ILLINOIS UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN PRODUCTION NOTE University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign Library Brittle Books Project, 2015.COPYRIGHT NOTIFICATION In Public Domain. Published prior to 1923. This digital copy was made from the printed version held by the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. It was made in compliance with copyright law. Prepared for the Brittle Books Project, Main Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign by Northern Micrographics Brookhaven Bindery La Crosse, Wisconsin 2015THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY Commodore U. S. NAVY. WITH PORTRAIT AND EXPLANATORY NOTES BOSTON. A. WILLIAMS & CO., 283 WASHING TON PUBLISHED FOE THE NAVAL INSTITUTE, ANNAPOLIS, MD. 1880. LIBRARY OF THE PWEfiOTF' C"From, the Original Painting "by Ary Schef:fer. The Melio type, f.riteing- Co 2ii Stemotast BostonTHE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF Commodore Charles lorris, I • a U. S. NAVY. WITH PORTRAIT AND EXPLANATORY NOTES. BOSTON. A. WILLIAMS & CO., 283 WASHINGTON STREET. PUBLISHED FOR THE NAVAL INSTITUTE, ANNAPOLIS, MD. 1880.Copyright, 1880, By J. R. Soley. press of Claremont Manufacturing Company.B M 8 744™ I PREFACE. Charles Morris was born July 26, 1784, at Woodstock, Connecticut, where his family had long resided. The first of his ancestors who set- tled in America was Richard Morris, who came from Wales to Boston in 1630. He had previously been in military service, and after serving as " ancient," and later as lieutenant, to Underhill, he succeeded to the command of the fort built for the defense of Boston. He also appears to have taken a part in the religious disputes of the day, and for his advocacy of Mrs. Hutchinson's tenets, he, was banished to Exeter, with others, for a short time. Having made his peace wit£ the authorities, he was recalled, and resided in Boston and Roxbury. His son Edward married in the latter place, and settled himself on a farm in what is now the town of Thompson, on the confines of Wood- stock, in Connecticut. His descendants spread themselves in the neighboring towns of Worcester County, as cultivators of the soil. Charles Morris, the sixth in descent from Richard, was born in 1762, and in 1783 married Miriam Nichols. Their son Charles, born the next year, was the future commodore. Young Morris passed the first fifteen years of his life in Connecti- cut and Vermont. He was taught the rudiments of knowledge by his father; but he had little or no regular teaching after he was ten years old, and his time for the next five years was chiefly spent in working on a farm. His leisure time was passed in reading every thing he could lay hands on, and the strong inclination which showed itself thus early continued through life. He entered the Navy in 1799 as an acting midshipman, at the suggestion of his father, who held an appointment as purser. He received his warrant the next year, and from that time till his death he was actively employed almost without intermission. Entering the Navy at the most trying period of its history, when it had little support or encouragement from the govern- ment, and was almost unknown to the country at large, and when its internal organization was loose and imperfect, he lived to see it in the height of its prosperity, long after it had won its way to public esteem and honor. A large share in the active work of promoting the growth 8480404 PREFACE. and well-being of the service during this period belonged to Morris. For more than fifty years, all his time, and thoughts, and energies were devoted to this object; and such was the esteem in which he was held by his contemporaries, that he was, during most of the time, in posi- tions where his influence could make itself strongly felt. Like most of the men of talent in the service at that time, his early promotion was rapid. He became a lieutenant at twenty-three and a captain at twenty-eight; and before he was thirty he had been well-seasoned in two hard fought naval wars. In the war with Tripoli it was his good fortune to belong to Preble's squadron; and he thus got his early training in the same school with Hull, Decatur, Stewart and Mc Don- ough. The outbreak of the war of 1812 found him the executive officer of the Constitution, and his name comes down to us with that of Hull, sharing the honors of the first great victory of the war, the capture of the Guerri&re. His subsequent career, though less event- ful than the first few years, was marked hy the same zeal, the same activity, the same earnest desire to do his best in every station that he filled. As a member of the Board of Navy Commissioners, he had, for more than twelve years, a voice upon every important ques- tion of naval administration; and, while the natural balance of his mind kept him from going to extremes, his early advancement to posi- tions of influence and command had freed him from the excessive conservatism and unwillingness to take responsibility that are so often found in men who have spent their best energies in subordinate sta- tions. His last sea-service was from 1841 to 1844, when he com- manded a squadron, first in Brazil and later in the Mediterranean. On his return he was appointed Chief of the Bureau of Construction. From 1847 to 1851 he was on special ordnance duty, and, in 1851, he became Chief of the Bureau of Ordnance and Hydrography. He died Jan. 27, 1856, at the age of seventy-two, at Washington, continuing the labors of his office till within a few days of his death. During his naval career of fifty-seven years, he had been twenty-one years at sea, and less than three 3 in great retirement, out of favor with the government, if not under surveillance, and entered very little into so- ciety, where there were few who sympathized with him in their feel- ings and opinions, or where any expression of them could be made without danger. At Mr. Barlow's they found safety and sympathy, and other inducements which frequently brought them w his domestic circle. My introduction to Kosciusko was unexpected, and his man- ner made a strong impression on me. Mrs. Barlow and myself were sitting in the parlor on a dark, stormy day, when the servant an- nounced a person whose name was not distinctly heard. He was fol- lowed into the room by a small man, in an old brown overcoat, who immediately rushed to Mrs. Barlow and gave her an embrace which was cordially returned. Both seemed to be greatly excited, and for some time I stood an unnoticed spectator. At last Mrs. Barlow pre- sented me to the general, as an American officer, which gained me also an embrace, and the expression of his gratification at having once more met with one. Then laying both hands upon my head, he invoked the blessing of the Almighty upon me, with great fervor and solemnity, to my no small astonishment and confusion. Although I had seen Napoleon tolerably near when he occasionally * Heine Philibert de Varicourt, Marquise de Villette, born 1757, died at Pari* in 1822. She was the adopted daughter of Mme. Denis, and lived at Ferney, in Voltaire's household, until her marriage in 1777 to Charles, Marquis de Villette. Her husband was an active member of the Girondin party, and only his ill health saved him from proscription. He died in 1793. Madame Villette passed more than a year in prison, and after her liberation devoted the rest of her life to works of benevolence/ f Jean Siffrein, Cardinal Maury, Archbishop of Paris, 1810-1815. » % Henri Gr^goire, born 1750, Was a clerical deputy in the States General of 1789, and took a leading part in the devolution. He was violently opposed to the monarchy, but maintained throughout his adherence to the church. During the Empire, he exerted no great influence in public affairs, but he formed one Of the small minority in the Senate opposed to the Emperor. He died in 1831. \ Barb6-Marboie, the diplomatist and financier of the Empire, had served some time in America and had married there. In 18Q£ he conducted the negotiatio&ff in reference to the Louisiana cession.PRESENTATION TO THE EMPEROR NAPOLEON# 47 reviewed troops in the Carrousel, my desire was great to see Mm more nearly still. This desire was at last gratified under very favor- able circumstances. The Emperor and the imperial family received all the foreign diplomatic corps and the great officers of the Empire, on the 1st of January, 1812. The foreign ministers had the privilege of .presenting their countrymen on this occasion, and with several other Americans I accompanied Mr* Barlow. The diplomatic corps and their countrymen assembled about 11 A. M., in a large hall on the lower floor of the palace of the Tuileries, where colfee and other slight refreshments were served. About noon they were notified to proceed to the hall of the throne. Ascending the grand staircase be- tween the line of the guards, every step having one at each end, we were conducted through a hall in which the city authorities were as- sembled, another containing the general officers of the Army and Navy and civil officers of corresponding ranks, and a third containing the Marshals and other superior dignitaries of the Empire and high Officers of the household ; this opened to the hall of the throne. The throne was at the farthest extremity. The Emperor stood near it, and at a short distance his grand chamberlain and one or two others. Our procession entered slowly and ranged itself rather on one side of the hall, the ambassador entitled to precedence near the head of the hall, and the others in succession, each having his suite near him, and a small space between each suite to keep them distinct. A few min- utes after the arrangement was completed, the Emperor advanced to the ambassador highest in rank, Prince Schwartzenberg from Austria, and addressed a few remarks to him, after which the strangers of that embassy were presented. The same course was pursued with each separate legation, and occupied from three to five minutes with each. When the Emperor had thus received all, he returned slowly along the line, returning the salutations of the different legations as he passed, but without conversing with any excepting with the Ameri* cans. When opposite to Mr. Barlow, he observed, 441 perceive the English government has returned the seamen formerly taken from one of your ships of war," (news of which had been received a few days before) ; to which Mr. Barlow replied, " Yes, Sire, and in a manner honorable to our country." With a peculiar smile and a slight toss of the head, he rejoined, " So long as you do not injure the commerce or the revenue of England, you may do whatever besides that you may choose with her," and passed on. Having resumed his station near the throne, he bowed low to the assemblage, upon which they48 THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF COMMODORE MORRIS. retired, keeping their faces towards him till they had reached the door of exit, when they returned to the hall where they had assembled. The legations were now conducted to another part of the palace where the same ceremonies were repeated with the Empress Marie Louise. Here the antechambers and hall of reception contained many ladies mingled with the household officers. The Empress ap- peared to be quite ill at ease, and to perform her..-past^iTffie exhibi- tion with considerable embarrassment, and with scarcely an attempt at conversation. Our detention was not long, and we proceeded next to the apartments of the Emperor's sister, the Queen of Italy.* The comparisons between her and the Empress were favorable to the Queen. Apparently quite at her ease, with an animated face and gracious manner, she maintained the necessary conversation without hesitation or difficulty. The legations then assembled at the chapel, in a side gallery, while the Imperial family occupied the front during mass, which occupied about half an hour. Hortense, the daughter of the late Empress, and Queen of Holland, resided in a different part of the city, and the legations next visited her, but without any connection with each other. Her court was small. She received us with great affability and grace, and impressed us with a belief in her amiability of temper and benevolence of char- acter. On being informed that I was about to return to the United States, she sent many kind messages to Mrs. Hay, the daughter of Mr. Monroe, with whom she said she had been at school, and whom she pronounced to be "tr&s tr&s aimable." The Queen of Joseph of Spain and another sister of the Emperor still remained to be visited, according to the strict rules of etiquette; but the evening had arrived, and Mr. Barlow having assured us that Joseph's Queen was "the very fag-end of royalty," we accepted his proposition to leave them and accompanied him to partake of his dinner. The great object of interest in this varied and brilliant scene was Napoleon himself; but it is difficult to describe his appearance and the expression of his countenance, or the impression which they made upon my mind. In height he was about five feet, eight inches. He had already exchanged the slight and slender figure of the conqueror of Italy for a fulness which verged closely upon corpulency. His movements were slow, but easy and dignified: the expression of his * Caroline Bonaparte, the wife of Murat.PRESENTATION' TO THE EMPEROR NAPOLEON. 49 face generally grave and composed, the upper portion indicating deep thought, and the mouth and lower part, firmness and decision. His eyes were dark, clear, and penetrating, but without much brilliancy; and their motion was slow when passing from one object to another. His smile gave an agreeable and amiable expression to his face, which could hardly have been expected from its generally cold and fixed char- acter ; but a smile seemed to be of rare occurrence, as it only appeared for the moment when he last addressed Mr. Barlow. On this occasion he was not, as usual, in uniform, but dressed in velvet coat and breeches, white satin vest, white silk stockings, shoes, and white cravat of lace, and carried a hat in his hand, with one side turned up, secured by a loop which supported a drooping white ostrich feather, and ornamented by a single diamond of great size and brilliancy. The hilt of his small sword and the buttons of his coat, and the knee and shoe buckles were set with diamonds. The general character of his dress was in good taste, expensive but free from all gaudiness, and, compared with that of the officers of the court, appeared remarkable for its simplicity. Such was Napoleon as he appeared to me on the 1st of January, 1812, surrounded by the representatives of all the nations of Christen- dom, excepting England, and the acknowledged arbiter of Europe. Success had hitherto crowned all his enterprises, and further opposi- tion to his will required a boldness which bordered on rashness. But the war with Spain had been commenced and one with Russia was then contemplated, which led to a general coalition, that in less than four short years deprived him of all power and left him at the mercy of his enemies for the remainder of his life. Mr. Barlow's despatches having been completed, I left Paris with them on the evening of the 2nd of January, and soon after joining the ship at Cherbourg she sailed for the United States. After a very tempestuous and unpleasant passage of forty-two days we reached the entrance of the Chesapeake, and I proceeded to Washington with the despatches. About three weeks were passed at the seat of gov- ernment, during which I became known to the President and the differ- ent secretaries and many members of Congress, and joined in the gai- eties which are usual there during the session of Congress. From the conversation of the members of the cabinet, it was apparent that war might be soon expected with Great Britain, unless she repealed the order of qouncil under which our commerce was plundered by her numerous cruisers, and unless those cruisers were further restrained from insulting infringements of our nationality by firing upon and50 THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF COMMODORE MORRIS. capturing vessels, within our jurisdiction, as recognized by interna- tional law.* , Under these circumstances, I was desirous of some situation that would leave me ready for the command of a small vessel, should war take place, and at the same time relieve me for a time from the inces- sant and laborious duties in which I had for some years been constant- ly engaged. The Secretary readily acceded to my wished, givingliiB orders to join Commodore Bainbridge, who had just been ordered to the Navy yard at Boston; assuring me that when next employed at sea, it should be in command of some vessel. My expectation of relaxation was, however, disappointed, for the yard was found to require unremitted exertion to bring it into a situa- tion of even moderate efficiency and order. Before this was accom- plished my hope of command was also destroyed by an unexpected order to repair to New York to meet the Constitution and rejoin her in my old situation of senior lieutenant. As the Constitution was still in the Potomac, where she had gone for slight repair, the commodore permitted and advised my proceeding directly to Washington, in the hope of having the order revoked by recalling the promise of the Sec- retary to his recollection. Using all despatch, I met the news of the declaration of war just before reaching Washington.f This event was not calculated to di- minish my desire for a separate command, and the revocation of my orders was readily granted. To my surprise and mortification, they were peremptorily renewed a few days after. Indignant at such con- duct, which was not explained, and which' seemed inimical to my inter- ests, I formed the proper determination to give prompt obedience and make a cruise, but, before leaving the city, to make application for an appointment in the Army which was then forming. I accordingly made an application for a lieutenant-colonelcy of artillery, and lodged, in support of it, the recommendations of the members of Congress for Connecticut and Rhode Island, and of a member from New York and Massachusetts. Having done this, in the course of the morning I ob- tained an interview with the Secretary of the Navy, informed him of * Captain Morris does not mention the most serious international grievance, that of impressment, which at this time, had been carried so far that English cruisers, as the Guerriere in 1811 off Sandy Hook, stationed themselves near our ports and took undoubted American citizens out of American coasters, within a few miles of our shore. f War was declared June 18,1812.CRUISE OF THE CONSTITUTION. 