fled to the city of Maimun, otherwise called Kárath,t near the mountains of Lúnawárah. He made no stay there, but went to Sultán Ghiás-ud-dín Khiljí. That monarch, however, did not allow him to remain, in consequence of what had formerly been done by his father 'Alá-ud-dín Suhráb, as has been already described. He went on to Sultánpúr, and in the end the Sultán forgave him; and in the year h. 901 % the Sultán restored him to his service.§ # Moula-zddah : this expression means “ an hereditary follower.” He was the son of that ’Alá-ud-dín bin Suhráb who had (see p. 135) vindicated his loyalty very much at the expense of his good faith in the reign of Kutb-ud-din. f Kárath: this name is variously written Kárshah, Kársah, Kárauth, and Kárnah. J Firishtah says that in 901 Mahmúd marched against I'dar and Bágar, and levied a heavy tribute. This is not mentioned in the text, nor in the “ Tab. Akbari.” § According to the “ Tab. Akbari,” the Sultan’s march to Morásah was not caused by Alaf Khán’s revolt, but was the cause of it. Alaf Khán had been embezzling the pay of his men, and, when the Sultán drew^ near, in fear that they should make complaints, and also because he had said some impertinent things, absconded. The Sultan sent Sharf Jehán to reassure him, and bring him back, but without avail. He gave up one hundred elephants to Sharf Jehán, but himself fled to Ghiás-ud-dín ; being turned away by him, he fled to Sultánpúr. The Sultán sent a force in pursuit, and near Sultánpúr Alaf Khán turned on his pursuers, and slew one of the leaders and the son of another. Afterwards, as described in the text, he was pardoned by the son, partly for his late father’s sake; but three months after his restoration to favour he slew his own Náíb Arz Begi, without a cause, and was, in consequence, cast into prison, where he died. Firishtah says he died of poison at Málwah.[A.D. 1499-1501.] [Mirát-i-Sikandar í .1 SULTAN MAHMUD BIGARHA. 221 In the year h. 904 (a.d. 1499), the Sultán marched towards A'sir, because ^A'dil Khán Fárúkí had failed to send the customary tribute.* On reaching the river Táptí, '’A'dil Khán sent tribute and made apologies. The Sultán then withdrew.f He sent his camp by way of Nandarbár, but he went himself to the fort of Thálnír, and the fort of Dharmál, which Hmád-ul-Mulk had conquered. Thence he returned to Nandarbár, where he rejoined his camp, and then went to Muhamadábád. In the year h. 906, intelligence arrived that Sultán Násir-ud-din, son of Sultán Ghíás-ud-dín, had killed his father and had himself ascended the throne.% Sultán Mahmud was about # Briggs calls the demand for tribute “a wanton exercise of power,” but the general tenor of the history, given by all the writers on this period, goes to show that the Fárukí rulers (they had not yet permanently assumed the regal state) did owe, more or less, a kind of federal duty to the Gujarát kings. f Except Eirishtah, all the authorities concur in the account of this campaign, though they are not quite at one regarding its date. The “ Tab. Akbari ” puts it in 906; the “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” gives no date, but says that the death of Ghíás-ud-dín of Málwah occurred immediately after, which would bring it to 906 ; Eirishtah places it in 905, and, agreeing in the account up to the submission of ’A'dil Khán, gives a long relation of what is said to have occurred afterwards. According to this, after ’A'dil Khán’s submission, Sultán Mahmud marched to Daulatábád to assist Malik Ashraf, who had originally been a 'protégé of Khwájah Mahmud Gawán, and who having, with his brother .become practically independent of the Bahmani court, had been attacked by Ahmad Khán Bhairi, the founder of the “ Nizám Sháhí” dynasty, also originally a noble of the Bahmani court. Firishtah represents that, on arriving there, the Sultán’s camp was attacked at night by Ahmad Khán’s men, who, driving an infuriated elephant before them, created a confusion in the Gujarátí camp ; and Firishtah goes on to say that Mahmud was seized with a panic, and fled for several miles. Meanwhile his troops repulsed the attack, but he was nowhere to be found. . . . Shortly afterwards Ahmad [Khán Bhairi made a treaty with Sultán Mahmud, and withdrew. Mahmud then retired. On his departure Ahmad Khán returned. Mahmud was again called, and Ahmad Khán retired, but finally returned, and, on Malik Ashraf dying, got peaceable possession of Daulatábád. Firishtah says the Gujarátí authorities suppress all notice of these facts out of tenderness to their favourite hero; but, nevertheless, concludes by expressing some doubt. The only fact which seems to corroborate this relation is the mention of Tmád Khán’s capture of Dharmál in the text, which does not seem otherwise easily explained. Cf. Briggs’ “ Firishtah,” vol. iii. pp. 201-43, vol. iv. p. 73. J It is by no means certain that Násir-ud-dín was actually guilty of this crime. The “ Táríkh-i-Alfí,” which is written in a somewhat hostile spirit, only says that he was suspected of it. Firishtah says that he was accused of it, but expressly and strenuously denied it, and asserts that there existed no motive for it, as Násir-ud-dín had already all the power. Ghíás-ud-dín certainly died at a moment very opportune for Násir-ud-dín’s interest ; on the other hand, he was old and worn out, and had been subject to an-222 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1507-8.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] to lead his army towards Mandu, but Násir-ud-dín behaved in a conciliatory manner, so he gave up the design.* For seven years from this time the Sultán did not undertake any military enterprise. In the year h. 913 (a.d. 1507), the Sultán marched with his army to Chéwal, and, in consequence of the disturbances caused by Europeans, he marched towards Basai (Bassein), and Maháím. Upon arriving at Dun he learned that Malik Aiáz,f the Sultán^ slave, and the ruler of Diu, had obtained a body of Turks and ten Turkish ships. With these he sailed to the port of Chéwal, and fought with the disorderly Europeans He killed a great many of them, and with his guns sank one large ship heavily laden.J Malik Aiáz lost four hundred men, Turks and others, but he returned to Dili in triumph. The Sultán was greatly rejoiced at this, and showed great favour to the Malik, to whom he sent a robe of honour. He returned to Basai, where he remained six days, and then went to his capital, where he arrived on the 11th Muharram, h. 914 (a.d. 1508). In the year h. 914 (a.d. 1508), ’Alam Khán,§ son of Hasan noyance, anxiety, and alarm just before his death, which circumstances were quite sufficient to account for it. On the whole, probably, the case is one for acquittal, even if the circumstances are somewhat suspicious. * According to Firishtah, Mahmud discovered and punished a conspiracy among his nobles at Ahmadabad this year. f Malik Aiaz, who gained this splendid victory, seems to be the same chief who led one of the successful attacks on Champanir. A biographical sketch of him will be found at the end of Mahmud Bigarha’s reign, and further particulars in the account of the reign of Muzafliar Shah II. J The ‘‘Tab. Akbari” says the ship’s cargo was worth a hror of rupees. It is proposed to give, in a later place, a sketch of the relations between the Portuguese and the kings of Gujarat from the Portuguese authorities ; more will not, therefore, be said in this place as to these events. The Turkish Sultan had sent a fleet to fight the Portuguese, and it was some of these which came to the aid of Malik Aiaz. § The genealogy may be stated thus : Malik Rajah was the virtual founder of the Faruki dynasty ; ’A'dil Khan Faruki I. was, by lineal descent, his right male heir in the fourth generation, being the great grandson of his son Nasir. Dying without issue, his brother Daud succeeded to the throne. After a brief reign he also died, leaving an infant son, who was soon after poisoned—it is said by Hisam-ud-din, one of two Moghal brothers who had attained much influence under Daud. ’A'lam Khan, the claimant of Mahmud’s protection (who ultimately became ’A'dil Khan Faruki II.), was a son of Hasan Khan, who was a legitimate though younger son of Nasir Khan,[MirC«fsitan¿rí.] SULTÁN MAHMÚD BÍGABHA. 223 Khán, son of a daughter of the Sultán (whose father also had been ruler of A'sir and Burhánpúr), induced his mother to write to the Sultán (of Gujarát), stating that it was seven years since ’A'dil Khán, son of Mubárak, died without a son. The nobles had raised to the throne a putative descendant of Malik Rájah, with the title of ’A'dil Khán, and having got possession of the country, were plundering it. If the Sultán would raise him from the dust to the throne of his ancestors, it would be a kind act, and in accord with that gracious protection of the humble which characterised his royal line. When the mother of ’A'lam Khán bin Hasan Khán conveyed this request to the Sultán, he assented to it. In the month of Rájab, having committed A'sir to 'A'lam Khán, he proceeded towards Nandarbár. He passed the Ramazán in the village of Sambali, on the banks of the Narbadah. He sent to Baródah for Prince Khalil Khán, and, taking him with him, proceeded to Nandarbár.* Hisám-ud-dín Móghal, who had possession of half the country of Burhánpúr, had, before this, written secretly to 'A'lam Khán (’A'dil Khán), offering, if he would join him, to use his best endeavours to raise him to the throne of his ancestors. But when he saw that Sultán Mahmud was also and who had married the daughter of Mahmud of Grujarát. He had, therefore, a better right to the throne than anyone claiming through a son of Malik Rajah, even if a legitimate son; but the expression in the text of the best MSS. distinctly implies that he was of, at least, suspicious birth— i( EM az hhdnahzddahai auldd,” means “a child by some female servant.” The “ Khánahzáds ” form a peculiar class in many Indian courts. They are the children of favourite personal attendants or followers of the royal family, are brought up with the royal children, and naturally become intimate with them from their earliest youth. . . . The sons often rise to high trust, power, and influence ; indeed, they still form an important political clique at some courts. The girls, having free access to the royal apartments, often form irregular connections with the male members of the royal family, though the children of such connections are hardly recognised as legitimate. The claimant put up by Hisám-ud-dín would seem to have come of a son of this class. Some MSS., however, read Khdn-zddah which would mean the son of a “ khán ” or younger son, in which case he may have been a legitimate descendant. # This is the reading of the majority of the texts. The lithographed edition and MS. D read “Mahindri” for “ Narbadah.” The “Tab. Akbari” says he gave orders for the collection of the army in Rájab, marched in Sha’bán, and encamped and spent Ramazán at Sambali, on the Narbadah.224 GUJARAT [A J). 1508. J [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] intent upon this, he retracted his promise,* and having obtained the support of Nizám-ul-Mulk Bahri, ruler of Ahmadnagar, he placed (a pretender) 'A'lam Khán on the throne.f Malik Ládan Khiljí, who held the other half of Burhánpúr, was at enmity with Hisám-ud-dín, so he kept aloof from this transaction and withdrew to the foot of the mountain of A'sir. When Sultán Mahmud arrived at Thálnír, Nizám-ul-Mulk selected four thousand horsemen, and sent them to the support of Malik Hisám-ud-dín, wazir of Burhánpúr; he himself went to his own capital. J The Sultán stayed a few days in Thálnír, calculating the state of affairs. He sent A'saf Khán, who for loyalty and intelligence had no peer in his time, along with 'Aziz-ul-Mulk, the Governor of Nandarbár, against Hisám-ul-Mulk, with orders to expel him from the districts of Nandarbár and Sultánpúr, and to win over Ládan Khiljí, and to put him in Hisám-ud-din’s place. When these amirs arrived at the town of Ránúbar in the neighbourhood of Burhánpúr, the army of Nizám-ul-Mulk fled with (the pretender) ’A'lam Khán, towards the Dakhin. Hisám-ud-dín ceased from his opposition, and came by another road to Thálnír, where he was allowed to pay # This account differs from that of Firishtah, according to which Hisám-ud-dín from the first supported the illegitimate claimant, who was also, especially, the nominee of Ahmad Khán Bhairi of Ahmadnagar, in which city, indeed, the boy was living.—Briggs, vol. iv. p. 303. f As has been seen, this young man was connected illegitimately or legitimately with the royal family of the Fárúkís ; indeed, the “Tab. Akbari” expressly says so. The title given to him is Khán-zádah, which may, as used, signify that, though not a prince, he belonged to a collateral branch of the family of A'sir. Both claimants seem to have been originally named ’A'lam Khán, and both to have assumed the title of ’A'dil Khán, which is rather confusing. % According to Firishtah, ’Imád-ul-Mulk, of Birár, and Ahmad Nizám Sháh Bhairi were both hastening to Burhánpúr, when they heard of Mahmúd Sháh’s advance; they, thereupon, contented themselves with sending four thousand horse each to assist Hisám-ud-dín, and fell back. The commanders of their troops, seeing that the Gujarát force was too strong to be resisted, withdrew, and Hisám-ud-dín’s venture collapsed. As the pretender, ’A'lam Khán, came originally from Ahmadnagar, it was natural he should withdraw with Ahmad Nizám Sháh’s troops. (Cf. Briggs, vol. iii. p. 205, and vol. iv. pp. 75, 76, 303, 304.) The “ Tab. Akbari ” and “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” agree generally in this account, but the former says that Mahmúd halted himself at Thálnír, being somewhat infirm.[A.D. 1509.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] SULTAN MAHMUD BIGABHA. 225 homage to the Sultán. Malik Ládan Khán Khiljí also came in and made his obeisance. After the'Fd-uz-zoha ’A'lam Khán, son of Hasan Khán, was raised to the title of ’A'dil Khán,* four elephants and thirty lakhs of tankahs were presented to him, and he was established in the government of A'sir and Burhánpúr. Ládan Khán Khiljí was dignified with the title of Khán Jahán, and the village of Banás, in the parganah of Sultánpúr, which was his birth-place, was presented to him, and a reconciliation having been effected between him and Hisám-ud-dín, he was appointed to attend 'A'dil Khán. Muhamad Mákhá, son of ’Imád-ul-Mulk A'sírí, received the title of Ghází Khán ; Malik 'A'lam Sháh, thánadár of Thálnír, that of Kutb Khán; Malik Yusaf, his brother, that of Saif Khán ; and the eldest son of Malik Ládan, that of Mujáhid Khán. All these nobles, with Nusrat-ul-Mulk and Mujáhid-ul-Mulk Gujarátí, were appointed to attend 'A'dil Khán, and he departed to A'sir, reassured, and with great pomp. Sultán Mahmud then started for his own country. Malik Hisám-ud-dín went with him two stages, as his guest and companion, and when he took leave the village of Dhanurah, in Sultánpúr, was granted to him in rent-free tenure.f # The «Tab. Akbari ” says the title was “’Azim Humáiún,’’ and he certainly appears to have held this Gujarátí title, by which he is always mentioned in the Gujarat histories. What happened was, probably, that he assumed the independent style of ’A'dil Khan, and accepted also the Gujarátí title of ’Azim Humáiún as an honorary dignitary of the Gujarát court. He appears at or about this time to have strengthened his connection further by marrying the daughter of his own first cousin, Prince Khalil Khán, afterwards Muzaffar Sháh II. ; she was also own sister to Prince Bahádar Khán, afterwards Bahádar Sháh. f Both the “Tab. Akbari” and Firishtah give a long account of the troubles which again arose before ’A'dil Khán was fairly seated on his throne. These do not directly bear on the history of Gujarát—or, at least, only as they gave rise to a second expedition ; a brief notice of them will, therefore, suffice. Thè enmity between Malik Ládan (Khwájah Jahán) and his party on the one hand, and Hisám-ud-dín on the other, soon broke out again. Hisám-ud-dín left the capital, and began again intriguing with Muhamad Mákhá and Ahmad Nizám Sháh Bhairi to Tbring forward again the pretender ’A'lam Khán. ’A'dil Khán Farúkí summoned him to court, and he came with a large following. After some parleying, Hisám-ud-dín was treacherously assassinated at an interview, and his troops surprised and cut up ; but this did not stop the 15226 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1510.1 [Mirát-i-Sikancíarí. ] When Sultán Mahmud reached Muhamadábád, Prince Khalil Khán was graciously dismissed to his home at Baródah, and his sons, Sikandar Khán and Latíf Khán, were sent with him. Their younger brother, Bahádar Khán, the Sultán retained with him, and treated him with paternal affection and excessive kindness. He often declared publicly, “ This son of mine will be a great king.” One day he said to Bahádar Khán, whom he had taken on, his knee, “ Bahádar Khán, I have besought the Almighty to give you the kingdom of Gujarát, and He has consented.” [The “Tab. Akbari” here adds the following important statement:—In this year Sultán Sikandar Lodi, King of Dehli, sent some presents, in the way of friendship and kindness, to Sultán Mahmud. Before this, no king of Dehli had ever sent a present to any king of Gujarát:]* In the month of Zí-1-hijjah, a.h. 916 (a.d. 1510), the Sultán went to Pattan, and this was the last journey he ever took; and he, for the last time, had interviews with the chief holy men (of Pattan), such as Mauláná Mn’ín-ud-dín Kazerúní and Mauláná Táj-ud-dín Síwí. He said to them : “ I have come this time to take leave of you, for I know that the measure of life is full; pray for me *'; and, having given a grand entertainment to all the holy men of Pattan, on the fourth day he disaffection, nor Ahmad Shah’s intrigues. ’A'dil Khan had, therefore, recourse again to Mahmud Shah. Ahmad Nizam Shah Bhairi sent a counter embassy to advocate the pretender’s claims. Mahmud Shah took advantage of this embassy to inform Ahmad Nizam Shah emphatically of his intention to support ’A'dil Khan absolutely, and to threaten Ahmad Shah with his vengeance if he dared to attack the latter. These threats, supported by a grant of twelve lakhs of tankahs to ’A'dil Khan, and the march of a strong force under Dilawar Khan, sufficed to check Ahmad Nizam Shah, and to put a final stop to the rebellion and to the pretender’s attempts. The Gujarati troops, after coercing the Rajah of Galnah, who had been refractory, withdrew. For fuller particulars, see “ Tab. Akbari ” and Briggs’ “ Firishtah,” vol. iii. pp. 205-207, vol. iv. pp. 305-307. # The importance of this fact consists in its being a virtual recognition by the Dehli sovereign of the independence of Gujarat, as Firishtah, who also relates the circumstance, expressly notices. It is true, as Briggs points out, that the Dehli dynasty was a new one, that of the Lodis; but there had been another dynasty between that and the Toghlaks, under whom the Gujarat kings became independent, and the recognition was an important political measure.[A.D. 1510-11.] [ Mirát-i-Sikandar í. ] SULTAN MAHMÚD BÍGARHA. 227 departed for Ahmadábád. When he reached Sarkhéj (on his way), he visited the tomb of Shékh Ahmad Khattu. He then gazed with a mournful look upon his own tomb, which he had caused to be built close by that of the Saint, and said : “ This is Mahmud's advanced camp, which he will soon occupy."* After this he proceeded to Ahmadábád, where he fell ill, and continued so for three months. He sent for Prince Khalil Khán from Baródah, and told him that his last journey was near at hand, gave him fatherly advice, admonishing him to rule with righteousness and justice, to protect his people, to succour the oppressed, and to crush oppressors. About this time the Sultán grew somewhat better, and sent Prince Khalil Khán back to Baródah; but, from a complication of diseases arising from the weakness of old age and his impaired digestion, after three months his exhaustion returned, and he grew worse. Although the most skilful physicians tried every remedy, it was of no avail. The Sultán, when he discerned that his end was near, ordered Khalil Khán to be sent for; but before the Prince could arrive, and meet the last glances of his dear father, the fated hour came, and the Sultán gave up his soul to God, and departed from this world, at the hour of afternoon prayer, on Monday in Ramazán a.h. 917. They carried his bier to Sarkhéj, and buried him in the tomb which he had prepared there. He had reigned fifty-four years and one month; and his age was sixty-seven years and three months.f * This expression refers to the Indian custom of sending an advanced camp overnight while marching, so as to find shelter ready when the march of the day is completed. t He was born, according to the “ Mírát-i-Sikandarí,” on the 20th of Ramazán, 849 a.h. (see p. 129). He ascended the throne on the 1st of Sha’bán, 863 a.h. (p. 161). This account, therefore, does not exactly tally, in regard to the months mentioned above. The calculation of the “Tab. Akbari,” which says he died on the 2nd of Ramazán, and that of Firishtah, are still further from the actual results of these dates. The “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” gives fifty-four years and one month and two days as the length of his reign, and sixty-eight and a little over as his age, which pretty nearly agrees with the text. The “ Tab. Akbari” says he was called, after death, Khnddiagdn-i-Halim, “the great gentle Lord,” and says of him that he was gentle, merciful, brave, and God-fearing. 15 *228 GUJARAT. [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. , In his youth* Sultán Mahmud had three companions. First, Daría Khán, who built the great dome to the north side of the fort of Ahmadábád. In length, breadth/ and height, this is the largest brick dome in Gujarát. Second, Alaf Khán Bhúkáí, who built the great masjid in the vicinity of the town of Dholkah, to the west of the fort. Travellers in many lands are agreed that they have in no country seen so fine a mosque of brick. Third, Malik Muhamad Ikhtiar. When the Sultán came to the throne he attended to their fortunes, made them all panj-hazárís, and advanced them to the title of Khán. Malik Ikhtiár would not accept the title of Khán. He said, “ My name is Muhamad, what title can be better than that name?*’ Nevertheless, he accepted the firman conferring it, and always kept it in his possession. Some time after this the Malik was going out to Mithipur, which is a suburb of Ahmadábád, in a pálkíy and he stopped under a tamarind-tree with spreading leafy branches. The weather was hot, and the shade pleasant, so he rested for some time, and noticed a Mullá who was teaching boys in a corner of the masjid close by; the Mullá’s name was Shékh Kabir, a descendant of the great Shékh Hamid Nágórí. The Malik slept a short time, and rose at the time of mid-day prayer, and, having performed his ablutions, joined the Mullá at his devotions. After prayers, the Mullá and the Malik conceived a mutual liking for each other. The Malik went home, but next morning, returning, bent his knee to the Saint, sat down for some time, and then returned home. Having done this for several days, the Shékh told him that if he wished to serve God he must give up all his wealth and worldly prosperity. The Malik asked for time to consider, and went home. He then made provision for his servants, offered to manumit any of his slaves who wished it, and to provide husbands for those * All the following anecdotes, which in the original are given in somewhat tedious detail, are here reproduced in a somewhat condensed form, and with some omissions, which, however, will be indicated where they occur.[Mirát-i-Sikandarí.l SULTAN MAHMÍJD BÍGARHA. 229 slave-girls who desired to marry, and did as they all respectively wished. He then ordered a list to be made of all Government property in his possession—horses, elephants, money, goods, &c.; and then, going to the Sultán, he read the list, and the grant of his jágír, and said he had no further need of them, and that, if there was anything which did not belong to the Sultán, he might give it to anyone else. The Sultán thought he had been offended by somebody, and sought to appease him; but he only said, “ I have served the Sultán all my life, for the future I desire to serve no man/5 and so got up and went home. The Sultán called for his two most intimate friends, Dariá Khán and Alaf Khán, to whom he told all that had passed, and who both declared the Khán must be mad. These two nobles then went to the house of Muhamad Ikhtiár. He sent them word to wait, and sent for a barber. He then came to them with a drawn sword in his hand, and swore that if they interfered with him he would kill them, and, before them, made the barber shave his head, whiskers, and eyebrows. He then sent for his wife, and told her that she had better go to her father and mother, and that, if she desired to marry again, she had full liberty to do so. She replied that where he went she would go too. He said that if she went with him she must forego all worldly things. She said she was willing to do so; upon which he made her bring all her jewels and valuables, and fling them away. He then bade her change clothes with a servant-girl, and, taking her by the hand, led her out of the house before Dariá Khán and Alaf Khán, and went off to the Shekh's house. Dariá Khán and Alaf Khán, astounded and grieved, went back to the Sultán, and told him that the Malik was certainly mad. The Shékh, when they arrived, said, tf My wife is within, go to your sister,” presented the wife to his family, and said, “ Whom think ye that this woman is ? She is the wife of the patriarch Abraham; see that you fail no whit of the rules of hospitality." After this, the Shékh began to teach the Malik, and the Malik diligently began to learn,230 GUJARAT. [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] the way of righteousness. It is said that the Malik used every day to bring a jar full of water for the Shékh from the Sabar-mati river, all along the Tripóliah, a distance of at least a kos. One day the Sultan, coming from hunting, saw him doing this, and said to Daria Khan, “ Do you see that mad Malik Mu* hamad? ” Dariá Khán answering “ Yes,” the Sultán observed, “ If the abandonment of the world means all this, it is a very wonderful thing.” Dariá Khán replied, “ From what I see of this man, I believe it will not be long before the people will bow their heads in the dust before his feet, and will not dare to raise them.” At length, as time passed on, the Malik attained to great holiness, and became very greatly renowned, so that thousands of people used to collect at his door to do him homage. At length the Shékh found his days drawing to an end, and desired to withdraw from public duties into quiet and privacy, and to instal Malik Muhamad Ikhtiár in his place. On hearing this, the Malik became much disturbed and grieved, and endeavoured to diminish his popularity and drive away the people, in the following manner:—If a nobleman came to see him mounted on a fine horse, the Malik would ask the nobleman if it was his property, and if he said “Yes,” would ask him to give it to such and such a person; the man would probably give it, but he would not come a second time. Similarly, if anyone came with a sword or other article of value, he would desire him to surrender it to the poor and needy. The people took offence, and desisted from coming to him; indeed, would go out of the way to avoid him; nevertheless, in the end this also gradually increased his fame, and he became more and more celebrated and reverenced. Someone told Shékh 'A'lam that one of his favourite disciples had joined Muhamad Ikhtiár. He said, “ He is wrong;— “If you to Ikhtiár would go, You must both wealth and wisdom show.”* * This seems to be a jest on the Malik’s practice, above described, of de* spoiling his devotees.tMirát-i-Sikandarí.] SULTAN MAHMUD BÍGARHA. 231 One day they met accidentally; each asked the other for a garment. Malik Ikhtiár said, “Nay, but this it is the province of Saints to give.” “ But ” replied Sháh ’A'lam, “ the Malik is one of these.” At last Sháh 'A'lam gave the Malik his outer garment, and the Malik laid his head at the Shekh’s feet.* Another distinguished noble was Dáwar-ul-Mulk, whose proper name was Abd-ul-Latif. He was of the family of Malik Mahmud Koreishi.f When the Sultán took him into favour, and gave him the title of Dáwar-ul-Mulk, his soldiers and followers used to crowd up the lane leading to his house. He offered his house for sale to his neighbours, who were much astonished. J At last he left the city, and built a house outside, lest the crowd of men and horses and elephants, &c., on the way to his house, should annoy his neighbours. He collected the produce of his jágír according to the sacred law, and never took more. If any other noble was ruining his jágír, the cultivators came to him voluntarily, and so his jágír was very prosperous. The Sultán's son-in-law cast his eyes on the Malik's/o^ir, and begged the Sultán to give it to him, saying that whatever jágír was given to the Malik, it would prosper. The Sultán refused; and that reprobate employed two of his soldiers to assassinate the Malik.. Watching their opportunity, they attempted it; but the Almighty protected him, and the wounds were not fatal.§ The men were captured; the Malik asked why they had done this; they replied that they had daughters grown up, and could not afford to give them in marriage, and the Sultán's son-in-law, by promise of a high reward, tempted them to this act. The Malik replied, “ You say right. Poverty is the kind of thing that makes the indigent do acts which should never be done,” and he desired that they should * The point of this story is a contest of professed humility. For a Saint to give a disciple a garment was a species of investiture, or reception into the number of his disciples. Evidently, Sháh ’A'lam gave way, and practically admitted the Malik as his disciple and deputy. See “ Qánoon-i-Islám,” p. 300. f Some MSS. read, “ son of Malik Mahmud Koreishi.” j Because he was now wealthy, and could afford to maintain or enlarge his house. § MS. A reads, “ they failed to do him any injury.”232 GUJARAT. [Mirát-i-Sikandar í. ] be furnished with all they needed. One day, in a campaign against the infidels, the Malik crossed the Ran, which is salt like the sea, and on the third day again reached an inhabited country. He rested, and for a short time slept under a tree; when he awoke, he found that his men had turned their horses loose to graze in the standing crops. He rebuked them, and they replied that for three days neither man nor beast had seen anything t5 eat, and though they themselves, from fear of God, refrained from trespassing on the property of others, their animals, which were without sense or knowledge, could not be expected to do so, and should not be blamed. The Malik replied that, though they restrained themselves from fear of God, yet they were guilty, for they had loosed the animals and left them where they were naturally led to trample down the fields.* He was a disciple of Sháh 'A'lam, and from his intercourse with him attained to sanctity. Many persons, especially from the Dakhin (still) visit the tomb of the Malik, which is in the province of Sórath, for the attainment of their various desires, and return satisfied. After some time, in consequence of this intimacy with Sháh } A'lam, the Sultán detached the Malik to the post of Amrun, which is on the borders of Gujarát, and ten kós from Morti, and was then the centre of infidelity, and a very mine of rebels and wicked men. As soon as he got there he worked day and night, fighting against the infidels of that and the neighbouring districts; and by force of arms all infidelity was brought into subjection, so that the grássiahs of Amrun came in and paid their respects. Among them was a scoundrel who, out of enmity to the rulers of the right faith, said to the Malik that a certain grássiah who was coming to visit him had a very beautiful sword, and suggested that the Malik should make a point of taking it and drawing it out of its sheath to look at it. At the same time, he told this grássiah that the # The next few lines are a bare abstract of the original text, which gives anecdotes of a miraculous cure performed by Sháh ’A'lam in the Malik’s presence, and other items in glorification of the Saint, which have nothing to do with the present history.[Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] SULTAN MAHMUD BIGARHA. 233 Malik intended treacherously to kill him, and that when the Malik took his sword and drew it from its scabbard it was the signal for his slaughter ; and advised him to be beforehand, and, on the spot, to kill the Malik. Both the Malik and the grdssiah acted on the insidious advice given, and, when the former drew the sword from its sheath, the other at once slew him. Another of the Sultan's great nobles was Malik Aiaz.* He was originally a purchased slave, yet he attained to the rule of provinces and to unlimited wealth. Besides his other retainers, he had a thousand water-carriers, to draw water, and he made a vast reservoir of leather, and when on a campaign the water-carriers used to fill this, and men, horses, elephants, &e. all got water from it. He left many works behind him in Gujarat. For example, the fort which he built at Diu, though the Firangis have since destroyed it, and have erected another. He also erected a bastion in the middle of the sea, which was called the Sangal Kothah, and from which he drew chains to the shore, so as to prevent the ships of the Firangis from entering in that way. It is still standing; but, after the death of Bahadar Shah, the grandson of Mahmud, the fort, city, and port all fell into the hands of the Firangis. The gardens, also, in the island of Diu, were laid out by him, and on the side of the island of Diu where the sea parts into two channels he built a bridge, and though the Firangis have ruined it, it may be seen on the map of the island which still exists. During the rule of the Malik no Firangi ship dare enter a port of Gujarat. Now-a-days not a vessel dare leave a port of Gujarat without a pass from the Firangis, except, perhaps, from Surat, and then only by boldness and gallantry on the part of the crew. Every day, when dinner was served, the Malik ordered that # Some authorities declare he was a renegade Portuguese, but this assertion seems opposed to such an origin. He was possibly a slave brought from the southern provinces of Europe, or Asia Minor, or Armenia, by the Turks.234 GUJARAT. [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] they should sound a trumpet, and that the porters of the gate should invite anyone who wished to come and sit down at the tables. From the chief table to the lowest exactly the same food was served, and the Malik used to watch right and left, and if he perceived the slightest difference in the food he was extremely angry. Every species of food was placed on the table, whether that eaten by the people of Persia, of Rum, or of India, and it was like the food of Paradise. After dinner was finished, the Malik’s servants served everyone with drink of the greatest excellence. After that, atr and pan were brought. This was the regular daily fashion of his dining. It is said that the Malik’s troops were all clad in velvet and gold brocade. The very scavengers had coats of broadcloth. The bars and rivets of their swords, the quivers, and the daggers, were all of gold. It is related that later on, in the time of Sultán Mu-zaffar, the son of Mahmúd, Ráná Sangá, with some hundred thousand horse, came to Ahmadnagar, ten Ms from I'dar. The troops of Sultán Muzaffar were scattered over the country, and delay occurred while they were collected. Nizám Sháh Bahmani, and several of the local jágírdárs of the province of Ahmadnagar, with four thousand horse, several times engaged and defeated the Ráná’s forces; but at last some three thousand of his men had fallen, and he himself had been slightly wounded, though they had slain nearly seven thousand of the Rájpút horsemen. Sultan Muzaffar, on hearing this, summoned Malik Aíáz from Sórath, who came with all expedition; and the Sultán despatched him, with several nobles and a large force, against the Ráná; but the latter retired without giving battle, and the Malik pursued him. It is said that during all this rapid marching, and amid the turmoil of war, all the amirs of note were every day invited to the Malik’s table, and to those who did not come he used to send a dinner. Several of them, who considered themselves quite the equals of the Malik, were displeased at this action, and desired their servants not to send back the china plates and dishes, so that he might not[Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] SULTAN MAHMUD BÍGARHA. 235 send another dinner. When this had gone on for three days the Malik’s servants, being unable to get back the dishes and plates from the amirs’ tents, told their master of what had happened; he said it was wrong in the amirs, but, nevertheless, that they should go on sending the dinners daily, and should not ask for the plates. This went on for a month; at the end of the month, overcome by the generosity and by the plenty of the Malik, the amirs sent back the plates, and acknowledged the Malik's liberality. Moreover, when the Malik had pursued the Rana to the city of Mandisor, the Rana sent a party of Rajputs to make a night attack, who, having killed a number of horses, retired. The Malik immediately told them to bury the dead horses, and to take a similar number of horses of the same colour from his own stables to replace them. He left only seven dead and wounded horses. The Rana's spies came in in the morning, and reported that there were only seven horses killed and wounded in the night attack. The Rana called the men who made the attack, and rebuked them because they said that they had destroyed a great many horses, whereas the spies reported only seven were killed and wounded. The Malik had three sons, Ishak, entitled Changez Khan, Malik Toghan, and Itias. Ishak was exceedingly obese and large. He usually rode a camel, for no horse was able to carry him. Nevertheless, he was very active, and an excellent wrestler, and so powerful that no athlete could compete with him. Eventually, in the time of Bahadar Shah, that king was persuaded by Rimi Khan to put all the three sons of Malik Aiaz to death, as will be explained in due course.* Ishak is said to have had a hundred wives—regular and irregular—all of whom he made so fond of him that, on his death, many of them committed suicide.f * Nothing is said of this, though the revolt of one of them is mentioned in the sequel. f Some of them were possibly Hindus in origin, to whom the idea of sati would be familiar.286 GUJARAT. [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] Malik Aíáz died in the reign of Sultán Muzaffar bin Mahmud* * * § Another of the chief nobles of the Sultán was Malik Sha^bán. He had the title Malik-i-Shark. He likewise was a purchased slave of Sultan Muhamad bin Ahmad Sháh. He became great under Sultán Mahmud, and attained to the dignity of wazir. He was a very ingenious man, and of a very gentle disposition. It is said that in his time there was no wazir like him, either in the East or West. He kept all the people of the Lord contented under his government. He laid out a garden in the parganah of Ahmadábád, with a lofty masjid to the east of the city, which is called the Bágh Sha'bán. Eventually he became a devotee,f and retired into religious privacy. Although the Sultán pressed him to perform the duties of wazir, he declined, and said that in one day in his garden and in his retirement he had more rest than in all his life before. To the end of his life he never stirred out of his garden, and died there, and was buried in the court-yard of the masjid. God be merciful to him ! Another was Khudáwand Khán.J Hlimpur, one of the hamlets of the city, towards the south, in which there is a large masjid, was built by him. The masjid is of stone, and the floor of it of marble brought from a distance of twenty-two kós. He was son-in-law to Sultán Muhamad bin Sultán Ahmad. He was eloquent, and quick of tongue, and could speak in all languages. He was unequalled as an archer, and in playing with balls.§ It is said that he used to make diligent search for young fig-plants as reeds for his arrows. || He * The death of Malik Aiaz is related in its place. As has been seen, he ordered and led the decisive attack at the storming of Champanir, and he also gained a great naval victory over the Portuguese. He was a man of great mark, but he fell somewhat into disgrace in the end, as will be seen presently. f The word is tddb, literally, “ a penitent.” A further account of his garden and of himself is to be found in the “ Mirat-i-Ahmadi.” J He was called Malik Hlim, the “learned lord.” § This term is applied to the juggling trick of keeping several balls in the air at once. |J This passage is rather obscure.[Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] SULTAN MAHMUD BÍGABHA 237 several times revolted against the Sultán, who always pardoned him, and who used to say, “ If I put Malik ’Ilim to death, I might as well banish myself, for where in Gujarát can I get another like him ? ” In the end he, too, became a devotee,* and lived in retirement for the rest of his life. Another noble was Alaf Khán Bhúkáí, who built the masjid and stone tent at Dhólkah; and another Dariá Khán, who founded the hamlet known as Dariápúr, without the city wall of Ahmadábád on the northern side, both of whom have been already mentioned. Anotherf was the poet Hájí Khán, who built a grand masjid in Hájípúr, outside the wall of the city, on the northern side. Imád-ul-Mulk Malik '’Ain was another. He built ’Ain-purah, between Batóh and Rasúlábád, which is one of the most beautiful of the suburbs of Ahmadábád. Sháh ’A'lam used to call it “ Blessed on both sides,” because it had, to the south, Batóh, where is the tomb of the Saint Kutb-ul-Kutáb, and, on the north, Rasúlábád, which contained the house, and afterwards the tomb, of Sháh ’A'lam. The tomb of Malik ’Ain is just outside the wall of the hamlet, and there is within it a fine masjid and a tank.J Another of Sultán Mahmud’s nobles was Táj Khán Salár.§ He was a very brave and valiant man, so much so, indeed, that after his death no other noble would accept his title, on the ground that the valorous exploits which he had performed were not within the capacity of any other man, and that they feared injurious comparisons. After some time, in the reign of Mu- # Other anecdotes of Khudáwand Khán are to be found in the previous part of this work, at pp. 169,191, 202. He was clearly a clever, restless man, of little scruple or principle ; but the Sultán valued him, and continued to employ him, even after the plot to raise Prince Ahmad Khán to the throne. Indeed, he seems, partly perhaps from motives of policy, partly from personal liking to Khudáwand Khán, to have made a sort of joke of that affair. f This name is omitted in some MSS., and the order of the names differs in most MSS. J The description of the beauties of ’Aínpúrah is omitted. It is prolix and uninteresting. § Salar may be a title (for Sipah Sdldr, “commander-in-chief ”), or a proper name. In another passage, infra, p. 240, he is called Táj Khán bin Salár.238 GUJARAT. [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] zaffar Sháh, Táj Khán Túrpálí, who built the tomb of Sháh ’A'lam Bukhárí, was honoured with this title, and maintained well its reputation, indeed, further exalted it. Táj pur, which is within the city wall of Ahmadábád, on the south side, was built by him. Another noble of the Court was Kiwám-ul-Mulk Sárang. He was a boy of Rájpút extraction, whose original name was Sárang, and his brother’s name was Mulá. Both of them were captives taken by the Sultán, who converted them to Islám. Malik Amir Kamál, the poet, the boon companion of Sultán Bahádar, and celebrated for his witty sayings, was one of his descendants. Both the brothers enjoyed the close intimacy of the Sultán. It is said that Sárang was very disrespectful in his language. Sárangpúr and the masjid, which are on the east of the city without the walls, were built by him. Another noble was Hájí Kálú. He also was a slave of the Sultán. He built Kálu-purah, which is inside the city wall, to the east of the city. It is reported that this slave was an eloquent and able man. Besides all these were the two brothers, 'Azim and Mu'azim. They were Khurásánís, and very skilful archers. There is at Sháh Gumán, between Sarkhéj and Ahmadábád, a dry tank which will not hold water, and a tomb, and a masjid close by, which were built by them. They both lie buried in the tomb. The people of Gujarát have a story of a crime committed by one of these two brothers, which is not fit for repetition.* Mahmud Sultán had four sons born to him. 1. Muhamad Kálá, whose mother was Rání Rup Manjari. She was previously the wife of Sultán Kutb-ud-din, and after his death came to Sultán Mahmud. The prince and his mother both died in the lifetime of the Sultán, and the Rání's tomb in * This expression may be accepted as showing that the writer did not publish wilfully anything which he considered coarse or indecent. Nevertheless, there are a few passages which, on this score, are necessarily omitted or modified in translation. It is a popular superstition in India that, if a bad man form a tank, it will not hold water.[Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] SULTAN MAHMUD BÍGARHA. 239 Mánik Chok at Ahmadábád is well known. 2. A'bá Khan. His mothers name was Rání Píráí, whose tomb is situated near the Asróriah gate. A'bá Khán was poisoned by his father’s order. He had gone into someone's house, who found him there and thrashed him. This reached the ears of the Sultán, who ordered that poison should be put in his wine. 3. Ahmad Khán, who was nicknamed Khudáwand Khán’s Ahmad Sháh,* * * § and who has been previously mentioned. 4. Khalil Khán, heir-apparent of the Sultán, who received the title of Sultán Muzaffar. He was born on the morning of Wednesday the 6th Sha'bán, a.h. 880 (6th of December, a.d. 1475). The date is given by the word farkh.f Since he was a child of pleasant, gracious appearance, he was named Khalil Khán.J His mother's name was Rání Harbái, daughter of the Táh Ránah, a Rájpút zamíndár on the banks of the Mahindri. On the fourth or fifth day after his birth the Rání died, greatly to the grief and affliction of the Sultán. It is said that when Sultán Muzaffar was born, the Sultán Mahmud took him on the cloth on which he lay to the widow of Sultán Muhamad, the Sultan's step-mother, whose name was Háns Bái.§ She had often asked the Sultán to give her one of his sons to adopt and bring up. The Rání educated him with even more than a mother's care, and Sultán Muhamad used to say, whenever he saw him, “ The line of my kingly ancestors will be carried on by this boy, and by his descendants ” ; and this was the case, even though his elder brother, A'bá Khán, was then still alive, and everyone expected that the government would devolve on him, because the rule and administration of the kingdom had already, even in the Sultán's lifetime, been made over to him. * This was evidently a popular nickname, given in derision, with reference to the abortive attempt at insurrection recorded at p. 202. This attempt seems, however, to have cost Ahmad Khan the throne. f Farlch (“the young one”), gives 880 by the abjad method of chronograms. X Khalil y “ a sincere friend.” § Hdns, the popular Hindi or Gujarati name for birds of the swan tribe. The name would, therefore, be the “ Swan(like) Lady.”240 aUJARAT. [Mir át-i-Sikandarí.] However, the fortune of Muzaffar Sháh prevailed, and A'bá Khán died before Sultán Muhamad. It must be said that towards the close of the lifetime of Sultán Mahmud, Said Muhamad Jonpuri, who claimed to be the Mahdi,* came from Jonpur to Ahmadábád, and took up his abode at the masjid of Táj Khán bin Salár, which is near the Jamáhpúrah gate, and used often there to preach and recite the prayers ; the people of the city resorted to him in groups. Said Sháh Shékh Jiu, the son of Said Muhamad,f son of the Saint Said Burhán-ud-dín, went to call on him, and, sitting opposite to him in the masjid, quoted a verse of the Kurán appropriate to the occasion. Said Muhamad Jonpuri replied with another. Sháh Shékh Jiu quoted a second, and Muhamad Jonpuri quoted another in answer ; a third time Shékh Jiu did the same thing, and received a similar reply. He then went away. One of his intimate friends, by the way, questioned him about Muhamad Jonpuri. He said, “ I consider him to be a man who speaks to the many what should be said to the few,J and * da‘wd-i-mahdiat hard (or, in some MSS. This man enjoyed considerable notoriety in India. He was a son of Mir Said Khán of Jonpur, and was the first man who, in India at any rate, claimed to be the Imam Mahdi, or “ Restorer of Islam.” For a full account of this belief in the coming of an Imám Mahdi (“ the Lord of the period ”), and of the movements to which it gave rise in India, see the Introduction to Blochmann’s translation of the “ 'A'in-i-Akbari,” pp. iii. to v., where also will be found an account of this Said Muhamad Jonpuri, though this, in some respects, differ^from that of the text. According to the former account, he went from Gujarat to Mekkah, and, being driven thence, it was revealed to him that his teaching was vexatious, and he announced his intention of recanting. It is said that Mahmud of Gujarat became his disciple; but on this point, perhaps, the account in the text may be preferred. Said Muhamad died in 911 a.h. (1505 a.d.) ; nor is it said by Bloehmann that he met a violent death, as alleged in the text; but it is added that his tomb became a place of pilgrimage, though Sháh Ismáíl and Sháh Thanésh tried to destroy it. Badaoni speaks of him as a great saint, and this, perhaps, was the real feeling of the writer of the “ Mirat-i-Sikandari,” whose prejudices always inclined to mystics of every sort. His disciples still exist in India, and are known as Ghair-Mahdvis, believing, that is to say, in the future coming of no Mahdi, believing Said Muhamad to have been the Mahdi, and to be dead and passed. —“ Qánoon-i-Islám,” 2nd ed., p. 260. f According to the “ Mirát-i-Ahmadí,” Said Muhamad was the eighth son of Said Burhán-ud-dín. X Apparently, the Said is made, at least, not to deny the doctrine of Said Muhamad Jonpuri, but to consider that it ought not to have been publicly declared at all, except to a few chosen disciples,[Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] SULTAN MAHMÚD BIGARHA. 241 he does not suit his discourses to the understanding of his hearers. I believe that after his death a schism will arise among his followers/’ It is said that the preaching of Said Muhamad was so efficacious that all who heard him abandoned the world and became devotees* Sultán Mahmud wished to hear him, but his ministers would not allow him, lest he, too, should be affected by the Said's words, and the affairs of the kingdom should come to a standstill. It is said that one night a lover visited his mistress and quarrelled with her. Towards morning he left her house in a rage, and went towards his own with a drawn sword in his hand. Just at sunrise he found the Said with some of his disciples standing by the bank of the river Sábarmati. He demanded of them, “ On what business have you come, and what are you doing here ? " The Said said: “ He who has quarrelled with his love, by my instruction shall attain to virtue/’f On hearing this speech the man burst a blood-vessel and became insensible, and after he came to himself he came to the Said for instruction and became a devotee.* One day the Said said : “ I will manifest the Lord upon the earth in this body/’J As soon as this was told to the 'Ulemá of Ahmadábád they determined on the Said’s death, and issued a fatwd against him§ ; but Mauláná Táj Muhamad, who was the wisest of the 'Ulemá of his time, when they brought him the paper to get his assent, put it aside, and in lieu wrote, “ O 'Ulemá, have you learned wisdom for this, that you should give a fatwá for Said Mubamad's death/' This caused the counsel of the 'Ulemá to fall through. Soon after this the Said went to Pattan, and settled three kós from Pattan, at a village called * Literally: “Put on the garment of abandonment of the world and the cap of poverty.” f Several versions are given of this speech ; the shortest is here selected. j There is some doubt as to the proper rendering of this speech, as the MSS. differ in some important words. § The remainder of the story is given in the version of the Hyderabad MS., which, as it is written in a sense favourable to the Said, probably gives the real meaning of the author, who, as already remarked, was a favourer of all mystics and devotees. 16242 GUJABAT, [Mirat-i-Sikandari.] Barni, and gave himself out to be the Mahdi. The *Ulema of Pattan, as soon as they heard of it, set about to kill him, and the Said departed to Hindustan, and thence to Khurasan. There is a village near Kandahar called Farrah. When he got there the people mobbed and killed him; but the Mahdawis say he died a natural death, and that nobody killed him. God knows the truth* This happened in the year h. 910 (a.d. 1505). # According to the story given by Blochmann, the Said died while on his return from Makkah to Hindustan.|A.D. 1511. J [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] 243 CHAPTER IX. REIGN OF SULTAN MUZAFFAR II. On the evening of Tuesday, the third of the month of fasting (Ramazán), the day after the death of Sultán Mahmud, Sultán Muzaffar arrived at Ahmadábád from Baródah,* and the wazirs and nobles went out to meet him; and on Friday the 7th of the month of Ramazán, a.h. 917 (29th November, a.d. 1511), and in the twenty-seventhf year of his age, Sultán Muzaffar ascended the throne of his ancestors, and according to custom distributed money, horses, and robes among the nobles, soldiers, acquaintances, and people, according to their degree. The following received titles :— Rashid-ul-Mulk became Khudáwand Khán and wazír. Khush-kadam >> Muhtas Khán. Malik Burhán >> Mansur Khán. Malik Kutb 33 ’Azd-ul-Mulk. Malik Mubárak Mu'in 33 Iftikhár-ul-Mulk. Nasír Shádí 33 Mubáriz-ul-Mulk. Malik Shékh Tamim 33 Ta-aíd-ul-Mulk. Malik Sháh 33 Rukn-ul-Mulk. * There seems to be some difference between historians as to the exact date of these events, but probably the above account, which is in accordance with that of the “ Tab. Akbari,” may be accepted as correct, and it may be said that Mahmud died at the hour of afternoon prayer, on Ramazan 2nd, 917, and that Muzaffar arrived at Ahmadabad late in the afternoon of the following day. f According to the statement (ante, p. 239) which gives Muzaffar’s birth as occurring in a.h. 880, he would be in his thirty-seventh, not twenty-seventh year. 16 *244 GUJARÁT. [Miíáfsikauálrí.] These were all amirs who had been companions of, and had served the Sultán when he was prince. The nobles of the late reign also received promotion and augmentation of their jágírs. Religious and learned men obtained suitable presents, and all ranks were made happy and prayed for the Sultán's prosperity. After this, in the month of Shawál, it was announced that Mírza Ibráhím Khán,* the Envoy of Ismáil Sháh of Irák and Khurásán, had arrived. The Sultán sent out Malik Shark, Hamid-ul-Mulk, Kutb-ul-Mulk, and a following of nobles to welcome him, and on the 25th of the same month they escorted him; and he, with forty men of the Kazilbásh tribe, was admitted to an audience, and laid before the Sultán, as an offering, a turquoise cup of great value, a chest full of jewels, many valuable tissues, and thirty Persian horses. The Sultán received the Mírza with great favour and with paternal kindness, and bestowed on him and on each of his companions magnificent dresses of honour, and desired that they should be suitably lodged, and that a guard should be placed for their protection. A few days later the Sultán set out for Barodah and founded a city in that district, which he named Daulat-ábád.f In this interval intelligence was received that Khwájah Jahán, eunuch of the late Sultán Mahmud Khilji, and chief of the nobles, had rebelled, and having ousted Sultán Mahmud, son of Násir-ud-dín, King of Mandu, had placed upon the throne his younger brother, Sultán Muhamad. Thereupon Sultán Mahmud, having gathered a large following, laid siege to the fort of Mandu, and fighting went on for some time. At length Mahmud prevailed, and Muhamad fled for refuge to * In the “ Tab. Akbari ” the Envoy is called Yadgár Beg Kazilbásh, and his companions are said to have been all Kazilbáshes. In the text they are called Tág-póshán or “ cap-wearers,” in reference to the tall Kazilbásh cap. The “ Tab. Akbari” says that when the embassy, which was originally accredited to him, was mentioned to him, he told his courtiers not to introduce them to him as they were Shiahs ; but he died before their arrival. f Firishtah and the “ Tab. Akbari ” both say that he renamed Barodah Daulatábád. The expression used in the “ Mirát-i-Ahmadí ” seems to imply that the Sultán built an adjacent city or new quarter, which has since merged in Barodah.LA.r>. 1511. j [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] SULTÁN MüZAFFAK II. 245 Sultán Muzaffar. He halted near Muhamadábád. When his letter, with a statement of the circumstances, reached Sultan Muzaffar, he directed Muháfiz Khán, dáróghah of the city of Ahmadábád, to receive the fugitive prince with all honours, and to furnish him with all he required. After he had rested from the fatigue of the journey, Muháfiz Khán was desired to send him on to court. Muháfiz Khán carefully obeyed his instructions, and after a few days Muhamad went to the Sultán, who received him with great kindness and hospitality.* The Sultán promised him that, after the rainy season, he would march against Mandu, and, equally dividing the country of Málwah, would assign one portion to him and the other to Sultán Mahmud bin Násir-ud-dín.f After this he sent Kaisar Khán to the garrison of Dahód on the frontier of the country of Mandu, with directions to call in the zamindars, make himself acquainted with what was going on in that neighbourhood, and to be liberal with his gifts, so that the soldiers, who were to be employed, might be informed of the enterprise in view, and might prepare their outfit. The Sultán himself went to the village of Mor Imli, which was the hunting-ground of the late Sultán Mahmud, where he amused himself with sport. Here he was visited by his son-in-law, Masnad-^álá '’A'dil Khán ^Azim Humáiún, ruler of A'sir and Burhánpúr, who came with his sons, and after staying a few days returned.J The Sultán proceeded to Muhamadábád. One day it so happened that words passed between some followers of Sháhzádah Sultán Muhamad and some followers * These events, which properly belong to the history of Malwah, are only given in slight outline in the text. It may be said, however, that a nobleman called Muhafiz Khan was associated with Khwajah Jahan. Neither Sahib Khan (the real name of Sultan Muhamad) nor Mahmud was direct heir of their father; but an elder son, who was deposed, and afterwards died. Muhafiz Khan first sided with Mahmud, but eventually quarrelled with him and proclaimed Sahib Khan. f According to the “ Tarikh-i-Alfi ” and Firishtah, Sahib Khan was impatient at the inaction of Kaisar Khan, and this promise was made to pacify him. J This, according to the “ Tarikh-i-Alfi,” was a mere visit of congratulation on Muzaffar’s accession.246 GÜJAEAÍ. [A.D. 1511.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] of Mírza Ibráhím, the Persian Envoy, because the Sháhzádah had a jewel of great value which the Mírza wished to get, but had not bought because of its high price, and they quarrelled over the bargaining. The Sháhzádah, who was young and inexperienced, went in the evening, with a small following, to the house of one of his old servants, who lived in the same serai as that in which Mírza Ibráhím was putting up. Some slanderer told the Mírza that the Sháhzádah intended to take to flight, and would plunder his property and his horses, and that there was nothing to prevent his coming into the serai; he, therefore, advised him to place the Sháhzádah in confinement for the night, and said that the Sultán would no doubt approve of his doing so when informed the next morning. The Mírza very imprudently shut the doors of the serai, and at midnight carried off the Sháhzádah to his own house, and kept him there. At daybreak the Sháhzádah escaped, and, collecting his retainers, set afloat a cry in the city and in the bazárs that an order had been issued to plunder all the Kazilbáshes; for the Prince was excited and affronted, and violently angry. As soon as this report got abroad, a great crowd collected round the door of Mírza Ibráhím's serai, and all the Kazilbáshes collected round to defend it; but they were overpowered by numbers. The door was burst open and all the Kazilbáshes were slain; the buildings were set on fire, and the people set to work to plunder. This was reported to the Sultán, who immediately despatched Tmád-ul-Mulk with the royal elephants to put down the riot, and to see that no harm happened to the Kazilbáshes. 'Imád-ul-Mulk went off, put down the riot, punished some vagabonds, and preserved Mírza Ibráhím himself from harm personally, and took him to the Sultán's female apartments, where the Sultán at once provided him with rooms. The Mírza complained that his losses amounted to six lakhs of tankahs of Gujarát currency, that tankah being worth eight Murádí tankahs—as at the present time this tankah is still current in Khándésh and in the Dakhin.[Miráfsikailrí.] SULTAN MU2AFPAK II. 247 The Sultán paid the money from his treasury. On Friday, the 14th of the month of Ramazán, he bestowed on the ambassador another lakh of tankahs, and valuable dresses of honour, and dismissed him, and appointed Khurásán Khán to escort him, in order that by every manifestation of respect the sense of his injury might be obliterated; and seven formidable elephants, some wondrous horse-armour, a wolf and other animals, and birds, and various strange and curious things, and embroidered fabrics and other goods, were entrusted to Khurásán Khán for Ismáil Sháh, and two great ships were provided to convey the Mirza and his followers, and, besides all this, an enormous quantity of all things required for the journey was given to the Mirza.* This affray greatly annoyed the Sultán, and he became somewhat estranged from Sultán Muhamad. The latter having received an invitation from several amirs of repute in Málwah, went off without taking leave of the Sultán.f This step became known to Sultán Mahmúd bin Násir-ud-dín, who was also aware of the intrigues of the amirs. He assembled an army of Hindus, and gave to their leader the title of Médiní Ráó,{ to # This detailed account is given only in the printed edition of the text. All the MSS. and the other historians only give it in a more or less compressed form. The “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” and Firishtah intimate that the ambassador was unpopular—possibly, as a heretic—and say that he went by the nickname of “ Kaláh Surkh” or “ Sed Hat,” in allusion to the Kázilbash head-dress. f According to Firishtah the Prince went off at once to A'sir (separating himself from Muháfiz Khan). The invitation of the nobles came later. t Firishtah relates that Médiní Káo was one of the first adherents who joined Mahmúd when expelled from Mandu, and that he distinguished himself in an action when Sáhib Khán was defeated and driven into the fort, before the siege. He is said to have raised a force of forty thousand Kájpúts on this occasion from various parts of India. The story of his struggles with the Muhamadan nobles, and with the King himself, are exceedingly curious, though they do not belong to the history of Gujarat and cannot be narrated here. A good account of them will be found in Firishtah and the “ Tab. Akbari,” under the head of Málwah. Even by the showing of these Muhamadan writers, who continually revile him and his followers, he must have been a man of very remarkable and, in many respects, cf a very noble and generous character. Firishtah attributes his treatment of Mahmúd personally to his belief that, so long as he kept the Sultán on his throne—if even only nominally a ruler—the other Muhamadan rulers would not care to interfere ,* but that if he made Málwah an avowedly Hindu kingdom, they would be bound in honour to restore the practice of their religion. But if this were so, he248 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1511-12.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] whom he also surrendered the entire management of his affairs. This man equipped his relations and the men of his tribe, and having formed a large army of infidels, he fought with Muhamad and defeated him; Khwájah Jahán was killed in the battle. The whole power of Mandu fell into the hands of the wicked Ráó, and he even gave all the household affairs of the Sultán into the hands of his relations and friends. He killed the Musulmán nobles and attendants of the Sultán one by one as he found opportunity, and the infidels commenced to practise idolatry, tyranny, and violence, as is the way of these accursed wretches. The people of the city and the other towns were in much distress, and were prepared to emigrate and abandon their homes. These things were reported to Sultán Muzaffar. He was told that after an interval of many years the supremacy of the infidels had been restored in Málwah, and that nothing was left to Sultán Mahmud of all his kingdom but the mere name of royalty, and it seemed likely that this also would soon be put on one side. The Sultán writhed at the relation, and deemed it a duty incumbent upon him to put down the wretched infidels. He gave orders to his amirs to assemble his forces, and he himself went from Muhamadábád to Ahmadábád. He remained there a week, and paid a visit to the tombs of Shékh Ahmad Khattu, and of his sons, each of whom attained to the rank of a “ Kutb ” in his day, and from whose spirits his ancestors used to derive inspiration and grace.* He then returned to Muhamadábád. In the month of Shawál a.h. 918 (a.d. 1512), he set out from Muhamadábád to overthrow the infidels, and to assist the faithful Muhamadans, who were suffering wrong and oppression at the hands of these vile miscreants. He marched with an overwhelming army towards Málwah, and halted for a few would hardly have gone as far as he appears to have gone in depressing the Muhamadan party. Perhaps, however, this was forced on by events and by their intrigues. * The passage is variously given, and is obscure.[A.D. 1512-13.1 [Mirát-i-Sika,ndarí. ] SULTAN MUZAFFAR II. 249 days at the town of Gódhrah, to allow time for the gathering of the forces which had been summoned from all parts of his dominions. While he was thus waiting, information came that 5Ain-ul-Mulk, Governor of Nahrwálah, otherwise Pattan, was coming to wait upon the Sultán. It appeared that the Rájah of Tdar, Bhim, the son of Bhán, had broken out in ^rebellion, and with a numerous force had thrown into confusion all the country up to the banks of the river Sábar. To put a stop to this, * * * §Ain-ul-Mulk marched against the Rájah* s territories and ravaged them. When he was three kós from I'dar the Rájah came against him with a very large force, and a fierce action ensued. Both sides fought bravely. Abd-ul-Mulk, brother of ’Ain-ul-Mulk, and many renowned warriors were slain.# After these losses, *Ain-ul-Mulk finding himself unable to contend against the overpowering forces of the enemy, who outnumbered him many-fold, accepted his defeat, and retired upon Pattan. On hearing this the Sultán turned aside from his expedition against Málwah, and marched from Gódhrah towards I'dar. On reaching the town of Morásah he sent out his forces against the Rájah, with orders to plunder and lay waste the country. The Rájah fled to the hill country.f On the fourth day after his arrival there, the Sultán marched from Morásah and encamped in the outskirts of I'dar. J He then gave orders for the utter destruction of the houses and temples, so that not even a trace of them should be left. This happened in the year h. 919 (a.d. 1513). When the Rájah was informed of this destruction, he sought the intercession of Malik Kobi,§ a * According to the “Tab. Akbari” he lost forty men and an elephant, which last was cut to pieces. f The “ Tab. Akbari ” adds, “ of Bijanagar.” J According to the “Tab. Akbari,” ten Rá^púts were found who had devoted themselves to death, and were slain accordingly. § Firishtah and the “ Tab. Akbari ” call him Malik Gopál, and make him an envoy of the Ráí; but he was really a minister of Muzaffar, as described in the text. He will be found often mentioned in the sequel.250 GUJARAT. [Á.D. 151SJ [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] Brahman and a minister of the Sultán, who begged his forgiveness. The Sultán, being still determined on reckoning with the infidels of Málwah, forgave the Rájah, and retired, after receiving a suitable tribute.* Sultán Muzaffar returned to Gódhrah, and having sent back Prince Sikandar Khán to Muhamadábád, continued his march to Málwah. On reaching the town of Dahód he ordered a fort to be built there. When he had passed through the pass of Déólah, which is very difficult, he rested three days. He appointed Safdar Khán to command the garrison of that place and to keep open the road. Here the son of the head man of Dliár, which belongs to Málwah, came to make submission and obtain protection. The Sultán sent Malik Kiwám-ul-Mulk Sárang to Dhár, to protect and reassure the inhabitants. It was now ascertained that Sultán Mahmud Khilji and Médiní Ráó had gone towards Chándérí. After the defeat which Sultán Muhamad Khilji suffered, as before related, he sought refuge with Sultán Sikandar Lodi, and with his help had got several districts of Chándérí into his possession.*)- Sultán Muzaffar thereupon observed that his object in this invasion was not to take away the country from Sultán Mahmud, who was a Musulmán king, but solely to remove Médiní Ráó and the vile infidels who had collected round him, and to make peace between the two brothers. Since at that time Sultán Mahmud Khilji had another affair in hand, he, Sultán Muzaffar, would wait and see the result, and would then act as the occasion should require, t # The “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” gives this tribute as twenty lakhs of tankahs (equivalent to two thousand tumdns), one hundred horses and other presents. Firishtah corroborates this, and says the money was given to ’Ain-ul-Mulk to enable him to raise more men. t The *'1 Táríkh-i-Alfí ” says that Sikandar Lodi assisted him with 12,000 men. { The history of these events properly belongs to the history of Málwah, for which see the “ Tab. Akbarí,” Málwah chapter, and Firishtah (Briggs), vol. iv. pp. 249-59. Médiní Ráó first made himself conspicuous by fidelity to Mahmud, and the bravery which he showed with his followers in the battlefield. He undoubtedly gained practically supreme power in Mandu j and, naturally, to retain it, employed only his own race. He became hateful to[A.D. 1513.J [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.J SULTAN MU2AFFAE II. 251 Orders were given for Kiwám-ul-Mulk to join the Sultán from Dhár. Next day he arrived, and he gave such a glowing description of the buildings of the deer-park, which had been formed there under the orders of Sultán Ghíás-ud-dín, that the Sultáñ's curiosity was excited. He left his camp, and taking with him twelve thousand light horse and one hundred and fifty elephants, he went to gaze upon this splendid building. He encamped on the bank of the tank of Dhár, and some of the nobles observed that it would be a good thing if the Sultán would also pay a visit to Mandu. The Sultán replied that there was no pleasure in seeing a house without its master. At the hour of afternoon prayer he paid a visit to the shrines of Shékh Kamál and Shékh 'Abdulláh Jangál,* who both rest in the vicinity of Dhár. The people of the town all came out to see the Sultán, and welcomed and blessed him. In the morning the Sultán directed Nizám-ul-Mulk Sultání, Rezí-ul-Mulk, Ikhtiár-ul-Mulk, Malik Chimman (whose title was Muháfiz-ul-Mulk), and Sáif Khán, to visit the buildings at Diláwarah and the deer-park there, and to return the same day and report what sort of pláce it was. In the meantime the Sultán amused himself by visiting the deer-park of Dhár. When evening came the amirs had not returned, so the Sultán said, “ It will be well for us all to go to Diláwarah.” When he arrived he did not find the amirs there, and Alaf Khán said to him that perhaps Nizám-ul-Mulk had gone to the village of Na'lchah, to see his brother named Ráí Singh who dwelt there. The Sultán visited various places at Diláwarah, and returned to Dhár. At nightfall it was reported that Nizám-ul-Mulk had gained a victory and was returning. The Sultán inquired the Muhamadan party, and is roundly abused in all their historical works; but even their descriptions give a very favourable account of his loyalty, bravery, and chivalrous courtesy. * The name may be “ Changal.” The “Tab. Akbari” has a curious story that Shekh Abdullah and his father were originally wazirs of Rajah Bhoj, and that the former was converted to Islam.252 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1514.] [Mirát-i- Sikandarí. J where he had gained it, and it then appeared that when Nizám-ul-Mulk was returning from Na’lchah, the infidels in the fort of Mandu came out and pursued him. Nizám-ul-Mulk faced about, and fought. Forty of the infidels were killed, and the rest fled back to Mandu. Nizám-ul-Mulk returned victorious, but the Sultan was angry, and spoke harshly to him for going to Na'lchah without orders and risking a disaster to the force. On the third day the Sultán returned from Dhár to his army, and then returned to the capital. The author of the “ Táríkh-i-Bahádar Sháhí” says that he was in attendance upon the Sultán in this campaign, and saw the occurrences which he has recorded.* In the year h. 920 (a.d. 1514) the Sultán arrived at Muhamadábád, and it was reported to him that, after the death of Ráo Bhím, Rájah of Fdar, his nephew Ráí Mal,f with the support of Ráná Sánká, Rájah of Chítór, had ousted Bihár Mal, the son of Ráó Bhím, and had taken possession of the country. The Sultán was displeased, and said that Bhím had taken possession of I'dar with his sanction, and that the Ráná # Muzaffar Shah’s action is not very clearly accounted for. He was not very well inclined to Sáhib Khán, and probably thought that, under cover of supporting him, Sikandar Lodi was really endeavouring to get Málwah for himself; nor was this an unlikely suspicion, for an attempt to assert his supremacy was actually made by some of the officers of Sikandar Lodi; a proceeding which caused a breach between the Dehlí Sultán and Sáhib Khán’s party, and this ended in the retreat of the former to Dehlí. Nevertheless, this had already happened just before Sultán Muzaffar’s retreat to his own country. The “Tab. Akbari” says that Mahmud Khilji was in despair when he heard of Nizám-ul-Mulk’s action; for though the Dehlí Sultán had retreated, he had still forces starting up on every side, and Sáhib Khán, with (the Málwah) Muháfiz Khán (who appears to have rejoined him), was marching on Mandu, and the “ Tab. Akbari” adds that Mahmud addressed a letter to Muzaffar Sháh remonstrating with him for taking advantage of his distresses to attack him. Possibly Muzaffar’s real intention was, as he avowed, to restore Mahmud, to his rightful position j but, finding he was more of a free agent than he imagined, and not caring to interfere on Sáhib Khán’s behalf, he determined to withdraw. In the end Sáhib Khán was defeated by Mahmud, and eventually came to terms with the latter, and retired, with a jágír, into private life. f According to the “ Táríkh-i-Alfí,” he was sister’s son to Bhím Ráí. The “Tab. Akbari” calls him “son of Súraj Mal, and son-in-law of the Ráná.”253 LMiíáfsikanirí.] SULTÁN MUZAFFAB II. had no right to help Ráí Mal to dispossess him. He issued stringent orders to Nizám-ul-Mulk jágírdár of Ahmadnagar, to drive Ráí Mal out of I'dar and re-establish Bihár Mai, the son of Bhim.* After this the Sultán himself went to Ahmad* nagar, and eventually returned and took up his abode at Ahmadábád. In a.h. 923 (a.d. 1517) f Ráí Mal fought with the royal armies, and was sometimes defeated, sometimes successful. While the Sultán was passing the rainy season at Ahmadábád in ease and pleasure, several amirs of Málwah, such as Habib Khán,J Shékh Jábulandah, and others, through fear of Medini Ráó, fled and came to the Sultán. He inquired into the condition of the people of Mandu, and they told him that the rules and practice of Islám had been quite set aside, and that Medini Ráó, in his hatred of that religion, had put several good and noted men and others to death; while some, who had got notice of his designs against them, had gone into exile and were wandering in foreign countries. Before long, they said, the infidels would kill Sultán Mahmud, or blind him and put him in prison. This information greatly distressed the Sultán, and he swore that, by God's help, after the rains he would march to Mandu to destroy Medini Ráó and the vile infidels * According to the “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” this was done, and Bihár Mai re-instated. The “ Tab. Akbari ” says that Nizám-ul-Mulk afterwards went in pursuit of Raí Mal into the Bijanagar hills, and fought a severe but indecisive action with him. The Sultán directed him to return and rebuked him for exceeding his orders and unnecessarily weakening his force. The “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” and “ Tab. Akbari ” give a.h. 921 as the date of Bihár Mai’s re-instatement. f The “ Mirát-i-Ahmadí ” gives the better reading of “ From 921 to 923.” The “ Tab. Akbari” gives an account of one of these fights. Nizám-ul-Mulk was recalled on account of remissness—apparently in the earlier part of 923— and Nasrat-ul-Mulk was appointed temporarily to replace him. Taking advantage of this change, Ráí Mal attacked I'dar itself. Zahir-ul-Mulk, who was in charge of I'dar with a hundred horse, was unsupported, for Nizám-ul-Mulk had started for Muhamadábád, and Nasrat-ul-Mulk had not got beyond Ahmadnagar. He gave battle, nevertheless, and was killed, with twenty-seven of his men. The Sultán then desired Nasrat-ul-Mulk to attack Bijanagar, which had been an asylum for the turbulent and rebellious. J The “ Tab. Akbari ” calls Habib Khán Governor of Ashtah or Ashta-nagar. Briggs says he was Kází of Chótí Mahéswar. He mentions also Shékh Hamid of Bhilsah, vol. iv. p. 84,254 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1517.] [Mirát-i-Sikasdarí. ] of those parts, to deliver the oppressed and injured, and to re-establish the rule and practice of Islám.* Sultán Mahmud Khiljí saw that all the country and power of Málwah, with the treasure and the army, were in the hands of Médiní Ráó, and that nothing was left to him but the mere name of Sultán, and that even this was scarcely of any account; he formed the design of escaping from Mandu. With this object he went out on pretence of hunting for several days. One day he galloped about from morn to evening, till the Hindus who had been placed in guard over him and who were worn out, went to sleep. No one was allowed near him but the servants of Médiní Ráó. If he wanted water or food a Hindu served him; grooms, porters, all about him were Hindus. Among them was a Rájpút, named Kishná, an inhabitant of the town of Gharhali. He was a zamindar of Málwah, and, compared with the other Rájpúts, he was very respectful in his duty. The Sultán said to him, “ Kishná, I am very miserable; can you get two horses from the royal stables and conduct me to Gujarát, so that I may go to Sultán Muzaffar and obtain assistance to give this evil-doer his deserts ? If you will render me this service, then, please God, I will reward you richly/’ Kishná consented, and said that he and his sons were devoted to the Sultán and had been watching for an opportunity of this nature; they had not presumed to suggest such a thing before, but now they would do all in their power, and provide two strong and swift horses at the spot appointed. The Sultan continued hunting for the remainder of the day, and then returned to the female apartments. All the guards of Médiní Ráó were so thoroughly tired that they dispersed to their homes and took their rest. When one watch * Further internal struggles had taken place in Málwah which had undoubtedly resulted in giving over the entire power of the country into the hands of the Hindu party, and in reducing Mahmud himself to a simple puppet. The history of these struggles and intrigues is interesting in a high degree, and the relation is not altogether to the disadvantage of Médiní Ráó. Their history may be found in Firishtah and the “ Tab. Akbari,” under the head of Málwah.[A.D. 1517.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] SULTAN MUZAFFAR II. 255 of the night had passed, the Sultán left the fort by a secret passage. Kishná brought two horses from the stables of the Sultán, who mounted one of them and placed upon the other his favourite wife Rání Kanákrá.* Kishná went before them and guided them on the road to Gujarát. They travelled the remainder of the night and all the next day till they reached the village of Bhakórah on the frontier of Gujarát. As their horses were very tired, they alighted and sat down under a tree near the village. Next day the fact was reported to Kaisar Khán, the Governor of the town of Dahód, which is ten kós distant from Bhakórah. Kaisar Khán at once waited on the Sultan, showed him every attention and royal honour, and remained in attendance to supply all his wants. He instantly sent off a camel express to Sultán Muzaffar. On hearing this news Sultán Muzaffar was greatly delighted, and sent off horses with embroidered saddles and bridles, and elephants with velvet trappings; he also sent male and female attendants, and despatched them in charge of several of his chief nobles, and wrote a letter of welcome, assuring him of his delight at receiving him, and saying that he hoped soon to give him active support and to restore the fort of Mandu to him. When the cavalcade approached, Sultán Mahmud came out to welcome it; all the nobles alighted from their horses and paid him homage; at the same moment the camp, which, with the baggage, had been sent for Sultán Mahmud, was pitched, and, the nobles withdrawing, the Sultán took possession of it. The spies of Médiní Ráó saw and reported to him this reception, which struck the infidel with terror. The day after, Sultán Muzaffar sent off the amirs, and he himself marched with the resolve of punishing the traitors at Mandu. He reached Gódhrah, twelve kós from Muhamadábád, and halted. There he received intelligence of the death of Sikandar Lodi, Sultán of Dehli, and of the accession at A'grah of his son * Bání Kanákrá—KandJcrd means “ golden.”256 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1517.1 [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] Ibráhím. This happened in the year h. 923 (a.d. 1517). Sultán Muzaffar assembled the learned and religious men, and recited a fdtihah for the soul of Sultán Ibráhím. Muzaffar marched on to the village of Deólah. In the hunting-ground there he met Sultán Mahmud, and accorded to him a right royal reception to comfort him; for Sultán Mahmud was depressed and unwell from the sad state of his affairs and the fatigue of his journey.