51 my decision and action, and left the city in the afternoon, in a vessel taking stores to the ship. I joined her near the mouth of the Potomac on the 25th of June. The equipments of the ship were still very imperfect. Only a part of her guns were mounted, the complement of men was greatly defi- cient, those on board were not yet stationed, and, of course, were to- tally uninstructed in any special duties. Captain Hull used all exer- tions to supply the deficiency of men and stores, while the other offi- cers were unceasing in their efforts to complete the equipments, and exercise and train the men to their various duties, but more espe- cially with the guns. The ship was taken opposite Annapolis for more convenient intercourse with Baltimore and ports to the eastward, and on the 5th of July we began to work down the bay, still continu- ing to receive men and stores till we passed out to sea on the 12th of July. The ship had been ordered to New York to meet and join other ves- sels under the command of Commodore Rodgers, and our course was directed accordingly. We had proceeded beyond the Delaware, but out of sight of the land, when, on the afternoon of the 16th, we discover- ed four vessels, at a great distance to the N¥., and a single ship to the NE., from which quarter a ]ight wind was then blowing. The wind changed to the southward about sunset, which brought us to windward, and we stood for the ship, the wind being very light. The chase was evidently a frigate, and the first impression was that she might be a part of Commodore Rodgers's squadron. By 11 P. M., we were within signal distance, and it was soon apparent she was not an Amer- ican vessel of war. There being no apprehension that a British frig- ate would make any attempt to avoid an engagement, Captain Hull felt justified in delaying any nearer approach till daylight of the 17th, when our newly-collected and imperfectly disciplined men would be less likely to be thrown into confusion.* The ship was accordingly brought to the wind with her head to the southward and westward, under easy sail, with a light wind from the NW. The other ship did the same at about two miles distance. The watch not on duty were allowed to * The single frigate was the Guerriere. It was fortunate that Hull decided to wait, as, even supposing that he had been victorious in the engagement, he could not have escaped the rest of the squadron. The Guerriere mistook her own con- sorts, from which she had been separated, and which at the time were some distance to leeward, for the squadron of Commodore Rodgers, and hence avoided an engage- ment.52 THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF COMMODORE MORRIS. -sleep at their quarters, and the officers slept in the same manner. As the following morning opened upon us, it disclosed our companion of the night to be a large frigate just without gunshot, on the lee quarter, and a ship-of-the-line and three other frigates, a brig, and schooner, about two miles nearly astern, with all sails set standing for us, with English colors flying.* All our sails were soon set, and the nearest frigate, fortunately for us, but without any apparent reason, tacked and immediately wore round again in chase, a maneuver that occu- pied some ten minutes, and allowed us to gain a distance, which, though short, proved to be of the utmost importance to our safety. By sun- rise our ship was entirely becalmed and unmanageable, while the ships astern retained a light breeze till it brought three of the frigates so near that their shot passed beyond us. The distance was, however, too great for accuracy, and their shot did not strike our ship. Our boats were soon hoisted out, and the ship's head kept from the enemy, and exertions were made to increase our distance from them by towing. This, and occasional catspaws or slight puffs of wind, enabled us to prevent their closing, but as their means were equal to ours, we could gain nothing. A few guns were fired from our sternports, but so much rake had been given to the stern that the guns could not be used with safety, and their further use was relinquished. All means were adopt- ed which seemed to promise any increase of speed. The hammocks were removed from the nettings, and the cloths rolled up to prevent their unfavorable action; several thousand gallons of water were started and pumped overboard, and all the sails kept thoroughly wet to close the texture of the canvas. While making all these exertions, our chances for escape were considered hopeless. For many years the ship had proved a very dull sailer, especially during the late cruise, and it was supposed that the first steady breeze would bring up such a force as would render resistance of no avail; and our situation seemed hope- less. At about 8 A. M., one of the frigates called all the boats of the squadron to her and, having arranged them for towing, furled all sails. *The squadron consisted of the 64-gun ship Africa, Captain Bastard; the frig- ates Shannon, 38, Captain Broke; Guerriere, 38, Captain Dkcres ; Belvidera, 36, Captain Byron, and iEolus, 32, Captain Lord James Townsend. The brig was the U. S. brig Nautilus, which had sailed from New York a few days before, under the command of Lieutenant William M. Crane. When only a few hours out, she fell in with Broke's squadron and was captured. During the chase of the Constitution Crane was a prisoner in the squadron, and a witness of the escape of the Ameri- can frigate. The schooner mentioned in the text was another prize of the squadron.CHASE OF THE CONSTITUTION. 53 This brought her towards us steadily and seemed to decide our fate. Fortunately for us a light breeze filled our sails and sent us forward a few hundred yards, before her sails could be set to profit by it. With our minds excited to the utmost to devise means for escape, I happened to recollect that, when obliged by the timidity of my old commander, Cox, to warp the President in and out of harbors where others depend- ed on sails, our practice had enabled us to give her a speed of nearly three miles an hour. We had been on soundings the day before, and on trying we now found twenty-six fathoms. This depth was unfavor- ably great, but it gave me confidence to suggest to Captain Hull the expediency of attempting to warp the ship ahead. He acceded at once, and in a short time (about 7 A. M.) the launch and first cutter were sent ahead with a kedge, and all the hawsers and rigging, from five inches and upward, that could be found, making nearly a mile of length. When the kedge was thrown the men hauled on the connecting haw- ser, slowly and carefully at first, till the ship was in motion, and grad- ually increasing until a sufficient velocity was given to continue until the anchor could again be taken ahead, when the same process was re- peated. In this way the ship was soon placed out of the range of our enemy's guns, and by continued exertions when the wind failed, and giving every possible advantage to the sails when we had air enough to fill them, we prevented them from again closing very near us. The ship which we had first chased gained a position abeam of us about 9 A. M. and fired several broadsides, but the shot fell just short of us, and only served to enliven our men and excite their jocular comments. The exertions of neither party were relaxed during this day or the fol- lowing night. There was frequent alternation of calms and very light winds from the SE., which we received with our heads to the south- westward. When the wind would give us more speed than with warp- ing and towing, the boats were run up to their places, or suspended to the spars in the chains by temporary tackles, with their crews in them, ready to act again at a moment's notice. At daylight of the second day, on the 18th, it was found that one frigate had gained a position on our lee bow, two nearly abeam, one on the lee quarter about two miles from us, and the ship-of-the-line, brig and schooner, three miles from us in the same direction. The wind had now become tolerably steady, though still light. The frigate on the lee bow tacked about 4 A. M., and would evidently reach within gunshot if we continued our course. This we were anxious to avoid, as a single shot might cripple some spar and impede our progress. If we tacked, we might be ex-54 THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF COMMODORE MORRIS. posed to the fire of the other frigate on the lee quarter; but as she was a smaller vessel the risk appeared to be less, and we also tacked soon. In passing the lee frigate at 5, we expected a broadside or more, as we should evidently pass within gunshot; but, from some unexplained cause, Lord James Townsend in the JEolus of 32 guns suffered us to pass quietly, and tacked in our wake, while the others soon took the same direction. We had now all our pursuers astern and on the lee quarter, and as the wind was gradually increasing, our escape must depend on our superiority of sailing, which we had no reason to hope nor expect. Exertions, however, were not relaxed. The launch and first cutter, which we dared not lose, were hoisted on board at 6 A. Maunder the directions of Captain Hull, with so little loss of time or change of sails that our watching enemies could not conceive what disposition was made of them. This we afterwards learned from Lieutenant Crane, who was a prisoner in their squadron. The sails were kept saturated with water, a set of skysails was made and set, and all other sails set and trimmed to the greatest advantage, close by the wind. The ship directly astern gained slowly but gradually till noon ; though, as the wind increased, our good ship was going at that time at the unexpected rate of ten knots an hour. At noon we had the wind abeam and as it grad- ually freshened, we began to leave our fleet pursuer. Our ship had reached a speed of twelve and a half knots by 2 P. M. Our hopes began to overcome apprehension, and cheerfulness was more apparent among us. Though encouraged we were by no means assured, as all the ships were still near and ready to avail themselves of any advantage that might offer. About 6 P. M., a squall of wind and rain passed over us, which induced us to take in our light sails before the rain covered us from the view of the enemy; but most of them were soon replaced as the wind moderated. When the rain had passed, we had evidently gained a mile or more during its continuance. Still the pursuit was continued and our own ship pressed forward to her utmost speed. The officers and men again passed the night at quarters. At daylight, on the morning of the 19th, our enemies had been left so far astern that danger from them was considered at an end, and at 8 A. M., they at last relinquished the chase and hauled their wind. Our officers and crew c6uld now indulge in some rest, of which the former had tak- en little for more than sixty hours. Captain Hull deservedly gained much reputation for this difficult retreat from a greatly superior force, when superior numbers and other circumstances gave the ene-CRUISE OF THE CONSTITUTION. 55 my great advantages. The enemy seem to have been desirous at first of bringing so many of their ships upon us as to render all resistance hopeless, and thus obtain our ship so little injured as to be immediate- employed by them. If they had concentrated their efforts at an ear- lier period to bringing up some one of their ships within fair range, or had adopted our plan of warping at any time during the early part of the chase, they could hardly have failed to inflict such damage as would have prevented our escape, after our dependence was reduced to our sails.* N The result may be remembered as an evidence of the advan- tages to be expected from perseverance under the most discouraging circumstances, so long as any chance for success may remain. As access to New York was impracticable the ship proceeded to Boston, where she arrived on the 27th of July. Her arrival was re- ported by Captain Hull, by letters addressed to New York, and to the Department, but the apprehension of being blockaded by the enemy's squadron induced him to determine to wait no longer than to ascer- tain if Commodore Rodgers had left any orders for him at New York. This was found not to have been the case, and we sailed again on the 1st of August, having employed the intervening days in renew- ing our supplies and improving our preparations for active service. The decision of the captain proved fortunate, for the day after our de- parture orders arrived from Washington to await further directions. We proceeded leisurely to the eastward, along the coasts of Nova Sco- tia and Newfoundland, where we captured and destroyed several of the merchant vessels of the enemy, and improved the time in careful exercise of our new crew at the guns, to which all the officers gave the most minute and careful supervision. Leaving Newfoundland and standing SE. across the track of vessels bound from the West Indies to Europe, having reached lat. 41° 43' N., and long. 56° 6' W., a sail was discovered about 2 P. M., on the 19th of August, under our lee, which was soon made out to be a frigate and an enemy. She continued her course by the wind to the southward under every sail, while we approached with a fresh westerly wind so as to preserve our windward position. When yithin about two miles, at 5 P. M., we shortened sail, sent our royal yards down, reefed the topsails, and prepared for action. When these preparations were completed, * James, quoting Marshall, says that Captain Byron, in the Belvidera, kedged, "bending all his hawsers to one another, and working two kedge-anchors at the same time, by paying the warp through one hawse-hole as it was run in through an- other opposite." Naval History, v. 371.56 THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY Off COMMODORE MORRIS. we bore up and steered for the enemy's quarter. He also displayed his colors, three ensigns, and as we closed at 5.05, he fired liis broad- side and wore ship. His shot did not then reach us, and we changed our course a little, to clear his quarter again, and at 5.20, hoisted our ensign and a jack at each mast-head. This induced another broad- side, and another change of tack from the enemy, which was repeated two or three times, and we occasionally returned a few shot from our bow guns. As their maneuvers prolonged our separation, Captain Hull, at 6, directed the ship to be steered directly for the enemy and the main top-gallant sail to be set. The enemy now bore up gradually to nearly the same course as ourselves, before the wind, but with our greater quantity of sail we speedily closed upon his larboard quarter, and passed to his beam at about two hundred yards distance, gradual- ly approaching still nearer. Both ships opened their fire as the guns could be brought to bear, about 6.05, and in about ten minutes we had the satisfaction of seeing the enemy's mizzenmast fall. This retard- ed her velocity and we were gradually ranging ahead, when at 6.20 our helm was put hard to port to cross her bows and rake her. The loss of braces, with the spanker and mizzen-topsails disabled, pre- vented our coming to as quickly as we desired, but still we had time to give two raking broadsides before her jib-boom crossed our quarter- deck, and we bore up to prevent her crossing our stern. With her bowsprit and jib-boom slightly entangled in our lee mizzen rigging, she fell astern of us rather on the lee quarter. As the bowsprit af- forded a convenient passage for boarding, such an attempt seemed very possible in her crippled condition, and, for the purpose of ascer- taining if her men were collecting, I got upon the taffrail. The ap- pearances induced me to suggest to Captain Hull that men should be called to repel boarders, which was done. Believing that advantage might result from keeping the enemy in his then position, I was at- tempting to pass some turns of the main-brace over her bowsprit, when I received a ball through the body, which threw me on deck and left me stunned for some minutes. Lieutenant Bush of the Marines, who was standing on the deqj: near the taffrail, was killed about the same time by a ball through the head, and the Master Alwyn slightly grazed by one on the shoulder. Having been lifted to my feet, I was able in a few minutes to re- sume my duties. In the meantime, the ships had separated. Shortly after, the enemy's fore and mainmasts went by the board, and at 6.30 she fired a gun to leeward in token ,of{. surrender. No furtherCAPTURE OF THE GUERRIERE. 57 effectual resistance could be made by her, and the importance of ex- amining into and repairing pur injuries induced Capt. Hull to stand off a short distance for this purpose. When it was completed, the ship again approached the enemy, at 7 P. M., to receive the formal acknowledgment of conquest, which had been virtually secured when her masts were destroyed and her flag was struck a little before sun- set. When the. ships were separated and the action over, there was no further occasion for my presence, and my voice began to fail and my wound to become painful; and I accordingly surrendered the charge of the deck to the second lieutenant, Wadsworth. After some directions for extinguishing a slight fire in the cabin which had been produced by the enemy's wads, when she was nearly in contact, I went to the cockpit for examination. This was soon done, and dur- ing the remainder of the night, pain nearly deprived me of all con- sciousness. The cessation of fever was followed by great debility which confined me to my bed for some weeks after our return to Boston, where we arrived early in September, having on board Cap- tain Dacres, his officers and crew. Our prize, the frigate Guerri&re, had been destroyed soon after the fight. This capture, the first of consequence which had been made from the enemy, produced great excitement and gratification throughout the country. The Guerri&re had been on our coast, and her com- mander was reported to have expressed a great desire for conflict with any of our frigates, and even to have sent messages to that effect. Our success was hailed as an earnest of what might be expected from others, an expectation that was nobly realized by the actions of the Unit- ed States with the Macedonian, the Wasp with the Frolic, the Consti- tution with the Java, and the capture of several others on the ocean, and of the enemy's squadrons on Lake Erie and Lake Champlain. These repeated captures, from an enemy who had for a long time been accustomed to unvaried success, gave us a high naval reputation abroad, and obtained for the Navy a favorable opinion in our own country, which it had not enjoyed before. The causes of our success became the subject of much inquiry and were variously estimated. By some they were assigned to the differ- ent motives which operated on the seamen of the two countries, ours being elevated by patriotism, while those of the enemy were depress- ed by the cruelties of impressment. The enemy sought for consola- tion under their defeat in the greater size of our vessels, and their heav- ier armament. In some actions these causes undoubtedly existed,58 THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF COMMODORE MORRIS. and among them, that of the Constitution and the Gkierri&re, but even these were insufficient to meet the great disparity in the losses sus- tained by the contending vessels.* The remote cause, as it appeared to me, was to be found in the con- fidence of our enemy and in the distrust of ourselves to contend successfully against them: in the neglect of careful exercise, which resulted from the enemy's confidence, resting on former success ; and, on our part, in the unwearied attention of our officers to devise and bring into daily exercise every improvement which might increase the chances of success against a Navy, to which we might soon be opposed as an enemy, and upon which there were so many injuries and insults to be avenged for the honor of our country. This expec- tation and feeling were of general, almost of universal, prevalence among our officers, and led them to a unity of purpose and action which could not fail of producing important results. Their number was so small that each knew almost ever}7 other, and there was scarce- ly a feeling of unworthy jealousy, though much of generous emula- tion, among those of corresponding ranks. To these advantages may be added the greater resources of our seamen than is usual with those of other nations. Many of our seamen have acquired trades before * The following table shows the relative force of the combatants:— Constitution: 468 men and boys. No. of guns. Weight of shot. 32 long 24-pounders, 768 pounds. 24 32-pound carronades, 768 " Total, 56 1536 pounds. Guerrilre: 263 men and boys. 30 long 18-pounders, 540 pounds. 2 long 9-pounders, 18 " 16 32-pound carronades, 512 " 1 18-pound carronade, 18 " Total, 49 1088 pounds. The force of the Constitution in guns was, therefore, fully one half greater than her opponent's. In men it was nearly double; and in the strength and thickness of her spars and sides, the Constitution was decidedly superior. Con- sidering the character of naval battles, however, the. difference of force alone is not sufficient to account for the result of the engagement, in which, after a con- test of three-quarters of an hour, the Guerriere was reduced to a total wreck, with more than a fourth of her ci;ew killed and wounded (seventy-three in all), while the Constitution suffered little injury, and had only fourteen casualties among her officers and men.PROMOTION TO THE RANK OF CAPTAIN. 59 they begin their maritime pursuits, and, in case of necessity, carpen- ters, smiths, and others, are to be found in numbers among our crews, who can render most valuable aid in repairing damages ; which could only be done in other services by the few who are usually specially provided for such purposes. But the great source of our success was undoubtedly the superior management and direction of our guns; and that the English and other governments were satisfied of this is sufficiently evident by the careful attention they have since continued to give to this branch of the naval service.* On the arrival of the ship at Boston, August 31, I was landed for my more comfortable accommodation. All former neglects were soon effaced and all recent exertions unexpectedly rewarded by the receipt of an appointment, from the President, as a captain in the Navy, bearing date the day of the capture of the Guerri&re. This unexpect- ed advancement over a whole grade, which had only the precedent of Decatur, was considered by %ome as beyond my merits; by still more, as an injudicious departure from the usual routine ; and by all those over whom I had been advanced, as fully justifying all their exertions to prevent its confirmation by the Senate. It was quite as unexpected by me as by any one, and I should have felt well satisfied if promoted to commander. Some of my best friends advised me to decline it; but the intended opposition of others was well known, and would leave such a relinquishment open to an imputation of a desire to ob- tain the credit for moderation, which might, in fact, have been induced by apprehension of eventual failure of confirmation. I preferred the hazard to such a course, but determined to take no step whatever to gain friends in the Senate, and to abide by its decision; and this was approved by several of my old companions, over whom, by a fortunate accident, I had been thus advanced. By orders of the 5th of October, * In regard to the difference between the two navies in the matter of gunnery practice, James says: "Highly to the credit of the naval administration of the United States, the crews of their ships were taught the ^practical rules of gunnery ; and ten shot, with the necessary powder, were allowed to be expended in play, to make one hit" In earnest." On the other hand, 4t the generality of British crews, as compared with any orie American crew, were miserably deficient [in] skill in the art of gunnery. While the American seamen were constantly firing at marks, the British seamen, except in particular cases, scarcely did so once in a year, and some ships could be named on board of which not a shot had been fired in this way for upwards of three years."—James, Naval History of Q. v. 373, 374.60 THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF COMMODORE MORRIS. I was assigned to the command of the Adams, then under repairs at Washington, and directed to join her when my health should be re- stored. Obtaining a leave of absence, I visited my maternal grand- parents and my sister Lucy, at Middlebury, Vermont. From Middle- bury my journey was to Albany, where I passed a few days and was made acquainted with Governor De Witt Clinton and different mem- bers of the Legislature. The day before we reached Albany two gentlemen were conversing upon the capture of the Guerri&re, and one of them stated many oc- currences during the action which were entirely new to me. For con- venience and ease I wore a jacket in travelling, and no part of my dress entitled me to much consideration from its appearance. I re- marked, however, that I was recently at Boston, and having seen many who were in the action, none of whom had mentioned the facts he stat- ed, which from their character would have been generally known and circulated, if true, I apprehended he must have been misinformed upon the subject. He replied, rather superciliously, that he had no doubt his means of information were quite as good as my own, and being properly asked for his authority he gave the name of a young mid- shipman whose station in action I knew prevented the possibility of his witnessing the facts he had communicated; but I urged the sub- ject ho further. Among the Senators to whom I was presented the next day, at the Capitol, were my two travelling companions, and our mut- ual recognition was not a little embarrassing, though no reference to our former conversation was made by either. Leaving Albany I passed a few weeks in visiting my father and his family and other rel- atives in Montgomery and Otsego Counties. I then proceeded to Washington, arriving there November 20. The Adams was still under repair and not in a situation to require my personal attention. The winter was therefore passed in the gaie- ties of Washington society, which brought me into a general acquain- tance with the members of Congress and the resident public officers, and enabled me to reap many advantages from their conversation, as well as pleasure from a free intercourse with the younger and gayer portions of the residents and visitors. My occupations were not entirely frivolous, however, as my opinions, with those of other captains, were not infrequently required on sub- jects which demanded careful deliberation and involved interests of no small importance. Among these was the expediency of introducing ships-of-the-line as a part of the force proposed to be authorized. InAPPOINTMENT TO ^HE COMMAND OF THE ADAMS. 61 an examination before the naval committee of the Senate I made it dependent upon the intention of having a permanent Navy, or a force for temporary purposes to be laid aside and resumed occasionally. If the former was proposed, the ships-of-the-line were desirable as a nu- cleus and pledge of permanency, by which such confidence could be given as would draw into the service the best materials for officers which the country could supply; while measures indicating a want of permanency would only draw to the Navy those who wished to use it till something should offer of greater advantage. The committee de- cided for a permanent Navy, and on their report six ships of 74 guns were authorized. My appointment remained before the Senate till the very close of the session, when it was confirmed, after giving Lawrence and Jones precedence of rank, which the President's original appoint- ment did not contemplate. This arrangement was due to the former services of Lawrence, who had been the second in command at the destruction of the Philadelphia, and of Jones, who had just captured the Frolic, when in command of the Wasp.* I was not insensible to the fact that my late unprecedented and un- expected advancement was due rather to accidental circumstances, and with a view to stimulate others by the example of my reward, than to any peculiar merits or unusual good conduct on my part. The hon- ors which had been bestowed upon me left me indebted to the service and the country—a debt which it would require all my future exertions to repay, and imposed an obligation upon me to devote my time and talents with zeal and assiduity to such duties as might be assigned to me ; and it was my earnest purpose to act acoordingly. Unavoidable circumstances delayed the equipment of the ship till the 8th of May, 1813, when we left the Navy yard and proceeded towards the mouth of the Potomac. We had no expectation, how- ever, of getting to sea during the summer, as the lowei>part of the Chesapeake was constantly occupied by several of the enemy's ships. The Adams had been originally a small 32-gun frigate, but when re- cently repaired, she had been sawed asunder and fifteen feet addition- al length given to her. Heavy upper works were given to the spar- deck, altogether disproportioned to her breadth and capacity below water. It was soon apparent that her want of stability would not permit any pressure of sail, and several additions of ballast did not increase it. I had earnestly requested that she might be fitted as a * October 18, 1812. Both ships were captured later in the same day by the Poic- tiers.62 THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF COMMODORE MORRIS. corvette, and this desire was now much increased; but for the pres- ent the Secretary would not consent to gratify it. Several small vessels and gunboats were placed under my command, with which to protect the shores of the Potomac from marauding boat expeditions, and to give notice of any attempts by the enemy to ascend the river in force. On the 15th of July, at 1 A. M., one of the lookout vessels com- municated the intelligence that the enemy had entered the river with fourteen sail, and were ascending it with a fair wind. We were then lying near fort Washington. The information was immediately forwarded to the Department, and the ship moored op- posite to the fort, with three gunboats in company. By 10 A, M. the Secretary of the Navy and Commodore Tingey arrived on board, and at 2 P. M. we all went on shore, where we met the Secretaries of State and of War. About fifteen hundred troops, new recruits and militia, arrived in the course of the day. The Secretary of State left in the afternoon for Port Tobacco, and the Secretary of the Navy came on board and passed the night, but returned to Washington the next morning. Some 32 and 18 pounder guns arrived from 'the city during the day, for which our officers and men constructed a temporary platform on the beach, and soon had it ready for service. It was placed in charge of our first lieutenant, A. S. Wadsworth, with forty men and a detach- ment from the army. The Secretary of War, General Armstrong, remained near the fort till the 20th of July, but would never give di- rections for any additional defensive works, although it was admitted that the fort could offer little effective resistance to a heavy ship or to any party that might land. The Secretary stated as his opinion that the enemy would never seriously attempt to penetrate to the city, which offered no sufficient motive for such an enterprise. At last, upon its being urged that such an employment would be more use- ful for the troops than idleness, he sanctioned a plan which I prepared at his request; but, as the enemy began to move down the river soon after, the works were never begun. While busily occupied with these various and pressing duties' I remodelled the signal book of the Navy, at the request of the Secretary of the Navy, who wished it done im- mediately, under the impression that the former one had fallen into the enemy's hands, by the capture of the Chesapeake.* It was the i * The Chesapeake was captured by the Shannon, June 1,1813.ALTEBATION OF THE ADAMS. 63 work of less than a fortnight, which, with the attendant circum- stances, will account for its acknowledged imperfections. The en- emy left the Potomac about the 22d of July and the Secretary of War returned to Washington. The troops were soon after sent to Annapolis, where it was supposed the enemy might attempt to land. The Adams had been surveyed by a board of officers, and her in- sufficiency for sea service had been recognized by them, but she was kept employed in the river till the 12th of August. She was then taken to, the Navy yard for alteration, while the officers and two hun- dred and twenty men, with a detachment of about a hundred marines, were placed under my command and sent to Annapolis as an addition- al protection to that city. Service in and near the forts,* which were situated near the water, in and opposite the place, had produced at- tacks of intermittent fever, which affected nearly all of the detach- ment, and rendered upwards of seventy unfit for duty, before we re- turned to Washington, on the 18th of September. The alterations of the ship were not completed until the 18th of November, during which time I was employed first upon a court of inquiry held at New- castle, upon Commander Angus, and afterwards at Boston, in prepar- ing, in conjunction with Commodore Bainbridge, tables of dimensions of the spars and rigging and the allowances of spare stores for the dif- ferent classes of vessels in the Navy, with which the service had not before been provided. The ship had now been converted to a corvette of 26 short and light 18 pounder guns, with a complement of two hun- dred and fifty persons. A. S. Wadsworth, F. A. Parker, J. R. Mad- ison and T. A. Beatty, were the lieutenants; G. B. Mc Culloch, mas- ter; W. S. Rogers, purser; Gerard Dayers, surgeon; Thomas Wil- liamson, assistant surgeon; and Samuel E. Watson, marine officer. All were young, the senior lieutenant about twenty-four, and the jun- ior under nineteen years of age, and all of us unmarried. The enemy were constantly in force near the outlet of the bay, and there was no other chance for our getting to sea but by passing them un- discovered. This could not well be accomplished except with strong, fair Winds, and dark or thick weather. As the season advanced the ship was taken to the mouth of the Potomac,»ready to take advantage of any favorable opportunity. Our situation here was not very agreeable, being always exposed to an attack by superior force, with all the rivers closed above us by ice. * Fort Madison, on the northern bank of Severn river, and fort Severn, the present gymnasium of the Naval Academy.64 THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF COMMODORE MORRIS. After one attempt, which was rendered abortive by change of wind and weather, on the 18th of January we left the mouth of the Poto- mac, at 5 P. M., with a strong N¥. wind, and cloudy weather, and occasional squalls of snow. All the lights in the bay had been dis- continued, and the two persons who acted as pilots were imperfectly qualified for the duty. The rate of sailing was so rapid that correct soundings were not obtained, and it was only by a fortunate chance that we were not carried upon the shoals of the middle ground. The discovery of a supposed light nearly ahead induced us to haul by the wind for the purpose of avoiding too close a proximity, and enabled • us to discover our error but without giving us the means of determin- ing our true position. In a very short time we shoaled suddenly and almost immediately struck the ground two or three times with consid- erable force from the swell. Change of course fortunately took us in- to deeper water, when our two pilots differed widely as to our place in the bay, and it became necessary to depend entirely on my own judg- ment, which happened to prove correct. The shocks which the ship had received were sufficient to justify apprehensions of injuries that might be troublesome or dangerous at sea, which, with the uncertainty of our position, rendered it a matter of considerable hazard to perse- vere ; but everybody was willing to encounter these risks for the chance of escaping the species of imprisonment to which we had been so long subjected. The attempt was accordingly renewed, and at a little past midnight we passed near enough to the enemy in Lynnha- ven bay to discover two ships at anchor; but a speed of twelve and a half knots carried us past so rapidly that we were probably not seen by them, and when daylight again broke upon us, neither enemy nor land was in sight. The Secretary had suggested, but not positively directed, an exami- nation of the western shores of Africa, from cape Mount to cape Palmas, after passing to the eastward as far as the Canaries and cape De Yerdes, and then westward, near the equator, about to Noronha, and along the north end of the West India islands to some port in the United States. This track was followed, but with little success, our only capture being three brigs, one laden with wine and fruit, one with fish, and one with palm oil and ivory. The two first of these were destroyed, after taking out as much of the wine and fruit as we could accommodate. The other was given up to the captain, to receive our prisoners, after the latter had been paroled and after the vessel had been cleared of the ivory and such parts of her other lading as/ * CRUISE OF THE ADAMS. 