* * * § When Médiní Ráó heard of the Sultán’s arrival at Deólah on the borders of Málwah, he sent Shádí Khán, Pithórá,f Bhím Karanah Badan, Khákhú, and U'gar Sen, to hold the fort of Mandu, while he marched against Dhár. Alarmed at the strength of his adversary, he retreated to U'jain without fighting, and Sultán Muzaffar advanced to Mandu and invested the place. The trenches were allotted to different amirs, and every day the infidels sallied out and fought.J Things went on in this way for some days, and the garrison was in difficulties, when Médiní Ráó conveyed a message to the besieged,§ directing them to open communications with Sultán Muzaffar, and, proposing peace and amity, to get an armistice for one month, upon a promise to surrender the fort at the end of that time and to become subjects of the Sultán; assuring them that in the meantime he, Médiní Ráó, would obtain such strong reinforcements from the Ráná as would cause Sultán Muzaffar to withdraw without fighting, * According to the “ Mirát-i-Ahmadí ” the Sultán started on the 4th Zí-1-Ka’dah, reached Deólah on the 15th of the same month, and arrived before Mandu on the 23rd. f The “ Tab. Akbari ” and Firishtah both say that the command was confided to Ráí Pithórá, who seems to have been a son of Médiní Ráo. The fragment of the “ Táríkh-i-Muzaffar Sháhí ” in the British Museum seems to confirm this. The lithographed copy also has this name, but not the others. It is hoped to give extracts from this latter work in Yol. II. Briggs calls him Bhén Ráí, and son to Médiní Ráo, vol. iv. p. 82. The Hyderábád MS. also gives the name of Ráí Pithórá. X According to the “ Tab. Akbari ” Kiwám-ul-Mulk particularly distinguished himself in repulsing one of these sallies and inflicting heavy loss on the enemy. § The “ Tab. Akbari ” and Firishtah say these messages were sent to his son, who conducted the negotiations,[A.D. 1517-18.] [Mir át- i-Sikandar í. ] SULTAN MUZAFFAK II. 257 and retreat to Gujarát, never to enter upon so vain an enterprise again. In accordance with these directions the infidels craftily opened communications, and sent out messengers with suitable offerings to Khudáwand Khan, the wazir, and he took them to the presence of the Sultan. The messengers, after paying due respect, said that the garrison humbly solicited an armistice for a month, to arrange for *their families, and that they would evacuate the fort at the termination of the time. When the Sultan suggested that there might be some artifice or trickery in this proposal, the messengers protested on oath, and he granted a truce for a month.* The infidels at first apparently set about making preparations for the surrender, but they wrote secretly to Médiní Ráó that they had done as he desired, and that he should now fulfil his written promise, and should do everything in his power to save them from the consequences of their deceitful procrastination. Médiní Ráó went to the Ráná, and represented that in Hindustan, among the Hindus, there was no man greater than he, and that if he did not assist his own race, who else was to do so ? He presented to the Ráná some celebrated elephants and valuable jewels which had belonged to Sultán Mahmud, and which he had brought with him to give the Ráná if he agreed to assist. The Ráná consented to accept the elephants and jewels and to advance as far as Sárangpúr, but said that afterwards he would act as circumstances should require. The Ráná accordingly marched with a large army to Sárangpúr, which is a city of Málwah, about fifty kós from Mandu. When this fact became known to Sultán Muzaffar he per- * The “Tab. Akbari 55 says that the Sultán rather doubted the sincerity of the offer, and was quite aware that the garrison expected assistance. Nevertheless, as the family of Sultan Mahmud was within the fort, he thought himself bound to treat. The “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” adds that both he and Mahmud were induced to treat, to avoid the heavy loss of life which would occur in the capture of so strong a fort. The “Tab. Akbari ” says that one condition of the truce was that the Sultán should fall back one march; and both that work and Firishtah say the Sultán actually retired for six Ms (say twelve miles). 17258 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1518.] [Mirat-i-Sikandari,] ceived the deceit and trickery of the garrison of the fort. He detached ’A'dil Khan A'siri and Kiwam-ul-Mulk Sarang with a veteran force against the Bana, and directed his own forces to renew the siege and press it with increased ardour. They exerted themselves so strenuously that next day the fort was taken, and many infidels were slain ; * it is said that nineteen thousand infidels were counted lying dead. This happened in the year h. 924 (a.d. 1518), and the date is found in this hemistich, Kad fath al Mandu Sultan-nd. Said Jalal Bukhari and Malik Mahmud used to say that the infidels seemed all to have become at once invisible, and the Malik, who was in the fight, used himself to tell the following story : “ After the defeat of the infidels, when the gates were thrown open, I went up to the fort and wandered about among several houses; and whenever I found an infidel enemy I hastened to kill him. I found one house, the door of which was fastened inside. I thought there might be some infidels inside, so I broke it open. It was empty; but there was an underground room. I thought the infidels might be in that, so I rushed in shouting c Allah, Allah!9 when I perceived that there were between forty and fifty infidels lying dead, some of them with their heads cut off. One was still alive, however, and I asked him how this came about. He said, ‘ I hid myself in this underground room in fear of my life, when suddenly a party of men with drawn swords came in and # According to the “ Táríkh-i-Alfí,” the storm continued for four days, the fighting being hand-to-hand, and with enormous losses on both sides. On the night of the fifth day, while the garrison were mostly asleep, the w7alls were successfully escaladed, and, a gate being thrown open, the place was carried by surprise. The Rájpúts performed the jóhar. The “Tab. Akbari ” confirms this story, and Firishtah’s account varies only a little. Most authorities give the number of Hindús slain as nineteen thousand, but the “ Mirát-i-Ahmadi” says: “Some call it forty thousand; perhaps, if women and children are included, it may have approached the latter number.” The “ Mirát-i-Ahmadi ” gives the date of the capture as the 2nd of Safar; but later on Sultán Muzaffar is represented as visiting Sultán Mahmud on the 11th of Safar, three days after the capture. This would make the date the 8th of Safar. The latter date would give the duration of the siege (if it began on the 23rd Zi-1-Kacdah) as exactly seventy-five days, of which the last five were occupied in the storm, and the previous twenty by the truce.[A.D. 1518.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] SULTAN MUZAFFAR II. 259 killed us all, cutting off our heads/ A little later he also surrendered his soul to Hell.” * When the Sultán entered the fortress some of his friends congratulated him on having conquered Málwah, a country greater in extent than Gujarát; but as it had been won by his skill and valour, and nearly two thousand f Muhamadans had fallen in the siege, they asked what sense there could be in handing it over to Sultán Mahmud. The Sultán, on hearing these remarks, at once left the fortress, and said to Mahmud, “ Take care that none of my men get into the fort.” Mahmud expressed his obligation and devotion to the Sultán, and requested him to make a stay there as a guest. Sultán Muzaffar replied that he would pay him a visit three days later, J but did not think it advisable to remain longer at that time; and though Sultán Mahmud pressed him, he still refused. Some time after, the associates of the Sultán asked him why he left the fortress so hastily, and he said he had done so because his men tempted him to retain the seat of the sovereignty belonging to Mahmud; but he had entered on the war entirely as a duty to God, and he feared that if he remained there temptation might shake his good resolution; and the weight of obligation was not on Sultán Mahmud in this matter, but that Sultán Mahmud had conferred an obligation upon him, saying, “ Through him I have had the opportunity of gaining this happiness and of seeing the desire of mine eyes.” When Sultán Kutb-ud-din defeated Sultán Mahmud Khilji at Kapparbanj, there was a desperate battle and untold slaughter. In the confusion, which was like that of the Day of Resurrection, the horse of Sultán Kutb-ud-din's treasurer, * There is another story, which is uninteresting and of no historical value, and, is omitted here. Not all the MSS. give these anecdotes, t One MS. reads “ ten thousand.” j According to Firishtah, Muzaffar at once marched towards Ujjain, near to which place Ráná Sánká had arrived; but at Dhár was met by tidings from ’A'dil Khan A'sírí, who had been watching the Ráná, that, on hearing of the fall of Mandú, he had promptly retired. The “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” gives the same story. The “ Tab. Akbari ” also says he marched the day after the capture. 17 *260 GUJARAT. LA.D. 1518.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] who was carrying the Sultán's jewelled sword-belt, galloped into the enemy’s ranks. The treasurer fell off his horse and fell into the hands of the enemy, and they took the jewelled belt from him and gave it to Sultán Mahmud. It remained in the treasury of the Málwah Sultans. When the fort was stormed, the throne and a pair of armlets came into Sultan Muzaffar’s possession. Sultán Mahmud now sent the belt by his son—who had been a captive in the hands of the infidels, but was released on the storming of the fort—with a suitable sword and horse, and an invitation to a banquet, to Sultán Muzaffar. He accepted it, and dismissed the boy with much kindness and favour, and with many presents.* Sultán Mahmud desired the people of the city to adorn it with mirrors, to whitewash their houses, and to lay down carpets in the streets, and exerted himself to the utmost to arrange all the preparations. On the eleventh of Safar, according to his promise to come on the third day, Sultán Muzaffar visited the fort, and all the people of the city, in enormous bands, great and small, male and female, came out to see him, standing on the walls and on the house-tops, and expressed their thanks and blessings. Sultán Mahmud entertained him most sumptuously. After the banquet he conducted him round the palace. Unexpectedly they entered a building in which there was a quadrangle, painted and gilded, with rooms all round. As soon as they were in the middle the doors of all the rooms opened, and the women of Sultán Mahmud appeared at them, beautifully dressed and adorned, and looking like hurts and parts. It is said that Sultán Mahmud had two thousand beautiful women in his house. The Sultáns of Mandu were all very luxurious to an incredible extent, more especially Sultán Ghiás-ud-dín ; so much so that, if a person indulges in excessive luxury, it is to this day said * This story is not in any MS., but only in the lithographed edition. The throne and armlets meant were apparently part of the Gujarát regalia taken when Kutb-ud-din’s treasury was plundered, during the battle of Kapparbanj.[A.D. 1518.] [ Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] SULTAN MUZAFFAR II. 261 of him, “ He is as luxurious as Ghiás-ud-dín,” which is equivalent to saying that if he does not turn to better ways he will be brought to sorrow. No one was ever allowed to intrude upon the Sultán. Twice only in all his reign were tidings of sorrow brought to him. Once, when his son-in-law died, none of his wazirs or nobles dare tell him the news, nor of the women within the palace was one found willing to tell him. At last they were obliged to make his daughter meet him with her head dressed in white. When the Sultán saw her, he said, “ Oh, I suppose her husband must be dead, as she is in white clothes.” The other instance was when Sultán Bahlol Lodi plundered some of the parganahs of Chanderi, and it was necessary to tell the Sultán. None of his wazirs dared boldly to tell him, but they made him aware of it by means of a band of Hindus, who dressed up themselves as Afgháns, and, mimicking the operation of plundering, mentioned the names of the parganahs. When he understood, he said, “What! is the Governor of Chanderi a corpse, that he does not revenge himself on some of Bahlól's parganahs? ” Sultán Mahmuds women brought plates full of gems and golden ornaments like the peacocks of Heaven, for Sultán Muzaffar. Sultán Mu-zaffar, when he saw them, said, “ To look on what is unlawful is a crime.” Sultán Mahmud said that they and all he had were at Sultán Muzaffar's disposal. The latter thanked him, but begged that they might return within the pardah; and at a signal they all instantly disappeared like fairies. When they came out of the palace Sultán Muzaffar took leave and retired to his own house.* It is said that when Sultán Mahmúd fled for refuge to Sultán Muzaffar, as above related, Médiní Ráó made no difference whatever in the expenses of Mahmud's harem—provisions and clothes, perfumes and money, were supplied as before without any alteration. Once a day he (Médiní Ráó) used to * This story as to Ghiás-ud-dín occurs only in the Hyderábád MS. and the lithographed edition.262 GUJARAT, [Mirá-i?Sikandarí.] go into the dar bar, and vow and protest that he had done nothing disloyal to Sultán Mahmud, or which ought to offend him and drive him from his country; and he would say, “ Write and ask him to take care of his country and appoint another wazir, for I am willing to be his slipper-bearer.” Affairs were managed just as before; and as regards the harem, the eunuchs attended to it just as in the days of Sultán Mahmud. On the day of the taking of the fort, Shádí Khán and Pithórá Ráó Khákhú, two of the chief men, were killed.* * * § Bhim Karan and Badan escaped by a window, and fled to Médiní Ráó. It is said that Badan was so horrified at the slaughter of the people in the fort that, after speaking a few words to Médiní Ráó, he asked for a cup of water, and died as soon as he had drunk it.+ The sight of this alarmed Médiní Ráó and the Ráná, and the former said, “ All my relations and tribesmen are dead,J and our wives and children are captives in the hands of the Muhamadans, so what is there to live for ? ” He would have killed himself, but the Ráná prevented him, and took him away with him,§ and went off to Chítór, It is said he marched thirty-seven kós in one night, on his retreat, without halting. * The “ Mirát-i-Ahmadí ” says : “The ‘ Mirát-i-Sikandarí * and ‘ Táríkh-i-Muzaffar-Sháhí ’ give the names of seven chiefs of note who fell in the fort.” f Firishtah explains this by saying that the man was so agitated and excited while telling the story, that he burst the bandages of his wounds, which being very serious, he bled to death before the haemorrhage could be stopped. The man’s name is variously given as Madan or Badan. J Including his son Pithórá. § It was apparently the intelligence thus received that decided the Ráná to retreat as before described. It may be as well to note here the ultimate fate of Médiní Ráó. Ráná Sánká made over to him the provinces of Chandérí, Gágrún, &c., and he himself made the strong fort of Chandérí his residence. He fought under Ráná Sánká, at the battle of Kánwah, against the Emperor Bábar. He was afterwards besieged in Chandérí by the Emperor, who offered him terms, and to give him Shamsábád, in the Doáb, in exchange for Chandérí; but Médiní Ráó made a stubborn and nearly successful defence. Bábar was nearly compelled to raise the siege, but an assault at the last moment succeeded. The Rájputs, overpowered, performed the jóhar, and then Médiní Ráó and the others fell by each other’s swords and died. (Erskine’s “India,” vol. i. pp. 479-84; Briggs’ “ Firishtah,” vol. ii. pp. 59, 60.)[A.D. 1519.] [Mirát-i-SikandarL] SULTAN MUZAFFAR II. 268 ^A'dil Khán, who was at Dípálpúr, fifteen Icos from Mandu, heard of the Ráná's flighty and wrote to Sultán Muzaffar asking permission to pursue him; but the Sultan did not consider it expedient, and recalling 'A'dil Khán, set off for his capital.* Sultán Mahmud accompanied him to Déólah, and there took leave of him. A'saf Khán and several amirs were left by Sultan Muzaffar to support Sultán Mahmud. The Sultán desired them not to receive the smallest coin from Sultán Mahmud, on pain of his heavy displeasure. 'A'dil Khán A'sírí also took leave here, and went to A'sir and Bur-hánpúr. After a few days’ hunting in this neighbourhood, the Sultán marched in triumph to I'dar; f thence he went to Mu-hamadábád, and passed the hot season and rains there in ease and pleasure, giving his army rest from the fatigues of the campaign. In the year h. 925, Sultán Mahmud Khilji marched to sarkár Gágrún, where he attacked Bhim Karan, who has been already mentioned, J and who was in possession of the place, and, having made him prisoner, put him to death. In consequence of this, the Eáná led out a powerful army against Sultán Mahmud, and a great battle was fought. The infidels were several fold more numerous than the Musulmáns, but, notwithstanding their inferiority of numbers, the soldiers of Islám fought valiantly till they were overwhelmed, and great numbers became martyrs. Sultán Mahmud bore himself bravely, and made repeated charges, but he received several wounds, and his # The “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” states that the very day the fort of Mandu fell, Muzaffar Shah moved out against the Ráná. It was after his return, apparently, that the feasts given by Mahmud took place. t The reason of this “ hunting expedition ” is explained by the “ Táríkh-i-Alfí,” Firishtah, and the u Tab. Akbari.” It seems that during the Sultan’s absence at Mandú, Ráí Mal, who had been expelled from I'dar, came down from the hills and sacked a portion of the Pattan district, including the town of Gílwárah(P). Nasrat-ul-Mulk had met and repulsed him, but the Sultan went to Fdar to make inquiries, and to arrange for an expedition into the hills in the following year, for the punishment of Ráí Mal and the Rájah of Bijanagar, who sheltered him. J See above, p. 256. Bhim Karan is said to have been a deputy of Médiní Ráó, and was holding Gágrún(P) for him. He was certainly one of his chief officers, and very probably a relative.264 GUJAKAT. |_A.D. 1520.] LMirát-i-Sikandarí.] horse also was wounded and disabled, so that Mahmud became a prisoner in the hands of the Ráná. This defeat greatly disturbed Sultán Muzaffar, and he sent a force to protect the fort of Mandu, On hearing this the Ráná returned to the fortress of Chitor, which was his usual abode. When Sultan Mahmud fell wounded on the field, some soldiers informed the Ráná, who came and raised him up respectfully, and carried him in his own pálM to Chitor. Through fear of the Muhamadan Sultáns* whose dominions bordered on Mandu, such as Ibráhím Lódí Pádsháh of Dehlí, Sultán Muzaffar of Gujarát, and others, the Ráná treated Sultán Mahmud with all possible tenderness. When his wounds were healed, the Ráná escorted Mahmud with all honour for some marches, and then bidding farewell, sent him away back to Mandu. In this year Sultan Muzaffar went from Muhamadábád to rdar,+ and hunted there for some time. He dismissed Nasrat-ul-Mulk, who was in charge of I'dar, and appointed in his place Malik Husain Bahmani, entitled Nizám-ul-Mulk, a man renowned for bravery. The Sultán then went to Ahmadábád. The wazirs were very much displeased at this affair (viz. the appointment of Nizám-ul-Mulk, apparently because he was a foreigner, and not one of themselves), and made known their dissatisfaction to the Sultán, who said in reply, “ I have now found a man who can teach you all. It is no use to object.” The wazirs therefore set themselves to watch for an opportunity of ruining Nizám-ul-Mulk. In the year h. 926 (a.d. 1520), a certain wandering minstrel observed in public, before Nizám-ul-Mulk, that there was no * This remark is hardly generous. The Edna’s conduct could hardly have been more magnanimous than it was throughout; while Mahmud had little beyond personal courage to recommend him. The Gujarati contingent commanded by A'saf Khan was present, and suffered severely in this battle. A'saf Khan’s son was amongst the slain. f This was the expedition planned the previous year. From the “ Táríkh-i-Alfi ” and Firishtah it does not appear that much was accomplished. Káí Mal sought refuge in Bijanagar, and the Sultan’s troops got a good deal of plunder. The Sultan seems to have been dissatisfied with Nasrat-ul-Mulk, and to have superseded him by Nizám-ul-Mulk, afterwards entitled Mubáriz-ul-Mulk.[A.D. 1520.] |_Mirát-i- Sikandarí. ] SULTÁN MÜZAFFAR II. 265 rájah equal to the Ráná in all Hindustán, saying : “ He protects Ráí Mal, the Rájah of Fdar, and you may stay a little time in Fdar, it will eventually come back again into the hands of Raí Mal.” Nizám-ul-Mulk said, “ What sort of a dog is the Ráná, and how can he protect Ráí Mal ? Here I sit, why does he not come ? ” The man replied that he was coming soon, and Nizám-ul-Mulk said that if he did not come he would be no better than a dog; moreover, he called for a dog, and having had it tied up at the door of the darbár, he said, “ If the Ráná does not come, he will be like this dog.” * The bard went off and repeated this story to the Ráná, who writhed like a snake, and, throwing off his upper garments, at once marched to the town of Sirohi. The Sultán, when he heard of this, was desirous of sending reinforcements; but some of his courtiers, f who disliked Nizám-ul-Mulk, said, “ What power has the Ráná to contend against your officers? Messengers also just then brought intelligence that the Ráná had returned to Chitor. This news was, indeed, at the time, in accordance with fact. The Sultán then appointed Kiwám-ul-Mulk to hold Ahmadábád, and he himself went to Mu-hamadábád. The Ráná then turned again and came to Bágar, which lies to the east of Fdar. Nizám-ul-Mulk reported the fact to the Sultán, and stated that the Ráná was at Bágar with forty thousand horse, and was threatening Fdar, and that the nominal garrison of Fdar amounted in all to five thousand horse, but that the majority of the men had gone to Ahmadábád. The ministers did not deliver this despatch to the Sultán, but maliciously kept it back. After a while they considered that the fact could not be hidden from the King, and they informed # All the authorities give this anecdote, and it is probably true. f From the sequel it will be seen that the leaders of this intrigue were Kiwám-ul-Mulk Sárang, and Malik Koti. The expressions used by some authorities almost imply that they encouraged the Ráná to make this attack. J According to some versions, “to set his foot in your country.**266 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1520.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] him of the circumstances. When he asked their advice they perfidiously represented that “ Nizám-ul-Mulk was continually sending alarming news. When the Ráná went to Siróhí before, he wrote to say that he had designs upon Fdar. The Ráná has now come to Bagar to receive tribute, and we are written to about I'dar. We have our spies there, and these will write the actual facts/’ * Thus the misconduct of these ministers,-)* whose aim was to ruin Nizám-ul-Mulk, caused great injury to their sovereign, and led to the life-blood of many Musulmáns being shed. Through their misrepresentations there was delay in sending reinforcements, and the Ráná, acting energetically, came down swiftly upon I'dar in great force. Nizám-ul-Mulk, who in the interim had been entitled Mubáriz-ul-Mulk, greatly desired to fight, but his friends and associates restrained him, saying that it was quite out of the question to oppose the Ráná, who had forty thousand horse, with their small force, not numbering more than nine hundred horsemen; to take such a step was to give themselves over knowingly and wilfully to death, was like walking into a pit in broad daylight and with open eyes. The Sultán's best interests would be greatly prejudiced by such an attempt, and it could only bring the State into disrepute. However strongly they argued, still Mubáriz-ul-Mulk always came back to his original proposal. At length, after much discussion, they resolved on going to Ahmadnagar, to hold the fortress until the Sultán could arrive to their assistance, and then to offer battle in the open. In the end they started for Ahmadnagar, taking Mubáriz-ul-Mulk with them. One hundred men, however, of the Sultán’s Silahdárí horsej agreed with one another to devote themselves to death, and to remain in I'dar, but so that Mubáriz-ul-Mulk # The “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” says that the Rajputs of Dungarpur and Báns-bálah all crowded to the Ráná’s standard, till he had an army of forty thousand horse and foot, and one hundred and fifty elephants. f See note f on p. 265. t Silahddri. These were irregular cavalry, finding their own horses and arms.[A.D. 1520.] [Mirat-i-Sikandari.] SULTAN MUZAFFAR II. 267 should know nothing of the matter. When the Rana arrived at I'dar they sallied out, and were all slain. Their leader was Malik Bakhan O'nthariah ; and the cause of this act was that some of the wazirs had said to Malik Bakhan, “ You must do something to put Nizam-ul-Mulk to shame.” They say also that another minstrel had, in order to flatter Nizam-ul-Mulk, recited a verse in Hindi to the effect that the Rana’s forces were like cranes, while the troops of Nizam-ul-Mulk would swoop down on them like falcons. When the Rana entered I'dar he said to this minstrel, “ Where are those royal falcons of which you spoke? ” Just then these brave men charged out and attacked the advanced troops of the Rana, and put them to flight; and the minstrel retorted, “ There, they have come, those royal falcons of which I spoke ! ” On the way to Ahmadnagar they fell in with Khizr Khan Asad-ul-Mulk, Ghazi Khan Shuja'-ul-Mulk, and Saif Khan, who were on their way to I'dar to reinforce them. These chiefs said to Mubariz-ul-Mulk, “ You ought to have remained in I'dar. We, too, were on our way thither, that we all might join and fight the Rana. The Rana will now presently come to Ahmadnagar, and we will never consent to show fear of the infidel, and shut ourselves up behind walls. We will fight in the open,* though it would have been better for us to do so in I'dar." Mubariz-ul-Mulk replied, “ My friends here thought it advisable to fall back on Ahmadnagar, though I was very unwilling to do so. Yours is the best possible advice; I quite agree in what you say." As this interview took place close by Ahmadnagar, they went on thither together. Early next morning they all assembled, and drew up in battle array outside the city. The total muster-roll of the Muhamadan force # The “ Tab. Akbari ” says that the reason why Mubariz-ul-Mulk decided to give battle in the open, was because he was taunted by the bard whom he had, as above stated, insulted in darbar. This man said to him that he advised him to shut himself up in the fort, and then the Rana, having watered his horse in the river which runs beneath the fort, would probably be content, and return home. Mubariz-ul-Mulk said that he never would permit the Rana to do this. Firishtah notices this story also.268 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1520.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] was twelve hundred horse and one thousand infantry musketeers. The day had not passed when the Ráná's forces came in view on every side. Out of the thousand and two hundred, made up of the force of Mubáriz-ul-Mulk and the followers of the nobles, four hundred horse devoted themselves to death, and advancing in front upon the enemy, and shouting, “ Alláh, Alláh! ” charged the enemy's advanced guard, and routed them, driving them back at the point of the sword upon their centre. The centre, also, they threw into confusion, and drove twenty thousand horse before them for the space of one kós, cutting them down all the time, until at last the party disappeared from the sight of the rest of their own force, which was on their rear, and who believed that all were killed. Not one of them turned his back on the enemy, or sought to make his way back to Ahmadnagar. However, as has been said, these death-seeking warriors broke the enemy’s vanguard and centre also; but in doing this, Ghází Khán, Irádat Khán, and Sultán Sháh, who were the leaders of these valiant men, were wounded, and many of their followers were slain. Many were left wounded on the field, and very few escaped unhurt. Mubáriz-ul-Mulk’s friends,* considering that if a man runs his head against a rock he may break his head, but will hardly break the rock, laid hold of his reins and, without consulting his wishes, carried him off the field towards the fort of Ahmadnagar, quite believing that the garrison was still occupying that post; but on arriving at the fort gate they perceived that before their arrival the garrison had already evacuated the fort, and had retreated. Mubáriz-ul-Mulk and Safdar Khán made for the town of Barni, which is ten kós from Ahmadnagar on the Ahmadábád road, but, quitting the direct road, chose another. Asad-ul-Mulk and others went by the direct # Firishtah says Mubáriz-ul-Mulk was wounded severely. The text of all the MSS. is more or less corrupt in this place; but the present version has been made after a comparison of all, and is probably a pretty correct approximation to the original text of the history.[A.D. 1520.] [Mirat-i-Sikandari. ] SULTAN MUZAFFAR II. 269 road. The infidels, pursuing, overtook Asad-ul-Mulk, who faced about and gave battle, but was slain with all his following, and his elephant, with all its equipage, fell into the enemy's hands. The Rana took the town of Ahmadnagar, sacked it, and carried away captive all the inhabitants. At night-fall he summoned his chief officers, and consulted with them. Some observed that Ahmadabad was only thirty kos distant, and it would be well to make a rapid march thither and plunder the place. But the Rana said, “ Four hundred Musulman horsemen have defeated twenty thousand, and have killed a thousand good soldiers. If they assemble four thousand men and give battle, you will not be equal to meeting them. None of my ancestors have ever reached such a pitch of heroism or done such a deed; for the present we must be content. The grassiahs of Gujarat, who had joined the Rana, said : “ If you will not attack Ahmadabad, let us plunder the town of Barnagar, which is close by, and then let us return, for the inhabitants of that place are merchants who are very rich, and our men will get a great deal of plunder/’ Accordingly the Rana marched to Barnagar; but the inhabitants of the place were all Brahmans, who met together, and came before the Rana and said: “ For twenty-two generations we have dwelt in this town, and no one has ever attempted any violence or oppression upon us. You are the King of India* and of the Hindus; why should we suffer wrong at your hands ?" The Rana, therefore, would not permit the plunder of Barnagar, but, having accepted tribute, he came away and encamped in the vicinity of Bisalnagar. The local officer of that place shut himself up in the fort,j* and the Rana's men attacked the fort and beleaguered it till the hour of evening prayer. In # Some MSS. read, “ King of Hind wa Ahind,” but the reading of the text seems preferable. f According to the “ Tab. Akbari,” this officer, so far from shutting himself up in the fort, “ came out to seek martyrdom, and obtained it, as did several of his followers,”270 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1520.] [Mirát-i- Sikandarí. ] the fighting and consequent confusion the town of Bisalnagar was plundered. At night a panic fell upon the Ráná’s camp, for it was said that Malik ^A'in-ul-Mulk and Fateh Khán, jágírdárs of the subah of Pattan, were approaching. The army remained under arms all night, and in the morning the Ráná turned his face back to I'dar, and from thence went to his own country. On the very day of the battle, Kiwám-ul-Mulk, governor of Ahmadábád, had marched out to support Mubáriz-ul-Mulk, and went as far as the village of Malád,"* seven kós from Ahmadábád. Some fugitives from the defeated army came there and reported that Mubáriz-ul-Mulk, Safdar Khán, and Ghází Khán were killed. Kiwám-ul-Mulk halted at Malád, and wrote a despatch with this information to the Sultán. On the third day he was informed that Mubáriz-ul-Mulk and Safdar Khán were alive, and staying at the village of Ráwanpál, in the parganah of Kari. The author of the “ Táríkh-i-Bahádar-Sháhí ” states that Kiwám-ul-Mulk sent him (the author) to bring in Mubáriz-ul-Mulk, so that Kiwám-ul-Mulk might concert with him measures for pursuing the Ráná. He accordingly brought him to the village of Malád, where the two nobles had an interview. Intelligence arrived that the Ráná had left I'dar and was marching back to Chitor. So the author of the “Táríkh-i-Bahádar-Sháhí,” in company with Mubáriz-ul-Mulk, left Kiwám-ul-Mulk and went to Ahmadnagar. On the sixteenth day after the fight they performed the obsequies of those who had been slain in it, and killed sixty holts of Kánth who had come into Ahmadnagar to carry off grain; f but the next morning, in consequence of scarcity of supplies, they fell back to the town of Parántíj. * This name is variously written. The reading adopted is that of the lithographed text. f The “ Tab. Akbari ” and other authorities explain that the grdssiahs and k6Ms from I'dar and the vicinity, having conceived a contempt of Mubáriz-ul-Mulk from his recent defeat, came down to plunder, and sustained a heavy defeat. According to the “Tab. Akbari,” sixty-one grdssiah chiefs of note were slain.[A.D. 1520.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] SULTAN MUZAFFAR II. 271 Sultán MuzaiFar sent ’Imád-ul-Mulk and Kaisar Khán with a large army and a hundred elephants. They marched to Ahmadábád, and from thence to Malád, where they were joined by Kiwám-ul-Mulk, and went on with him to Parántíj. There they wrote to the Sultán, informing him that the accursed Ráná had retired to Chitor, and expressing their desire to follow him if the Sultán would so command. He replied that the rainy season was at hand ; that they were to pass the rains in Ahmadnagar,* and at its conclusion march out to punish the infidel Ráná. The amirs came to Ahmad-nagar, and there stayed. After the rains were oyer, the allowances for the whole army were increased from ten to twenty per cent., and a year’s pay was issued from the treasury, so that every man might provide himself with what was requisite for the campaign. The Sultán himself left Muhamadábád in the month of Shawwál, and went to the village of Hálól, three kós distant. Prom thence he proceeded by regular marches to Ahmadábád, where he took up his quarters in the buildings of Ghatmandól, near the Kankariah tank. Here he was joined by Malik Aíáz, governor of the district of Sórath, who brought twenty thousand horse, with artillery and many gunners. He was received by the Sultán at an interview, and asked what necessity there was for the Sultán himself to march against the infamous Ráná, and said : “ If the business be left to me, by the help of God and His Majesty’s good fortune, I will bring back the Ráná alive in chains, or scatter his life to the wind of death.” This proposition pleased the Sultán. In the month of Muhar-ram, a h. 927 (December, a.d. 1520), he marched from Ghatmandól to the village of Harsil, three kós from the city, and there encamped. He summoned thither the army of Ahmad-nagar, which came and was incorporated with his force. Here Malik Aíáz reiterated and pressed his request, and the Sultán * Firishtah says the Sultán would on no account allow Ahmadnagar to be abandoned, and therefore ordered the chiefs to advance and hold it.272 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1520-21.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] gave him a robe of honour and appointed him to the duty. The author of the “ Táríkh-i-Bahádar-Sháhí99 writes that the army of Malik Aíáz consisted of one hundred thousand horse and a hundred elephants, and that with Kiwám-ul-Mulk were sent twenty thousand horse and twenty elephants. These two large armies marched to Morásah, and from thence to the village of Dhamolah, in the district of Bágar, where they encamped.-* Detachments were sent out to ravage all the country round, for the Rajah of Bágar had joined the Ráná in his attack. Dungarpur, which was the residence of this rajah, was burnt and reduced to ashes. They then marched, by way of Ság-wárah to Bánsbálah. It so happened that Shujà^-ul-Mulk and Safdar Khán, with Mujáhid-ul-Mulk, were on guard on the extreme flank of the camp, with two hundred light horse, when a man informed them that the Rájah of Bánsbálah, f and some relatives of Médiní Ráó, with a body of men, were lying two kós off in the hills. These amirs immediately mounted and set off towards the hills. When the sentinels of the infidels saw that the Musulmáns were advancing with a small number of men, they came out and gave battle. On that day each brave Musulmán had to fight against ten men, and prodigies of valour and exertion were exhibited. In the end the breeze of victory blew upon the standards of Islám, and the infidels were defeated. Altogether seven or eight Musulmáns obtained martyrdom, and many of the wretched infidels were put to the sword.J * The power and magnificence of Malik Aíáz has been already described. The “Tab. Akbari” says, while he was still at Morásah, the Sultán sent up Táj Khán and Nizám-ul-Mulk with reinforcements. Malik Aíáz remonstrated with the Sultán, saying that so large a force was unnecessary, and sent back some of the elephants. The “Tab. Akbari” says that from Morásah the force marched to Dabál, and sent out detachments to ravage the country. Safdar Khán was sent against the Rájpúts of Lakíá Kot, a very inaccessible place. He killed many of them, and brought back the rest captive. f The Rájah of Bánsbálah’s name was apparently Udi Singh; for the “Tab. Akbari” and Firishtah give that name. Ugar Sen (whom Firishtah designates as “Ugar Sen Purbiah”) was another leader. The latter was, the “Tab. Akbari” says, wounded in this fight. J According to the “ Tab. Akbari,” seventy Rájpúts were left dead on the field.LMiíáttsSaríJ SULTÁN MÜZAFFAR II. 273 When intelligence of wliat was going on reached the camp, great bodies of men mounted and hastened forward. But before they arrived the victory was won, and the Musulmáns were returning triumphant. This display of Musulmán valour dismayed the infidels and made the heart of the Ráná dejected. After this the army of Islám continued its march, and, passing through the ghát of Karjhi, reached and invested the fort of Mandisór, which belonged to the Ráná, and was held for him by Awásúk Mal Rájput. This fort was very strong, the walls were ten gaj thick, and half of the fort, from its foundation upwards, was of hard stone, the upper half being of burnt brick; it was built by Sultán Hoshang, King of Mandu The Ráná with a large army advanced to the village of Nadesi, twelve kos from Mandisór, and encamped. Malik Aíáz dug mines, raised covered ways, and pressed the siege of Mandisór; but Kiwam-ul-Mulk and other amirs were not on good terms with him. The Ráná now sent wakils to Malik Aíáz to state that he had been guilty of a great and inexcusable fault; but if the Malik would have mercy, and pardon him, and intercede with the Sultán for him,* he would execute a document promising henceforth to do nothing inconsistent with submission and obedience. He also promised to return the elephants and the female captives, and whatever had fallen into his hands after the battle of Ahmadnagar, to the Sultán, with such an increase of tribute as might be determined. Sultán Mahmud Khilji, of Mandu, now joined the royal army with his forces. Silahdí, a Tuár + Rájput by tribe, was on his way from the * The “Tab. Akbari” says the object of the Ráná was to send envoys to the Sultán. It says that Malik Aíáz was induced to listen to these proposals (though the trenches were complete and the saps run up to the walls, so that the fall of the fort was only a question of a day or so), by the disaffection and insubordination of Kiwám-ul-Mulk and those who sided with him. This is quite in accordance with Kiwám-ul-Mulk’s character; and though the Sultan eventually blamed Malik Aíáz for coming to terms, it is not clear that he had not good reason for doing so. f This description of Silahdi’s tribe is only in MS. A, and there doubtful. 18274 GUJARAT. LA.D. 1521.] [ Mi r át -i- Sikandain. J fort of Ráísín, with ten thousand horse, to have an interview with Malik Aíáz, but Médiní Ráó went and met him on the way and enticed him over to the Ráná. All the Rájahs of the country round went to the support of the Ráná. Thus on both sides enormous forces were assembled. But the enterprise of Malik Aíáz did not advance, in consequence of the ill-feeling entertained against him by the amirs* Kiwám-ul-Mulk and the others, who were old protégés of Sultán Muzaffar and of his predecessors. No progress was made in the siege of the fort, and out of spite to Kiwám-ul-Mulk and his friends, Malik Aíáz agreed to make peace. Kiwám-ul-Mulk was very discontented, and proposed to Sultán Mahmud that they should unite their forces and attack the Ráná.f The Sultán expressed his willingness. But as Malik Aíáz was commander-in-chief of the army, and a household servant of Sultán Muzaffar, the Sultán winked at what was going on, and Malik Aíáz concluded peace with the Ráná without informing the Sultán or Kiwám-ul-Mulk, and marched off to the distance of ten kos,% # See above. Both the “ Tab. Akbari” and Firishtah say that Kiwám-ul-Mnlk had run his saps right up to the walls, and was ready to make an assault, when, out of jealousy, Malik Aíáz forbad it. The “Tab. Akbari” and Firishtah both say that, on the next day, Mubáriz-ul-Mulk and some other officers started, without orders, to make an attack on their own account ; but Malik Aíáz sent Malik Toghluk B’úládí after them and brought them back. Malik Aíáz had a sap of his own ready, and a mine under one of the bastions, and fired the mine, intending to make an assault. (The mine at this time was not usually charged with gunpowder, but the foundations of the walls, being undermined, were supported by timbers, and these being set on fire, when burnt left the walls above without foundation, and they toppled down.) The mine was successful, and brought down the bastion ; but it was found that the Rájpúts had retrenched the ground behind, and the breach was not practicable. f The “ Tabakát-i-Akbari ” and Firishtah say that there was a meeting between the leaders of the discontented party and Sultán Mahmud, and that they had actually fixed on the following Thursday for an independent assault. The meeting was at once betrayed to Malik Aíáz by one of those present, and he then sent an officer to remonstrate with Sultán Mahmud, much in the terms that Sultán Mahmud is here reported to have employed to Kiwám-ul-Mulk. J According to the “ Tab. Akbari,” he marched to “ Khiljípúr ” the very morning which the discontented nobles had fixed for their attack ; and when he retired, Malik Aíáz is said to have given out that he was only retiring to Diu, to prepare for a new campaign in the ensuing year, when the Sultán >vould take the field in person,[A.D. 1523.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] SULTÁN MUZAFFAR II. 275 and halted there. Sultan Mahmud also, forgetful of his duty, came to terms with the Ráná, on condition that the Ráná gave up the Sultán’s son, whom he held a prisoner, and made a suitable present Sultán Mahmud then told Kiwam-ul-Mulk that Malik Aíáz was commander of the army, and as he stated that he was acting under the directions of Sultán Muzaffar, it would be very wrong for them to do anything against the wishes of the Sultán. He then went back to Mandu. Although the amirs were very much dissatisfied, they could not do anything. Finally Malik Aíáz marched back to Gujarát. When they reached Ahmadábád, the Sultán was very cold to Malik Aíáz, and all the people of Gujarát called him “ coward.” The Sultán gave out that, after the rains, he would himself renew the campaign. He dismissed Malik Aíáz to Sórath, and, in consequence of his displeasure, he did not give the Malik the usual robe of honour on his taking leave. The Sultán passed the rainy season at Muhamadábád, and at its termination, in the year h. 929 (a.d. 1523), he commenced his intended expedition against the Ráná and marched to Ahmadábád. There the son of the Ráná brought to him the elephants and tribute agreed upon,* so the expedition was given up. Shortly after, the Sultán went on a hunting excursion to Jháláwár, and after enjoying himself for a while he returiied to Ahmadábád, where he stayed during the hot weather and the rainy season in ease and comfort. Thence he sent back the son of the Ráná. In this same year Malik Aíáz died. When the Sultán was informed of it he said,f “ The life of Malik Aíáz has come to its close; it would have been better if he had been killed fighting against the Ráná, for then # According to the “ Tab. Akbari ” and Firishtah this course was pursued by the Ráná in accordance with secret advice sent to him by Malik Aíáz the previous year, after the conclusion of the treaty. The Ráná’s son seems to have advanced as far as Morásah, and thence to have announced his advent to the Sultán. f According to the “Tab. Akbari” the Sultán grieved much for the loss of Malik Aíáz, 18 *276 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1524.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] he would have been a martyr.” He confirmed the mansab of Aiaz to his eldest son, Isyhák, and when he called for the treasure of Sórath, Is,hák sent it with many precious stuffs. The Sultán proceeded, by way of Kapparbanj, from Ahmad-ábád to Mahmúdábád, where he passed the rainy season. Afterwards, at the beginning of the year h. 930 (a.d. 1524), he went out to Morásah to look after the administration of his territories.* He entirely rebuilt and re fortified the fort of Morásah. When the hot season was near he set out for Ah-madábád. On the way his chief wife, Bíbí ítání, mother of Prince Sikandar Khán, died. She was a counsellor of right judgment and of great influence in the affairs of the kingdom, and lavished a mother’s care on all, high and low. She was noted in her day for the singular firmness of her decisions. She was buried in the mausoleum of the Sultán s mother, near Ghatmandol, where the Sultán remained three days, and then returned to Ahmadábád; he was much grieved at the death of the Bíbí, and was so affected that he was ill for some days. When he recovered he went to Muhamadábád and there passed the rainy season. About this time ’Alam Khán,f son of Sultán Bahlól, who # According to Firishtah there had been an insurrection in those parts, which called for his intervention. f ’A'lam Khán appears to have been a common name in the Lodi tribe. Three of them are mentioned in this history, of whom the ’A'lam Khán here spoken of was the most important. He may be called ’A'lam Khán (I.). He was a son of Bahlól Lodi, the founder of the Lodi dynasty of Dehli, brother to Sikandar Bahlól, and uncle of lbráhím Sháh, the two succeeding kings. He seems to have shown a turbulent disposition in his brother Sikandar’s lifetime, and he appears to have been more or less in revolt against Ibrá-hím Sháh, when, as here stated, he took refuge with Muzaffiar Sháh at Gujarát. His attempt against his brother, here mentioned, having failed, he took refuge with the Emperor Bábar at Kábul. He was protected and made use of by Bábar, but, making a somewhat rash advance against Dehli, in which he exhibited no great generalship, he was defeated. He was at this time alienated from Bábar, and did not fly to him, but took refuge in the Lower Himálaya range. ’A'lam Khán, however, again joined Bábar, and held a command under him at the battle of Kánwah against Káná Sangá, but seems, according to Badádní, to have gone into rebellion at Jónpúr, in 937 a.h. He was then sent by Bábar, as a prisoner, to Badakshán, but escaped thence, and found his way through Bilúchistán and Sind to G-ujarát, where he was protected by Bahádar Sháh. His son, Tátár Khán Lodi, who had previously fled to Gujarát, joined him here, and was employed by Bahádar Sháh to march on Dehli, to create a diversion, when Humáiún[A.D. 1525.1 [Mirát-i-Sikanaiarí.J SULTAN MUZAFFAR II. 277 had come (to Gujarát) in the reign of Sultán Mahmiíd, waited upon the Sultan, and stated that his brother's son, Sultán Ibrâhîm, had killed several of the chief nobles, and had given dissatisfaction to the army. For this reason many soldiers and nobles of Sultán Ibrâhîm were disaffected, and had summoned him ('A'lam Khán) ; he, therefore, asked the Sultán’s leave to depart and go to Dehli. The Sultán furnished him with an outfit and gave him his dismissal. 'A'lam Khán went to Dehli, and styled himself Sultán 'Alá-ud-dín ; but he was defeated by Sultán Ibrâhîm, and failed in his pretension ; so he fled to Zahír-ud-dín Bábar, at Kábul, and gave him such information as led to his invasion of Hindústán, and the overthrow of 'A'lam Khán's own family. In the year h. 931 (a.d. 1525), Sultán Muzaffar went from Muhamadábád to Ahmadábád, and from thence towards Morásah to hunt. He returned to Ahmadábád for the hot season. At this time Prince Bahádar Khán represented that the jágír which had been assigned to him was insufficient for his expenses, and he hoped that he might receive a jágír not less than that of Sikandar Khán. The Sultán did not comply with this request, and Bahádar Khán being aggrieved, went off in the month of Bajab to Dungarpur. Ráwal IPcli Singh,* the Rájah of that place, hastened forth to meet him, and paid him every civility. After remaining there some days the Prince went on to Chitor. The Ráná was very respectful to attacked Gujarat. The failure of that expedition is duly recorded in the present work. After this, ’A'lam Khan, as he is called, continued attached to the Gujarat court, but it is a little difficult to distinguish between his actions and those of a namesake at the same court. However, it is certain that he attached himself to Daria-Khan’s party in the early part of the reign of Sultan Mahmud (III.), and was, during Mahmud’s first term of independent power, cruelly and wantonly put to death by that sovereign, at the instigation of his favourite Jarji. f Rawal U'di Singh, here called Rajah of Dungarpur, is called in the “ Tabakat-i-Akbari ” “ Rajah of Pal.” Pal seems to have been used in those days as a kind of general name given to a congeries of petty hill states, of which the rulers were Hindus, and probably all, or nearly all, Rajputs. They seem to have included Dungarpur, Bijanagar, Bansbalah, and others. The name of Pal occurs pretty frequently in this work, and seems to have been a sort of alias for political fugitives from Gujarat.278 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1525.] [Mirát-i- Sikandarí. ] him, and showed him every attention. Events then occurred there which will have to be related hereafter. Prom thence the Prince proceeded to Mewát. Hasan Khan Mewátí^ professed that everything he possessed was at his disposal, and that he himself was ready to serve him in any way he might indicate; but the Prince would not accept anything from him, and went on his way to Sultán Ibrahim Lodi, just at the time when that sovereign was confronting His Majesty Zahír-ud-dín Bábar Bádsháh at Pánípat, forty kós from Dehli. Sultán Ibráhím sent for Bahádar Khán, and received him with great consideration and honour. One day a party of Moghals made several of Sultán Ibráhím^s men prisoners, and were carrying them off. Bahádar Khán, with a party of his own men, pursued, for forty kds, and, having come up with them, a fight ensued. Several of the Moghals were killed, and Bahádar Khán returned with the men he had rescued. When this became known, the people of Dehli used to talk much in praise of Bahádar Khán; but when Sultán Ibráhím understood that Bahádar Khán had become popular among the people of Dehli, and that they were heart and soul devoted to him, he was very vexed and took alarm,f and became cool towards Bahádar Khán, and appeared to wish to be rid of him. Ba- * Hasan Khan Mewati. Firishtah says (Briggs, vol. ii. pp. 58, 59) that his family had been renowned in Mewat for two hundred years. He was killed by a musket-ball, fighting gallantly against Babar at the battle of Kanwah, in 933 a.h. The “ Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh ” says he fell by a sword-wound in the face, and that his followers threw his body into a well. It describes him as £ kafir kalimah g4, “ an infidel who repeats the creed,” evidently considering him to be very little of a Maho-medan. His capital appears to have been at Alwar. £adaoni in the “ Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh ” says that after his death he was personated by a pretender, who arose in 940 a.h., and again in 965 a.h., and says that Bairam Khan said that he did not at all resemble the true Hasan Khan, who was a man of royal presence. The pretender was eventually put to death by the Mewatis themselves. f As is mentioned further on, Sultan Ibrahim had become extremely unpopular among the nobles and people of Dehli, and a conspiracy was set on foot to poison him and to raise Bahadar Khan to the throne of Dehli in his place. The “ Tab. Akbari ” confirms this story, which is in itself far from improbable, but there seems no reason to think that Bahadar Khan was privy to the plot; indeed, the action he took seem s to negative this idea. Firishtah generally corroborates the story.[A.D. 1525.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] SULTAN MUZAFFAB II. 279 hádar Khán perceiving this, departed from him, and went to Jónpur. The inhabitants and nobles of Jónpur were very dissatisfied with Sultán Ibráhím, and had sent a message secretly to Bahádar Khán, inviting him to come there, and promising to obey and support him to the utmost of their power. Prince Bahádar Khán accordingly was about to go there, when he heard of the death of his father, Sultán Muzaffar, and went off to Gujarát, When Sultán Muzaffar heard that Prince Bahádar had gone away, offended, towards Bágar, he directed his wazírt Khudá-wand Khán, to draw up a document consenting to the Prince’s request, and giving to him the increase oí jagir he desired, and ordered him to send the document to the Prince, so that he might return. Khudáwand Khán informed the Sultán that the Prince had gone on to Sultán Ibráhím Lodi, of Dehli, who was greatly pleased with his manners and character. On hearing this account the Sultán was exceedingly vexed,* and gave expression to his regret. Shortly after this he left Ah-madábád, and went to Muhamadábád. This is, at least, the account which is given by the writer of the “ Táríkh-i-Bahádar Sháhí '*; the story current in Gujarát will be related presently. At this time there was a scarcity of rain,-which caused great disturbance and complaints among the people. Sultán Muzaffar lifted up his hands in prayer to God and said, “ O Lord, if for any faults of mine my people are afflicted, take me from this world, and leave my people unharmed, and relieve them from this drought.” For the Sultán was tender-hearted, and could not bear the sight of the poor and wretched. Moreover, since the prayers of a Sultan are entitled to acceptance, so the arrow of his prayers reached its mark, and the rain of mercy fell from the heavens; but the Sultán’s health began to break up, his appetite failed. One day he was listening to the com- * According to the “Tab. Akbari” he distinctly stated as his reason that he was afraid lest Bahádar Khán, by fighting against the Moghals, might involve the country of (lujaiát in hostilities with the latter people.280 GUJABÁT. [A.D. 1526.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] mentary of the reader of the Kurán, and observed : “ I read more of the Kurán now, in the days of my sovereignty, than I did before I came to the throne. This morning I have heard half of the reader’s commentary. I trust to hear the other half in heaven.” All those present expressed a hope that he might live for a hundred and twenty years, but he said, “ No doubt men wish their lord to live long, and men themselves love this life ; but I daily find myself getting worse, and my limbs are losing their power.” At last the Sultán felt that it was impossible he should ever get better, and while still sick, in the year h. 932 (a.d. 1526), he left Muhamadábád and went to Baródah, otherwise called Daulatábád, to take farewell of the place where he resided in his early life. After staying there a few days he went to Ahmadábád, to visit the tomb of his father, and from thence to the palace of Ghatmandól. He grew weaker day by day, and for a month he had no inclination for food; but he one day went into the palaces within the city, and directed Khuzan Khán, one of his intimate companions, to distribute charity, saying : “ Khuzan Khán, I have accumulated much wealth, for which I must account hereafter; wherefore, then, should I increase the account ? ” It was plain that his end was near. Eventually, when men altogether despaired of the Sultán's recovery, Prince Latíf Khán, knowing that his brother Sikandar was the heir-apparent, was afraid that Sikandar would not suffer him to live. So on the 1st Jumádi-ul-awal he removed with his family to Baródah. Some say that the Sultán gave him a hint to do so. On the 2nd of the month, after morning prayer, the Sultán sent for Sikandar Khán, and gave him salutary counsel as to the government of the State. He added : “ Do not injure your brothers, and do not any harm to your nobles upon suspicion, or evil will come upon the State.” Sikandar wept, and the Sultán bade him farewell, telling him to go home and come back again. The Sultán then went in a litter to the elephant-house and[A.D. 1526.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] SULTAN MU ZAFFAR II. 281 the stables. He said, “ I have taken leave of everyone else ; to-day is Friday, and I will now say farewell to all my household, and ask their forgiveness.” He accordingly asked the people of his offices for their forgiveness, and all, with heart and tongue and tearful eyes, expressed that forgiveness. After this he went into his sleeping-room, and ordered his attendants to remove his bed from off a couch which had belonged to his predecessors, and to place it on another; “ for this,0 said he, “ belongs to my successor.^ When this was done, he heard the voice of the crier uttering the Sabbath summons to prayer. He said, “ I have not strength to go to the masjid myself ” ; but he sent several of his attendants. After a short time he made bis ablution, and said the prayers ; then he put up humble and earnest supplication for pardon. After that he stretched himself out on the couch, repeated the confession of faith three times, and rendered up his soul to heaven, leaving behind him a good and righteous name. He was buried in the mausoleum of Sultán Mahmud, over against the tomb of the holy Shékh Ahmad Khattu. This happened on the 2nd Jumádi-ul-ákhír, h. 932 (a.d. 1526). He had reigned fourteen years and nine months. It is said in Gujarát that no one of its kings excelled Muzaffar in understanding and learning and wisdom. It is related that once, on the night called the Night of Power* (27th Ramazán), Sultán Mahmud was conversing with holy and learned men, who were repeating stories and verses, when a certain wise man said, “ In the Day of Judgment the sun shall descend from heaven, and shall burn up with its rays all the disobedient.+ In that day he who can repeat the * “ The Night of Power,” Shab-i-Kadr or Lailcit-ul-Kadr. It is said that on this night all the vegetable creation bow in adoration of the Almighty, and the waters of the ocean become sweet (“ Qánoon-i-Islám,” p. 258, 2nd ed.). Muhamadans are supposed to sit up the whole night, engaged in religious exercises ; and on those who thus sit up the angels are said to shower down hourly blessings till the morning. f “ The Sun of the Resurrection.” The sun of the Resurrection is declared by the Kurán (chap, lxxv.) to be in conjunction with the moon, and tradition declares they both shall rise in the west. That it shall burn up282 GUJARAT. [Mirát-i-Sikaiidarí. ] Kurán by heart shall, with seven generations of his ancestors, find shelter with the Prophet of God, nor shall any harm happen to them, by reason of the words which he keeps enclosed in his breast/’* The Sultan sighed sadly, and said, “ None of my sons has been trained to this holy work, so that I might hope for this blessing.” Sultan Muzaffar was present at that meeting, and heard what Sultán Mahmud said. A few days later he took leave and came to Baródah, which he held in jágír} and gave himself up to learning the Kurán and repeating it by heart. Indeed, by his excessive reading, and by sitting up late at night, a weakness in his eyes was produced. His friends remonstrated with him, and recommended him to lay aside his work for a few days; but Khalil Khán said, “ Even if it be the case that my reading and watching make my eyes red, that redness shall be to my advantage both in this world and in the next.” He laboured so hard that, in the space of a year and some months, he could repeat the entire Kurán by heart. In the month of Ramazán he went to the Sultán, and said that if the Sultán wished he was ready to repeat the whole Kurán to him by heart. The Sultán was delighted beyond all expression, and a little later on asked the Prince why he had learned to do this. He then recalled to the Sultán his exclamation in the assembly that night, and said he had then made up his mind to learn the Kurán by heart. The Sultán took him on one side and kissed his eyes and face, and praised and blessed him. It is related that after the Prince had finished his repetition in that month of Ramazán, the Sultán said, “ How can I sufficiently thank and reward Khalil Khan, who has thus rescued me and my ancestors from the flames of the Sun of the the disobedient does not seem to be specifically foretold by the Kurán itself, but the tradition is not out of harmony with the general tenor of the predictions of that work. It is held that the sun will, on this day, be but a mile above the earth. * This story appears to be wholly traditional, nor is it clear on what authority it is founded.[Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] SULTAN MUZAFFAB II. 283 Resurrection ? The only thing I have to give is my kingdom, and that I will give to him in my lifetime : may it he a blessing to him! ” On this he descended from his throne and placed Khalil Khán on it, and himself sat down on another. The next morning he invited all the mullás, wazirs, nobles, and troops to a feast—such a feast, men say, as no king ever gave before; and after the feast was over, he informed all the guests of what had passed on the previous night—as to the disposal of the kingdom to Muzaffar, and the repetition of the Kurán—and they all burst out into praises of the Sultán and of the Prince. Another story is that .the Sultán had a horse unsurpassed, in his days, for beauty and swiftness. It was reserved for the Sultán's own special riding. This horse was one day seized with gripes, and after they had given it all kinds of drugs without advantage, somebody said that if they gave it pure spirits * this would effect a cure. They did so, and the horse got well. The Master of the Horse made his report to the Sultán saying: “To-day, such-and-such horse had gripes; medicines were of no use, so at last we gave pure spirits, and the horse got well at once.” The Sultán bit the finger of sorrow with the teeth of regret, but he never rode that horse again. It is said that the Sultán, both during his reign and before it, would never taste anything intoxicating. One day Kiwám-ul-Mulk Sárang begged him to take something of the kind. He replied: “ Ah, no ! Once, in my childhood, when I was about five or six years old, my foot slipped on stairs leading up to the top of the house, and I fell to the ground and was very much hurt and bruised. On this Háns Bái, my grandmother,f who had charge of my bringing up, gave me * To give spirits to a horse suffering from gripes is a very usual practice in Indian farriery, and in certain cases seems to be useful. \_Cf. “The Griffin’s Aide-de-camp,” a veterinary work much valued in India, p. 164, 3rd ed. (of I860).] f See ante, p. 239.284 GUJARAT. [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] three cups of wine.# I became exceedingly sick, and came near to death. Háns Bái saw in a dream a man who said to her, ‘ You gave Khalil Khán wine ? ' She answered, ‘ Yes/ The man then said, f Repent, and never again let wine touch his lips, in order that he may now recover.’ She said, CI repent.’ And then she startedf and awoke; and inquired, and found that I was better. I remember that I tasted wine then, but the Lord Almightly has, since then, preserved me from such polluted things.” It is said that the Sultán would not mention the name of intoxicating drugs, and, if it were necessary to speak of them, he used to call them by the name of “pill,” so that to this day the people of Gujarát call ma'jun “pill.” The Sultan never omitted any devotional rite, and always performed his ablutions before doing anything, following in all things the traditions of the Prophet of God. He always, moreover, had death in his mind, and thought of it with an anxious heart and tearful eyes. He was full of respect and kindness for the 'Ulema, but did not consort with darwéshes; indeed, he thought them a useless set, because they were apparently rivals of the 'Ulemá-J When, however, he became acquainted with the holy Shékh Jiu, the son of Said Eurhán-ud~din, surnamed Kutb-ul-’A'lam, he became, by intercourse with him, of a different mind, and used to listen to their teachings and to frequent their company, and was illumined by their wisdom. Many anecdotes of the Sultán's excellence are current among the people of Gujarát. The following are some of them. Malik Allahiah,§ entitled Hazbar-ul-Mulk, one of the Sultán's # See what is said ante, p. 69 and note, as to “ three cups ” of wine. t Lit. “ Her foot slipped,” the well-known sensation which often awakes a sleeper. J Other MSS., “ because the ’Ulema imputed to them that they wrere Sufis.” § This story, though senseless in itself, is merely given as a sample of the spirit in which the book is written, and of the manners of the times.[Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] SULTÁN MU ZAFFAR II. 285 associates, had no son, and was greatly grieved at this circumstance, so that he desired to go on a pilgrimage to Makkah to pray for a son; and, with tears in his eyes, waited on the Sultán, and begged for leave for that purpose. The Sultán desired him to wait, saying that the Lord might yet give him a son. The Malik waited accordingly. The Sultán fasted, and the next morning, after the prayers which he said on awaking, lifted up his hands to the Creator, and prayed that Malik Allahiah might have a son. On Friday night of that same week he saw the Holy Prophet in a dream, who told him that Malik Allahiah should have two sons, but that, for this object, he must marry another wife. The Sultán, on hearing this, awoke in great delight, and, after performing the morning ablutions, returned repeated thanks to God. He then selected a girl out of his household, a Pájputní by birth and very pretty, and took her with him to Malik Allahiah’s house, and gave her to him in marriage, telling him that he would have two sons by her. Eventually a son was born, and the Sultan went to congratulate the Malik, and called the azán in the child's ear,* who was named Lutf-ullah.f Said Mahmud, son of Said Jalál Manówar-ul-Mulk, used to say that he knew the boy in the reign of Ahmad II., and that he then had the title of Hazbár-ul-Mulk. Another son was subsequently born, who also eventually gained a title. The Sultán had a strong love for the Prophet, and on his birthday always made a great feast in honour of his pure spirit, when he himself would pour water on the heads of the Saids and ’Ulemá, all of whom he used to invite. And when they took leave he used to give to each money, clothes, and costly stuffs sufficient to last him for a year. # The Muhamadan custom is that, as soon as a new-born baby is wrapped in its swaddling clothes for the first time, it is carried out by the midwife to the male relatives and friends assembled on the occasion; then the azan, or summons to prayer, is uttered aloud in his right ear and the creed in his left. This is usually done by the Khatib, or preacher, or any other person present. (“ Qanoon-i-Islam,” p. 6, 2nd ed.) f As to naming children, see “ Qanoon-i-Islam,” pp. 7-21 (2nd ed.).286 GUJARAT. [Mirát-i-Sikandar.] One day when he was reading the Kurán and came upon a text regarding the Day of Resurrection, he involuntarily burst into tears, and said, “ Oh, what will my condition be in that day? ” Mián Shékh Jiu, who was an intimate companion of the Sultán, said, “ I can tell! You have committed no great crime; your acts have been, for the most part, ordered in accordance with the devotion and obedience which you owe to God. The people of the Lord are satisfied with, and grateful to you; that day will exalt you to honour.” The Sultán wiped the tears from his eyes and said, “ There is a heavy load on my shoulders, that is the reason why I weep/' Said Jalál Bukhárí Manówar-ul-Mulk used to say : “ I was four years old when my father, Said Muhamad, was slain in battle. On the third day after his death, Asad-ul-Mulk, whose name was Shékh Jíú Tamim, one of the Sultán’s great nobles, took me by the hand and led me into the Sultán's presence, recounting the facts of my father's death. The Sultán called me up and stroked my head and face, saying, ‘ This boy shall always be well off!' From that day till I was ten years old I was continually about the Sultán, and never once saw the Sultán angry with anyone, or do anything unkind. The Sultán did not like Kiwám-ul-Mulk, for he did not show him the respect due by a servant to his master; but because he had been an intimate associate of the late Sultán he always showed him the greatest consideration. After Sultán Mahmud's death he was made ábdár ; and in the Ramazán, when the time for eating arrived, he used to bring water, and the Sultán used to receive it at his hands, but while doing so used to recite various texts and prayers as antidotes; still, out of kindness, would not relieve him of this duty. At last the Malik himself became aware of this state of things, and said to the Sultán, “ Your slave is old, and cannot perform the duties of ábdár ” The Sultán replied: “ If you cannot, who can?” The Malik answered: uMy cousin. I was ábdár to his late Majesty when he was yet a prince; my cousin can[Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] SULTAN MUZAFFAR II. 287 perform the duty: may it be entrusted to him as my deputy.”* During his entire life the Sultán never displeased any of his attendants, or used opprobrious names to anyone, but always spoke with propriety ; nor was anyone ever offended with him, on any account, f He used to say, “ If I were left alone in a solitary place, no one would do me any harm, for I have never done, nor am I doing, harm to anyone.” One day the Sultán took a bath before prayers. The water-carriersj used to pour water over him, and, after bathing his body, he used to call for water to be poured over his face and hands. It so happened that in the darkness of the night a musk-rat fell into the boiler, and was boiled down, flesh, intestines, bones, and all. The water-carriers being unaware of this, some of them took some water thence in a jar, and poured it over the Sultám’s face and hands, with all the intestines, skin, and flesh of the musk rat. The Sultán started aside, and, throwing himself into the bath again, dashed water over his face with his own hands. He then came out of the bath and went to prayers. After prayers he sent for the water-carriers, who came to him despairing of life. The Sultán asked how many men were employed on this duty. They replied, “ One hundred/’ He said again, “ Cannot this hundred do the work of one man properly ? I am an old man, and can pardon the offender; but my sons are young—how will you satisfy them ? You came to me in fear of your lives ; how do you think it will be with my sons if you wait on them after this fashion ? Will your lives be safe with them, you miserable men, if you are equally careless with them ? I have said this to you that you may mend your behaviour.” Ultimately, # The text of this story varies greatly; the version here given is, however, the only one which seems to yield sense. f See p. 291. J The word is áftáb-cM. The business of these men was to prepare the water for baths and for ablutions, whether hot or cold. “ Jouhar,” the well-known author of the “ Tazkirat-ul-Waki’at,” was dftdb-cM to the Emperor Humáiún.288 GUJARAT. [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] during the reign of Sultán Bahádar, the son of Sultán Mu-zaffar, these very same water-bearers poured some water a little too hot on the Sultán’s hands, and he ordered boiling water to be poured on the tenderest parts of their bodies, so that they died upon the spot.* Said Jalál-ud-dín Bukhárí told me that the Sultan used every day to write out in a formal hand f a passage of the Kurán, and when the volume was finished, he used to send it either to Makkah or to Madinah, for the use of persons who publicly recited the Kurán. One day, when he was employed on this work, he had just finished a page very neatly, and, being much pleased, exclaimed, “ I have written this page particularly well.’* The bystanders crowded round to look. One Latíf-ul-Mulk, surnamed Soundhá, who was on guard behind the Sultán with a drawn sword, was stupefied with opium, and let his sword fall on the Sultán’s wrist, and knocked the pen out of his hand, which, falling on the page, blotted it in several places. The rest of those present hustled Soundhá out of the room. The Sultán said nothing, but took out his penknife and erased the blots, rubbing some whitening over them, and drew a circle round them, and began to write again. Whén he had finished the passage he placed his pen in the pen-case, and said, Where is that Kand ? ” for in Hindi hand means “ a bad smell,while soundhá means “ a sweet odour.”§ Shékh Jiu Asad-ul-Mulk, taking advantage of this favourable opening, said, “ Your Majesty, he stands outside in great grief, and desires to say that he has committed a grievous offence, and that the Sultán may cut off his hands, or cast him under the feet of an elephant.” The Sultan remarked : tf What # The text is here necessarily paraphrased. f NasTch. Firishtah says not only that the Sultán was himself a beautiful writer (an accomplishment very highly valued throughout the East), but that he was a great patron of those who wrote well, and mentions specially one Mulla Mahmúd Siáúsh, who came from Shiráz to Gujarát, and was received with much honour. x Lit. “ garlic.” § Somdhd is the Gujarati word for a sweet scent,[Mirát-i-Sikandarí.J SULTAN MUZAFFAR II. 289 good will it be to cut off his hands, or to cast him before an elephant?—only don't let him come before me again.’' Shékh JÍÚ said, “It will be hard for him to be banished from your presence: where else can he go?" The Sultán said, “Very well; only don't let him eat ‘ pill ’ again, or get intoxicated/' So it came to pass that in the very same darb&r the Shékh Jíú brought the man in again; he fell at the Sultán’s feet, was forgiven, and took up his sword and stood sentry behind the King again. Shékh Jalál-ud-dín also used to say that among the water-carriers there was a sharp and lively young boy, of whom the Sultan used to ask questions occasionally, and to get sharp answers, which amused him. After the Sultán had bathed, and his body was rubbed dry, the attendants used to remove his turban, wipe his head, and then replace the turban. The Sultán would then loosen two or three folds of his turban, and twist them up again. The boy, one day, said: “ Is the cloth of your turban very fine ? " The Sultán said, “ Not particularly so, twenty of my servants wear finer; but you ought not to make impertinent remarks." The boy said, “ If one is not to make impertinent remarks the Sultán will not look well, for his waist-cloth and turban are like those of Mullás and Borahs." Asad-ul-Mulk slapped the boy's face, and he began to cry. The Sultán said, “ Why do you strike him ? He is only a little boy, and talks as he hears his father and mother speak. I do not mind his comparing my turban to those of Mullás, but I don’t like it to be said that it resembles those of Borahs, for they are heretics/’* One day a spirit-seller gave a petition into the Sultán's hand. He had on an iron ring, and in withdrawing his hand he tore the Sultán's sleeve. When the Sultán discovered that * The only object of inserting this story is the mention of the Borahs and the position they then held among orthodox Mnhamadans. For further account of this peculiar class see “ Ras Málá,” pp. 343-4, note. They are of Hindú origin, and probably adhered to Hindu beliefs and practices to some extent. 19290 GUJARAT. [Mir át-i-Sikandar í. ] he was a spirit-seller he called for water, and washed his hands, and ordered that for the future all petitions should be given to one of his attendants, or be placed on the end of a stick, and should not be given direct into the Sultán’s hands.* The Sultán was wise and prudent, and therefore refrained from extravagance. Some covetous, evil persons have, for this reason, stigmatized him as parsimonious. But how can the Sultán be deemed parsimonious when he gave to Mahmud Kkilji the entire land of Málwah, with all its treasures, which he had won from Médiní Ráó with so much labour, as has been above related? Unquestionably, other kings, such as Sultan Mahmud and Muhamad, the son of Muzaffar,j* dispensed money more freely than Sultán Muzaffar; but there is a vast difference between giving away money and giving away kingdoms. Nevertheless, Sultán Muzaffar could be liberal too, but under proper circumstances. Muhit-ul-Mulk, a eunuch to whom Sultán Bahádar, the son of Muzaffar, afterwards gave the title of Khán Jehán, was, during the reign of Sultán Muzaffar, employed as kotwál in the administration of the city of Ahmadábád. He lived to a very great age, and it is said that he was unequalled in aptitude for his duties ; he could recognise a thief at once by his appearance. Once, going through the bazar, he saw a man sitting down; he stopped, and said to an executioner who accompanied him, called Jiwán, “ Jiwán, seize that man/’ The bystanders were astonished, for the man had done nothing wrong, and they could not see the reason of the order; but when they seized and searched the man they found in his turban a number of keys for horse-chains, and it turned out that the man was the principal horse-stealer in the city. Khán Jehán attained to such reputation that through four generations of the Sultáns of Gujarát he retained his lands and allowances undiminished, and during the whole of that time was never removed or suspended. Indeed, every King gave him promotion and additional allowances. * Lest they should pollute them. f i.e. Muhamad I.[Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] SULTAN MUZAFFAE H. 291 Once on a time this Khán Jehán determined to make an inquiry as to persons who were dead, or who had emigrated.* On inquiry he found that, though there were many of the former, there was not one of the latter; for in those days Gujarát was a country so full of elegancies and delights that no foreigner who came there ever left it, nor did any native of the country ever settle elsewhere. On examination, he collected the arrears of the allowances of those who were dead, which amounted to a large sum of money, and took it to the Sultán. He asked what the money was, whence it came, and to whom it belonged. Muhit-ul-Mulk replied that it belonged to the Sultán, and the reason of its collection was that since the days of the first Sultán of the dynasty, Sultán Muzaffar, every King had been granting allowances of various sorts, and that, up to the present time, no inquiry had ever been made as to those of the recipients who were dead, or who had gone away. This had now been done; the overdrawn allowances of those who had died had been recovered, and were represented by the sum which he had laid before the Sultán. The Sultán got violently angry, and grossly abused him,f saying, “ Everyone who is dead has either left a son alive, or a daughter, or, at any rate, dependents and servants. I tell you you have done very wrong, and if you have done it of your own motion you have done very ill.” Afterwards the Sultán said, “ Take away this money, and give it back to the persons from whom you collected it, and beg their pardon.” And eventually he issued a general order to all administrating officers that, for the future, no allowance should be resumed on the death of its recipient, but should be divided according to the laws of inheritance. J * Literally, “ who had fled” (fardri), f The Sultan’s language will not bear reproduction, and does not quite consort with his usual propriety of expression, as previously described. J This policy, if interpreted in its literal sense, is far more liberal than anything else in India, and, if carried to its full extent, would soon become impracticable ; but more than one monarch, Hindú and Muhamadan, professed to follow it. The idea is as old as the “ Sakuntalá,” in which the King is made to enunciate a similar decree. 