65 might be useful to us. On our return passage we had just taken pos- session of a ship from India with a cargo of rice when thick weather, clearing up, discovered a convoy of twenty-five sail, and two ships of war, so near that we were compelled to recall our men, relinquish the ship, and attend to our own safety. The other vessels that we met were neutrals, as nearly all English vessels were then obliged to sail with convoy. May 1, 1614, we arrived at the mouth of the Savannah river, nearly destitute of provisions and water. The ship drew too much water to ascend to any place of safety, and was anchored off the lighthouse, and every exertion was made to complete our supplies. On the 2nd, the brig Epervier, lately captured by the Peacock, under the command of -Commander Warrington, arrived, and passed up to Savannah, after we had taken from her all the provisions and stores she could supply. The Peacock arrived .on the 4th, and followed her prize. Intelligence was sent to us, on the 6th, that the enemy was in force off Cumberland island, and aware of our exposed situation. On the 8th, having obtained all the provisions that the city could furnish, we warped the ship out to sea, against a light wind, and made sail for another cruise. We had reason to expect that the Jamaica convoy would pass soon, and therefore took a position near the outlet of the Gulf stream, between Matanilla and Florida. We met them on the 24th of May. The convoy force consisted of one 74-gun ship, two frigates and three brigs, which, with the smooth, pleasant weather and the favorable season of the year, deprived us of all chance of success- ful operations against them. After keeping near them for two days, we left them, and, crossing the bank of Newfoundland, stood towards the coast of Ireland. Two brigs were captured on the passage and destroyed. Qn the 4th of July we were close in with the mouth of the Shannon, and afterwards kept close in with the shore to the north- ward till the 9th. We saw not a single vessel. We then bore up to the southward and, when in the parallel of the channel, we met a frig- ate, which gained fast upon us for nearly the whole of a day, .owing to light winds and a head sea. At night we let the lower anchors drop from the bows, and otherwise lightened the ship by throwing over some small guns we had taken from prizes. We towed during the night, and gained two or three miles. The next day a good breeze soon enabled us to leave our pursuer, the ship making thirty ^ one miles in three hours, very close-hauled to the wind. The absence of our anchors was evidently of great advantage in sailing.66 THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF COMMODORE MORRIS. On the 19th, we fell in with two frigates, which we were able to bring abaft the beam by steering northward. One of them soon gave up the chase, but the other continued it for forty hours, during which we ran four hundred miles of latitude, without perceptibly increasing the distance between the ships. Advantage was therefore taken of a short squall, during the second night, to change our course, by which we lost sight of her. From the time the ship passed Newfoundland, it was almost continuously so wet that the occasions were very rare when the clothing of the men could be dried. This weather, the long period in which the men had been deprived of all fresh vegetables and obliged to use salted food, wiih a very small daily allowance of water, had introduced the scurvy, and by the 25th of July several deaths had taken place, and thirty were rendered unfit for duty ; and all were so much affected by it that a return to some friendly port became indispensable. Our expectations had been greatly disap- pointed, for we had anticipated active and successful employment so near the coasts and harbors of our enemy; and now we were about to return from a second cruise, without either profit or fame, for which even the consciousness of honest endeavor to render service afforded us little satisfaction. On the passage homeward, a ship, brig, and schooner were captured and destroyed, after taking a few bales of furs from the ship, which was from Quebec. On the 16th of August we obtained soundings on our eastern coast, and at that time the number of our sick had in- creased to fifty-eight, many of which were dangerous cases of scurvy. Our object was now to reach some of our eastern ports, and our course was directed for Portsmouth, New Hampshire. Foggy weather had prevented accurate observations for latitude or longitude during the last two or three days, but the soundings corresponded to our supposed position. We therefore pressed sail during the night of the 16th of August with foggy weather and steady breeze, which carried us ten and eleven miles an hour. Soundings at midnight again con- firmed our estimated place, which we supposed to be about sixty miles from cape Ann. Upon the supposition that we might meet with an enemy the prisoners were placed in the hold, and, during the night, for greater security, the officers and men slept at quarters. Arrange- ments were nearly completed for heaving to and sounding at 4 A. M., when the lookout forward announced "breakers," and in a moment after the ship was felt to have struck. Notwithstanding her velocity the shock was not severe, but indicated that the ship had been stop-CRUISE OF THE ADAMS. 67 ped by running upon rather than against a rock. Still, danger was to be apprehended that the ship would fill, and the first thought was to liberate the prisoners from the hold of the ship. The first conjecture was that we had struck on Cashe's ledge, and the reflection that, in case the ship should founder, its distance from the land would render it impossible for a great portion of the crew to reach it by our boats caused some of the most painful moments of my life. It would have been a relief to my own feelings if a sacrifice of my own life could have assured me of the preservation of the others. But their chances for safety depended upon well-directed exertions and not upon per- sonal sacrifice. On examination it was found that the ship was rest- ing forward on a slippery rock, upon which she had been raised six feet, while over the stern there was a depth of seven fathoms. The boats were immediately hoisted out, by which time the daylight dawn- ed, and the fog dispersed for a few minutes, showing us a perpendicu- lar rocky cliff about a hundred yards from our bows. Even this was some relief, as it gave assurance of the safetj' of life to the crew. Examinations were made for a considerable distance, and one small landing was discovered, through a very narrow passage between rocks, where there was a small level space under the cliff* above high water mark. The sick and prisoners were landed here with some sails and mate- rials to form a shelter, and provisions, water, and medicines for their use. The purser and second medical officer were landed with them. The water continued tolerably smooth, and it was found the tide was nearly ebbed when we grounded and its rise might enable us to extri- cate the ship. While waiting for this many articles were landed for preservation, in case the ship could not be kept afloat, which had be- come very doubtful, as the water rather gained on the pumps. All the spare spars were got out, and formed into two rafts, in case such aid should be required to float the crew, and an anchor was let go to keep the ship in place if she should be removed from the rocks. In the meantime we could gain no information of our locality ; the air was still filled with a dense fog which^ obscured all objects, and no place could yet be found where the cliff could be scaled. The rising tide increased our hopes of floating the ship from the rock, and about noon, after some heavy shocks, we were able to heave her off, and she swung to her anchor. All the pumps were now worked with vigor, and it was found that they rather gained on the leak. This point es- tablished, it was determined to endeavor to take the ship to sea. TheB8 THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OT OOMMOWRE MORRIS. direction of the wind rendered it very difficult to aToid the rocks close utider our stern, but it was accomplished, and we returned cm our former track as nearly m we could, occasionally passing very near rocky dangers lor to early two miles, when we finally reached deep water. Our utmost exertions, with pumps and buckets, for two hours, freed the ship from water, but the use of force pumps continually was necessary to prevent its gaining upon us. We were now once more safe from the dangers of the sMore, but ignorant of our position, and of the extent of the danger to which the ship was exposed by her recent injuries, and we were liable, at any moment, to meet with ene- mies who we supposed would be -cruising in our vicinity. Hie men were restationed at quarters, a change rendered necessary by the absence of those left on shore; the spare spars and boats were hoisted in and stowed again, the confusion of articles restored to or- der, and the ship again presented the appearance of efficiency by sun- set. In the course of the night the fog dispersed, and the sun was bright in the morning. Land was in sight, but, to our surprise, it showed we were near Mount Desert, instead of the neighborhood of Portsmouth or Portland.- During this exciting day, when our safety depended so much on the proper and skillful performance of all operations which our situation required, nothing could exceed the coolness, activity, order, and gen- eral good conduct of all the officers and crew ; and to that good con- duct, under Divine Providence, the preservation of the ship was main- ly due. On several occasions any confusion, neglect or mistake, would have prevented the success of our exertions, and left the ship a hope* less wa?edk. The crew was composed of better men than are usually collected; the officers were zealous and well-disposed, and all had been acting together long enough to inspire confidence, the only sure source of power in time of danger. Invthe course of the night the fog deepened, and the morning dis- covered to our view the rods: of Mount Desert, instead of the coast between Portsmouth and Portland which we had expected to see. This great difference was undoubtedly owing to one of those strong currents that sometimes sweep along that coast, which, in this case, as we af- terwards learned, washed an English brig as far from her supposed sit- uation as.we bad been taken from ours. We were now exceedingly anxious for the sick who had been landed. .Many of the islands in our neighborhood were uninhabited and it was .very possible,they might have been left upon one of these, where theirTHlfr ADAMS IN THE PENOBSCOT. 69 situation would soon be very unpleasant, Two small fishing vessels were met with and sent in different directions to search for them, while we proposed to reach the Penobscot as soon as practicable. About 8 A. M. a sail was discovered to windward standing directly for us, and It was, soon evident that she was* a vessel of war, but our relative po- sitions prevented us from ascertaining her force. When she had ap- proached within a mile or two she. hauled to the wind and showed her- self to be a brig of war of 16 guns. Though in a situation that ren- dered it desirable to avoid any aetion at that time our course was con- tinued, as though in chase, till by tacking we could gain the entrance of the Penobscot* where we left the chase to pursue her way.* Our justification for this course was the scorbutic condition of the crew, which* by the report of the surgeon, was such that even a slight wound must destroy life; the leaky state of the ship, which required the constant use of the pumps; and, the great probability that the leaks would be much increased by the shock of a cannonade from her guns, after the severe strain which her hull had received. We entered the Penobscot during the night, and were gratified in the morning by the information that our prisoners and sick had all been safely conveyed to Camden. The security of the prisoners, as well as the comfort of the sick, was mainly due to the purser, W. S. Rogers, in whose charge they had been left* and who exhibited on this occasion the energy and judgment and kindness, and care for the welfare of others for which his after life was so much distinguished. Information having reached us that an attack upon Castine was ap- prehended, we proceeded up the river to Hampden, as a place of great- er safety* from which it was supposed that any small force might be excluded by the population near the river. The ship was dismantled, her armament and stores landed, and preparations were in progress for heaving the ship out to ascertain and, if possible, to repair her in- juries, when, on the 1st of September, intelligence was received by ex- press that sixteen sail of the enemy's vessels had entered the bay. They had captured Castine, thirty miles below us, and their immediate advance up the river was contemplated.! Requests for assistance * The " chase" was the English brig-sloop Rifleman, which gave intelligence o£ tfoe presence of the Adams to Admiral Griffith's squadron. f The expedition, under the joint command of General Sir John Sherbrooka and Rear Admiral Griffith, was composed of the 74-gun gun ship, Dragon, Cap- tain Robert Barrie, the frigates Endymion and Bacchante, the sloop Sylph, and ten transports, It sailed from Halifax on the 26th of August, and on the 31st70 THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF COMMODORE MORRIS. were forwarded to Brigadier-General Blake, of the militia, and a num- ber of men were assembled that evening and on the following day. By great exertions nine of our guns were placed in battery upon an adjoining hill, but without protection, and with only a loose platform ; fourteen were ranged on a wharf which raked the channel below, and one commanded the communication between the two batteries. At sunset of the 2d two sloops of war, a transport tender, and ten launches, under command of Captain Barrie, had arrived within three miles of us, and about three hundred and fifty troops had been landed under Colonel John.* Our means of defence, besides (those already mentioned, and our ship's company, were about three hundred and sev- enty militia, imperfectly armed, and about thirty U.S. Infantry, who had just arrived, under command of Lieutenant Lewis, from Castine. In a meeting of the militia officers which I had been requested to attend there was so little said to give confidence in any effectual assistance that directions were given to have arrangements privately made dur- ing the night for destroying the ship, in case of being obliged to aban- don her. The night of the 2d was rainy and chilly. The • militia had been posted in one line across the road about half a mile towards the enemy and kept under arms after midnight. This road passed through the vil- lage about three quarters of a mile from our battery and crossed a bridge over a creek. The creek was in our rear, and was fordable be- low the bridge, near low tide. We had been compelled to take this unfavorable position by the weakness of the bridge, which could not be strengthened in time to allow the guns to be taken over it. The morning proved very foggy, upon the shore, and the marines were stationed between the hill battery and the militia, at distances from each other which would allow communication to be passed by was joined by the 74-gun ship Bulwark, the frigate Tenedos, and two brigs, the Rifleman and Peruvian. Its first object was Machias, but upon learning of the arrival of the Adams, it was diverted to the Penobscot. * According to James, the attacking force consisted of the Peruvian and Sylph sloops, and two transports, containing six hundred men, infantry and artillery, the latter under Lieutenant-Colonel Henry John. There were also eighty ma- rines, and about as many seamen. The troops were landed on the night of th& 2d of September, about five miles below the town. The American force is placed at fourteen hundred, which is probably an extravagant estimate, even including everybody at the scene of conflict; while it is far above the total of organized com- batants, whether regulars or militia.DESTRUCTION OF THE ADAMS. 71 them. As daylight appeared the launches showed themselves above a point a little beyond gunshot distance below us. A rocket party was landed and threw four or five rockets, which though very well di- rected, did no further injury than by striking the ship's hull. A few discharges from one of our guns showed that they were beyond our reach. Shortly after, the enemy's bugles were heard in the direction of the militia, followed soon by three discharges of one of our guns, which hfctd been taken to the road and placed in charge of Lieutenant Lewis. The marines passed the word a few minutes after, from Lieutenant Watson, at the road, that the militia had broken and were in rapid re- treat. As our own retreat would be effectually cut off if the enemy should reach the bridge before us, it became necessary to retire. This was done as soon as the guns were discharged and spiked, and fire communicated to the ship. The enemy's advance had reached the hill battery before all those at the wharf had left it, and the main body were so near the bridge that a part of our force, myself among the number, had to ford the creek, which the state of the tide fortu- nately permitted. The absence of necessary preparations before the enemy appeared, and the failure of the militia to make any resistance^ afterwards, left us no time to collect or preserve any of our personal effects, and the distribution of our small arms to the militia deprived us of all means of checking the pursuit of the enemy. Our nearest naval station was at Portsmouth, New Hampshire. To this place our march was directed, over a newty marked road, from Ban- gor to Canaan on the Kennebec river, where there were a few farms newly opened, and thence b}r the ordinary route through a well settled country. The difficulty of finding subsistence for the whole number in a body led me to order them to separate, with directions for each to cross the country as he best could. In general, the few inhabitants willingly relieved our wants to the extent of their means ; but, in one instance, where the ability seemed to be greater than usual, we met with a refusal of even the privilege of taking sufficient potatoes from a field to furnish a meal. When the last refusal was given, one of the sea- men, who had heard all, stepped up to me and, touching his hat, quiet- ly asked, "Shall we pull the house down"? a request that was, of course, refused, but,which seemed to excite no small apprehension in our uncivil countryman. We proceeded to the next farm, where we arrived after dark, and found a cabin without floors or glass in the windows, tenanted by a young couple. To our request for food the72 THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF COMMODORE MORRIS. owner of the houlse replied that all his stock consisted of five sbeepv but to them we were perfectly welcome. Three were accepted and soon prepared in the potash kettle which our host provided for the purpose. It was a pleasure to anticipate a future compensation fey allowing him to select a musket, accoutrements and ammunition, which he had mentioned a® very desirable to destroy beasts of prey^ and to obtain game for food. After reaching the Kennebec, funds were borrowed from the Bank of Waterville, and the inhabitants freely satisfied the wants of such Of the men as Were not within reach of this supply. The Navy Yard at Portsmouth had been designated as the place of rendezvous, and in the course of a few days the whole ship's company had reported them- selves, excepting a few who had been detained on the road by sick- ness. Notwithstanding the facilities that offered themselves on such a march, and the general disposition of sailors to prefer a change, not a single desertion took place ; a fact highly creditable to the men and affording strong evidence of their attachment to their officers. At Portsmouth the officers and crew reported to Commodore Hull and were assigned to duty there, till the further directions of the Depart* ment should be given. A court of inquiry wajs soon ordered, which fully exonerated the officers and crew for the loss of their ship, with dome compliments on their general good conduct. Thus terminated my first command. Not only had all our expecta- tions of gaining reputation by an important success been disappointed, but our ship had been lost and a formal inquiry held to ascertain if cen- sure or other punishment had not been deserved* Still (he conciousness that neither the want of success against the enemy nor the eventual loss of the ship had been owing to negligence or fault on our part, sup- ported by the official decision of the court and the continued confi-* dence of the Department and of my brother officers, enabled me to pre- serve my cheerfulness and still to hope for better future success. After collecting the officers and crew of the Adams at Portsmouth, and completing the arrangements for preserving the articles which had been secured from capture by removal before the enemy reached us, I was called to Boston by Commodore Bainbridge and employed at the, Navy yard in forwarding the equipment of the ship-of-the-line Inde- pendence. These duties at the Navy yard were interrupted by an or- der to take command of the frigate Congress, which was lying in the Piscataqua, some miles above Portsmouth, and nearly dismantled. This Order was gratifying to my feelings. The command of a larger shipPEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. 78 than that which I had been so recently obliged to abandon and de- stroy was a conclusive proof that the Department exonerated me from all blame and still considered me deserving of its confidence. My new duties, however* required much of my personal attention^ My old officers had all been transferred with me, with a few excep- tions, and we were all anxious to have the shipr eady as soon as, possible that we might try the chancer of another cruise. Not' long after, peace was concluded with England.* A squadron was prepared to aet against Algiers, whose Dey had declared war against us while we were contending against Great Britain, f Commo- dore Decatur, with a small force which could be soon prepared, wast dispatched in advance of Commodore Bainbridge with other vessels. The Congress was to join this squadron, but was first to take out our Minister to Holland. It was June, 1815,. before the ship was ready, When she went to Boston, and the Minister,, Mr- Eustis, and his lady, embarked, together with Alexander Everett, secretary of legation, Mr. Eustis, a nephew of the Minister, and Colonel McRae and Major Thayer of the Engineers. Our passage was pleasant, not only as regarded the weather but in the social relations with the passengers* a pleasure which is not always enjoyed in similar circumstances- The news of the return of Napole- on from Elba had reached us before we left the United States, and we had heard of his defeat at Waterloo before we reached Flushing in July. With a small party of the officers I accompanied Mr. Eustis and his suite to Rotterdam and the Hague. The Engineer officers went to Paris. The journey to Rotterdam was made in a yacht which was offered by the government for the Minister* In navigating among the islands, inclosed by their dykes, there was very little of interest which came under our view, nor was there very much more on our return across the level surface which gave scarcely a variety to the prospect around us. While lying at Flushing, the master of an American merchant brig balled to inform me that a short time before a seaman had been taken from his vessel by the officers of a British sloop of war, in the river * The news of the conclusion of peace arrived in New York„ February 11,1815, and the treaty was ratified February 17. Just before the arrival of the treaty > on the 1st of February, 1815, Captain Morris was married to Harriet Bowen, daugh- ter of Dr. William Bowen, of Providence. f The Act of Congress authorizing hostilities against Algiers was approved March 2, 1815.74 THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF COMMODORE MORRIS. between Flushing and Antwerp. Notwithstanding this outrage at the very conclusion of a peace, the master had neither informed himself of the name of the commander of the vessel nor could he state wheth- er the vessel had sailed from the river or not. All that could be done was to direct him to collect accurate infor- mation on these points and submit the case to Mr. Eustis, to whom I al- so wrote respecting it. I had the pleasure to learn afterwards that the representations of our Minister produced the dismissal of the captain from his command. I believe this was the last attempt at impress- ment from an American by a British vessel, and any authorized attempt in the future would produce an immediate war, unless obviated by the amplest apologies. The Congress met the Independence and some other vessels in the harbor of Carthagena on the 1st of August, but before our arrival Commodore Decatur had met with and captured the Algerine Admiral in a frigate, and destroyed some smaller vessels.* Subsequently, by his vigorous demonstrations, Decatur had been enabled to dictate the terms of a treaty, which, while it reestablished peace and gave remun- eration for all injuries to our own citizens, restored them and the cap- tive subjects of Italy to their liberty, f EquaJ success had attended his demands on Tunis and Tripoli for paj-ment of the value of prizes which they had allowed to be captured in their ports from American privateers by British vessels of war.}: Commodore Decatur returned to the United States with the Guerri&re. The other vessels joined Commodore Bainbridge, when the collected squadron showed itself successively before Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli to confirm the impres- sion which had been made by Decatur. After a short visit to Malaga and sufficient delay in Gibraltar to make arrangements for the distribu- tion of the squadron, a few vessels were left under the command of * The Algerine frigate Mazoura was captured June 17, by the squadron, and the brig Estedio, June 19, both off the coast of Spain. f The treaty with Algiers was signed by the Dey June 30, 1815. It was drawn, up by the American Commissioners, Shaler and Decatur, and agreed to by the Dey without alteration or delay. £ Two vessels had been captured in the harbor of Tunis by boats from the Eng- lish brig Lyra, and two in the harbor of Tripoli by the Paulina. They were all prizes to the American privateer Abellino. Both governments promptly paid the amounts demanded by Decatur by way of indemnity; $46,000 in the case of Tunis, and $25,000 in that of Tripoli. Ann. of Gong. 1st Sess. 14th Cong.t pp. 1765-1769.RETURN OF THE MEDITERRANEAN SQUADRON. 75 Captain Shaw, and the remainder, fifteen in number, sailed together for the United States. Some attempts were made during the passage to maneuver as a squadron, but with very little success. Even in the simplest of orders, that of convoy in three columns, the respective vessels could rarely be brought into their proper stations, or kept there for an hour. Commodore Bainbridge led the center, and Commodore Jones the starboard column, and the third fell to my charge. It was very evident that none of our commanders were prepared to manage their vessels in a squadron which should be obliged to maneuver at all in presence of an enem}r, and that such knowledge was not to be acquired except by practical exercises under an officer well acquaint- ed with the theory of tactics and willing to devote much time and la- bor to their instruction. The squadron separated before we reached our coast, some of the vessels proceeding to New York, and others, with the commodore, to Newport; and the Congress was among the latter. The small-pox made its appearance in the Congress five days after we left Gibraltar, upon a person who had not been on shore for some months. Means were immediately adopted which prevented, under Providence, any fatal results, though about seventy of the crew had the disease. All had so far recovered before our arrival that the authorities of New- port allowed a limited intercourse, which enabled me to visit Boston. The Independence, Congress, and Macedonian were soon after ordered to Boston, where we arrived in December, 1815. The crews were paid off, and the ships placed in ordinary, though the captains were continued in the nominal command of their vessels. The following winter was passed in Boston. Early in April I was ordered to the command of the station at Newport, Rhode Island. A flotilla force had been kept here during the war, and the station was still recognized, though nearly all the force had been withdrawn. The duties were not sufficient to interfere with domestic pleasures, but seemed to relieve the tedium which would have resulted from entire idleness. These pleasures were, however, interrupted in June, by an order to the Congress to prepare for a cruise in the Pacific. This order removed us to Boston again, where my presence was required to superintend the equipment of the ship. The only vessel of our Navy which had visited the west coast of America was the Essex, during the late war, under Captain Porter. The government had several objects in view that they expected to accomplish by this cruise. The formal reception of the fort at the mouth of the Columbia river,76 THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF COMMODORE MORRIS* from the English authorities, was the most prominent, and at that time it was the intention, of the government to occupy and ana it, for which I was informally directed to> make preparations.* Another object, deemed of much importance, was to visit the different ports and harbors, and ascertain their resources and advantages for trade, and to collect all other information thai might facilitate commercial intercourse between them and our countrymen. The presence in> Boston of a gentleman who had resided some years on that coast ffcrn mercantile purposes, enabled me to obtain much information of places and influential persons* that might have been very useful. Attention was also to have been given to meteorology, and other similar sub- jects, in which interest had been expressed, and to which my attention was to have been called by a series of specific questions to be drawn up by gentlemen of science* Besides these a part of the cruise was to be devoted to the determination of several doubtful points in the geography and hydrography of the west coast, and of reported islands, reefs and shoals, in the adjacent seas. It was supposed also that some pecuniary advantages would accrue to me by participating in the safe keeping and transportation of the precious metals, which had Mtherto been nearly monopolized by English vessels of war. A cruise for such purposes promised better chances for reputation than dan often be expected in a time of peace, and afforded reasonable hopes Of such compensations for another separation from home, as might mitigate, in some degree, the regrets and anxieties that eould not be entirely removed. All these consoling expectations were, however, destroyed, just as the ship was nearly prepared to commence the cruise. A collision had taken place in the gulf of Mexico between one of our small ves- sels of war and one of those belonging to Spain. The desire of our government to prevent a recurrence of this or any other difficulties which might interfere with the success of the pending negotiations for Florida, induced theln to send the Congress, forthwith, to the Gulf of Mexico, as that ship could be soonest prepared. The squadron there was placed under my command, which was assumed In Decem- ber 1816, and my presence in the gulf continued till July in the fol- lowing year. With this change of our destination several other objects that were to have been assigned to our attention, were relinquished. Our own occupations were tedious and uninteresting, as our sole ob- * This service was performed in August, 1818, by the Ontario, Captain Jamea Biddle.v SPECIAL m&BWm m TEE CONGRESS TO UAYTI. 77 ject was to guard against any just -cause of complaint being given by any of our citizens or by any others from our territory. v In the month .of Jiaty I was ordered to prooeed to Portau Prince, with despatches to our consular ag«nt at that place, from the Depart- ment of State, thence with an agent to cape Henry,* and afterwards t© visit the coast of Venezuela and collect and report all the informa- tion I could obtain of the condition of that country, the disposition of its inhabitants, and the sprafeabiiitiesof their making a successful resistance to the attea»pt then making to bring them again under sub- jection to the power of Spain. In addition to the singularly injudi- cious directions which required nue to commence my visits to the lee- wardmost of the ports and then to contend against the constant trade winds, to reach the others in succession, it was recommended that I should pass between Yucatan and cape San Antonio, and pass up on the south side of Cuba. As in duty bound an attempt was made to obey these orders, but after a week's trial the currents were found too strong to be overcome fey the light winds that prevailed and the passage by the coast of Cuba was abandoned, and the ship allowed to follow the course of the current till she passed the Matanilla reefs. We then stood to the eastward with favorable Winds, and, passing through the Caicos pas- sage, arrived in a reasonable time at Port au Prince. Upon inquiry it was found that our consul had left the place with- out appointing any person to act as his deputy, and that consequently there was no public agent entitled to receive the despatches from the Secretary of State. The agent who was on board, destined for cape Henry, had understood before he left Washington that the object of this despatch was to require explanations from Potion, the president of the west part of the island, of certain acts of the government, or of its officers, some of which had injured the property of American citi- zens, and by gone of which the-life of an American had been taken, under color of law^ but, as was alleged, without just cause, f * Cape Francois or Haitien. f The island of Hayti or San Domingo had long been a bone of contention be- tween France and Spain. In 1795 Spain gave up her claims, and the whole island came nominally into the possession of France ; but it was practically in- dependent, under the administration of Toussaint I'Ouverture. In 1801 the French attempted to ^assert their supremacy, but after a few years of fighting, they were fi- nally driven out by Bess alines, ToussaratY successor. Dessalines, after ruling as /Emperor for two years, was assassinated in 1806, and the government was again78 THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF COMMODORE MORRIS. The particular circumstances connected with these cases were known to some of the citizens residing in the place. In this state of things the object of our visit would be entirely defeated, or I must assume the responsibility of opening the despatches from the Secretary of State to the Consul, and be guided by their directions. This was a very delicate and unpleasant responsibility^ but one which, on reflection, was assumed as a matter of public duty. The letter recited the causes of complaint, and required explanations from the government, but these were not to be demanded till the ship should have sailed, that there might be no appearance of threats on our part. This forbade any of- ficial action on my part; but, having obtained an audience with Potion, and having his secretary Inginac, as interpreter, the causes of com- plaint were referred to as having come to my knowledge in Pott au Prince. It was urged upon his notice that these imputed acts of his government were calculated to produce much excitement in the United States, and might well be considered as evidences of unfriendly feeling on his part, unless they were satisfactorily explained; and that I had reason to believe that a despatch which had been sent by us to our consul there, from our government, had reference to these subjects. As the consul was absent I had thought it best to call his attention, unofficially, to them, and would be happy to receive and transmit to our government any explanations which he might feel disposed to give. He expressed his satisfaction at the opportunity thus afforded him to prove the justice of his own course, and his earnest desire to preserve the most friendly relations with our government. It was agreed that I should request the explanation in writing, which was. done the next day, and a full answer returned by him on all the points on which complaint had been made. Potion was in color a light mulatto. He had received a good edu-, cation, his manners were good, and he sustained his position with firmness and dignity. Inginac, the secretary, was also a mulatto, but divided. Spain regained the eastern part of the island, calling it Sa^to Domin- go. The blacks in the north chose Christophe for their president; while the mu- lattoes of the south and west, chiefly about Port au Prince, adhered to P6tion. Each of these leaders claimed to represent the government of Hayti, but the mu- lattoes were finally successful. Petion died in 1818. He*had passed some time in France and had served in the French army; and his administration was liberal and well conducted. His successor, Boyer, a somewhat abler man. united all Hay- » ti in 1820, and two years later expelled the Spaniards from San Domingo. He governed the island successfully as "President of Hayti," for twenty years. In 1842, the republic was split up, and the two parts have since been independent.MISSION TO GENERAL CHRISTOPHE. of rather darker shade. He had also received a good English edu- cation, and had resided several years in Philadelphia, and was a man of no mean abilities. In the correspondence between himself and the commissioners sent from France, to reclaim their lost sovereignty or an indemnity, the letters of Inginac were in all respects equal to theirs. The former rich commerce of the place had dwindled to al- most nothing; the population was greatly diminished, and the re- maining inhabitants, with few exceptions, were very poor. A few days beating against the trade winds carried us to cape Frangois, or Henry, the commercial capital of the Emperor Henry, or Christophe, the other chief who ruled over the central portion of the island, where the blacks predominated. Mr. Tyler had been sent with us, to reside here, ostensibly as agent for distressed seamen, but really to endeavor to recover from Henry some hundred and twenty thousand dollars, the value of property belonging to merchants in Baltimore, which he had seized, to compensate him for losses sustain- ed in some commercial operations with others in the United States. Our government had always avoided any formal or implied recognition of this government, and consequently Mr. Tyler's instructions direct- ed him to reside in the city of St. Frangois, in that part of the island of San Domingo under the command of General Christophe.