19 *292 GUJARAT. [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] A fixed sum was allotted to the poor of Makkah and Ma-dinah, and these were regularly remitted every year. Every year, also, ships were provided, free of cost, for those who were going to Makkah, and for their return ; and the expenses while on board were likewise defrayed by Government, so that they might not be compelled to spend their own money on themselves, but should be in a position to dispense it all in charity. The Sultán was a great proficient in all military exercises. He was such an admirable swordsman that he would take the carcase of a goat in his left hand, and cut it in two with a single blow of the sword in his right hand. The Sultán* used to go about the city at night, and inquire into the condition of the poor, and of the people generally, and into the acts of the rich and noble. He would perambulate all the lanes and corners of the city, and listen to everything the people had to say, and in the morning he used to issue orders for punishment or compensation, as the case might be. One night he went into a masjid and found a man weeping bitterly. He asked the man what was the matter, and the latter complained that every night a certain debauched fellow used to force his way into his house, and that he could not keep him out, nor had he anyone to whom he could complain or who would redress him. The Sultán told him that he would not eat till he had slain this man, and told him to show the way to his house. That night, however, and the next also, the trespasser did not come. The third night the Sultán came to the masjid, and found the man weeping so bitterly that he did not notice the Sultán’s arrival. When he was aware of it, he said, “ The man has come to-night.” The Sultán said, “ Let us go. Shall I kill both, or the adulterer only?” The man replied, “The # The object of this story, which is one in substance the same as that told of many other Eastern potentates, is to illustrate the Sultan’s prowess as a swordsman; but in its outlines it may very likely be true. It is quite in accordance with Eastern ideas of justice, and the dilemma of the owner of the house in the end is very naturally described.[Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] SULTAN MUZAFFAR II. 293 latter only.’* When they came to the house they found the man, and the Sultán exclaimed, “ You are here ! to-night the retribution for your acts has overtaken you ! ” The man seized his sword, and, in anticipation of attack, made a cut at the Sultán. The Sultán parried the stroke, and with a return blow cut the man in two. Then the Sultán felt faint, and sat down, asking the master of the house if he had anything to eat in the house, as he had eaten nothing since he vowed that he would not eat until he had killed the man. There was some bread of millet-flour, which the man gave the Sultán to eat. The owner of the house then said, But what am I to do now ? The kotwál will come, my house will be plundered. I shall be cast into prison, and taken before the Sultán.” The Sultán answered, “ I can remedy this also.” So he returned to his palace, and sent for the kotwál at once ; and when the latter came he told him to go to such and such a house, in such and such a quarter, without attracting the notice of the neighbours, and that he would find a corpse lying there, which he was to bury quietly in a corner. The kotwál acted accordingly. The Sultán, also, was a capital archer. He was hunting once in the province of Sórath, and in galloping after a deer he got separated from his men, and came suddenly upon a band of Rájpút marauders. The Sultán attacked them with his arrows, killing several ; the rest took to flight. Meanwhile, his followers came up, and found several Rájputs lying dead, all killed by arrow wounds, on which they congratulated the Sultán and loudly praised his marksmanship. The Sultán, also, was a very skilful wrestler, so that not even leading wrestlers could compete with him, and he could put any wrestler of his day on his back. He was very skilful, also, in the art of breaching fortifications ; in fact, if he took up any new art, it always appeared as if he had learned it before, he had so quick an intelligence ; moreover, in wit and repartee he had no equal in his day.* # Several specimens of the Sultan’s wit are given, but they hardly deserve repetition, and would scarcely be reputed witty by a European audience.294 GUJARAT. [Mir át-i- Sikan dari. ] The Sultán was also acquainted with all other arts, among them with music; he was, indeed, a very accomplished musician, and was a most accurate player. He had both a very pleasant voice and could perform on any instrument which came to hand—rubáb, sarmandal, or any other.* Many of the best living musicians took service with the King, and he himself was skilled in every part of musical science. One day he said, at an entertainment, “ Is there any singing-woman now-a-days who can perform a swáng sarasti ? ”f that is to say, who could appear in character as Sarastif (Sarasvati), and by word of mouth describe its meaning. “ The Hindu books sayhe went on to remark, “ that the best poets, the sweetest singers, the most skilful musicians, and the most graceful dancers are required to produce a swáng. We must have, therefore, somebody who is endowed with all these accomplishments, and she ought, also, to be very beautiful both in face and person/' In reply, the persons asked said, “ The representation of a swáng is a very difficult thing. The only person at the present day who is capable of doing what you want is Your Majesty's dancing-girl, Champá, who excels in such things/’ The Sultán said, “ Then let her do it/' and desired them to prepare every- # A list of instruments is given, except the rubáb, which was something between a guitar and a banjo. The instruments are all of Hindu origin apparently. f Swáng is the ordinary Hindú term for a dramatic performance. Of the excellence of some of the old Sanskrit dramas nothing need be said here. Even now, dramatic performances of sorts, specially those which are comic and satirical, are much in vogue in many parts of India, and the passion of the Burmese for them is well known. They supply a sort of literature of the unlearned, and often deal with current events in a satirical or melodramatic manner. J Sarasvati. Apparently the principal character of this dramatic piece was Sarasvati, the Hindú goddess of eloquence and learning. She was also the patroness pf music and the arts. No knowledge seems to survive as to the nature of this particular drama, Swáng Sarasti, but, from the account given, it would seem to have comprised specimens of the varied accomplishments over which the goddess presided. The háns., or rájháns, is a quasi-fabulous bird, of great prominence in Sanskrit literature, and which was one of the appanages of the goddess Sarasvati. One of its qualities was the capability of separating milk from water when the two were mixed, a constantly quoted emblem of the separation between truth and falsehood in the administration of justice. The common Indian flamingo, which has a kind of straining apparatus on the sides of its beak, is, by natives of the present day, supposed to represent the true rájháns.[Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] SULTAN MUZAFFAR II. 295 thing that was required for the purpose. They said they had everything that was wanted, except a háns, which is a species of water-fowl—for the play turns upon this. The Sultan desired them to summon all the jewellers in the city, and gave jewels and gold to make the háns. In six months it was ready, and then the Sultán gave an entertainment. Champá, the dancing-girl, came in in a guise so lovely that no language can describe it. First, there was a witty dialogue, interspersed with poetry; then a musical performance, which fairly drove the audience wild with delight; and dances followed, such as had never been seen before, and everybody was agreed that never in the world had there been such a dramatical performance. Historians are unanimous that Muzaffar was distinguished by his great clemency. He carried it, however, to such a length that criminals, the turbulent and rebellious, lost all fear of punishment, and took to highway robbery and violence without apprehension, and impure libertines shed blood even within the city itself. The entire administration of the city was practically in the hands of Kiwám-ul-Mulk Sárang and Malik Kobi, the Brahman,* who paid no regard to the Sultán's orders, and did whatever pleased themselves, whether the Sultán liked it or not. The Sultán would not extend the hand of punishment from out of the sleeve of patience, or draw the dagger of vengeance from its sheath; and when the people complained to him he would say, “ You must pray, and I also will pray, to the Almighty to put an end to oppression and the oppressor/’ It is said that the reason of his forbearance was as follows : When Sultán Mahmud died, the nobles were much divided in opinion as to his successor. Some of them said, cc Khalil Khán has the disposition of a Mulla, and has no kingly dignity; his son, Bahádar Khán, would be a better choice, for he has all the qualities befitting the royal degree.” Still, however, some of # See notes, ante, pp. 249, 265. These two men seem to have been close allies, and to have played into each other’s hands.296 GUJABAT. [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] the nobles leaned to Khalil Khán, and Malik Kiwám-ul-Mulk Sárang and Malik Kobi said, “The Sultan, during his life, himself selected Khalil Khán as his successor. For our parts, we are unable to acquiesce in setting aside his decision.” Everybody agreed, and so Khalil Khán was placed on the throne. This loyalty of theirs was accepted as an excuse for all their misdoings, as, for example, when the infidel Ráná came down, by their connivance, on Nizám-ul-Mulk. This was completely proved to the Sultán, but his regard for these men was not in the least shaken. At last, however, a matter occurred, as will be now related. Malik Kobi was very fond of pleasure, and especially of giving entertainments. He collected a great number of dancing-girls, and on every occasion of an entertainment roses were brought in heaps to his house, so that if anyone else wanted roses on such days none were to be had in the bazars. Among his dancing-girls was one called Dhásu, of great beauty. It so happened that a young man, named Ahmad Khán, of the Táh tribe, a connection of the Sultán's,* fell in love with her before he had seen her, and on one of these festival nights disguised fiimself as a torch-bearer, f but was detected, seized, and beaten till he was nearly at the last gasp. The Malik then got frightened, and pretended not to have recognised Ahmad Khán, and tried to make his peace with him, professing that he was quite unaware who he was, and that if he wished to be present at the entertainment he should have let him know, and in such case he would have been most happy to invite him. Then he called for his own pdlki, and, placing Ahmad Khán in it, sent him home. The next day Ahmad Khán died of the beating. The Sultan was told, and was extremely grieved. The relatives of Ahmad Khán demanded the punishment of the offender. The Sultán sent him privately out of the way; but in the evening Malik Kobi went from the Sultán’s palace to his own house along the public high road, # The Sultán’s mother was of the Táh tribe. See ante, p. 239. t And got into the assembly in that disguise.[Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] SULTÁN MUZAFFAR II. 297 and the relatives of Ahmad Khán set upon him and wounded him, but none of the wounds were severe. The kótwál, next morning, reported the affair to the Sultán,, and detailed the nature of Malik Kobi’s wounds. Malik Kiwám-ul-Mulk said that Malik Kobi was a loyal Brahman, and that the wounds inflicted by the disloyal would never hurt him. The Sultán took no apparent notice, but in his heart felt that it was not prudent to let a wounded snake escape. So he gave an order for the halan, that is, the “ plunder/’ of Malik Kobi’s house; the people rushed in, and in the twinkling of an eye cleared everything away of all the Malik possessed. Malik Kobi himself they brought, with his hands bound, before the King, and prayed that the Sultán would order his execution. The Malik said: “ I am a Brahman. I was a beggar. By your father’s favour I rose to my present position. What I had was the Sultán’s. It now has all been plundered. If two things had passed into the Sultán’s possession, nothing else would give me any regret: one, a dancing-girl of unequalled beauty ; the other, certain jewels, such as are rarely to be found except in the houses of Sultáns. But all has now been plundered and lost.” The Sultán said, “Thou earnest from nothing, to . nothing thou shalt return,”* and then added, “ By this infidel’s oppression many Musulmáns have suffered sorrow. Put him to death.” All present rejoiced at this order, and killed that accursed infidel as they would kill a dog. When Sultán Mahmud departed this life, and Sultán Mu-zaffar ascended the throne, several of the more prudent companions and disciples of Shékh Jiu Said Muhamadj* represented to him that it would be decorous on his part to pay a visit to the new Sultán with a fátihah, and congratulate him. The Said replied that he had not latterly been on good terms with the father of the new Sultán, and that the latter was, moreover, a young man, and that young men did not usually much * Some MSS. expand this speech, and give it in verse. f The chief of the Batdh Bukháriat Saids at that time.298 GUJARAT. [Mirát-i-Sikandarx. ] affect darwéshes. His friends urged that the throne of Gujarát had been conferred on the existing dynasty by the Shekl/s ancestors, and that it would only be in conformity with ancient custom if he went to the Sultán; moreover, even if the late Sultán had not sufficiently recognised the merits of darwéshes, still, his son was wise and learned, and might do so. Finally, in accordance with the requests and good endeavours of his wiser friends, the Saint started for Chámpánír. When he arrived there all the nobles and wazirs, most of whom were his disciples, came out to meet him, and escorted him to the Sultán^s palace. They brought him to a place near the private apartments of the Sultán. The porters ran off to inform the King of his arrival. The Sultán, unaware of the Saints presence close at hand, said, “ He has expressed his ill-will towards my father; what will he say of me ? ” The Saint overheard this speech, was offended, and, without waiting for an interview, set off home. Shortly after this, the Sultán went to Ahmadábád, but did not act as was usual, that is to say, when he passed the tomb of Shékh Ahmad Khattu he did not get off his horse and visit the shrine, but, without dismounting, merely recited a fdtihah over his horse’s head, and then passed on; neither did he take any notice of the Saint.* Shortly after this the Sultán was taken very ill. It was just at the period of the annual festival held at the tomb of Shékh Ahmad Khattu. The night before the feast the Sultán said, “ To-morrow is the festival of the Saint Kutb-ul-Kutáb; send some cooks to Sarkhéj, and prepare food to be offered in honour of his pure spirit, for I shall myself go there to-morrow/’ They acted upon his orders. That very night the Sultán, in a dream, saw the saint Kutb-ul-Kutáb,f who said to him, “ O Muzaffar, why do you not come to my house ? ” The Sultán asked him, “ Where is it ? ” The Saint rejoined, “ It is at * Who probably bad come out on the road to pay bis respects. f The spirit of the deceased Saint Ahmad Khattú, called “Kutb-ul-Kutab.”[Mirát-i-Sikaiidarú] SULTÁN MUZAFFAR II. 299 Batóh, in the house of the Shékhs, that is to say, in Shékh Jin’s house. Whosoever visits Shékh Jíú’s house, visits also mine, and whosoever does anything to please him, pleases me. Go to his house, that the illness under which you are suffering may be exchanged for health/’ Next morning the Sultán called for his pallay and set off for Batóh. That same night Kutb-ul-Kutáb also appeared to Shékh Jíú, and said', “ Tomorrow Muzaffar will come; be merciful, and pass your hand over his head and back, and pray to the Almighty to restore him to health/’ The next morning, before the Sultán arrived, the Shékh said to his friends and companions that the Saint Kutb-ul-Kutáb had shown him that the Sultán was coming, and that they must therefore prepare food for him; and he sent also to the houses of all persons in Batóh who were his disciples to collect any victuals they might have. A few minutes later news came that the Sultán was coming. When he came to ’Ainpurah the Sultán sent on one of his servants with a message to the Saint to say that he was hungry, and begged that the Saint would have some food ready for him. The Sultán came up shortly after, and, on arriving at the tomb of Kutb-ul-Kutáb, he got out of the pálkí, and, after performing the usual ceremonies, he turned to the Saint, and then these two great men looked at each other and smiled. At last the Saint said gently, “ Since you have decided to seek the company of the darwéshes, they also desire your companionship.0 The Sultán then cast himself at the Saint’s feet. The Saint passed his hand over the Sultán’s head and face, and then stood on one side. All the young princes, in turn, cast themselves at the Saint’s feet, and were presented to him ; and the Saint then took them all to his house, and conversed with them. When the Saint perceived the Sultán’s excellent qualities as a King, and as a man, he honoured him with his friendship. The Saint at length departed, and, going into his female apartments, sent out food for the Sultán. The latter begged the Saint to join them. The Saint at first declined, but when the Sultán300 GTJJABAT. [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] pressed him he came out and ate with them. The food was of the very best. When he had finished eating, the Sultan lay down to rest, but, rising at the time of midday prayer, performed his devotions under the guidance of the Shekh.* Afterwards the Sultán sat and conversed with the Shékh, and described to him the history of his illness. He said that he occasionally lost consciousness, and his spirits became much depressed ; but since he had seen the Saint he felt somewhat better, and now hoped that he would recover altogether. The Saint prayed for the Sultán, and dismissed him. The Sultán afterwards remarked to his friends, (t If I had not waited on the Saint, I should never have understood the delight of his acquaintance, and my life would have been wasted if passed in separation from him/’ From that day the Sultán became thoroughly devoted to the darwéshes. Sultán Muzaffar was so merciful that he was known as " Muzaffar the Clement.” He had eight sons—(1) Sikandar Khán, (2) Bahádar Khán, (3) Latíf Khán, (4) Chánd Khán, (5) Nasír Khán, (6) Ibráhím Khán, &c.; and he had two daughters, Rájí Rukiah, wife of ^A'dil Sháh Burhánpúrí, and Rájí A/shiah, wife of Fateh Khán, Prince of Sindh. Sikandar Khán and the two daughters were born of the same mother, Bíbí Rání. The mother of Bahádar Khán was Lakham Báí, daughter of a Góhil Rájput. The mother of Latíf Khán was Ráj Báí, sister of Mahípat Rána, a Rájput. Chánd Khán, Nasír Khán, Ibráhím Khán, and the other two sons were born in the harem. The control of the household of the kingdom and of the army were all in the hands of Bíbí Rání. Seven thousand servants who ate the bread of the State were in her employ. The Sultán named Sikandar Khán his heir-apparent during his life-time. He had not much confidence in his other sons.f * That is, as is Muhamadan custom, the Saint knelt with the Sultan behind him, and led in all the prayers and genuflexions. f Firishtah and the “ Tab. Akbari ” both give a different account, and say that when he found he was dying someone told him that the army and Court[Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] SULTÁN MUZAFFAR II. 301 He gave each of them two or three villages that their means of living might be similar. Bahádar Khán held two villages in jágír, one called Kénj, nine Ms from Ahmadábád near Mahmúdábád, the other Kohá, ten Ms from the before-mentioned city, also Nábtah, near the village of Batóh, all the villages near which, except Nábtah, were appropriated for the maintenance of the tomb of the Saint Kutb-ul-Kutáb. Prince Bahádar was frequently at Batóh, and was enrolled as a disciple of the holy Shékh Jiu, who liked him and showed him much kindness. Out of respect to Bahádar Khán, the Saint used always to address him as “ Bahádar Sháh,” some say as “ Bahádar Sháh, Sultán of Gujarát/5 One day, at any rate, he made Bahádar Khán sit by him on his bed, and said publicly, “ This man will some day be Sultán of Gujarát,’'’ and everybody present accordingly offered their respects, and did homage to him. This story got abroad, and when Bíbí Rání heard of it she was exceedingly disturbed and distressed. She told the King that she was alarmed and anxious, and desired that he would take Sikandar Khán to the Saint, and say that he had designated that Prince as his successor, and that he would entreat the Saint to concur in this decision, and to pray for Sikandar Khán and to show him favours. The Sultán replied that Bahádar Khán had a jágír near Batóh, and was thus continually waiting upon the Saint, and that the darwéshes were always pleased with those who danced attendance on them. He desired that the Rání would be of good cheer, for he had. already notified that Sikandar Khán was to be his heir, that the troops and the people were all in his favour, and that both Bahádar Khán and the Saint very well knew that Sikandar Khán had been so appointed. He would, however, he said, go the very next morning to Shékh Jiu, and apprise him again of his intentions were divided, part wishing for Sikandar Khan, but the majority for Latif Khan, and that he answered, “ And what of Bahádar Khán; is there no news of him?” from which speech it was inferred that he thought of him as a successor.302 GUJARAT. [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] as to his choice of a successor, and would beg the Saint to bless Sikandar Khán. Bíbí Rání thanked the Sultán, but entreated that he would take Sikandar Khan with him to the Saint, present him to the latter, and beg his blessing for the Prince. The next morning Sultan Muzaffar went to the Saint, with all his sons, and had presented all of them to the Saint except Sikandar Khán. Just then Bahádar Khán came in, made a salám, and sat down between the Sultán and Sikandar Khán.* The Sultán, who was in earnest conversation with the Saint, was unaware that Bahádar Khán had come here, or where he had seated himself. The Sultan began to recommend Sikandar Khán to the Saint's favour, and said, et You know that Sikandar Khán is the eldest of my sons; he is also the most able and the best. I have therefore selected him to be my heir." So saying, he put out his hand behind him, and laid hold of the hand of Bahádar Khán, thinking that it was the hand of Sikandar, and added, “ Will you pray for this man, that the Lord Almighty may make him Sultán of Gujarát?" The Saint replied, “ Your request has found acceptance with the King of Kings. This man shall be Sultán of Gujarát, and shall, moreover, conquer other countries besides Gujarát." The Sultán looked round in delight at Sikandar Khán, and then found that he held the hand of Bahádar Khán in his. The Sultán was quite aghast, but the Saint added, “ Your wish also shall be fulfilled." The wiser of the people of Gujarát, however, understood that the ball of good fortune in the game of chaugánf was with Bahádar Khán, and that Sikandar Khán had lost the kingdom of his forefathers. The Sultán took his departure, and on his way home said to some of those about him, “ Did you not see how improperly that little kalandarX (meaning Bahádar Khán) behaved to-day in seating himself above his elder brother ? " and he said to * They were apparently seated on a carpet in front of the Saint. f The celebrated game closely approaching to “ polo.” Í A religious devotee devoted to poverty, probably meant in the sense of “ that little hypocrite.”[Mirát-i-Sikaudarí.] SULTÁN MUZAFFAR II. 303 Sikandar Khán, “Why did you let your brother take precedence of you? ” But Sikandar Khán was silent. The next day the Sultan summoned all the nobles, wazirs, and officers of the State, the paymasters and officers of the army, and sundry of the public with whom he was acquainted, and said to them, “ Be it known to you all that Sikandar Khán will be Sultán after me. You are all bound to obey him/' All present concurred, and expressed their thanks. The Bibi and Sikandar Khán were both satisfied, but they did not think of the Divine decree, and were unaware of the calamities of the future. After this, though it had before been understood that the Sultán intended Sikandar Khán to be his heir, yet, as it was now formally announced, the troops and everybody else began to pay court to Sikandar Khán. The latter began to indulge the jealousy which he always felt for Bahádar Khán, and longed for his destruction. Bahádar Khán, therefore, took shelter with the Saint, living at Bat oh, and was constantly in attendance on the Saint, who (as said above) was very fond of him. Bahádar Khán, however, used occasionally to play boyish tricks upon the people of Batoh. Sometimes he would knock their turbans off, and sometimes set his Georgian dogs* at those whom he disliked. There was one of Shékh Jiu's porters, named Kabil, who was given to taking opium. Bahádar Khán used to give him presents, and food, and sweetmeats. One day he seized this man, tied up the legs of his drawers at the bottom, loosed the string which confined them round his waist, and slipped in a musk-rat. The mans legs and body were much scratched, and the blood ran from the wounds. In this condition he rushed before the Saint to complain. Some of the people present detested Bahádar Khán, and said that he was in the habit of knocking people's turbans off, and of setting dogs at them, and that one man had only escaped being torn to pieces by flying and taking refuge in a # This word is not given in all the MSS. It probably means the hairy dogs known to Europeans as “ Persian greyhounds.”304 GUJARAT. [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] house. On hearing this the Saint got very angry, and said that the hated dogs of Firangis should tear Bahádar Khán to pieces. On hearing this, Bahádar Khán was very penitent, and confessed his error; but the decree of fate prevailed in the end. At length Sikandar Khán, in his envy of Bahádar Khán, began to compass his death. Bahádar Khán, becoming aware of this, arranged his plans with a few faithful attendants to go to Dehli, and then went to take leave of the Saint, and told him that he had spoken to the Sultán on the subject of his brothers designs, and that the Sultán replied that he himself was old and weak, and that the doctors talked to him about curing a disease which was incurable; that God would give the kingdom to whoever was best fitted for it, and that Bahádar Khán would be acting against his own interests in going away. "Why, the Sultán asked, could he not go into hiding for a time? u I have therefore/’ said Bahádar Khán, “ determined on going to Dehli/’ The Saint said that the kingdom of Gujarát was undoubtedly destined for him, but not in the immediate present. He therefore thought it would be wise for him to travel for a while, and so dismissed him. Bahádar Khán said, on going away, that if the kingdom of Gujarát was to come to him the income of his jagir (during his absence) might be expended on the poor, or on feasts at the tomb of the Kutb-ul-Kutáb When the Saint was bidding Bahádar Khán farewell, he asked Bahádar Khán if he wished for anything else besides the kingdom of Gujarát. Bahádar Khán answered that he desired exceedingly to wrest the fort of Chitor out of the hands of infidels, and to make it over to the Musulmáns, in retribution for what the accursed Ráná had done at Ahmadnagar, when he slew so many Musulmáns and carried their women away captive. The Saint fell into a fit of profound meditation. Bahádar Khán repeated what he had said, but the Saint returned no answer; when he asked the third time the Saint said that the thing was possible, but that the fall of Chitor was conditional[Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] SULTAN MUZAFFAR II. 305 on the Sultan’s own destruction. Bahadar Khan exclaimed that he was willing to sacrifice a hundred lives for that object. The Saint said, “ Be it so; I cannot control fate.” Shekh Jiu then said, “ This is our last interview; you will soon come back, but you will not find me here/’* He then entreated Bahadar to be kind to his son Said Mahmud, otherwise known as “ Shah Badah,” who would, he said, be dependent on Bahadar’s protection. Bahadar Khan then went to Champanir, and, having obtained a little money there, went off towards Dehli. He went first to Bansbalah, and thence to Chitor. The Rana of that place received him with kindness, and showed him all possible attention. The Rana’s mother was a very sagacious woman, and jised to call Bahadar Khan her “ son.’' The nephew of the Rana was much looked up to by the Rajputs, for he was the son of the Rana s elder brother, who was dead, and the Rajputs regarded him as filling the place of his father, who had! been a very remarkable man. This nephew invited Bahadar Khan to an entertainment at his house, and, after a day of amusement and pleasure, in the evening an entertainment was given. Among the dancing-girls was one of singular beauty, who danced exquisitely. Bahadar came nearer, to look at her, and the Rana/s nephew said, “ Do you recognise her, and know who she is ? ” Bahadar Khan said, “ Tell me.” That ill-omened wretch replied, “ She was the daughter of the Kazi of Ahmadnagar,f and when the Rana sacked Ahmadnagar I went to the Kazi’s house, killed him, and carried off this girl; the rest of his women and girls were carried off by the other Rajputs.” He had not finished speaking when Bahadar Khan struck him across the loins with his sword, and cut him in two. A great uproar arose. Bahadar Khan stood firm, his sword dripping with blood; the Rajputs crowded round to kill him. Then the mother of the * According to the lithographed edition, the Saint died in the year H. 931, in which year, also, these events are said to have taken place. f The MSS. give somewhat differing versions of this story. That in the Hyderabad MS. has been here chiefly followed. 20306 GUJARAT. [Mirat-i-Sikandari. ] Rana rushed in with a drawn dagger, and declared that she would rip herself up if anyone killed Bahadar Khan. When the Rana heard the facts, he said that the infatuated young man, his nephew, had only been treated as he deserved for uttering such language to a prince of Gujarat, and he forbade anyone to injure Bahadar Khan. The Rana added that if Bahadar Khan had not killed his nephew he should have done so himself. Shortly afterwards Bahadar Khan, finding that he was looked upon somewhat coldly in Chitor, left that place and went to Mewat. There Hasan Khan Mewati met him with all honour, and offered him tribute, which the Prince would not accept. Afterwards, Hasan Khan asked if he desired to attack Gujarat, for in that case they were ready to assist him with money and troops to do so. Bahadar Khan thanked them for their loyalty to him, but said that he could not do anything so wicked as to attack his father. For the present, moreover, he was about to travel; afterwards, the Almighty knew what would happen.* * As to Hasan Khan Mewati, see note ante, p. 278.|A.D. 1526.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] 307 CHAPTER X. EEIGN OF SULTAN SIKANDAE, SON OF MUZAFFAE. Sulta'n Sikandar ascended the throne on Friday, the 22nd Jumádi-ul-ákhir, a h. 932 (7th April, a.d. 1526), when his father Sultán Muzaffar died, and he shortly afterwards* went away to Muhamadábád. It is said that he went away without caring to visit the tombs of the holy men at Batóh, andwhen he was passing the tomb of the holy Burhan-ud-din he did not go in nor speak to Shékh Jiu, the grandson of Burhan-ul-Mulk, whom they called the second Makhdúm-i-Jahánián; but, on the contrary, said to those about him, u This is the man who said that Bahádar Khán would be Sultan of Guj'arát. He lied, and the man himself is a wanderer on the face of the earth.”f When Shékh Jíú heard this he said, We must not be perplexed; what God wills is coming to pass, and will appear at His right time.” When he arrived at Muhamadábád, according to the practice of his ancestors, he there took his seat upon the throne on the 25thJ of the same month. Every # According to the “ Táríkh-i-Alfí,” which other authorities corroborate, Sikandar left Ahmadábád three days after his father’s death. f The text is here very corrupt; but the recension above adopted is supported by a comparison of MSS. and by the “ Tab. Akbari,” which says that the Sultán “ gave the holy man the lie,” and “ spoke unseemly words.” The Saint and his followers probably came out on the road to meet the Sultan and make their obeisance to him, and this interview took place as he was passing. J This date is probably incorrect. If the king remained three days after his father’s death at Ahmadábád (as he would naturally do for his father’s obsequies and other business), he could not well have reached Muhamadábád by the 25th. The correct date is, probably, the 28th or 29th, for the length of his reign is everywhere given as one month and sixteen days, and he was murdered on the 14th Sha’bán, 20 *308 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1526.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] man who had served him in former days he advanced to a high position and title. He gave away one thousand seven hundred horses to his own followers, and from that cause the ministers and nobles of the late reign* were offended and alienated. He even offended 'Imád-ul-Mulk Khush-kadam, who was a king in his own way, and who had brought him up and pushed his interests. Intelligence now came that Latíf Khán had set himself up in the hill country of Sultánpúr and Nandarbár, with the support of Bhim Rajah of Múnká,f and that several amirs were in correspondence with him. Sultán Sikandar raised Malik Latíf to the title of Sharzah Khán, and sent him with three thousand horse to drive Latíf Khán out of the mountains. When he entered the hills the Rájpúts and Kolis, having seized the passes on the road, attacked him, and after a sharp struggle Sharzah Khán and several other chiefs of name were killed, and it is said that one thousand two hundred Musulmáns fell. On hearing of this the Sultán sent Kaisar Khán with a large army. About this time sundry nobles having gained the confidence of ’Imád-ul-Mulk, told him that the Sultán had a design upon his life, and that he must be on his guard. Tmád-ul-Mulk said, “ If the Sultán has resolved to take my life, why should I not be beforehand and attempt his ? ” One night the Sultán saw in a dream Kutb-ul-Kutáb, Sháh *A'lam, and Shékh Jíú; Muzaffar Sháh was also with them. Muzaffar Sháh said to Shékh Jíú, r< Surely it is not fated that Sikandar Khán should descend from the throne on which he is seated The holy Shékh Jíú said, “ Yes, it is even so.” The Sultán awoke from his dream greatly alarmed, and told Yakúb, entitled Dariá Khán, what had happened, and said, * Who probably apprehended that they would be supplanted by the king’s personal favourites. f Ráná of Múnká. The “ Tab. Akbari ” calls him Rájah of the jungles of Chitor; it says the retreat of the Gujarát army was cut off, and that more than 1,700 fell,[A.t). 1526. J LMirát-i-Sikandarí.] SULTAN SIKANUAB. 309 “ I am perfectly certain that Bahádar Khán is coming, and that there will be war between him and me/' The writer of the “ Táríkh-i-Bahádar Sháhísays that he was told of the dream by Yusaf, the son of Latif-ullah, who got the story from Dariá Khán himself.* The King went out to play changan, and when the first watch of the day was passed, he returned to his palace and took his repast, and then slept. Everyone went to his own home. Said Jalál-ud-dín Manowar-ul-Mulk once said to me, “ I and my brother Said Burhán-ud-dín were standing in the bazar when the Sultán passed by, returning from changan. Every soul, male and female, came out of the houses and of the shops to gaze on the Sultán’s beauty. The very angels of heaven would have been surprised and astonished at the Sultáns beauty." After a while, the traitor Tmád-ul-Mulk, with his head and ears wrapped up, and followed by forty or fifty fierce horsemen, went to the palace. When he passed through the bazar someone exclaimed, It is but sixteen daysf to-day since we hailed the Sultán's accession, and now in a few minutes the kingdom will pass away from him. Nor is he aware that the angel of death, in the guise of ’Imád-ul-Mulk, is on his way to his palace to take away his life.,, Only a short time elapsed when an outcry arose that 'Imád-ul-Mulk had killed the Sultán.Í As the news spread dis- * The various texts differ extremely as to what immediately follows. The version of the lithographed text has been mainly followed; indeed, the variation is not so much as regards the sense, but only as to the wording of the narrative. f “ Sixteen days.” One month and sixteen days is meant, apparently. j The story as above given in the text (which is abstracted in the “ Mirát-i-Ahmadi ”) seems to be an imperfect recital of the facts. According to the accounts both of Firishtah and oí the “ Tab. Akbari,” two attempts were made by Tmád-ul-Mulk on the king’s life on two different days. Perhaps this may have been the original story of the text also, for it is evidently corrupt at this point. According to Firishtah, the king went out tiger-hunting one day, and ’Imád-ul-Mulk took out a party, intending to fall upon him as he was passing through the bdzdr on his way back, but failed to fall in with him. The “ Tab. Akbari ” says that the attack was attempted, but that Tmád-ul-Mulk missed the king’s party. This work adds that the Sultán was immediately warned and told of what had been intended, but that he was of such a simple nature (sádat rúh) that he would not believe310 GUJABAT. [A.D. 1526.] [Mirát-i-Sikandar í. ] turbance and alarm pervaded the city, as if the Day of Resurrection had arrived; and all the nobles and wazirs went about, some lamenting and some weeping and saying, “ Oh God, what has happened ! What is this calamity which has so suddenly come upon us ! ” It may be said that every trace of peace and tranquillity was washed away from the throne of Gujarát by his blood, for he was the first of the kings of Gujarát who was slain, and from him to Sultan Muzaffar, son of Mahmud II., all perished by violent deaths, and Hmád-ul-Mulk has therefore been called Dmad-ul-Mulk.* It is said that when ’Imád-ul-Mulk entered the palace and came to the door of the royal chamber he found two or three men sitting outside; one was Said 'A'lim, son of Ahmad Bhakari, grandson of Sháh ’A'lam bin Kutb-ul-Kutáb, and the other Malik Bairarn, son of Mashid, who were playing at chess. Malik Soundhá,f the door-keeper, stood holding the corner of the curtain, and Malik Pir, the groom of the chamber, was chafing J the feet of the king who was lying asleep. There was no one else there. When Hmád-ul-Mulk attempted to enter the chamber, Soundhá the door-keeper said the Sultán was asleep. He could not say more, for 'Imád-ul-Mulk had entire control of all the palace.§ That villainous slave gave no reply to Soundhá, but entered the royal apartment, taking Malik what lie was told, and said, “ ’Imád-ul-Mulk is quite incapable of such, an act; people are always trying to make mischief between me and my father’s nobles.” Otherwise these authorities corroborate the story of the text, and both allude to the dream, and say that it became publicly known, and that the Sultán was greatly depressed by it. The “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” adds nothing to these particulars, but says that a great many of the Gujarát nobles were privy to the plot. * “ ruin of the kingdom ” ; instead of “ support of the kingdom.” f Soundhá. Possibly the same person mentioned as the subject of Muzaffar’s clemency. See p. 288. X “Chafing,” or, rather, “pressing the feet.” A practice which is a species of shampooing, and is supposed to tend to sleep and rest. § jó j J&. Literally, “ for the loosing and the binding in that house was placed entirely in his hands.” This expression—the loosing and the binding (exactly the well-known scriptural phrase)—is repeatedly used in the present work to express the delegation of full and complete authority.[A.D. 1526.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] SULTAN SIKANDAR. 311 Bahádar with him. Seizing Bahádar's hand he said, “ Have you seen that Portuguese mirror which has been procured for the Sultán? " This mirror had been hung at the foot of the king’s bed with the object of reflecting the lamps when they were lighted, and was a beautiful thing. The villain Bahádar said, “ No, I have not seen it," on which Tmád-ul-Mulk led him up to the bed. Bahádar began to look about for a moment, when that wretch (Tmád-ul-Mulk) said, “ What are you looking at? Strike!” Bahádar drew his sword. Just then the Sultán awoke from sleep, and said, “ What is the matter, and what are these fellows doing here? ” The traitor struck at that king of noble presence and cut him in two. The villain then killed Malik Pir Muhamad with one blow, and in this fashion, and with his naked sword dripping with blood, went out with Tmád-ul-Mulk. When Said 'A'lim-ud-din saw this he drew his sword and confronted Bahádar. Tmád-ul-Mulk cried out, “ Said, don't be a traitor.'5 The Said replied, “ Wretch, it is you who are the traitor, for you have slain your sovereign.5' He made a cut at Malik Bahádar with his sword, which fell upon his head-piece, and the sword broke. But he was quick, and with his broken sword he wounded the Malik slightly in the head. The companions of Tmád-ul-Mulk, however, quickly despatched him and Malik Bairám. This murder was committed on the 14th Sha’bán, a.h. 932 (26th May, a.d. 1526); and through the very bázár along which he had so recently passed with his guards in all his pomp and pride, the mutilated corpse of the Sultán was carried upon a short bedstead, and with the feet hanging down, to the village of Hálól, about two kós* from Chámpánír, where it was committed to the dust. Two short hours had not passed since he was playing chaugdn, when all the people crowded round to gaze on him and when everyone obeyed his slightest order. * The MSS. have here “ ten Ms,” but in other places the distance is given as two Ms and three Ms. Major Miles calls it (Bombay Asiatic Researches) four miles. fcJ “ ten,” is, therefore, probably a misreading for^j “two.”312 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1526.] [Mirât-i-Sikandar í.j Now, there were not forty persons present at his burial, to say the prayers and perform the rites due to a deceased Musulmán, so frightened were the people of that evil traitor. After the murder of Sikandar* the traitor went to the house of Sultán Muzaffar and brought out his son Nasír Khán, who was a child of five or six years of age. Tmád-ul-Mulk’s followers supported him, and putting this child by his side he placed him on the throne, and gave him the name of Mahmud Sháh; the whole of the nobles and officers came over to 'Imádul-Mulk, and they and all the nobles and soldiers and attendants then came and made their obeisances. But there were three amirs who kept aloof and did not salute him. One was Khudáwand Khán Masnad 'A'li, who was the wazir of Sultán Muzaffar, and was retained in office by his successor Sikandar; the second was Majlis-i-Sámí Fatteh Khán Badhu, Prince of Sind, son-in-law of Sultán Muzaffar, whose wife was the full sister of Sikandar; the third was Táj Khán Narpálí.f It is reported on good authority in Gujarát, that on the day Sultan Sikandar ascended the throne, 'Imád-ul-Mulk, whose name was Khush-Kadam, and who was the purchased slave of Bíbí Rání, went to the presence of the new king, staff in hand, to make his obeisance as wazir; because when Bíbí Rání, the mother of Sultán Sikandar, died, she placed her son's hand in his hand, and from that time he looked forward to being wazir when Sikandar became king. Accordingly, when on Sikandar's accession the chief merchants of the city came to offer their congratulations, at the close of the interview 'Imád-ul-Mulk suggested to the Sultán that some robes and honours ought to be given to them. The Sultán said, Tell Khudáwand Khán,” whose name was Hájí Muhamad, and who had # The expression in the “ Táríkh-i- Alfi ” is stronger, and implies “the very instant of Sikandar’s death.” f According to the “Tab. Akbarí,” Táj Khán at once collected his adherents, and, rising in arms, marched to meet Bahádar Khán j but this probably took place at a somewhat later stage of the affair.[A.D. 1526.] [Mirát-i-Sikanaarí. ] SULTAN SIKANDAE. 313 been chief wazir to the late king, “ to give what is suitable and proper to each man/’ When 'Imád-ul-Mulk heard this order the fire of jealousy was kindled in his slavish wicked breast, but he said nothing then. Khudáwand Khán was sent for, and, coming in answer to the summons, took his stand outside the Sultan's private apartment. ’Imád-ul-Mulk saw, but refrained from taking any notice of him. Contrary to usage, Khudáwand Khán remained standing there for some time, till one of the Sultán's attendants told the Sultán that the Khán was waiting outside. The Sultán ordered him to be called in, and asked 'Imád-ul-Mulk why he had not been told before. 'Imád-ul-Mulk then stepped forward and professed that he was not aware of the Khán's arrival, and in a loud voice and courteous tone cried out, “ Let Khán Jíú come.” So Khudáwand Khán entered, and placed his head at the feet of the Sultán, shedding tears. The Sultán also wept, and embracing the Khán, he said, “The office of minister is continued to you as it was before. May it be blessed to you.” The Khán represented that he was old and wished to retire, so that he might go into seclusion and give himself up to praying for the Sultán's welfare. The Sultán replied that there was no one else fit for the office, and he caused the robe of office to be brought and placed upon him. This inflamed still more the jealousy of 'Imád-ul-Mulk. It is related that some days afterwards 'Imád-ul-Mulk, without permission of the Sultán, and without the approval of Khudáwand Khán, called before him the eunuch who was Tcótwál of Ahmadábád, and gave him the title of Muhib-ul-Mulk, with an increase of his allowances. He then took him before the Sultán and said, “This eunuch performs good service, therefore he has been honoured with the title of Muhib-ul-Mulk and his allowances have been increased; he hopes for your Majesty’s confirmation of this measure.’' The Sultan replied that he was himself not a minor, but of full age and discretion, and whoever had conferred a title314 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1526.] [Mirát-i-Sikau darí. ] without his command had acted improperly. Applications for titles and honours must be made to Khudáwand Khán, for he was the prime minister of the kingdom, and if anyone else interfered in the business no notice should be taken of it. So the Sultán refused his assent and rejected the application.* As that slave (Tmád-ul-Mulk) was mutinously disposed, and as he had the army with him, Khudáwand Khán deemed it politic to advise that the title should be granted to please 'Imád-ul-Mulk, with an increase of allowances at some other time. The Sultán kept silence, which is said to be half consent. That infamous slave ('Imád-ul-Mulk) went out from that interview greatly enraged, and from that time took to plotting against the Sultán and to preparing his destruction. Those nobles and soldiers who were in league with him he kept ready and prepared, and those who had but little regard for him he éndeavoured to win over by kindness and generosity. It is said that he would invite them one by one to his house and would inquire into their affairs, asking how many children they had, and when the number was told him he would ask if they (the children) were married or not, and would inquire into the pecuniary affairs. If anyone represented his want of means, he would offer a loan, and tell him to do the best he could for his children.f In this way he lent money to individuals, and took written acknowledgments from them, which he afterwards tore up in their presence. By these means he gained over many men and bound them closely to him. Sultán Sikandar was heedless of these things, and was so exultant and so rejoiced in the pride of his youth and glory of his state and authority, that all his days were like the days of the 'I'd and his nights like the night of * As has been said already, this kótivál was an excellent public servant, and later on received the title of Khan Jahán from Bahádar Sháh. The objection entertained by the Sultán was not as to the proposition itself, but as to the manner of making it. f I.e. in preparing the marriage of his children, always a serious and expensive affair in Muhamadan and, indeed, even in Hindu households.[A.D. 1526.] [ Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] SULTAN SIKANDAR. 315 Baraté Every day something new was devised. He collected together every means of pleasure which it is possible to conceive. Amongst other things he had a concubine, called Nazuk Bahr, to whom he was much attached; it is said that all the women in Gujarát at that time were unanimous in agreeing that never before in all the palaces of all the kings of Gujarát, indeed nowhere in Gujarát, had there been seen any woman as beautiful as Nazuk Bahr, or one so pleasant in manner, or so well behaved ; or, indeed, anyone so pleasant-spoken as Sultán Sikandar himself. After his murder, Nazuk Bahr passed into the female apartments of Sultán Bahádar, and he also became very fond of her. After the capture of Mandu by Sultán Bahádar, and when he had got the whole land of Mal-wah into his possession, he one day ordered that all the singing and dancing women of every sort,f either in Mandu or in his camp, should be collected together; and troop after troop of them came decked out and arrayed to the number of thousands of every class and nationality; many of them were beautiful, some remarkably lovely. The Sultán called them up one by one, gave them each a present, and dismissed them. There was present one, Shujá’a Khán, an intimate friend and companion of the Sultán, who quoted some verses, J and asked the Sultán if none of the arrows of their beauty had reached his heart. The Sultán replied, “ Ah ! Shujá’a Khán, I have in my palace a woman so lovely that the sun and moon pale before the glory of her beauty. Perhaps some day I may be able to show her to you/* A few days after this Sultán Bahádar was drunk, and took offence at something that Nazuk Bahr did, to such a degree that he drew his sword and cut her in two. Having done this, he remembered his promise to # Sháb-i-barát. A Muhamadan festival held on the eve of the 14th Sha’bán, on which occasion the night is spent in prayers and feastings, illuminations, and fireworks. In India, prayers are offered up for the souls of deceased ancestors on that occasion. f The names of the various classes of musicians, singers, and dancers, are all detailed in the text, but are of no interest. X These verses are given, but are not reproduced.316 GUJARAT. [A.t>. 1526.1 [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] Shujá’a Khán, so he wrapped the corpse in a coverlet and sent for Shujá’a Khán. "When he came he said to him, “ I once promised to show you a concubine of mine more beautiful than the sun; to-day she has died. I cannot show you her in life, but look on her in death, and see how lovely she was.” On this he drew aside the coverlet from off her face, and Shujá'a Khán gazed on her beauty; but when he saw also the blood which had trickled round her, he threw himself on the ground and cried, “ Oh, what has happened ! what calamity is this ! ” The Sultán also, in deep repentance, cast himself upon the ground, and beat his head against the earth; but it was of no avail. When Sultán Sikandar ascended the throne all the Saids and holy men came to congratulate him, excepting only Shékh Badah, the son of Shékh Jíú, who was at that time the chief of the Bukhárí Saids of Batch, who would not come because of a quarrel with the Sultán. The reason of the quarrel was as follows: Shortly after Sultán Bahádar had left Gujarát, Shékh Jíú died, and Sultán Sikandar said, “ The Saint is dead and his disciple is a wanderer.”* * * § Shékh Badah said in reply, “ No, the Saint is not really dead,f nor is his disciple a wanderer. Your kingdom is like a vapour or a bubble, and has neither firmness nor permanence.” On hearing this, the Sultán got more angry still, and resumed^ the town of Batóh, which had always formed part of thejágír allowed to the chief of the Saids of Batóh, and made it over to Said Muhamad, who was one of the sons of Sháh ’A'lam; but he declined to accept it, and never would take possession of it.§ In the end the * The G-ujarátí original is given, “ Pir müd, murid jogiJógi is rendered as awdrah in the Persian. f Meaning that the Saint’s spirit survived, and his prophesies. j “ Resumed ” is here used in its technical sense of “ confiscated.” To have the town in the centre of his jdgir taken away and given to someone else was doubtless a great annoyance and inconvenience to the Saint. Said Muhamad was probably a grandson of the Said ’A'lam. § The two anecdotes above are only given in a condensed form, and a third, of a somewhat indelicate nature, with certain verses written by a local[A.D. 1526.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] SULTAN SIKANDAR. 317 meaning of the speech became manifest; for after a reign of one month and sixteen days,* the traitor ’Imád-ul-Mulk slew the Sultán. poet on the occasion, are omitted, as they are only intended to illustrate at once the Sultán’s personal beauty and his want of royal dignity. * Some MSS. and the “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” make it two months and sixteen days, but the dates given show it was clearly one month and sixteen days, i.e. from the 28th of Jumádi-ul-ákhir to the 14th Sha’bán.318 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1526.] [Mirât-i-Sikandari.] CHAPTER XL REIGN OF MAHMUD SHAH II. On the day of his accession Nasir Khan received the title of Mahmud Shah. Tmad-ul-Mulk bestowed robes and horses and titles* upon the nobles and soldiers, but he did not confer the jagir> which is the concomitant of a title, upon which people said, “A title without a jagir is a disgrace." The result was that several of the amirs and soldiers were deeply offended at this shabby behaviour, and thirsted for the blood of Tmad-ul-Mulk; but without a leader they could do nothing, and each one went to his own home or jagir. When all the affairs of the kingdom were in confusion, as a last resource Tmad-ul-Mulk wrote to Tmad-ul-Mulk 1'lichpuri, stating that if he would show his friendship by coming to Nandarbar and Sultanpur, he should receive in recompense a specified sum of money. He wrote in the same style to Rana Sanka, and he also conciliated the zamindars of the country round. He even sent to Babar Padshah soliciting assistance, f * According to Firishtah and the “ Tab. Akbari,” 180 or 181 titles were thus bestowed in one day. f According to the “Tab. Akbari,” ’Imad-ul-Mulk wrote to “Nizam-ul-Mulk Dakhini,” and says that the “ Rajah of Pal” was also summoned, and marched as far as the neighbourhood of Champanir. Firishtah says the same thing, but adds that the Dakhini King, to whom he sent a large sum of money (the “Tab. Akbari” confirms this), took the money, and did nothing. The Rajah of Pal was told to bar the road by Champanir against Bahadar.[A.D. 1526.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. 1 MAHMUD SHÁH II. 319 The author of the “ Táríkh-i-Bahádar Sháhí ” has written thus:—“ At that time I was at the town of Bar-nagar, and I wrote from thence to Táj Khan, who was at Dhandukah, informing him that ’Imád-ul-Mulk had sought the support of Bábar Pádsháh,* and that this act would transfer the throne from the reigning dynasty of Gujarát, and praying him to think deeply over the matter. I wrote also to Bahádar Khán to the same effect, and sent the letter by swift runners.” Bahádar Khán was at that time proceeding to Jonpur upon the invitation of the nobles and chiefs of that country, having retired, without taking leave, from the court of Sultán Ibráhím, who was then opposing the Emperor Bábar at Pánípat. He started for Jonpur and halted at Bághpath.f There he was waited upon by Páíndah Khán Afghán, who said that he was sent by all the nobles of the country of Jonpur, to say that they recognised Bahádar Khán as their king, and were # The “ Tab. Akbari ” states that he offered Babar the port of Dip and a kror of tankahs if he would send one of his armies to co-operate with him. Firishtah says much the same thing, except that he omits the offer of. the port; and what was asked was that he should send a force down the Indus to land at Diu. Firishtah expressly says that this letter never reached Babar, for the Rajah of Dungarpur intercepted it,* and the “Tab Akbari” practically confirms this story, and says the Thanadar of Dungarpur informed Taj Khan of the purport of this communication. t Baghpath (the Yyaghra-prastha or “tiger-town” of the Mahabharata times) is now a small town on the left bank of the Jumna, a little to theN.W. of Dehli, and now in the Mirat district. The road to Eastern Hindustan from Panipat crosses the Jumna just above this point; so that it is seen that Bahadar Khan had already moved in the direction of Jonpur, and had left the high road to Gujarat, which passed through Dehli. He had probably had informal offers of the throne of Jonpur, which were now converted into a formal one, of which Paindah Khan was the bearer. In all probability, therefore, when he first reached Baghpath he was fully inclined to go to Jonpur, but before he decided he received the news of his father’s death; and the “Tab. Akbari” says that as soon as he heard the latter news he declined to listen to Paindah Khan’s urgent solicitation, and went off towards Ahmad-abad. The “ Tab. Akbari ” gives also the story that Bahadar determined to be guided by his horse, and threw his reins on its head that it might choose its own direction ; but the “ Tab. Akbari ” gives this only as a story, which the author evidently does not believe. Firishtah adopts it as history. Although Bahadar did not then apparently know of his brother’s murder, he evidently had so strong a party in Gujarat that it was worth his while to try for the rich prize which the throne of that country afforded, and he had evidently little compunction as to disputing his brother’s title,320 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1526.] [Mirát-i- Sikandarí. ] anxiously awaiting his arrival; and that he, Páíndah Khán had been directed to state the facts and to conduct the Prince to Jónpúr without delay. Prince Bahádar Khán was about to comply with this request, and go to Jónpúr, when he received a letter from Khurram Khán, informing him of the death of Sultán Muzaffar and the succession of Sultán Sikandar. The letter went on to say that the nobles and the army were desirous of his presence, and they hoped that he would return speedily, as it was certain that the throne would come to him, for the army and people were dissatisfied with Sultán Sikandar. On receiving this letter he rested where he was for three days to perform the rites of mourning for his father. On the fourth day he dismissed Páíndah Khán, and set off with all speed for Gujarát. Note to Chapter XI. The Hyderabad MS. inserts, just where this chapter closes, a passage which appears in no other version of the text. The historic relation of the actual facts is no doubt that already given, but it is possible that the following story may have been added by the author. It is no doubt written in the gossiping style in which he often indulges, and also deals with the miraculous intervention of Saints and darweshes much after his accustomed manner; but in any case it is worth preserving, because it gives another instance of a curious mode of incantation, of which, though well known elsewhere in the East, no example has been hitherto quoted from India. Moreover, if it have any authority at all, the passage evidently preserves a popular tale invented to account'for the sudden and a propos appearance of Bahadar Khan on the scene immediately after his brother’s death, for which it is hardly possibleMAHMÚD SHAH II. 321 to doubt he had been in some way prepared, through the intelligence transmitted to him by the Saids of Batóh and others of his sympathisers in Gujarát. The substance of the passage is, therefore, here reproduced, but only as a note. “ The manner in which Bahádar Khán was informed of the death of Sultán Muzaffar, and of the succession of Sultán Sikandar was as follows :—After Bahádar Khán had, on account of the envy and hatred borne towards him by Sikandar Khán, taken leave of his holy teacher and left Gujarát, he went to I'dar, and from I'dar to the fort of Chitor, where wonderful events and strange calamities overtook him. The Sultan Muzaffar heard of his arrival at Chitor, but of what happened to him after he left Chitor, none of his friends among the nobles of Gujarát had any intelligence, nor did they know whither he had gone. “ On taking leave of Ráná Sánká, however, the Prince went to Dehli and visited the shrines of the saints in that city, and then went on to Pánípat and waited on Sultán Ibráhím Lodi. One day there was a slight skirmish with the Mughals of the Emperor Bábar's force, and the latter, having captured a party of Afgháns, were carrying them off the battlefield with their hands bound and tent-ropes round their necks. Though the Sultán himself was present, none of his warriors dared to attempt the release of those forlorn wretches. “ But Prince Bahádar, with his friends, raising their swords for a standard, dashed upon that troop of Mughals, plied sword and dagger as though they were executioners, and in the end the victors were defeated, and the Afghán prisoners were released. Victory remained with Sultán Ibráhím. “ The nobles who saw the Prince’s gallantry took counsel together, and said that, as they were discontented with Sultán Ibráhím, it would be better to poison him, and to elevate Prince Bahádar to the throne of Dehli in his place. Sultán Ibráhím was made aware of his nobles' design, and Prince 21322 GUJARAT. Bahadar lost favour in his eyes, and the latter, perceiving the Sultan's estrangement, went off towards Dehli without taking leave. “ On the night before he reached Panipat, the holy Saint, Bu-Ali Kalandar, known as Sharf-ud-din Panipati, appeared in a dream to the guardians of his tomb, and told them that the King of Gujarat, accompanied by his friends, would, the next morning, pass by on foot, and he desired that they would take a good horse and a sword, and stand in the way to meet him ; and when he arrived they were to arm him with the sword, to mount him on the horse, and to bring him to the Saint's tomb, where what was decreed would be revealed. “ When the guardian of the tomb awoke he passed the remainder of the night in watching, and after morning prayer he went to the stable and took a horse, than which there was none better in the stable, and a suitable saddle and bridle, and an excellent sword out of the armoury, and went out and sat on the roadside, and questioned every passer-by; but, though he waited till mid-day prayer, he found no one who answered the description; and he was about to go back when a party of young men approached, and he determined to wait for them. When they drew near, the guardian of the tomb was convinced by their appearance that the King of Gujarat was among them; so, running forward, he said, ‘ Which of you is the King of Gujarat ? ’ Not knowing but that he might have some hostile motive for inquiry, they all answered in the negative. But he said, ' Do not deny it. Last night the holy saint, Sharf-ud-din Panipati, appeared to me in a dream, and sent me out to meet you, saying that “ the King of Gujarat and his friends would pass by on foot/' and that I was to furnish him with a horse, saddle, and bridle, and that I was to bring him to his tomb. This I have done. Which among you is known as King of Gujarat ?' Bahadar Khan then made himself known, and accompanied the guardian; andMAHMUD SHÁH II. 323 after visiting the tomb was taken to an apartment near it, where he was received with all hospitality. He remained there two or three days, and then removed to a garden known as the f Hazrat Shekh’s garden/ and remained there several days more. “When'Imád-ul-Mulk had killed Sultán Sikandar and raised Prince Nasír Khán to the throne, Táj Khán deserted from ^Imád-ul-Mulk by night, and went into hiding; and certain of the worthier nobles came to him by night, and they took counsel together. They discussed the expediency of sending for Bahádar Khán, but no one knew where he had gone after leaving Chitor. At last one of those present said: ‘ On the other side of the Sabarmati, and in such-and-such a hamlet, there is a Said, a holy man, and acquainted with magic, who has communications with fairies; and I have heard that he has great authority over the fairies, so that he can get an answer to a letter from any country, however distant it may be.’ His friends all said that nothing could be better, if this were true, and so they determined to visit him. Accordingly Táj Khán Nirpálí, Khudáwand Khán, and the Prince Fateh Khán of Sind, and others, went to the house of that holy man. When they told him who was waiting, he came out and inquired their object. They explained to him that they were well-wishers of Bahádar Khán, and wanted news of him. He told them that if they would bring a letter to Bahádar Khán, he would get them an answer, wherever the Prince might be. They went away delighted, and the next day these nobles, having prepared a letter giving all the news for Bahádar Khán, brought it in the evening to the holy mans house. He received them, and produced a little girl of seven or eight years of age, and putting a mirror before her, began to pray to the Almighty, He also hung the letter beneath her ear, having written on it, ‘ Please write a full statement in answer to this letter, and cast it on the ground, that the messenger who takes this may bring back your answer to us who 21 •324 GUJARAT. anxiously await it.* When the Shekh began to pray, the army of the fairies, and eventually the king of the fairies, appeared in the mirror. The little girl said to the Shekh: ‘The king of the fairies has come with his army, and has ascended his throne, and wants to know why you have sent for him.1 The Shekh replied: ‘ Give him my compliments, and say that, as he knows everything that is passing everywhere, can he tell me where Prince Bahadar Khan is/ The king of the fairies answered: ‘ When I came to you I saw Bahadar Khan in a garden at Panipat. He had just taken his meal, and was going to rest/ The Shekh then said : ‘ Be good enough to send a couple of messengers to the Prince with the letter which is at the little girl’s ear, and tell them to bring an immediate answer/ The king of the fairies gave the order asked, and instantly the letter disappeared from the little girl’s ear ;; and the Saint proceeded to hold the nobles in conversation. “ Meanwhile Prince Bahadar was getting anxious, because ever since he left Gujarat he had had no news thence. Thus considering, he fell asleep. The fairy who brought the letter put it under his pillow, in such a manner that when he turned over on his side the roll of paper might fall into his hand. The Prince opened his eyes and saw it, and inquired of his servants, but no one admitted that they had placed it there. As they were silent, he asked his friends if they had placed it there. They also denied it; but a light was brought, and he opened his letter, and then he found that it came from Gujarat, though no messenger was apparent. He perceived that he was told to throw the answer on the ground; that he was also to write and tell them when he arrived at Jalor, and they would then come to meet him. Bahadar Khan accordingly wrote out his plans on a piece of paper, and, folding it up, threw it on the ground; and though they watched it very closely, it nevertheless disappeared from their sight, and they could not tell how this happened,MAHMUD SHAH II. 325 “ Taj Khan and the other nobles were sitting with the Shekh when the letter appeared at the little girl’s ear; and the Shekh took it and gave it to the nobles. They returned a hundred thousand thanks for the fulfilment of their wishes, and, departing, made all preparation for the reception of Bahadar Khan in royal pomp and state. Meanwhile Bahadar Khan set out for Gujarat.”326 GUJABAT. [A.D. 1526.] [Mirat-i-Sikandari. ] CHAPTEK XII. REIGN OF BAHADAR SHAH. When Bahadai’ Khan reached Chitor* he was met by ’All Sher, son of Mu’in-ud-din Khan Afghan, who had left Gujarat to meet him after the murder of Sikandar Shah. This messenger informed the Prince in detail of the murder of Sikandar, the treachery of Tmad-ul-Mulk, and the raising of Nasir Khan to the throne. The Prince said he would impale the traitor when he reached Muhamadabad, and he set forth on his journey. He left Prince Chand Khan, who was with him, at Chitor, but he carried with him Ibrahim Khan, the brother of Chand Khan.f He continued his journey to Dun-garpur,J and upon hearing of his arrival there Taj Khan left Dhandukah to wait upon him. Just at that time Prince Latif * The “ Tarikh-i-Alfi ” says distinctly that he was received at Chitor in a friendly manner by Rana Sanka. f From what the “ Tab. Akbari ” says, Chand Khan, thongh submitting to Bahadar, preferred remaining where he was to giving him any active assistance. Ibrahim Khan is expressly said, in the “ Tab. Akbari,” to have enrolled himself in Bahadar’s service. Chand Khan, as Firishtah states, eventually went to Malwah, where he made mischief, as will appear in the sequel. J According to the “ Tab. Akbari,” U'di Singh, Rajah of Pal, also came in to Bahadar at Chitor. U'di Singh seems to have been Rajah of Dungar-pur, and must have been the person who intercepted the letter to the Emperor Babar. If he was the “Rajah of Pal” to whom 5Imad-ul-Mulk wrote, he, too, must have really been only nominally obedient to him. It is possible he may have moved to Champanir, to get credit with ’Imad-ul-Mulk, while his locum tenens in Dungarpur intercepted the letter and divulged its contents. In this way he would have been able to make terms with either party.LMiíáféiwL] BAHÁDAR SHAH. 327 Khán came to the vicinity of Dhandukah,* and sent a message to Táj Khán soliciting his support, and promising to place the administration of all the affairs of Gujarát in his hands. Táj Khán, in reply, sent a messenger, saying that he had already allied himself with Bahádar Khán, and could do nothing inconsistent with the part he had taken. He also advised Latif Khán to withdraw into retirement. Tmád-ul-Mulk and his supporters, when they heard of the approach of Bahádar Khán and the support given to him by the nobles, were much alarmed. Tmád-ul-Mulk sent ’Azd-ul-Mulk Abrás, with six hundred horses from the royal stables, and fifty elephants, to occupy Morásah, and prevent anyone from going to Bahádar Khán.f At this time Rizá-ul-Mulk and Khurram Khán departed from Muhamadábád with the intention of joining Bahádar Khán. The Prince also moved out on his way to Kapranj, otherwise called Mahmud-nagar. There he was waited upon by several of his friends, ’Azim son of Pir, Malik Yusuf son of Lutfulláh, Rájí Muha-mad son of Parid, Malik Mas’ud, and several others of similar positions, who had fled and concealed themselves through fear of Tmád-ul-Mulk. Bahádar Khán went on from thence to Morásah, and afterwards to Harsól and Sangargáon. At this stage he was joined by Khurram Khán, Rizá-ul-Mulk, and several other of the old Muzaffar Sháhí nobles. Next day he went on to the city of Nahrwálah. The author of the “ Táríkh-i-Bahádar-Sháhíyy writes thus :— On the 26thJ of the month of Ramazán, a.h. 932 (August * Firishtah says Latif Khan’s object was to join his cousin, Fateh Khan. One MS. of the “ Miratd-Sikandari ” says Taj Khan sent Latif Khan a good sum ©f money. f Both the “Tab. Akbari ” and the “ Tarikh-i-Alfi ” say that on reaching within a march of Morasah, Bahadar’s forces were so swelled that ’Azd-ul-Mulk was alarmed, and fled without fighting. Bahadar occupied Morasah the next* day. X Muzaffar Shah died, as has been seen, on the 22nd of Jumadi-ul-akhir, 932 a.h. Sikandar probably formally ascended the throne on the 28th or 29th of the same month at Muhamadabad, and was murdered there on the 14th Sha’ban of that year. Bahadar, therefore, entered Nahrwalah just thirty-two days after that event. Babar’s first fight with the Afghans took328 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1526.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] 1526), Prince Bahádar received at Nahrwálah the homage of Táj Khán,* Mujáhid-ul-Mulk, Sa’íd-ul-Mulk, and the author of the “ Táríkh-i-Bahádar-Sháhí,” and others, great and small, from the city of Ahmadábád. From Nahrwálah he went on, having assumed royal pomp and state, towards Ahmadábád, which city he entered by the Kálúpúrah gate. First he paid a visit to the mausoleum of his ancestors, Sultáns Muhamad Sháh, Ahmad Sháh, and Kutb-ud-din, in Mánik Chók, and afterwards went to the royal palace called Bhadar. On the night of the 27th all the nobles met at the palace, and each one being seated in the proper place assigned to him according to the regulations of the time of Sultán Muzaffar, they were feasted; and everyone returned thanks to God on account of the safety and arrival of the new Sultán. . . . The city of Ahmadábád began again to prosper, and the entire country of Gujarát, which had been left in darkness by the setting of the sun of government, began again to flourish on the rising of this sun of the kingdom, Bahádar Sháh; and every dispute vanished from the hearts of all men. When he heard of this, 'Imád-ul-Mulk advanced to his supporters one year's allowances from the royal treasury, and made them swear on the Kurán that they would not desert Mahmud Sháh. The nobles took the money, but went quietly out of the city and joined Bahádar Khán, the favourite of Fortune, Among them, Bahá-ul-Mulk and Dáwar-ul-Mulk, place at Siálkot on the 1st of Rabi’-ul-awal, 932; and Ibrahim’s final defeat occurred on the 10th of Rajab following. Bahádar would have been present with the Afghán army after the first, and have quelled it before the last of these two events. As he did not hear of his father’s death till he reached Bághpath, he must have been there, probably, some time towards the latter part of Rajab or early in Sha’bán. There can be little doubt that as soon as he heard of his father’s death he started for Gujarat, with the intention of putting forward his own claims to the throne. Sikandar’s death was, no doubt, opportune in his interests; so much so that ’ímád-ul-Mulk is represented as surprised that Bahádar resented it. Still, there is no reason to accuse him of being privy to it, though he was no doubt ready, backed by the interest of the Bukháriat Saids and a powerful party among the nobles, to attack his brother’s throne. * Táj Khán is called, in the “ Táríkh-i-Alfí,” Khán ’A'zim. According to Firishtah, Bahádar had forwarded to him for publication a moderately-worded manifesto.[A.D. 1526.] f Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] BAHÁDAR SHAH. 329 who were sworn allies of Hmád-ul-Mulk, and accessories in the murder of Sultán Sikandar, waited on the Sultan and made their submission. The author of the “ Táríkh-i-Bahá-dari ” says that on the morning of the 'I'd * he received an order to equip and decorate all the elephants, and bring them to the darbár. The Sultán came forth in royal array, and took his seat in the hall called Sankár-mandap, the doors and walls of which were all gilded. Robes and favours were bestowed upon Táj Khán and the court nobles according to their respective rank. On that day thirty-two persons received titles according to the following detailf:— Khurram Khán, son of Sikandar Khán, was made Khán Khánán; Nizám Khán was made Mubáriz-ul-Mulk; the son of Shams Khán was made MuTd-ul-Mulk; Malik Táj Jamál was made Wajih-ul-Mulk; Malik La'zi was created Lál Khán; his son, Kutb Khán, was made Ikbál Khán; Malik Badr-ud-din was made Módúd-ul-Mulk; the son of the Khán Khánán was created Nizám Khán; Malik Shark Nasrat-ul-Mulk received the title of Hasan Khán; Malik Mustafa was created Sarandáz Khán; Malik Muzaffar was made Asad Khán; his son was entitled Sháistah Khán; Suliman, the son of Mujá-hid-ul-Mulk, was created Manó war Khán; Malik Sarandáz, son of Malik Toghlak, was made Ajhdar-ul-Mulk; the son of Malik Latíf Bariwál was made Sharzah Khán; Shams-ul-Mulk was made Dariá Khán; Chánd of Bhandérí was created Hajhbar-ul-Mulk; Kombhá Gohil was entitled Ráí Ráián; Safdar Khán was created ’A'lam Khán; SaTdul-Mulk was made Shams Khán; Bahá-ul-Mulk was entitled ’Ulugh Khán; Mujáhid Khán, Mujáhia-ul-Mulk; Násir-ul-Mulk was created Kutlagh Khán; his son was entitled Násir-ul-Mulk; Módúd- # ’Td-ul-fitr, the 1st of Shawál (see note, p. 203), that being a festival on which it was usual for the Sultán to go in procession to the ’Tdgáh outside the city, and in royal state. t These names differ greatly, and no MS. makes up quite the full tale of thirty-two ; but they are given to show the mode in which, and the class of persons on whom, these titles were conferred. Apparently few of the holders of high office under Muzaffar were thus rewarded by Bahádar.330 GUJABAT. [A.D. 1526.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] ul-Mulk was made Toghlak Khán ; his son was created Maná Khán ; Malik Toghlak Fúládí, Fúlád Khán; Malik Ráiat, son of Mujáhid-ul-Mulk,, was created Nasír Khan; Abhu, son of Ajhdar-ul-M!ulk, was made Ajhdar Khán; Shams, son of Kutlagh Khán, was entitled Husén Khán; and Malik Sáhib, son of Mujáhid-ul-Mulk, was created Habib Khán. After bestowing these titles, he mounted an elephant and went with great state to the ’Pdgdh, amid the rejoicings and acclamations of the people. On the 2nd Shawál he went to the palace of Ghatmandól. From thence he proceeded to Mahmúdábád. There Mu’azim Khán and several others came to do homage. From thence, in consequence of the floods in the river Shedhi, he halted at the village of Bhasuj, and went next to the town of Nariád, where he halted two days. Many men came out from Muhamadábád, and those who came after receiving money and treasure from Tmád-ul-Mulk the Sultán forgave. On the 11th Shawál he started from Nariád, and crossed the Mahindri at the ford of Khán-púr. Tmád-ul-Mulk sent ’Azd-ul-Mulk to Baródah, and Muháfiz Khán Bakál-zádah to the village of Dhanéj, in the vain hope that if these two, his chosen and closest friends, separated themselves from him, Sultán Bahádar would seek after them and take no heed to him. ’Imád-ul-Mulk had secretly sent for Prince Latíf Khán, for, as that Prince was clever and of full age, he thought that if war began he would give to Latíf Khán the insignia of sovereignty and oppose Sultán Bahádar; but when Latíf Khán came to Dhanéj, ’Imád-ul-Mulk was bewildered,* and did not know what to do. About the date that Sultán Bahádar reached Mahmúdábád, ’Imád-ul-Mulk paid a visit to Nasír Khán, scowled angrily at him, and went to his home. After the 11th Shawál, Tmád-ul-Mulk paid no further attention to Nasír Khán, but the controller of the royal palace # The “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” says that Bahádar’s prompt advance utterly disconcerted his opponents.BAHADAR SHAH. 331 [Á.D. 1526.] [ Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] kept that prince under surveillance. It is said that a thousand of ’Imad-ul-Mulk’s men assembled at his house, and assured him that if Sultan Bahádar should attempt to wreak his vengeance upon him they would fight for him to the death. But when Sultán Bahádar arrived, two or three hundred persons remained with him, the rest had fled to their homes; those, indeed, who were men of position fled out of the city. When Sultán Bahádar reached the Mahindri,* he did not wait till the whole of his army had crossed, but, taking four hundred horse and some elephants which had already got over the river, he pushed on rapidly to the village of Hálól. After paying a visit to the tomb of Sultán Sikandar, he sent Táj Khán on in advance, with three hundred horse, to surround the house of the villain *Imád-ul-Mulk. When intelligence reached ’Imád-ul-Mulk that Sultán Bahádar was at Hálól, Khwájah Mánik son of Jalál, and Yusuf son of Mubáriz-ul-Mulk, advised him to take flight, for the Sultán would certainly not suffer him to live. He answered : “ How can I fly ? naked swords surround me on every side. I cannot move, and there is no place for me to escape to/’ The blood of Sultán Sikandar so laid hold of him that he could not stir a step. Some say that he exclaimed, “ What harm have I done to Sultán Bahádar that I should flee from him:? If I had not killed Sultán Sikandar how could Bahádar have become king?” Táj Khán, with his three hundred horse, galloped up to the house of ’Imád-ul-Mulk, but the traitor fled and hid him- # The “ Tab. Akbari ” is rather fuller here. It says on reaching the Wátrak it was reported that the fords were not impassable. Bahádar himself halted, aud sent Táj Khán with a detachment across. Here he was joined by most of the nobles who were residing at Muhamadábád, and then marched to the Mahindri at Khánpúr (Bankánir). Apparently Táj Khán was sent on to seize this ford. Tmád-ul-Mulk had sent a force to raise the country about Barddah, so as to keep the Sultán in play ; but Bahádar Sháh paid no attention to this, and pushed straight on Muhamadábád Chámpánír. Firishtah confirms these particulars, and adds that heavy rain had rendered Bahádar Sháh’s advance difficult, and detained him on the banks of the Sabarmati.332 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1526.] [Mirát-i-Sikan darí. ] self in the house of Sháh Jiu Sadik, the head keeper of the díwán. The people of the city, smarting under the oppression and tyranny they had endured, collected from all quarters and fell upon 'Tmád-ul-Mulk’s house and ransacked it; women, girls, and women-servants were all carried off. When the Sultán arrived, he went to the house of Masnad-’Alí Khudáwand Khán, the wazir, who paid his homage and accompanied the sovereign. On reaching the royal palace, Táj Khan came and reported that 'Imád-ul-Mulk’s house had been given up to plunder, but that the traitor himself had not been found, and it was probable that he was in hiding somewhere in the city. The Sultan ordered Kaisar Khán and Kabir-ul-Mulk the kótwál to search for and produce him. Half an hour had not elapsed from the Sultán’s entering the palace, when Khudáwand Khán’s men dragged 'Imád-ul-Mulk to the darbar, with hands bound, head and feet bare, and every kind of ignominy. An order was given for his confinement in a cell in the Dil-kushá palace. The Sultán directed Táj Khán to ask the traitor why he had killed Sikandar Khán. When Táj Khán put the question, he answered: “ What could I do ? Everyone was resolved upon his death, and what was I amongst them?” Táj Khán said: “ You were a personal servant of Sultán Sikandar; how could you join with his adversaries ? ” He made no reply, and all who were present cursed and reviled him. The Sultán went to the room where Sikandar was killed, and the author of the “ Táríkh-i-Bahádar Sháhí ” writes thus:—“ The Sultán directed me to bring Táj Khán from the Dil-kushá palace. He told over again to Táj Khán the story of his brother's murder, and then, groaning, said : ‘ Impale this evil-footed slave in front of the darbar to-morrow, and cut to pieces Saif-ud-din and 'Ali, who were the traitor’s confederates.' It is said that as they were taking 'Imád-uh Mulk down to the gibbet, a person told him to repeat the creed. He replied, ‘ How can I say it ? my tongue refusesBAHÁDAE SHAH. 333 [A.D. 1526. j [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] the office.’ Shame upon the man who could thus act to his benefactor, and slay his master like an enemy! It is very just that in this world such infamy and suffering should fall upon him, and that in the next the tortures and fires of hell should await him ! ” On the 16th Shawál ’Imád-ul-Mulk was executed with Saif-ud-din and ’Ali. On the same day Fateh Mulk, son of Malik Tawakkul, an old Mahmud Sháhí servant, was created ’Imád-ul-Mulk, and promoted to the office of ’Ariz-i-Mamálik. In a short time all the wretches who had aided and abetted the murder of Sultán Sikandar were ignominiously executed.* The villain Bahádar,f the murderer of the Sultán, who received on the day of the crime a wound in the head from the hand of Said Burhán-ud-dín, kept concealed for some days, but was also at last discovered and brought up. The Sultán gave orders that his skin should be torn from his body, and his body hung upon a gibbet. 5Azd-ul-Mulk and Muháfiz Khán had fled to the hill country of Pál and joined Latíf Khán, and, having collected the zamíndárs of those parts, endeavoured to raise disturbances ; but the authority of Sultán Bahádar became more firmly established day by day, and they could effect nothing. The Sultán now opened the hand of bounty, and like a cloud rained down gold and jewels and allowances and favours all around. He was so generous to his people that the nobles and soldiers were unwilling to go to their homes, and remained near him in the hope of sharing in his bounty. A famine now set in, átid the Sultán dispersed his army in detachments. Wherever he himself went he dispensed his charity, arid to no one did he give less than a gold ashrafi. The small and great of the city lived comfortably, and the * The “Tab. Akbari” says that three of the assassins were arrested while endeavouring to fly to the Dakhin. t Bahadar is called Baha-ul-Mulk in the “ Tab. Akbari.” He was wounded by ’Alim-ud-din, not Burhan-ud-din, which latter name, however, all the MSS. give in this place,334 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1526.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] fame of his generosity soon excelled that of Hátim Táí.*. . . On the 14th Zi-l-kafdah a.h. 932 (22nd of August 1526), he took his seat on the throne of his ancestors.-)- The wazirs and nobles received splendid robes and dresses, the soldiers received the gift of one year’s pay from the treasury, and one hundred and fifty persons were honoured with titles, but for the sake of conciseness their names are not given. After the breaking up of the darbár was a grand banquet for the nobles and great personages, and after the conclusion of the banquet everybody received presents, and went away happy and delighted. . . . The office of wazir was conferred on Táj Khán. After a time it became known that 'Azd-ul-Mulk and Muháfiz Khán, having joined Prince Latif Khan, had gone towards Nandarbár, and were endeavouring to stir up a revolt. J Táj Khán received orders to lead an army against them, but he represented that Ghází Khán, son of Ahmad Khán, was the best man for the work. The Sultán said, “The day after my accession the allowances of Ghází Khán were increased twofold, now I double them again.’-’ Then Ghází Khán was sent with a large army and elephants to the subah of Nandarbár. After the ’F d-uz-zóhá, Shujá’-ul-Mulk, whose name was Kájí Muhamad, fled and joined Prince Latif Khan in Pál. Táj Khán reported to the Sultán that Shujá'-ul-Mulk had fled with the connivance of Kaisar Khán; and the Sultán said that if this were really so, Kaisar Khán ought to be seized. Táj Khán added, not only Kaisar Khán, but 'Ulugh Khán and Dáwar-ul-Mulk also, for they were all leagued with ’Imád-ul-Mulk in the murder of the Sultán Sikandar, and were in secret # “Hátim Tai” is the fabulous exemplar of liberality in all Persian literature. f This formal “ coronation ” took place at Muhamadábád Chámpánír. j The “Tab. Akbari” states that the very day on which Bahádar entered Muhamadábád, Prince Latif Khan entered the city also—probably to concert measures with ’Imád-ul-Mulk. After remaining concealed for some days, he was recommended by Kaisar Khán and* Ulugh Khán to withdraw and conceal himself. Being helpless, he acceded to their desire, and fled to the hill country of Bóngá.[A.D. 1526.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] BAHÁDAR SHAH. 335 correspondence with Latíf Khán. When these statements were proved to the Sultán, ’Ulugh Khán, who had been appointed to the expedition against Prince Latíf Khán, was dismissed, and all the three persons were seized and ordered to be beheaded.* This occurred in the year of the King’s accession, i.e. in a.h. 932. Some time after, a despatch was received from Ghází Khán, reporting that ’Azd-ul-Mulk, Muháfiz Khán, and Bhím Rájah of Pál, having consulted and combined together, had attacked and plundered a village belonging to Sultánpúr. On hearing this, Ghází Khán marched against them, and a severe action was fought, in which he was victorious. ’Azd-ul-Mulk and Muháfiz Khán took to flight, Rájah Bhimf and his brother were left dead upon the field, and Prince Latíf Khán was wounded and a prisoner. The Sultán sent off Muhib-ul-Mulk with orders to make all speed and bring the Prince, with the greatest care, to wait on the Sultán. He received his charge, but the Prince's wounds were severe, and he died at the village of Murgh-dirah, where Muhib-ul-Mulk buried him. After some days his body was removed by order of the Sultán, to the village of Hálól, where it was deposited in a vaulted tomb opposite the sepulchre of Sultán Sikandar. A few days later Prince Nasír Khán also died. Thus three princes perished before the rising power of Sultán Bahádar, and were all interred near each other. At the time when Kaisar Khán and the other amirs were beheaded, intelligence was brought of there being commotions # Firishtah says that ’Ulugh Khan’s innocence was established, and that he was released and his accusers punished. On this point the “ Tab. Akbari” is silent; but it says that Zia-ul-Mulk (apparently a son of Nasir Khan), who was imprisoned, was ultimately released and pardoned on paying a fine of fifty lakhs of tankahs. Kaisar Khan seems certainly (by all accounts) to have been put to death, and probably ’Ulugh Khan too. f “Rai Bliim.” The “Tab. Akbari” calls him Rai Singh; but all accounts seem to agree that the Rajah of Pal was killed in this battle, and another Rajah of Pal, whom Pirishtah and the “ Mirat-i-Sikandari ” (see next page) call Rdi Singh, was killed later on by Taj Khan. The “ Tab. Akbari” says that the defeat of Latif Khan took place near Sultanpur.336 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1527. J [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.j on the borders of Gujarát, and of Raí Singh, Rajah of Pal, having attacked and plundered the town of Dabód. Consequently the Sultán sent Táj Khán to overrun all the country of Pál. At this time Sharf-ul-Mulk brought back from Mandu the royal servants whom Ikbál Khán had carried there in the time of Sultán Sikandar. Táj Khán marched into the hills of Pál, and, in the course of one month, ravaged all the country of Ráí Singh, leaving it a blackened waste, and he razed all the forts of refuge. In this campaign only one soldier of Táj Khán's army, named Muhamad Hasan, was killed; the rest returned unhurt and triumphant.-* On the 15th Rabi’-ul-awal, a.h. 933 (a.d. 1527), Sultán Bahádar went out hunting in the direction of Kambháiat. When he reached that port, Iliás, one of the sons of Malik Aiaz, waited upon the Sultán and reported that his elder brother Ishák, instigated by the zammdars of Sórath, had broken out in rebellion and ruined his family.f He had marched with five thousand horse from Nawá-nagar to Morbi and from thence to the port of Diu. His design was to get into the island of Diu by stratagem, to remove every Musulmán soldier or merchant there, to plunder all the Musulmán property he found there, whether belonging to the State or to merchants, and to deliver Diu into the hands of the wicked # According to the story of Firishtah, Táj Khan’s army was 100,000 strong, and he refused all offers of accommodation till Ráí Singh, driven to desperation, gave battle and was defeated and killed. He adds that Táj Khán was recalled thence, and sent as governor to Kambháiat. The story of the “Tab. Akbari ” agrees, and adds that the Rájah made his overtures of submission through Sharf-ul-Mulk, one of the chief nobles. Ráí Singh, it is stated, made his attack on hearing of the execution of Kaisar Khán, apparently because he supposed that that showed disunion in Bahádar Sháh’s camp. When plundering Dahód, the Rájah is said to have seized much property belonging to Ziá-ul-Mulk, son of Nasír Khán. The “Tab. Akbari” further explains that Táj Khán wTas selected to put the province of Kambháiat in order, the Sultán having, during his visit there, received many complaints of mis-government. Ráí Singh’s son afterwards came in and submitted, and was honoured with a dress (khiVat). f Possibly this may be the part of his work to which the author refers when he says that he proposes to describe how all the sons of Malik Aíáz were put to death by Bahádar, at the instigation of Rání Khán. JSTo other mention of their fate occurs, except in connection with these events, See note, p. 235,[Mú-áfsSnirí.] BAHÁDAR SHÁH. 337 infidels.* On hearing of this Muhamad A'ká, the commander of the fleet, made ready ships, and, filling them with tried soldiers, and arming them with gnns and muskets, he went out to encounter the enemy, and volleys of round shot, musketry, and rocketsf were fired on both sides, till many Hindus and innumerable infidels were killed. On hearing of this, Sultán Bahádar marched hastily from Kambháiat. On the first day he reached the village of Mateli, on the next Gondi; then he went to Dhandukah, then Ránpúr, and thence to Jasdun. When Ishák heard that the Sultán himself was coming to chastise him, he took to flight, and, leaving Sórath, went off towards the Ran, that is, to the salt marshes. The Sultán marched from Jasdun to the town of Bánsáwár, and then to the town of Deoli, a fort fifteen kós from Junahgarh, where he heard of Ishák’s having gone off to the Ran. He then sent Khán-Khánán to pursue the rebel, with orders not to allow him to escape alive. When Ishák, that villainous son of a slave, came near the Ran he heard that Toghlak Khán, the governor of Morbi, had come out to attack him. Ishák faced round and gave battle, and Toghlak Khán was defeated. Ishák then learnt that Khán-Khánán had been sent after him, and was coming up rapidly, so he made all haste to escape, and passed over the Ran. Khán-Khánán encamped on the edge of the Ran. After detaching Khán-Khánán, the Sultán remained where he was for ten days. On the eleventh day he marched to the town of Manglór, from thence to Chorawár, thence to Pattan Diu, and then to the town of Kórínár. There he gave orders for the army to remain encamped at Nawá-nagar, i.e. Dílwárah, whilst he visited Diu. Another son of Malik Aiáz, whose name was Tóghán, who lived at Diu, came to Dílwárah to wait # It is proposed to give the Portuguese view of these events in the Appendix to Yol. II. f Hukkahha, Their use on this occasion shows that they must have been rockets. The use of shells in a naval action, at this date, could hardly have been possible. See note, p. 211, ante. 22338 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1528.1 [Mir át-i-Sikandarí. ] on the Sultán, and was graciously received. The Sultán stayed there for a month. He then placed Diu in the charge of Kiwám-ul-Mulk, and Junahgarh under Mujáhid Khán*; after that he marched towards Ahraadábád. He then heard that the Ráná had sent to the presence his son named Bikra-májít, with a suitable tribute. From Diu the Sultán set out for Ahmadábád, and proceeded to the town of Talájah, from thence to the port of Ghóghah, and having gone on a sailing expedition, he proceeded with all speed straight to Muhamad-ábád without any halt. The son of Ráná Sánká came there and was graciously received. The Sultán spent a month at Muhamadábád in pleasure and enjoyment, when he proceeded to Ahmadábád, where also he passed three months in ease and pleasure. After that he went to Kambháiat, and, staying there three days, he returned to Ahmadábád. After some days he went out hunting towards Nádót, and the Rájah of that country waited upon him and did homage. He then proceeded to the port of Sórat, from thence by ship to Ránér, and back again to Sórat. Travelling hastily from thence, he reached Ahmadábád in one night and a day. The four months of the rainy season he passed at Chámpánír, that is, Muhamadábád. After the rains the son of the Ráná received leave to return to Chitor. In the year h. 934 (a.d. 1528), the Sultán again went to the island of Diu, and spent several days there in pleasure. He then started one evening for Kambháiat, and, travelling all night, reached that place at sun-rise. In these days the Sultán was so famed for his rapid journeys, that making “ a Bahádarí journey ” was a proverbial saying applied to anyone who covered a great distance in a short time. He stayed there three days, making excursions and hunting in the neighbour- * The “ Mirát-i-Ahmadí ” says Mujáhid Khan Bhalim (the corpulent), under which name he again appears after Bahádar’s death. The same work says the events at Did occupied a month.[A.D. 1528.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] BAHÂDAR SHAH. 339 hood; then he embarked and went to Ghóghah, and from thence to Dili, where he stayed two days, and then, going on board ship, returned again to Kambháiat. He then went to his capital, where he ordered the erection of an outer wall round Bharuj. Afterwards he set out with an army for the country of Bágar.* He halted at Mikrej, and there the Rájah of Dúngarpúr came to pay his respects. Thence he went on to Dúngarpúr, and, encamping by the tank of that place, he occupied himself some days in fishing. He sent his army against some rebellious zamíndárs of that neighbourhood, with orders to ravage their country. He himself returned to Ah-madnagar, and from thence he went to Pattan, to visit the tomb of his great ancestor, Sultán Muzaffar, otherwise Zafar Khán, where he bestowed many presents on men of religion and learning. Prom thence he went with all expedition to Ahmadábád, and on the 1st of Sha’bán he travelled from thence to Muhamadábád, or Chámpánír, in one day. On the 1st Ramzan, leaving his army there, he went with his attendants and an escort to inspect the new fortifications which he had ordered to be built at Bharuj. On the ninth of the month he proceeded to Kambháiat. He spent one day at Kambháiat, and was rambling by the sea-side, when a ghráb came in from Dili, and reported that a Pirangi ship had come into that port, and that Kiwám-ul-Mulk had put the crew into prison and seized all the cargo. The Sultán immediately went off to Diu, and Kiwám-ul-Mulk brought all the captive Firangis before him. The Sultán offered them Islám and made them all Musulmáns.f After # The “Tab. Akbari” says this expedition was also directed against I dar, and was quite, and speedily, successful. The Sultan returned to Muhamadábád Chámpánír. He then went to Kambháiat. The story of the capture of the Portuguese is stated exactly as in the text. Pirishtah merely notices the latter event. The “hunting” at Nádót is also said, by the “ Mirát-i-Ahmadi,” to have been an expedition undertaken for the chastisement of the Rájah of that place. f The Portuguese writers deny this conversion. The matter belongs more properly to the account of ^Portuguese enterprise in Grujarát, which it is hoped ro give in the Appendix to Yol. II. * 22340 GU.TABÁT. FMiíáfsikanirí.] tliis the Sultán went, by way o£ Kambháiat, to Muliamadábád, and stayed there some time enjoying himself. The Sultán now received intelligence that his sister’s son, Muhamad Khán, son of ’A'dil Khán (of Kándésh), had gone out, with two thousand five hundred horse, to the assistance of ’Imád-ul-Mulk Gáwélí. Gáwél is a fort in the country of Birár. Nizám-ul-Mulk having entered into a confederacy with the petty rulers of the Dakhin, that is, with Barid, ruler of the city of Bidar, Khudáwand Khán Páthirí, 'Aín-ul-Mulk, and others, had given battle to ’Imád-ul-Mulk, and defeated him;* A letter also reached the Sultán from his nephew Muhamad Khán, representing that ’Imád-ul-Mulk had been a faithful and obedient ally of the throne of Gujarát, from the time of Sultán Muzaffar to the present, and every year sent to the Sultán elephants from Jájnagar as tribute. Now the rulers of the Dakhin had entered into an iniquitous league against him, and, having driven him from his country, were endeavouring to destroy his power; no resource was left him, therefore, but an appeal to the Sultán. ’Imád-ul-Mulk also wrote and represented the condition of his affairs. On reading these letters the Sultán observed that the amirs of the Dakhin were all tyrants and oppressors, that ’Imád-ul-Mulk was unjustly oppressed, and that relief of the oppressed was one of the chief duties of just kings. On the 14th of the month of Zí-1-hijjah, in the very height of the rainy season, when movement on the roads is difficult, especially in the Dakhin, the Sultán marched out with a picked force and encamped at Háiól. From thence he sent out in all directions, summoning his soldiers to their standards, and * The “ Tab. Akbari ” places these events towards the close of 934 a.h. (say about the middle of 1527 a.d.). It adds that the confederates seized the important fort of Mahur, and captured in the action three hundred elephants. Firishtah adds that the confederates laid an ambuscade, into which Tmad-ul-Mulk fell; also that Bahadar Khan had mediated, at ’Imad-ul-Mulk’s request, the previous year, and, at the time, with success \ and that on this occasion he viewed the confederates as the aggressors.[iwwiSSlí.] BAHÁDAE SHÁH. 341 waited for their arrival.* Another letter from ’Imád-ul-Mulk brought the news that his enemies had besieged and taken the fort of Pathari. The Sultan instantly began his march, and arrived at Baródah in the month of Muharram a.h. 935 (Sept. a.d. 1528), where he halted for a month to muster and arrange his forces. The author of the “ Táríkh-i-Bahádar Sháhí ” writes thus :—“ At this time I acted for the Sultan as dáróghah of the port of Kambháiat. I also received my summons and came to join the royal army. What I have written upon the matter I have written as an eye-witness/' When the army was assembled the Sultán marched from Baródah. He was then met by Ja'far Khán, son of ’Imád-ul-Mulk, who paid his respects and was very kindly received. When Nandarbár was reached, '’Imád-ul-Mulk and Muhamad Khán also came to meet him, and were received with much honour. The Sultán, moreover, gave to 'Imád-ul-Mulk a jewelled sword-belt and a golden umbrella. The march was continued to the fort of Gálnah, and from thence to Déógír, known as Daulatábád, where the army encamped on the 2nd Rabí'-ul-ákhir. They say that] in this army there were a hundred thousand horsemen and nine hundred fighting elephants. When they saw from the ramparts Bahádar Sháh’s immense army the people of the fort were struck with dismay, and despaired of being able to resist. Just then a cloud of dust rolled away, and from under its curtain appeared the army of Nizám-ul-Mulk, which had been lying in ambush behind some hills, and which now advanced upon the Sultán s army. When this was known, the troops of Bahádar Sháh came to the rescue, and like the waves of the sea enveloped the enemy on all sides, so that the Dakhinis were quickly defeated. Three chiefs of the royal army were killed in this battle, Mukhlis-ul-Mulk, Muhib-ul-Mulk, and the son of Mukhlis-ul-Mulk. Many of the Dakhinis were killed. # The “ Mirát-i-Ahmadí ” says the Sultan had a hundred thousand horse and three hundred elephants.342 GUJARAT. [M¿ítísSLí.] After the forces of Nizám-ul-Mulk had been thus dispersed, the Sultán gave orders for the close investment of Daulatábád, and the officers began to draw the lines for the trenches, when an ambassador came from Nizám-ul-Mulk to state that his master threw himself entirely on the mercy of Sultán Bahádar, saying that he had no wish to oppose the Sultán, and offering to surrender upon a promise of safety. The Sultán gave the required assurance, and dismissed the ambassador, who promised that within ten days Nizám-ul-Mulk would wait upon the Sultán. After the end of ten days another ambassador came and asked for a further term of ten days. He was very submissive, so the Sultán granted the extension, but added that if this time there was any further failure in the promise, he would lay the fort of Daulatábád in ashes. The second promise was also broken, and Sultán Bahádar in anger gave orders that the fort should be attacked on all sides. A fire of artillery and musketry commenced, and for twenty days they continued fighting hand to hand. But the defences were very strong, and the capture of the fortress being yet remote, the Sultán raised the siege and marched towards the city of Bidar. The wakils of Nizám-ul-Mulk Ahmadnagari, Baríd Bidarí, 'A'dil Khán Bíjapúrí, and Khudáwand Khán Pátharí came to wait upon the Sultán, bringing letters and royal offerings from their respective principals. The substance of these representations was that the accusation of having begun the strife, brought by ’Imád-ul-Mulk against Nizám-ul-Mulk, was contrary to fact, for he himself had committed the first outrage by wresting the fort of Máhúr out of the hands of Nizám-ul-Mulk's officers. To avenge himself Nizám-ul-Mulk had gone to war; but still the confederates were ready to accept Sultán Bahádar’s decision in the matter, and to obey his orders. As this statement of the amirs of the Dakhin was true, the Sultán abandoned his hostile intentions against the confederated armies, and peace was made between them and[A.D. 1529.] Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] BAHADAB SHAH. 343 Tmád-ul-Mulk Gáwélí. The Sultán then returned to his capital.* On the 1st of the month of Sha’bán, a.h. 935 (a.d. 1529), Sultán Bahádar arrived at Muhamadábád. A great number of men of the Dakhin had followed the Sultáns army with the desire of entering into his service. The proper officers were desired to make a muster-roll of them, and it was found that there were twelve thousand horsemen. Suitable stipends and jagirs and proper allowances were conferred on them. In the month of Ramzán, Sultán Bahádar went to Ahmad-ábád to visit and recite a fátihah at the tombs of his ancestors. After the performance of these ceremonies he left Ahmadábád, and went to Kambháiat to inspect the new ships which he had ordered to be built there, and afterwards, on the day of the ’I'd-ul-fitr, he proceeded to Muhamadábád. In the month of Shawál, Jám Píróz, King of Sind, who had been defeated by the Moghals,f came to seek refuge with the Sultán. The Sultán received him with great compassion, and comforted him, promising to wrest his kingdom from the hands of his enemies, and to restore it to him. About the same time Nar Sing Déó, brother’s son to Mán Sing, Rájah of Gwálíár, came # The “ Táríkh-i-Alfí,” Firishtah, and the “ Tab. Akbari say very little about this campaign. The former says that the confederates, when they saw that Bahádar was coming to the assistance of their opponents, gave in at once. Firishtah represents that Bahádar delayed his advance for some time, till his army was collected, and, in the meantime, as. the text states, the confederates gained further advantages. Firishtah also deals with the entire campaign ending in 937 a.h., and says that Sultán Bahádar suffered much from want of supplies, partly owing to a famine and partly to the action of the enemy, but that they at length submitted, as the text states. The Portuguese accounts state that Sultán Bahádar lost heavily, from want and from a very severe winter, apparently in 935 or 936—probably the latter. f The history of Jám Firdz and his expulsion from his capital, Tathah, by the Arghúns, will be found at length in Erskine’s India under Bdbar and Humáiún, vol. i. pp. 360-81. He appears to have been patronised by Mu-zaffar Sháh II., of Gujarát, but nothing is said of it in the “ Mirát-i-Sikan-dari.” Probably the aid given to Jám Firdz was merely a matter of shelter and of pecuniary assistance, not of political interference in his behalf dufing his numerous struggles and (well-deserved) misfortunes. Indeed, similar assistance seems to have been equally afforded by Muzaffar Sháh (II.) to Firoz’s rival, Saláh-ud-dín, also a connection of Muzaffar Sháh, whose grandmother was of the royal family of Sind.344 GUJABAT. [A.D. 1529.] [Mir át-i-Sikandarí.] with a following of Rájputs to wait upon the Sultán, who accepted him as one of his officers, and gave him a suitable jágír. Prithí Ráj, nephew of Ráná Sánká, also came and paid homage, and was taken into service by the Sultán.* Afterwards, in Muharram, h. 936 (September a.d. 1529), JaTar Khán, son of Hmád-ul-Mulk Gáwélí, presented a letter from his father to the Sultán, representing that Nizám-ul-Mulk had not been faithful to his engagements; and complaining that he had not restored the elephants which he had taken, nor had he given up the town of Pátharí and its dependencies, which he had seized and held by force, and which belonged to Hmád-ul-Mulk. He begged, therefore, that Sultán Bahádar would once more lead his army to the Dakhin that the writer might obtain his desires. The Sultán thereupon gave his officers directions to prepare supplies in view of the assembling of an army. On the 2nd Muharram a.h. 936 (6th Sept. 1529) the Sultán marched from Muhamadábád against the Dakhin. His first march was to the town of Dabhoi, thence by regular stages to the village of Dhárólí. Muhamad Khán A'sírí there came in and waited on the Sultán. A few marches farther on Hmád-ul-Mulk Gáwélí also, leaving his own capital, came to visit the Sultán. When the Sultán reached the fort of Muler Bahar Jíu, Rájah of Baglánah, also presented himself and did homage. The Sultán received him very graciously, and gave him two fine rubies for ear-rings, and Bahar Jiu, in order to establish a connection with the Sultán, gave in marriage to him one of his sisters, who for beauty, intellect, and knowledge had no equal in her day. On the following day, in accordance with the wish of the Sultán, he gave another sister to Muhamad Khán A'sírí. When these matters were despatched, Sultán Bahádar pur- * This is probably the correct version of the facts, and is followed by the best texts, but some of the rest speak only of Nar Sing, and call him the nephew of Eáná Sánká. The evidence of Firishtah and the “Tab. Akbari ” agrees with the story as given in the text. The “Tab. Akbari” adds that several other chiefs also waited on him and entered his service.[^fáwi'itoídan'.] BAHADAB SHAH. 345 sued his march, and leaving the country of the Rájah of Baglánah he entered the territories of the Dakhin. On this occasion he conferred on Bahar Jiu the title of Bahar Khán, and sent him thence with a detachment, to the fort of Chéwal, to plunder the country round. The Sultán then continued his march till he came to Ahmadnagar, but the Dakhinis had evacuated the place before his arrival, and had fled. The Sultán gave orders for levelling all the palaces and fine buildings with the ground, and for destroying and uprooting the gardens. He remained there twelve days for the purpose of giving his men rest after their long marches. From thence he marched towards the Bálághát, and there he sent Mujáhid Khán, with a detachment, to the town of Ousá. Hmád-ul-Mulk brought to the knowledge of the Sultan that the city of Parindah, in the country of Kwájah Jahán, was a flourishing place, and many of the inhabitants were rich. He accordingly sent Malik Amin, at the head of a strong force, to Parindah. The Malik made a rapid march against the place, and, coming down upon it like a bolt from heaven, utterly destroyed it. Much wealth in goods and money fell into the hands of his men. At this time it came to the knowledge of Sultán Bahádar that Nizám-ul-Mulk Bahrí, Baríd, Kwájah Jahán, *Aín-ul-Mulk, and Khudáwand Khán had all gone up together to plunder and lay waste A'sir and Burhánpúr. The Sultán immediately sent Kaisar Khán in pursuit of them with a large force. Next day he sent also Muhamad Khán A'siri to his aid with an army and elephants. When these two forces had united, they encountered the chiefs of the Dakhin in the country ~of Burhánpúr, and a great battle followed. While they were fighting hand to hand, and the issue of the day was trembling in the balance, the soldiers of the army cried out, “ Bahádar Sháh! Fight, brothers, fight! the Sultán's standard is flying, and he himself has come/’ as if the Sultán had arrived. On hearing this name the Dakhinis took to flight346 r, rTT A T> a rp I.A.D. 1530-31.] (i U J Art A1. [Mirát-i- Sikandar i. ] and scattered in all directions. The royal army returned victorious and triumphant, and rewards and promotion were given to all who deserved them. After a while, Barid, the ruler of Bidar, finding that he was unable to withstand the army of the Sultán, sought means of obtaining peace. He accordingly sent to Tmád-ul-Mulk offering the hand of his daughter in marriage, and Tmád-ul-Mulk, who was anxiously on the watch for such an opening, gladly accepted this offer, and married the girl. A reconciliation was thus effected between them, and Tmád-ul-Mulk entreated Sultán Bahádar to forgive Barid. To this he consented, and Barid agreed to the name of the Sultán being used in the khutbah and on the coins. In most of the cities of the Dakhin the khutbah was read in the name of Sultán Bahádar. Sultán Bahádar moved his camp from Bir to Pátharí and the Dakhinis shut themselves up in the fort. The Sultán laid siege to it, and fighting went on for some days; but the place was strong, and its reduction in a short time was improbable, so the Sultan withdrew to his capital, leaving Tmád-ul-Mulk to carry on the siege, assisted by Alp Khán. He himself went on rapidly, attended by his personal followers, and reached Muhamadábád on the 1st Sha’bán; and on the 12th, the army, which had marched more leisurely, also arrived. The rainy season was passed there in comfort and ease/* In the year h. 937 (a.d. 1531) Sultán Bahádar led out his army for the conquest of the country of Bágar. When he reached the village of Khánpúr, on the banks of the Mahindri, he appointed Khán 'Azam A'saf Khán and Khudáwand Khán wazir chiefs, the most trusted of all his officers, to lead a strong army against Bágar. He himself, with a picked force, started to visit Kambháiat and the island of Diu. He arrived at Kambháiat on the 20th Muharram, and went from thence by ship to Diu. There he bought from the owners, for his own * The “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” gives a short summary of these events as happening in the beginning of the year 937 a.h.[Miíttísfflaxí.] bahádar sháh. 347 use and at a satisfactory price, the whole of the stuffs and goods of various sorts which had been brought by ships from Rum, Europe, and other distant parts. It is said that among the things so purchased, besides many others, were thirteen hundred mans of rose-water. The Sultán showed great kindness to the European Turks (.Rumis), who had come with Mustafa Rumi, and appointed a place for their dwelling in Díú. He committed Díú to the special charge of Malik Toghán, son of Malik Aiáz, and returned to Kambháiat, which he reached in the month of Safar, and, remaining there one day, on the following day he went on to Muhamadábád, where he arrived on the 27th of the same month. When he reached the capital he was waited upon by Fateh Khán, Kutb Khán, and ’Umar Khán Afghán Lodi,* relations of Sxlltán Bahlól, who had fled to him for safety from the Moghals. They were admitted to an audience, and the Sultán received them with great kindness. He gave them three hundred garments of gold brocade, fifty-five horses, and several lakhs of tankahs for their expenses, at their first interview. After this he proceeded towards Bágar, and at Morásah he rejoined his army, which, without him, had been like a body without a soul. He halted one day, and then marched against Bágar. On entering the country of Bágar he was waited upon at Sanilah by Prithí Ráj, the Rájah of Dungarpur,f whose son became a Muhamadan.J Leaving his army, he went off on a # They were probably part of the Afghán force which had been in arms against the Emperor in the eastern part of his domains, i.e. Oudh and Eohilkand, and who had been defeated on the banks of the Gograh river, in Eastern Oudh, just at this time. One ground of Humáiún’s hostility to Bahádar Sháh,' was his extreme favour to all the Afghán refugees, which gave rise to the idea, probably not wholly unfounded, that he desired to make himself the chief centre of opposition to the rising Moghal power. f U'di Singh, before mentioned as Bájah of Dungarpur, had fallen in the battle of Kánwah, fighting against the Emperor Bábar. The “ Tab. Akbari ” and Firishtah give it to be understood that Bahádar’s whole object in this expedition (though it led to other results) was to bring some of these petty border states into order and submission. J There is some little obscurity in the story as related in the text j but it is clearer as told by the “Tab. Akbari.” Bahádar Sháh not only overran the Bágar country, but carefully took possession of it as he proceeded, leaving garrisons in all the strong places, so that Paras Bám, seeing him-S48 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1531.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] hunting excursion, with a light escort, towards Bánslah (Báns-wárah). On reaching the pass of Karchi he was waited upon by the wakils of Rataní, Rájah of Chitor, whose names were Dungar Si and Jáj Ráí. They were graciously received, and presented the tribute and offerings they had brought. The Sultán, on returning to his camp, gave the village of Sanilah to the newly-converted son of Prithí Ráj. He gave half of Bágar to Prithí Ráj himself, and the other half to Chagá. It is said that while the Sultán was hunting tigers in this neighbourhood one day, a well-known tiger made its appearance. The Sultán pointed it out to one ’Alam Khan, who was a very valiant and strong man. ^Alam Khán rushed on the tiger like a mad elephant. At the onset he received a severe wound, but the tiger had no opportunity to inflict another, for *Alam Khán slew him outright. Three days later *Alam Khán died of the wound: he left four sons, Safdar Khán and three others. The Sultán continued ’Alam Khán’s jdgir to them and showed them much kindness. The wakils of Rataní Chand here informed the Sultán Bahádar that Sharzah Khán, with the son of Sultán Mahmud Khilji, had plundered the country of the Ráná.* On hearing self likely to be hopelessly ousted, submitted, and made his peace with the Sultán; and his son’s conversion to Muhamadanism was, probably, a mode of gaining the Sultan’s favour. But Chagá (or Jagá, or Jagat), his brother, held out, and, with most of the chief men of the country, took refuge in the hills. At last, being hard pushed, he made interest with the Ráná of Chítor. Ráná Sánká, having died, had been succeeded by his son (variously called Ratan Si, Ratan Sen, and Rataní tCliancl)> through whose-interest with Sultán Bahádar, terms were made with the Gujarát King. Jagat (for this, probably, is the true name) apparently represented the patriotic party, and so, for the sake of peace, was allowed to have half the country, while a provision was made for the newly-converted son of Paras Rám. * The “Tab. Akbari” calls Sharzah Khán Hdlcim-wa-ShiMari-i-Mandú, i.e. Civil and Military Governor of Mandú, and, therefore, a high and trusted official of Sultán Mahmud Khilji, whose act, therefore, the outrage might be considered. The “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ’’ says that Mahmud Khilji was actuated by three motives: (1) dislike of the Ráná; (2) desire to recover some of the territories he had retained after Mahmud’s defeat; (3) anger with Silhadí Ráj put, who (more or less in concert with the Ráná, possibly) had seized recently other districts belonging to Málwah. Sikandar Khán also held some of the Málwah territory. Firishtah gives an account of these quarrels, but says that Sikandar was dead, and had been succeeded by his adopted son, Mu’ín Khán.—Briggs’ Firishtah, vol. iv. pp. 263-65.BAHADAR SHAH. 349 [A.D. 1531.] [Mir át-i-Sikandar í. ] of this the Ráná had come to the' town of Sambaliah, which belongs to Málwah and is near Sárangpúr, and, having ravaged the country round, he was then confronting Sultán Mahmud, who was in Ujain. It also appeared that Sultan Mahmud had been compassing the death of Sikandar Khan, governor of Síwás, and also of Silhadi,* both of whom had fled to the Ráná for protection. From his court Sikandar Khán and Bhupat Ráí, son of Silhadi, were coming to wait upon Sultán Bahádar, who received them kindly on the 27th Jumádi-ul-awal. They arrived, were admitted to an audience, and stated their complaints. Soon after, Dariá Khán and Kurésh Khán, wakils of Sultán Mahmud, came in and stated that their master was desirous of visiting Sultán Bahádar, but was waiting for the Sultán’s invitation. The Sultán said, “ Sultán Mahmud has repeatedly written intimating that he is coming to see me, but he does not come. An interview would be very pleasant to both of us. I am going to march by the pass of Karchi, and Sultán Mahmud can also march that way.” The wakils returned with this answer.f # This is the first mention of Silhadi. He is called in this work, and in the “ Tab. Akbari,” Silhadi Purbiah, from which it may be inferred that he was a military adventurer from the eastward of the Ganges, very probably from Oudh. It will be seen, however, that he was in intimate relation with the Rana Sanka, the daughter of the latter having married Silhadi’s son, which is a proof that the latter was a Rajput of some high tribe. According to the “Tab. Akbari” (Malwah chapter), Silhadi had got possession of his country when Mahmud was defeated by Rana Sanka, and Bhilsah is said later on to have been eighteen years in Silhadi’s possession when retaken in 938 by Bahadar Shah. These districts were only recovered by Mahmud in 919 a.h., so Silhadi was probably one of the Rajput adventurers who, about that time, Medini Rao collected round him. See ante, p. 254 and note. f The state of affairs between Mahmud of Malwah and Bahadar Shah is not clearly defined in the text, but the link is supplied in almost identical words by both the “ Tab. Akbari ” and Eirishtah (Briggs, vol. iv. p. 265). Chand Khan, Bahadar’s younger brother, who had preferred remaining at Chitor to joining Bahadar Shah, went thence to Mandu, and claimed and received the hospitality of Mahmud. However, Rezl-ul-Mulk, one of the Gujarat nobles, of whom mention is made in the sequel, had, at this time, turned malcontent, and had fled from Bahadar Shah’s court to A'grah, to the Emperor Babar. Here he endeavoured to stir up that Emperor to assist in placing Chand Khan on the throne, and, visiting him at Mandu, returned to A'grah. Bahadar was naturally angry, and remonstrated with Mahmud Shah for permitting this ; but he, nevertheless, allowed the visit350 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1531.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] On the day Sultán Bahádar passed through the pass of Karchí,* Ráná Ratani and Silhadi came to pay their respects to him, and they were presented with thirty elephants, many horses, and one thousand five hundred dresses of gold brocade. After a few days the Ráná returned to his country. Sikandar Khán, Silhadi, Dalpat Ráo Rájah of I'dar, the Rájah of Bágar, and the Ráná’s two wakíls, Dungar Si and Jáj Ráí, all accompanied Sultán Bahádar. The Sultán said to his amirs, “ Sultán Mahmud is coming, and I am going to the village of Sam-baliah to meet him; after the interview I will return/’ Muhamad Khán A'sírí accompanied Sultán Bahádar. The author of the fí Táríkh-i-Bahádarí ” states that he accompanied the Sultán in this expedition, and has described what he saw with his own eyes. When the Sultán reached the village of Sambaliah he halted, expecting every day to see Sultán Mahmud; but eventually an envoy came from Mahmud to state that while hunting near Síwás he had fallen from his horse and broken his arm, an accident which would defer his arrival for some days. The Sultán replied, “I came here to see Sultán Mahmud; I am now going to Mandu to pay him a visit, and we shall see each other there/’ The envoy then represented that it seemed from certain proceedings that the Sultán would demand that Prince Chánd Khán should be given up ; but Sultán Mahmud desired to represent that Chánd Khán was the son of his benefactor, that he had sought refuge with him, and that he would never seize and give him up. The Sultan replied that he would not ask for Chánd Khán, and desired the envoy to tell his master that he (Bahádar) was marching on Mandu and that Sultán Mahmud should await his coming. The envoy returned, and Sultán Bahádar went on to Dípálpúr. He there heard that to be repeated, and Bahádar was very angry. His anger was now increased by Mahmud’s attack on the Hindú States with whom the Gujarát King was in alliance. # It would seem that this was on Sultan Bahádar’s return through Karchi, and not after the hunting expedition mentioned in page 348.[MirCáísSrl.] BAHÁDAR SHAH. 351 Sultán Mahmud had conferred on his eldest son the title of Ghíás-ud-dín, and sent him to Mandu to secure the fort, while he himself intended to move about from place to place and thus evade the performance of his distasteful promise. This news made Sultán Bahádar extremely angry. About the same time ’A'lam Khán* and Fateh Khán Shírwání, nobles of Sultán Mahmud, fled to Sultán Bahádar and complained of their sovereign’s want of truth, and wished Sultán Bahádar to attack Mandu. When the Sultán arrived at the town of Dhár, Sharzah Khán, who had escaped from the fort of Mandu waited upon him, and said that Sultán Mahmud had plotted his death, and his only chance of safety was to fly and seek refuge with Sultán Bahádar, from whom he hoped forgiveness of his offences. The Sultán forgave him, and treated him very kindly. The army marched on to the village of Diláwarah, and from thence to the village of Na’lchah, where the Sultán encamped. The trenches at Sháhpúr, on the west of the fortress, were placed under the direction of Muhamad Khán Asírí; those of Bahlólpur were under Alaf Khán; and on the south, those of the Hindu troops, who joiued in this campaign, were at Bahal-wánah.f On the 20th Rajab the Sultán advanced his camp to Mahmudpur.J When he had completed his arrangements for the investment of the fort, a heavy fire of artillery and musketry was commenced on both sides, and went on for some time. One day he sent certain brave and experienced soldiers to go all round the fortress and see where it was highest. After a careful examination, they reported that at the side of Sangár Chiton the precipice was very deep and the wall very high. The Sultán said, “ Please God, by that way I will * This is another ’A'lam Khán; see note also at p. 276. At least five noblemen of this name were attached to Bahádar’s court. t Firishtah calls it “ Sahalwána ” ; the “ Tab. Akbari” has “ Bhag-wása.” £ The “ Tab. Akbari ” says, when he arrived here Sharzah Khán escaped from Mandu and joined Bahádar Sháh; but, according to the “ Tab. Akbari,” the date was the 9th Sha’bán.352 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1531.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] get into the fort.” His hearers were amazed, and said, “ As that is the highest part of the fort, how is it possible to enter there ? '* On the 29th Sha’bán the Sultán held a council with Khán Khánán and some of his intimate followers. Early in the night they mounted and went towards Sangár Chítórí, their departure being unknown to the generality of the Sultán’s army. It is related that, because the hill at Sangár Chítórí is very high, and the ascent exceedingly difficult, the garrison felt secure as to this part of the fort, and were careless in guarding it. Some of the more daring of the soldiers of the Sultán climbed up during the night, and when dawn was near they, shouting “ Allah! Allah! ” attacked the guards, crying out also, “ Sultán Bahádar comes !39 At the sound of this name the garrison took to flight, and at daybreak the Sultán and a limited number of soldiers scaled Sangár Chítórí. When his army perceived this, the men swarmed up after him like so many ants or locusts. Habib Khán, who was one of the chief amirs of Sultán Mahmud, offered some opposition to the assailants, but they defeated him in one charge. Sultán Mahmud himself, with many elephants, was coming up to support him, but when his eye fell on the umbrella of Sultán Bahádar he knew he could not resist, and retired with about a thousand men into his palace. The plunder, killing, and the making of prisoners went on for one watch, and then a proclamation of quarter and safety was made. This happened on the 9th Sha'bán a.h. 937 (28th March 1531) .* Sultán Mahmud, being besieged in his palace, sought safety by asking for quarter and mercy, and came out with seven sons to wait upon Sultán Bahádar. He was placed in the custody of trustworthy guards, and on the 12th Muharram * The “Tab. Akbari” says that Chand Khan, as soon as Bahadar Shah’s standard was seen on the ramparts, privately made his way out of the fort and fled to the Dakhin. The “ Tarikh-i-Alfi ” adds to the particulars above given, that the assault was made on the eastern side, and under the guidance of two inhabitants of Mandu.[Miíttíáitonirí.] BAHÁDAR SHÁH. 353 he was sent to Gujarát, in the charge of Alaf Khán, Ikbál Khán, and A'saf Khán.* When these amirs reached Dahód, on the borders of Máiwah and Gujarát, U'dí Singh, Rájah of Pál,f at the head of a large force of Kolis, attacked them with the intention of rescuing Sultán Mahmud. In the confusion the guards who were around the Sultán's pálki killed him. The sons of Mahmud were carried to Muhamadábád, and there imprisoned. J All the kingdom of Mandu came into the possession of Sultán Bahádar. He was very considerate and kind to the Máiwah nobles, and confirmed their jágírs to them. Kálan Khán, sister's son of Alaf Khán, was made chief over them, and appointed faujdár to protect the country and to settle and improve it. On the 1st Shawál of this year intelligence arrived that Mán Singh, Rájah of Jháláwár, a dependency of Gujarát, had sacked the villages of Bíramgáon, Mandal, Badhawán, &c., had attacked and killed Sháh Jíú, son of Bakhan, the silahdár. The Sultán observed to Khán Khánán that Jháláwár was in # The “ Tab. Akbari ” says that Mahmud Sháh was about to put to death the ladies of his family, but was dissuaded by several of his principal officers, who waited on Bahádar Sháh and obtained a promise that they should not be touched. Mahmud afterwards lost his temper, and abused Bahádar Sháh to his face in a private conversation. According to Firishtah, Bahádar Sháh was, before this, inclined to treat him very generously, and even to restore him to his government. (Briggs, vol. iv. p. 268.) If, as Briggs supposes, the A'saf Khán mentioned in the text was the A'saf Khán who, thirteen years before, had fought side by side with Mahmud at the battle of Gágrún, this selection would show a kindly feeling. f The name is not very clear, and may not be correct. U'di Singh of Dúngarpúr, as has been said, was killed at the battle of Kánwah, long before this event, but the band was probably led by the chief of some of the petty chiefs of the territories included under the generic name of Pál. There is some doubt as to the name of the place, but Dahód is probably correct, as Firishtah and the best MSS. give it. Some have “ I'dar,” or “ Man-disór.” J This agrees with the statements of the “ Tab. Akbari ” and of the “ Táríkh-i-Alfí.” The latter, however, plainly intimates that the attack was a mere pretence, and that Mahmud was deliberately put to death, and adds that nothing more is known of the fate of the sons. Firishtah says that they were all killed with their father, and, as they disappear wholly from history at this point, this story is at least probable. All the authorities, except Firishtah, say there were seven sons, including the eldest, called Sultán Ghiás-ud-dín. Firishtah says “ twenty,” which is probably wrong. 23354 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1532.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] his jurisdiction, and that Mán Singh required chastisement, and that it was incumbent on him to inflict this, and that he must therefore go off at once to Gujarat. The Khan went accordingly. On the 19th of the month Muhamad Khán A'sírí took leave of the Sultán. In the month of Zí-1-ka'dah Silhadi Purbiah was also graciously dismissed to his residence at Báísín. The Sultán and his army passed the rainy season at Mandu, and on the 9th Safar a.h. 938 (a.d. 1532) he marched towards Burhánpúr and A'sir. When the Sultán arrived at Burhán-púr, Sháh Táhír Dakhini,* a learned man and a poet, who was minister of Nizám-ul-Mulk, came to wait upon him with a message from his master, and, as several descendants of his tribe were admitted to the King's darbar, such as Sháh Mor, Sháh Kamál-ud-dín Asláf, &c., he sought, through them, likewise to gain admittance to the Sultáns darbár. The Sultán consented, on condition that he should first state Nizám-ul-Mulk's request standing, and should then be seated in darbár. He did so, and it then appeared that he brought a request from Nizám-ul-Mulk that he might be honoured with the title “ Nizám Sháh ” ; and Nizám-ul-Mulk declared that, if his request were granted, he would place the saddle of obedience on his back, and would never oppose the Sultán, but would always come to him at his slightest beck. The Sultán asked what difference there would then be between himself and Nizám-ul-Mulk. Sháh Táhír replied, “ A great difference. You are now known as a king over amirs, you will then be a king over kings.” The Sultán was pleased with this reply. He bestowed the royal umbrella on Nizám-ul-Mulk, and from that time the rulers of Ahmadnagar have been called Nizám Sháh.f # Sháh Táhír was a man not only of important political position, hut also of considerable literary fame in his day. A collection of his letters to various great personages exists in the British Museum, and a notice of them, and of Sháh Táhír himself, will be found in Dr. Rieu’s “ Catalogue of the Persian MSS. in the British Museum,” yol. i. p. 395. t MSS. A and Hyderábád omit this story altogether, but the other MSS. give it, as does Firishtah, both in the account of the Nizámí and of thef A.D. 1532.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] BAHÁDAR SHAH. 355 Some merchants from Persia were at Court seeking for a remission of customs’ dues, which had been levied from them (amounting to 60,000 rupees) on their last voyage by Malik Tóghán, the son of Malik Aíáz. They pressed Sháh Táhír to intercede for them, and, though he at first refused, they at length compelled him, by their importunities, to visit Malik Tóghán on their behalf. The Malik, keeping his seat, made the Sháh stand while he made his request, and then motioned him to be seated, and treated him with every consideration, and not only granted his request and returned the 60,000 rupees at once to the merchants, but also added valuable presents, and declared that they should not be asked for customs’ dues on any other voyage. The Sultán heard of this, and scolded the Malik for making the Sháh stand while he made his request. He replied, “ You, too, kept the servant of the traitor (that is, Nizám-ul-Mulk) standing, so how could I, who. am the servant of an honest man, stand up to receive him ? '* The point of the term traitor/’ as applied to Nizám-ul-Mulk, is that he and his ancestors had been servants of the Bahmani kings, and had risen to power by embezzlement and oppression. After a while, Nizám-ul-Mulk Dakhini came to wait upon Sultán Bahádar, who showed him great attention, and addressed him as Sháh. At the same time, Muhamad Khán A'sírí received the title of Muhamad Sháh. The Sultán then returned to Mandu. Gujarát dynasties. General Briggs, commenting on the latter, treats the story as a mere piece of boasting on the part of the Gujarát historians, and says that the Ahmadnagar kings had long before enjoyed the title. It seems clear, however, that their claim to it was not previously fully established. Firishtah says that the title was first assumed by Ahmad Sháh, after his victory over the Bahmani king in 896 A.h., then dropped, and then, finally, again assumed. The Gujarát kings seem to have endeavoured, with more or less success, to assume a sort of nominal superiority over the petty kingdoms which rose on the ruins of the great Bahmani dynasty ; and the Gujarát historians are careful never before this time to concede to them the title of “ Sháh.” There seems no reason to doubt the story, the rather that Firishtah, who is a wholly unbiassed witness, in writing the history of the Nizámí kings, represents ’A'dil Sháh as taunting Burhán Nizám Sháh with his self-complacent pride in the royal title recently bestowed by the Sultán of Gujarát. 23 *356 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1532.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] Erom Mandu the Sultán sent Malik Amin Nas* * * § to Ráísín for the purpose of bringing Silhadi to Court. But for all the Malik’s persuasions Silhadi would not come, and the Malik wrote to say that, notwithstanding the munificence which had bestowed on Silhadi three lalchsf of tankdhs in cash, the city of Ujain, the parganah of A'shtah, and the district of Bhilsah as tankhwáh, besides horses and elephants in numbers that he had never before possessed, this ingrate was unwilling to go to Court and pay his respects, but contemplated flight into the country of Mewár. He was, moreover* deserving of death, for he was forcibly detaining in his possession several Musulmán women.J This statement kindled the Sultán's wrath. He directed Mukarrib Khán, brother of Ikhtiár Khán, to proceed with all speed to Muhamadábád, and instruct Ikhtiár Khán the wazir (who was a rival in excellence and ability to Mir 'Ali Shir, the prop of the throne of Sultán Toghlak) to collect and forward quickly an army and treasure and means of transport. The Sultán himself went to Na’lchah,§ and, with a view of misleading his enemies, gave out that he was going to Gujarát, lest Silhadi should be alarmed and take to flight. Bhupat, son of Silhadi, was in attendance at Court, and was apprehensive that the Sultán would march against Ráísín to punish his father’s unfaithfulness, and being, therefore, in fear of his life, he again and again urged the Sultán to allow him to go to Ráísín, promising that, however ill-advised his father might be, he would bring him to Court. The Sultán had no desire to punish him for his father's offence, and, being anxious to dispel any apprehensions which Silhadi might entertain, * Malik Amin Nas reappears more than once in the subsequent pages. “ Nas ” was probably a nickname. It is a word bearing several meanings in Persian, one, that of a person beginning to be corpulent, and may have been applied to this Malik Amin to distinguish him from some other person of the same name, as one of the Mujáhid Kháns was distinguished as Mujáhid Khán Bhalim, i.e. the corpulent. f Some MSS. read krórs instead of lakhs. j The “ Tab. Akbari ” adds, “ including some of the ladies of the late Sultán Násir-ud-dín.” § NaTchah was close to Mandú.[A.D. 1532. J [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] BAHADAE SHAH. 357 gave him leave to depart. After this, leaving his army at Na’lchah, Bahádar went to Dípálpur, under colour of a hunting excursion. Silhadi now felt sure, both from his son’s release and the Sultán's giving himself up to hunting, that the Sultán intended to return to Gujarát, and he resolved to go and wait upon him in the hope of obtaining, as before, favours from his generosity. So, leaving his son at Ujain, he went to pay his respects to the Sultán. Malik Amin, at the same time, privately informed the Sultán that it was not till Silhadi felt sure of the Sultán’s going to Gujarát, and when he himself had promised him a lakh of tankahs, the port of Kambháiat, and one hundred Arab horses from the Sultán, that he had gone a single step on the way to the Sultán’s camp; otherwise he would never have come at all. The Sultán said, This wretch keeps Musulmán women in his house, and, according to the holy law, is worthy of death. I will not let him depart alive unless he becomes a Musulmán.” After the arrival of Silhadi, Bahádar marched his army from Naflchah to Dhár. On the 20th Rabí’-ul-ákhir* Ikhtiár Khán arrived with a large force, treasure, and many guns, and a large amount of carriage, at Dhár. On the 17th Jumádi-ul-awal Silhadi and two of his relatives were placed in confinement.*}* His escort then fled to Ujain, to Silhadfs son, but his camp and his baggage were plundered by the Sultán’s people ; several of his camp-followers were killed, and his elephants taken over for the use of the Sultán. At sunset of the same day Tmád-ul-Mulk was sent against Silhadi’s son. In the first watch of that night the Sultán also marched towards Ujain, and on reaching ’AdlpurJ he ordered Khudáwand Khán, the wazir, to * The “ Tab. Akbari ” adds, 938 a.h. f The “Tab. Akbari” says that he was seized inside the fort of Dhár. That work and the “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” say that one of his attendants committed suicide on his arrest. The accounts vary slightly, but that of the “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” is that the man drew his dagger and rushed at Silhadi, who said, “ Do you want to kill me P ” The man replied, “Yes, this was for you ; but, since you are afraid of it, it is for myself, that I may not see you a prisoner,” and so stabbed himself and died. Firishtah repeats the anecdote briefly. $ The “ Tab. Akbari” calls it “ Sádilpúr.”358 GUJAKAT. [Miíáfsianíri.] bring up the army by regular marches, while he (the Sultán) made a forced march on Ujain. On his arrival at Ujain Tmád-ul-Mulk waited upon him, and informed him that Silhadi's son had fled before his arrival.* On the 18th of the same month Habib Khan of Mandu received the gift of the parganah of A'shtah, which was formerly his jagiTy and Ujain was placed in charge of Dariá Khán, another Mandu noble. The Sultán then went on to Sárang-púr, and remained there some days, until his army came up. There he gave Sárangpúr to Mallú Khán,f who, from the first day of his accession, had been in continuous attendance upon him. From thence he proceeded to Bhilsah, J which had been converted to Islám by Sultán Shams-ud-din of Dehli. But Bhilsah had been eighteen years in the possession of Silhadi, and Muhamadan law and custom had been set aside for idolatry.§ When the Sultán arrived there he abolished idolatry and restored Islám; he cast out the idol-worshippers, destroyed the idols, overthrew the idol temples, and built masjids in their place. On the 17th Jumádi-ul-ákhir he left Bhilsah, and proceeded by successive marches to a river two kós from Ráísín. On the next day he marched and pitched his camp by a tank near the fort of Ráísín. || As soon as he arrived a body of the enemy * The “ Tab. Akbari ” says “ to Chitor.” f The “ Tab. Akbari ” says of Mallú Khán that he had come from Mandu into Muzaffar Shah’s service. He was the same man who afterwards governed Málwah under the name of Kadar Sháh. J “ Here eight Portuguese who followed him showed their usual valour, Francis Tarares being the first who scaled a bulwark.”—Faria y Sousa, tom. i. part iv. chap. v. § See previous note on Silhadi, ante, p. 349. These districts seem to have been originally given to Sáhib Khán, Mahmud’s brother and rival, when he desisted from his attempt on the throne ; but he cannot have held them long, and they must in some way have got into the possession of Silhadi very soon afterwards. The “ Tab. Akbari” says that Bahádar Sháh halted three days at Bhilsah. || The “ Tab. Akbari ” says he was drawing out his forces by the tank, when, before they had time to come up, two parties of Bájpúts and Púrbíahs charged out of the fort upon the Sultán, who had but a slender force with him. He slew two or three with his own hand, and, his own men coming up, the enemy were repulsed and driven back into the fort. Firishtah only differs in saying that Bahádar slew ten men with his own hand.[A.il). 1532.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] BAHÁDAE SHÁH. 359 came in sight, who had sallied out of the fort, and, although he had only a small number of men, he fell upon them. It is said several of them fell cleft asunder by his own sword. The enemy were put to flight, and driven back into the fort. The army then surrounded the fortress, and a fire was opened on it of arrows, musketry, cannon, and camel-guns. At sunset the Sultán directed every man to retire to his tent, and said that in the morning he would make dispositions for overthrowing the fortifications and destroying the infidel garrison. So the troops retired and rested; but at sunrise the Sultan assigned the command of the trenches to various chief nobles. Rumí Khán, who was renowned for his skill in the use of artillery and in conducting sieges, beat down, in the twinkling of an eye, a bastion by the fire of his guns, and sent all the stones and bricks flying into the air; but the infidels quickly restored the wall. Twelve thousand Dakhinis,* who were in the service of the Sultán, and were skilled in sieges and mining, were ordered to the front, with directions to push forward their approaches on one side, and to drive a mine under the foundations of one of the bastions, to fill it with gunpowder, and explode it. The amirs were also ordered to protect the approaches as constructed, and for that purpose to move close up to the fort, that the walls might be levelled with the foundations in all directions. Every officer and man exerted himself to the utmost, and in the first watch of the night, for the distance of an arrow-shot, the wall was levelled with the ground,f and, the news of a royal highway into the fort having been received, orders were issued for the attack. When Silhadi perceived this, he was alarmed lest the attack should be made successfully and all his people be slaughtered. Having obtained the friendly offices of some of the chief nobles, * See p. 343. f The expression used to describe this result in MS. A. is very curious : jó rdh dar amad shudan kil’ah ba }arz khedio gite sitan, “ a way to go in and out of the fort, broad enough for a conquering king.”360 GUJABAT. [A.D. 1532.] LMirát-i-Sikandarí.] he informed the Sultán that he was ready to become a Musulmán, and to secure the evacuation of the fort and give it up to the Sultán. The Sultán approved, and Silhadi became a Mu-hamadan. The fort was held by Lakhman Sen, the brother of Silhadi. The latter sent for him, and he came out and had the honour of an interview with the Sultán. After this the two brothers went aside and conferred together. Lakhman Sen asked why he wished to give up a place so strong and so well fortified, and had so hastily plunged into Muhamadanism and abandoned his gods, Mahádéó and Somnáth. Even at that moment his son Bhupat, who had gone to the Ráná, was returning to its relief with the Ráná’s son Bikamájít,* bringing forty or fifty thousand picked horse and artillery, and innumerable infantry. “ You,” said he, “have become a Musulmán, and the Sultán will say nothing to you; but we will hold the fortress until our allies arrive/’ Silhadi, who was still in heart an infidel, and felt as one, was delighted, and, agreeing to the course proposed, went to the Sultán, and said that if Lakhman Sén was sent back to the fortress, he would evacuate it on the following day.f To this the Sultán assented, and dismissed Lakhman Sen. Next day, from the first dawn of light, they awaited the coming of Lakhman Sen until the second watch of the day, but he did not come. Silhadi then said that, with the Sultán's permission, he would go to the foot of the hill and ascertain why Lakhman Sen delayed. The Sultán sent Silhadi to the foot of the hill with a party of men whom he could trust, but, as had previously been arranged, not a soul of the garrison came out to Silhadi. From the bottom of the hill Silhadi cried out, in order to make a show of loyalty, “ Rájpúts, why will ye be killed, and give your wealth, your lives, and your # Bikamdjit. There is some confusion here. The Vikramájít meant is apparently the son of Ráná Sánká, and brother of Batan Sí, the reigning Ráná, and afterwards himself Ráná. f It does not seem that Silhadi was not in earnest, in the first instance, in proposing the surrender, but he gave in to his brother’s views gladly. The “ Tab. Akbari ” and Firishtah give the same complexion to the story.[A.D. 1532.] [ Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] BAHÁDAR SHAH. 861 honour to destruction ? These breaches and this fallen wall will be your ruin, for to-morrow the Sultán will enter by them and kill every man of you/’ Thus informing them that the breaches were a great danger for them, and giving them a hint to repair and strengthen them. After speaking a few words in this style, he returned and made a report of the state of affairs to the Sultán, who was much enraged at the obstinacy of the garrison. About the same time a younger son of Silhadf s made an attack upon a royal post in the town of Barsiah with two thousand horse. But the Musulmáns were victorious, and the infidel fled to his elder brother, Bhupat, who was with Bikamájít. Several of the chief infidels were killed and wounded, and their heads were cut off and sent to the Sultán. When these arrived there was a report that the head of Silhadf s son had been brought in, at which Silhadi was overcome with sorrow.* This made the Sultán still more angry, and he told Burhán-ul-Mulk that if Silhadi had not become a Musulmán he would have ordered him to be cut to pieces, and he directed Burhán-ul-Mulk to take Silhadi to Mandu and keep him in confinement there till he had need of him. The Sultán sent Muhamad Khán A'siri and Tmád-ul-Mulk with a detachment against the Ráná. When they reached Barsiah they learned that the Ráná was approaching with a large army.f On the following day they advanced to Kharód. Silhadfs son, Púran Mai, who was stationed there with two thousand horse, fled without fighting. From Barsiah 'Imád-ul-Mulk wrote to the Sultán an account of the Ráná’s great army, which was advancing to the succour of the enemy. Upon this the Sultán observed that the force with these officers was quite sufficient for dealing with the Ráná, but if he himself went to battle the troops would be encouraged by his presence, * According to some accounts, Silhadi’s son actually was killed. See both “Tab. Akbari ” and Firishtah. t Firishtah says 40,000 horse. The “Tab. Akbari” gives the substance of ’Imad-ul-Mulk’s letter, which was to the effect that the Ráná’s force was beyond all count, but that the result was in God’s hands, and that they would not fail to do their best.362 GUJARAT. [A.B. 15S2.1 [Mirát-i-Sikanaarí. ] and he hoped that, with the help of God, he might take that infidel alive. He appointed Ikhtiár Khán to continue the siege of Ráísín, and went himself to join his army. Within twenty-four hours he travelled seventy kós,* * * § and with thirty horsemen joined the army, into which his arrival put fresh life. When the Ráná^s scouts reported his arrival, the Ráná, declining an action, fell back a march, and sent his wakiUy really as spies, to the Sultán.f His representation was that he had heard of Silhadi having been arrested, and of his being treated harshly and stinted in food and drink by his keepers, and that he was kept closely confined. He had sent Bikamájít to intercede for Silhadi, and hoped that the Sultán would show kindness to the prisoner. If the Sultán wished, Bikamájít should come to wait upon him. The Sultán's answer was that he might come. The wakils returned, and told the Ráná that they had seen the Sultán with their own eyes, and, having seen his army also, they had perceived that the Ráná’s men were inferior in fighting qualities to the latter. Having heard this, the Ráná fled by night.J At this juncture the Sultán heard that Alaf Khán§ was near at hand with thirty-six thousand horse and many guns and elephants, which he was bringing from Gujarát. The Sultán sent him word and order to the effect that the vile Ráná was flying like a vapour before him, and that he was pursuing him with a picked force, and that Alaf also must follow with all the expedition possible. It is said that the Sultán travelled with the speed of lightning seventy kós in one night and day, and * Málwah Ms, the “ Tab. Akbari ” says. f According to the “ Tab. Akbari,” these envoys (two Rajputs) came to the Sultan a march beyond Kharod, the Sultán having advanced from the latter place. According to this work, the Sultán asked, in reply, why the Ráná had come with so enormous a force if his object was merely to intercede for Silhadi, and not to fight. J According to the “ Tab. Akbari,” the Ráná made the first four marches in one day. § There is the usual confusion here between “ Alaf ” and “ Ulugh.” Some MSS. give the former, and some the latter name. The preponderance of evidence seems in favour of the reading adopted in the text, at least in this instance.[MiraAt'.l?Sikau¿rí.] BAHADAE SHAH. 363 arrived at Chitor. But the Ráná had got there before him, and shut himself up in the fortress. On discovering this, and as the Ráísín affair was still unsettled, the Sultán decided not to attack Chitor then, but determined to do so when Ráísín was off his mind. The Sultán fell back, and on reaching Barsiah he left Mu-hamad Sháh and Tmád-ul-Mulk there, while he himself marched rapidly to Ráísín. When he arrived, the garrison lost all hope of relief, having sent, through some of the nobles, an humble message to say that, if the Sultán would send for Silhadi from Mandu, they would all come out to do homage to the Sultán and surrender the fortress to his servants. The Sultán knew that there were Muhamadan women in the fort, and he feared lest they should be burnt in a jóhar. Accordingly he did not press the siege, hoping to obtain possession of the fortress by peaceful means, and, in compliance with this request of the garrison, sent for Silhadi from Mandu. When he arrived, he obtained the Sultán’s assurance that the garrison should receive quarter. He then sent into the fortress, and brought out Lakhman Sén, his brother, who made his obeisance before the Sultán, and, going back to the fort, he brought back several of the chief Hindus to visit the Sultán.* On taking leave, he assured the Sultán that Silhadi had seven or eight hundred women in his palace, of whom Durgávatí, the mother of Bhupat, was the chief princess. She had averred that unless Silhadi himself came to fetch her, she would never set foot outside the house. An order was given that Malik ’Ali Shir, son of Kiwám-ul-Mulk, should conduct Silhadi into the place, and bring out his people. * According to Firishtah, Lakhman Sen was acting straightforwardly in the matter, and had brought his own family out, and that Silhadi, too, went into the fort with every desire to promote its evacuation, but was turned from his purpose by the upbraidings of Durgávatí (whom Firishtah calls mother of Bhupat and daughter of Báná Sánká), which were directed against both himself and Lakhman Sen. The “ Tab. Akbari ” gives much the same account, but both works have a somewhat unintelligible sentence about one Táj Khán, who was, apparently, acting with Lakhman Sen. There is probably some error or omission on this point.364 UUJABAT. |A.D. 1532.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] They went inside together, and there 'Ali Shir saw that a large concourse of Rajputs were assembled at the house of Sil-hadi. Silbadi sat down to confer with them, and they asked what the Sultán had given him in exchange for his own honourable position, and he told them the sarkár of Baródah. They said, “ Silhadi, your life is drawing near its end, you have not long to live. Why should you wish to live, and, through fear of death, to cast your honour to the winds ? Death is a thousand times better than this. We have thus resolved. We men will perish by the sword, and our women by the jóhar, that is, in the flames. Do you also, if you have the spirit, join us in this resolution.” These persuasions and entreaties so wrought upon Silhadi that he yielded to their will. He called Malik ’Ali Shir, and showed him the chief women of his house. The Malik was amazed when he saw them assembled and himself in the midst. Silhadi told him that all his women and people had resolved to burn or be killed, and he was ashamed that they should perish and he himself, in his old age and with but a short life before him, should remain alive. He desired Malik 'Ali Shir to go back and tell the Sultán of the resolution they had come to. The Malik tried to dissuade him, but he would not listen, and as soon as the Malik was clear of the fort the Rájpúts prepared the jóhar, and made themselves ready for death. Malik 'Ali Shir made his report, and the Sultán, being greatly incensed, gave orders for an attack to be made, under all the chief leaders, upon the fort on every side,, and desired that as soon as the battering of the guns and the explosion of the mines had thrown down the wall and had made practicable breaches, the assault should be delivered. The Rájputs made a stout resistance, but the soldiers of Islám forced their way in, sword in hand, and step by step. The Dakhini infantry were especially distinguished, for by their fire, and entering by the breach which they had made by mining, and which was the easiest breach, they were the first to get inside the fort and[A.D. 1532. J j_Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] BAHADAR SHAH. 365 to slaughter the ill-fated Rajputs. When the men of the garrison saw what was happening, they fired the jóhar, and burnt their women. They then rushed into the conflict, and were slain. It is said that seven hundred of Silhadi’s women, and a daughter of the Rání, who was the wife of Bhupat,* Silhadfs son, besides many other wives and daughters of Rajputs, were all burnt together and reduced to dust and ashes. The Mu-sulmáns lost four men. Many, also, of the wives and daughters of the Rájpúts who were not burnt in the jóhar were made captives. All the Musulmán women who were in Silhadi’s possession were forced into the fire and burnt. Only one, whom the Almighty preserved from the flames, escaped. It is said that the Sultán gave all the gold and silver which was collected from among the ashes of the women who were thus burnt to Burhán-ul-Mulk, who accepted it. But all honourable men condemned this acceptance, and said that it was not the act of a brave man. Burhán-ul-Mulk, however, considered himself justified in taking the gold, but he gave the whole of his booty in alms among the people of Gujarát. The fort was taken on the last day of Ramzán a.h. 938 (10th May 1532). It is related that Silhadi, for some time after he was taken prisoner, steadfastly refused to become a Musulmán, and that he yielded only after very great pressure and persuasion. As a Musulmán he received the name of Saláh-ud-dín. Malik Burhán-ud-dín Baniání, who was a very wise and learned man, was ordered to teach Saláh-ud-dín the laws of the faith and the rules of prayer and fasting. It was the season of fasting (Ramzán) when Silhadi was converted, and he used to say that he had never enjoyed eating and drinking so much as since his conversion. One day he said to * This passage is doubtful. If Durgávatí was a daughter of the Ráná Sánká, and Bhúpat’s mother, he could hardly have married into that family also ; probably “ mother” should be read for “ wife.” The “ Táríkh-i-Alfí ” calls her so practically, and says she had a son but two months old, which seems unlikely. It is said expressly that Lakhman Sen fell with Silhadi.366 GU.TARÁT. [Mir^swlrí.] Burhán-ul-Mulk, “ My sins and offences are beyond all count. I have asked Bráhmans>jogís) saniásís, and all classes of holy men among the Hindus, if my sins could be pardoned, relating some of my evil deeds. All have assured me that such deeds were beyond all hope or chance of remission. I despaired, till one day I saw a mullá, and asked him. He answered, Yes ! that there was a method of assuring remission of my sins, but that he dared not mention it. I pressed him to tell me, and then he said that if I became a Musulmán I should be absolved from all my offences and become pure as when I was first born. From that day I have had a desire to become a Musulmán, and what was fated has come to pass.” It is said that the expenditure in Silhadi’s household on women’s dresses and perfumes exceeded that in any king’s palace. He had four akharas, that is to say, “ bands ’’ of dancing-girls, who were each unrivalled in their special art. Forty women held the torches while the dancing-girls performed. Every dancing-girl, moreover, had two attendants, one of whom held her pan-box, and the other poured sweet-scented oil on the torches, for they never burned any bad-smelling oil, nor any that was not odorous, that is, not scented with rose perfume. All the women’s clothes were of gold brocade, or embroidered with gold. After the conquest of Ráísín, all the territories which had been in Silhadi’s possession, such as the sarMrs of Bhilsah, Chanderi, and other places, were granted to Sultán ’A'lam Lodi,* # This is the second ’A'lam Khán of the family of Lodi mentioned in the present work (see note, p. 276). It is probable, from the account given in the text, that he was a son of Jalál Khán Lodi, the son of Sikandar Lodi, and brother of Sultán Ibráhím, who revolted against the latter, and eventually left his family at Kálpí, whence he fled to Málwah, shortly after which event he was captured and put to death. If ’A'lam Khán was his son, and thus abandoned at Kálpí, the Mughal governor would be very likely to take him into favour, the rather as his father was hostile to Ibráhím Lodi. He seems, in other histories, to be distinguished by the title of ’A'lam Khán Lodi Jagat or Jagá, while his great-uncle, ’A'lam Khán, the son of Bahlol Lodi, is usually termed Sultán ’Alá-ud-dín ’A'lam Khán Lodi. He was eventually left in (joint) command of the citadel of Mandu by Bahádar Sháh when he fled thence, and was taken prisoner when the citadel surrendered to the Emperor Humáíún. He was killed shortly afterwards, though there is some question as to the exact time and manner of his death, as to which more will be said in a further note, Of course, his reception and honourable treatmeut[A.D. 1532.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] BAHADAB SHAH. 367 a relative of Sultán Sikandar Lodi. The armies of the Emperor Humáiún had driven him out of the sarkár of Kálpí, and he came, with twelve thousand horse and many elephants, to seek refuge with the Sultán of Gujarát. His expulsion from Kálpí came about thus. Nizám 'Ali Khalifah, wazir of the Emperor Bábar, had adopted him as a son, and displayed towards him the warmest affection and the greatest kindness, and, in his extreme consideration for him, left him in possession of the sarkár of Kálpí. After the lapse of some years, during which Kálpí had been well ruled, it so happened that the Emperor Bábar died, and his son, the Emperor Humáiún, began to reign. At the commencement of his reign, in consequence of the want of unanimity and ill-feeling among his brothers, which Abul Fazl has described in his “ Akbar-námah,” there was not complete peace or order throughout the kingdom. In his folly, Sultán 'A'lam Khán Lodi allowed himself to entertain ideas of rebellion and insurrection, and, deeming this to be a good opportunity, he put his designs in execution. When the Emperor Humáiún heard of it, he despatched Hindál Mirzá, who had not openly revolted against him, with several other chiefs of name, and a picked force, against Sultán ’A'lam Lodi, to bring him to account and to chastise him. *A'lam Khán Lodi came to Lákampúr, which is a village in the environs of Kálpí, and there engaged Hindál Mirzá, and, in spite of a vast superiority of force,—since victory comes only of God,—he was defeated and put to flight, and took refuge with Sultán Bahádar. Sultán Bahádar, after the fall of Ráísín, sent an order to Muhamad Sháh A'sírí directing him to take possession of the town of Gágrún,* in which Mián Mehtah Búdaliah by Bahádar Sháh was a further cause of offence to the Emperor Humáiún, against whom he had risen in rebellion under circumstances of peculiar ingratitude. The “ Tab. Akbari ” says that these provinces were made over to Sultán ’ATam, which appears to be a mistake, unless he too was termed “ Sultán.” * It was the recapture, by Mahmud Khilji, of this fortress, and the death of Bhim Karan, its governor, which caused the war with Chítór which terminated so unfortunately for Mahmúd. After this it seems to have passed wholly out of Muhamadan hands.368 GUJARAT. [MirLá:?SiS¿rí.] lies buried, and which town had been fraudulently taken by the Ráná from Sultán Mahmud. The Sultán himself went elephanthunting in the direction of Góndwánah, and captured a great many of these animals. He took, also, the fort of Kánúr, which had fallen into the hands of the infidels in the reign of Sultán Násir-ud-dín of Dehli,* and which Silhadi had several times in vain attempted to capture, but the Sultan took it in one day. He placed it under the authority of Alp Khán. He likewise brought under his authority Islámábád, Hoshangábád, and other dependencies of Málwah in that quarter, which had fallen into the hands of the zamíndárs. He returned thence to Sárangpúr, then to Agru,f and from thence towards Gágrún, the fort of which place had not yet been reduced, but as soon as he arrived the place fell. He remained in the vicinity four days, and sent Hmád-ul-Mulk to Mandisór. A few days after he sent Ikhtiár Khán the wazir to that place, and then Mu-hamad Sháh A'sírí. As soon as Hmád-ul-Mulk arrived at Mandisór, the Ráná's officer, named Makii, evacuated the place, and retired. On the 1st of Shawál, Hmád-ul-Mulk reduced Mandisór. The rainy season having set in, the Sultán left Hmád-ul-Mulk, Muhamad Khán A'sírí, and Malik Shir, son of ’Azz-ul-Mulk, with the army at Mandisór, while he went to Mandu. At the end of the month those nobles, having settled the affairs of Mandisór, went to the Sultán at Mandu, having left Malik Shir, son of ^Azz-ul-Mulk, in charge of the fort of Mandisór. Muhamad Khán took leave of the Sultán, and went to A'sir, and the Sultán himself proceeded to his capital, and arrived at Muhamadábád on the 15th Safar. Intelligence arrived that the Portuguese were coming with many ships, furnished with artillery and other warlike equipments, to attack the fort of Diu. The Sultán started immediately, and travelled night and day until he reached # Possibly this is an error for “ Násir-ud-dín of Málwah.” t “ A'gar,” north-west of Sárangpúr,[A.D. 1533.