* When these instructions were communicated to Christophe, who was then in the country, he directed Mr. Tyler to be informed that he felt complimented by having been informed of his proposed resi- dence and its object, and should be happy if he could render him any service ; but he could offer nothing specifically, because he knew noth- ing of an island called San Domingo, nor of General Christophe. In reply to a remark made to his secretary, who brought his message, that this apparent misdirection and misnomer might have occurred through the inadvertence of a clerk, he observed that the example given by General Washington, during our revolution, under circum- stances somewhat similar, was too good not to be respected and fol- lowed by him. The real object of Mr. Tyler's visit appeared to be * Christophe was appointed president for life, by the assembly of blacks at Cape Haitien, in 1806. He had served as a Brigadier-General under Toussaint at the time of the French invasion, and, later, as general-in-chief under Dessalines. In 1811 he assumed the name and title of King Henri I. His rule was severe and despotic, and towards the end of his life he found himself deserted by his sub- jects, who gradually went over to Bover, the successor of Potion. Christophe kill- ed himself in October, 1820, out of mortification at the success of his rival.80 THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY W COMMODORE MORRIS. suspected or known, and it was very distinctly intimated that the ob- ject could be secured without difficulty by an agent accredited to the Emperor. In the meantime every civility was tendered to us. The carriages and horses of the Emperor were placed at the disposal of the officers, with permission to visit the surrounding country at pleasure; and fresh provisions, vegetables, and fruits were offered gratuitously for the ship's company. An official visit was made by me to the Governor, the Duke of Mar- malade. I was met at the head of the staircase by an elderly black man, well but plainly dressed, whom I mistook for some principal ser- vant, until he announced himself as the Governor, and showed me t© his reception room. He seemed to be a man of sound understanding, without pretension or parade, easy and quiet in manner, and tolerably intelligent. The furniture was good but plain, and in good taste, and such was the character and style of the refreshments which were offered. Our interpreter was the Emperor's secretary, the Count of Limonade, who had resided several years in the United States. These apparent- ly laughable titles of Marmalade and Limonade were derived from the names of villages and estates, from which the titulars derived certain revenues as well as their titles. The authority of the Emperor was thoroughly despotic. A Code Henri had, however, been established, comprising laws which were in genera] administered with firmness. He had also introduced schools for the English language. It was stated as a favorite object with him that this should supersede the French, as one means of weakening the influence and power of France for recovering authority in the island. He also required all the inhabitants of the country to devote the labor of a certain number of days in each week to cultivation. Taxes could be paid or required in the proceeds of »such labor, and the articles thus paid were sold by his officers, and the proceeds used for publie purposes. His stronghold was near the summit of a mountain, ten or twelve miles from the city, the passes to which were difficult of access and could be easily defended. In this stronghold, according to report, were deposited some millions of dollars in specie, and large quantities of gunpowder and flour, carefully secured from injury in demijohns, . and buried, to meet and supply the wants of a,siege. There were at that time some apprehensions of invasion by the French, and the Em- peror's plan to meet it was to withdraw behind the first barrier of moun- tains, defend the passes and leave the French to occupy the coast only,-MISSION TO VENEZUELA. 81 until the diseases of the climate and the absence of all commercial products should induce them to withdraw. A revolt, some years later, put an end to his life and plans, and distributed his accumulated wealth, of which the sable Empress and princesses were allowed to take a large sum with them to Italy, where they resided with considerable display 'for some years. As Mr. Tyler could not be received in his official character, he re- mained on board, and after a contest with a head wind and adverse current for three weeks, we anchored off Pampatar, in the island of Margarita, to begin our inquiries respecting Venezuela. Morillo, with his Spanish troops, had left the island only three days before our arrival, after an attempt to subdue it.* The effects of some severe conflicts were but too visible. The capital village, where we found the Gov- ernor, had been burned, and the breakfast of which we partook was given us in a roofless building without other furniture than some loose boards for a table. Some idea may be formed of the ferocious spirit engendered by this civil war from the facts stated by the Governor, who was asked if he had not included the whole population in what appeared to be an exaggerated statement of the military force of the island. He acknowledged that he had done so, and, when it was in- timated that women and children could not be thus emploj'ed, he an- swered that they could be employed as they had recently been, in kil- ling all those who were left wounded on the field. From Pampatar we proceeded to Cumana, which we found occupied by the troops under Morillo. I paid him the usual visit of ceremony in such cases, which he returned quite unexpectedly before 7 o'clock the following morning. In reply to inquiries for fresh provisions, veg- etables and fruit we were informed that there was probably not a sin- gle bullock within eighty leagues of the place. No vegetables could be obtained, and the only fruits that could be purchased were a few un- ripe limes. Water was readily obtained from the river, but it was soon found unfit for use, in consequence of numerous small insects or fish which it contained. Barcelona received our next visit. It Was several miles from the shore, and I reached it by ascending the river in one of our boats. The city was well built but seemed nearly deserted. Four human heads, exposed on pikes upon the bridge over the stream which pass- * Pablo Morillo, Count of Car.thagena, lieutenant-general in the Spanish army, first made his reputation in the Peninsular war, and he met with some success in the early part of the Venezuelan struggle. He returned to Spain in 1820.82 THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF COMMODORE MORRIS. ed through the city, marked the punishment of some unsuccessful revolt. The Governor received me with much civility, and invited me to partake of his late breakfast. This was far from profuse—three very small rolls of bread and as many eggs, which he had recently received, with others, as a present from friends in America; a fact that diminished any merit in forbearing to partake of them. A captain in the Spanish service, but a Scotchman by birth, acted as interpreter, and as a guide through the city. He afterwards accompanied*me on board, and remained till the next day. From his statements the sit- uation of the surrounding country was most deplorable, owing to the unsparing destruction and devastation caused by both the contending parties. Food was so scarce in the city that he and other officers were dependent on the return furnished for the army. Nothing could be procured by force or money. In their contests no quarter was given on either side, and the parties who were sent to sweep the country were ordered to burn every house, destroy all cultivation and every useful animal, kill all adult men, and bring the women and children in as prisoners. He had himself been employed under simi- lar orders more than once. Retaliation was the excuse assigned by both parties for their atrocities. We next anchored off La Guayra, to which place Morillo had pre- ceded us, with his troops, a few days before, for the purpose of passing to the south, to meet a threatened attack from the patriots in that quarter. During a dinner to which he invited me he conversed without reserve upon the existing struggle in which he was engaged, stating freely how much his original force had been diminished, and the probable time when he should be obliged to retire, unless Spain should send him reinforcements. As he, like all others, deprecated the character of their warfare, in his conversations with me, I in- quired if it could not be terminated by a mutual agreement between him and the patriot chiefs to conform to the milder usages of war be- tween civilized nations. He informed me that this had been at- tempted in vain, because the authority of the patriot chiefs was disregarded by detached parties; which left no other course than the miseries and barbarities of reciprocal destruction. After gathering all the information that could be obtained from the officers of the army, and the citizens of La Guayra, and Caracas, to which place I made a visit of a few days, I repaired to Hampton roads to await the further orders of the Department, and to forward reports of my proceedings after leaving the gulf of Mexico. TheseCOURT MARTIAL DUTIES. 83 met the approbation of the government, and relieved me from any further anxiety respecting the responsibility assumed at Port au Prince. The opinions given in my report to the Secretary of State, respecting the issue of the contest in Venezuela, the period when the contest with Spain would cease, and the probable consequences of newly acquired independence upon the patriot leaders, have since been proved more correct than might have been expected from such limited means for observation and gaining information. The government afterwards caused my report to be published unofficially in the Nation- al Intelligencer, from which I inferred that it was satisfactory. ; My health had been much impaired during the cruise, and, as the ship was now destined for a very long cruise, I was relieved at my request from the command, and transferred to Boston, with the nom- inal command of the frigate Java, lying dismantled at that place. My principal public employment was upon court-martial duties, of which I had enough to make me quite familiar with the form of proceeding and the laws which regulated it. Early in May, 1818, I was ordered to the Navy yard and station near Portsmouth, New Hampshire, and immediately assumed the command. The construction of a ship-of-the-line was directed to be begun soon after, the general superintendence of which, with the other usual duties, gave me useful and agreeable employment, with a prospect of its continuance for some years. In the month of August, however, a violent cold produced pneu- monia, which suddenly became so dangerous that an immediate change to a less exposed residence was advised, and with some difficulty I reached Roxbury with our family. By judicious treatment, great care and ever-watchful kindness, my strength was sufficiently re-estab- lished b}7 October to enable me to adopt the advice of my physicians and begin a journey towards our southern border. I first placed my family in a house hired in the town of Portsmouth. Passing through Washington orders were given me to form one of a court of inquiry which was to be held at St. Mary's, Georgia. I arrived there about the 1st of January, 1819, having gained much flesh and strength during the journey. Unexpected delay in the attendance of witnesses retained us at this place until early in May. A part of my leisure was agree- ably passed in visits to Mrs. Shaw, the daughter of General N. Greene, at her residence on Cumberland Island; to the garrison at Fernan- dina, with General Greene, Colonel Clerick, and other officers of the Army, and to the plantation of General Mcintosh, on the river Satill^,.84 THE AUTOBIOGTRAMt OT COMMODORE MORRIS. My return was by the way of Savannah and Charleston. At tbe laitter place I found President Monroe, as the guest of the *cfty, while Stopping for a few days on his tour through the southern states. The arrangements of the city on this occasion were worthy of the well established reputation of its citizens for generous hospitality, and their feelings were gratified by the spirit in which their attentions were Appreciated by the President, in collecting at a large dinner such of his revolutionary companions as could be found, with the distinguished citizens of the day. In June I was again at my station at the Navy Yard in Portsmouth with my family. My health was much improved, though a trouble- some cough continued for several years, Which required watchfulness and carefiil attention to diet and exercise. The renewed expectation of a continuance with my family for some years was again disappointed in September by an unexpected order t© proceed with a small squadron to Buenos Ayres, for the purpose of completing duties which had been interrupted by the recent death of Commodore O. H. Perry. The ships (Constellation and John Adams) were then nearly ready at Norfolk, and my presence there was re- quired 'so soon that time was not permitted to see my family removed. When I reached Washington, on my way to Norfolk, instructions from the Department of State were handed to me, from which I learn- ed that the object of the government was* to make known to that of Bu- enos Ayres, the friendly disposition of the United States, and inform it of certain acts of our government, by which that friendly disposi- tion had been manifested, much to their advantage, by our diplomatic communications and acts in Europe. It was deemed expedient that I should also receive the personal di- rections of the President, that T might be more fully informed of his views upon some subjects than could be gathered from the written in- structions. He was at his residence in Loudon County, Virginia, where I passed a day with him and received his final directions. After exchanging civilities with the French officers under Admiral Duperr6, whose flag was flying on a frigate at Norfolk, and completing the stores of the ships, we sailed from Hampton roads and, keeping company, arrived off Monte Video, in the La Plata river. Here we fiound the TJ. S. Schooner Nonsuch, Lieutenant Turner, waiting our ar- rival. A small Portuguese squadron, under Vice Admiral Lobos, was anchored off the city, with whom the courtesies of salute and visits were exchanged.MISSION: TO BUENOS AYBES. 85 The Constellation; required a greater depth of water than the river af- forded to Buenos Ayres, and- the John Adams, Captain Wadsworth,. was taken to convey me to that city., The navigation of the river wa$ then very little known,, and though the Portuguese admiral had loaned us his pilot, who was considered the most skilful, the ship grounded when about fifty miles, from Monte Video, and it was not without great exertions for twenty-four hours, much danger, and considerable injury,, that she- was- got afloat again. ^ Whem we reached the city,, I took up my residence on shore, where I met Mr. Prevost, a private agent of our government, with whom I was directed to. consult,, in* case he should have arrived, at Buenos Ayres from Chile. A visit of ceremony was paid the next day to the Supreme Director, Puerreydon, and a day fixed for an official meeting. Before this day arrived one of those sudden revolutions occurred which have been so coaaamoB in, the South American republics. Puerreydon fled tcr the opposite side of the river, a new Supreme Director, General Rondeau, was elected by the Junta, and a substitute appointed to act in his stead;, till he should arrive from the army then at some distance in the interi- or. When the little commotion that attended this change had subsi- ded an interview was had with the Substitute Directors* and, a few days after, another with Rondeau* These officers appeared to be well satis- fied, and mu-eh pleased with the friendship of the United States, as it had been exhibited by all their public acts an^ by their special assurances* They also gave instructions for complying with some requests that were made for the means of distinguishing armed vessels, duly author- ized and commissioned by their government, from others, which, there was reason to believe, had forged their papers and cruised in other and distant seas. The newly appointed officers were soon removed from all power by another and more important revolution, by which the former authority given to the Supreme Director to conduct the exterior relations of the different provinces, under or with the assent of a congress represent- ing the whole, was revoked, the congress dissolved, and the authority of the province of Buenos Ayres limited to its own particular affairs, Don Manuel Sarratea was elected governor under this new state of things. Some personal acquaintance with him satisfied me that he was not qualified to control the discordant and restless population of the province., divided and agitated by acts of different individuals each of whom was anxious to obtain possession of power to the ex- clusion of others. Under such circumstances any longer stay seemed86 THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF COMMODORE MORRIS. to promise no advantages sufficient to justify our detention, and, after an official communication to the governor of the general objects of our visit, Mr. Prevost was left to do more if proper occasion should offer, and I returned to Monte Video and sailed soon after for the United States. A commission from the United States had previously visited Bue- nos Ay res and had presented in a report their opinion of the condition of the country, the disposition of the inhabitants, and their chances for the establishment of a well-organized and efficient goyernment. This^ report had presented a much more favorable opinion of the political state of the country, and of a general interest in the affairs of the gov- ernment by the people, than I could find any sufficient reason to concur in.* It seemed almost presumptuous to place my opinion in opposition to theirs, when they had enjoyed better opportunities, and for a longer time, than myself, and upon subjects with which they were much more familiar from their previous employments. Meeting this hazard, how- ever, my report embraced the general information which I had obtained of recent and passing political events, with the sources from which it was derived ; and it expressed opinions of what might be expected for the immediate future, with the reasons on which they were founded. Subsequent events have shown that my anticipations were tolerably correct, though they were considered unsound at the time by the more ardent friends of the South American people. On our way to the United States we stopped for a day at St. Pierre, Martinique, and for two or three days at St. Thomas. At the latter port we found the French Rear Admiral Duperr£, whom we had left in Hamp- ton roads ; and a question of etiquette arose between us. He consid- ered the first visit his due, in consequence of his superior nominal rank, which I was unwilling to admit, because, as a stranger in a neutral port, and, equally with himself, the commander-in-chief of a squad- ron, usual courtesy required the first visit from him. The force under my command was greater than his, and the extent of my station was not probably exceeded, as it embraced the North and South Atlantic oceans. The question was also complicated by the number of guns which should be given and received as salutes. The consequence was that no visits were interchanged, he being restricted by positive instruc- * The members of the Commission were 0. A. Rodney, John Graham and Theo- doric Bland.DUEL BETWEEN DECATUR AND BARRON. 87 tions, and I claiming that the authority given to officers by their coun- try, and not their official designation, which each nation had a right to fix for itself, ought to regulate official precedence between officers of different nations. The governor of St. Thomas received our ship and myself with exactly the same honors which had been previously given to the ship and person of the French admiral. The ship returned to Hampton roads. After a visit to Washington, and thence to the President's residence, in Albemarle, at the sugges- tion of the Secretary of State, I rejoined the ship and was soon ordered to reassume my former command at the navy yard in Portsmouth, which I reached in May, 1820. Information of the death of Commodore Decatur, in a duel with Com- modore Barron, was received from the pilot, on our arrival. Besides the regret occasioned by the loss of a brave officer who had contribu- ted so much to the honor of the Navy and the country, and with whom I had long been intimate, my feelings were specially interested from a more particular cause. When I was in Washington, on my way to join the ship for my late cruise, Commodore Decatur detained me at the commissioners' office till the other gentlemen had left it for the day, and showed me a letter which he had received from Commodore Barron, and requested me to act as his friend should it become necessary to meet Commodore Bar- ron. This letter, in substance, called on him to state whether an al- leged observation of his at a dinner table, that " if Commodore Bar- ron chose to challenge him he would accept it," was intended as an in- vitation for a challenge or not. Decatur admitted that an expression of the kind had been used by him, but under circumstances which rendered it inoffensive if not rather favorable to Commodore Barron. The conversation had turned on the conduct of Commodore Barron, when the Chesapeake was attacked by the Leopard in 1807, and in re- maining out of the country during all the subsequent war with Great Britain. Very unfavorable opinions were expressed by some, and, among them, one that he had forfeited all claim to consideration or notice from the officers of the Navy. Decatur dissented from this on the ground that so long as he was recognized as an officer by the gov- ernment he was entitled to consideration as such from others. The question was then put to Decatur, uIf Commodore Barron were to challenge you, would you consent to meet him?" To which he replied that he would, so long as he was considered by the government wor- thy to hold his commission in the Navy.88 THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF COMMODORE MORRIS. Although tUe necessity for an immediate obedience to* orders placed it out of my pow^r to comply with* Commodore Diecatur's request, if* any delay was necessary, my opinion was given at once that a1 simple- Statement of the facts,- given as an answer to Commodore Barron?s let- ter, would: effectually prevent any further proceedings. This he declined^ because it might have the appearance, to some, of too earnest a wish on- his part to avoid meeting Commodore Barron. The unreasonableness of this objection was urged', since his* courage was established beyond? all question, and5 his whole course in life placed him above any suspi- cion of the fear of consequences; that, so far from being injurious to* his reputation, such a statement of facts Would elevate i^ still higher,' and that th£ improvement of so favorable an! opportunity for setting a good example to the younger officers of tile Navy was required from? him by the highest considerations. A ^hort answer was drawn upy embracing the facts as he had stated them; but notwithstanding all! that could be utfgedv and his constant assertions that he had' no desire to fight Commodore Barron, and that he could gain nothing and'migM lose his life % it, still all cotild not induce him to sign & state- ment which he admitted to bd correct and whiolk would probably re- move all cause for any further action. He appeared to be governed5 by an apprehension that his reputation niight suffer if he took amp means to avoid a meeting with Commodore Barron,- if Barron had* any disposition to' bring about one. Our conversation was continued till dark, and the liiost I could obtain frotii him was a promise not to answer the letter for three days, he having refused to wait for the advic# Of the person whofti he might select to act as1 his friend; if a challenge should be s&nt to' him. The whole of the correspondence has beetf placed before the public and ha& left a? general impression tjiat the chal- lenge was forced from Commodore Barron by the last letter from Com- modore Decatur, though few are aware how easily and with what pro- priety on the parti of Commodore Decatur it riaight have been prevent- ed.* * The following anecdote, related by Loyall Farragut, Esq;, may not be'without interest in this connection. Mr. Farragut says : "My father, you know, was a great admirer of Commodore Morris, and has allud- ed to him in bis journal as 'the ablest sea officer of his day.' Farragut was serving at the Norfolk Navy yard not long before the Mexican war, and at the time a court martial was in session composed of many of his old shipmates, among them Com- modore Charles Morris. Comniodore Barron wad in Norfolk at the time, and Far- ragut was suddenly inspired with the idea of bringing these two men together, be3-THE BOARD OF NAVY COMMISSIONERS. 89 My time was occupied, at Portsmouth, with the usual duties at Navy yards, and upoii: courts-martial, on different occasions, till the 3d of Mai-eh, 1823, when I was appointed a Navy Commissioner, a situa- tion which had been indirectly offered and declined when I returned* in 1820. Leaving the family at Portsmouth, I repaired to Washington, and entered an my duties, with Commodores Badgers and Chauncey as my associates, Smith Thompson being Secretary of the Navy, and J. K» Paulding Secretary af th'e Board . The usual annual visit of the Board to the different Navy yards was made this year in July and August, on the completion of which it was arranged that I should, remain at Ports- mouth till it would be safe and convenient to> remove the family, and in the meantime prepare' a revison af the general regulations of the: service, for the consideration of the Board and the Department. This duty was performed and the family removed to the district in October. Mr. Southard succeeded Mr.> Thompson as Secretary of the Navy,) in the following December, and Commodores Bainbridge and Jacob Jones succeeded Commodores Rodgers and Chauncey on the 15th of December, 1824. Mr. C. W. G-oldsborougb had previously succeeded Mr. Paulding.. The duties of the Board of Navy Commissioners, as defined by the law that created it, embraced everything of a ministerial character, but they were to be performed under the superintendence of the Seo retary of the Navy, to whose office the Board was attached^ Through the inefficiency and indolence of the Secretary,, at the- time when it was first established, in 1816, the actual duties of the office, excepting those connected with the Cabinet* had for some time been devolved almost entirely on the chief clerk.* The Board appears to have been tween whom there had existed a bitter feud for many years, arising out of the Decatur duel. They were both friends of Farragut, and the idea of being the medium of settling the difficulty filled his heart with enthusiasm. He went to Morris in his open, fr&nk Way, arid asked him if he Would meet Commodore Btoon at his [Farragut's] table. It Was not difficult to read in the face of Farra* gut the sentiment that inspired him, and Mortis generously said he Would be hap*- py to meet Barron. Farragut- had an interview with Barron also,, and the result was that these old naval officers who had been bitter enemies for forty years were reconciled. Farragut could not conceal his gratification at the result of the affair." * John Quimcy Adams says in his- diary, under date of March 25, 1819, "Mr. Thompson, the Secretary of the Navy,> left the- city this morning for a visit to New York. This office sits easy upon its holders. Mr. Crowninshield used to re-90 THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF COMMODORE MORRIS. disposed to reject the authority of the chief clerk, when acting for the Secretary of the Navy, and it became necessary for the President to interfere by a decision in which he very properly sustained the head of the Department. The Navy had hitherto been without system, or any attempt to intro- duce any into any branch of the service, excepting the tables of di- mensions and allowances prepared by Commodore Bainbridge and my- self in 1813. The operations of the war which had just been conclud- ed, had left even greater confusion than usual, and there was a wide field open for the useful action of the Board. In their anxiety for the immediate correction of some of the existing evils the Board at once entered into an extensive correspondence, which involved them in so many details that they had never found time to frame a proper sys- tem for the regulation of their own proceedings, for regularly collect- ing and rendering available information which would be very desir- able and frequently necessary for judicious action, nor even for a con- venient distribution of duties among themselves. When I joined the Board these evils were obvious, but had become almost irremediable from the mass pf current business which required daily attention, and occupied all the time of the Board. Much of a very useful character had however been accomplished. General regulations had been pre- pared, approved, and issued. Measures had been taken for carrying into effect the law for the gradual increase of the Navy by collecting timber, iron, copper, etc., and by beginning the construction of sev- eral ships-of-the-line and frigates. The general system of procuring supplies by contract had been adopted, and many valuable checks had been introduced against frauds and the misappropriation of public money by disbursing agents and contractors, most of which have been subsequently incorporated into laws by Congress, and made appli- cable to all the Departments. As each member of the Board was responsible equally for all its acts, it became the duty of each to be sufficiently informed on each particular subject of action to enable him to give a satisfactory vote upon it. Some members might be willing to act on the information which others had collected and furnished in the consultations, while main at Washington only when Congress was in session, and spent the remainder of his time at home. Mr. Thompson appears determined to follow the example. The chief clerk and the Navy Commissioners make the duties of that department comparatively very light."THE BOARD OF NAVY COMMISSIONERS. 91 others preferred the labor which would enable them to act more in- dependently. With my own views of duty thig latter course seemed the proper one, and it was my endeavor always to act upon it* Though very laborious it proved advantageous, as it $oon made me and then kept me thoroughly informed of all the business of the office, and furnished unexceptionable means for obtaining and preserving a fair share of influence in the decisions of the Board, upon the very varied arid numerous subjects that came before it. Mr. S. L. Southard succeeded Mr. Thompson as Secretary of the Nav}7, in December, 1823. In the summer of 1824 the Secretary and the Board of Navy Commissioners made an official visit to Erie, Sackett's Harbor, and Whitehall, at which places the vessels on lakes Erie, Ontario, and Champlain had been collected and left, after the peace of 1815. The vessels were found to be much decayed, many of them sunk in shallow water, and the perishable articles of stores no longer of much value. The journey was extended down the St. Law- rence to Montreal and from Whitehall to Portsmouth, New Hampshire, and thence to Boston and New York and Philadelphia, on our return towards Washington. The sale of all the vessels and perishable stores was recommended, excepting the ships-of-the-line, which had been begun and were still on the stocks, at and near Sackett's Harbor. This was soon after author- ized and carried into effect and the ordnance sent to the Navy yard at New York. The further employment of officers on the lake stations was discontinued. Recommendations were made by the Board for an extension of the Navy yards at New York and Norfolk, and it was advised that plans for the future improvement of all the yards should be proposed and approved, after which no deviations from them should be permitted, without the executive sanction. Information was col- lected and reported to Congress, and published by their order, in or- der to desseminate knowledge in regard to water-rotting hemp and flax, in the hope of rendering ourselves independent of the foreign articles. The form and arrangement of the annual estimates were changed so as to show separately the expense of the shore establish- ments, and of the ships and active force of the Navy. This arrange- ment diminished the he&ds of appropriation and still exhibited the ex- penditures fully and clearly. By much exertion the Board succeeded in preventing any further advances to contractors, which had hither- to been done, in a few cases, by the order of the Executive, from some of which danger of loss had occurred.92 THE OT COWMmOKE M0HHIS. When it was- determined: to return La Payette t©: France) m a public ship- tlie President thought proper to select are1 for the command. It was his desire that I should perform" this duty? without resigning' my? Situation as a Navy Commissioner, to; which, in his opinion^ there was no legal objection. The1 designation for tiiia duty,, utuier thecireum- stances of the time, could! not be otherwise than flattering tome, ancfc was accepted: with pleasure. I believed,- however,- that the exercise* of the military duties of a captain, whilst- holding a district commis- sion of a civil character, would1 be exceedingly disagreeable to. the feel- ings of the officers, even if legal*. This belief was made known tot the President and it was stated that I should feel' bound. to* resign the commissionership, as soon as orders- should be' given to comma/nd the ship, to which he made no further objection.* The Brandywine had been named, launched and equipped for this. Special service, the officers had been selected;, sox that there? should be at least one from each state, and, when practicable, descendants of per*- sons distinguished in the Revolution. The preparations' were made by tfhe first lieutenant and the officers of the yard, and I only took command! on the first of September, two days before the general, bis* son, and his suite embarked at the mouth of the Potomac?. He was accom- panied by the* Secretary of the Navy, and many other public officers* from Washington, and met by a large party from Baltimore. A coii- lation was prepared on board for our numerous guests, at which many speeches appropriate to the occasion were made, and the parting wishes of the general and guests were reciprocated. The next morn- ing we stood down the bay, and to sea with a favorable wind. A few hours after the pilot had left us, it was found that the ship was leak- ing rapidly. This was not more unexpected than unpleasant* To take the general back to any of our ports after he had taken a formal leave of the country would place every one in an awkward position, Imt to expose him and others to any serious hazard by continuing our \ * The following entry appears in the diary of President J. Q:. Adams, under date of July 9t 1825 ; "Southard, S.. N.,. again with Captain Morris, who is will- ing to command the frigate to take General La Fayetteto France, and there give* the ship to the next officer,, to proceed with her to the Mediterranean, to be there, commanded by Captain Patterson. But Morris thinks he ought to. resign his seat at the Navy Board, and he wishes to have a term of six months allowed him to visit the naval establishments of France and England and to witness the latest Improvements in naval architecture. I advised him at all events to go, and said we would consider further with regard to his resignation*"jmsujm m IN TAB ^ranbywinii. 