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] BAHADAR SHAH. 369 Kambháiat. Upon hearing of his approach, the Portuguese withdrew.* Sultán Bahádar went on to Diu, and from thence he sent to Muhamadábád a large Egyptian gun, which Rúmí Khánf had brought. He also sent a hundred other guns, to be employed in the siege of Chitor. It is said that, in addition to the numerous bullocks which were harnessed to that (large) gun, three hundred káhárs% in addition were required to start it. After having provided for the removal of the guns, he went back to Kambháiat, and from thence, with all speed, to Ahmadábád, where he paid a visit to the tombs of his ancestors ; then he went to Batóh to visit his spiritual father, Sháh Shékh JÍÚ, and afterwards express in one day to Muhamadábád. There he took in marriage a daughter of Jám .Fíróz of Sind.§ At Muhamadábád he enlisted several thousand approved and picked veteran soldiers; he also collected an incalculable supply of arms, artillery, and ammunition, and sent them to Mandu, under charge of skilful armourers, for the siege of Chitor. He gave orders to Muhamad Khán A'sírí to march with his army to Chitor, and he accordingly left A'sir for that place, and Khudáwand Khán wazír, who was at Mandu, was ordered to join him. When the guns and arms had reached Mandu, the Sultán started with the forces under his personal command from Muhamadábád on the 17th Rabr’-ul-ákhir, and travelled rapidly to Mandu, which he reached on the third day. Muhamad Sháh and Khudáwand Khán, who had come to Mandu before the Sultán arrived, were directed to proceed # This was a very important struggle, and will be described more fully in the Appendix on Portuguese affairs in Gujarat, which it is hoped to give in Vol. II. f Some MSS. have “ Rumian.” This would mean the Turks of Constantinople, of whose aid mention has been made in writing of the victory gained by Malik A'iaz over the Portuguese. It is not clear who Rumi Khan was. He pretty certainly came from Turkey, and may have originally been a European renegade. Firishtah, in one place, calls him “ Labri Khan.” The “Tab. Akbari” and Firishtah say that this gun was left behind by the Portuguese, but this seems unlikely, as it is called an Egyptian gun. J Kahars. A caste of Hindus who serve as palM-bearers, and carry loads suspended to bamboos, among other avocations. Probably the term here simply means “porters.” § See note ante, p. 343. 24370 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1533.] [Mir át -i-Sikandar í. ] on to Chítór. In a few days they reached Mandisór, where they were met by the wakils of the Ráná, who stated: “ Whatever the Ráná holds of the Málwah territory he will relinquish ; whatever tribute may be imposed on him he will pay; whatever duty is imposed on him he will perform, and he acknowledges himself a subject of the Sultan, and will never be disobedient, but will submit himself to every ordinance of the Sultán, as is right and proper/’ Muhamad Sháh sent Shu-ja’at Khán to convey the Ráná*s proposals to the Sultán, and Shuja'at Khán hastened to Mandu and reported the matter to Sultán Bahádar. Sultán Bahádar, however, remembered the Ráná's rash and foolish doings in the matter of sending aid to Silhadi, and he had, therefore, resolved upon the conquest of Chítór, and rejected the Ráná’s petition. He forwarded orders to Muhamad Shah and Khudáwand Khán for them to send on in advance the Gujarátí and other veteran troops under Tátár Khán, son of Sultán ’Alá-ud-dín, son of Sultán Bahlól (of Dehli), with instructions to invest Chítór, and they themselves were to follow with the guns and other siege-material. Tátár Khán* immediately marched. The author of the “ Táríkh-i-Bahádar Sháhí ” mentions that he accompanied this force. Tátár Khán expected that, as the Ráná had a large force at his disposal, he would offer battle and oppose his advance, but no opposition was made. On the 5th Rajal) a.h. 939 (a.d. 1533) Tátár Khán took and plundered the suburb of the fort.f Next day he attacked the outer gate (parkotah), and carried that also. Chítór, from the bottom to the top has seven gates, and two of them were thus already taken. A despatch, announcing the success, was sent to the Sultán. * This is the first mention here of Tátár Khán Lodi, the son of ’A'lam Khan Lddí (Sultán ’Alá-ud-dín). He seems to have revolted against the Emperor Bábar. f Talahti, the petta or bdzdr, but inclosed, as it seems from the text, with a gate.[A.D. 1533.] Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] BAHADAR SHAH. 371 On the 8th of the month, Muhamad Sháh and Khudáwand Khán came np with the great guns and siege-train, and the fort was completely invested. The Sultán started from Mandu with an escort of five horsemen, and in a night and a day reached Chitor.* His army, numerous as ants or locusts, came up behind him, and the commanders all exerted themselves in every possible way to press on the siege, and in carrying forward and guarding the various means of approach against the fort. He himself, on arriving, rested one day, and on the next himself ascended the hill on which the fort of Chitor stands, and gave directions for bringing up and placing in position the battering-guns, and desired them to open on the fort and to endeavour to breach the defences. The great gun which had been brought from Diu, every time it was fired sent rocks tumbling down on rocks, and buildings upon buildings. It is said that the exertions of the Sultán in pressing on the siege were such as no soldier of the army could equal. Alaf Khán with thirty thousand horse had charge of the trenches before the Lakhotah gate. Tátár Khán, Médiní Ráo, and several Afghán chiefs were posted in front of the Hanwant gate. Mallú Khán and Sikandar Khán, with the nobles of Málwah and the Dakhini soldiers, had charge of the Sapéd Burj, Bhupat Ráí and Alp Khán were posted on another side. The author of the “ Táríkh-i-Bahádar Sháhí ” states that the Sultán had sufficient men and siege apparatus to have besieged four such places as Chitor. The fortress being surrounded and attacked on every side, detachments were sent out to ravage the Ráná's country. They say that such skill as was shown by Rumí Khán in the siege of Chitor had never before been seen or heard of, whether in getting the guns up the hill and into position or in working them, or in driving mines and raising covered ways. The infidel garrison soon were reduced to straits. The walls were shattered by the batteries on every side, and the garrison per-# Say about two hundred miles. 24 *372 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1533.] [Mirát-i- Sikandarí. ] ceived that the fort must soon fall. The mother of Bikamájít, and (once) chief wife* of ítáná Sánká, sent out wakils to say, “ My son has long served the Sultan. He went from this place to Gujarát, and paid his respects to the Sultán; I, therefore, as an aged woman, humbly beg that the Sultán will forgive his faults, and, as my life is bound up in his, by granting his life the Sultán will also renew mine, and confer on him an incalculable boon. Henceforth he will be faithful and devoted in service; he will not be disobedient in any matter, and will faithfully and energetically do his duty wherever he may be ordered. Several towns of the territory of Mandu have been in his possession since the time of Sultán Mahmud Khilji; those he offers to surrender. The golden girdle and the jewelled crown and cap which belonged to Sultán Mahmud, the value of which jewellers are unable to estimate, these which were won on the day of the victory over that Sultán, and one hundred lakhs of tankahs, and a hundred horses with gold-worked bridles, and ten elephants, he presents as tribute to your Majesty.” The Sultán considered it politic, under the circumstances, to accede to these proposals. He had regard, moreover, to the prayer of the Ráná's mother, and remembered the service which she had rendered to him when she withheld the Rájpútsfrom destroying him, by threatening to take her own life, when he was in his youthful days a fugitive from his brother, Sikandar Khán, and killed the Ráná’s nephew at the feast.f On the 27th Sha^bán (24th March 1533) he received the promised tribute and removed his camp one march from Chitor. From thence he sent Burhán-ul-Mulk and Mujáhíd Khán * This may be the case ; but if Tod’s chronology be correct, Bikamájít was not yet Rana. This lady may, however, have been the Queen who saved Bahádar Shah’s life as a young man, when he visited Chitor. But in all probability there is a mistake in the text; and for Bikamájít, “Ratan Si” or “ Ratna ” should be substituted. f See note (#) above. It is to be remembered, in justice to Bahádar Sháh, that before he attacked Chitor the second time Ratan Si was dead, and he had been succeeded by Bikamájít, who was probably not the son of the lady who had saved his life.[MiíáísSríJ BAHÁDAR SHÁH. 373 with a large army to effect the conquest of the iron-bound fortress of Rantambhor and its dependencies ; and he also sent Shamshir-ul-Mulk, with twelve other sardárs and a numerous army, to reduce the fortress of Ajmir, the Dar-ul-khair, or home of goodness. On the 5th of Ramazán he sent off his army towards Mandu, and himself started for Mandisór, where he made a day’s halt, and from thence he went on express to Mandu, accomplishing the distance of eighty hós in a night and a day, and his army followed, and, arriving there on the 18th of the month, enjoyed rest and ease. After a while he appointed Muhamad Sháh Fárúkí, with several other famous Gujarati nobles, to unite their forces with those of Tmád-ul-Mulk Gáwelí, for the purpose of driving away Nizám-ul-Mulk and laying waste his dominions. They were ordered not to fight a battle, but, if Nizám-ul-Mulk showed a disposition to fight, they were to delay and amuse him with negotiations, and write to the Sultán, so that he might hasten to his army and himself take that creature of the bazar (i.e. Nizám-ul-Mulk) alive. In obedience to these instructions Muhamad Sháh marched to the neighbourhood of Bir, where he confronted Nizám-ul-Mulk and Malik Barid, who had got together a very large army. He sent off a report by fleet messengers to the Sultán, who quickly mounted his famous horse, named Kuchak, which was swift of foot as the wind, and, taking with him twelve thousand chosen light horse from his personal troops, went off at once and pushed on without a halt. When he reached Bir, the troops on either side were formed up in line of battle, and they had already on both sides opened the attack with a fire of heavy guns and of musketry. Loud cries announced the arrival of the Sultán with his forces, and his men made known his arrival to each other. When the shouts made the fact known to the enemy, they immediately fled, and many of them were slain. In the royal army two sons of Dariá Khán, named Man-Jiu and Pír Jiu, were severely374 Gujarat. [A.D. 1533.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.j wounded. They were borne alive from the field, and the Sultán showed them great kindness, and confirmed to the elder the title of his father, and a jágír besides. He said : “ Whoever wishes to bear his father's title must win it as these young men have won it.’' After some time Nizám-ul-Mulk came to visit the Sultán, and “ placed the ring of obedience in his ear.” The Sultán addressed him by the title of Nizam Sháh, of which title mention has already been made, and restored his kingdom to him. Sultán Bahádar returned to Mandu, and Nizám Sháh went in attendance upon him. When Sultán Bahádar reached Mandu the -ambition of conquering Chitor again took possession of him. Muhamad Zamán Mirzá, grandson of Sultán Husain Báíkrah, King of Khurásán, had married Ma'sumah Begam, daughter of Firdaus makání (the Emperor Bábar) and sister of Jannat áshiání (the Emperor Humáiún). He was a prince by seven generations of royal descent, and frequently asserted hostile and vain pretensions. For this cause he had been placed in imprisonment at A'grah by Humáiún; not imprisonment in chains and in close confinement, but he was not allowed full liberty to go about, and was placed under the surveillance of Báiázíd Khán Afghán. When the report of Sultán Bahádar's doings reached Zamán Mirzá’s ears, he formed the design of going to him, but, for fear of his keepers, kept his purpose concealed. One day, however, Báiázíd Khán came to visit him in a state of drunken hilarity, and said that he pitied him, for life with his children was sweet, and nothing could replace it. Zamán Mirzá at first thought that the man was sounding him, and trying to discover his intentions; so he gave an evasive answer. But when he was convinced by Báiázíd s straightforward language that he was perfectly sincere, he said, “ If only I could once get away to Sultán Bahádar of Gujarát, I feel sure that I should get everything I may want." Báiázíd encouraged him to contrive an escape; and one day, taking advantage of favourable circumstances, he fled and took refuge[A.D. 1533.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] BAHÁDAE SHAH. 375 with Sultán Bahádar. He thus sowed the seed of animosity in the relations between the Sultán and the Emperor Humáiún. Several letters passed between these sovereigns on the subject of the protection thus afforded to Zamán Mirzá. Trusty mediators came and went between the two Courts, but without any avail. The first letter from (Humáiún) urged the Sultán to act in an amicable spirit; the second expressed surprise at Sultán Bahádar’s unfriendly conduct. The third has been preserved, and is here given at length*; it is as follows:— “ Glory to God, the giver of glory, and praise be to the Prophet of God. When Kází ’Abd-ul-Kádir and Muhamad Mokim arrived at this Court, their assurances of your Majesty’s faithfulness and loyalty pleased and gratified our discerning heart. A friendly disposition like your Majesty’s is the cause of union among friends, and of the prosperity of cities and towns. It must be clear to jour Majesty’s intellect, which is bright as the sun and without defect, that one ought to obey sacred texts, and to follow worthy sayings, as being infallible guides. Formerly, we despatched Asláh-ul-Mulk and Kásim 'Ali Sadr and Ghiás-ud-dín Kúrjí with a message to say that, if your Majesty behaved in a straightforward way, you ought to deliver over to us those ungrateful persons who, having revolted against us, had fled to you; or that at least you should drive that rebel band* from your presence, and expel them beyond the limits of your kingdom and authority; and that, if your Majesty acted up to your professions and assurances of friendship, hereafter none of those who are my friends and allies would be led away by * There is no reason to doubt that these letters are reproductions, at least fairly accurate, of the letters which actually passed between the Emperor Humaiun and Bahadar Shah. The historical references and the indications of the character of their respective writers are quite in harmony with the actual facts. They have, moreover, been preserved in at least one collection of celebrated letters (Persian MSS. British Museum, Addit. MSS., No. 7688; Rieu’s Catalogue, vol. i. p. 390). The language of these letters is florid and full of metaphor, which it is hardly possible to translate literally; the version, therefore, in the text is to a great extent rather a paraphrase than a translation, but an endeavour has been made to preserve the meaning of each part.376 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1533.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] the enticements of seducers, and of those who have gone astray from the truth. In despatching these messengers to your Majesty, we had full expectation that they would bring back a befitting answer, such as would remove all ill-feeling and restore complete friendship. When they returned with Nur Muhamad Khalil to my Court, and brought back your letter, the substance of what they said and the contents of the letter filled me with astonishment. Your Majesty must surely understand what has been said to you in regard to Muhamad Zamán Mirzá, and though the favour shown by you to the late Sultán Sikandar, and the extraordinarily favourable reception accorded by you to ’Alá-ud-dín Lodi, and the several other (Lodi) princes, has not altogether broken up our friendship and amity, yet, if Muhamad Zamán Mirzá remains where he is, and receives kind treatment from you, what must happen? It is unnecessary to say what, for it is easily guessed, and you have no doubt considered it. Let it not, however, be forgotten that your Majesty is bound by your promises and engagements, and in all good faith, to listen to my requests, and either to send those miserable people here, or at least to refrain from showing them any favour, and to expel them from your country. As this is so, it will afford an absolute test as to whether your heart is in accordance with the assurances which your tongue has given; if so, you will not allow these miserable people to remain in your presence or in your territories. If you do, how can any reliance be placed on your promises ? u Thy tongue professes friendship true, Be sure thy heart is friendly too; All cause of enmity uproot, And let thy friendship’s plant bear fruit. “ Perhaps your Majesty is aware that His Highness the late Sáhib-i-Kirán (Timur), in spite of the hostility shown to him by Báiázíd Ilderim, was very unwilling to invade Rum, and to lay desolate that well-cultivated land, because Báiázíd IlderimBAHÁDAR SHÁH. 377 [A.D. 1533.] [ Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] was generally engaged in religious warfare with the Europeans. But when Kará Yusaf* Turkomán, and Sultán Ahmad Jaláir fled before his (Timur’s) victorious troops and sought refuge with the Kaisar of Eum,t Timur wrote several times to Báiázíd Ilderim, warning him not to show them any favour, and directing him to expel them from his kingdom; but as Báiázíd Ilderim would not obey this order, what was decreed came to pass, and he experienced the consequences! “ Since Muhamad Mokim, in conveying your reply to our last communication, reported some unseemly expression, therefore, in case any unpleasant messages or improper acts should be reported to us, we shall march from our capital in your direction, until we receive a satisfactory reply. We despatch these few hurried lines by Nauróz Beg and Shékh Ibráhím, confidential officers of this Court. When you have considered their contents, be kind enough quickly to dismiss the messengers, as I anxiously await an answer. He who is righteously inclined Needs but a pull to guide his mind. Peace be with you/' Sultán Bahádar's reply was as follows :— u I return thanks to your gracious Majesty, and wish you all compliments and peace. The message which your Majesty despatched, your confidential courtier, Muhamad Nur, has brought; and he has also delivered your letter concerning the protection shown to the princes. Amongst other things, it is written that Kásim ’Alí Khán and Ghiás-ud-dín were sent to assure me that the expulsion of the persons sheltered here from my dominions would prove my loyalty and sincerity. * See Timur’s own account and his own letters reproduced in his “ Institutes,” Davey’s “ Institutes of Timur,” pp. 145-53. He only speaks, however, of Kará Yúsaf Turkoman. t “ Kaisar of Rum.” This expression, the special designation of the Byzantine Emperor only, is nevertheless correctly applied in this instance, as Báiázíd Ilderim assumed the title upon the consolidation of the kingdom of Anatolia ; but its use as a Muhamadan designation ceased also with him.378 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1533.] [Mirât-i-Sikandari. ] This is absolutely and wholly incorrect. Those ambassadors never said a word about anything except as to the confirmation and strengthening of our alliance; and if from their representations you have understood anything, or suspected anything, you should not have acted upon it by marching on Gwaliar. What (bad) design or object could I have ? Everybody is aware that I have been long bound by the ties of friendship with the Prince Jalal-ud-dunia-wa-ud-din Muhamad Zaman Mirza. We have confirmed our friendship by solemn oaths; and since he was my friend I could not, in violation of my oath, act in a false and unfaithful manner towards him. Moreover, he knew from the common report of all the world, how my ancestors had taken countries and given away thrones, and how, when Mahmud Khilji sought refuge at this Court from the disorders and usurpations of the Hindus, Muzaffar Shah the Clement received him with extreme kindness and favour, and when he had recounted the oppressions which he had suffered at the hands of wretched traitors, and had represented that it was in accordance with the holy traditions, and with the words of the holy Prophet himself, to show kindness to those who suffered from tyranny, Muzaffar considered it his duty to assist him, and to punish those base Hindus. He accordingly destroyed them and theirs from off the face of the earth. Muhamad Zaman, therefore, hoped that by favour of Providence his affairs also might be put in order. Moreover, Kazi *Abd-ul-Kadir and Gbias-ud-din, without suggestion or requisition on my part, and of their own free will and accord, took an oath on the holy writings in confirmation of our friendship and amity. Hence T fully understood that we were firm friends, and, relying on the good faith of the people of Islam, I thought myself perfectly safe from any danger on your side, and began, therefore, to take means for opposing and expelling a naval expedition of the Europeans which had landed at Diu. But they (i.e. ’Abd-ul-Kadir and Ghias-ud-din) supposing the opportunity to be a favourable one, and thinking[A.D. 1533.] [Mirât-i-Sika,ndari. ] BAHÀDAR SHAH. 379 that I was entangled with difficulties, caring nothing for the infraction of their promises and engagements, have brought our amity and friendship into doubt; and, relying on my unprepared and unguarded condition, have induced your Majesty to march upon Gwaliar. When Nuwab Kamiab heard this news he refrained from attacking Diu, against which he had marched, as he considered himself (under the circumstances) unequal to attempting so serious an undertaking, and accordingly returned to his original position. Moreover, the khutbah used to he read in my name in several countries where they now excuse themselves from doing so, being prompted to this course by the intelligence of your speedy coming; and although these people have not openly revolted, yet they are rebellious at heart, and their rebellion is almost avowed. Their letters, indeed, show abundant signs of it. For example, from Bidar they write in the most boastful terms and display their disposition and designs, although their object is not yet so fully assured that they dare speak or write of it. If your object be to spread rumours and idle tales, could it be better done than by repeating them at afternoon prayers to the roysterers of the bazars. I set forth these things as a specimen of my affairs, in the anguish of my heart, and as a warning. What need is there of fresh designs ? for I have, in the immediate past, been treated byjyou in a manner wholly unheard-of and unexampled in history. “ Unless your courage match your tongue. Your prowess best were left unsung j If you Ve no sword yourself, my lad, Don’t vaunt the sword your father had Nor risk on wooden stilts a fall, That little boys may think you tall. “ Everyone knows that up to the present time, by the favour of Providence, no king has been able to conquer or overthrow our dynasty, however great such king’s forces were; and I myself have encountered a very considerable Afghan force.380 GUJARAT. [A.I). 1533.] [Mirát-i- Sikan dar i. ] Let your Majesty banish pride from your mind. It will not be long before the great God reveals His decree/’ It is said that Sultán Bahádar was unable to read or write, and this answer to the Emperor Humáiún’s letter was written by one, Mullá Mahmud Munshi, and that the Sultán ordered it to be despatched without ascertaining whether it was courteous or rude.* This Mullá Mahmud Munshi had once been in the employ of the Emperor Humáiún, and had been guilty of some act which greatly incensed the Emperor; on learning this, he left his post and fled for refuge to Sultán Bahádar, who engaged him as a munshi. The whole of the correspondence between the Emperor and the Sultán Bahádar was conducted by him, and he used, out of spite and hatred, purposely to take the opportunity of inserting irritating expressions, and he used to boast among his companions that he would either induce Sultán Bahádar to attack Dehli, or bring down the Emperor Humáiún on Sultán Bahádar. Every disgrace that fell upon the Sultán's administration, and all the calamities which affected his fortunes, were due to the scribblings of this insolent man. In this correspondence with the Emperor Humáiún he did not desist from this line of conduct; but, as the Sultán had wise and prudent wazirs, when they sent for the rough drafts they would erase all the improper words and expressions. When the Emperor made his third request for the extradition of Muhamad Zamán Mirzá, Mullá Mahmúd Munshi brought the answer to the Sultán and read it to him when he was drunk; and, as the Sultán was intoxicated, he directed it to be despatched without ascertaining whether it was courteous or the reverse, and without consulting his ministers. Mullá Mahmúd affixed the king's seal and sent it off at once. Next morning the wazirs and nobles assembled in darbdr> and some of them remarked that it was expedient to answer # This passage is given as in the Hyderábád MS., which seems here fuller than the other texts.[A.D. 1533.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] BAHÁDAK SHAH. 381 the letter which the Emperor Humáiún’s messengers had brought the day before. The Sultán replied that he had ordered a munshi to write a reply, and to send back the messengers at once. The wazirs asked to see the rough draft, and, when they had made themselves acquainted with its purport, they expressed their regret and alarm. The Sultán then understood the grave mistake of this reply, and ordered Malik Amin Nas, who was a follower of one of the wazirs 3 to send a well-mounted horseman after the couriers and to bring them back. Malik Amin brought to the Sultán, Abu Jiu Tánk, who in the reign of Sultán Ahmad II. became Wajih-ul-Mulk. The Sultán said to him, “ You belong to my tribe, and I want you to ride after the messengers and bring them back before they can get through the pass in the mountains of Narwar.” Abu Jiu mounted a swift horse and galloped off. When he reached the pass he learnt from the guards that the couriers had not gone through, and he was much delighted and watched for them there three days and nights, but as they did not make their appearance it became evident that they had gone by some other road ; so he said, “ What can be done! it was so fated/’ So he returned and told the Sultán. When those who were about the Sultán heard what had happened, they said, “ If that letter reaches the Emperor he will at once march against us.” After this the Sultán marched from Mandu to effect the conquest of Chitor. He left the direction of the siege to Rúmí Khán, and, to encourage him, promised that the full command of the fortress, after its reduction, should be placed in his charge. Rúmí Khán exerted himself in a way never before seen in the world. When the Sultan’s letter reached the Emperor Humáiún it produced a very bad impression. He directed his army to march from A'grah towards Chitor. When he came to Gwáliár he reflected thus, “ Sultán Bahádar is besieging Chitor, If I at this time oppose him, I shall really be render-382 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1533.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] ing assistance to the infidel, and snch a proceeding is not in accordance with the law of the Prophet and with religion therefore there must be a delay until this matter is disposed of.° Accordingly he halted at Gwáliár, watching the course of events. Sultán Bahádar, when he was informed of this movement of Humáiún’s, placed thirty thousand horse under the command of Tátár Khán Lodi, grandson of the late Sultán Sikandar Lodi, with orders to march by way of Báiánah against the city of Dehli, the capital of India, and to take possession of it, in order that either Humáiún might be compelled to draw off his forces to oppose Tátár Khán, or else, if left unopposed, Tátár Khán would get possession of Dehli, and there would raise a large army and march against Humáiún : in either case the Sultán’s purpose would be served. Tátár Khán^s orders were that, whether Humáiún himself should oppose him or should send an army against him, he was to fortify his camp and wait for the arrival of the Sultán, who would hasten up as quickly as possible, and he was strictly enjoined not to risk a battle before then. Tátár Khán entered the district of Báiánah. He was soon confronted by Mirzá Hindál, whom Humáiún had sent against him with five thousand men.* In spite of the strict injunctions of the Sultán, Tátár Khán without hesitation gave battle, and was shamefully defeated. His army was scattered and dispersed, but he himself would not leave the field, and fought bravely on as long as there was life in his body, and fell at last and died, covered with blood and dust.f It is said that Tátár Khán’s conception was that, as he was a prince of the house of Dehli, and the head of his tribe, and as he had an army under his command, victory in this engagement would bring the # According to the “Tab. Akbari,” his army deserted him, except two thousand men; and Firishtah says the deserters were “the boasting and dastardly Afghans/5 Tatar Khan’s own countrymen. f MS. A. gives a long and highly-wrought account of Tatar Khan’s desperate struggle.[A.D. 1533.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] BAHÍDAR SHÁH. 383 kingdom of Dehli into his possession, and a large army of Afgháns would rally round him. Humáiún Pádsháh and Sultán Bahádar would in the meanwhile fight; one would be defeated, and the power of the other would be weakened. Then he would be able to free himself from his engagements, and the reins of power at Dehli would be in his hands. With these views he disobeyed the order of the Sultán and fought a battle without delaying; thus his own bad faith brought him to destruction. It is related that when the garrison of Chitor was reduced to extremities and the fall of the fortress could evidently be no longer delayed, the Sultán began to talk boastfully, and said, “Who is there who can oppose or overthrow me?’' Kází Mahmud, son of Kází Já-bulandah of Bírpúr repeated these lines :— When the jungle of tigers is wholly bare, Hunting becomes a somewhat lame affair. The Sultán, on hearing these lines was very angry, and said, “That man shall not remain in my dominions.,, The Kází replied, “ By the kingdom of God ! neither you nor I will remain in this kingdom.’5 The Kází went thence, and when he came to Birpur he died in the year nine hundred and forty-one. He was a man highly respected on account of his ancestors, and was also a beloved disciple of Shékh Jiu, son of Said Burhán-ud-dín Bukhárí. The defeat of Tátár Khán greatly grieved and depressed the Sultán, and his pride was humiliated, but just then the conquest of Chitor was accomplished. The Sultán was desirous of fulfilling his promise to Rúmí Khán and of placing him in command of the fortress. But the ministers and nobles were jealous, and urged that such a man as Rúmí Khán ought not to be placed over so great a fortress; for if he should become master of it, obedience and fidelity could not be expected of him. The Sultán changed his mind and did not perform his promise. Rúmí Khán was deeply offended, and he wrote384 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1533.^ [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] secretly to the Emperor Humáiún and informed him that, if he would march in that direction, the defeat of Sultan Bahádar might easily be compassed; “ for,” he wrote, “ the Sultán places entire reliance on my judgment, and I will contrive a way for the success of the Emperors army.” The Emperor marched towards Chitor from Gwáliár, and when Sultán Bahádar heard of his advance he asked advice of Búmí Khán as to the best means of opposing the enemy. Bumi Khan replied that he should adopt the practice of the Sultáns of Bum, and make a rampart round his camp with carts and guns. If the enemy attacked, he might open such a fire upon his assailants as would shatter them even if they were rocks of iron. The Sultán followed Bumi Khan’s advice. The amirs remonstrated, saying that they were not accustomed to that mode of fighting, but the Sultán would not listen. He made a bulwark of his carriages and withdrew within it; but his men lost heart, and the Emperor’s men were proportionately encouraged. When Humáiún drew near, Búmí Khán wrote to inform him that Sultán Bahádar was posted within a rampart of carts, and advised him to send out his light horse to hover around it and not allow any creature to pass either in or out. The Emperor acted on this advice. The horsemen surrounded the camp upon all sides, and the roads were closed. When this state of things had lasted some days, grain grew scarce, and by degrees was entirely exhausted. Cows, horses, and camels were slaughtered, and the men fed upon them for some days ; but the horses were so thin from want of fodder that the flesh of four horses would not satisfy two men. Butter and such-like rose to a fabulous price. The horses gnawed each other’s tails and manes, and died. The men were in extremity, and the Sultán was bewildered. At this juncture a leader of Banjárahs came and told the Sultán that they had brought one million bullock-loads of grain, but could not bring in the corn for fear of the MoghalLA.D. 1533 35.] [ Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] BAHÁDAR SHÁH. 385 horse. If an escort were sent out, the grain might be got into the camp, and they would bring more afterwards. The Sultán sent out five thousand horse secretly at night, and Rúmí Khán wrote to inform Humáiún, adding that if the corn reached the camp it would protract the business very much. A large force was directed to intercept the escort sent out by the Sultán. It succeeded, and, having defeated the Gujarátís, brought the grain into the camp of Humáiún. On the publication of this news the Sultán’s army lost all courage, the rather that the Sultán would not so much as drink a drop of water without consulting Rúmí Khán, although the perfidy of the latter was palpable. At last Rúmí Khán himself saw that this was the case, and fled to the Emperor Humáiún. His desertion made all the Gujarátís tremble as if the Day of Judgment were at hand. One day some chief of the enemy’s side advanced towards the Sultán’s camp, with a small party and an elephant carrying a litter. A force from the Sultán's army sallied out and charged them; the enemy fled without fighting, and the elephant was captured. When they brought it to the Sultán for inspection, they found in the litter a small box. The courtiers remonstrated against opening the box, because they thought that the flight of the enemy and the abandonment of the elephant had occurred designedly. However, the Sultán, who had just learned that there was no more grain left than would suffice for that day's consumption, ordered the box to be opened. There proved to be nothing in it, except a little salt, a few lumps of charcoal, and some strips of linen dyed blue. The Sultán an4 the army gave up all for lost, and that evening the Sultán ordered all his precious stones and jewels to be brought and destroyed by fire. He also desired that the trunks of his two favourite hunting elephants should be cut off, and that his two largest mortars, called “Laili” and “Majnún," should be broken up. When the elephants came up to have 25 *386 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1535.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] their trucks cut off, his eyes, and the eyes of all present, filled with tears. After this he called for his horse, and, unknown to the army, rode off to Mandu with a few personal followers. This was on the 20th Ramazán, a.h. 941 (25th March, a.b. 1535). In the morning news of the Sultán's departure came upon the army like the Last Trump. The army was like a body without a soul. No way of escape existed; to remain was impossible. Meanwhile the Emperor Humáiún’s army advanced. When this was perceived, all order and discipline were lost, and everyone was in utter consternation. The entire camp was plundered, and many of the troops were killed, others taken prisoners, while some escaped barefoot and bareheaded. When the Emperor came to the Sultán’s tents, which were all loaded with embroidery and interwoven with gold, he said, These are the equipments of the Lord of the Sea ”; for Sultan Sikandar Lodi used to say that the throne of Dehli rests on wheat and barley, and that of Gujarát on coral and pearls, because the King of Gujarát ruled over eighty-four ports. The humble Sikandar, the author of this work, well remembers that his father told him that he accompanied the Emperor Humáiún on this occasion, and had charge of his library, While the plunder of Sultán Bahádar’s camp was going on, he kept the author of the “ Táríkh-i-Bahádar Sháhí," with whom he had some previous acquaintance, as a guest in his own tent. He said that the Emperor Humáiún was continually calling for one book or another, so that he was obliged to be constantly in attendance; and on this day, when the victory was complete, the Emperor seated himself on his throne and held a general reception. Everyone who was present, nobles or soldiers, all stood before him with their arms folded. There was a parrot which had been found among the plunder in Sultán Bahádar’s camp, and which somebody had brought in its cage and presented to the Emperor, who was amazed at the words it uttered, and would himself talk withBAHÁDAR SHAH. 387 [A.D. 1535.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. J it. They say that if the parrot of the Totí-námah had been present, this parrot would have surpassed it. Presently Rúmí Khán entered, and the Emperor said kindly to him, “ Rúmí Khan, come here.” The instant the parrot heard the name of Rúmí Khán, it began to call out in Hindi, “ That scoundrel Rúmí Khán ! that traitor Rúmí Khán ! ” It uttered these execrations some ten times over; Rúmí Khán hung down his head, and said nothing. When the Emperor understood the meaning of these expressions, his regret and annoyance were manifest in his countenance; and he said, “ Rúmí Khán, if any sensible being had said this, I would have plucked his tongue from his throat; but, as it is a senseless animal, what can I do? ” The bystanders supposed that after Rúmí Khán*s flight from Sultán Bahádar’s camp, the men of his army were accustomed to speak of Rúmí Khán after this fashion; and that when the parrot heard the name of Rúmí Khán, he recollected these expressions and gave them utterance. Perhaps, rather, the Lord Almighty, as a warning to others, put these righteous words into the mouth of an animal j and his reason for this may have been that it would have been impossible, under the circumstances, for such words to have been spoken of Rúmí Khán, in his presence, in any other manner. The Emperor Humáiún, after a short delay to collect the spoil which had fallen into his hands, marched thence and invested Mandú. Sultán Bahádar was shut up in the fort, the flames of hostility broke out anew, and the conflict waxed brisk. Rúmí Khán, adding to his other treasons, sent a message to Bhúpat Ráí, the son of Silhadi, to this effect: “ You well knowT the wrongs which Sultán Bahádar inflicted upon your kindred, and that you should now throw away the life which is so sweet to you, in the service of such a tyrant, is the reverse of wise. The opportunity for revenge and retribution has arrived. When the attack is made, throw open the gate of which you have charge; the servants of the Emperor 25 *388 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1535.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] will restore to you the position of your father, and will, moreover, bestow on you favours of every kind.” Thus seduced by Rumí Khán, Bhúpat Ráí threw open the gate, and, drawing his troops off, permitted the besiegers to effect an entrance. When Sultán Bahádar was told, he said : “ The men of old were not mistaken when they said that to kill the snake and to keep the young alive is not a wise man’s act.” He deputed Sadr Khán, son of Rájí Khán, to act in his own command, and directed Sultán ’Alam Lodi and Said Mubárak to hold the Sanga, which is the citadel of Mandu. He then went out by another gate, and made off towards Gujarát. Some of the Emperor Humáiún’s men pursued and overtook him, but he turned round and personally fought with such vigour that his pursuers were defeated and driven back. The Emperor’s forces soon afterwards entered the fort, which was captured, and Sadr Khán, who was severely wounded, was taken alive, but put to the sword. An attack was then made on the citadel, and the garrison was reduced to extremities. Sultán ’A'lam came out and surrendered to the Pádsháh, but, at the instigation of Rúmí Khán, he and three hundred of his people were slain. It is said that on Tuesday Humáiún put on a red dress, and in a public audience gave orders for a general massacre. In a moment streams of blood were flowing in every street and lane in Mandu. There was a minstrel named Bachhu* attached to Sultán Bahádar's Court. A certain Moghal seized this Bachhu, and was about to kill him, having actually raised his hand with that intention. Bachhu said to him, “ What advantage will you get by killing me ? If you will save me alive I will give you my own weight of gold, for I belong to Sultán Bahádar’s Court, and have no lack of money.” The Moghal took his turban off his head, and tying Bachhu’s hands together, made him sit down apart in a corner. It so happened that one of * This name is very variously spelt, but it seems to be either Bachhp or Chittu,[A.D. 1535.] [Mir át-i- Sikandar i. ] BAHADAR SHAH. 389 the rájahs, who was in alliance with the Emperor, and who was an old friend of Bachhu's, passed by, and, observing him, jumped off his horse to inquire, and, taking Bachhu by the hand, was leading him away, when the Moghal drew his sword and said : " The order for a general massacre has been given: I will not let this man go alive/’ But the Rajah had a strong party, and the Moghal was alone; so, in spite of his protests, the Rájah carried off Bachhu, and brought him into the Emperor's presence. When they got there they found the Emperor so overcome with rage that he darted fire wherever he looked, and he could talk of nothing but slaughter. The Moghal made his complaint to the Emperor, saying: “ This captive of mine belongs to Sultán Bahádar’s Court, and this Hindu has carried him off by force/' Khushhál Beg, who was one of the Emperor's Guards, had been once sent on a message to Sultan Bahádar, and was acquainted with Bachhu's position and accomplishments; so he said, “ My King, this man is Bachhu the minstrel, the prince of all singers/’ The Emperor looked sharply towards him, and he repeated his words, and added: “ O King, he has probably no equal as a singer and reciter in all Hindústán." The Emperors fury began to abate; so he said, u Sing something/’ Bachhu was especially skilled in Persian sentimental ditties; he began to sing one of these. When the Emperor heard it his whole demeanour changed, and the rivers of his mercy began to flow. He put off his red dress and put on a green one ; and, having bestowed a dress of honour on Bachhu, said to him, “ Bachhu, ask whatever you wish, I will not deny it to you/' Bachhu replied that many of his kinsmen had been made prisoners, and he desired their release. The Emperor bound his own quiver about Bachhu’s loins, put him on one of his own horses, arid desired that whomsoever Bachhu might release, no one was to interfere with them. Bachhu rode off, and whenever he saw any of his acquaintances he declared them to be his kinsfolk, and released them. This was reported to the390 GUJARAT. [Á.D. 1535.J [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] Emperor, and complaint was made that Bachhu released not only his kinsmen, but those who were perfect strangers, and did this purposely, making no difference between those who were akin to him and those who were otherwise. The Emperor said, “ Let it pass. If to-day he had asked me to restore the kingdom to Bahádar, I should not have refused his request.” Bachhu was taken into the Emperor’s service, and it is said that every gift which he received while in the Emperor's employ he made over to the Moghal, and said regarding this : “ This man gave me my life; how can I make him any sufficient return for that ? ” I had these particulars from my father, who was present on this occasion as one of the Emperor’s selected attendants. In the end, Bachhu ran away and went to Sultán Bahádar. The Emperor remarked, “ Bachhu has done very foolishly. I was so fond of him, and should have treated him so well, that he ought to have forgotten Sultán Bahádar.” They say that when he came to Sultán Bahádar, the latter monarch exclaimed : “ To-day I have regained all I had lost! and the sight of Bachhu has banished all grief and sorrow from my heart. I have now no desire unfulfilled. God has given me all that I have asked of Him.” Sultán Bahádar fled from Mandu to Chámpánír, a fort belonging to Gujarát. Having placed it in charge of Ikhtiár Khán wazir, and Rájah Nar Sing Déo, entitled Khánhá Rájah, he went off to Sórath by way of Kambháiat, and took up his abode at the port of Diu. Humáiún marched from Mandu to Chámpánír, and laid siege to the fort.# There was a large mortar, called Bahádar Sháh’s mortar, there. The men of the garrison were unable to get it up into the fort. They had laboured hard to do so, but had got it only half-way up when the banner of Humáiun * When Humáiún arrived at Chámpánír he hastened on to Kambháiat. Sultán Bahádar had obtained fresh horses there, and went on to Díú. Humáiún arrived at Kambháiat on the very day he left, and he returned from thence to the siege of Chámpánír.—“ Tab. Akbari.’5[A.D. 1535.1 [ Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] BAHÁDAR SHAH. 391 came in sight. Then they knocked three holes in the mortar and left it where it was. Rúmí Khán saw it, and told Hu-máiún that he could mend it. He filled the three holes with haft-jósh. Although its range was less than before, it was still very effective. It is said that the first shot which Rúmí Khán discharged brought down a gate of the fort. The second tore up and utterly destroyed a great fig-tree which stood near the gate. These results greatly terrified the garrison. There was in the fort a Firangi named Saktá, whom Sultán Bahádar had converted to Islám, and to whom he had given the title of Firang Khán. This man said, “ I also will take a shot, and hit the muzzle of that mortar.” Ikhtiár Khán promised to reward him if he succeeded. He fired, and the first shot struck the mortar on the muzzle and shattered it. The men in the fort were delighted. Ikhtiár Khán gave Firang Khán some trifle, but Rájah Nar Sing Deo gave him seven mans of gold. The Rájah had been left in the fort by Sultán Bahádar because he was badly wounded and unfit to travel. When the noise of the cannonade became general, his wounds grew worse, and he died. Sultán Bahádar, on being told of it, said, “ Alas! Chámpánír is lost.” The wazir Afzal Khán inquired if he had received news of it, and he replied, “ No; but Nar Sing is dead, and whence will that wretched mullá Ikhtiár Khán find courage, to hold out?” Said Jalál, entitled Manowar-ul-Mulk Bukhárí, one of my most intimate friends, often said that the fort of Chámpánír was such that, if an old woman threw stones from the top, no one in the world could attack it. How great then was the good fortune of Humáiún to take such a fort with ease ! The way in which it was taken was this. One night two hundred Kolis were sent out of the fort to bring in grain, although the provisions in the fort were sufficient against a siege of ten years. When they came down out of the fort they came392 GUJARAT. [A.D. i53A f Mirat-i-Sikandar i. ] across one of the trenches and were all made prisoners; they were taken before the Emperor Humaiun, who gave orders for their execution. Seventy or eighty had been killed when one of the remainder said, “ If you do not kill us we will show you a way of getting into the fort without the garrison knowing anything about it.” This was reported to Humaiun, and he ordered that the Kolis should be brought before him. He spoke to them kindly, and told them to take some of his brave men under their guidance. At night the wretched Kolis led the soldiers to the top of the fort by a way which was unknown alike to the besiegers and besieged. They got up when the garrison was off its guard, and as soon as they got up, the soldiers, shouting “ Allah! Allah! ” charged the garrison. The latter were astounded, and to them it seemed as if their assailants had come down from heaven. Some threw themselves down the mountain, some were killed, and some fled with Ikhtiar Khan into the citadel called Muliyah. Humdiun's forces took possession of the fortress itself, and on the next day Ikhtiar Khan asked for quarter and surrendered the citadel. Ikhtiar Khan made his obeisance. He was a clever and learned man, of a happy temper, an astronomer, clever at riddles, a poet, and wonderfully skilled in all the arts. Humaiun was greatly pleased with him. He delighted in his company, and showered very great bounties upon him. After the fall of Champanir Humaiun went to Kambhaiat, and after making some excursions in the neighbourhood, he went to Ahmadabad, and encamped at the village of Ghiaspur, two kos to the south of that city. He paid a visit to the tomb of Kutb-ul-Aktab Burhan-ud-din at the village of Batoh, three kos from Ahmadabad. Humaiun now heard of the rebellion, in Bihar and Jonpur, of Shir Khan Afghan Sur, who afterwards became king with the title of Shir Shah. Humaiun left his brother Mirza ’Askari at Ahmadabad, Kasim Beg at Bharuj, Yadgar Nasir Mirza at Pattan, and Baba[A.D. 1535.] [ Mirát -i-Sikandarí. ] BAHADAR SHAH. 393 Beg Jaláir, father of Sháham Beg Khán Jaláir, at Chám-pánír.* He himself went off to A'grah by way of A'sir and Burhánpúr. At this time, of the nobles of Sultán Bahádar, Malik Amin Nas held Ranthambór, Malik Burhán-ul-Mulk Buniání held Chítór, and Malik Shamshir-ul-Mulk held Ajmir. These nobles concerted together, and raised nearly twenty thousand horse, which they collected in the neighbourhood of the city of Pattan. From thence they wrote to Sultán Bahádar for permission to attack Yádgár Násir Mirzá. The Sultán refused, and particularly forbade them to risk a battle before he arrived, and telling them that he would join them immediately. When he arrived, Yádgár Násir Mirzá, considering himself too weak to risk a battle, withdrew to Ahmadábád. Sultán Bahádar entered Pattan, and then followed Yádgár Násir to Ahmadábád. On his approach the enemy came out of the city and encamped at Ghiáspúr. Bahádar followed, and pitched his camp on the other side of the river over against Ghiáspúr. The Sultán, expecting the enemy would give battle on the morrow, was occupied all night long with his preparations for the battle. The enemy lighted a great many lamps in their camp, left them burning, but themselves withdrew in the night to Mahmúdábád. In the morning, as soon as this was discovered, the Sultán pursued, and on the same day reached the village of Kénj, three kós from Mahmúdábád, and encamped there. Here he learned that the enemy’s force from Bharuj had formed a junction with the other army in Mahmúdábád. On the following morning, as soon as it was light, a battle began which was most fiercely contested. The Moghals, unable to sustain the fire of artillery and musketry which played upon them, charged down upon the Sultán's division, broke and scattered it, and the day was nearly lost; but some brave * Or, according to another version, “ Mirzá Hindál at Ahmadábád, Kásim Beg at Bharúj (Broach), and Hindu Beg at Pattan.”394 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1535.] Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] warriors, Said Mubárak Bukhárí, ’Imád-ul-Mulk Malik Jíú, and others, stood firm as rocks, and, though assailed by the sword and a rain of arrows and other missiles, kept their ground like a wall. At last the Moghal soldiers began to plunder, and the Sultán’s men, rallying, re-formed round these brave men, and in turn charged the enemy, and fighting bravely, the fortune of the day at once changed, and the enemy was driven back. The waters of the Mahindri were high, and many of the fugitives perished by drowning. The t Sultán pursued the defeated Moghals beyond the borders of Gujarat, and there desisting, returned to Chámpánír, and halted there ; but he sent on his sister’s son, Muhamad Sháh A'sírí to follow up the pursuit. The enemy, unable to make any stand in Málwah, went on to U'jain, and Muhamad Sháh pursued them thither, and encamped on the lake of Káliyád, which was formed by Sultán Ghiás-ud-dín of Mandu. Sultán Bahádar returned victorious to Ahmadábád. The stay of Mirzá 'Askari and the other nobles in Gujarát was nine months and some days. The Firangis, however, had taken the opportunity of building a fort for themselves at Diu. The Sultán was exceedingly vexed at this, and set himself to devise some method of expelling those vile robbers thence. During the days of his misfortune, after his defeat by the Emperor Humáiún, as related above, Sultán Bahádar came to Diu. The Firangis tendered their services, and spoke him fair, saying that all the seaports were in their hands, and that if he went to any of these ports they would be glad to assist him in any possible way. Under the circumstances in which he was then placed, the Sultán conducted himself in a friendly manner towards them. One day they came to him and stated that the merchants of their ports who came to the island of Dili were obliged to leave their goods and merchandise lying about; but if the Sultán would give them as much land in the island as a cow’s hide, they would build four walls round it, and then they would store their property in it,[l¿rtwÍiS¿í.] BAHADAE SHAH. 395 and would feel at their ease about it. The Sultán granted their request.* When Bahádar was called away from Diu to oppose his enemies, the Firangis took advantage of the opportunity. They cut a hide up into strips, and enclosed as much ground as they could measure with them. Then they built a strong stone fort, and armed it with guns and muskets, and took up their residence in it. When intelligence of their proceedings reached the Sultan he was very much annoyed, and began to think over the means of turning them out; but he sought to do it by trick and stratagem, and thus to gain his object easily. With this intention he left Ahmadábád and came to Kam-bháiat; after a short stay he went on to Diu. The Firangis knew that he had not come there without some object. He showed them much courtesy, but they suspected there was something behind it. When the Sultán had encamped at the village of Khókkatah, on the coast of Diu, he sent Nur Mu-hamad Khalil, one of his personal attendants, to the Firangis, with directions to use every means and artifice he knew to bring their Captain {Kaptán) to him. The Captain received the silly man with great attention and honour, and treated him hospitably. While the messenger was under the influence of wine the Captain asked him about the Sultán’s designs, # The text has been allowed to stand as in the majority of the MSS.; but the MS. A has also another passage which is possibly part of the original work, and which therefore is here given in a condensed form. “ The writer has written down this story as he heard it; but it seems improbable that the Sultán should have been so foolish as to believe these enemies of his state and faith. The writer is unable to accept the story. It is, indeed, manifestly improbable that the Firangis should only have asked for so much land as a cow’s hide could cover, because such an amount of land was clearly insufficient for their purpose, however high they might build their walls. Such a request, therefore, would have been clearly and openly fraudulent, and either the Sultan’s ministers, or he himself, who were well acquainted with the customs and practices of these Firangis, must have detected the fraud. It seems very probable that when he took up his position at Did his courtiers were all in a panic in respect to the Emperor Humáiún, and made friends with the Firangis, and hoped, if the Emperor did come on in pursuit, to obtain aid from them, and therefore, to gain their favour, willingly allowed them openly to build the fort.”396 GUJARÍT. LA.D. 153?. [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] and the foolish fellow said what ought not to have been said, and divulged the Sultán’s intentions, and so delivered him into the hands of the enemy. Thus the night passed. In the morning the Captain said, “ I am the Sultan’s humble servant, but I am unwell and cannot wait upon him.” Nur Muhamad, fearing the consequences of his indiscretion, returned and made an untrue and evil-minded report. The Sultán, fully trusting Nur Muhamad, believed his word, said that some fear or suspicion possessed the Captain, and therefore he (the Sultán) would go and visit him and remove his apprehension. With this object in view Bahádar called for a vessel, and took five or six officers with him, Malik Amin Ñas Fárúkí, Shujá’at Khán, Langar Khán son of Kádir Sháh of Mandu, Alp Klián son of Shékhá Khatrí, Sikandar Khán governor of Satwás, and Ganésh Ráó brother of Médiní Ráó. He ordered that none of them should take any arms. The ministers and nobles remonstrated, saying that it was not right for him to go, especially unarmed, and that no good would come of it; and that if he was determined to go he ought at least to take a thousand armed men with him. In accordance with the text which says there is an appointed time for everyone, he went on board the vessel and set forth. The Captain, having arranged his treacherous preparations, went to the shore to meet him. He raised high his hat, and conducted him to the fort, and thence to his official residence. The Firangis put down clothes of velvet and brocade and gold embroidery and kinkháb for the Sultán to step upon, and on both sides of the carpets were censers of silver and gold jewelled, so that they might burn in them aloes and other perfumes to overcome the odours of the sea, and scattered plenty of rose-water on the ground to keep down the dust and disagreeable sand. They displayed from the ships and from the forts the flags and pennants and banners which are the ensigns of the Firangis, and paid the Sultán every honour. The chief men of the[A.D. 1537.1 [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] BAHADAR SHAH. 397 Firangís came out in all civility to meet the Sultán on the seashore, and when the Sultán’s boat drew near they lifted their hats on high, as is the custom of the Firangís when they salute their friends. As he landed, in their cunning they bowed the crowns of their heads in the dust of his footsteps, and the Captain waved plates upon plates of gold, and shield upon shield of jewels, round the Sultán’s head as largesse. As the Sultán moved on, the Captain continually lifted his hat off his head and saluted, and made reverence before him. In this fashion he conducted the Sultán to his abode, and seated him on the seat of honour, using a great show of politeness to cover his designs. The Sultán also was weaving a plot, but fate was not in accord with his plans, and he did no good. When they had finished their conversation and statements, the Firangi dogs made to each other a signal which they had preconcerted, and made ready their weapons. The Sultán perceived that he could not help himself, and that fortune and prosperity had deserted him. The amirs said, “ Did we not tell you that you would bring ruin upon us?” He replied that fate had so ruled it. He rose up, and the Firangís rushed in on every side; but it is said that he had got near to the boat when a Firangi killed him with a sword-cut, and his body was thrown into the water. The amirs who accompanied him were also killed. This happened on the 3rd Ramazán, a.h. 943 (14th February, a.d. 1537). The chronogram composed by Ikhtiár Khán wazir is —Sultan-ul-bar> Shahid-ul-bahr, “ King of the Land, Martyr of the Sea.” It is said that when Sultán Bahádar was marching to Diu and arrived at Manglór, which is forty kos from Díú, Kází Mahmud, who was the chief of the Kázís of that town, told him that there was a man there who was an innovator, whom they called Shékh Bában of Surat; and besides his innovations, if anyone desired him to repeat the creed (kali-398 GUJAEÁT. [Mitótfsitanirí.] mah), he would not repeat it. The Sultán ordered him to be sent for, and when they brought him to the darbdr, sent to him and desired him to repeat the creed. He said, “ I will not repeat it.” They asked, “ Why ? ” He replied, “ I understand myself and God understands me; who else is there who has a right to ask me to do this, or that I should repeat the creed to him ? ” The Sultán told them to take him out, and if he would say the creed to let him go, if not, to put him to death; but, although he was much urged, he still refused, and at length the Sultán gave the order for his execution. When the executioner drew his sword, he said, “ Tell the Sultán that the third day after my death shall be the first of his destruction ”; and as the Almighty decreed it so it came to pass. Sultán Bahádar was twenty years old when he came to the throne, and he reigned eleven years; so he was thirty-one years old at his death.[A.D. 1537.1 [ Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] 399 CHAPTER XIII. REÍGJS OE MUHAMAD SHAH EÁRÍJKÍ. Upon the death of Sultán Bahádar, the chief ministers and nobles, such as 'Imád-ul-Mulk Malik Jíú, Dariá Khan Husén, Ikhtiár Khán, Khán Jíú, and others, wrote to Muhamad Sháh Fárúkí, King of A'sír and Burhánpúr, and son of the sister of the deceased Sultán, who was at U'jain, in the territories of Málwah, with six thousand horse, informing him of what had occurred, and inviting him to come to Ahmadábád; for the late Sultán had during his lifetime named Muhamad Sháh as his heir-apparent, had seated him on the throne, and had desired all the ministers and amirs to salute and accept him. The Sultán's object in thus placing him upon the throne was to let all the nobles and people know that the kingdom would ultimately fall to Muhamad Sháh, and that was because Sultán Bahádar had nominated him to march against the rulers of the Dakhin, and named several nobles who were to accompany him; but some of these were his equals in rank* and, indeed, thought themselves superior in dignity to him, such as Mallú Khán, ruler of Málwah, Sikandar Khán, ruler of Satwás, and Silhadí Rájpút of Ráísín. These nobles were unwilling to accompany him, and testified their disgust. Sultán Bahádar therefore placed Muhamad Sháh on the # Though an independent prince, Muhamad Sháh was also a noble and feudatory of the Court of^Ahmadábád,400 gujarAt. I A.D. 1537.1 [Mirát-i-SikancTar i. ] throne, and himself made him a salám, so that there should he no ground for anyone else to refuse to do so. At the time of Sultán Bahádar’s death, Ikhtiár Khán and Afzal Khán wazir, were at Ahmadábád ; Hmád-ul-Mulk Malik JÍÚ, son of Tawakkul, chief of the royal khásah-khails, a very conceited and important person, was at Baródah. When he heard of the event he also went to Ahmadábád. At the time this news came, Mirzá Muhamad Zamán, son of Badi-uz-Zamán and grandson of Husén Báíkarah, King of Khurásán, of whom mention has before been made, was at the town of U'nah, three kós from the port of Dili. He was very ambitious, and aspired to rule. He went to the apartments of the Sultán’s wives, and after offering many condolences, he urged that the deceased had left no son, but that he was his adopted brother, and if they would adopt him as a son and assist him, he would conduct the government of Gujarát as it ought to be conducted, for he was best fitted for such a position both by character and descent. His real object was, if they agreed, to get from them some treasure and jewels, and to expend these in raising an army. The ladies replied that he knew very well that the ladies of Persia did not interfere in politics, and that they pursued a similar course. They had no experience or skill in such matters; they concerned themselves with nothing beyond the allowances given them for food and raiment. The question which he raised would be settled by the ministers, and he should address himself to them. When the pretensions of Mirzá Muhamad Zamán became generally known, the nobles at Ahmadábád came to the resolution that the task of putting him down must take precedence of all other matters, and should be entrusted to Tmád-ul-Mulk, and that he ought to undertake the work in person. The wazir, Ikhtiár Khán, was especially urgent. He said, “ I am a man of the pen, Hmád-ul-Mulk is a man of the sword; there is not his equal now in Gujarát.” This speech displeasedMUHAMAD SHAH FARUKT. 401 Afzal Khan, and he said, “ Right Khan, you have spoken well. 'Imad-ul-Mulk is both a man of the sword and a man of the pen, and is without equal among all the royal khassah-khails; but he never acts righteously, and there is no rule of decency which he has not violated.” Hmad-ul-Mulk was greatly enraged at these words, but he started with a large army for Sorath to put down Mirza Muhamad Zaman. When he reached the neighbourhood of U'nah the Mirza came out and bravely offered battle ; but he was defeated and obliged to take refuge in exile. When the news of Sultan Bahadar’s death and of Muhamad Zaman Mirzas pretensions were conveyed to the Emperor Humaiun, he remarked: “ If that black stone ” (meaning Hmad-ul-Mulk) “ still lives, Muhamad Zaman Mirza will never attain his object.” ’Imad-ul-Mulk returned victorious and in triumph to Ahmadabad. Afzal Khan then observed to Ikhtiar Khan (they were both of them men of great wisdom and ability) that even before his victory 'Imad-ul-Mulk’s head was somewhat turned, and that now nothing was likely to content him; and that it would be better for them to act on what they had already said and written to each other, and to resign their offices and retire into private life. Ikhtiar Khan said that he himself had always been well disposed to ’Imad-ul-Mulk, and as he did not apprehend any evil from ^Imad-ul-Mulk, he did not see why the latter should mistrust him. Afzal Khan, who was a person of extraordinary sagacity and foresight, replied : “ I, too, am a supporter of his, and that is the very reason why I go into retirement! ” Ikhtiar Khan took no heed to Afzal Khan’s warning, so the latter said to himself: “ Ikhtiar Khan is an old man, and his brain is enfeebled by age; I must take heed to myself.” He accordingly went to his house, put away from him all worldly matters, and, retiring into, his house, locked all the doors, and kept the key himself, and allowed no one to come to him except one servant; and even this man did not live with him, 26402 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1537.] [Mirát-i-Sikandar í. ] but every morning brought his daily supply of food. It is said that when Sultán Mahmud (III.) plundered the house of 'A'lam Khán, he passed by Afzal Khán’s house, which was on the roadside. Afzal Khán came out and saluted the Sultán ; but up to that time no one had seen him, nor had he ever set foot out of his house. One darwésh only, who was on terms of great intimacy with him, used occasionally to visit him, and he used himself to unlock the door and admit him, and converse with him; and when he dismissed him he would again lock the door. What befell Ikhtiár Khán will be related presently, as will be also the story of the plunder of 'Alam Khán's house. When the letter from the ministers of Gujarát, announcing Bahádar Sháh’s death and summoning him to Gujarát, reached Muhamad Sháh, he never said a word to anyone in his army, but, from the affection which he bore to Sultán Bahádar, the world lost all attraction in his eyes; and the marks of sorrow and grief and anguish were manifest in his countenance. From being a cheerful man he became downcast, and all the pleasures and delights of the flesh became distasteful to him; he fasted all day, and in the evening merely tasted a few curds, and then passed the whole night in prayer. He never spoke a word to anyone, but now and then there escaped from his lips, as if with a sigh, the words, “ I consume, I consume ! ” At this time he commanded between seventy and eighty thousand horse. Some of his nobles came to congratulate him on his accession to the throne of Gujarát, but he said to them: “ If you gave me the sovereignty of the whole habitable world, without the Sultán, who was dear to me as life, it would be distasteful to me.” At last, on the seventieth day after the murder of Bahádar Sháh, Muhamad Sháh departed this life. When the news of Muhamad Sháh's decease reached the ears of the nobles and ministers of Gujarát, they agreed that there was no other heir to the throne except Mahmud Khán,[A.D. 15S7.] [ Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] MUHAMAD SHÁH FARUKT. 403 the son of Latíf Khán, the brother of Sultán Bahádar. The said Mahmud Khán and Mubárak Khán, the brother of Mu-hamad Sháh, were both in confinement at the town of Biáwal, in Khándésh. It is said that Bahádar Khán, jealous of his throne, sent all his brothers and relatives to the kingdom of Death ; save only this Mahmud Khán, who at that time was an infant at the breast, not one was left alive. One day the Sultán sent for him, with the intention of sending him also to visit his relations in the house of death; but when he looked upon the Khán a feeling of compassion came over him.* He lifted up the child with both hands, and the latter, as little children are wont to do, tossed out his hands and feet, and drew them in again. Accidentally the child's hand came in contact with the Sultán’s beard, on which he said : “ You have claimed the protection of my beard! Then I grant you your life.’' And he returned him to his keepers, and desired them to educate him. One day he sent for him, and his keepers took him away from school and brought him, dressed just as he was, to the Sultán. When the Sultan cast his eyes on him, he perceived that his clothes were covered with black spots. On this he rebuked the keepers, saying: “Ye ignorant fools! do you thus treat princes, and bring them into public assemblies with their clothes disfigured by stains ! If ever they come to power and rule, they will take revenge on you for this.” It so happened that Muhamad Sháh was present at that assembly, and when Sultán Bahádar perceived him, he said: “ Since the government of this kingdom will ultimately come to you, I confide Mahmud Khán to you; do you dispose of him as you deem advisable.” Muhamad Sháh gave both Mubárak Khán, his own brother, and Mahmud Khán in charge to Malik Shams-ud-din, and desired him to keep them both under surveillance in his house at Biáwal. When Muhamad Sháh died his son was an infant, and # Lit. “ a vein of mercy ran through his body.’’ 26 *404 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1537.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] not fit to rule; nevertheless, the ministers decided that he should succeed his father, and they placed him on the throne. His ministers considered that, as Mubárak Khán was young and able, and that if he revolted he might very likely obtain the kingdom, it would be wise to put him to death. They therefore sent from the seat of government at Burhánpur a guard, to bring Mubarak Khán from prison, and to put him to the sword. As has been said, when the courtiers and nobles of Gujarát were made aware of Sultán Muhamad’s decease, they unanimously determined to raise Mahmud Khán to the throne. Accordingly they wrote to Shams-ud-din, saying that after the death of Sultán Bahádar the eyes of all Gujarát were turned to Muhamad Sháh; but since it was God's will that he also should die, there was now no heir to succeed to the throne of Gujarát except Mahmud Khán, and it was essential that he should be sent to ascend the throne of his ancestors. Mukbil Khán, the brother oí Ikhtiár Khán, was deputed to bring the prince, and Malik Shams-ud-din delivered Mahmud Khán into his charge. The Malik also sent Mubárak Khán to Burhánpur. It is said that the nobles of Muhamad Sháh placed Mubárak Khán in the charge of a noble named 'Arab Khán, with orders to secure him for the night, since on the morrow, as had been agreed, he would be put to death. 'Arab Khán took him home, and told him to do whatever his heart desired that night, for he must know well what would become of him in the morning. Mubárak Khán's eyes filled with tears, and he said: " I wish that you would take the bonds off my hands and feet, and befriend me, and let them see what I can do. If I am killed, my desires will be at an end; but if, by the will of fate, I survive, I will reward you in a way that has never yet been heard of.” The Almighty turned the heart of ’Arab Khán in favour of Mubárak Khán, and he released his feet from the bonds and took his part. Mubárak Khán and ’Arab Khán, with several friends and adherents, went early in thefA.D. 1537. J [Mirat-i-Sikandari.] MUHAMAD SHAH FAEUKJ. 405 morning, with drawn swords, to the royal darbar. The guards had gone to their homes, and there was nobody there but a few domestic servants. Of them a few were killed, and some ran off in a panic. Mubarak Khan seized his nephew and put him in confinement. He then seated himself on the throne and sent a message to the nobles, saying : “ The regency during my nephews minority belongs of right to me; every noble who submits, and is obedient, shall have his appointments continued to him.” The nobles perceived that the matter had passed out of their hands, and that they had no choice but to yield. Things went on quietly during the day. At night he had his nephew killed, and in the morning seated himself upon the throne. Every noble who came saluted him, and stood with hands clasped in his presence. Coins were struck in his name; his title was changed to Mubarak Shah.406 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1537.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] CHAPTER XIV. REIGN OF SULTAN MAHMUD III. Sulta'n Mahmtj'd ascended the throne in the year h. 943* (a.d. 1537), when he was eleven years of age. His mother was a daughter of Bahrám Khán, a prince of Sind, of the Helper tribe of Tamim.f He was born in Sórath in the year h. 932 (a.d. 1526), in the reign of Sultán Muzaffar.J The khutbah was said and coins were struck in the name of Mahmud. Tmád-ul-Mulk Malik Jiu was appointed to the office of wazir, and* Dariá Khan, whose name was Husén, * 10th Zí-1-hijjah, 944 a.h. (May 10th, 1538 a.d.).—“ Tabakát-i-Akbarí ” and Firishtah. f “ Of the Ansárí tribe of Tamim.” The Bani Tamim was one of the first of the desert Arab tribes which ranged itself on the side of Muhamad, and may, therefore, have claimed the title of Ansárí, or “ Helper,” though in strictness that title belongs only to the inhabitants of Medinah. It is very improbable, however, that any person of that tribe founded a royal race in Sind. A man of the name of Tamim was one of the earliest governors of that province; but it was ruled for 250 years, or more, by governors sent from the Khalifs. Even when Mansúrah and Multan became independent, and were ruled by princes said to be of Arab descent, these do not seem to have claimed descent from the Tamim tribe. See “ Mahomedan Historians,” vol. i. p. 454,456. It is true that Ma,mún, and after him Firishtah, seem to credit this claim. There was, however, a tribe of Tamim in Sind. They were Hindus and connections of the Hindú tribe of Súmrahs, who for a long time gave rulers to Sind (c/. “ Mahomedan Historians,” vol. i. p. 256). It is possible that they may in later times have claimed Arab descent. There are many Bilúchís in the Lower Punjab who claim to be “ Koreish,” but their claim may well be doubted. J Certain remarks follow here regarding the Sultán’s horoscope; they are taken apparently from Hindú astrology, and are too imperfect to be produced, even it if were worth doing so. But they infer that the Sultán^was born just before the death of Sultán Muzaffar his grandfather, and this fact tallies with the statement in the text.[A.D. 1537.1 [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] SULTAN MAHMUD III. 40? received the title Majlis Girání. These two transacted the business of the wazdrat in concert. Ikhtiár Khán, wazir of Sultán Bahádar, received personal charge of the Sultán. His brother, Mukbil Khán, and Lád Khán, son of Mukbil, were appointed to watch over the Sultán, and kept him as if shut up in a cupboard. No one was allowed to approach the Sultán but the nobles above named. Some domestics in their confidence waited upon him and furnished him with food, drink, and raiment. He ate the food they supplied and wore the clothes they provided. Not a menial was about him who was not a dependant of the wazirs. The Sultán was much dissatisfied with this treatment, but he was so sagacious and prudent that he said not a syllable to anyone, but gave himself up to amusements, and occupied himself with hunting, and never meddled with, or made any inquiry concerning, the affairs of government or about the army. He used continually to say in a languid way : “ When a king has two such wazirs as Dariá Khán and 'Imád-ul-Mulk, what need is there for his troubling his head with business ? His royalty should give him ease and comfort, and I enjoy these in perfection. What concern have I with affairs of state and military matters, when I have wise wazirs and nobles who will administer them for the good of the country ? ” Sometimes, to mislead his ministers, he would say: “ What kind of place is Makkah, and where is it ? I should like to make a pilgrimage to Makkah and Medinah.” This style of talk gratified the ministers, who governed the country just as they pleased. One day Lád Khán, son of Mukbil Khán, said to the Sultán, “ If you will give the word, I will manage so that Dariá Khán and Hmád-ul-Mulk shall both retire behind the veil of death?’ The Sultán reflected that such a scheme could not be kept secret, for all his attendants were the creatures of the ministers, and that if the ministers feared any danger from him they would soon make away with him. The Sultán,408 GUJARAT. [A .r>. 153?.] [Mirat-i-Sikandari. ] therefore, at once rode to the house of Tmad-ul-Mulk and told him of the proposition of Mukbil Khan’s son. Tmad-ul-Mulk then sent for Daria Khan, and repeated the Sultan’s story. They went together to the palace, and having brought in Ikhtiar Khan, Mukbil Khan, and his son, they had them hanged in front of the audience-chamber. This occurred in the year h. 944 (a.d. 1537), which date is found in the words, Binahakk kushtah ("unjustly slain ”). It is said that when the rope was put round the neck of Ikhtiar Khan he raised his hands and cried, “O God, thou knowest I am innocent; what these know of me, I do not know myself; they are killing me unjustly.’’ He began to repeat the creed, and had already said, " La Allah ilia ullah ” when the executioner pulled the rope.* When the bodies were cold they were cut down, and when the rope which was round the throat of Ikhtiar Khan was loosed, he opened his eyes, came to himself, and the words “ wa Muhamad rasul illah ” came from his tongue, and he then gave up the ghost. There is nothing surprising in this, for Ikhtiar Khan was a good and righteous man, and he was innocent. When Tmad-ul-Mulk became aware of this fact, he said to Daria Khan : " This man has given proof of his innocence and of our having killed him unjustly; this deed will bring an evil day upon us.” And so it proved, for eventually the Sultan had Tmad-ul-Mulk put to death with torture. Daria Khan fled his country, leaving his wives and children, and went to Dehli, where he died in bitter repentance. Their very names and all traces of them have passed away. Some little time after Daria Khan conceived that ’Imad-ul-Mulk assumed to himself too much of the ministerial power, and did as he pleased, without regard to anyone else.f He # The expressions used may signify that they were either hanged or strangled; the latter is, perhaps, more probable. f The MS. A. here differs from all the other MSS. It makes it appear that Daria Khan had no provocation from ’Imad-ul-Mulk, but simply wished to get all power into his own hands.[Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] SULTÁN MAHMUD III. 409 imparted these thoughts to Fattu Jiu, entitled Muháfiz Khán, who was his close friend and confidant. They one day took the Sultan out from Ahmadábád on the plea of hunting, and went on hunting as far as the river Mahindri, thirty kós from Ahmadábád. He encamped there, and summoned the nobles with their contingents from all quarters to join him, and many came, but not ^lmád-ul-Mulk or his friends.* Then he sent a message to Hmád-ul-Mulk, in the name of the Sultán, directing him to retire to his^a^ír. Hmád-ul-Mulk saw the turn things had taken, and endeavoured to collect an army for the purpose of removing the Sultán out of Dariá Khán’s hands by force. He took a great deal of money out of the Government treasury and gave it to the soldiery, but not one of the influential nobles or chiefs joined him. At length he retired to his jágír at Jhálá-wár, and the Sultán returned to Ahmadábád. Five or six months later Dariá Khán took the Sultán with him and led an army against Tmád-ul-Mulk, who made a stand at the village of Pátaríf in parganah Bíramgáon, but he was defeated. Sadar Khán Zubérí, the commander of his army, was killed, Sharzah-ul-Mulk was taken prisoner, J and *Imád-ul-Mulk himself fled to Burhánpúrto Mubárak Sháh, king of that country. Dariá Khán led the Sultán in pursuit to the borders of Bur-hánpúr, and sent a message to Mubárak Sháh, desiring him to seize and deliver up Hmád-ul-Mulk as a rebel, with an intimation that it would be the worse for him if he did not comply. Mubárak Sháh replied that if the fugitive who had sought his protection were an infidel he could not surrender him, much less a friend like lmád-ul-Mulk. This reply roused the anger of Dariá Khán and he set his army in motion. A battle was fought near the town of Dángrí # This is the reading of all the MSS. except MS. A., which makes it appear that ’lmád-ul-Mulk’s followers were thus drawn away from him. f This name is given as “ Mátarí,” “ Bajánah,” “ Májharí.” J This passage differs in almost all the MSS. Some have it that Sadar Khan was taken alive and tortured to death. Probably Sadar Khán was killed and Sharzah-ul-Mulk was put to a cruel death.410 GUJAKAT. LMirát-i-Sikandar í. ] in Burhánpúr, in which Mubárak Sháh was utterly defeated, and he retired into the fort of A'sir. All his elephants fell into the hands of the Sultán, and they were very fine and famous animals. The army of Gujarát marched on to Burhánpúr, and Tmád-ul-Mulk fled to Mandu, to Kádir Sháh, ruler of Málwah. The Sultán remained some days at Burhánpúr, and peace was then made, on the condition that the khutbah should run and the coins of that country should be struck in the name of Sultán Mahmud. The Sultán then returned to Ahmadábád. After this the whole government of the country of Gujarát was in the hands of Dariá Khán. Sultán Mahmud had the name of king, but Dariá Khán had all the power. In those days he so ruled that all the people of the country, small and great, were satisfied and grateful, and were loud in thanks and praises, saying the days of Sultán Mahmud Bi-garha, the best of the kings of Gujarát, had come back again; for everyone lived in peace and happiness, and enjoyed himself as his means allowed. The date of his rule is given by the words JW (khúsh-hál), “the happy time.” He granted numerous charitable pensions, hardly any darwésh in Gujarát was without one. To soldiers who were married he gave in’ams in addition to their jágírs and allowances. It is said that he always had a number of farmáns ready drawn up with the Sultán's seal attached, and the places for the name of the grantee and the quantity of land left blank, so that a deserving person might not have to endure delay or the insolence of officials. Whenever he heard that there was a recluse engaged in devotion and suffering poverty in retirement, he would fill up a grant according to the devotee’s deserts, and send it to him. It is said that he had thus filled up a /arman with the name of a certain darwésh, bestowing on him a certain amount of land and money allowances, and sent it to him by one of his own servants. The servant by mistake gave it to another darwésh of the same name. As the farmán did not[Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] SULTAN MAHMÍJD III. 411 reach the person to whom it was sent, inquiry was made; the servant explained to whom it was given, and offered to go and get it back. Dariá Khán said: “ I sent it to one man, God has given it to another; it would not please him if I should take it away and change the joy it has caused into grief. I will maintain what God has given.” So he ordered another farmán to be prepared and sent to the first darwésh, with a larger amount of land, and a higher money allowance. But Dariá Khán was a man of pleasure, and he left the management of the palace to *A'lam Khán Lodi, whilst he listened to singing and enjoyed himself with dancing girls. It is said that in his time music and singing were heard in every house, and in all the streets and bázárs.* For five years Dariá Khán enjoyed all the pleasures of life; but when it was otherwise fated by Heaven, the times changed, misfortune befell him, and the supports of his power gave way. Although the Sultán was acquainted with the extravagance and voluptuous life of Dariá Khán, he was apparently heedless of it, and made no remark about it either in public or in private. Dariá Khán was watchful and inquisitive to discover what passed in the mind of the Sultán, but he learnt not a word which could show him the Sultán's real feelings. He constantly impressed upon his spies and observers the duty of watchfulness, and to report what passed in the Sultán’s society. *A'lam Khán Lódí,f Alaf Khán, Wajíh-ul-Mulk Tánk, and Alp Khán Khatri, who were all intimate friends the one of the other, and were also on good terms with Dariá Khán, asked permission to go to their jágírs. Dariá Khán assented, but said he would give them a grand entertainment and an # A paragraph in laudation of certain musicians and singers, especially of one beautiful Mahan Raí, is here omitted $ also an anecdote related on the authority of Said Muhamad Bukhárí, to the general effect that one of the widows of Sultán Muzaffar II., being invited to an entertainment at Dariá Khan’s house, was, though quite accustomed to perfumes, &c., made quite faint by their excess on this occasion. f This is ’A'lam Khán Lodi III. See note p. 276, 277.412 GUJAKAT. [Mirat-i-Sikandari.] exhibition of his dancing-girls before he let them go, and he promised to have it ready on the morrow. They were all much pleased, and went to their homes. Daria Khan had a connection, by name Latif-ul-Mulk, a youth of great beauty, both of face and person, whom he would not invite to his parties.* This vexed and irritated the youth, and on this occasion he was so exasperated that he went to the house of ’Alam Khan as soon as it was dark, and, professing to be very sad, said: “ I sincerely pity you, and have therefore come to warn you that Daria Khan intends, when you have well drunk of wine at the festival, to kill all four of you.” The nobles were amazed and alarmed, and asked each other what was to be done, and how they could escape. They knew Daria Khan so well that they could not believe he would act thus towards them without cause, neither could they look upon the statement of Latif-ul-Mulk as altogether a sheer falsehood. They passed that night and the following day in great uneasiness. When the evening came and the entertainment was ready, Daria Khan sent for his four guests, and they obeyed the call, prepared for death and resigned to the decrees of fate. Daria Khan had no suspicion of what had passed, and, as his object was to give his friends pleasure, he devoted himself to the direction of the party, and strove to entertain his guests. But, however much he strove, he could not dispel the melancholy of his friends or drive away the gloom of dejection from their faces. When the time arrived for the cup to pass round, at every cup these nobles took they made signs to each other as if to signify, “ This cup we are drinking is the cup of death ! ” Daria Khan exerted himself to entertain his friends, and every minute said something cheerful, but every minute the four nobles became more depressed. Seeing that they did not enjoy themselves, and that their faces were clouded with * Apparently this means out of jealousy of his good looks.[Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] SULTAN MAHMUD III. 413 gloom and anxiety, he said to them, “ Is all well ? do not you enjoy this kind of entertainment? what is it? what is the matter?*' They hung down their heads and said nothing. At length, when Dariá Khán pressed them, ’A'lam Khán said, “ We are in fear of our lives.*' He asked what they meant, and ’A'lam Khán told him that Latif-ul-Mulk had informed them that they were to be put to death that very night, and said : “ How can we enjoy ourselves, and how can we look happy ? ” Dariá Khán was very indignant. He broke up the party, called for the holy Kurán, and swore that such a thought as Latif-ul-Mulk had attributed to him had never entered into his imagination. Having consoled and cheered them he sent them home. In the morning they all went to their jágírs. Dariá Khán called for Latif-ul-Mulk and said, “ You scoundrel ! why have you been spreading false reports about me among my friends ? ’* He ordered that his head and face should be shaved, that he should be mounted on an ass and paraded through the streets of the city, and then be put in prison. The family of Latif-ul-Mulk besought the great men of the city to intercede for him, and they obtained his release from Dariá Khán. That confirmed, liar kept himself close at home for a while, till his beard and whiskers had grown again, and when he came abroad he went to ’A'lam Khán and said, “ Was it right of you, when I had, in pure compassion, told you a secret, to publish it, and bring me to such public disgrace ? ’' 'A'lam Khán was ashamed, and told him to wait patiently, for he would have revenge of Dariá Khán, or he was not a man, or worthy of the name of a man. When 'Imád-ul-Mulk retired from Burhánpúr, he went to Mallií Khán, ruler of Málwah. This Khán was one of the hereditary nobles of the kings of Mandu, but he had given in his adherence to the late Sultán Bahádar who patronised him. Sultán Bahádar kept his son Langar Khán near his own person, and when he sent Muhamad Sháh in pursuit of the414 GUJARÁT. [ Mirát-i - Sikandarí. 1 Moghal army Langar Khán went with him. He also accompanied Bahádar Sháh to Díú and was murdered with him. When Muhamad Sháh died, Mallu Khán stayed in Málwah, and, by degrees acquiring power, he got the greater part of the territories of Mandu into his possession. 'Imád-ul-Mulk and he had a great respect for each other, and in the early days of the reign of Sultán Mahmud, 'Imád-ul-Mulk, when he was wazir, obtained for Mallu Khán a royal umbrella, the right of striking coins, and the title of Kádir Sháh. Accordingly, the khutbah was said and coins were struck in his name, and he assumed the style of Kádir Sháh. His relations to ’Imád-ul-Mulk grew closer and closer; and when the latter fell into adversity, as has been related above, he sought refuge with him. Dariá Khán was aggrieved at this, and wrote to Kádir Sháh, in the name of Sultán Mahmud, saying that Kádir Sháh had always been a friend of the sovereigns of Gujarát : 'Imád-ul-Mulk, after for many years enjoying the favour of his King, had recently revolted, and had fled to Mubárak Sháh. No doubt Kádir Sháh was aware what misfortunes 'Imád-ul-Mulk had thus brought on Mubárak Sháh. It was now understood that he had fled to Málwah. Kádir Sháh was, therefore, requested either to seize 'Imád-ul-Mulk and deliver him up as a prisoner, or to expel him from his dominions, a course which would give fresh vigour to already existing friendship. It was for Kádir Sháh to decide. Kádir Sháh replied that 'Imád-ul-Mulk was no longer a warrior, but had become a darwésh; a village had been given him for subsistence. As he was an old friend, and had sought shelter, it would be disgraceful to let him go away among strangers; but nothing need be apprehended from him, for he had abandoned the world and become a recluse. Dariá Khán's object was that ’Imád-ul-Mulk should not receive any help, and become powerful and a source of danger and anxiety to him. When, therefore, he received Kádir Sháh's letter he was greatly enraged. He ordered that the signal for the march should be sounded, and that the Sultán's[Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] SULTAN MAHMÚD III. 415 advanced camp should be moved out of the city to the palace Grhatmandol, near the Kánkariah tank. He sent a summons through all the kingdom, calling upon all the nobles and soldiers to assemble and form an army for making war upon Kádir Sháh. The nobles came streaming in with supplies from all parts. A few days afterwards Dariá Khan took the Sultán out to his advanced camp, but he himself still resided in the city. He used to go out to the Sultán after the first watch of the day, remain three or four hours or so in the darbár, and then went^back into the city and abandoned himself to his pleasures. All the soldiers went back with him. Only a few chokidars were left to keep watch by the Sultán, and when their watch was over, they also went into the city, and others took their places. So long as the Sultán was a boy, he amused himself as he could, but he was now verging upon manhood. A host of desires seized upon him, and he sought to regain possession of his kingdom and power; but as the attainment of his designs was not yet possible he kept them concealed. One day Dariá Khán took the Sultán and Mírán Said Mubárak Bukhárí to an entertainment at his house, to exhibit his dancing-girls. When the Sultán entered the assembly, and beheld the beauty of these fairy-like women, he was astonished at their loveliness. Some of them were indeed beautiful beyond compare; and though they wore splendid jewels, their beauty outshone all these, as the sun outshines the moon. They danced all night before the Sultán, and in the early morning Dariá Khán took one of the dancing-girls round the waist and retired with her to his room and went to sleep, leaving the Sultán and Mírán Mubárak sitting there alone. The Sultán could no longer restrain his impatience. He said softly, “ Mírán Jiu, do you see how this insolent slave has left me? After drinking his wine he has retired to his pleasure.” Mírán told him that it was very wrong, but if he had patience all that he had seen would soon be in his own power. Meanwhile he should wait416 GUJARAT. [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] his opportunity. Eventually it came to pass, as will be related presently, that everything which Dariá Khán possessed fell into the Sultán's hands. When ’A'lam Khan became aware that the Sultán was living outside the city with a small body of watchmen and keepers, and that Dariá Khán was in the city with the army, and that the Sultán was angry and discontented with his condition, he privately wrote to the Sultán from Dhandukah, which town he held in jdgir, thirty kos from Ahmadábád, saying that he was an old and true-born servant of the State, and could not bear to see Dariá Khán enjoying power and rule and ease and pomp, while his true sovereign remained in comparative want and trouble. It was for this reason, he said, that he himself had withdrawn to hisjagir, and was existing quietly; but that if the Sultán aimed at power, and would come to his jágír, he would assist him to the utmost, and do away with that per-verter. The Sultán despatched the bird-catcher, Jarji, who afterwards, by the Sultán’s favour, became Muháfiz Khán, to Dhandukah, under pretence of fetching hawks* from Junah-garh, for the hawks of that neighbourhood are renowned, but really to come to a full understanding and agreement with 'A'lam Khán. Jarji had an interview with the Khán, who confirmed his loyalty by oath, and satisfied Jarji upon all points; and it was arranged that two hundred horsemen should go by night to Ghatmandól, and that the Sultán should join them and go towards Dhandúkah. Accordingly, on the appointed night that force came and brought a horsed cartf close under the walls of the fort, and the Sultán at midnight descended the walls of the palace by a ladder, and, taking his seat in the horsed cart, hurried off. In the morning he reached the town of Jámbú in Jháláwar, where Wajih-ul-Mulk, the jágírdár, came out to meet him. Without resting a moment # “ Hawks,” shikáríhá. f Ohór bahal[Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] SULTÁN MAHMUD III. 417 he went on to Dhandúkah, where ’A'lam Khán welcomed him and promised that the enterprise would be successful. Dariá Khán went to the Sultán’s apartments at the first watch of the day, and then learnt that he had gone away to 'A'lam Khán. He was greatly troubled, and asked Fattú Jíú Muháfiz Khán, who was a man of much experience and his most steadfast friend, what was best to be done ; and he answered, “ I have repeatedly advised you to blind the Sultán and keep him in confinement, then to set up some other child in his place, who would be entirely under your control, but you would not listen to me. Now do not give the Sultán opportunity to gather strength ; raise someone else at once to the throne, and collect your troops from every quarter, that I may go and bring Sultán Mahmud back alive/” Dariá Khán procured one of the descendants of Sultán Ahmad, the founder of Ahmadábád, and raised him to the throne with the title of Sultán Muzaffar, and, having collected an army of fifty or sixty thousand picked and veteran horse, marched to Dhandukah. There 'A'lam Khán had got together a force of ten or twelve thousand horse to support the Sultán, and a battle was fought at the village of Dahur, in the par-ganah of Dhólkah, about seven kós from Dhandukah. It is said that, notwithstanding Dariá Khán's promises and encouragements, many of his men deserted to the Sultán. On the Sultán’s left wing 'A'lam Khán commanded; opposite to him, on the enemy’s side, Fattú Jíú Muháfiz Khán was posted. He was a very gallant man, and used to say, e( There is one thing I cannot understand, why one man should run away from another." On the right flank were Mujáhid Khán Bhalim and his brother, Mujáhid-ul-Mulk. Against them, on the enemy's side, were stationed Shamshir-ul-Mulk, the brother of Fattú Jíú; while Wajíh-ul-Mulk Táj,'Alaf Khán Dalání, Affghán, and Alp Khán Khatrí, were in the centre, attending on the Sultán. Over against the Sultán, on the enemy's side, were Dariá Khan and the king whom he had 27418 GUJARAT. [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. manufactured and called Sultán Muzaffar, and several chiefs, such as Alá-ud-dín ’A'lam Khán Lodi, brother of Sikandar Sháh, King of Dehli, who in the days of Sultán Bahádar Sháh had come and taken service with that King. The van, on both sides, was composed of valiant and tried soldiers, and advanced bravely to the battle-field. It is said that before the two vanguards had closed in battle, ’A'lam Khán, in anticipation, dashed upon the enemy’s van, ánd Fattú Jíú advanced to meet him, Dariá Khán standing firm the meanwhile. After a sharply-contested action Fattú Jíú’s division was defeated, and he himself, in spite of all his boasting, fled for refuge to Dariá Khán’s centre. He and Dariá Khán then together charged the centre division of Sultán Mahmud’s army with such vigour that the Sultán could not repel it, and his troops were thrown into confusion and fled. His followers drew the Sultán on one side, and by their aid he escaped to Ránpúr, ten kós west of Dhandukah, and from thence to the village of Kót, in the par-ganah of Kóth Páliá, five kós from Ránpúr, in the parganah of Saróh and sarkár of Sórath.* ’A'lam Khán fled to the village of Sádrah, on the banks of the Sámbhar, seventeen kós north of Ahmadábád.f Dariá Khán returned victorious to the town of Dhólkah. But the star of Sultán Mahmúd was in the ascendant, and, notwithstanding his defeat, troop after troop, band after band, even of the victorious side, joined either the Sultán or ’A'lam Khán, so that, in the course of three or four days, ten or twelve thou- * There appears to be some confusion of names here. f “ In the first charge ’A'lam Khan defeated the advanced force of Dariá Khán, and dashed boldly into the midst of the main force. He fought bravely, and when he came out of the conflict there were only five horsemen left with him. Not finding Sultán Mahmúd with his army where he had left him, it occurred to him that the defeated horsemen of Dariá Khán’s advanced force had fled to Ahmadábád, and had spread the news of his defeat. He therefore went off thither with his five followers with all speed, and, entering the royal palace, proclaimed a victory. The people saw him, as they had seen the defeated horsemen before j they believed in the defeat of Dariá Khán, and joined ’A'lam Khán. He ordered the house of Dariá to be plundered, and the gates of the city to be closed; then he sent a messenger to bring in the Sultán.”—“Tab, Akbari” and Firishtah,[A.D. 1543.J [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] SULTÁN MAHMUD III. 419 sand horse were gathered round ’A'lam Khán. He then wrote to the Sultán begging him to join him, and saying that, with God’s blessing, they would this time take the rebel alive. Dariá Khán saw that his forces were day after day deserting him and joining the Sultán, and found he could not retain his position at Dhólkah, so he retired to Ahmadábád, hoping that when he had the treasury in his power he might by its means win back the troops to his side. When he reached the gates of the city the inhabitants closed them in his face, and discharged volleys of arrows and musketry against him, and sent him a message saying that “ No traitor like thee, who has fought against his master, will we allow to enter the city.” On this he retired from the gate, but burst open the postern gate of Bairampur, and so got inside. But though he tried to win over the people, and made them presents of cash and promises, they nevertheless shrank from him, and at night went off stealthily to the Sultán. When the Sultán and 'A'lam Khán found themselves in command of a sufficient force they marched upon Ahmadábád. Dariá Khán was alarmed at this movement, and was afraid lest the people should seize him and give him up to the Sultán. He sent his women and treasures, in charge of Fattu Jiu, to the fort of Chámpánír, with directions to hold the place, saying that he himself would go to Mubárak Sháh and bring him and his men to assist. He himself proceeded, accordingly, to Bur-hánpúr. This happened in the year h. 950 (a.d. 1543). The Sultán entered Ahmadábád, and stayed there a few days; he then marched to Chámpánír, and invested it. fattu Jiu did all he could to defend it, but the Sultán soon took it by storm. Sultán Mahmud showed inconceivable courage on the day of the assault. Six or seven men were shot down close around, but he would not move off one step right or left, nor would he allow his umbrella to be put aside, although it served as a mark to the enemy. Afzal Khán, wazir, indeed, ordered the umbrella-bearer to take it away, but the Sultán insisted on 27 *420 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1543.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] its remaining, and, advancing in front of his men, they stormed the fort on all sides, and Fattu Jiu withdrew into the citadel called Muliah. That also was at length taken, and Fattu Jiu brought bound before the Sultan, who ordered him to be confined in the fort of Surat. The treasure of Daria Khan, and all his women, four or five hundred in number, some of whom were of surpassing beauty, fell into the Sultan’s hands. After this the Sultan said to Miran Said Mubarak, “ Miran Jiu, what you said seemed to be quite impossible, but it has come to pass.9' Miran Jiu replied by a well-known proverb*:— Though the seed lie dormant long, Like the lion’s claw, ’tis strong. Mahmud remained at Chámpánír three months, resting and giving himself up to the pleasures of youth. Malik Burhán-ul-Mulk Baniání was appointed wazir, He was an upright man and prudent in business. 'A'lam Khán was appointed amír-ul-umrá and commander-in-chief. He one day begged the Sultán to recall Tmád-ul-Mulk, an old. and faithful servant of the State, whom Dariá Khán, in his malignity, had driven into exile. “ Accordingly the Sultán wrote a farman recalling him. The Sultán unhappily now showed a taste for low companions, and began, in forgetfulness of his duty, to favour the wicked. Accordingly he promoted the bird-catcher Jarji to the title of Muháfiz Khán, and made him one of his courtiers. He was a man of little understanding or prudence, and used to get drunk and speak improperly to the wazirs and nobles, and used to boast that he was the most intimate friend and counsellor of the Sultán. This greatly annoyed them. At this conjuncture Tmád-ul-Mulk came from Mandu, and was received with great kindness and distinction. The sarkár of Bharuj and the port of Surat were given to him in jágír, * The force of the proverb can hardly be realised by those who have not seen the force with which tropical vegetation bursts through all restraints,[A.D. í543-44.1 [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.j SULTÁN MAHMÚD III. 421 and he was sent there to fit himself out and settle his arrangements. One day, at a drinking bout, Jarji said to the Sultán, “ Your tent wants new ropes, the old rotten ones are of no use ;* it were better to put them out of the way, so that they may be replaced by new ones. There is Sultán ’Alá-ud-dín Lodi, who was with Dariá Khán at the battle near Dahur, and there is Shujá'at Khán, who is another of them. These two men ought to be put to death as a warning for others.” The Sultán, without thought or consideration, listened to the suggestions of that ignorant ruffian and utter fool, and, without so much as consulting any of his nobles or ministers, gave orders that these two nobles should be executed. He then, by the advice of Jarji, withdrew into his private apartments, and would not see any one of his ministers or nobles. Thus he continued for three days. 'A'lam Khán then said to Hmád-ul*Mulk, who had not yet set out for his jágír, “ Sultán ’Alá-ud-dín was brother of Sultán Sikandar Lodi, and this is the third day that he has been lying on the road beneath the gibbet. You go to the Sultán and beg permission for us to bury him/’ 'Imád-ul-Mulk observed that he had been dismissed to his jágír, but ’A'lam Khán said, “It is not right; you must go and get leave to bury these men/’ He accordingly went to the palace. Jarji came out from the Sultán's presence and said, “You have been dismissed toyourya^ir; why have you come back ? ” He then urged his request. The ruffian smiled maliciously, and said : “ These two traitors have been killed, and there are some more who will soon meet the same fate; but what business is it of yours? You go off to your jágír” This speech made Tmád-ul-Mulk's anger blaze forth, and he said, “ I am not a sparrow, that you should kill me.’^f He then went his way to 'Alam Khán, related what had passed, and added, “ If you want to live a little longer you must put that wretch Jarji out # This passage is somewhat differently given in MS. A. t In allusion to Jarji’s original occupation.422 GUJARAT. r a t) 1K44, i [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.J of the way, and shut the Sultán up in the city.” He then went to his house and set off to his jágír. ’A'lam Khan, Wajih-ul-Mulk, Alp Khan Khatri, and all the army, with the exception of Burhán-ul-Mulk the wazir, came to a resolution that they would not wait upon the Sultan till they had killed Jarjí. So ’A'lam Khán and all the amirs, having armed, mounted their horses, went to the gibbet, carried away the bodies of the murdered men, and buried them in a befitting place. They then went to the great masjid near the gate of the palace, and took their post there. The palace was blockaded, and remained so for three days. Then there was a scarcity of water in the palace, and the Sultán, being reduced to a strait, sent Burhán-ul-Mulk out to the insurgents to ascertain their demands, and what was the cause of the disturbance. They replied that they were the servants of the Sultán, they had no complaint to make against him, but that Jarjí must be sent out to them, for he was a scoundrel unworthy to be in the Sultán's presence, and was always inciting to evil and seeking the destruction of the loyal and faithful. There was a great discussion on this point, but the Sultán would not consent to give up Jarji. At length Burhán-ul-Mulk said, “ Do not press this matter further; except this, the Sultán will do whatsoever you desire.” They agreed, and said, “ We are no rebels, we are the subjects of the Sultán; take us to him, that we may make our obeisance and go away.” The Sultán came out and held a public darbár, to which the nobles were summoned. One of them, who had been on terms of intimacy with Jarjí, sent him a message warning him not to attend the darbár, for if he did they would kill him. The villain, relying on his sovereign’s favour, paid no heed to this friendly warning, and when the nobles had come in and were standing respectfully before the throne, that fated man came in insolently and half drunk, and, laying hold of one of the pillars of the throne, took his stand behind the Sultán. At the sight of him ’A'lam Khán’s wrath was more than ever inflamed,[A.D* 1544. J [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] SULTAN MAHMUD III. 423 and he made a sign to his men to kill the scoundrel. Three of 'A'lam Khán's attendants, Said Chánd of Mandu, Salih Mu-hamad Alhadiah, and Malik Khitáb, the son of Láwan, drew their swords and attacked Jarji. He tried to escape them, and crept under the royal throne. They dragged him out by his whiskers, and cut him to pieces; neither his cries nor the expostulations of the King were of any avail. The Sultán, in the excess of his rage, drew his dagger and stabbed himself in the abdomen, but Alp Khán stopped his hand, so that the dagger entered only a little way. There was a great tumult, and the body of Jarji was dragged out and buried. The wound of the Sultán was dressed, and he was placed under a guard, and all authority was taken out of his hands. From henceforth, as in former days, he was kept under watch, and nothing was left in his power. It is said that on the day when the Sultán bestowed the title of Muháfiz Khán on Jarji, Afzal Khán said, in pretended ignorance, “Does anyone know to what tribe Muháfiz Khán belongs ? ** Malik Amin Kamál,* who was very ready and a sayer of witty things, replied, “ Yes, I know. He is of the Parmár caste, and holds Nariád as his grásParmár is a Rájpút tribe, and Nariád a town in Gujarát. The play is on the words c< Parmár and “ Nariád; ” that on Parmár is self-apparent; Nariád means also a long pole used for catching birds. 'A'lam Khán, Wajíh-ul-Mulk, Mujáhid Khán, and Mujáhid-ul-Mulk, who were the chief men both of the country and of the army, agreed among themselves that ’A'lam Khán himself should take charge of the Sultán for one day*; Shujá’-ul-Mulk, brother of ’A'lam Khán, and Wajih-ul-Mulk another day; Mujáhid Khán and Mujáhid-ul-Mulk Bhalim, with 'Azim Humáiún, who was 'A'lam Khán’s foster-brother, the third day. They provided for the Sultán's safe keeping after this * In some MS. “ Kamandár,” the box-hearer of the Sultán, f Par-mar, in Hindi, “bird-killer.”424 GUJARÁT. [sí&wilk££í.] fashion, and after they returned to Ahmadábád the same system of rotation was kept up. When the Sultán wanted to play changan he played on a ground within the Bhadar, but he was not allowed to go outside the Bhadar. Shujá’-ul-Mulk, brother of ’A'lam Khán, often used to make saucy jokes about Mujáhid Khán Bhalim, who was a fat man and had a big paunch. Tátár-ul-Mulk, wazir of Mujáhid Khán, who had the entire management of his affairs, was annoyed at these jokes, and took them in bad part. Mujáhid Khán and Mujáhid-ul-Mulk had an army of ten or twelve thousand horse, and they held a thousand villages as jágír in Sórath. One day the nobles, when in council together, said, “ This watching over the Sultán is hardly politic, it would be better to blind him, and find some other boy to set up in his place. Indeed, what need is there of another boy? Let us divide the country among ourselves, and then let each man settle down in his portion.” All agreed upon this, and they at once began the division, saying, “ Let such and such a place be given to this man, and such a sarkar to another.” Tátár-ul-Mulk asked what was to be given to his master, and Shujá’-ul-Mulk said, in joke, “ Mujáhid Khán’s paunch does not need any increase; he would be better if he could diminish it a little.” Mujáhid Khán passed the matter by as a joke, and, the division having been arranged, the nobles retired to their several homes. But though Mujáhid Khán had paid no attention to Shujá’-ul-Mulk’s joke, yet Tátár-ul-Mulk was much angered at it, and said, “ This has been said ostensibly as a joke, but assuredly it hides some design. I must find out what is their intent and object as regards my master.” Tátár-ul-Mulk used to visit the Sultán more frequently than anyone else. Before the council had broken up he rose up angrily and went to him. Finding an opportunity, he told him a little of what had passed. But it was evident that some intimation had already reached the Sultán that the nobles had determined to deprive him of sight and keep him in prison. When he understood this, the[A.D. 1545.1 [Mirát-i-Sikanaarí.] SULTAN MAHMUD III. 425 Sultán wept, and cried out bitterly, “ It would be better to kill me than to blind me.” That night [in a.h. 952, or a.d. 1545 ?] Tátár-ul-Mulk said privately to the Sultan, “ I am your devoted servant, and I have something to say, if you will graciously listen to me.” The Sultán feared that he might say something of the same sort as the son of Mukbil Khán did, and that it might bring him into increased misfortune; so he said, f c What have you to say to me, and what do you expect of me ? ” He replied, “ Your Majesty has heard of the resolve of the nobles, and you know what they intend. You must either submit to be blinded, or take measures for preventing it.” The Sultán said, “Who will help me?” Tátár-ul-Mulk replied that Mujáhid Khán and Mujáhid-ul-Mulk had twelve thousand horse at their call, and that if the Sultán ordered he would bring them armed and ready two hours before day. The Sultán might then mount his horse, come out of the citadel, and give directions that the houses of 'A'lam Khán and Wajih-ul-Mulk should be subjected to halan, i.e. to plunder. They would be asleep in fancied security, and, if it pleased God, before they could collect their troops they would fall alive into the Sultán’s hands, or would be driven away into exile. The Sultán desired him to bring Mujáhid Khán and Mujáhid-ul-Mulk, that they might satisfy him by swearing to him. They were near at hand, for on that night they and ’Azim Humáiún, 'A'lam Khán's kinsman, were on guard. Tátár-ul-Mulk brought them both in, and they pledged their oaths to the Sultán on the Kurán. The Sultán observed that 'Azim Humáiún was on guard also, and that he could not be kept in the dark. Tátár-ul-Mulk said that he would send him home, and at once got up and went to him, and began to talk familiarly with him. At that time 'Azim Humáiún was much enamoured of a singing-girl, and at all seasons and in all places he used to talk of his love and passion to his friends. Tátár-ul-Mulk, having engaged him in conversation, said,426 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1545.1 [Mirát-i-Sikandar i.] “ Why should anyone who has a trusty friend like me take upon himself all this trouble and inconvenience? Your men are present; go home and enjoy yourself. I understand, and will keep it quiet.” ’Azim Humáiún said that ’A'lam Khán always sent someone round two or three times in the night to make inquiries about him. Tátár-ul-Mulk said, “ Put a long pillow on your bed, and wrap a sheet round it, and direct one of your servants to sit at the foot of the bed, and to pretend to be shampooing your feet, so that the officer who comes from 'A'lam Khán may think you are asleep, and go away.” ’Azim Humáiún did so. Tátár-ul-Mulk then returned to the Sultán, and said to him, “ I have sent ’Azim Humáiún home, and have brought five hundred of my own men into the palace-hall, and there are five or six thousand horsemen more, all armed and mounted, in the bazar of Rangpúr. Two gharis before dawn let the Sultán come out and mount his elephant, with the royal umbrella displayed over his head. Any of 'Azim Humáiún's men who are present must be put to death on the spot, and then let the Sultán march straight upon the houses of the rebels.” Sultán Mahmúd accordingly came out of the palace in state before dawn. When the citizens saw him they assembled in crowds from all parts, and he gave his command for them to plunder the houses of the traitors, ’A'lam Khán and Wajih-ul-Mulk, and not to allow them to escape alive. Tátár-ul-Mulk marched in front with the soldiers, and the Sultán followed more slowly behind. The houses of 'A'lam Khán and Wajih-ul-Mulk were outside the fort, near the gate of Jamálpúrah. These nobles had passed the night in carousing, and had gone to sleep in their cups, early in the morning, in perfect security. They had no suspicion of the calamity which that night was about to bring forth, for they had the army under their control, the Sultán in confinement and guarded by three or four thousand horse, all foreigners and devoted to their interests, and they never[A J). 1545.1 [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] SULTAN MAHMUD III. 427 dreamed that anyone had an evil design against them. But the Almighty brought on them what they never expected. The people in their houses were not yet awake when a great noise roused 'A'lam Khán. He went into the yard, and saw crowds of bazar people making their way towards his house, and shouting out that they were coming to plunder it and Wajih-ul-Mulk’s house under the orders of the Sultán, and that they were to be taken alive. As the Khán was confused, he hastily poured a pitcher of cold water over his head, mounted the horse of an orderly who was on guard, and rode off. He perceived that some horsemen blocked his way; he charged them and killed one of them, and the others let him pass. But they pursued him, and were joined by several others. Sálih Muhamad, son of Alhadiah, who killed Jarji, with a brother of Shékh Arzání Multání, turned round, and, facing the pursuers, they strove gallantly till they were killed. This check enabled ’A'lam Khán to escape. 'A'lam Khán's house was thoroughly pillaged, and everyone of his family, small and great, were made prisoners. The people of Gujarát say that there was a man, a soldier, by name Kabir Muhamad, who had passed most of his life in the service of ’A'lam Khán.* He had passed through many vicissitudes, and was experienced in the wiles of all living creatures. When ’A'lam Khan got the upper hand of the Sultán, and put him in confinement under a strong guard, but himself went to reside outside the city walls at Asáwal,f—and as ’Azim Humáiun was his foster-brother, he entrusted the Sultán to his safe keeping with perfect confidence, and, remaining at home, passed his time in ease and pleasure, in entertainments and in drinking,—Kabir Muhamad said to him, “ Do you keep a lion chained up and remain at # This story is given in the Hyderabad text and that of the lithographed version. It is retained as giving details of some interest as to the local topography; but, as it is only another version of the story told just before of Sálih Muhamad Alhadiah, it is given in a slightly abridged form. f Tlie lithographed text calls this “ Asúriah,” which is probably a corruption of “ Asáwal,” the name given in the Hyderábád MS.428 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1545.1 [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] home without disquiet ? Either guard him as he ought to be guarded, and watch over him in person, or else be prepared for the consequences, and fear for the day when he shall get loose. He will turn everything upside down, and no one will be able to withstand him.” But ’A'lam Khan never even gave him any answer, for, as all the nobles and the army were on his side, he did not take any heed to Kabir Muhamad’s advice. But, as Kabir Muhamad was a very lion in valour, and had foreseen from the outset what would happen, he made a practice from the beginning of coming down fully armed and equipped at nightfall, and of remaining near ’A'lam Khán till the close of night. This experienced man thus awaited every night the event which actually happened, and on the very night before it occurred he was thus on guard over ’A'lam Khán. When the Sultán moved out with his troops to give ’A'lam Khán’s house over to plunder, a man got up on a minaret near the Jamálpúrah gate,* and proclaimed that the Sultán had given an order for the plunder of 'A'lam Khán’s house. ’A'lam Khán had been feasting and drinking up to a late hour at night, and had only recently gone to bed. When Kabir Muhamad heard the proclamation, he at once went to the outside of the female apartments and called out, “Wake up the Khán ; the Sultan is at hand.” A servant awoke 'A'lam Khán, who said, “ What is all this turmoil ? ’' Kabir Muhamad said, “ It is the turmoil which I foresaw from the first; the lion who was chained up has broken his chain. You get off at once.” A'lam Khán came out, and, mounting Kabir Muhamad’s horse, rode away. Four horsemen attempted to seize the Khán, but Kabir Muhamad, who was exceedingly brave, unhorsed three out of the four; the fourth, however, disposed of him; and, thanks to Kabir Muhamad’s loyalty and foresight, 'A'lam Khán got time to escape. May God look with mercy on Kabir Muhamad’s faithfulness ! * This shows that “ Asáwal.” or “ Asúriah,” was within ear-shot of the Jamálpúrah gate of the city.[A.D. 1545.] [Mirát-i-Síkandarí. ] SULTAN MAHMÚD III. 429 Wajih-ul-Mulk’s house was also plundered, but his family reached a place of concealment and were not seized. When the Sultán reached the Jamálpúrah gate the mob were already carrying off the posts and beams from the houses of 'A'lam Khán and of Wajih-ul-Mulk, and were calling out, €i The scoundrels have got away, and have escaped.” The Sultán returned, and when he came to the Rangpúr bázár he sent Abu Rab Khán, brother of Nasir-ul-Mulk, for Afzal Khán wazir, whose house stood by the way. When the Sultán reached his door, Afzal Khán came, kissed the Sultán’s stirrup, and came along with him. This was the first time that Afzal Khán had come out of his cell since his retirement from the world, which has been already narrated. These events happened in the year h. 952 (a.d. 1545). After the plunder of the houses of ’Alam Khán and Wajih-ul-Mulk the Sultán was relieved from the usurpations of these two nobles, and his personal rule was re-established. On his escape ’Alam Khán went to Pithápúr, which is a natural stronghold. From thence he wrote to Dariá Khán, who was living in the Dakhin, saying that he repented of what he had done against him, for he now saw what was its result; and he urged Dariá Khán to join him at once, and to act in concert with him. Dariá Khán was living in very poor circumstances in the Dakhin. He had sold privately, and at very inadequate prices, some jewels which he had brought with him from Ahmadábád, and so subsisted. As soon as he was made aware that ’Alam Khán had summoned him, he started in all haste. ’A'lam Khán came out to meet him, and they had an interview at a village called Ténrah. They conversed together, and when Dariá Khán saw that no ill-feeling existed, he said, “ I deliberately kept the Sultán under restraint, for I saw that he could not distinguish friend from foe, and showed signs of conceit, incapacity, and love of low company.” ’Alam Khán said, “ Do not speak of the past. What has occurred has occurred, It is now necessary to contrive some plan by which430 GUJARAT. [A,D. 1545. J [Mir at-i- Sikandari. ] we may secure our revenge.” Daria Khan said, “ You know that I have long been oppressed by calamity, and I am in great poverty, and without means. Alp Khan is your friend, and living at Oklesar, on the banks of theNarbadah, three Ms from Bharuj; you had better first go and see him, and, if possible, by his help see ’Imad-ul-Mulk also. This would be politic. Moreover, we might get some money from them for outfit and for collecting troops; for without money this would be very difficult.” ’A'lam Khan started with five hundred horse, pushed on to Oklesar, and halted there. Alp Khan had gone to Tmad-ul-Mulk at Bharuj. ’A'lam Khan sent a message, through Alp Khan’s family, that he was starving, and begged that Alp Khan would send him some food. ’A'lam Khan and Alp Khan had been close friends with each other, but, now that Alp Khan was the Sultan’s servant, it did not look well that he should entertain ’A’lam Khan the rebel. However, he could not help himself. His family, children, treasure-houses, were all at Oklesar, and on ’A'lam Khan’s sudden arrival there the servants of Alp Khan supplied him with food, and sent a man to inform their master. Alp Khan exclaimed, “ This man will ruin me, as he has ruined himself,” and he told ’Imad-ul-Mulk what had happened. As has been already related, Tmad-ul-Mulk had regained power and a jagir through ’A'lam Khan’s favour ; he was not, therefore, disposed to act ungenerously towards him. He accordingly sent a message to him to the effect that he had done wrong in coming in that direction. However, as he had come, he would give him an interview, if he came across the Narbadah secretly at night. ’A'lam Khan did this, and ’Im£d-ul-Mulk and Alp Khan both met him. ’A'lam Khan said, “ God sees in how great comfort and ease you both are, while I am in such trouble and misery ! ” Alp Khan said, “ Your coming here has put us both in the same condition.” ’A'lam Khan replied, “ Not quite in the same condition. I have escaped, and am alive. You are still within the grasp of hisSULTAN MAHMUD III. 431 [A.D. 1545.1 [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] (the Sultán’s) vengeance ; he will certainly not allow you to remain alive. If you wish to prolong your days a little you had better join us. It was at ’Imád-ul-Mulk’s suggestion that I put Jarji to death. For my part, I have been guilty of no other offence.” ’Imád-ul-Mulk answered, “You have altogether acted foolishly. When you had killed Jarji, why were you so careless in keeping watch over the Sultán ? The chain is off the lion’s neck now. Is he likely to come back into captivity of his own accord ? ” ’A'lam Khán said, “ The past has passed and gone; in future I will not fail to do my best.” After a good deal of further discussion, Alp Khán and Tmád-ul-Mulk gave ’A’lam Khán a certain amount of money and sent him away. 'A'lam Khán returned to Dariá Khán and reported what had passed. Dariá Khán said, “ My object was not so much to obtain money as to get the names of these two nobles mixed up with ours. They can hardly now have the face to go to the Sultán and to take his side, and, whether they like it or not, they will be compelled to join us.” Intelligence of these proceedings reached the ears of the Sultán, and made him very anxious. At this time a letter arrived from ’Imád-ul-Mulk, representing that ’A'lam Khán and Dariá Khán were two old servants of the State, and it was not expedient that they should at that time go away and enter into the service of Shir Sháh of Dehli, but it would be better to condone their faults, and to reinstate them in office and employ them on the frontier. The Sultán consented to this. ’A'lam Khán, however, just at this time, behaved in a manner which gave fresh offence, which was this:—When 'A'lam Khán’s house was plundered he escaped, but his family fell into the hands of the Sultán. He consigned them to guardians, and appointed eunuchs to keep them with all possible care. 'A'lam Khán made a proposal, through Said Mubárak Bukhárí, to send his son, Safdar Khán, for the Sultán to keep in exchange for his women and children. The proposal was482 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1545.] [Mirát-i-Sikaudarí. ] accepted. Safdar Khán was sent for, and the women and family were released. Safdar Khán was placed in charge of Said Mubarak, and the Said kept him, with all courtesy, in an upper chamber of his house. Matters went on in this way for some time, when ’A'lam Khán sent one of his old dependants, named Sádhu Tánk, to get Safdar Khán secretly away from the Said. Sádhu, by means of a ladder, secretly got Safdar Khán out of the Said’s house, and brought him to ’A'lam Khán. This affair greatly annoyed the Said, and made him very angry with ’A'lam Khán, because it was only out of consideration to the Said that the Sultán had agreed to ’A'lam Khán's request. The Sultán also was troubled, for he feared lest ’A'lam Khán, Dariá Khán, Tmád-ul-Mulk, and Alp Khán should conspire and raise a rebellion. Sultán Mahmud wrote a friendly letter to Tmád-ul-Mulk, saying that he knew him to be loyal, and looked upon him as an uncle, and that it would not be right in him to assist ’A'lam Khán and Dariá Khán, who were raising disturbances on the borders and out-of-the-way corners of the kingdom; and he invited him to come quickly and give his counsel as to the means of suppressing them. Tmád-ul-Mulk, who, in consequence of his interviews with ’A'lam Khán and Dariá Khán, was afraid to face the Sultán, wrote excusing himself from attending till his army was collected and equipped. The Sultán then sent him another and more urgent summons, to which he replied, in plain terms, that he knew he had done very wrong in meeting ’A'lam Khán, but he had wished to give him good advice in full loyalty to the Sultán. Still, he had acted without the Sultán’s knowledge, and knew himself to have offended. If the Sultán would send to him the holy Said ’Arab Sháh, son of Said Záhid Bukhárí, to conduct him to the royal presence, with a full assurance of pardon for his offences, he would accompany the Said. The Sultán went to the house of Said 'Arab Sháh, and asked him to undertake the mission. The Said replied that[A.D. 1545.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] SULTAN MAHMÚD III. 433 he was a fakir and had nothing to do with the affairs of the world—the Saltan was king, who was accustomed to act upon his own opinion, and who had wise advisers to guide him. Fakirs gave themselves up to prayer and did not trouble themselves with worldly matters, and the Sultán should not ask them to undertake such duties. The Sultán placed his hand on the Holy Book and said, “ I assure you, upon this Word of God which lies before us, that I will do no injury to the life, the property, or the honour of ’Imád-ul-Mulk.” The Said said to Afzal Khán, “ The Sultán is young, but you are a wise man; why do you trouble me with this affair ? " The wazir said, “ I also swear upon the Kurán, for I am quite satisfied of the Sultán's intentions. Do not let any mistrust creep into your heart; go, take the hand of Tmád-ul-Mulk, and bring him to the presence/’ Being thus assured of the Sultán's intentions the Said proceeded to Bharuj. The Sultán marched against 'Alam Khán and Dariá Khán, who were at Chámpánír, and the Said proceeded to Bharuj and saw •Tmád-ul-Mulk. He said, “Khán Jíú ! why did you write requiring that 'Arab Shah should come and conduct you to Court ? This was not right of you. As the matter stands the Sultán and Afzal Khán have both sworn to me on the Holy Kurán that they will do you no injury ; for the rest, you are aware of all the tricks and doings of worldly men. I myself do not understand them. If you think it advisable, come; if not, you can do as you like; but don’t say to yourself, c 'Arab Sháh has come to fetch me, and therefore I ought to go.' If you do not wish to come, it is very simple not to do so; but if you do, and if—which God forbid—anything untoward should occur, I shall say to everyone that the blame rests not with me, but on yourself. I am not a minstrel, that I should rip myself up if the Sultán does you any wrong, nor have I an army to fight him; I am but a fakir. What can / do? Whatever step you take, take it only after full consideration and reflection/' 'Imád-ul-Mulk replied, “ I am an old man, and they 28434 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1545.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] have sworn an oath; if the Sultán harms me the matter is between him and God/’ So he went, although his friends and well-wishers advised him not to go, but to lead fourteen or fifteen thousand picked horse to the frontier and take up a position there; as ’A'lam Khán and Dariá Khán were in arms, the Sultán would be obliged to come to terms with him. Tmád-ul-Mulk refused to listen to them, and said he was not going to turn traitor at the end of his life. He was an old servant of the dynasty, and would not wrong it, nor was the Sultán likely to harm him. He marched with ten or twelve thousand men fully armed and accoutred, and waited upon the Sultán at Chámpánír. The Sultán was much pleased, received him very graciously, and gave to him, his kindred, and the nobles who accompanied him, advance in rank. Matters went on quietly for some time, till one night some seditious person, whose name was not known and who was never discovered, without the Sultán’s knowledge* raised a cry that the Sultán had given orders for the plundering of the tents of Hmád-ul-Mulk; and before his troops were assembled, the tents were thoroughly sacked. Although this nobleman was a brave man, and had been known as “the second ftustám,” he had not the spirit or the strength left to mount a horse and make his escape to Bharuj, or to go and join 'A'lam Khán. In great trouble he took the hand of a bearer and asked to be led to the tent of Said Mubárak. As they went along, in the darkness of the night, the Malik fell into a small well which the people of the camp had dug. The well was not deep, and its water was pure. In the morning, a person who came to draw water saw someone at the bottom of the well. He pulled him out, and then recognised 'Imád-ul-Mulk, who was half dead, but asked that he might be taken to the tent of Said Mubárak, and the man took him there. On reaching the tent the Said came out to meet him, * The MS. A. alone has this distinct assertion of the Sultan’s ignorance of the transaction,[A.D. 1545.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] SULTAN MAHMUD III. 435 and received him with great kindness and respect. ’lmád-ul-Mulk then asked the Said to go to the Sultán and beg that “ his old slave might be set at liberty, and sent to the House of God (sc, Makkah).” When the Sultán heard of the plundering of the tents, he was amazed and highly indignant. He declared that he had not given the order for it, and made active endeavours to discover the promoter of the outrage. Of the plunderers who were taken, some had their hands or feet or ears cut off, or their noses slit. Orders were given that ’Imád-ul-Mulk should be sought, for the Sultán was afraid he might go and join ’A'lam Khán, and cause much trouble. Just then Said Mubárak arrived and communicated the Malik’s request. The Sultán was very pleased, granted his request, and said he should be sent to Makkah. He sent for the Malik and gave him into the charge of Sídí Pír Jiu and Sidi Amin Jiu, two retainers of Jhujár Khán, the Abyssinian, who were to take him to Surat and place him under the protection of Khudá-wand Khán Rúmí, the j agir dár, who was desired to send him to Makkah at the proper season. It was during the month of fasting that this occurred. One evening, after the day’s fast was over, Pir Jiu, thinking it unbecoming to drink before the Malik, handed to him his own drinking-bottle* of cooled water. The Malik was annoyed, and said that it was an insult to ask him to drink out of the bottle which Pir Jiu himself used. Pir Jiu replied that he was himself the humblest of the Malik’s slaves, but was obliged to obey the Sultán’s ordersf; and it was the ordinary course of events that a man should at one time gallop over the heavens, and another time should walk barefoot in rocky places. He was a true man who, in all events, did not allow himself to go beyond his proper place. Eventually they brought the Malik to Khudáwand Khán, who, * Surahi is the word in most versions. Apparently the Malik considered Pir Jiu either as a Sidi, or a servant much beneath him in station. t This clause is oftritted in MS. A. . 28 *436 GÜJAEAT. [A.D. 1545.] [Mir át-i- Sikan darí. ] out of an ancient grudge, and without the Sultán’s intervention,* on the 27th of the month of Ramazán, put the Malik to death with cruel tortures, and gave out that he had sent him off to Makkah. Everyone recognised that Ikhtiár Khán was unjustly put to death, and that Hmád-ul-Mulk had come to misfortune on that account, as has been already said. After the fall of ’Imád-ul-Mulk the Sultán sent Said Mírán Mubárak to attack ’A'lam Khán and Dariá Khán. He put them to flight and returned victorious. Then the Sultán directed Nasir-ul-Mulk to pursue them and drive them out of Grujarát. They lingered for some days in the jungles of Málwah, but they were eventually driven out. Then they went and joined themselves to Shir Sháh Afghán Sur, King of Dehli. After this the power and authority of the Sultán were completely re-established. The history called “ Tuhfat-us-Sádát/’ written by Arám Kashmiri, for Said Hazrat Mubárak, records these facts, and from that work the foregoing account has been abstracted. That author states that after the Sultán had passed the age of fifteen or sixteen and approached twenty, he was able to distinguish good from bad and a friend from a stranger. Some nobles, whom he regarded as seditiously inclined he uprooted, and others he drove out of the country; when this was done he carried on his rule with justice and conciliation. After the (close of) that history there is no other from which facts such as should form the basis of history can be ascertained. Wherefore, the humble author of this work has compiled a record of the subsequent occurrences as he best could. Although Sikandar, the author of this work, was only born in the year of the death of Sultán Mahmud, in the city of * This clause occurs only in the MS. A. The tenour of MS. A. is to disclaim all complicity of the Sultan in the cruel and treacherous treatment of Tmád-ul-Mulk. The other texts all seem rather to imply that the Sultán, though he professed innocence, was not altogether benevolently inclined, to say the least of it, towards the Malik. Indeed, the anecdote above given in the text seems intended to intimate as much, though deprived of its point by the clause omitted in MS. A.; and at p. 408, it has been already averred that the Sultán had ’Imád-ul-Mulk put to death.[A.D. 1545.1 [Mir át-i-Sikanaarí.] SULTÁN MAHMUD III. 437 Mahmúdábád, which was that Sultan's residence, and was an infant in arms at the time of the murder, still, many of the events of those days were known to his father and brothers, from whom he obtained his information. He has also profited by the knowledge of others, and reduced the whole to a narrative in writing. After the consolidation of the Sultán’s rule he recalled A'saf Khán, who was formerly the wazir of the late Sultán Bahádar, whom that king, in the days when his throne was threatened by the calamities inflicted by the Emperor Humáiun, had sent to Makkah with his treasure and the females of the royal establishment. A'saf Khán was raised to the office of grand wazir, and his brother Khudáwand Khán was made diwdn-i-kul.* Afzal Khán Baniání, who had oeen wazir of Sultán Bahádar, was confirmed in his previous appointments, and his dignity and his influence were largely augmented. As A'saf Khán had long retired from office the general management of affairs was in the hands of Khudáwand Khán, but no business of importance was settled or carried out without the advice and approbation of A'saf Khán. All the nobles about Court received advancement, and among them the chief of Saids, Said Mubárak, so that he ranked equally high as a noble and as a saint. Abií Jíú Gujarátí was made Násir-ul-Mulk, and ’Abd-ul-Karim was entitled Ftimád Khán. The latter was employed by the Sultán in his most secret and private affairs, nor was there anyone in whom the Sultán had greater confidence or whom he admitted to so close an intimacy as I'timád Khán. He even took him by the hand and led him into his- harem, where he employed him in the superintendence of the ornaments, dresses, and jewels of the women. And this he did, although he was of a disposition so jealous that if two of his women smiled at each other he had them both killed. But his confidence in I'timád Khán was so great that he placed him in such a charge. # Some MSS. read “ wakü*i*kul”438 GUJARAT. [A.b. 1545.1 [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. J It is related that one day I’timad Khan whispered something in the ear of the Sultán while holding a public darbár, and the Sultán listened to him. The ministers noticed this very unbecoming proceeding, looked at each other, and when the court was over went home. Next day, and for five or six days in succession, none of them attended the darbár, or paid his respects to the Sultán. At last the Sultán asked the courtiers the reason why no one had presented himself, and inquired if they had all fallen ill simultaneously. When he found they were not ill he sent someone to summon them, and asked them why they had feigned sickness. They replied that they had discharged the duties of their offices to the best of their ability, but when they saw that they could no longer do so they had withdrawn. The Sultán told them to explain if they wished him to forgive them. They said that if in a council the Sultán whispered secretly to one person, it was a mark of disrespect (to the others), and that no good could be expected from ministers who were not treated with respect, for they lost all their power and the Sultán ought to give it to someone else. It was open to the Sultán to speak in any way he pleased in private to whomsoever he chose, but he ought not to act so in public. The Sultán apologised, and for the rest of his life never again thus acted in opposition to etiquette. A'ká Arslán, a Turk from Balkh, was made Tmád-ul-Mulk and promoted to high honour; he was a purchased slave belonging to the Sultán. The son of Khudáwand Khán Rúmí who was killed at Diu was created Rúmí Khán, and the Sultán pushed his fortune. The Sultán gave to one of the Khásiah khéls the title of Ikhtiár-ul-Mulk,* and put him in command of the Moghal division of his troops. The Sultán distributed all his forces into divisions according to their tribes, and placed in command of each division a person of their own kindred. Thus he * According to MS. A., Ikhtiár-ul-Mulk was a brother of Khudáwand Khán.[A.D. 1545.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] SULTAN MAHMUD III. 439 placed Hasan Khán Dakhini in command of the Dakhini troops ; Fateh Khán Bilúch had another division, and was promoted to high rank. In this manner the Sultán reduced the nobles and army into such a state of discipline that no deviation from, or disobedience of, his orders was possible. The Sultán now conceived the design of conquering Málwah and consulted with A'saf Khán the wazir on the subject. The Khán said that he could direct the Sultán to the conquest of a kingdom not less important than that of Málwah; indeed, it was even more important. This was what he meant: A fourth part of Gujarát, called Bánth (Wántá), was in the hands of Rájpúts and Grássiahs. If his Majesty could oust these, and get it into the possession of Muhamadans, it would furnish jágírs sufficient for maintaining twenty-five thousand horse. The army would thus be increased, and the conquest of Málwah would afterwards be a very easy matter. The Sultán accordingly directed his attention to the accomplishment of this object and the raising of an army. Grássiahs were ejected from the lands which they held, and officers were appointed to collect the revenues. He then moved in the direction of the country of the Grássiahs. The Grássiah chiefs of I'dar, Siróhí, Dungarpúr, Bánsbalah, Lonáwárah, Rájpíplah, the banks of the Mahindrí, Halód, and other strongholds on the frontier began to raise disturbances. But the Sultán strengthened his military posts. He placed a garrison at Siróhí, another at I'dar, and he also occupied the other places mentioned. The whole of the country was managed upon one settled plan, and the turbulent Grássiahs and rebellious occupants of the strongholds were reduced to obedience. No Rájput or Koli was left who did not devote himself to agriculture and live in quiet obedience like other men. Every man of them was branded on the arm, and if any Rájput or Koli was fouud without the brand he was put to death. In the reign of Mahmud, Muhamadan law and rule was so440 GUJABAT. [A.D. 1545.1 [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.] stringently enforced that no Hindu could ride on horseback in any city, nor dared enter a bazar without a patch of red on the back of a white garment, or a patch of white on a red one, or to wear a dress all of one colour. Infidel observances, such as the indecencies of the Holt, the orgies of the Díwálí, and the practice of idol worship, and the ringing of bells* were not allowed in public, and those who practised them in private did so with fear and trembling. After the murder of the Sultán the Grássiahs made a stone image of his murderer Burhán, which they worshipped as a god, and they said, “ This is our preserver, who brought us from death unto life; for if that system had continued for one year longer we should have died of hunger, and have been swept out of existence.” These are the names of the chief Saids and holy men who lived during the Sultan’s reign. Of the Saids of Batóh, whose noble family is known as the Bukháriah, and who are descendants of the Kutb-ul-Kutab Said Burhán-ud-dín, there was ’Arab Sháh, who was by descent the grandson of Burhán-ud-dín; Said Shékh Muhamad, surnamed Said Jiu, and Said Azmat Ullah (the second), who were one degree further in descent from the same ancestor; and Shékh Husén, who was descended in the fourth degree from him. Besides these were their relations Said Tahir, Muhamad Said, Pir Muhamad, and Said Háfiz Muhamad and Mir Said Sháh Kamál, and their father Said Sháh Mirzá, and Said Adam, son of Said 'A'lam, who was a grandson of Said 'Usmán, one of the elder of Burhán-ud-dín's sons, and whom his father used to call the “Burhání lamp”; he built ’Usmánpúrah, to the north-west of Ahmadábád; his tomb there is well known. Sultán Mahmud was a zealous disciple of Said ’A'lam, who died in the month Jamád-ul-awal, a.h. 963. Another was Mir Said Wajih-ud-din Aslavi. Of other noted Saids and devout and holy men, were Shékh * This follows MS. A. ¿ but the passage is not quite clear in any of the texts.[MiíáísiwL] SULTÁN MAHMÚD III. 44l Alahdad Mutawakil, Shékh ’Alí Mutakí, and Muhamad Ghiás of the Shatarí sect, that is to say, who were spiritually descended from Shékh Báiázíd of Bistám ; Khwájah ’Abd-ul-wáhid, who was a descendant and successor of Khwájah 'Abd Ullah-ul-’Azizi; also Shékh Husén. Their ancestors came from a large village in Marv-un-nahr, which was called ’Aziz. Another was Shékh Muhamad Máh, whose family came from Jonpur, a city in the east of Hindústán; and Shékh Jamal, known as of Bhitri, a town in the Dakhin from which he originally came. Another holy Said was Mian Jiu, and another also Said Kutb Kádrí, who came from Baghdád. In the great city of Bharuj, a great many learned and holy men, both Saids and others, were collected, and used to instruct those who were seeking after God in His holy law and faith. Among these was Mián Ghíás-ud-dín. At the port of Surat was Shékh Kamál-ud-dín, who belonged to the Hamadání school, that is, he followed the teaching of Mir Said ’Ali Hamadání. Sultán Mahmud maintained a close friendship with all these holy and learned men, and diligently examined their teaching. He continued the allowances which had been paid to them in the times of former kings, and besides gave to all Saids with whom he was intimate offerings on the occasions of his victories. He also granted new allowances to deserving men, whether they lived in towns or in the country. He was a great friend to fakirs, and was always mindful of their interests. He had wells made in many places for their benefit and that of travellers. He prepared houses for their reception and appointed keepers of these houses, who were to attend to the comfort of the occupants and supply them with necessaries. Frequently when he had a dish before him which he enjoyed he used to ask whether fakirs had the same food; and when his attendants asked whence the poor were to get it, he would give orders that a quantity of it should be prepared and sent to them. The fakirs were often entertained after this fashion. In the winter season he gave good coats, reaching442 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1545.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] from head to foot, to the virtuous and pious persons who dwelt in masjids and colleges; he also gave them quilts to keep them warm at night. When he was informed that some disreputable persons sold them, he directed that they should be made large enough to cover several persons, because it was not likely that a whole party would agree to sell their covering. Great heaps of wood were burnt every night in the streets and bazars, so that the destitute might sit round the fires. It was also a rule that the fruits of each season, such as sugar-cane, plantains, mangoes, and melons, should be distributed among the fakirs as they ripened; nor would he allow any to be brought into his own house till this was done. In fact, his bounties exceeded all description. Indeed, several great and holy Saids of Arabia, such as the descendants of that Sun of Suns, Said Abubekr I'drus, abandoned altogether their own land, and, attracted by the Sultán’s benevolence, settled at Ahmadábád. There is a story* told in Gujarát of a certain man, a Muhamadan, who came to the Sultán and said, “ I am a man of good family, and in spite of my ancestors’ good works I am very poor. The Prophet of the Lord appeared to me by night in a dream and said, 41 give you one hundred lakhs of tankahs; go, get them from Sultán Mahmud; and this shall be your proof, that he blesses me one hundred thousand times a day/ ” The Sultán said, “ I could give you the money, but your proof is not in accordance with fact/’ The man replied, “ What I heard from the lips of the beloved of the Lord, that I speak.” It came to pass that the Sultán also saw that Holy One in a dream, who said, “ What that man said was true ; the blessing which you pronounce on me once a day is worth a hundred thousand meaningless blessings/’f In the morning the Sultán desired the man to be sent for with all respect; and when they * This anecdote appears only in the lithographed text. t The text is here somewhat doubtful, but the approximate meaning is given.[A.D. 1546.] [Mirát-i-Sikandarí.J SULTAN MAHMUD III. 443 brought him he gave him not only the money he had asked, but also settled an annual allowance on him. They tell this story of Mahmud Bigarha also. It is said that when Sultán Mahmud was relieved from all anxiety regarding the nobles whom he had defeated, and had no further fear from that quarter, he became reassured and at his ease, and in the year h. 953 he removed from Ahmadábád and took up his residence at Mahmudábád, and there laid out a magnificent palace, which he called the “ Deer Park,”* the like of which was never seen upon the earth. Its length was two farsangs, and its breadth that of a battle-field, f He directed the construction in each corner of a pavilion, decorated and adorned in various ways, and having many of the ceilings and walls gilded. From the door of each pavilion on either side extended a bázár with rows of shops, and in each shop was a fairy-like hurí, who sold everything that conduced to pleasure and delight—provisions of every sort, all things pleasing to the disposition of mortals; fruits of all kinds that are good to eat and pleasant to the taste. In every retired corner pleasure-gardens were laid out, in which perpetual verdure was maintained by means of watercourses. The trunks of the trees enclosing them were dressed with brocades and velvets, and their branches with satin and kinkháb; and the soil was watered with rose-water in place of common water. In this beautiful garden, the very triumph of the art of gardening, the Sultán would pass his time with his deer-eyed spouses, and in the enjoyment of all the pleasures of youth. Sometimes he would make his chief huntsman drive deer, nilgai, and other animals, from the jungles into this enclosure; and then, when the sun was gradually sinking and the moon gradually rising in the sky, the Sultán would go out hunting in the company of his darlings. On the day of the # “ Deer park,” A'húkhdnah. f “ Battle-field,” maiddn-i-jang; perhaps only a parade-ground. The “ Mirát-i-Ahmadí ” has maiddn-i-asp tdkhtan, “a ground for galloping horses.”444 GÜJAKAT. [MiráÍsíkSdarí.j I'd the elephants and horses were so adorned with jewels and gold, and so decorated, as had never been the case under any former king. In commemoration* of the birth of the H oly Prophet, every year, from the 1st to the 12th of Babi’-ul-awal, the Sultán used to assemble all the learned and holy men and all the Shékhs of the city, and they read the holy and excellent book of perfect wisdom till the expiry of the first watch of the day. A feast was then served in honour of the victorious spirit of the Lord of Prophets, the Prophet of God, to which feast the holy men were invited with all respect; and after they had finished they returned to their homes. On the 12th day the Sultán used to take on himself the office of waiting on these holy men; he, in person, poured water on their holy hands. His chief wazirs carried the plates, and all his nobles, acting as servants, served out the food. Till the entertainment was concluded, all of them waited standing; and after the feast the Sultán distributed to every one of the guests money and clothes enough to subsist them till the next anniversary of the festival. Furthermore, they brought clothes and Dakhini stuffs such as the king used for his personal clothing, and employed them as table-cloths, and these very stuffs were afterwards cut up for the Sultán's clothing; and he wore the clothes made of them throughout the following year. This custom had been handed down from the time of Sultán Muzaffar, the son of Sultán Mahmud Bigarha, but Sultán Mahmúd had greatly extended it in every particular. On the 12th of Babi’-ul-awal this yearj* the Sultán had, as # The narrative, from this to the point where the nobles choose the Sultán* s successor, generally follows the lithographed text. All the others are more or less imperfect or fragmentary. A few additions, however, from the other MSS. have been adopted, and the repetitions of the narrative and some redundances of language have been omitted. It is for the most part borne out by the Hyderabad MS.; but even these MSS. are unsatisfactory, and are apparently made up of fragments of differing versions of the story; and details are given often much out of their place, and are repeated in some cases under two or three forms. f a.h. 961 [a.d. 1553], see post, p. 453.SULTÁN MAHMÚD III. 445 [A.D. 1553.] [ Mirát-i- Sikandarí. ] usual, invited the holy men, and the reading of the Word of God had been finished. After that they were feasted, and after the feast fruits of various kinds were served ; and when they had finished eating, the Sultán lifted up his hands in prayer and prayed as if his supplication had been drawn forth by the near approach of the honour of martyrdom and by the mercy of absolution; and when he dismissed his guests he distributed money and clothes in the manner above described, and then hastened to his private chamber, for he was weary with the labour of waiting and the trouble of the arrangements, and he lay down to sleep. Just then, feeling thirsty, he called for some sharbat and water. A certain villainous evil-doer, who was called by the ill-omened name of Burhán, was present, and apparently that villain had been waiting the occurrence of such an opportunity, so brought some poisoned sharbat. The Sultán, who suspected no treachery or snare, drank off the draught and tried to go to sleep. Shortly after, he felt a pain in his head, and was altogether very unwell, and said, “ You villain, what was that you gave me to drink?” Burhán answered, “O King ! and Protector of the World! the labours of the feast have affected your brain, and you are not well; try to go to sleep that the effect may pass away.” It was after the second watch of the night that the Sultan went to sleep again, and then that villain, fearing lest the poison had failed to do its work, drew a Dáríní dagger and stabbed the Sultán in the throat and killed him. I have been told by several trustworthy persons in Gujarát, some of whom were living at that time and were eye-witnesses of the facts, and, moreover, I have heard from my own elder relatives, the history of Burhán, accursed in this world and the next, from the beginning, which was as follows:—The name of the father of that villainous evil-doer was Píárah; he was a man of low caste, and was employed in some menial capacity by the Sultán. Afterwards he rose to high office, that is to say, he was made the chief of the stables of the Sultan’s own446 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1553.] Mirát-i-Sikandar í. ] cavalry. He happened to have a son who was called Burhán, and who was not altogether devoid of good looks; the Sultan saw ‘him and was pleased with him. The Sultán, in the beginning of his reign, was entirely under the influence of his wazirs, and did nothing whatever without their knowledge. Nevertheless, his wishes and tastes were as strongly fixed as ever in his disposition, and when he was firmly established in his kingdom he began to indulge himself, and was captivated by any agreeable person, man or woman. Moreover, from the beginning to the end he was a man of low tastes, and delighted in low company, as has been before related. This evil-doer Burhán pleased him on both grounds, and he promoted him to be his shoe-bearer. One day Afzal Khán, the wazir, saw him as he was cleaning the Sultán's shoes, and asked who the lad was who had been exalted to this post. They told him that he was the son of Píárah, the chief of the stables. Afzal Khán said to the Sultán, “O Sultán, you ought not to have employed this lad in your service, and ought not to have exalted him all at once to so high a post.” The Sultán replied, “ The lad was born in my house; no treachery or fraud is to be apprehended from him.” Afzal Khán said again, “ I see from his eyes and perceive from his bearing that he is capable of doing—what God avert!—a mischief to your Majesty.” But the Sultán thought that no evil would come of him. That villain, accursed in both worlds, was often the subject of discussion between Afzal Khán and the Sultán. When that accursed one grew up into the flower of his youth and vigour, he began to addict himself to abominable licentiousness and to drinking wine. Not only are these things plainly forbidden by the sacred law, and whoever is guilty of them is liable to legal punishment, but, also, Sultán Mahmud had commanded all his wazirs and great nobles to give up the house of anyone guilty of either of these two offences to halán, that is, to plunder, Burhán having given himself up to both vices.[A.D. 1553.] [Mirát-i-Sika/adarí. ] SULTAN MAHMUD III. 447 the fact was one day told to the Sultán, who ordered that they should build the scoundrel into a wall. His father and mother went to Afzal Khán the wazir, and humbly entreated him, saying that they had this only son, and begged him to procure his pardon. The Khán went to the Sultán and begged him off. If he had abstained from doing so a little longer that villain would have been destroyed, for they had already built him in up to his shoulders. As Providence had decreed that evil should be wrought unjustly against the Sultán by that wicked creature, Afzal Khán, who from the very first day had foreseen the evil which he was eventually to work, and who had used all his wisdom and foresight to prevent that evil, still procured his release from that position. Afzal Khán, however, was always mistrustful of him after that day, and endeavoured to prevent his being with the King in public or private, or having any share in the King’s counsel, and did not allow him to be present when the King was consulting with his wazirs; indeed, in order to prevent his being present on such occasions, he professed to be hard of hearing, and said to the Sultán, “ I do not know whether it is from my great age, or if something has made me unwell, but in any case I cannot hear well, and if you speak low I cannot perfectly catch what is said; and persons who are thus affected talk as they wish others to talk, and raise their voices. Wherefore, it is better that when the Sultán’s affairs are under discussion that person should not be present, for I believe he will make secrets public and do mischief/' From thenceforth he was generally employed on business at a distance from the Sultán. Nevertheless, there was not any proposal of which that rebel at heart and follower of Satan did not know. At last one day the Sultán said, “ My ancestors, when they had reduced the entire kingdom of Gujarát into their possession, wrested the forts of Chámpánír and Junahgarh from the infidels. I wish you would consider what amount of troops and what treasure ought to be kept in Chámpánír,” That villain happened to be448 GÜJAEÁT. [Miíát?Sikanc¿rí.] present, and made use of this utterance of the Sultán for his purposes. Burhán contracted a great intimacy with a lad, a professional singer, and always kept him with him. One day the Sultán went out hunting with his ladies in the Deer Park at Mahmúdábád, and that villain, in the Sultán's absence, went with that lad and unlawful drink, and, sitting under a tree, began to enjoy himself without the least idea that the Sultán would come that way. It so happened that the Sultán loosed his hawks after a bird which flew in that direction, and the Sultán, pursuing it, suddenly came upon that villain and saw him with his own eyes. He said, “ You evil-doer, I did not believe what men told me of you, but now I have beheld with my own eyes, and, please God, you shall be punished for this.” Having said this, the Sultán went on in pursuit of the bird. That villain, who had once before incurred the Sultán’s wrath, felt that this time his life would be in danger. He said, “ It is better to be beforehand, and, before the Sultán can take measures about this, I had better take measures against him.” That wicked man had gained such influence and position with the Sultán, that all the Sultán's eatables and drinkables, and the Sultán’s narcotics were sealed with his seal. The morning following the afternoon on which the Sultán had discovered him in that disgraceful condition and had reviled him, was the 12th day of Rabi'-ul-awal, the Prophet’s birthday, when the Sultán entertained all the learned and holy men of the city. Prom the 11th, on which day the Sultán came upon him while hunting, he said nothing on the subject, but was employed all day in waiting on the assemblage, as has been already described. After it was over and the guests had been dismissed, the Sultán went to his private room. That villain (Burhán) was in waiting there. The Sultán called for a narcotic. Burhán went and poisoned some and brought it together with a goblet of poisoned water. The Sultán ate some of the poisoned ma‘jun, and drank some poisoned water[MiíáfsStó.] SULTÁN MAHMUD III. - 449 after it, and then laid down to sleep. After a brief lapse of time the Sultán felt very ill. When he was a little better, he said, “ You villain, what kind of narcotic was that which you gave me to eat ? ” That villain came forward, and said : “ Your Majesty has been continually standing for the last ten days, and unduly fatiguing yourself, and your brain is confused ; but it is nothing; take a little more ma’jun and go to sleep.” The Sultán did as that villain suggested; he took some more ma’jun and composed himself to sleep, never again to wake till the Day of Resurrection. When that bad man perceived that the Sultán was asleep, he took his dagger and stabbed the Sultán in the throat so that he died. And thus this villain became accursed both in this world and in the next. When he hatched this wicked design in his brain, that villain proposed to raise himself to the throne of Gujarát. He therefore, that very same night, despatched several of the nobles and wazirs, who were the pillars of the State, to the realms of death together with the Sultán. It was managed thus:—Some days previously the Sultán had been discussing with these nobles the subject of the defences of the fort of Chámpánír. Burhán made use of this discussion as a blind. He first looked about him for some body of men on whom he could rely. The late Sultán Mahmud had got together a body of men who were called Bagh-mary that is, “ Tiger-slayers/’ They amounted to about twelve hundred in number, and were under the personal orders of the Sultán, and had nothing to do with any of the wazirs. Burhán sent for the leaders of these men, and concealed them in a small ante-chamber, and told them that it was the Sultán’s order that whosoever came into that ante-chamber, high or low, they were to kill him, and on no account to let him get away and escape. He then sent someone to fetch A’saf Khán, the chief of the wazirs9 a man whose judgment and experience were such that if Joseph the son of Barachia had been living in his time, even he would have sought instruction from him. 29450 GUJARAT. [A.D. 1553.3 [Mirát-i-Sikandarí. ] Burhán told the man to give this message: “ The King says that some time ago I said I would discuss with you the garrisoning of the fort of Chámpánír. I have to-night collected all the nobles and wazirs \ we only wait for your arrival. Come as quickly as possible, that the affair may at once be put into shape/’ A'saf Khán, when he heard this message, at once got up and went off by himself. When he arrived at the darbár, that accursed scoundrel, running up, saluted him, saying, “ The King and all the nobles have arrived, but desire your advice; they have just gone through that ante-chamber.” When the Khan entered the ante-chamber, he saw the band of men who were sitting there; but, believing that accursed one to be honest, he went in among them, and three of them got up and cut the Khán to pieces. In the same fashion twelve (other) nobles of name, and great ministers—such that if one of them had lived, the kingdom would never have passed out of the hands of the Gujarátís — in that same assembly, and in that same night, all perished and were destroyed. When Burhán sent a man to call Afzal Khán, the latter said to the messenger, “ The message which you have delivered never came from the Sultán’s lips; the Sultán never sends for anyone at this hour. What you say is impossible/’ The messenger went back and gave this reply. A second messenger was then sent, and told to say: " The Sultán says your conduct is not right; even if I have to come and fetch you myself, you must come; the wazirs and nobles are all assembled, and are waiting for you. Come quickly, that the Chámpánír business may be settled.” When the Khán again excused himself, his wife pressed him, saying, “ You ought to go when the Sultán desires you. Why do you delay ? ” He replied, “ You foolish woman ! the words that this man speaks have a smell of blood about them. Whatever they may say, those words never came out of the Sultán’s mouth. If you wish to be at ease about me, you should not make me go. What th‘.s[MiíáfsiSrí.j SULTÁN mahmúd m. 451. man says is full of deceit and treachery.” His wife still urged him to go, but the Khán declined. Again Burhán sent a messenger, saying, “ The Sultán declares that, if you do not come, he will come and fetch you. You must come without fail; the council is waiting for you.” The Khán still wished to excuse himself, but his wife still pressed him, and Shirwán Khán Bhatti, whom he had brought up as a son, and had raised to high position and honour, came in and also urged him, saying that he ought to go, lest the Sultán should be offended. Afzal Khán said : “ I have told you that these messages are false and treacherous, and yet you urge me to go.” Then, calling for his children and dependants, he bid them all a last farewell, and, quickly getting into his pálkí, set off. When he arrived at the darbár, that villain came out to meet him. There had been quite recently a slight coolness between the Sultán and Afzal Khán, and one Malik Shark had been appointed to supersede Afzal Khán; nevertheless, no business was transacted without the latter’s concurrence. Burhán, however, thought that Afzal Khán might possibly be not altogether loyal to the Sultán; so he met him and, speaking in a fawning manner, said: h of, 45; they join rebellion at Deogir, 49; subsequent sedition in, 192; Sultán Bahádar at, 344; hills of Abii (Abhu) near, 47. Dábhól (—Dabul), port of the Europeans, tributary to Gujarát, 18; Bahádar Gílání in rebellion at, 218; Sultán Mahmud Bigarha’s expeditions against, 219 and m. Dábishalím, recommended to Sultán Mahmud of Ghazni, 29, 30, 34m. ; the feud between him and Dábishalím the Ascetic, 30-32; conquered and taken prisoner by Sultán Mah-ÍNDEX 471 Dábishalím—cont. múd of Ghazni, 30, 31, 34«.; and delivered to his enemy, 32; but is raised to the throne by the people of Sómnát, 33, 34«.; his character, 29. Dábishalím the Ascetic, made ruler of Sómnát, 30, 33«.; the feud between him and the other Dábishalím, 30-32; incites the Sultán to attack his enemy, 30 ; and to carry him away prisoner, 31; sends to the Sultán for his enemy, 31; he is blinded by a bird, 32, 34«.; and confined by the people in the cell constructed for his enemy, 33 ; his character, 29. Dabul=DÁ bhól (q.v.), 18. Dahhüwárah (? Gílwárah), dependency of Ráná Mokal, 120«. Dahód, on frontier of Mandü, 245 ; Sultán Mahmud of Málwah at, 130 and «.; Sultán Mahmud Bigarha at, 208; Muzaffar II. builds fort at, 250 ; Kaisar Khán governor of, 255 ; plundered by Ráí Singh of Pal, 336 and «.; Sultán Mahmud Khilji killed at, 353 and «. Dahúr, village in parganah of Dhólkah, battle at, between Mahmud III. and Dariá Khán, 417. Dakhin, foundation of Báhmaní dynasty, 53«.; lost to Pathán empire of Dehli, 53«.; Mahmud Sháh Bah-mani ruler of, 169 and «.; invaded by Mahmud Khilji, 175 • again invaded by Mahmud Khilji, 178 and «.; revolt in, against Sultán Mahmud Bahmani, 218; Sultán Bahá-dar’s expedition to, 340-46; most of the cities of, subject to Sultán Bahádar, 346 ; tribute of, to Guja-rát, 6. Dakhinis, defeated by Zafar Khán at Maháim, 116«., 118, 125«.; twelve thousand join Bahádar Sháh’s army, 343 ; with Sultán Bahádar at taking of Ráísín, 359, 364; and nobles of Málwah at siege of Chítór, 371. Daman, a sarkdr of Gujarát, 6; in possession of Europeans, 21; revenue from, 17. Damdr, port of the Arabs, tributary to Gujarát, 18. Damnlah, Taghi the rebel takes refuge at, 52, 56. Dandd (? Reva-Dandd), port of the Europeans, tributary to Gujarát, 18. Dandd-Ráipúrí, a sarkdr of Gujarát, 7; given by Sultán Bahádar of Gu- Dandá- Rájpúrí—cont. jarát to Malik ’Ambar, 21 and «.; port of the Europeans, tributary to Gujarát, 18. Danddh (or Dandd-Rekht), district of, 108 and «. Ddngri, in Burhánpúr, battle at, 409. Daria Khán, son of Zafar Khán, Názim in Gujarát, 58. Dariá Khán, noble of Sultán Mahmúd Bigarha, founded Dariápur, 237; his great dome at Ahmadábád, 228; receives title of Malik Yakub, 308. Dariá Khán, wakil of Sultán Mahmúd Khilji to Bahádar Sháh, 349; has charge of Ujain, 358. Dariá Khán, Shams-ul-Mulk so entitled, 329. Dariá Khán Husén, a noble of Sultán Bahádar, 399 ; entitled Majlis Gi-rání, 406; his unjust execution of Ikhtiár Khán, 408 ; expatriates ’Imád-ul-Mulk Malik Jíú, 408 and «.; defeats Malik Jíú at Pátarí, 409; his campaign against Mubárak Sháh, 409; has supreme power in Gujarát, 410; the intrigues of Latif-ul-Mulk against, 412, 413; menaces Kádír Sháh of Málwah, on account of ’Imád-ul-Mulk, 414; his insolence to Sultán Mahmúd III., 415; who escapes from him and joins ’A'lam Khán, 416 ; raises a puppet prince to the throne, and attacks Mahmúd III., 417; whom he defeats at Dahúr, 418 and «.; deserted by his troops, he flees to Mubárak Sháh, 419; Said Mubárak’s prophecy concerning, 420; in exile, joins’A'lam Khán, 277«., 429; ’Imád-ul-Mulk intercedes for, 431; driven out of Gujarát, he joins Shir Sháh of Dehli, 436 ; his end, 408 : his sons Man Jíú and Pír Jíú (t (q.v.}, 57. Kánhá Satarsál, Rájah of Jháláwár, in revolt against Sultán Ahmad (a.d. 1413), 96, 97,100 ; again rebels against Sultán Ahmad (a.d. 1430), 114, 115ft., 125ft. Kánkaríah, tank of, built by Sultán Kutb-ud-din, 147; buildings near, 271. Kánthá Sarsál, see Kánhá Satarsál, 115ft. Kanth-kot, or Kambh-kot (q.v.), 86ft. Kántúrá, infidels of, punished by Sultán Ahmad, 105ft. Kánúr, fort of, taken by Sultán Bahádar, 368. Kánwah, the battle of, 262ft., 276ft., 347ft., 353ft. Kaparbanj, twenty kos from Ahmadábád, 143 and ft.; battle between Sultán Kutb-ud-din and Mahmúd Khiljí near, 144, 145ft., 259, 260ft. ; Sultán Mahmúd Bigarha at, 175. Kapranj, otherwise called Mahmúd-nagar, Bahádar Khán at, 327. Kará Yusaf Turkomán, fled before Tímúr, 377 and ft. Karan, Rájah, Solankhi ruler of Gujarát, 27. Karan Déó, Rájah, a Bághélah ruler of Gujarát, 36; defeated by Musal-mán army, 37 ; his wives and treasure sent to Dehli, 37; his daughter married to Khizr Khán, 37; and a wife to Sultán ’Alá-ud-dín, 38. Kárath, or Kárauth, Alaf Khán flees to, 220. Karchi, pass of, Sultán Bahádar at, 348, 349, 350. Káreth, fort of, founded by Alp Khán Sanjar, 105; repaired by Sultán Ahmad, and named Sultánábád, 105. Kart, parganah of Gujarát, 270; revenue from, 11. Karim Khusrú, Malik, joins rebellion against Sultán Ahmad, 88. Karjhí, Gujarátí armies pass through ghát of, 273. Karmátians, country of U'ch taken from, 34. Kárnah, Kársah, Két'shah, for Kárath (q.v.), 220ft. Kashmir, paper of, 4.486 INDEX Kásim ’Alt Sadr, envoy from Emperor Humáiiín to Sultán Bahádar, 375, 377. Kásim Beg, in charge of Bhanij for Emperor Humáiún, 392, 393ft. Kásim, Shékh, Sultán Muzaffar seeks his blessing (a.d. 1407), 86. Káthís, settle in Sórath, 2ft.; they overrun Gujarát, 33ft. Káihiáwár, origin of the name, 2ft.; old families of, 99ft. ; Sórath (v.), 239. Táj Jamál, Malik, entitled Wajih-ul-Mulk, 329. Táj Khan, envoy of Mahmud Khilji (a.d. 1438), 123».; chief of embassy from Mahmud Khilji to Sultán Kutb-ud-din (a.d. 1456), 150». Táj Khán Narpálí, called also Khán ’Azím, 328». ; sent with reinforcements to Mórásah, 272n.; refuses to acknowledge Mahmud Sháh, 312 ; sides with Bahádar Khán, 312n.; at Dhandukah, 319; sends news from Gujarát to Bahádar Khán, 323; leaving Dhandukah, joins Bahádar Khán at Dúngarpúr, 326; declines to support Latif Khán, 327 and n. ; does homage to Bahádar Khán at Nahrwálah, 328 and n.; honoured and rewarded by Bahádar Sháh, 329; deputed to capture ’Imád-ul-Mulk, 331 and n.; appointed wazir, 334; with expedition against Ráí Singh of Pál, 335n., 333 and n.; appointed governor of Kambháiat, 336».; built Tájpúr, and the tomb of Sháh A'lam Bukhárí, 238. Táj Khán Salar, one of Sultán Mahmud Bigarha’s nobles, 237 and n.; appointed to Tórakh, 193; at siege of Chámpánír, 208».; his masjid near Jamálptírah gate, Ahmadábád, 240. Táj Muhamad, Maulánáf saves the life of Said Muhamad Jónpúrí, 241. Táj-ud-dín Jafar, appointed Názim of Gujarat, 42. Táj-ud-dín Síwí, Mauláná, Sultán Mahmud Bigarha’s last visit to, 226. Táj-ul-Mulk, title of Malik Tuhfah (gv.), 98ra. Táj-ul-Mulk, Malik, entitled Mu’in-ul-Mulk, and left in charge of Thál-nir, 120. Talahti=ihe petta or bazar, 370ft. Talájah, a port of Sorath, 9; Sultán Bahádar at, 338. Tamim, tribe of, in Sind, 406ft. Tamim, a governor of Sind, 406. Tamból (—Batnól), reduced by Sultán Ahmad, 100ft.; besieged by Sultan Ahmad Bahmani, 118, 125ft.; Bah-mani account of siege of, 120 and ft., 125ft. Táng, village, Khizr Khán of Dehli at, 100ft. Tánk dynasty, Gujarát bestowed upon, 70, 71ft., 137. Tánks, caste of, 67 and ft. Tankah, value of, 246. Tankchah, value of Gujarátí (16th cent.), 6, 7, 11 ; value of, in Pattan, Jháláwár, Kari, and Ahmadábád, 11. Tankhwdh, “ assignments,” 10. Tankhwáh-i-alúfah, signification of, 177ft. Táptí, crossed by Sultán Ahmad, 118. Tárápúr gate of Mandu, 107. Tar gin, Moghals under, near Dehli. 39ft. Táríkh-i-Bahádar Sháhí, its author, 59; account of Bahádar Khán’s leaving Gujarát, 279; its author dáróghah of Kambháiat, 341 ; who accompanies Sultán Bahádar, 350; is present with expedition against Chit or, 370 ; and with the Emperor Humáiun at Chitor, 386. Tarke'sar, parganah in Bharuj sarkár, revenue from, 13. Tátár Khán, son of Zafar Khán, hostage for his father, 68, 74 and ft.; his son Ahmad Khán born, 74; joins his father, Zafar Khán, at Pattan, 78, 80 ; leaves Pánípat and invests Dehli, 78 and ft.; in campaign against Fdar, 79; with his father at Sómnát, 79; his father gives him the kingdom of Gujarat, 81 and w., 82». ; is entitled Sultán516 INDEX Tátár Khán—cont Muhamad ( Garri/b ÌVeeeJibo 0 t%odeef>oor) Rugonathyurh / • Ssehxuys .. 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'''""■, / Jinioor \ x i _ * ) ^ jNandafi^à s"—'^\ \ 0B5rAwr X ,,,..... ,,Axhlp X\Jto^t -Yl .......................T '/om^;/ odeqnum o RalctùJìboon \\/\ p ^ X 7R E \ ^ ** *' ° Bu^rmdhuggitrj / J / . \ ,, N Givaroi\^ PäUvu ürdtmooro / Kadb tir Uefi H'oor o Teesijatgn \ Xliilhlurtig í \ / oMaib Goarah 0 Uocmda Knoiundgh BOMBAY ‘TS® Regoog leditaeeer ' bB ) B / H / Ch d ____________L r oliami 8% v/roodldimd L°Bysah Jjjageuyti ftofoa' ' y Oolah o ^XñoodhtR 70° 75°GREAT REDUCTIONS IN THE PRICES OF THE PUBLICATIONS OF MESSRS W. H. ALLEN X CO., LONDON, JUST PURCHASED BY JOHN GRANT, WHOLESALE BOOKSELLER, EDINBURGH. PAGE Miscellaneous Works ------ 2 Scientific Works ------- 29 Natural History. Botany. Mosses, Fungi, &c. Veterinary Works and Agriculture - - 34 India, China, Japan, and the East - - 3d The Reduced Prices of these Books can be had on application to any Bookseller at Home and Abroad. The Published Prices are affixed to each book. The Trade supplied direct, or through Messrs Simpkin, Marshall & Co., London.2 Great Reductions in this Catalogue CATALOGUE. ARTHUR PENRHYN STANLEY, D.D. (Dean of Westminster). Scripture Portraits and other Miscellanies collected from his Published Writings. By Arthur Penrhyn Stanley, D.D. Crown 8vo, gilt top,* 5s. Uniform with the above. VERY REP FREDERICK W. FARRAR, D.D., F.R.S. (.Archdeacon of Westminster). Words of Truth and Wisdom. By Very Rev. Frederick W. Farrar, D.D., F.R.S. Crown 8vo, gilt top, 5s. Uniform with the above. SAMUEL WILBERFORCE, D. D. (.Bishop of Winchester). Heroes of Hebrew History. Crown 8vo, gilt top, 5s. Uniform with the above. CARDINAL NEWMAN. Miscellanies from the Oxford Sermons of John Henry Newman, D.D. Crown 8vo, gilt top, 5s. For the Reduced Prices apply toof Messrs W. H. Allen 6° Co.’s Publications. 3 CAPTAIN JAMES ABBOTT. Narrative of a Journey from Herat to Khiva, Moscow, and St Petersburgh during the late Russian invasion at Khiva, with Map and Portrait. 2 vols., demy 8vo, 24s. Throughout the whole of his journey, his readers are led to take the keenest interest in himself, and each individual of his little suite. The most remarkable anecdote of this part of his journey is concerning the prosecution of the Jews, for an alleged insult to Mohammedanism, not unlike the pretext of Christian persecutors in the days of the Crusaders. From St Petersburgh, Captain Abbott returned to England, where he gives an amusing account of the difficulties, and mental and physical distresses of his Afghan follower. The book concludes with the author’s return to India, and with notices of the fate of some of the individuals in whom we have been most interested by his narrative. “The work will well repay perusal. The most intrinsically valuable portion is perhaps that which relates to the writer’s adventures in Khaurism, and at the Court of Khiva; but the present time imparts a peculiar interest to the sketches of Russian character and policy.”—London Economist. MRS R. K. VAN ALSTINE. Charlotte Corday, and her Life during the French Revolution. A Biography. Crown 8vo, 5s. “It is certainly strange that when history is ransacked for picturesque and interesting subjects, no one has yet told in English—for so Miss van Alstine remarks, and our own recollection supports her negatively—the romantic story of Charlotte Corday. The author has carefully studied her authorities, and taken pains to distinguish fact from fiction, for fiction, it need hardly be said, has mixed itself plentifully with the story of Charlotte Corday. Miss van Alstine has been able to add to this story several genuine details that greatly heighten its effect.”—Spectator. EDWARD L. ANDERSON. How to Ride and School a Horse, with a System of Horse Gymnastics. Fourth Edition, revised and corrected, crown 8vo, 2s. 6d. “ An admirable practical manual of riding.”—Scotsman. “ The book deserves perusal by all who have dealings with horaes.”—Birmingham Gazette. “ Though practice is of course essential, it is equally necessary that the practice should be guided by some principle, and the aspirant who adopts the methods explained and recommended by Mr Anderson is not likely to regret his choice of an instructor.”—Morning Post. D. T. ANSTED and R. G. LATHAM. The Channel Islands. Revised and Edited by E. Toulmin Nicolle. Third Edition, profusely illustrated, crown 8vo, 7s. 6d. “ A useful and entertaining book. The work is well done, and to those who have not even paid a flying visit to this beautiful group it is calculated to cause a strong desire to explore and enjoy its attractions.”—Daily Chronicle. “We are extremely glad to see a new edition of this fascinating work. . . . All who know the Channel Islands should read this admirable book; and many who read the book will certainly not rest until they know the Channel Islands.”—Black and White. PROFESSOR D. T. ANSTED. Water, and Water Supply. Chiefly with reference to the British Islands. With Maps, 8vo, 18s. Towns and their water-supply is becoming a clamant grievance. Any Bookseller at Home and Abroad.4 Great Reductions in this Catalogue MAJOR J. H. LAWRENCE-ARCHER, Bengal H.P. The Orders of Chivalry, from the Original Statutes of the various Orders of Knighthood and other Sources of Information. With 3 Portraits and 63 Plates, beautifully coloured and heightened with gold, 4to, coloured, £6. 6s., Plain, £3. 3s. “ Major Lawrence-Archer has produced a learned and valuable work in his account of ‘The Orders of Chivalry.’ He explains that the object of the book is to supply a succinct account of the chivalric orders in a convenient form. The literary form of the work is amply convenient for reference and study. Its material form could be convenient only to some knight of the times when armour was worn in the field, and men were stronger in the arm than they are now. It is a handsome volume. The size of the book is doubtless due to the introduction of a series of engraved plates of the badges and crosses of the various orders described. These plates are executed in a finished style, and give the work an exceptional value for students of heraldic symbolism. The author may be congratulated on the successful issue of a laborious and useful task.”—Scotsman, 14th May 1888. SIR EDWIN ARNOLD, M.A., Author of “ The Light of Asia,” &c. The Book of Good Counsels, Fables from the Sanscrit of the Plito-padesa. With Illustrations by Gordon Browne. Autograph and Portrait, crown 8vo, antique, gilt top, 5s. ------ The Same. Superior Edition, beautifully bound, 7s. 6d. “ It is so long since Sir Edwin Arnold’s Indian fables were in print that they may practically be regarded as a new book. In themselves they are almost the fathers of all fable, for whereas we know of no source whence the ‘ Hitopaftesa ’ could have been borrowed, there are evidences of its inspiration and to spare in Bidpai, in AEsop, and in most of the later fabulists.”—Pall Mall Gazette. “Those curious and fascinating stories from the Sanskrit which Sir Edward Arnold has retold in ‘ The Book of Good Counsels ’ give us the key to the heart of modern India, the writer tells us, as well as the splendid record of her ancient gods and glories, quaint narratives, as full of ripe wisdom as the songs of Hiawatha, and with the same curious blending of statecraft and wood-magic in them.”—Daily Telegraph. “ A new edition comes to hand of this delightful work—a fit companion to ‘ AEsop’s Fables’ and the ‘Jungle Book.’ Sir Edwin has done well to republish this record of Indian stories and poetical maxims from the Sanskrit. And the illustrations, a specimen of which we give here, what shall we say of them ? Simply that they are equal to the text. No more pleasant series of ‘ Good Counsels’ is it possible to find, and we are convinced that it is not an ill counsel—far from it—to advise our readers to forthwith get this charming work. They will derive not a little pleasure, and perchance instruction, from a perusal of the story of the jackal, deer, and crow, of the tiger and the traveller, of the lion, the jackals, and the bull, of the black snake and golden chain, of the frogs, and the old serpent, and of all the other veracious chronicles herein set forth.”—Whitehall Review. S. BARING-GOULD, M.A., Author of “ Mehalah,” Sfc. In Troubadour Land. A Ramble in Provence and Languedoc, with Illustrations by J. E. Rogers. Medium 8vo, 12s. 6d. “ The title of Mr Baring-Gould’s book only indicates one of the many points of interest which will attract the intelligent traveller during a tour in Provence and Languedoc. Besides troubadours, there are reminiscences of Greek colonisation and Roman Empire, of the Middle Ages, and of the Revolution. . . . The illustrations which adorn the pages of this very readable volume are decidedly above the average. The arm-chair traveller will not easily find a pleasanter compagnon de voyage.”—St James's Gazette. “A most charming book, brightly written, and profusely illustrated with exquisite engravings.”—Glasgow Herald. “A charming book, full of wit and fancy and information, and worthy of its sub jeet."—Scotsman. For the Reduced Prices apply toof Messrs W. H. Allen & Cols Publications. 5 SIR E. C. BAYLEY, The Local Muhammadan Dynasties, Gujarat. Forming a Sequel to Sir H. M. Elliott’s “ History of the Muhammadan Empire of India,” demy 8vo, 2is. WYKE BA YLISS. The Enchanted Island, the Venice of Titian, and other studies in Art, with Illustrations. Crown 8vo, 6s. “Richly imaginative and full of eloquent and frequently highly poetical thought.” —Standard. “ A charm which would render it difficult for any one to lay the book aside till the last page is reached.”—Art Journal. “ A clever lecturer might pick more than one chapter as a good bit for evening readings.”—Graphic. The Higher Life in Art. Crown 8vo, with Illustrations, 6s. “The style has the grace which comes by culture, and no small share of the eloquence bred of earnest conviction. Mr Bayliss writes as a man who, having seen much, has also read and thought much on fine art questions. His views are therefore entitled to that respectful attention which the pleasant dress in which he has clothed them renders it all the easier to accord.”—Scotsman. “ The writing is that of a scholar and a gentleman, and though the critical faculty is often evinced in a subtle and discriminating form, all allusions to individuals are made with so much of the kindliness of true good taste, that we are almost conscious of a reluctance in disagreeing with the author.”—The Spectator. “ Mr Wyke Bayliss is at the same time a practical artist and a thoughtful writer. The combination is, we regret to say, as rare as it is desirable. . . He deals ably and clearly—notably so in this present book—with questions of the day of practical and immediate importance to artists and to the Art public? . . We prefer to send the reader to the volume itself, where he will find room for much reflection.”—The Academy. “ One of the most humorous and valuable of the general articles on Art is Mr Wyke Bayliss’ ‘ Story of a Dado.’ ”—The Standard. MISS SOPHIA BEALE. The Churches of Paris from Clovis to Charles X., with numerous Illustrations. Crown 8vo, 7s. 6d. Contents:—Notre Dame; Notre Dame des Champs; Notre Dame de Lorette; Notre Dame des Victoires; Geneviève; Val de Grace; Ste. Chapelle; St Martin; St Martin des Champs ; Etienne du Mont ; Eustaehe; Germain l’Auxerrois ; Germain des Près; Gervais; Julien; Jacques; Leu; Laurent; Merci; Nicolas; Paul; Roch; Severin ; V. de Paul ; Madeleine ; Elizabeth ; Sorbonne ; Invalides. “ An interesting study of the historical, archaeological, and legendary associations which belong to the principal churches of Paris.”—Times. “ A comprehensive work, as readable as it is instructive. The literary treatment is elaborate, and the illustrations are numerous and attractive.”—Globe. “ For the more serious-minded type of visitor who is capable of concerning himself in the treasures of art and store of traditions they contain, Miss Beale has prepared her book on the Churches of Paris. It is more than an ordinary guide-book, for it mingles personal opinion and comment with curious information drawn from the old and new authorities on the history and contents of the more ancient and celebrated of the Paris churches.”—Scotsman. “A monument of historical research and judicious compilation is The Churches of Paris from Clovis to Charles X., by Sophia Beale (Allen and Co.). This valuable work, copiously and gracefully illustrated by the author, is destined to serve as a complete vade-mecum to those British visitors to the French capital who take a special interest in ecclesiastical architecture and in the curious mediaeval lore connected with several of the venerable Parisian fanes that have survived wars and sieges, revolutions and spasms of urban ‘ improvement,’ throughout from six to eight centuries.”—Daily Telegraph. Any Bookseller at Home and Abroad.6 Great Reductions in this Catalogue MONSEIGNEUR BESSON Frederick Francis Xavier de Merode, Minister and Almoner to Pius IX. His Life and Works. Translated by Lady Herbert. Crown 8vo, 7s. 6d. “The book is most interesting1, not only to Catholics, but to all who care for adventurous lives and also to historical inquirers. De Merode’s career as an officer of the Belgian army, as a volunteer in Algeria with the French, and afterwards at the Papal Court, is described with much spirit by Monseigneur Besson, and Bishop of Nîmes, who is the author of the original work. The book, which is now translated, was written with permission of the present Pope, and is, of course, a work agreeable to the authorities of the Vatican, but at the same time its tone leaves nothing to be desired by those who are members of the communions.”—Athenæum. SIR GEORGE BIRDWOOD, M.D., K.C.I.E., &c. Report on the Old Records of the India Office, with Maps and Illustrations. Royal 8vo, 12s. 6d. “No one knows better than Sir George Bird wood how to make ‘ a bare and shorthand’ index of documents attractive, instructive and entertaining, by means of the notes and elucidatory comments which he supplies so liberally, and so pleasantly withal, from his own inexhaustible stores of information concerning the early relations of India with Europe.”—Times. “ The wonderful story (of the rise of the British Indian Empire) has never been better told. ... A better piece of work is very rarely met with.”—The Anti-Jacobin. “Offl3ial publications have not as a rule any general interest; but as there are ‘ fagots and fagots’ so there are reports and reports, and Sir George Bird wood’s Report on the Old Records of the India Office is one of the most interesting that could be read.” —Journal des Debats. HENRY BLACKBURN, Editor of “ Academy Notes” The Art of Illustration. A Popular Treatise on Drawing for the Press. Description of the Processes, &c. Second edition. With 95 Illustrations by Sir John Gilbert, R.A., H. S. Marks, R.A., G. D. Leslie, R.A., Sir John Millais, R.A., Walter Crane, R. W. Macbeth, A.R.A., G. H. Boughton, A.R.A., H. Railton, Alfred East, Hume Nisbet, and other well-known Artists. 7s. 6d. A capital handbook for Students. “We thoroughly commend his book to all whom it may concern, and chiefly to the proprietors of the popular journals and magazines which, for cheapness rather than for art’s sake, employ any of the numerous processes which are now in vogue.”— Athenæum. “Let us conclude with one of the axioms in a fascinating volume : ‘ Be an artist first, and an illustrator afterwards.’ ”—Spectator. “ ‘The Art of Illustration’ is a brightly written account, by a man who has had arge experience of the ways in which books and newspapers are illustrated nowadays. ... As a collection of typical illustrations by artists of the day, Mr Blackburn’s book is very attractive.”—The Times. “Mr Blackburn explains the processes—line, half-tone, and so forth—exemplifying each by the drawings of artists more or less skilled in the modern work of illustration. They are well chosen as a whole, to show the possibilities of process work in trained hands.”—Saturday Review. “ Mr Blackburn’s volume should be very welcome to artists, editors, and publishers.”—The Artist. “ A most useful book.”—Studio. For the Reduced Prices apply toof Messrs W. H. Allen 6° Cols Publications. 7 E. BONA VIA, M.D., Brigade-Surgeon, Indian Medical Service. The Cultivated Oranges and Lemons of India and Ceylon. Demy 8vo, with oblong Atlas volume of Plates, 2 vols., 30s. “The amount of labour and research that Dr Bona via must have expended on these volumes would be very difficult to estimate, and it is to be hoped that he will be repaid, to some extent at least, by the recognition of his work by those who are interested in promoting the internal industries of India.”—Home News. “Dr Bonavia seems to have so thoroughly exhausted research into the why and wherefore of oranges and lemons, that there can be but little left for the most enthusiastic admirer of this delicious fruit to find out about it. Plunging into Dr Bonavia’s pages we are at once astonished at the variety of his subject and the wide field there is for research in an everyday topic. Dr Bonavia has given a very full appendix, in which may be found a few excellent recipes, for confitures made from oranges and lemons.”—The Pioneer. R. BRAITHWAITE, M.D., F.L.S., &c. The Sphagnaceae, or Peat Mosses of Europe and North America. Illustrated with 29 plates, coloured by hand, imp. 8vo, 25s. “All museologists will be delighted to hail the appearance of this important work . . . Never before has our native moss-flora been so carefully figured and described, and that by an acknowledged authority on the subject.” —Science Gossip. “Mosses, perhaps, receive about as little attention from botanists as any class of plants, and considering how admirably mosses lend themselves to the collector’s purposes, this is very remarkable. Something may be due to the minuteness of the size of many of the species, and something perhaps to the difficulties inherent in the systematic treatment of these plants; but we fancy the chief cause of comparative neglect with which they are treated is to be sought in the want of a good illustrated English treatise upon them. In the work which is now before us, Dr Braithwaite aims at placing the British mosses on the same vantage-ground as the more favoured classes of the vegetable kingdom ; and judging from the sample lately issued, he will succeed in his endeavours.”—Popular Science Review. “TOM BOWLING.” Book of Knots (The). Illustrated by V72 Examples, showing the manner of making every Knot, Tie, and Splice. By “ Tom Bowling.” Third Edition. Crown 8vo, 2s. 6d. Edited by JAMES BURROWS. Byron Birthday Book. i6mo, cloth, gilt edges, 2s. 6d. A handsome book. B. CARRINGTON, M.D., E.R.S. British Hepaticse. Containing Descriptions and Figures of the Native Species of Jungermanniaf Marchantia, and Anthoceros. With plates coloured by hand. Imp. 8vo, Parts 1 to 4, all published per set, 15s. S. WELLS WILLLAMS, LL.D., Professor of the Chinese Language and Literature at Yale College. China—The Middle Kingdom. A Survey of the Geography, Government, Literature, Social Life, Arts, and History of the Chinese Empire and its Inhabitants. Revised Edition, with 74 Illustrations and a New Map of the Empire. 2 vols., demy 8vo, 42s. “ The work now before us is second to none in thoroughness, comprehensiveness, and all the tokens of accuracy of which an ‘outside barbarian ’ can take cognisance.” —A. P. Peabody. Any Bookseller at Home and Abroad.8 Great Reductions in this Catalogue SURGEON-MAJOR L. A. WADDELL, M.B. The Buddhism of Tibet. With its Mystic Cults, Symbolism, and Mythology, and in its relation to Indian Buddhism, with over 200 Illustrations. Demy 8vo, 600 pp., 31s. 6d. Synopsis op Contents :—Introductory. Historical—Changes in Primitive Buddhism leading to Lamaism—Rise, Development, and Spread of Lamaism—The Sects of Lamaism. Doctrinal—Metaphysical Sources of the Doctrine—The Doctrine and its Morality—Scriptures and Literature. Monastic—The Order of Lamas—Daily Life and Routine—Hierarchy and Reincarnate Lamas. Buildings—Monasteries—Temples and Cathedral—Shrines (and Relics and Pilgriips). Mythology and Gods—Pantheon and Images— Sacred Symbols and Charms. Ritual and Sorcery—Worship and Ritual— Astrology and Divination—Sorcery and Necromancy. Festivals and Plays— Festivals and Holidays—Mysic Plays and Masquerades and Sacred Plays. Popular Lamaism—Domestic and Popular Lamaism. Appendices—Chronological Table—Bibliography—Index. “By far the most important mass of original materials contributed to this recondite study.”—The Times. “Dr Waddell deals with the whole subject in a most exhaustive manner, and gives a clear insight into the structure, prominent features, and cults of the system ; and to disentangle the early history^ of Lamaism from the chaotic growth of fable which has invested it, most of the chief internal movements of Lamaism are now for the first time presented in an intelligible and systematic form. The work is a valuable addition to the long series that have preceded it, and is enriched by numerous illustrations, mostly from originals brought from Lhasa, and from photographs by the author, while it is fully indexed, and is provided with a chronological table and bibliography.”— Liverpool Courier. “ A book of exceptional interest.”—Glasgow Herald. “A learned and elaborate work, likely for some time to come to be a source of reference to all who seek information about Lamaism. ... In the appendix will be found a chronological table of Tibetan events, and a bibliography of the best literature bearing on Lamaism. There is also an excellent index, and the numerous illustrations are certainly one of the distinctive features of the book.”—Morning Post. “Cannot fail to arouse the liveliest interest. The author of this excellently produced, handsomely illustrated volume of nearly six hundred pages has evidently spared no pains in prosecuting his studies. . . . The book is one of exceptional value, and will attract all those readers who take an interest in the old religions of the far East.”—Publishers' Circular. “ The author is one of few Europeans who have entered the territory of the Grand Lama, and spent several years in studying the actualities of Lamaism as explained by Lamas. A Lamaist temple with its fittings was purchased, and the officiating priests explained in full detail the symbolism and the rites as they proceeded. Other temples and monasteries were visited and Lamas employed for copying manuscripts, and searching for texts hearing upon the author’s researches. Enjoying special facilities for penetrating the reserve of Tibetan ritual, and obtaining direct from Lhasa and Tashi-lhunpo most of the objects and explanatory material needed, much information has been obtained on Lamaist theory and practice which is altogether new.” “ The internal developments and movements of Lamaism are now for the first time presented in an intelligible and systematic form. Details of the principal rites, mystic and other deep-rooted demon worship and dark sorcery, the religious Plays and Festivals, are given fully.” With numerous illustrations from originals brought from Lhasa, and from photographs by the author. For the Reduced Prices apply toof Messrs W. H. Allen 6° Cols Publications. 9 M. C. COOKE, M.A., ZA.Z). *** For fuller notices of Dr Cooke’s works see under Scientific, pp. 29, 30. The British Fungi: A Plain and Easy Account of. With Coloured Plates"of 40 Species. Fifth Edition, Revised, crown 8vo, 6s. Rust, Smut, Mildew, and Mould. An Introduction to the Study of Microscopic Fungi. Illustrated with 269 Coloured Figures by J. E. Sowerby. Fifth Edition, Revised and Enlarged, with Appendix of New Species. Crown 8vo, 6s. Handbook of British Hepatic». Containing Descriptions and Figures of the Indigenous Species of Marchantia, Jungermannia, Riccia, and Anthoceros, illustrated. Crown 8vo, 6s. Our Reptiles and Batrachians. A Plain and Easy Account of the Lizards, Snakes, Newts, Toads, Frogs, and Tortoises indigenous to Great Britain. New and Revised Edition. With Original Coloured Pictures of every species, and numerous woodcuts, crown 8vo, 6s. F. C. DANVERS. Report to the Secretary of State for India in Council on the Portuguese Records relating to the East Indies, contained in the Archivo da Torre de Tombo, and the Public Libraries at Lisbon and Evora. Royal 8vo, sewed, 6s. net. REV. A. J. D. D'ORSEV, B.D., K.C., P.O.C. Portuguese Discoveries, Dependencies, and Missions in Asia and Africa, with Maps. Crown 8vo, 7s. 6d. Contents. Book I. Book III .—continued Introductory. The Portuguese in Europe and Asia. Portugal and the Portuguese. Portuguese Discoveries in the Fifteenth Century. Portuguese Conquests of India in the Sixteenth Century. The Portuguese Empire in the Sixteenth Century. Book II. The Portuguese Missions in Southern India. Early History of the Church in India. First Meeting of the Portuguese with the Syrians. Pioneers of the Portuguese Missions. The Rise of the Jesuits. The Jesuits in Portugal. St Francis Xavier’s Mission in India. Subsequent Missions in the Sixteenth Century. Book III. The Subjugation of the Syrian Church. Roman Claim of Supremacy. First Attempt, by the Franciscans. Second Attempt, by the Jesuits. The Struggle against Rome. The Archbishop of Goa. The Synod of Diamper. The Triumph of Rome. Book IV. Subsequent Missions in Southern India, with special reference to the Syrians. Radiation of Mission of Goa. The Madura Mission. Portuguese Missions in the Carnatic. Syrian Christians in the Seventeenth Century. Syrian Christians in the Eighteenth Century. Book V. The Portuguese Missions, with special reference to Modern Missionary efforts in South India. The First Protestant Mission in South India. English Missions to the Syrians 1806-1G. English Missions and the Syrian Christians. The Disruption and its Results. Present State of the Syrian Christians. The Revival of the Romish Missions in India. Any Bookseller at Home and Abroad.IO Great Reductions in this Catalogue C. L. EASTLAKE. Notes on the Principal Pictures in the Royal Gallery at Venice. Crown 8vo, 3s. 6d. VERY REV. FREDERICK W. FARRAR, D.D., F.R.S. (.Archdeacon of Westminster). Words of Truth and Wisdom, by Very Rev. Frederick W. Farrar, D.D., F.R.S. Crown 8vo, gilt top, 5s. Contents. Christian Statesmanship. The Conquest over Temp- The Monks. Legislative Duties. tation. The Early Franciscans. The Use of Gifts and Oppor- Too Late. The Hermits. tunities. The Souls of the Departed. The Missionaries. The Brotherhood of Man. What Heaven is. The Martyrs. Energy of Christian Service. No Discharge in the War Seneca. Christianity and the Human against Sin. Seneca and St Paul. Race. " The Dead which die in the Gallio and St Paul. Christianity and Individual. Lord. Roman Society in the days The Victories of Christianity. The Resurrection of the of St Paul. The Christian Remedy against Dead. Sanskrit. the Frailties of Life. The Blighted Life. Greek and Hebrew. Prayer, the Antidote of Wisdom and Knowledge. Aryan Migrations. Sorrow. The Voice of History. Words. “In theological views he might be described as standing between the Evangelical party and the Broad Church ; but his knowledge, coloured by a poetic temperament, his superabundant fertility, and eloquent luxuriance of style, have gained for him a unique position in the theological thought of the last twenty years.”—Celebrities of the Century. GENERAL GORDON, C.B. Events in the Taeping Rebellion, being Reprints of MSS. copied by General Gordon, C.B., in his own handwriting; with Monograph, Introduction, and Notes, by A. Egmont Hake, Author of “ The Story of Chinese Gordon.” With Portrait and Map, demy 8vo, 18s. “The publication of this volume completes what may bo called the personal narrative of General Gordon’s eventful life told in his own words.”—Manchester Guardian. “ There is no doubt that a wide circle of readers will like to read the story in the very words of the gallant leader of the 4 Ever Victorious Army.’ ”—Daily Graphic. A handy book of reference. Companion to the Writing Desk; or, Flow to Address, Begin, and End Letters to Titled and Official Personages. Together with a Table of Precedence, copious List of Abbreviations, Rules for Composition and Punctuation, Instructions on Preparing for the Press, &c. 32mo, is. A useful manual which should be in every office. BARON CUVIER. The Animal Kingdom, with considerable Additions by W. B. Carpenter, M.D., F.R.S., and J. O. Westwood, F.L.S. New Edition, Illustrated with 500 Engravings on Wood and 36 Coloured Plates, imp. 8vo, 21s. For the Reduced Prices apply toof Messrs W. H Allen 6° Cols Publications. ii M. GRIFFITH. India’s Princes, short Life Sketches of the Native Rulers of India, with 47 full-page Illustrations. Demy 4to, gilt top, 21s. The contents are arranged in the following order:—The Punjaub—H.H. The Maharaja of Cashmere, H.H. The Maharaja of Patiala, H.H. The Maharaja of Kapur-thalla. RajputAnA—The Maharaja of Ouidpur, The Maharaja of Jeypore, The Maharaja of Jodhpur, The Maharaja of Uwar, The Maharaja of Bhurtpur. Central India —H.H. The Maharaja Holkar of Indore, H.H. The Maharaja Scindia of Gwalior, H.H. The Begum of Bhopal. The Bombay Presidency—H.H. The Gaik war of Baroda, H. H. The Rao of Cutch, H.H. The Raja of Kolhapur, H.H. The Nawab of Juarrghad, II.H. The Thakore Sahib of Bhavnagar, H.H. The Thakore Sahib of Dhangadra, H.H. The Thakore Sahib of Morvi, H.H. The Thakore Sahib of Gondal. Southern India—H.H. The Nizam of Hyderabad, H.H. The Maharaja of Mysore, H.H. The Maharaja of Travancore, brim of choice and practical hints fully up to the most advanced stages of Apiarian Science, and its perusal has afforded us so much pleasure that we have drawn somewhat largely from it for the benefit of our readersBee-keepers' Magazine (New York). “ It is profusely illustrated with engravings, which are almost always inserted for their utility. . . . There is an old saying that ‘ easy writing is hard reading,’ but we will not say thus much of Mr Hunter’s book, which, taken as a whole, is perhaps the most generally useful of any now published in this country.”—The Field. MAJOR LEIGH HUNT, Madras Army, and ALEX. S. KENNY, M.R. C.S.E., A.K.C., Senior Demonstrator of Anatomy at King's College, London. On Duty under a Tropical Sun. Being some Practical Suggestions for the Maintenance of Health and Bodily Comfort, and the Treatment of Simple Diseases; with remarks on Clothing and Equipment. Second Edition, crown 8vo, 4s. “This little book is devoted to the description and treatment of many tropical diseases and minor emergencies, supplemented by some useful hints on diet, clothing, and equipment for travellers in tropical climates. The issue of a third edition proves that the book has hitherto been successful. On the whole we can commend the hints which have been given for the treatment of various diseases, but .in some places much has been left to the knowledge of the reader in the selection and application of a remedy.”—Scottish Geographical Magazine. “ Is written more especially for the rougher sex, and is only less important than Tropical Trials ’ because it has had many more predecessors. It is now in a third edition, and contains practical suggestions for the maintenance of health and bodily comfort, as well as the treatment of simple diseases, with useful remarks on clothing and equipment for the guidance of travellers abroad.”—Daily Telegraph. Tropical Trials. A Handbook for Women in the Tropics. Crown 8vo, 7s. 6d. “ Is a valuable handbook for women in the East, and, we are glad to see, now in its second edition. It does not treat theoretically of the maladies incidental to Europeans in hot climates, or go deeply into those matters which properly belong to the experienced doctor, but it gives plain, wholesome advice on matters of health, which, were it scrupulously followed, it is not too much to say would add fifty per cent, to the enjoyment of our countrywomen abroad. She could scarcely have a better guide as to what to do and what not to do than this excellent handbook, which deserves to be included in every woman’s foreign outfit.”—Daily Telegraph. JOHN H. INGRAM. The Haunted Htunes and Family Traditions of Great Britain. Illustrated. Ciown 8vo, 7s. 6d. Epitomised in One Volume by R. O' BYRNE, F.R.G.S., cVc. James’ Naval History. A Narrative of the Naval Battles, Single Ship Actions, Notable Sieges, and Dashing Cutting-out Expeditions, fought in the days of Howe, Hood, Duncan, St Vincent, Bridport, Nelson, Camperdown, Exmouth, Duckworth, and Sir Sydney Smith. Crown 8vo, 5s. For the Reduced Prices apply to* of Messrs W. H. Allen 6° Cols Publications. 15 MRS GRACE JOHNSON, Silver Medallist Cookery, Exhibition. Anglo-Indian and Oriental Cookery. Crown 8vo, 3s. 6d. “ Overflows with all sorts of delicious and economical recipes.”—Pall Mall Budget. “ Housewives and professors of the gentle art of cookery who deplore the dearth of dainty dishes will find a veritable gold mine in Mrs Johnson’s book.”—Pall Mall Gazette. Appeals to us from a totally original standpoint. She has thoroughly and completely investigated native and Anglo-Indian cuisines, and brought away the very best specimens of their art. Her pillau and kedgree are perfect, in our opinion ; curries are scientifically classed and explained, and some of the daintiest recipes we have ever seen are given, but the puddings particularly struck our fancy. Puddings as a rule are so nasty ! The pudding that is nourishing is hideously insipid, and of the smart pudding it may truly be said that its warp is dyspepsia, and its woof indigestion. Mrs Johnson’s puddings are both good to taste and pretty to look at, and the names of some of her native dishes would brighten any menu. H. G. KEENE, C.I.E., B.C.S., M.R.A.S., History of India. From the Earliest Times to the Present Day. For the use of Students and Colleges. 2 vols, with Maps. Crown 8vo, 16s. “ The main merit of Mr Keene’s performance lies in the fact that he has assimilated all the authorities, and has been careful to bring his book down to date. He has been careful in research, and has availed himself of the most recent materials. He is well known as the author of other works on Indian history, and his capacity for his self-imposed task will not be questioned. We must content ourselves with this brief testimony to the labour and skill bestowed by him upon a subject of vast interest and importance. Excellent proportion is preserved in dealing with the various episodes, and the style is clear and graphic. The volumes are supplied with many useful maps, and the appendix include notes on Indian law and on recent books about India.”— Globe. “ Mr Keene has the admirable element of fairness in dealing with the succession of great questions that pass over his pages, and he wisely devotes a full half of his work to the present century. The appearance of such a book, and of every such book, upon India is to be hailed at present. A fair-minded presentment of Indian history like that contained in Mr Keene’s two volumes is at this moment peculiarly welcome.”—Times. An Oriental Biographical Dictionary. Founded on Materials collected by the late Thomas William Beale. New Edition, revised and enlarged, royal 8vo, 28s. “ A complete biographical dictionary for a country like India, which in its long history has produced a profusion of great men, would be a vast undertaking. The suggestion here made only indicates the line on which the dictionary, at some future time, could be almost indefinitely extended, and rendered still more valuable as a work of reference. Great care has evidently been taken to secure the accuracy of all that has been included in the work, and that is of far more importance than mere bulk. The dictionary can be commended as trustworthy, and reflects much credit on Mr Keene. Several interesting lists of rulers are given under the various founders of dynasties.”—India. The Fall of the Moghul Empire. From the Death of Aurungzeb to the Overthrow of the Mahratta Power. A New Edition, with Corrections and Additions, with Map, crown 8vo, Js. 6d. This work fills up a blank between the ending of Elphinstone’s and the commencement of Thornton’s Histories. Fifty-Seven. Some Account of the Administration of Indian Districts during the Revolt of the Bengal Army. Demy 8vo, 6s. Any Bookseller at Home and Abroad.16 Great Reductions in this Catalogue DR TALBOTT, and others. Keble College Sermons. Second Series, 1877-1888, crown 8vo, 6s. “ To those who desire earnest, practical, and orthodox doctrine in the form of short addresses, these sermons will be most acceptable ; and their lofty tone, their eloquent wording, and the thorough manliness of their character, will commend them to a wide circle of readers.”—Morning Post. “ Dr Talbot has a second time thoughtfully placed on public record some of the lessons which were taught during his Wardenship in Sermons preached in the Chapel of Keble College, Oxfoi'd, 1877-1888. The sermons are fresh and vigorous in tone, and evidently come from preachers who were thoroughly in touch with their youthful audience, and who generally with much acuteness and skill grappled with the spiritual and intellectual difficulties besetting nowadays the University career.”— Church Times. G. H. KINAHAN. A Handy Book of Rock Names. Fcap. 8vo, 4s. “ This will prove, we do not doubt, a very useful little book to all practical geologists, and also to the reading student of rocks. When a difficulty is incurred as to a species of deposit, it will soon vanish. Mr Kinahan’s little book will soon make it all clear. The work is divided into three parts. The first is a classified table of rocks, the second part treats of the Ingenite rocks, and the third part deals with those rocks which are styled Derivate. Dana’s termination of yte has been most generally used by the author, but he has also given the ite terminations for those that like them. The book will be purchased, for it must be had, by every geologist ; and as its size is small, it will form a convenient pocket companion for the man who works over field and quarry.”—Popular Science Review. REV. F. G. LEE, D.D. ( Vicar of All Saints’, Lambeth). The Church under Queen Elizabeth. An Historical Sketch. By Rev. F. G. Lee, D.D. (Vicar of All Saints’, Lambeth). Second Edition. Crown 8vo, 7s. 6d. “There is the same picturesqueness of detail, the same vigorous denunciation, the same graphic power, which made the earlier book pleasant reading even to many who disagree heartily with its tone and object. . . Dr Lee’s strength lies in very graphic description.”—Notes and Queries. “ This is, in many ways, a remarkably fine book. That it is powerfully written no one acquainted with Dr Lee’s vigorous style would for a moment dispute.”—Morning Post. “ Presenting a painful picture of the degradation into which the Church had sunk in Elizabeth’s reign.”—Daily Telegraph. Sights and Shadows. Being Examples of the Supernatural. New Edition. With a Preface addressed to the Critics. Crown 8vo, 6s. •“ This work will be especially interesting to students of the supernatural, and their name is legion at the present moment. It deals with more than one branch of what is commonly known as spiritualism. The introduction gives a brief resumé of various forms of magic and divination which have obtained credence in all ageSj and later on we find well-authenticated accounts of apparitions, supernatural warnings, hypnotic experiments, and miracles of healing. Mr Lee evidently believes that ‘ there are more things in heaven and earth than are dreamt of in our philosophy,’ and few sane people will disagree with him, though they may not be inclined to accept all his opinions and assertions as they stand.”—Lady. “ Here we have ghostly stories galore, which believers in supernatural visitations will welcome as upholders of the faith that is in them. Dr Lee is a hard hitter and a vigorous controversialist, with a righteous contempt for your Darwins and Stuart Mills, and such like folk, and is not above suggesting that some of them have a decided worship of the god Self. As for ‘ the pompous jargon and silly cynicism which so many public scribes again and again make use of to throw discredit upon any phase of the supernatural,’ I have nothing to say. They can take care of themselves. This much I know, that ‘Sights and Shadows’ gives one an eerie feeling as midnight approaches and the fire flickers on the hearth.”—Gentlewoman. For the Reduced Prices apply toof Messrs W. H. Allen 6° Cols Publications. 17 COL. G. B. MALLESON. History of the French in India. From the Founding of Pondicherry in 1674, to the Capture of that place in 1761. New and Revised Edition, with Maps. Demy 8vo, 16s. “ Colonel Malles on has produced a volume alike attractive to the general reader and valuable for its new matter to the special student. It is not too much to say that now, for the first time, we are furnished with a faithful narrative of that portion of European enterprise in India which turns upon the contest waged by the East India Company against French influence, and especially against Dupleix.”—Edinburgh Review. “ It is pleasant to contrast the work now before us with the writer’s first bold plunge ittto historical composition, which splashed every one within his reach. He swims now with a steady stroke, and there is no fear of his sinking. With a keener insight into human character, and a larger understanding of the sources of human action, he combines all the power of animated recital which invested his earlier narratives with popularity. ’ ’—Fortnightly Review. “ The author has had the advantage of consulting the French archives, and his * volume forms a useful supplement to Orme.”—Athenaeum. Final French Struggles in India and on the Indian Seas. New Edition. Crown 8vo, 6s. “ How India escaped from the government of prefects and sub-prefects to fall under that of commissioners and deputy-commissioners; why the Penal Code of Lord Macaulay reigns supreme instead of a Code Napoleon; why we are not looking on helplessly from Mahe, Karikal, and Pondicherry, while the French are ruling all over Madras, and spending millions of francs in attempting to cultivate the slopes of the Neilgherries, may be learnt from this modest volume. Colonel Malleson is always painstaking, and generally accurate; his style is transparent, and he never loses sight of the purpose with which he commenced to write.”—Saturday Review. “ A book dealing with such a period of our history in the East, besides being interesting, contains many lessons. It is written in a style that will be popular with general readers."—Athenceum. “ It strikes one as the best thing he has yet done. Searching, yet easy, his pen goes with unflagging power through the military wonders of a hundred years, connecting the accounts of battles by a sufficient historic thread.”—Academy. History of Afghanistan, from the Earliest Period to the Outbreak of the War of 1878, with map, demy 8vo, 18s. “ The name of Colonel Malleson on the title-page of any historical work in relation to India or the neighbouring States is a satisfactory guarantee both for the accuracy of the facts and the brilliancy of the narrative. The author may be complimented upon having written a History of Afghanistan which is likely to become a work of standard authority. ”—Scotsman. The Battle-Fields of Germany, from the Outbreak of the Thirty Years’ War to the Battle of Blenheim, with maps and one plan, demy 8vo* 16s. “ Colonel Malleson has shown a grasp of his subject, and a power of vivifying the confused passages of battle, in which it would be impossible to name any living writer as his equal. * In imbuing these almost forgotten battle-fields with fresh interest and reality *for the English reader, he is re-opening one of the most important chapters of European History, which no previous English writer has made so interesting and instructive as he has succeeded in doing in this volume.”—Academy. Ambushes and Surprises, being a Description of some of the most famous instances of the Leading into Ambush and the Surprises of Armies, from the time of Hannibal to the period of the Indian Mutiny, with a portrait of General Lord Mark Ker, K.G.B., demy 8vo, 18s. Any Bookseller at Home and Abroad,i8 Great Reductions in this Catalogue JAMES IR VIN LUPTON, F. R. C. VS., author of‘‘ The External Anatomy of the Horse f Sfc. The Horse: as he Was, as he Is, and as he Ought to Be, with Illustrations. Crown 8vo, 3s. 6cl. “ Written with a good object in view, namely, to create an interest in the important subject of horse-breeding, more especially that class known as general utility horses. The book contains several illustrations, is well printed and handsomely bound, and we hope will meet with the attention it deserves.”—Live Stock Journal. T. MILLER MAGUIRE, M.A., LL.D. American War—Campaigns in Virginia, 1861-2, with Maps. Royal 8vo, paper covers, 3s. 6d. MRS MANNING. Ancient and Mediaeval India. Being the History, Religion, Laws, Caste, Manners and Customs, Language, Literature, Poetry, Philosophy, Astronomy, Algebra, Medicine, Architecture, Manufactures, Commerce, &c., of the Hindus, taken from their Writings. With Illustrations. 2 vols., demy 8vo, 30s. IRVING MONTAGU (late Special War Correspondent “Illustrated London News ”). Camp and Studio. Illustrated by the Author. New Edition. Crown 8vo, 6s. “ His animated pages and sketches have a more than ephemeral interest, and present a moving picture of the romance and the misery of countries and populations ravaged by great opposing armies, and many a picturesque episode of personal experiences ; he is pleasant and amusing enough.”—Daily Sews. “ Mr Irving Montagu’s narrative of his experiences as war artist of the Illustrated London News during the Russo-Turkish war, though late in appearing, may be read with interest. War correspondents and artists usually enjoy a fair share of adventure; but Mr Montagu appears to have revelled in dangers which seem anything but desirable when studied in cold blood. Mr Montagu has much that is interesting to tell about the horrors of the siege of Kars and the prowess of the fair young Amazon who commanded a troop of Bashi-Bazuks, and even seduced a Russian general to her side. How he got to the front in spite of Russian prohibition, disguised as a camp follower, how his portmanteau was shelled a few inches behind his back, what he risked and what he saw in the memorable lines before Plevna, will be read with great interest. The book is well illustrated by many vigorous sketches, some of which are exceedingly humorous.”— Athenaeum. “A bright chatty record of wars, scenes, and adventures in various parts of the world.”—Echo. Wanderings of a War Artist. Illustrated by the Author. New Edition. Crown 8vo, 6s. “ Mr Montagu is to be congratulated on an eminently readable book, which, both in style and matter, is above the average of productions in this kind.”—The Morning Post. “ This is an enchanting book. Equally as writer and as artist, Mr Irvihg Montagu is a delightful companion. This beautiful and exceptionally interesting volume does not by any means exhaust the literary and artistic achievements of the well-knov n * special' of the Illustrated London News.*'—The Daily News. “ His own adventures are largely seasoned with stories of other people and anecdotes he picks up. He went through the second siege of Paris under the Commune, and some of the best reading in the book is the picture he gives of the state of poor, beautiful Paris, seen by the eye of an observing, impartial man, who has no object in either exaggerating or under-colouring the work of the Commune.”—The Spectator. “ The adventures of Mr Montagu are narrated with humour, and are seldom dull reading.”—Glasgow Herald. For the Reduced Prices apply toof Messrs W. H. Allen àv Cols Publications. 19 /. MORRIS, Author of “ The War in Korea,” &*c., thirteen years resident in Tokio under the fapanese Board of Works. Advance Japan. A Nation Thoroughly in Earnest. With over 100 Illustrations by R. Isayama, and of photographs lent by the Japanese Legation. 8vo, 12s. 6d. “ Mr Morris evidently knows the country well, and is a strong believer in its future ; his book will be found a useful summary of recent history, abounding in good character sketches, accompanied with photographs, of the leading men ."—Times. “ Is really a remarkably complete account of the land, the people, and the institutions of Japan, with chapters that deal with matters of such living interest as its growing industries and armaments, and the origin, incidents, and probable outcome of the war with China. The volume is illustrated by a Japanese artist of repute ; it has a number of useful statistical appendices, and it is dedicated to His Majesty the Mikado. ’’—Scotsman. “ Mr Morris, who writes, of course, with thorough local knowledge, gives a very complete and eminently readable account of the country, its government, people, and resource. . . The work, which contains a large number of portraits and other illustrations, is decidedly ‘ on the nail,’ and may be recommended not only as a book to read, but as of value for reference.”—Westminster Gazette. “Puts before us a clear view of the point which has been reached. His work is historical, social, and descriptive ; we see in it the Japanese of to-day as he really is. Mr Morris has also something to say on the Japanese at home—how he eats, how he dresses, and how he comports himself; while wider issues are discussed in the chapters treating of the administration of the islands, their ports, communications, trades, and armaments.”—Globe. “ A well-proportioned sketch of the Japanese of to-day, so recent as to include the results of the war. . . There is much else I should like to quote in this able and interesting book. It has a good chapter on natural history, and an excellent chapter on diet, dress, and manners; it gives just enough of Japanese history to help the ordinary reader who wants to learn his Japan on easy terms ; it has also most useful and attractively conveyed information in its brief account of the principal cities of Japan, communications and armament, language and literature, mines and minerals.” —Queen. ‘ ‘ He summarises clearly, concisely, the existing knowledge on the Japanese Parliamentary system, territorial and administrative divisions, natural history, domestic and national customs, dynastic changes, old feudal institutions, town populations, industries, mineral and other natural resources, railways, armaments, the press, and other subjects too many for enumeration. Even the chapter on language and literature makes an appalling subject interesting. ... Mr Morris has brought his very useful account of Japan up-to-date. He gives a good summary of the recent war with China, and then proceeds to make some well-considered suggestions on a matter of supreme importance to Europe no less than to the two Empires of the Far East.” CHARLES MARVIN. The Region of the Eternal Fire. An Account of a Journey to the Caspian Region in 1883. New Edition. With Maps and Illustrations. Crown 8vo, handsomely bound, 6s. “The leading authority of the English Press on the Central Asian Question is Charles Marvin, a man of iron industry, who has wielded his comprehensive knowledge of the region in such a manner as to render eminent service to his country.”—Opinion of Arminius Vambery. “Charles Marvin’s services in respect of the Russo-Afghan Question have been invaluable. He has heard with his own ears the opinions expressed on the subject by Russian generals and diplomatists, and, for the love of England, has spent his own money to warn England’s people.”— Opinion of Colonel Malleson, “ The Russo-Afghan Question,” p. 55. Any Bookseller at Home and Abroad.20 Great Reductions in this Catalogue W. G CONNOR MORRIS. Great Commanders of Modern Times, and the Campaign of 1815. Turenne—Marlborough—Frederick the Great—Napoleon—Wellington—Moltke. With Illustrations and Plans. Royal 8vo, 21s. “ Mr Morris certainly brings to his task vast reading and exhaustive research.”— Athenaeum. • “We gladly welcome this handsome volume by Judge O’Connor Morris, which gives evidence on every page of careful reading and correct judgment. ... An admirable book to place in the hands of any student who wishes to get some idea of the history of the art of war.”—Academy. “ To the students of war this book will prove of the utmost interest and the greatest possible service.”—National Observer. “ Writes vividly and well.”—Times. CARDINAL NEWMAN. Miscellanies from the Oxford Sermons of John Henry Newman, D. D. Crown 8vo, gilt top, 5s. “ All the resources of a master of English style—except, perhaps one, description— were at his command ; pure diction, clear arrangement, irony, dignity, a copious command of words, combined with a reserve in the use of them—all these qualities went to make up the charm of Newman’s style, the finest flower that the earlier system of a purely classical education has produced.”—Athenaeum. “The pieces presented to us here are carefully chosen, and answer the purpose of the present volume. The selections which are contained in it happily avoid any of these passages which have been the grounds of controversy. As a general rule we are able to take in the teachings of this book without any arrière-pensée, without any feeling that we have here the germ of those theories which estrange their author from us. ”—Athenaeum. COL. F. A. WHINYATES, late R.H.A., formerly commanding the Battery. Military Regiments—From Corunna to Sevastopol, the History of “C” Battery, “A” Brigade, late “C” Troop, Royal Horse Artillery, with succession of Officers from its formation to the present time. With 3 Maps, demy 8vo, 14s. EDWARD NEWMAN, F.Z.S. British Butterflies. With many Illustrations. Super royal 8vo, 7s. 6d. DEPUTY SURGEON-GENERAL C. T. PASKE, late of the Bengal Army, and Edited by F. G. AFLALO. Life and Travel in Lower Burmah, with Frontispiece. Crown 8vo, 6s. “ In dealing with life in Burmah we are given a pleasant insight into Eastern life ; and to those interested in India and our other Eastern possessions, the opinions Mr Paske offers and the suggestions he makes will be delightful reading. Mr Paske has adopted a very light style of writing in ‘ Myamma,’ which lends an additional charm to the short historical-cum-geographical sketch, and both the writer and the editor are to be commended for the production of a really attractive book.”—Public Opinion. For the Reduced Prices apply toof Messrs W. H. Allen & Co. ’s Publications. 21 Translation of the famous Passion Play. Passion Play at Oberammergau, The, with the whole Drama translated into English, and the Songs of the Chorus in German and English ; also a Map of the Town, Plan of the Theatre, &c. 4to, cloth, 3s. 6d. ; paper, 2s. 6d. “ The author of ‘ Charles Lowder ’ has done a real service in publishing a translation of ‘ The Passion Play at Oberammergau,’ with a description of the play and short account of a visit there in 1880. To those who have already seen it, this little book will recall vividly the experience of what must be to all a memorable day, while to those who are going in 1890 it is simply invaluable.”—Guardian. MARY A. PRATTEN. My Hundred Swiss Flowers, with a short account of Swiss Ferns. With 60 Illustrations. Crown 8vo, plain plates, 12s. 6d. ; with plates coloured by hand> 25s. “The temptation to produce such books as this seems irresistible. The author feels a want; the want is undeniable. After more or less hesitation he feels he can supply it. It is pleasantly written, and affords useful hints as to localities.”—Athenaeum. R. A. PROCTOR. Watched by the Dead, a loving study of Dickens’ half-told tale. Crown 8vo, cloth, is. 6d. ; boards, is. “ Mr Proctor here devotes much study and much ingenious conjecture to restoring the plot of ‘ The Mystery of Edwin Drood.’ It would not be fair were we to attempt to give in a small compass the result of his labours. It must suffice to say’that those who have occupied themselves with this curious problem will be interested in the solution here offered for their acceptance.”—Spectator. WILLIAM PROCTOR, Stud Groom. The Management and Treatment of the Horse in the Stable, Field, and on the Road. Second Edition, Revised and Enlarged, Illustrated. Crown 8vo, 6s. “ There are few who are interested in horses will fail to profit by one portion or another of this useful work.”—Sportsman. “ We cannot do better than wish that Mr Proctor’s book may find its way into the hands of all those concerned in the management of the most useful quadruped we possess.”—England. “ There is a fund of sound common-sense views in this work which will be interesting to many owners.”—Field. “ Coming from a practical hand the work should recommend itself to the public.”— Sportsman. WILLIAM RAEB URN ANDRE W. Raeburn (Sir Henry, R.A.), Life by his Great-Grandson, William Raeburn Andrew, with an Appendix comprising a list of his works exhibited in the Royal Academy, Edinburgh. 8vo, 10s. 6d. “ Mr Andrew’s book, which on this occasion appeals to a wider public, makes no pretence to do more than to bring together the biographical fragments concerning Raeburn gathered out of various publications and to ‘ make them coherent with a little cement of his own.’ Possibly a fuller and more original biography of the greatest of our portrait-painters, who was at the same time one of the greatest ornaments of the Edinburgh Society of the beginning of the century, may yet see the light; and in the meantime we can be grateful to Mr Andrew for bringing together and arranging so rich a store of topographical and personal details connected with his illustrious ancestor. In an appendix is a useful annotated catalogue of the 1876 exhibition of Raeburn’s works.”—Scotsman. Any Bookseller at Home and Abroad.22 Great Reductions in this Catalogue R. RIMMER, F.L.S. The Land and Freshwater Shells of the British Isles. Illustrated with io Photographs and 3 Lithographs, containing figures of all the principal Species. Second Edition. Crown 8vo, 5s. “ This handsomely got up little volume supplies a long-felt want in a very ingenious and trustworthy manner. The author is an enthusiastic conchologist, and writes both attractively and well, and in a manner so simple and natural that we have no fear that any ordinarily educated man will easily understand every phrase. But the feature of this hook which strikes us most is that every species of British land and freshwater shell has been photographed, and here we have all the photographs, natural size in the albertype process, so that the merest tyro will find no difficulty in identifying any shell he may find.’’—Science Gossip. ALEXANDER ROGERS (.Bombay Civil Service, Retired). The Land Revenue of Bombay, a History of its Administration, Rise, and Progress, with 18 Maps. 2 vols., demy 8vo, 30s. “ Mr Rogers has produced a continuous and an authoritative record of the land changes and of the fortunes of the cultivating classes for a full half-century, together with valuable data regarding the condition and burdens of those classes at various periods before the present system of settlement was introduced. Mr Rogers now presents a comprehensive view of the land administration of Bombay as a whole, the history of its rise and progress, and a clear statement of the results which it has attained. It is a narrative of which all.patriotic Englishmen may feel proud. The old burdens of native rule have been lightened, the old injustices mitigated, the old fiscal cruelties and exactions abolished. Underlying the story of each district we see a perennial struggle going on between the increase of the population and the available means of subsistence derived from the soil. That increase of the population is the direct result of the perne of the country under British rule. But it tends to press more and more severely on the possible limits of local cultivation, and it can only be provided for by the extension of the modern appliances of production and distribution. Mr Rogers very properly confines himself to his own subject. But there is ample evidence that the extension of roads, railways, steam factories, and other industrial enterprises, have played an important part in the solution of the problem, and that during recent years such enterprises have been powerfully aided by an abundant currency.”—The Times. ROBERT SEWELL. Analytical History of India, from the earliest times to the Abolition of the East India Company in 1858. Post 8vo, 8s. “ Much careful labour has been expended on this volume.”—Athenaeum. “ The object of the author in compiling the following analytical sketch of Indian history has been to supply a want felt by most students of the more voluminous standard works of Mill, Elphinstone, Thornton, and Marshman, for a condensed outline in one small volume, which should serve at once to recall the memory and guide the eye. At the same time he has attempted to render it interesting to the general reader by preserving a medium between a bare analysis and a complete history ; so that, without consulting the eminent authorities mentioned above, the mind may readily grasp the principal outlines of the early condition of India, and the rise and progress of the East India Company. For the more full comprehension of these facts the author has provided, in addition to a table of contents and a chronological index, an index to the geographical position of the places to which reference is made in the text, bearing the latitudes and longitude as given in Thornton’s ‘ Gazetteer of India.’ This will be found not only to aid the student who is but partially acquainted with the map of India, but also by means of occasional accents to guide him in the ordinary pronunciation of the names.”—Preface. For the Reduced Prices apply toof Messrs W. H. Allen 6° Co.’s Publications. 23 G. P. SANDERSON. Thirteen Years among the Wild Beasts of India; their Haunts and Habits, from Personal Observation, with an account of the Modes of Capturing and Taming Wild Elephants. With 21 full-page Illustrations, reproduced for this Edition direct from the original drawings, and 3 Maps. Fifth Edition. Fcap. 4to, 12s. “ We find it difficult to hasten through this interesting book; on almost every page some incident or some happy descriptive passage tempts the reader to linger. The author relates his exploits with ability and with singular modesty. His adventures with man-eaters will afford lively entertainment to the reader, and indeed there is no portion of the volume which he is likely to wish shorter. The illustrations add to the attractions of the book.”—Pall Mall Gazette. “ This is the best and most practical book on the wild game of Southern and Eastern India that we have read, and displays an extensive acquaintance with natural history. To the traveller proposing to visit India, whether he be a sportsman, a naturalist, or an antiquarian, the book wiil be invaluable: full of incident and sparkling with anecdote.”—Bailey’s Magazine. “This—the fifth edition of a work as charming to read as it is instructive—will be welcomed equally by lovers of sport, and of natural history. Though he met with and shot many other kinds of wild beasts, the bulk of the volume, well written, well illustrated, and generally well got up, deals chiefly with the elephant, the tiger, the bison, the leopard, and the bear. Mr Sanderson, with exceptional powers of observation, cultivated friendly intercourse with the natives; and he was consequently able to utilise to the utmost the singularly favourable opportunities enjoyed by him as director of elephant-capturing operations in Mysore and Chittagong. The result is a book which to graphic details of sporting adventures far surpassing the common, adds a correct natural history of the animals chiefly dealt with, and particularly the elephant. From this real king of beasts, Mr Sanderson carefully removes every exaggeration made both for or against him, which had been repeated without any good foundation by one writer after another ; he substitutes for fables a description of elephantine anatomy, size, habits, and character which may be said to sum up all that we know for certain about the animal, and nearly all that one can wish to know. We should have wished to see this edition brought up to date. The book is more fascinating than a romance ; and we have read it now the third time with as great a zest as when we revelled over the perusal of the first edition.”—Imperial and Asiatic Quarterly Review. PROFESSOR SHELDON. The Future of British Agriculture, how Farmers may best be benefited. Crown 8vo, 2s. 6d. “Fortunately Prof. Sheldon has no mind to play the part of a prophet, but from the plenitude of a long experience gives sage counsel how to farm abreast of the time and be ready for whatever may ensue. . . . This little book is well worth reading, and it is pleasant to find that the Professor by no means despairs of the future of agriculture in England.”—Academy. “ We welcome the book as a valuable contribution to our agricultural literature, and as a useful guide to those branches in which the author is especially qualified to instruct. ’ ’ —Nature. “In this beautifully printed and well-bound little book Professor Sheldon, in his usual happy style, surveys the agricultural field, and indicates what ke thinks is the prospect in front of the British farmer. Like a watchman he stands upon his tower—and when asked, What of the night ? he disavows not that we are in the night, but earnestly declares that the morning cometh apace. The professor is an optimist; he does not believe that the country is done^ and still less does he favour the idea that, taking a wide survey, the former days were better than these. On the contrary, be urges that the way out of the wilderness is not by any by-path, but by going right ahead ; and, ere long, the man who holds the banner high will emerge triumphant.” —Scottish Farmer. J. SMITH,; A.L.S. Ferns: British and Foreign. Fourth Edition, revised and greatly enlarged, with New Figures, &c. Crown 8vo, 7s. 6d. Any Bookseller at Home and Abroad.24 Great Reductions in this Catalogue G. BARNETT SMITH, Author of “ History of the English Parliament. ” Leaders of Modern Industry. Biographical Sketches. Contents:—The Stephensons, Charles Knight, Sir George Burns, Sir Josiah Mason, The Wedgwoods, Thomas Brassey, The Fairbairns, Sir William Siemens, The Rennies. Crown 8vo, 7s. 6d. “ ‘ Leaders of Modern Industry ’ is a volume of interesting biographical sketches of the pioneers of various phases of industry, comprising the Stephensons, Charles Knight, Sir George Burns, Sir Josiah Mason, the Wedgwoods, Thomas Brassey, the Fairbairns, Sir William Siemens, and the Rennies.”—World. Women of Renown. Nineteenth Century Studies. Contents:—Frederika Bremer, Countess of Blessington, George Eliot, Jenny Lind, Mary Somerville, George Sand, Mary Carpenter, Lady Morgan, Rachel, Lady Hester Stanhope. Crown 8vo, 7s. 6d. Mr Barnett Smith continues his biographical activity. It is not many weeks since a volume appeared from his pen on “ Christian Workers of the Nineteenth Century ” ; now we have “Women of Renown: Nineteenth Century Studies.” The later is the larger and more elaborate work of the two, but in design and execution it is not greatly dissimilar from the earlier volume. Desirous of showing what the women of eminence whom he has chosen for delineation really were—how they lived, moved, and acted—the author has presented them wherever he could “as painted by themselves or their contemporaries.” Autobiographies and biographies are thus, as far as available, laid under contribution. In the hands of so capable a compiler as Mr Barnett Smith such materials have been skilfully utilised, and the result is a series of brightly written sketches. The Life and Enterprises of Ferdinand de Lesseps—The only full and Complete English Account of. New Edition. Revised, and brought up to the time of his death, with Portrait. Crown 8vo, 7s. 6d. “ A great part of M. de Lesseps’ career already belongs to history, and is invested with a lustre which nothing can obscure. Mr G. Barnett Smith makes this clear in his useful and painstaking compilation. . . . It is skilfully executed, and illustrates aptly and not altogether inopportunely, both the poetry and the prose of M. de Lesseps’ extraordinary career.”—The Times. “A very comprehensive life of Ferdinand de Lesseps has been produced by G. Barnett Smith, who has already proved his ability as a faithful and painstaking biographer. The career of M. de Lesseps was one of great achievements and great vicissitudes. This biographer lauds his achievements. The facts of the prosecution in connection with the Panama Canal project are elaborately set forth in this volume, to which all readers interested in the question should refer for information on a matter which to people not resident in France must have appeared unusually complicated. ”— Westminster Review. ARTHUR PENRHYN STANLEY, D.D. {Dean of Westminster). Scripture Portraits and other Miscellanies collected from his Published Writings. By Arthur Penrhyn Stanley-, D.D. Crown 8vo, gilt top, 5s* “ In virtue of his literary genius, his solid acquirements, his manly sense, and his sympathetic and generous piety, he ranks among the most eminent and estimable of Christian teachers.”—Chambers's Encyclopaedia. “ These essays range over a period of twenty years (1850-1870), and they furnish a series of singularly interesting illustrations of the great controversies which have agitated that time. . . . Every one, indeed, of his essays has achieved in its day a success which makes a recommendation unnecessary.”—Allibone. For the Reduced Prices apply toof Messrs W. H. Allen & Co.'s Publications. 25 E. CE. SOMERVILLE and MARTIN ROSS, THE AUTHORS OF “AN IRISH COUSIN” Through Connemara in a Governess Cart. Illustrated by W. W. Russell, from Sketches by Edith CE. Somerville. Crown 8vo, 3s. 6d. “ The quaint ¡seriousness, the free and hearty fun, the sly humour of this narrative, are charmingly bright and attractive.”— World. ' “ A bright and breezy narrative of two ladies in Connemara who preferred inde- pendence and a mule to society and a mail car. Their simple story is divertingly told.”—Times. “The delightful wilderness of mountain, peat bog, and heather, and all that they said and did, are graphically described in this chatty and extremely readable volume.” —Daily Telegraph. ' “ Sketches of Irish Life, the eccentricities of wandering Saxons, and descriptions of local scenery, are worked up in a manner which makes the book a pleasant companion. Mr Russell has in his illustration ably supported the writers.”—Morning Post. By the same Authors. In the Vine Country—Bordeaux and its Neighbourhood, Illustrated. Crown 8vo, 3s. 6d. “ The genuine fund of wit and humour which sparkles throughout will be enjoyed by all.”—Glasgdw Herald. “ The authors have the knack of putting their readers in the situation in which they themselves were, and so the book, light and smart as it is, is heartily enjoyable.” —Scotsman. “A bright, artless narrative of travel.”—Times. “There is not a dull line in the volume from the first page to the last ."—Lady's Pictorial. J. E. TAYLOR, F.L.S., F.G.S., &c. For fuller notices of Dr Taylor’s Works, see Scientific, pp. 33, 34. Flowers : Their Origin, Shapes, Perfumes, and Colours. Illustrated with 32 Coloured Figures by Sowerby, and 161 Woodcuts. Second Edition. Crown 8vo, 7s. 6d. The Aquarium: Its Inhabitants, Structure, and Management. Second Edition, with 238 Woodcuts. Crown 8vo, 3s. 6d. Half-Hours at the Seaside. Illustrated with 250 Woodcuts. Fourth Edition. Crown 8vo, 2s. 6d. Half-Hours in the Green Lanes. Illustrated with 300 Woodcuts. Fifth Edition. Crown 8vo, 2s. 6d. E. THORNTON. A Gazetteer of the Territories under the Government of the Viceroy of India. Last Edition. Revised and Edited by Sir Roper Lethbridge, C.I.E., and A. N. Wollaston, C.I.E. Demy 8vo, 1,070 PP-> 28s. PERCY M. THORNTON. Harrow School and its Surroundings. With Maps and Plates. Demy 8vo, 15s. Any Bookseller at Home and Abroad.26 Great Reductions in this Catalogue W. M. TORRENS. History of Cabinets. From the Union with Scotland to the Acquisition of Canada and Bengal. 2 vols. Demy 8vo, 36s. “It is almost impossible—and, alas! now useless as regards the writer—to praise this book too highly. It is a clever, sincere, and painstaking contribution to the making of modern history, and all students of constitutional and parliamentary history will find much to interest and instruct them in these able volumes. In all the minor matters of references, indexing, and printing every care has been taken. Indeed, all is praiseworthy, and the pity is that the writer should have passed away without receiving the thanks of students. St James's Budget. “ ‘ A History of Cabinets’ from the beginning of the Eighteenth Century down to the death of George II., which the late Mr M‘Cullagh Torrens regarded as ‘ the work of his life,’ was published yesterday. It consists of two volumes of considerable bulk, showing at once that something more than the origin and progress of the Cabinet system had occupied the attention of the author. In fact, a history of Cabinets is a history of Governments, and a history of Governments is, in a great measure, a history of England.”—The Standard. A. J. WALL. Indian Snake Poisons. Their Nature and Effects. Crown 8vo, 6s. Contents. The Physiological Effects of the Poison of the Cobra (Naja Tripudians).—The Physiological Effects of the Poison of Russell’s Viper (Daboia Russellii).— The Physiological Effects produced by the Poison of the Bttngarus Fasciatus and the Bungarus Coeruleus. —The Relative Power and Properties of the Poisons of Indian and other Venomous Snakes.—The Nature of Snake Poisons.—Some practical considerations connected with the subject of Snake-Poisoning, especially regarding prevention and treatment.—The object that has been kept in view, has been to define as closely as possible, the conditions on which the mortality from Snake-bite depends, both as regards the physiological nature of the poisoning process, and the relations between the reptiles and their victims, so as to indicate the way in which we should best proceed with the hope of diminishing the fearful mortality that exists. JOHN WATSON, F.L.S. Ornithology in Relation to Agriculture and Horticulture, by various writers, edited by John Watson, F.L.S., &c. Crown 8vo, 3s. 6d. List op Contributors.—Miss Eleanor A. Ormerod, late Consulting Entomologist to the Royal Agricultural Society of England; O. V. Alpin, F.L.S., Member of the British Ornithologists’ Union; Charles Whitehead, F.L.S,, F.O.S., &c.f author of “Fifty Years of Fruit Farming”; John Watson, F.L.S., author of “ A Handbook for Farmers and Small Holders ” ; the Rev. F. O. Morris, M.A., author of “A History of British Birds” ; G. W. Murdoch, late editor of The Farmer; Riley Fortune, F.Z.S.; T. H. Nelson, Member of the British Ornithologists’ Union ; T. Southwell, F.Z.S.; Rev. Theo. Wood, B.A., F.I.S. ; J. H. Gurney, jun., M.P.; Harrison Weir, F.R.H.S.; W. H. Tuck. “Will form a textbook of a reliable kind in guiding agriculturists at large in their dealings with their feathered friends and foes alike.”—Glasgow Herald. “This is a valuable book, and should go far to fulfil its excellent purpose. . . . It is a book that every agriculturist should possess.”—Land and Water. “It is well to know what birds do mischief and what birds are helpful. This book is the very manual to clear up all 3uch doubts. ”— Yorkshire Post. “In these days of agricultural depression it behoves the farmer to study, among other subjects, ornithology. That he and the gamekeeper often bring down plagues upon the land when they fancy they are ridding it of a pest is exceedingly well illustrated in this series of papers.”—Scotsman. For the Reduced Prices apply toof Messrs W. H. Allen 6° Co.’s Publications. 27 SAMUEL WILBERFORCE, D.D. (Bishop of Winchester). Heroes of Hebrew History. Crown 8vo, gilt top, 5s. “The tales which he relates are all good, and have a moral aim and purpose.”— Athenaeum. “ It is written with a natural and captivating fervour.”—London Quarterly Review. “ An interesting historical account.”—London Lit. Gaz. “ Using his influence as a man of the world for the purpose of modifying those about him for good, and making them serve as his instruments for the furtherance of the objects which he had at heart. He was the most delightful of companions, and the wittiest talker of his time. Of his extraordinary versatility and extraordinary powers of work, it is impossible to speak at length here, but both qualities are abundantly illustrated in his life by Canon Ash well.”—Celebrities of the Century. S. WELLS WILLIAMS, LL.D., Professor of the Chinese Language and Literature at Yale College. China—The Middle Kingdom. A Survey of the Geography, Government, Literature, Social Life, Arts, and History of the Chinese Empire and its Inhabitants. Revised Edition, with 74 Illustrations-and a New Map of the Empire. 2 vols. Demy 8vo, 42s. Dr S. Wells Williams’ Middle Kingdom has long occupied the position of a classic. It is not only the fullest and most authoritative account of the Chinese and their country that exists, but it is also the most readable and entertaining. This issue is practically a new work—the text of the old edition has been largely re-written and the work has been expanded so as to include a vast amount of new material collected by Dr Williams during the late years of his residence in China—as well as the most recent information respecting all the departments of the Empire. Many new illustrations have been added and the best of the old engravings have been retained. An important feature of this edition is a large map of the Chinese Empire from the best modern authorities, more complete and accurate than any map of the country hitherto published. HARRY WILLIAMS, R.N. {Chief Inspector of Machinery). Dedicated, by permission, to Admiral H.R.H. the Duke of Edinburgh. The Steam Navy of England. Past, Present, and Future. Contents:—Part I.—Our Seamen; Part II.—Ships and Machinery; Part III.—Naval Engineering; Part IV.—Miscellaneous, Summary, with an Appendix on the Personnel of the Steam Branch of the Navy. Third and enlarged Edition. Medium 8vo, 12s. 6d. “ It is a series of essays, clearly written and often highly suggestive, on the still unsolved, or only partially and tentatively solved, problems connected with the manning and organisation, and propulsion of our modern war-ships, . . . being laudably free from technicalities, and written in a not unattractive style, they will recommend themselves to that small, but happily increasing, section of the general public which concerns itself seriously and intelligently with naval affairs.”—Times. “ Mr Harry Williams, a naval engineer of long experience and high rank, discusses the future requirements of the fleet. He is naturally most at home when dealing with points which specially affect his own branch of the service, but the whole book is well worth study.”—Manchester Guardian. “ Must be pronounced a technical book in the main, although its author expressly states that he wrote it ‘ not so much for professional as non-professional men.’ Its manifest object is to promote the efficiency of our steam navy in times to come, keeping which aim steadfastly in view Mr Williams has brought great knowledge and ability to bear upon the endeavour to forecast what provision it would be well to make in order to meet the full naval requirements of the British nation. His highly instructive work is divided into four parts, under the respective titles of ‘ Our Seamen,’ ‘ Ships and Machinery,’ ‘ Naval Engineering,’ and ‘ Miscellaneous,’ which again are carefully summarised in some fifty pages of eminently readable matter. The three chapters of miscellanea deal principally with the coal-endurance, engine-room complements, electric lighting, and steam-steering machinery of Her Majesty’s ships.”—Daily Telegraph Any Bookseller at Home and Abroad.28 Great Reductions in this Catalogue Professor H. H. WILSON, author of the “Standard History of India.” Glossary of Judicial Terms, including words from the Arabic, Persian, Hindustani, Sanskrit, Hindi, Bengali, Uriya, Marathi, Guzarathi, Telugu, Karnata, Tamil, Malayalam, and other languages. 4to, cloth, 30s. Wynter’s Subtle Brains and Lissom Fingers. Crown 8vo, 3s. 6d. “ Altogether ‘ Subtle Brains and Lissom Fingers’is about the pleasantest book of short collected papers of chit chat blending information with amusement, and not overtasking the attention or the intelligence, that we have seen for a good while.”—London Reader. LIEUT. G. J. YO UNGH USB AND, Queen's Own Corps of Guides. Eighteen Hundred Miles in a Burmese Tat, through Burmah, Siam, and the Eastern Shan States. Illustrated. Crown 8vo, 5s. “ There is a good deal of jocular description in this book, which, as the reader will easily see, has been introduced with an eye rather to amusement than to accuracy; but after all the volume will have repaid the reader for the few hours which may be spent in its perusal if it conveys to him, as it is calculated to do, a fair impression of the difficulties which beset the wayfarer in a strange land who, when in search of the pleasures of travel, begins his journey where he should leave off, and ends it where he should have started.”—Athenaeum. “Mr Younghusband’s account of his adventures is written simply and without exaggeration, but on the whole we think we would rather read about the Shan country than travel in it I—Literary World. Contents. The Buried Roman City in Britain. “ Silvertown.” Advertising. Vivisection. The New Hotel System. The Restoration of our Soil. Half-Hours at the Kensington Museum. Mudie’s Circulating Library. Fraudulent Trade Marks. Superstition : Where does it End? The New Counterblast to Tobacco. Air Traction, Illuminations, Boat-Building by Machinery. The Effects of Railway Travelling upon Early Warnings. Dining Rooms for the Working Classes. Railway and City Population. A Day with the Coroner. The English in Paris. The Times Newspaper in 1798. The Under-Sea Railroad. Oh, the Roast Beef of Old England. Physical Education. Advice by a Retired Physician. The Clerk of the Weather. Portsmouth Dockyard. Village Hospitals. Railways, the Great Civilisers. On taking a House. Photographic Portraiture. Doctor’s Stuff. Smallpox in London. Hospital Dress. Excursion Trains. Health. The Working-Men’s Flower Show. Messages under the Sea. Town Telegraphs. The Bread We Eat. For the Reduced Prices apply toof Messrs W. H Allen 6° Co. ’s Publications. 29 Scientific Worfts: including Botany, Natural tbistorp, S.c. E. BONA VIA, M.D., Brigade-Surgeon, Indian Medical Service. The Cultivated Oranges and Lemons of India and Ceylon. Demy 8vo, with oblong Atlas Volume of Plates, 2 vols. 30s. R. BRAITHWAITE, M.D., A'.Z.S., <&v. The Sphagnaceae, or Peat Mosses of Europe and North America. Illustrated with 29 Plates, coloured by hand. Imp. 8vo, 25s. “ All museologists will be delighted to hail the appearance of this important work. . . . Never before has our native moss-flora been so carefully figured and described, and that by an acknowledged authority on the subject.”—Science Gossip. “ Mosses, perhaps, receive about as little attention from botanists as any class of plants, and considering how admirably mosses lend themselves to the collector’s purposes, this is very remarkable. Something may be due to the minuteness of the size of many of the species, and something perhaps to the difficulties inherent in the systematic treatment of these plants; but we fancy the chief cause of comparative neglect with which they are treated is to be sought in the want of a good illustrated English treatise upon them. In the work which is now before us, Dr Braithwaite aims at placing tbe British mosses on the same vantage-ground as the more favoured classes of the vegetable kingdom; and judging from the sample lately issued, he will succeed in his endeavours. ”—Popular Science Review. B. CARRINGTON, M.D., E.R.S. British Hepaticae. Containing Descriptions and Figures of the Native Species of Jungermannia, Marchantia, and Anthoceros. Imp. 8vo, sewed, Parts 1 to 4, plain plates, 2s. 6d. each; coloured plates, 3s. 6d. each. M. C. COOKE, M.A., LL.D. The British Fungi : A Plain and Easy Account of. With Coloured Plates of 40 Species. Fifth Edition, Revised. Crown 8vo, 6s. “ Mr Cooke writes for those whose education and means are limited, and with preeminent success. It is really a pleasure to read the manuals which he has published, for they are up to the mark, and so complete as to leave hardly anything to be desired. The new work on the fungi appears to be equally valuable with those which he has already printed. It contains descriptions of the esculent fungi, the manner in which they are prepared for the table, how to discriminate the nutritious from the poisonous species, details of the principles of their scientific classification, and a tabular arrangement of orders and genera.” Handbook of British Hepaticae. Containing Descriptions and Figures of the Indigenous Species of Marchantia, Jungermannia, Riccia, and Anthoceros, Illustrated. Crown 8vo, 6s. “ It is very creditable to Mr Cooke that the drawings in his book are all sketches from nature made by his own pencil. This shows work, and is more respectable than the too common practice of copying engravings from the authorities in the particular branch of science. This little book is valuable, because in some respects it is certainly a good guide-book to a number of edible fungi unknown to the public.”—Popular Science Review. “Probably no grohp in the British flora has received so little attention as the Hepaticae. Dr M. C. Cooke has now filled up the gap by producing a ‘ Handbook of the British Hepaticae,’ containing full descriptions of all the species, about two hundred in number, known to inhabit the British Islands.”—Nature. M. C. Cooke's Books continued. Any Bookseller at Home and Abroad.3° Great Reductions in this Catalogue M. C. COOKE, M.A., LL.D.—continued. Our Reptiles and Batrachians. A Plain and Easy Account of the Lizards, Snakes, Newts, Toads, Frogs, and Tortoises indigenous to Great Britain. New and Revised Edition. With original Coloured Pictures of every Species, and numerous Woodcuts. Crown 8vo, 6s. Contents. The Blind Worm. The Common Snake. The Smooth Snake. The Viper, or Adder. ~ Great Water Newt. Gray’s Banded Newt. Amphibia or Batrachians. ‘ Mr Cooke has especially distinguished himself as a student of the fungi and the fresh-water algse, his works on these orders being the standard treatises in English. He has also paid some attention to zoology and chemistry, his education in these as in other sciences being obtained by persistent self-instruction.”—Celebrities of the Century. Reptiles and Snake-stones. The Common Lizard, The Sand Lizard. The Green Lizard. The Natterjack. Palmate Newt. The Leathery Turtle. The Common Frog. The Edible Frog. The Common Toad. Common Smooth Newt Eft. The Hawk’s-Bill Turtle. Appendix. Rust, Smut, Mildew, and Mould. An Introduction to the Study of Microscopic Fungi. Illustrated with 269 Coloured Figures by J. E. Sowerby. Fifth Edition, Revised and Enlarged, with Appendix of New Species. Crown 8vo, 6s. Those of our readers who are the happy possessors of microscopes would welcome this book with delight, as opening the way to a definite study of a most interesting branch of plant life. The minute fungi, here so faithfully depicted by Mr Sowerby, and so carefully described by Dr Cooke, have not only beauty of form and colour, but wonderful life-histories. Every hedge or lane or piece of waste ground, even in the suburbs of large towns, will provide specimens, which may be easily preserved on the plants which they attack or mounted as microscope slides. Important to Botanists and Students of Natural History. European Fungi (Hymenomycetum) — Synoptical Key to. Cooke (M. C.) and Quelet (L., M.D., &c.)—Clavis Synoptica Hymenomycetum Europseorum. Fcap. 8vo, 7s. 6d. ; or, interleaved with ruled paper, 8s. 6d. “ Without pretending to high scientific quality, the work throughout is well fitted to instruct and to attract a class of readers who might shrink from grappling with a scientific text-book.”—Saturday Review. BARON CUVIER. The Animal Kingdom. With considerable Additions by W. B. Carpenter, M.D., F.R.S., and J. O. Westwood, F.L.S. New Edition, Illustrated with 500 Engravings on Wood and 36 Coloured Plates. Imp. 8vo, 21s. J. HUNTER, late Hon. Sec. of the British Bee-keepers’ Association. A Manual of Bee-keeping. Containing Practical Information for Rational and Profitable Methods of Bee Management. Full Instructions on Stimulative Feeding, Ligurianising and Queen-raising, with descriptions of the American Comb Foundation, Sectional Supers, and the best Hives and Apiarian Appliances on all systems. Fourth Edition. With Illustrations. Crown 8vo, 3s. 6d. “ We cordially recommend Mr Hunter’s neat and compact Manual of Bee-keeping. Mr Hunter writes clearly and well.”—Science Gossip. “ We are indebted to Mr J. Hunter, Honorary Secretary of the British Bee-keepers’ Association. His Manual of Bee-keeping, just published, is full to the very brim of choice and practical hints fully up to the most advanced stages of Apiarian Science, and its perusal has afforded us so much pleasure that we have drawn somewhat largely from it for the benefit of our readers."—Bee-keepers' Magazine {New York). For the Reduced Prices apply toof Messrs W. H. Allen 6° Cols Publications, 31 G. H. KINAHAN. A Handy Book of Rock Names. Fcap. 8vo, 4s. “ This will prove, we do not doubt, a very useful little book to all practical geologists, and also to the reading student of rocks. When a difficulty is incurred as to a species of deposit, it will soon vanish. Mr Kinahan’s little book will soon make it all clear. The work is divided into three parts. The first is a classified table of rocks, the second part treats of the Tngenite rocks, and the third part deals with those rocks which are styled Derivate. Dana’s termination of yte has been most generally used by the author, but he has also given the ite terminations for those that like them. The book will be purchased, for it must be had, by every geologist; and as its size is small, it will form a convenient pocket companion for the man who works over field and quarry.”— Popular Science Review. Professor E. LANKESTER. The Uses of Animals in Relation to the Industry of Man. New Edition. Illustrated. Crown 8vo, 4s. Silk, Wool, Leather, Bone, Soap, Waste, Sponges, and Corals, Shell-fish, Insects, Furs, Feathers, Horns and Hair, and Animal Perfumes, are the subjects of the twelve lectures on “ The Uses of Animals.” “ In his chapter on ‘ Waste,’ the lecturer gives startling insight into the manifold uses of rubbish. ... Dr Lankester finds a use for everything ; and he delights in analysing each fresh sample of rejected material, and stating how each of its component parts can be turned to the best account.”—Athenaeum. Practical Physiology: A School Manual of Health. With numerous Woodcuts. Sixth Edition. Fcap. 8vo, 2s. 6d. Contents. Constitution of the Human Body. Nature of the Food supplied to the Human Body. Digestion, and the Organs by which it is performed. Nature of Blood and its Circulation by the Heart. Breathing, or the Function of Respiration. The Structure and Functions of the Skin. The Movements of the Human Body, The Brain and Nerves. The Organs of the Senses. “Writing for schoolboys, Dr Lankester has been careful to consult their tastes. There are passages in this little work which will make it popular, and the instructor will probably be hailed by a name which is new to people of his class, that of a ‘ regular brick.’ ”—Athenaeum. MRS LANKESTER. Talks about Health: A Book for Boys and Girls. Being an Explanation of all the Processes by which Life is Sustained. Illustrated. Small 8vo, is. The Late EDWARD NEWMAN, F.Z.S. British Butterflies. With many Illustrations. Super royal 8vo, 7s. 6d. “ The British butterflies have found a good friend in Mr Newman, who has given us a history of their lives—from larva to imago, their habits and their whereabouts— which is one of the most perfect things of the kind. And we are glad to read the author’s statement that his work has attained, while in progress, a sale that is almost unattainable in English scientific works. Firstly, the work consists of a series of notices to the young who may be disposed to go butterfly-hunting. And in them we find the author’s great experience, and we commend this part of his work to our readers. The next part deals with the subjects of anatomy, physiology, and embryology of the insects; and finally we come to the separate account of each species. This latter is admirably given. First comes a capital engraving, life size, of the species, and then follows in order the life, history, time of appearance and locality, occupying from a page to a page and a half or two pages of a large quarto (or nearly so) volume. All this is done well, as we might expect from the author; it is clear, intelligible, and devoid of much of the rubbish which abounds in books of this kind generally. We must conclude by expressing the hope that all who are interested in insects will make themselves aquainted with the volume.”—Popular Science Review. Any Bookseller at Home and Abroad.32 Great Reductions in this Catalogue MARY A, PRATTEN. My Hundred Swiss Flowers. With a Short Account of Swiss Ferns. With 60 Illustrations. Crown 8vo, plain plates, 12s. 6d.; coloured plates, 25s. “The temptation to produce such books as this seems irresistible. The author feels a want; the want is undeniable. After more or less hesitation he feels he can supply it. It is pleasantly written, and affords useful hints as to localities.”— Athenaeum. S. L. PUMPHREY. A Little Brown Pebble, with 10 full-page cuts. Fcap. 4to, 3s. 6d. “ In the story of ‘ A Little Brown Pebble,’ its writer endeavours to introduce geological science into the nursery, showing what strange creatures lived in the ancient seas, what monsters inhabited the primeval forests, and how our country alternated between torrid heats and an arctic cold. The accuracy of the information is guaranteed by competent authorities, and the illustrations are spirited. There is no reason why the attempt should not succeed.”—Academy, 21st December 1889. R. RIM ME R, F.L.S. The Land and Freshwater Shells of the British Isles. Illustrated with 10 Photographs and 3 Lithographs, containing figures of all the principal Species. Second Edition. Crown 8vo, 5s. “ This handsomely got up little volume supplies a long-felt want in a very ingenious and trustworthy manner. The author is an enthusiastic conchologist, and writes both attractively and well, and in a manner so simple and natural that we have no fear that any ordinarily educated man will easily understand every phrase. But the feature of this book which strikes us most is that every species of British land and freshwater shell has been photographed, and here we have all the photographs, natural size in the albertype process, so that the merest tyro will find no difficulty in identifying any shell he may find.”—Science Review. J. SMITH,; A.L.S. Ferns : British and Foreign. Fourth Edition, revised and greatly enlarged, with many illustrations. Crown 8vo, 7s. 6d. “ Each genus is described, and the technical characters upon which it is founded are shown in the accompanying illustrations, and the indispensable technical terms are explained by examples. The meaning and derivations of the botanical names of ferns are also given in sufficient detail and with sufficient accuracy to meet the wants of amateurs, if not of scholars. But perhaps the most valuable j>art of the work is that devoted to instruction in the cultivation of ferns, which occupies some seventy pages of the book. A bibliography of the subject and an excellent index make up the remainder of this useful volume, which we recommend to all persons desirous of knowing something more about ferns than being able to recognise them by sight.”—Field. “ Mr Smith's work entitles him to admiration for his industry and for the manifest care with which he has studied his subject; and his present enlarged work will certainly become and be a standard library book of reference for all pteridologists and ornamental gardeners (whether professional or amateur) who devote attention to filiculture. And there really is no family of plants which is more elegant than are ferns. Indigenous British ferns alone afford a most interesting scope^of research and collection.” —Whitehall Review. “ This is a new and enlarged edition of one of the best extant works on British and foreign ferns which has been called for by the introduction, during the interval of ten years which has elapsed since the issue of the first edition, of a number of exotic species which have been collected and arranged under their respective genera and tribes as an appendix. There are thus introduced 234 entirely new species. The sixty pages devoted to a treatise on the cultivation of ferns are invaluable to the fern-grower, professional or amateur, describing the conditions under which ferns grow in their native country—knowledge which is essential to their really successful cultivation in this.”—Rural World. For the Reduced Prices apply to33 of Messrs W. H. Allen 6° Cols Publications. J. E. TAYLOR, F.L.S., F.G.S. Flowers: Their Origin, Shapes, Perfumes, and Colours, Illustrated with 32 Coloured Figures by Sowerby, and 161 Woodcuts. Second Edition. Crown 8vo, cloth gilt, 7s. 6d. Contents The Old and New Philosophy of Flowers—The Geological Antiquity of Flowers and Insects—The Geographical Distribution of Flowers—The Structure of Flowering Plants—Relations between Flowers and their Physical Surroundings—Relations between Flowers and the Wind—The Colours of Flowers—The External Shapes of Flowers—The Internal Shapes of Flowers—The Perfumes of Flowers—Social Flowers —Birds and Flowers—The Natural Defences of Flowering Plants. “ This is an altogether charming book, full of wisdom, cheerful, simple, attractive, and informed throughout with a high purpose. Its object is to place within reach of the general public in an agreeable form the results of the most recent and comprehensive botanical research. The author is so bold as to ask why flowers were made, and is not without means to answrer the question reverently and truthfully. He connects them by the aids that science supplies with the history of creation, and the records of the rocks, and with the history of man, and the progress of the agricultural and horticultural arts. He tells us how they are influenced by soil and climate, how changed and multiplied by insects and other agencies, how their seeds are blown about the world, and how by innumerable divine appointments it at last comes about that the life of a man is environed and beautified with flowers. The work is rich in the results of travel, and it happily connects the vegetable products of the globe writh the conditions that favour them and the wants they satisfy. It is therefore a book for all ages, and for botanists and gardeners, as well as for such as rather too gladly confess they know nothing about plants. We should like to see it on every family table in the whole length and breadth of the United Kingdom.”—Gardeners* Magazine. The Aquarium: Its Inhabitants, Structure, and Management. Second Edition, with 238 Woodcuts. Crown 8vo, 3s. 6d. “ Few men have done more to popularise the natural history science than the late Dr Taylor. The work before us, while intended as a handbook to public aquaria, is responsible for many attempts, successful and otherwise, at the construction of the domestic article. The book is replete with valuable information concerning persons and things, while the directions for making and managing aquaria are very clear and concise. The illustrations are numerous, suitable, and very good.”—Schoolmaster. “The ichthyologist, be it known, is not such a fearful or horrific ‘sort of wildfowl ’ as his name would seem to argue him. The prevalence of the breed, the extent of its knowledge, the zeal of its enthusiasm, and the number of the aquaria it has built for itself in town or country, are all part and parcel of that ‘ march of science ’ which took its impetus from Darwin and the ‘ Origin of Species.’ Those who do not already know that useful book, ‘ The Aquarium,’ by Mr J. E. Taylor, Ph.D., F.L.S., &c., should procure this new edition (the sixth). It forms a convenient handbook or popular manual to our public aquaria. The aquarium, its inhabitants, its structure and its management, are the author’s especial care. And with the help of well-ki* a works and a wide experience he has managed to put together a most praisewortny book.”—Science Siftings. Half-Hours in the Green Lanes. Illustrated with 300 Woodcuts. Fifth Edition. Crown 8vo, 2s. 6d. “A book which cannot fail to please the young, and from which many an older reader may glean here and there facts of interest in the field of nature. Mr Taylor has endeavoured to collect these facts which are to be recorded daily by an observant country gentleman with a taste for natural history; and he has attempted to put them together in a clear and simp’e style, so that the young may not only acquire a love for the investigation of nature, but may also put up (by reading this little book) an important store of knowledge. We think the author has succeeded in his object. He has made a very interesting little volume, not written above the heads of its readers as many of those books are, and he has taken care to have most of his natural history observations very accurately illustrated.”—Popular Science Review. J. E. Taylor's Books continued. Any Bookseller at Home and Abroad.34 Great Reductions in this Catalogue J. E. TAYLOR, F.L.S., F.G.S.—continued. Half-Hours at the Seaside. Illustrated with 250 Woodcuts. Fourth Edition. Crown 8vo, 2s. 6d. “ The love of natural history has now become so prevalent, at least among purely English readers, that we hardty meet a family at the seaside one of whose members has not some little knowledge of the wonders of the deep. Now, of course, tais love of marine zoology is being vastly increased by the existence of the valuable aquaria at the Crystal Palace and at Brighton. Still, however, notwithstanding the amount of admirable works on the subject, more especially the excellent treatises of Gosse and others, there was wanted a cheap form of book with good illustrations which should give a clear account of the ordinary creatures one meets with on the sands and in the rock pools. The want no longer exists, for the excellent little manual that now lies before us embraces all that could be desired by those who are entirely ignorant of the subject of seaside zoology, while its mode of arrangement and woodcuts, which are carefully drawn, combine to render it both attractive and useful Popular Science Review. IRiMng, Ueterinan?, aitb Hgnculture. EDWARD L. ANDERSON. How to Ride and School a Horse. With a System of Horse Gymnastics. Fourth Edition. Revised and Corrected. Crown 8vo, 2s. 6d. “ He is well worthy of a hearing.”—Bell’s Life. “ Mr Anderson is, without doubt, a thorough horseman.”—Tiie Field. “ It should be a good investment to all lovers of horses.”—The Farmer. “There is no reason why the careful reader should not be able, by the help of this little book, to train as well as ride his horses.’—Land and Water. JAMES IR VINE L UPTON, F. R. C. V. S. The Horse, as he Was, as he Is, and as he Ought to Be. Illustrated. Crown 8vo, 3s. 6d. “ Written with a good object in view, namely, to create an interest in the important subject of horse-breeding, more especially that class known as general utility horses. The book contains several illustrations, is well printed and handsomely bound, and we hope will meet with the attention it deserves.”—Live Stock Journal. WILLIAM PROCTOR, Stud Groom. The Management and Treatment of the Horse in the Stable, Field, and on the Road. New and Revised Edition. Crown 8vo, 6s. “There are few who are interested in horses will fail to profit by one portion or another of this useful work. Coming from a practical hand the work should recommend itself to the public.”—Sportsman. “ There i3 a fund of sound common-sense views in this work which will be interesting to many owners.”—Field. GEORGE GRESSWELL. The Diseases and Disorders of the Ox. Second Edition. Demy 8vo, 7s. 6d. “ This is perhaps one of the best of the popular books on the subject which has been published in recent years, and demonstrates in a most unmistakable manner the great advance that has been made in Bovine and Ovine Pathology since the days of Youatt. . . . To medical men who desire to know something of the disorders of such an important animal—speaking hygienically—as the Ox, the work can be recommended.’’ —The Lancet. “ It is clear, concise, and practical, and would make a very convenient handbook of reference. ’’—Saturday Review. For the Reduced Prices apply toof Messrs W. H. Allen 6° Cols Publications. 35 PROFESSOR SHELDON. The Future of British Agriculture. How Farmers may best be Benefited. Crown 8vo, 2s. 6d. “ Fortunately Prof. Sheldon has no mind to play the part of a prophet, but from the plenitude of a long experience gives sage counsel how to farm abreast of the time and be ready fbr whatever may ensue. . . . This little book is well worth reading, and it is pleasant to find that the professor by no means despairs of the future of agriculture in England.”—Academy. “We welcome the book as a valuable contribution to our agricultural literature, and as a useful guide to those branches in which the author is especially qualified to instruct.”—Nature. “In this beautifully printed and well-bound little book of 158 pp., Professor Sheldon, in his usual happy style, surveys the agricultural field, and indicates what he thinks is the prospect in front of the British farmer. Like a watchman he stands upon his tower—and when asked, What of the night ? he disavows not that we are in the night, but earnestly declares that the morning cometh apace. The professor is an optimist; he does not believe that the country is done, and still less does he favour the idea that, taking a wide survey, the former days were better than these. On the contrary, he urges that the way out of the wilderness is not by any by-path, but by going right ahead ; and, ere long, the man who holds the banner high will emerge triumphant. ”—Scottish Farmer. JOHN WATS ON, F.L.S. Ornithology in Relation to Agriculture and Horticulture, by various writers, edited by John Watson, F.L.S., &c. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d. List of Contributors.—Miss Eleanor A. Ormerod, late Consulting Entomologist to the Royal Agricultural Society of England; O. V. Aplin, F.L.S., Member of the British Ornithologists’ Union; Charles Whitehead, F.L.S., F.G.S., &c., author of “Fifty Years of Fruit Farming”; John Watson, F.L.S., author of “A Handbook for Farmers and Small Holders”; the Rev. F. O. Morris, M.A., author of “A History of British Birds” ; G. W. Murdoch, late editor of The Farmer ; Riley Fortune, F.Z.S.; T. H. Nelson, Member of the British Ornithologists’ Union; T. Southwell, F.Z.S. ; Rev. Theo. Wood, B.A., F.I.S.; J. H. Gurney, jun., M.P.; Harrison Weir, F.R.H.S. ; W. H. Tuck. “ Will form a textbook of a reliable kind in guiding agriculturists at large in their dealings with their feathered friends and foes alike.”—Glasgow Herald. “ This is a valuable book, and should go far to fulfil its excellent purpose. .. . . It is a book that every agriculturist should possess.”—Land and Water. “It is well to know what birds do mischief and what birds are helpful. This book is the very manual to clear up all such doubts.”—Yorkshire Post. “In these days of agricultural depression it behoves the former to study, .among other subjects, ornithology. That he and the gamekeeper often bring down plagues upon the land when they fancy they are ridding it of a pest is .exceedingly well illustrated in this series of papers. ”—Scotsman. Any Bookseller at Home and Abroad.36 Great Reductions in this Catalogue Jn&ía, Cbina, Japan, anb tbe East. SURGEON-MAJOR L. A. WADDELL, M.B., F.L.S., E.R.G.S., Member of the Royal Asiatic Society, Anthropological Institute, Sfc. The Buddhism of Tibet, with its Mystic Cults, Symbolism, and Mythology, and in its Relation to Indian Buddhism, with over 200 Illustrations. Demy 8vo, 31s. 6d. Synopsis of Contents :—Introductory. Historical: Changes in Primitive Buddhism leading to Lamaism—Rise, Development, and Spread of Lamaism—The Sects of Lamaism. Doctrinal: Metaphysical Sources of the Doctrine—The Doctrine and its Morality—Scriptures and Literature. Monastic: The Order of Lamas—Daily Life and Routine—Hierarchy and Reincarnate Lamas. Buildings: Monasteries—Temples and Cathedrals—Shrines (and Relics and Pilgrims). Mythology and Gods: Pantheon and Images—Sacred Symbols and Charms. Ritual and Sorcery: Worship and Ritual— Astrology and Divination— Sorcery and Necromancy. Festivals and Plays : Festivals and Holidays—Mystic Play3 and Masquerades and Sacred Plays. Popular Lamaism: Domestic and Popular Lamaism. Appendices: Chronological Table—Bibliography— Index. “ By far the most important mass of original materials contributed to this recondite study.”—The Times. “ Dr Waddell deals with the whole subject in a most exhaustive manner, and gives a clear insight into the structure, prominent features, and cults of tbe system ; and to disentangle the early history of Lamaism from the chaotic growth of fable which has invested it, most of the chief internal movements of Lamaism are now for the first time presented in an intelligible and systematic form. The work is a valuable addition to the long series that have preceded it, and is enriched by numerous illustrations, mostly from originals brought from Lhasa, and from photographs by the author, while it is fully indexed, and is provided with a chronological table and bibliography.”—Liverpool Courier. “ A book of exceptional interest.”—Glasgow Herald. “A learned and elaborate work, likely for some time to come to be a source of reference for all who seek information about Lamaism. ... In the appendix will be found a chronological table of Tibetan events, and a bibliography of the best literature bearing on Lamaism. There is also an excellent index, and the numerous illustrations are certainly one of the distinctive features of the book.”—Morning Post. “ Cannot fail to arouse the liveliest interest. The author of this excellently produced, handsomely illustrated volume of nearly six hundred pages has evidently spared no pains in prosecuting his studies. . . . The book is one of exceptional value, and will attract all those readers who take an interest in the old religions of the far East. ”—Publishers' Circular. SIR EDWIN ARNOLD, M.A., Aiithor of“ The Light of Asia f &c. Phe Book of Good Counsels. Fables from the Sanscrit of the Hitopadésa. With Illustrations by Gordon Browne. Autograph and Portrait. Crown 8vo, antique, gilt top, 5s. A few copies of the large paper Edition (limited to 100 copies), bound in white vellum, 25s. each net. “ ‘ The Book of Good Counsels,’ by Sir Edwin Arnold, comes almost as a new book, so long has it been out of print. Now, in addition to being very tastefully and prettily reissued, it contains numerous illustrations by Mr Gordon Browne. As some few may remember, it is a book of Indian stories and poetical maxims from the Sanskrit of the Hitopadésa. The book is almost a volume of fairy tales, and may pass for that with the younger generation, but it is a little too heavily overlaid with philosophy to be dismissed wholly as such. In fact, like all that Sir Edwin Arnold has brought before us, it is full of curious fancies, and that it is a charming little book to look at is its least merit.”—Daily Graphic. For the Reduced Prices apply toof Messrs W. H. Allen 6° Cols Publications. 37 CAPTAIN JAMES ABBOTT Narrative of a Journey from Herat to Khiva, Moscow, and St Petersburg!! during the late Russian invasion at Khiva. With Map and Portrait. 2 vols., demy 8vo, 24s. The real iaterest of the work consists in its store of spirited anecdote, its entertaining sketches of individual and national character, its graphic pictures of Eastern life and manners, its simply told tales of peril, privation, and suffering encountered and endured with a soldier’s courage. Over the whole narrative, the naïveté and frankness of the writer cast a charm that far more than covers its occasional eccentricities of style and language. It has seldom fallen to our lot to read a more interesting narrative of personal adventure. Rarely, indeed, do we find an author whose constant presence, through almost the whole of two large volumes, is not only tolerable, but welcome. Few readers will rise from a perusal of the narrative without a strong feeling of personal sympathy and interest in the gallant Major ; even though here and there unable to repress a smile at some burst of ecstasy, some abrupt apostrophe, such as would never have been perpetrated by a practical writer, and a man of the world. SIB E. C. BAYLEY. The Local Muhammadan Dynasties, Gujarat. Forming a Sequel to Sir H. M. Elliott’s “History of the Muhammadan Empire of India.” Demy 8vo, 21s. “The value of the work consists in the light which it serves to throw upon disputed dates and obscure transactions. As a work of reference it is doubtless useful. Regarding the way in which its learned translator and editor has acquitted himself of his task it is scarcely necessary to write ; a profound scholar and painstaking investigator, his labours are unusually trustworthy, and the world of letters will doubtless award him that meed of praise, which is rarely withheld from arduous and conscientious toil, by assigning him, in death, a niche in the temple of fame, side by side with his venerated master, Sir Henry Elliott.”—Academy. “ This book may be considered the first of a series designed rather as a supplement than complement to the ‘ History of India as Told by its own Historians.’ Following the Preface, a necessarily brief biographical notice—written in the kindly and appreciative spirit which ever characterises the style of the learned editor of Marco Polo, whose initials are scarcely needed to confirm his identity—explains how on Professor Dowson’s death, Sir Edward Clive Bayley was induced to undertake an editorship for which he was eminently qualified by personal character and acquaintance with the originator of the project which constituted his raison d'être. But the new editor did not live to see the actual publication of his first volume. Scarcely had he completed it for the press, when bis career was brought to a close. A singular fatality seems to have attended the several able men who have taken the leading part in preserving this particular monument of genuine history. Henry Elliott, John Dowson, Edward Clive Bayley, and more recently still (during the current year), Edward Thomas, the high-class numismatist, all have passed away, with hands upon the plough in the very field of Oriental research. Without asking to whose care the preparation of any future volumes may be entrusted, let us be thankful for the work, so far completed and—at this time especially—for the instalment which has just appeared.”—Athenceum. SIB GEOBGE BIBDWOOD, M.D. Report on the Old Records of the India Office, with Maps and Illustrations. Royal 8vo, 12s. 6d. “ Those who are familiar with Sir George Birdwood’s literary method will appreciate the interest and the wealth of historical illustration with which he invests these topics.” —Times, Feb. 26, 1891. “ Sir George Bird wood has performed a Herculean task in exploring, sorting, and describing the masses of old India Office records, which Mr Danvers has now got into a state of admirable arrangement, so that, with the help of Sir George’s Index, they may be readily and prodtablv consulted by students.”—Scotsman. Any Bookseller at Home arid Abroad.38 Great Reductions in this Catalogue E. BONA VIA, M.D., Brigade-Surgeon, Indian Medical Service. The Cultivated Oranges and Lemons of India and Ceylon. Demy 8vo, with Atlas of Plates, 30s. “ The amount of labour and research that Dr Bonavia must have expended on these volumes would be very difficult to estimate, and it is to be hoped that he will be repaid, to some extent at least, by the recognition of his work by those who are interested in promoting the internal industries of India.”—Home News. “ There can be no question that the author of this work has devoted much time and trouble to thè study of the Citrus family in India. That the prep »ration of the book has been a labour of love is evident throughout its pages.”—The Englishman. F. C. DANVERS, Registrar and Superintendent of Records, India Office, London. Report to the Secretary of State for India in Council on the Portuguese Records relating to the East Indies, contained in thS Archivo da Torre de Tom bo, and the Public Libraries at Lisbon and Evora. Royal 8vo, sewed, 6s. net. “ The whole book is full of important and interesting materials for the student alike of English and of Indian history.”—Times. “ It is more than time that some attention was paid to the history of the Portuguese in India by Englishmen, and Mr Danvers is doing good service to India by his investigation into the Portuguese records.”—India. “We are very grateful for it, especially with the gratitude which consists in a longing for more favours to come. The Secretary of State spends much money on worse things than continuing the efforts of which the book under review is only the first result.”—Asiatic Quarterly Review. The visits of inspection into the records preserved in Portugal bearing on the history of European enterprise in Eastern seas, which were authorised by the Secretary of State for India in 1891 and 1892, have resulted in the production of a most interesting report, which shows that a vast store of historical papers has been carefully preserved in that country, which deserves more thorough investigation. Mr Danvers, whose devotion to the duties of the Record Department is well known, hastened to carry out his instructions, and his report fully attests the earnestness with which he pursued his task. The documents range in date from 1500 to the present date, and contain clusters of documents numbering 12,465 and 5,274, and 1,783 in extent, besides many other deeply interesting batches of smaller bulk. It seems that no copies exist of most of these documents among our own records, a fact which invests them with peculiar interest. GEORGE DOBSON. Russia’s Railway Advance into Central Asia. Notes of a Journey from St Petersburg to Samarkand, Illustrated. Crown 8vo, 7s. 6d. “ The letters themselves have been expanded and rewritten, and the work contains seven additional chapters, which bring the account of the Transcaspian Provinces down to the present time. Those of our readers who remember the original letters will need no further commendation of our correspondent's accuracy of information and graphic powers of description.”—Times. “Offers a valuable contribution to our knowledge of this region. The author journeyed from St Petersburg to Samarkand by the Russian trains and steamers. He wonders, as so many have wondered before, why the break in the line of railway communication which is made by the Caspian Sea is allowed to continue. His book is eminently impartial, and he deals-with the question of trade between India and Central Asia in a chapter full of the highest interest, both for the statesman and the British merchant. ”—Daily Telegraph. For the Reduced Prices apply to39 of Messrs W. H. Allen 6° Co.’s Publications. REV. A. J. D. HORSEY, B.D., K.C., P.O.C. Portuguese Discoveries, Dependencies, and Missions in Asia and Africa, with Maps. Crown 8vo, 7s. 6cl. Contents. Book I. Introductory. The Portuguese in Europe and Asia. Portugal and the Portuguese. Portuguese Discoveries in the Fifteenth Century. Portuguese Conquests of India in the Sixteenth Century. The Portuguese Empire in the Sixteenth Century. Book IL The Portuguese Missions in Southern India. Early History of the Church in India. First Meeting of the Portuguese with the Syrians. Pioneers of the Portuguese Missions. The Rise of the Jesuits. The Jesuits in Portugal. St Francis Xavier's Mission in India. Subsequent Missions in the Sixteenth Century. Book III. The Subjugation of the Syrian Church. Roman Claim of Supremacy. First Attempt, by the Franciscans. Second Attempt, by the Jesuits. The Struggle against Rome. Book III.—continued. The Archbishop of Goa. The Synod of Diamper. The Triumph of Rome. Book IV. Subsequent Missions in Southern India, with special reference to the Syrians. Radiation of Mission of Goa. The Madura Mission. Portuguese Missions in the Carnatic. Syrian Christians in the Seventeenth Century. Syrian Christians in the Eighteenth Century. Book V. The Portuguese Missions, with special reference to Modern Missionary efforts in South India. The First Protestant Mission in South India. English Missions to the Syrians 1806-16. English Missions and the Syrian Christians. The Disruption and its Results. Present State of the Syrian Christians. The Revival of the Romish Missions in India. GENERAL GORDON, C.B. Events in the Taeping Rebellion. Being Reprints of MSS. copied by General Gordon, C.B., in his own handwriting; with Monograph, Introduction, and Notes. By A. Egmont Hake, author of “The Story of Chinese Gordon.” With Portrait and Map. Demy 8vo, 18s. “ A valuable and graphic contribution to our knowledge of affairs in China at the most critical period of its history.”—Leeds Mercury. “ Mr Hake has prefixed a vivicL sketch of Gordon’s career as a ‘ leader of men,' which shows insight and grasp of character. The style is perhaps somewhat too emphatic and ejaculatory—one seems to hear echoes of Hugo, and a strain of Mr Walter Besant—but the spirit is excellent.”—Athen&um. “ Without wearying his readers by describing at length events which are as familiar in our mouths as household words, he contents himself with giving a light sketch of them, and fills in the picture with a personal narrative which to most people will be entirely new.”—Saturday Review. F. V. GREENE, Military Attaché to the U.S. Legation at St Petersburg. Sketches of Army Life in Russia. Crown 8vo, 9s. Any Bookseller at Home and Abroad.40 Great Reductions in this Catalogue M. GRIFFITH. India’s Princes. Short Life Sketches of the Native Rulers of India, with 47 Portraits and Illustrations. Demy 4to, gilt top, 21s. List of The Punjaub. H.H. the Maharaja of Cashmere. H.H. the Maharaja of Patiala. H.H. the Maharaja of Kapurthalla. Rajputana. The Maharaja of Oudipur. The Maharaja of Jeypore. The Maharaja of Jodhpur. The Maharaja of Ulware. The Maharaja of Bhurtpur. Central India. H.H. the Maharaja Holkar of Indore. H.H. the Maharaja Scindia of Gwalior. H.H. the Begum of Bhopal. Portraits. The Bombay Presidency. H.H. the Gaikwar of Baroda. H.H. the Rao of Cutch. H.H. the Raja Kolhapur. H.H. the Nawab of Junagarh. H.H. the Thakore Sahib of Bhavnagar. H.H. the Thakore Sahib of Dhaagadra. H.H. the Thakore Sahib of Morvi. H.H. the Thakore Sahib of Gondal. Southern India. H.H. the Nizam of Hyderabad. H.H. the Maharaja of Mysore. H.H. the Maharaja of Travancore. “ A handsome volume containing a series of photographic portraits and local views with accompanying letterpress, giving biographical and political details, carefully compiled and attractively presented.”—Times. C. HAMILTON. Hedaya or Guide. A Commentary on the Mussulman Laws. Second Edition. With Preface and Index by S. G. Grady. 8vo, 35s. “A work of very high authority in all Moslem countries. It discusses most of the subjects mentioned in the Koran and Sonna.”—Mill’s Muhammadanism. The great Law-Book of India, and one of the most important monuments of Mussulman legislation in existence. “A valuable work.”—Allibone. Synopsis of Contents. Of Zakat. Of Nikkah or Marriage. Of Rizza or Fosterage. Of Talak or Divorce. Of Ittak or the Manumission of Slaves. Of Eiman or Vows. Of Hoodood or Punishment. Of Saraka or Larceny. Of A1 Seyir or the Institutes. Of the Law respecting Lakects or Foundlings. Of Looktas or Troves. Of Ibbak or the Absconding of Slaves. Of Mafkoods or Missing Persons. Of Shirkat or Partnership. Of Wakf or Appropriations. Of Sale. Of Serf Sale. Of Kafalit or Bail. Of Hawalit or the Transfer of the Kazee. Of the Duties of the Kazee. Of Shahadit or Evidence. Of Retractation of Evidence. Of Agency. Of Dawee or Claim. Of Ikrar or Acknowledge. Of Soolh or Composition. Of Mozaribat or Co-partnership in the Profits of Stock and Labour. Of Widda or Deposits. Of Areeat or Loans. Of Hibba or Gifts. Of Ijaro or Hire. Of Mokatibes. Of Willa. Of Ikrah or Compulsion. Of Hijr or Inhibition. Of Mazoons or Licensed Slaves. Of Ghazb or Usurpation. Of Shaffa. Of Kissmat or Partition. Of Mozarea or Compacts of Cultivation. Of Mosakat or Compacts of Gardening. Of Z&bbah or the Slaying of Animals for Food. Of Uzbeea or Sacrifice. Of Kiraheeat or Abominations. Of the Cultivation of Waste Lands. Of Prohibited Liquors. Of Hunting. Of Rahn or Pawns. Of Janayat or Offences against the Person. Of Deeayat or Fines. Of Mawakil or the Levying of Fines. Of Wasaya or Wills. Of Hermaphrodites. For the Reduced Prices apply toof Messrs W. H. Allen Cols Publications. 41 HOWARD HENSMAN, Special Correspondent of the “Pioneer” {Allahabad) and the “ Daily News ” (London). The Afghan War, 1879-80. Being a complete Narrative of the Capture of Cabul, the Siege of Sherpur, the Battle of Ahmed Khel, the March to Candahar, and the defeat of Ayub Khan. With Maps. Demy. 8vo, 21s. “ Mr Frederick Eoberts says of the letters here published in a collected form that * nothing could be more accurate or graphic.’ As to accuracy no one can be a more ■competent j udge than Sir Frederick, and his testimony stamps the book before us as constituting especially trustworthy material for history. Of much that he relates Mr Hensman was an eye-witness; of the rest he was informed by eye-witnesses immediately after the occurrence of the events recorded. We are assured by Sir Frederick Eoberts that Mr Hensman’s accuracy is complete in all respects. Mr Hensman enjoyed singular advantages during the first part of the war, for he was the only special correspondent who accompanied the force which marched out of Ali Kheyl in September 1879. One of the most interesting portions of the book is that which describes the march of Sir Frederick Roberts from Cabul to Candahar. Indeed, the book is in •every respect interesting and well written, and reflects the greatest credit on the author.”—Athenaeum. Sir H. HUNTER. A Statistical Account of Bengal. 1. Twenty-four Parganas and Sundar- bans. 2. Nadiya and Jessor. 3. Midnapur, Hugli, and Hourah, 4. Bardwan. Birbhum, and Bankhura. 5. Dacca, Bakarganj, Faridpur, and Maimansinh. 6. Chittagong Hill Tracts, Chittagong, Noakhali, Tipperah, and Hill Tipperah State. 20 vols. Demy 8vo, £6. 7. Meldah, Rangpur, Dinajpur. 8. Rajshahf and Bogra. 9. Murshidabad and Pabna. 10. Darjiling, Jalpaigurf, and Kutch Behar State. 11. Patna and Saran. 12. Gaya and Shahabad. 13. Tirhut and Champaran. 14. Bhagalpur and Santal Parganas. 15. Monghyr and Purniah. Bengal MS. Records, a selected list of Letter^in the Board of Revenue, Calcutta, 1782-1807, with an Historical Dissertation and Analytical Index. 4 vols. Demy 8vo, 30s. “ This is one of the small class of original works that compel a reconsideration of views which have been long accepted and which have passed into the current history of the period to which they refer. Sir William Wilson Hunter's exhaustive examination of the actual state of the various landed classes of Bengal during the last century renders impossible the further acceptance of these hitherto almost indisputable dicta of Indian history. The chief materials for that examination have been the contemporary MS. records preserved in the Board of Revenue, Calcutta, of which Sir William Hunter gives a list of 14,136 letters dealing with the period from 1782 to 1807. Nothing •could be more impartial than the spirit in which he deals with the great questions involved. He makes the actual facts, as recorded by these letters, written at the Dime, speak for themselves. But those who desire to learn how that system grew out of the pre-existing land rights and land usages of the province will find a clear and authoritative explanation. If these four volumes stood alone they would place their author in the first rank of scientific historians; that is, of the extremely limited •class of historians who write from original MSS. and records. But they do not stand alone. They are the natural continuation of the author’s researches, nearly a generation ago, among the District Archives of Bengal, which produced his ‘ Annals of Rural Bengal ’ in 1868 and his ‘ Orissa’ in 1872. They are also the first-fruits of that comprehensive history of India on which he has been engaged for the last twenty years, for which he has collected in each province of India an accumulation of tested local materials such as has never before been brought together in the hands, and by the labours, of any worker in the same stupendous field, and which, when completed, will be the fitting crown of his lifelong services to India. These volumes are indeed an important instalment towards the projected magnum opus; and in this connection it is of good augury to observe that they maintain their author’s reputation for that fulness and minuteness of knowledge, that grasp of principles and philosophic insight, and that fertility and charm of literary expression which give Sir William Hunter his unique place among the writers of his day on India.”—The Times. Any Bookseller at Home and Abroad.42 Great Reductions in this Catalogue REV. T. P. HUGHES. A Dictionary of Islam, being a Cyclopaedia of the Doctrines, Rites, Ceremonies, and Customs, together with the Technical and Theological Terms of the Muhammadan Religion. With numerous Illustrations. Royal 8vo, £2 2s. 4 4 Such a work as this has long been needed, and it would be hard to find any one better qualified to prepare it than Mr Hughes. His 4 Notes on Muhammadanism, ’ of which two editions have appeared, have proved decidedly useful to students of Islam, especially in India, and his long familiarity with the tenets and customs of Moslems has placed him in the best possible position for deciding what is necessary and what superfluous in a 4 Dictionary of Islam.’ His usual method is to begin an article with the text in the Koran relating to the subject, then to add the traditions bearing upon it, and to conclude with the comments of the Mohammedan scholiasts and the criticisms of Western scholars. Such a method, while involving an infinity of labour, produces the best results in point of accuracy and comprehensiveness. The difficult task of compiling a dictionary of so vast a subject as Islam, with its many sects, its saints, khalifs, ascetics, and dervishes, its festivals, ritual, and sacred places, the dress, manners, and customs of its professors, its commentators, technical terms, science of tradition and interpretation, its superstitions, magic, aud astrology, its theoretical doctrines and actual practices, has been accomplished with singular success; and the dictionary will have its place among the standard works of reference in every library that professes to take account of the religion which governs the lives of forty millions of the Queen’s subjects. The articles on 4 Marriage,’ ‘Women,’ 4 Wives/ 4 Slavery,’ ‘Tradition,’ 4 Sufi/ 4 Muhammad/ 4 Da’wah ’ or Incantation, 4 Burial/and 4 God/are especially admirable. Two articles deserve special notice. One is an elaborate account of Arabic 4 Writing ’ by Dr Steingass, which contains a vast quantity of useful matter, and is well illustrated by woodcuts of the chief varieties of Arabic script. The other article to which we refer with special emphasis is Mr F. Pincott on ‘Sikhism/ There is something on nearl every page of the dictionary that will interest and instruct the students of Eastern religion, manners, and customs.”—Athenceum. Dictionary of Muhammadan Theology. Notes on Muhammadanism. By Rev. T. P. Hughes. Third Edition, revised and enlarged. Fcap. 8vo, 6s. 44 Altogether an admirable little book. It combines two excellent qualities, abundance of facts and lack of theories. . . . On every one of the numerous heads (over fifty) into which the book is divided, Mr Hughe» furnishes a large amount of very valuable information, which it would be exceedingly difficult to collect from even a large library of works on the subject. The book might well be called a 4 Dictionary of Muhammadan Theology,’ for we know of no English work which combines a methodical arrangement (and consequently facility of reference) with fulness of information in so high a degree as the little volume before us.”—The Academy. 44 It contains multum in parvo, and is about the best outline of the tenets of the Muslim faith which we have seen. It lias, moreover, the rare merit of being accurate ; and, although it contains a few passages which we would gladly see expunged, it cannot fail to be useful to all Government employés who have to deal with Muhammadans ; whilst to missionaries it will be invaluable. ”—The Times of India. 44 The main object of the work is to reveal the real and practical character of the Islam faith, and in this the author has evidently been successful.”— The Standard. For the Reduced Prices apply to43 of Messrs W. H. Allen ô° Cols Publications. MRS GRA CE JOHNSON, Silver Medallist, Cookery Exhibition. Anglo-Indian and Oriental Cookery. Crown 8vo, 3s. 6d. H. G: KEENE, C.I.E., B.C.S., M.R.A.S., &c. History of India. From the Earliest Times to the Present Day. For the use of Students and Colleges. 2 vols. Crown 8vo, with Maps, 16s. “ The main merit of Mr Keene’s performance lies in the fact that he has assimilated all the authorities, and has been careful to bring his book down to date. He has been careful in research, and has availed himself of the most recent materials. He is well known as the author of other works on Indian history, and his capacity for his self-imposed task will not be questioned. We must content ourselves with this brief testimony to the labour and skill bestowed by him upon a subject of vast interest and importance. Excellent proportion is preserved in dealing with the various episodes, and the style is clear and graphic. The volumes are supplied with many useful maps, and the appendix include notes on Indian law and on recent books about India.”— Globe. “Mr Keene has the admirable element of fairness in dealing with the succession of great questions that pass over his pages, and he wisely devotes a full half of his work to the present century. The appearance of such a book, and of every such book, upon India is to be hailed at present. A fair-minded presentment of Indian history like that contained in Mr Keene's two volumes is at this moment peculiarly welcome.”—Times. “ In this admirably clear and comprehensive account of the rise and consolidation of our great Indian Empire, Mr Keene has endeavoured to give, without prolixity, ‘ a statement of the relevant facts at present available, both in regard to the origin of the more important Indian races and in regard to their progress before they came under the unifying processes of modern administration.’ To this undertaking is, of course, added the completion of the story of the ‘unprecedented series of events’ which have led to the amalgamation of the various Indian tribes or nationalities under one rule. In theory, at least, there is finality in history. Mr Keene traces the ancient Indian races from their earliest known ancestors and the effect of the Aryan settlement. He marks the rise of Buddhism and the great Muslim Conquest, the end of the Pathans, and the advent of the Empire of the Mughals. In rapid succession he reviews the Hindu revival, the initial establishment of English influence, and the destruction of French power. The author records the policy of Cornwallis, the wars of Wellesley, and the Administration of Minto—the most important features in Indian history before the establishment of British supremacy. It is a brilliant record of British prowess and ability of governing inferior races that Mr Keene has to place before his readers. We have won and held India by the sword, and the policy of the men we send out year by year to assist in its administration is largely based on that principle. The history of the land, of our occupation, and our sojourning, so ably set forth in these pages, is inseparable from that one essential fact.”—Morning Post. An Oriental Biographical Dictionary. Founded on materials collected by the late Thomas William Beale. New Edition, revised and enlarged. Royal 8vo, 28s. “A complete biographical dictionary for a country like India, which in its long history has produced a profusion of great men, would be a vast undertaking. The suggestion here made only indicates the line on which the dictionary, at some future time, could be almost indefinitely extended, and rendered still more valuable as a work of reference. Great care has evidently been taken to secure the accuracy of all that has been included in the work, and that is of far more importance than mere bulk. The dictionary can be commended as trustworthy, and reflects much credit on Mr Keene. Several interesting lists of rulers are given under the various founders of dynasties.”—India. The Fall of the Moghul Empire. From the Death of Aurunozeb to the Overthrow of the Mahratta Power. A New Edition, with Corrections and Additions. With Map. Crown 8vo, 7s. 6d. This work fills up a blank between the ending of Elphinstone's and the commencement of Thornton's Histories. Fifty-Seven. Some Account of the Administration of Indian Districts during the Revolt of the Bengal Army. Demy 8vo, 6s. Any Bookseller at Home and Abroad.44 Great Reductions in this Catalogue G. B. MALLES ON. History of the French in India. From the Founding of Pondicherry in 1674, to the Capture of that place in 1761. New and Revised Edition, with Maps. Demy 8vo, 16s. “ Colonel Malleson has produced a volume alike attractive to the general reader and valuable for its new matter to the special student. It is not too much to say that now, for the first time, we are furnished with a faithful narrative of that portion of European enterprise in India which turns upon the contest waged by the East India Company against French influence, and especially against Dupleix.”—Edinburgh Review. “ It is pleasant to contrast the work no w before us with the writer’s first bold plunge into historical composition, which splashed every one within his reach. He swims now with a steady stroke, and there is no fear of his sinking. With a keener insight into human character, and a larger understanding of the sources of human action, he combines all the power of animated recital which invested his earlier narratives with popularity.”—Fortnightly Review. “The author has had the advantage of consulting French Archives, and his volume forms a useful supplement to Orme.”—Athenaeum. Final French Struggles in India and on the Indian Seas. New Edition. Crown 8vo, 6s. “How India escaped from the government of prefects and sub-prefects to fall under that of Commissioners and Deputy-Commissioners; why the Penal Code of Lord Macaulay reigns supreme instead of a Code Napoleon; why we are not looking on helplessly from Mahe, Karikal, and Pondicherry, while the French are ruling all over Madras, and spending millions of francs in attempting to cultivate the slopes of the Neilgherries, maybe learnt from this modest volume. Colonel Malleson is always painstaking, and generally accurate ; his style is transparent, and he never loses sight of the purpose with which he ■commenced to write. ”—Saturday Review. “A book dealing with such a period of our history in the East, besides being interesting, contains many lessons. It is written in a style that will be popular with general readers.”—Athenaeum. History of Afghanistan, from the Earliest Period to the Outbreak of the War of 1878. With map. Demy 8vo, 18s. ‘ ‘ The name of Colonel Malleson on the title-page of any historical work in relation to India or the neighbouring States, is a satisfactory guarantee both for the accuracy of the facts and the brilliancy of the narrative. The author may be complimented upon having written a History of Afghanistan which is likely to become a work of standard authority.”—Scotsman. The Battlefields of Germany, from the Outbreak of the Thirty Years’ War to the Battle of Blenheim. With Maps and 1 Plan. Demy 8vo, 16s. “Colonel Malleson has shown a grasp of his subject, and a power of vivifying the confused passages of battle, in which it would be impossible to name any living writer as his equal. In imbuing these almost forgotten battlefields with fresh interest and reality for the English reader, he is reopening one of the most important chapters of European history, which no previous English writer has made so interesting and instructive as he has succeeded in doing in this volume.”—Academy. Ambushes and Surprises, being a Description of some of the most famous instances of the Leading into Ambush and the Surprises of Armies, from the time of Hannibal to the period of the Indian Mutiny. With a portrait of General Lord Mark Ker, K.C.B. Demy 8vo, 18s. For the Reduced Prices apply toof Messrs W. H. Allen Op Co.’s Publications. 45 MRS MANNING. Ancient and Mediaeval India. Being the History, Religion, Laws* Caste, Manners and Customs, Language, Literature, Poetry, Philosophy, Astronomy, Algebra, Medicine, Architecture, Manufactures* Commerce, &c., of the Hindus, taken from their Writings. With Illustrations. 2 vols. Demy 8vo, 30s. J. MORRIS, Author of “ The War in Korea J dfc., thirteen years resident in Tokio under the Japanese Board of Works. Advance Japan. A Nation Thoroughly in Earnest. With over 100 Illustrations by R. Isayama, and of Photographs lent by the Japanese Legation. 8vo, 12s. 6d. “ Is Teally a remarkably complete account of tbe land, the people, and the institutions of Japan, with chapters that deal with matters of such living interest as its growing industries and armaments, and the origin, incidents, and probable outcome of the war with China. The volume is illustrated by a Japanese artist of repute; it has a number of useful statistical appendices, and it is dedicated -to His Majesty the Mikado. ”—Scotsman. DEPUTY SURGEON-GENERAL C. T. PASKE, late of the Bengal Army, and Edited by F. G. AFLALO. Life and Travel in Lower Burmah, with frontispiece. Crown 8vo, 6s. “In dealing with life in Burmah we are given a pleasant insight into Eastern life; and to those interested in India and our other Eastern possessions, the opinions Mr Paske offers and the suggestions he makes will be delightful reading. Mr Paske has adopted a very light style of writing in ‘ Myamma,’ which lends an additional charm to the short historical-cum-geographical sketch, and both the writer and the editor are to be commended for the production of a really attractive book.”—Public Opinion. ALEXANDER ROGERS, Bombay Civil Service Retired. The Land Revenue of Bombay. A History of its Administration* Rise, and Progress. 2 vols, with 18 Maps. Demy 8vo, 30s. “These two volumes are full of valuable information not only on the Land Revenue, but on the general condition and state of cultivation in all parts of the Bombay Presidency. Each collectorate is described separately, and an excellent map of each is given, showing the divisional headquarters, market-towns, trade centres, places of pilgrimage, travellers, bungalows, municipalities, hospitals, schools, post offices, telegraphs, railways, &c.”—Mirror of British Museum. “ Mr Rogers has produced a continuous and an authoritative record of the land changes and of the fortunes of the cultivating classes for a full half-century, together with valuable data regarding the condition’ and burdens of those classes at various periods before the present system of settlement was introduced. Mr Rogers now presents a comprehensive view of the land administration of Bombay as a whole, the history of its rise and progress, and a clear statement of the results which it has attained. It is a narrative of which all patriotic Englishmen may feel proud. The old burdens of native rule have been lightened, the old injustices mitigated, the old fiscal cruelties and exactions abolished. Underlying the story of each district we see a perennial struggle going on between the increase of the population and the available means of subsistence derived from the soil. That increase of the population is the direct result of the peace of the country under British rule. But it tends to press more and more severely on the possible limits of local cultivation, and it can only be provided for by the extension of the modern appliances of production and distribution. Mr Rogers very properly confines himself to his own subject. But there is ample evidence that "the extension of roads, railways, steam factories, and other industrial enterprises, have played an important part in the solution of the problem, and that during recent years such enterprises have been powerfully aided by an abundant currency..”—The Times. Any Bookseller at Home and Abroad.46 Great Reductions in this Catalogue G. P. SANDERSON, Officer in Charge of the Government Elephant Keddahs. Thirteen Years among- the Wild Beasts of India; their Haunts and Habits, from Personal Observation. With an account of the Modes of Capturing and Taming Wild Elephants. With 21 full-page Illustrations, Reproduced for this Edition direct from the original drawings, and 3 Maps. Fifth Edition. Fcap. 4to, 12s. “ We find it difficult to hasten through this interesting book; on almost every page some incident or some happy descriptive passage tempts the reader to linger. The author relates his exploits with ability and with singular modesty. His adventures with man-eaters will afford lively entertainment to the reader, and indeed there is no portion of the volume which he is likely to wish shorter. The illustrations add to the attractions of the bjok.”—Pall Mall Gazette. “This is the best and most practical book on the wild game of Southern and Eastern India that we have read, and displays an extensive acquaintance with natural history. To the traveller proposing to visit India, whether he be a sportsman, a naturalist, or an antiquarian, the book will be invaluable: full of incident and sparkling with anecdote.”—Bailey s Magazine. ROBERT SEWELL, Madras Civil Service. Analytical History of India. From the Earliest Times to the Abolition of the East India Company in 1858. Post 8vo, 8s. “Much labour has been expended on this work.”—Athenaeum. EDWARD THORNTON. A Gazetteer of the Territories under the Government of the Viceroy of India. New Edition, Edited and Revised by Sir Roper Lethbridge, C.I.E., late Press Commissioner in India, and Arthur N. Wollaston, H.M. Indian (Home) Civil Service, Translator of the “ Anwar-i-Suhaili.” In one volume, 8vo, 1,000 pages, 28s. Hunter’s “Imperial Gazetteer” has been prepared, which is not only much more ample than its predecessor, but is further to be greatly enlarged in the New Edition now in course of production. In these circumstances it has been thought incumbent, when issuing a New Edition of Thornton’s “ Gazetteer ” corrected up to date, to modify in some measure the plan of the work by omitting much of the detail and giving only such leading facts and figures as will suffice for ordinary purposes of reference, a plan which has the additional advantage of reducing the work to one moderate-sized volume. It is obvious that the value of the New Edition must depend in a large, measure upon the care and judgment which have been exercised in the preparation of the letterpress. The task was, in the first instance, undertaken by Mr Roper Lethbridge, whose literary attainments and acquaintance with India seemed to qualify him to a marked degree for an undertaking demanding considerable knowledge and experience. But in order further to render the work as complete and perfect as possible, the publishers deemed it prudent to subject the pages to the scrutiny of a second Editor, in the person of Mr Arthur Wollaston, whose lengthened service in the Indian Branch of the Civil Service of this country, coupled with his wide acquaintance with Oriental History, gives to his criticism an unusual degree of weight and importance. The joint names which appear on the title-page will, it is hoped, serve as a guarantee to the public that the “Gazetteer” is in the main accurate and trustworthy, free alike from sins of omission and commission. It will be found to contain the names of many hundreds of places not included in any former edition, while the areas and populations have been revised by the data given in the Census Report of 1881. *** The chief objects in view in compiling this Gazetteer are:— 1st. To fix the relative position of the various cities, towns, and villages with as much precision as possible, and to exhibit with the greatest practicable brevity all that is known respecting them ; and 2ndly. To note the various countries, provinces, or territorial divisions, and to describe the physical characteristics of each, together with their statistical, social, and political circumstances. For the Reduced Prices apply toof Messrs WH. Allen 6° Cols Publications. 47 DR C. EDWARD SACHA U. Athar-Ul-Bakiya of Albiruni: The Chronology of Ancient Nations, an English Version of the Arabic Text translated and Edited with Notes and Index. Imp. 8vo (480 pp.), 42s. A book of extraordinary erudition compiled in a. d. 1000. A. J. WALL. Indian Snake Poisons : Their Nature and Effects. Crown 8vo, 6s. Contents. The Physiological Effects of the Poison of the Cobra (Naja Tripudians).—The Physiological Effects of the Poison of Bussell’s Viper (Daboia Russellii).—The Physiological Effects produced by the Poison of the Bungarus Fasciatus and the Bungarus Coeruleus. —The Relative Power and Properties of the Poisons of Indian and other Venomous Snakes.—The Nature of Snake Poisons.—Some practical considerations connected with the subject of Snake-Poisoning, especially regarding Prevention and Treatment.—The object that has been kept in view, has been to define as closely as possible the conditions on which the mortality from Snake-bite depends, both as regards the physiological nature of the poisoning process, and the relations between the reptiles and their victims, so as to indicate the way in which we should best proceed with the hope of diminishing the fearful mortality that exists. S. WELLS WLLLLAMS, LL.D., Professor of the Chinese Language and Literature at Yale College. China—The Middle Kingdom. A Survey of the Geography, Government, Literature, Social Life, Arts, and History of the Chinese Empire and its Inhabitants. Revised Edition, with 74 Illustrations and a New Map of the Empire. 2 vols. Demy 8vo, 42s. “ Williams’‘Middle Kingdom’remains unrivalled as the most full and accurate account of China—its inhabitants, its arts, its science, its religion, its philosophy— that has ever been given to the public. Its minuteness and thoroughness are beyond all praise.”—North American Review. “ The standard work on the subject.”—Globe. PROFESSOR H. H. WLLSON. Glossary of Judicial and Revenue Terms, including words from the Arabic, Teluga, Karnata, Tamil, Persian, Hindustani, Sanskrit, Hindi, Bengali, Marathi, Guzarathi, Malayalam, and other languages. 4to, 30s. ‘‘It was the distinguishing characteristic of our late director that he considered nothing unworthy of his labours that was calculated to be useful, and was never influenced in his undertakings by the mere desire of acquiring distinction or increasing his fame. Many of his works exhibit powers of illustration and close reasoning, which will place their author in a high position among the literary men of the age. But it is as a man of deep research and as a Sanskrit scholar and Orientalist, as the successor of Sir Wm, J ones and H. T. Colebrooke, the worthy wearer of their mantles and inheritor of the pre-eminence they enjoyed in this particular department of literature, that his name will especially live among the eminent men of learning of his age and country.”—H. T. Prinsep. “ A work every page of which teems with information that no other scholar ever has or could have placed before the public. . . . The work must ever hold a foremost place not only in the history of India but in that of the human race.”—Edinburgh Review. LTEUT. G. J. VO UNGHUSBA AID, Queers Own Corps of Guides. Eighteen Hundred Miles in a Burmese Tat, through Burmah, Siam, and the Eastern Shan States. Illustrated. Crown 8vo, 5s. Any Bookseller at Home and Abroad.