98 -course was a serious responsibility. It was impossibly <#tthe moment -to fascertain the precise cause of the leak, but from some experiments dt was evidently effected by the greater or less velocity of the ship's motion. As it was under control by the pumps it was determined to proceed, ^especially as La [Fayette was unwilling to return except from tactual necessity. It soon became evident that the leak wag caused by the oakum working out of the seams of the ship's sides. The weather and sea, for nearly the whole passage, caused the ship to roll .so deep, that it was {exceedingly difficult to apply any remedy, but as ihe planks gradually swelled from immersion, the leak gradually .diminished. Our passage was from these and other causes rendered very uncom- fortable, and it was only on two days that the general was.able to join us at dinner, or to visit the deck. In the early part of the passage he suffered from sea-sickness, and the gout affected him considerably af- terwards. This was:much regretted, for, besides the discomforts, we •were deprived .of most of the pleasure which had been anticipated from the -society of the general, and the hope of listening to his reminiscences flff some of the interesting scenes and persons connected with his event- ful life. My own health, which had never been perfectly,restored since 1818, had become-seriously impaired by a chronic affection of the liver, and consequent irritability of the stomach, which rendered me unable to do much towards the entertainment of our guest, or to become acquaint- ed with the officers. We arrived off Havre in October, and, upon com- municating with our consul, found that no objection existed to the land- ing of La Fayette. * This had been supposed possible, as it was known that he was .even more obnoxious to the .Bourbon than to the Imperial government. The £clat of his reception and treatment in the United States, it was thought, mi^ht.render the government unwilling to re- ceive him again, lest his influence should excite movements dangerous to the monarchy. Should such have been the case, and permission for him ,to land have been refused, I was authorized to use the ship to convey. him to any other part, of the world that he might select. The morning after our arrival, the wife and children of George La Fa- yette, M. Lasteyrie, the,son-in-law of LaFayette, and his children, came on board to meet the general and his son, and, after passing a few hours, they all returned together to the shore. Before leaving the ship the general was. requested to ask for anything he might desire to take with him, when .he requested the flag of the ship, under which he was received on board, and which, he was * about to leave. To .this he sub-94 THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF COMMODORE MORRIS. sequently added a few articles, that he might give an American dinner to the inmates of La Grange. He left the ship under a major-gener- al's salute, and three hearty cheers from the ship's company. As the object of my command was merely to see the general to France, the command was relinquished to the first lieutenant, and I accompanied La Fayette to the shore, and for a short time became his guest, as he had been mine. Captain Read, of the Navy, who was a passenger in j;he ship, was also of the party. < The party dined that day with a liberal deputy to*the Chambers from the city, and on the following morning partook of a dejeuner, with a large party, at the residence of the United States consul, on the heights above the town. About noon the family of General La Fayette, Cap- tain Read, and myself, left the city for Paris, and on passing the gates we found a large party, in carriages and on horseback, who had assem- bled to compliment La Fayette, by escorting him for some distance on his way. At the end of a league, the escort halted, and the gentlemen composing it dismounted, as did La Fayette and his suite. An ad- dress was made in behalf of the citizens, to which he responded in his usual felicitous manner, and the parties separated after the general's carriage had been nearly filled with bouquets of flowers and immortelles, by the ladies who had joined the cavalcade in carriages. A late dinner was taken in a small village on the way to Rouen, at which the landlord contrived a compliment to La Fayette. The dessert- plates had upon them representations of scenes in our revolutionary struggle, and he placed for the general that having for its subject the storming of the English redouts at Yorktown. Tftfe next day was pas- sed at Rouen, where another deputy of the liberal party assembled a number of the political friends of La Fayette to meet him. Though all proper precautions were taken to avoid producing any public ex- citement, the street near the house where we dined was thronged with people during the evening, who at last began to cheer La Fayette, as a call for his presence in the balcony. This was. delayed for some time, but finally acceded to for the purpose of thanking them and recommen- ding their immediate separation to prevent any excuse for the interfer- ence of the police. The effect, however, was unfavorable. The cheers increased, and the mounted police, who had been prepared, and stationed near, moved down the street in a body, and compelled all to ** retire before them. A few persons were injured, and much excitement created, but with no other consequences. The party separated im- mediately as all pleasure had been destroyed.VISIT TO LAFAYETTE AT LAGRANGE. 95 At Saint Germain we separated. George La Fayette went to Paris, with Captain Read and myself, and the general and his family pro- ceeded directly to LaGrange, at which place we joined him about a week later. The residence of La Fayette was a part of the estates which form- erly belonged to the family of Madame La Fayette, and contains about seven hundred acres. The dwelling is an ancient structure, forming three sides of a square, with a round tower at each corner, of which about one half projects beyond the sides of the building. Although one side is open, and the entrance to the dwelling is on the inner side of one of the wings, the passage to the entrance is through the side opposite to it, and would lead to the supposition that the building formerly had all its sides closed. The walls of the building were five or six feet thick, and its whole appearance and character plain and strong, without any attempt at ornament. The family and guests numbered about twenty-five while we were there. They assembled at breakfast at about ten, at which nearly an hour passed. They then separated, each making such arrangements as might be most agreeable till dinner, which was served at five. About an hour was passed at table, from which all went to the drawing-room, and passed the evening in conversation. At ten tea was served, after which the guests retired at pleasure, and by eleven the rooms were va- cant. At the request of La Fayette, I sat to Scheffer for a portrait, of which a copy was also made by him, and sent by the general to my wife. The likeness was completed at a single sitting of about four hours.* * The heliotype which appears as the frontispiece of this book is from the orig- inal portrait by Ary Scheffer, presented by La Fayette to Mrs. Morris. The fol- lowing passage, which occurs in a letter of La Fayette, found among the Morris papers, may be of interest in this connection. LaGrange, January 1, 1827. u I hope,, my dear friend, your portrait sent so long ago is at last arrived at its destination. The copy at La Grange has been in the hands of Scheffer to give it that share of color and counterpoint which you had brought from your coasting journey, so as to become similar to that in possession of Mrs. Morris. It faces the Brandywine flag. Let me hear from you, my dear Commodore, and believe me forever your affec- tionate obliged friend, LA FAYETTE.96 THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF COMMODORE MORRIS. After a visit of three days, which was rendered very agreeable by ishe kindness of the family and the society of other interesting persons, me returned to Paris. My instructions required me, after having seen La Fayette safely land- ed, to visit the dockyards of France and England, for the purpose of collecting any information that might be deemed useful, in form- ling plans for the permanent improvement of our Nav}r yards, or 'for •any other branch of the naval establishment. . A few weeks were spent in Paris, visiting some of the many objects of interest which are collected there, and in forming acquaintances with, and obtaining information from, some of the officers connected with the central administration of the Navy. -Captain Read proposed to accompany me in my visits to the French ports, and we left Paris for Brest, on the 4th of November. I passed by Cherbourg, because I had already seen it in 1812, as well as an admi- rable plan of it, in relief, at Paris, and because the time allotted me by the {Department required a very rapid examination. A fortnight at Brest, ffive days at Lorient and as many at Roche fort, made me tolerably well ■acquainted with the various establishments which they contained, their relative position and extent, their mode of obtaining and preserving materials and stores, some notion of their supplies and the source -from which they were derived, the condition of their vessels, and the .cost of the different classes of ships of war. Mr. Brown, our Minister, had obtained the sanction of the Minister of Marine to our visit, and every facility was offered by the officers to our public object, and attentions to ourselves personally, except at Rochefort, where the commanding officer limited himself to an obedi- ence of his orders in relation to us. From Rochefort, we proceeded to Bordeaux, where we passed two days. We then crossed to Narbonne, on the Mediterranean, after stop- ping one day at Toulouse ; thence, by the way of Montpellier, Nimes, Avignon and Marseille, to Toulon. We here spent a fortnight in vis- iting the dockyard and its dependencies, and every facility was afford- ed for the collection of the information we desired. On our return to Marseille Capt. Read left me, to find his way to Mahon, where he was to take command of one of the ships of our squadron, and, staying only one day to look at this city, I proceeded .by the way of Lyons to iParis, which I reached in December. My attention here was devoted to obtaining further information from the officers connected with the central administration of the Navy, and to theINSPECTION OF ENGLISH DOCKYARDS. 97 society of our Minister and of La Faj^ette, and the circles to which they had the kindness to introduce me. Early in January I proceeded to London by the way of Calais and Dover. Our Minister, Mr. Rufus King, readily obtained permission for me to visit the English dockyards. Before commencing the ex- amination I visited some of the many interesting objects in and near London. Capt. Basil Hall had called upon me, and with him I visited Mr* Rennie, under whose direction the new London bridge was then build- ing ; and who, after showing his plans for it, accompanied us to the mint, the West India docks, and the Thames tunnel, of which the hor- izontal shaft had just been begun. Mr. Brunei descended with us, and explained the plan, and showed us the means adopted to guard against accidents, when making the necessary excavations. The apparent danger of excavating a tunnel under the Thames rendered it difficult for him to find workmen willing to engage in it, even among the Cornish miners. His own confidence of success appeared to be perfect. A day was given to Greenwich hospital and its schools, and to the ob- servatory, and an evening each to the Royal and the Geological Society, and to the House of Commons. At the first there was little of in- terest. Dr. Buckland read an interesting paper on the fossil bones found in England, at the second, and at the House of Commons there was an interesting debate, in which Messrs Ellis, Robinson and Huskisson were engaged, and Mr. Canning made a few remarks, and a member was coughed and " shuffled" down. A short visit was al- so made to Harwich, to see a railway for hauling up vessels, but there was nothing in their processes superior to what was already used in the United States. Three or four days were devoted to each of the dockyards, at Dept- ford, Chatham, and Sheerness. The first is the great provision-depot, and was interesting from the variety and extent of its arrangements for preparing and preserving different kinds of provisions and stores. Chatham is remarkable for its convenient arrangements rather than for its extent. Sheerness had been recently enlarged, and its arrange- ments revised. A greater part of the buildings were new, and there were three new docks, and the quay walls were still under construc- tion. This gave a favorable opportunity for collecting information relative to docks and their cost, which was very desirable for our ser- vice at the time. After another short visit to London a fortnight was passed in examining the extensive naval works at Portsmouth, where I98 THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF COMMODORE MORRIS. met with, attentions from several of the officers. I was obliged t© take Bath on my way to Plymouth, to which several days were giveaau It had been Bay wish to visit Pembroke, bat the time suggested by the Department for absence had already elapsed, and I proceeded to Liv- erpool with very short delays at Cheltenham and Birmingham. The extensive docks at this place (Liverpool) and a manufactory of chum cables deserved and received my attention, and my inquiries were fulfy answered by the politeness of the superintending engineer of the docks and the owners of the manufactory. Among other interesting persons whom I met here, through the politeness of Maury, our Consul, was Mr. Roscoe.* In the dockyards of England I was struck with the evidences which everywhere presented themselves of their ability to equip a very large force, at very short notice; to replace promptly any losses that they might sustain in the force afloat, and the immense supplies for probable future wants. The extent, variety and perfection of labor- saving machines, and the completeness of preparation against danger from fires were also very striking. In France their means for any increase of force were proportionally much less than in England, but their supply of timber and other im- perishable materials for the future was greater. In almost every va- riety of machinery they were far inferior to the English, not less ill excellence than in quantity. The fact that the Navy was the first great object in England, and only secondary in France, was apparent even to a superficial observer of their naval establishments and the mode in which they were directed. The packet in which I returned left Liverpool late in March. My health had considerably improved while in France, where I could adopt a favorable diet. I reached Washington early in May 1826, made my report to the Department, and, on the 15th was reappointed a Navy Commissioner. Nothwithstanding much inconvenience from ill health, the duties of this situation were performed with very little interruption. An act of Congress was procured by the Department authorizing plans to be made for all the yards,-as had been formerly proposed by the Board, and I was appointed in 1827, with Commodores Bainbridge and Chauo- cey, to prepare the plans, in consultation with Mr. Loammi Baldwin, as engineer. * Williaiii Roscoe, the historian, author of the life of Lorenzo de'Medici., IMPROVEMENTS IN TUB NAVY YARDS. / 99 The confinement and labors of the oMce rendered aM efforts to re- store my health of no avail, and were constantly aggravating and in- creasing my complaints. I therefore resigned my situation as Navy Commissioner, and was appointed to command the Navy yard and station at Boston, on the 1st of June, 1827, and assumed charge of these duties $oon after. * * * * * The examination of the different navy yards and the preparation of plans for the distribution of the docks, store houses, work shops and other buildings, occupied some months. A very con- siderable enlargement of the Norfolk navy yard was recommended, after considerable difficulty in persuading Cfommodore Chauncey to concur, against the dissent of Commodore Bainbridge. This has since been purchased and already proves to be too large. The recommendation for a further purchase there, and for others near Brooklyn, New York, and near the yard in Charlestown, Massa- chusetts, tp accommodate marines, had not yet been adopted. An- other, for the purpose of connecting the Navy yard at Brooklyn with the hospital grounds near it, had been made, but not until the price had been enormously enhanced, and conflicting claims had been raised to its free and sole use by the government. At the Charlestown yard, the construction of some of the works proposed by the new plans, was begun. Some timber sheds, a ship house, store house and quay walls were completed during my com- mand, and the c^y dock was well advanced, and the plans for the rope-walk determined upon. It was no small gratification to me to begin the works in this yard, that I might use my influence in giving them the solidity, as well as the simplicity, which, in my opinion, national works should possess, and in the hope that the example once given would be followed in future constructions. The duties of the yard left me considerable leisure as compared with the duties to which I had been used in the Board of Navy Com- missioners. A part of this was applied to the compilation of a system of day signals for the Navy, which might compensate for the defects to which those were justly liable that I had so hastily prepared in 1818, and which had continued in use. They \?ere laid aside at the time, and after subsequent revision they were offered, but not adopted. In the course of reading Clerk's treatise on Naval Tactics, in 1820, Iv had found occasion to note in the margin a dissent from some of his conclusions. These became so numerous, at last, and many of his errors appeared so important, that I now determined on a more100 THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF COMMODORE MORRIS. formal notice of them. Tins again led to the collection and examina- tion of accounts of naval actions that had occurred subsequently to Clerk's publication, and finally formed a small volume. This proved to be a very useful occupation, as it led to a careful examination of the ad- vantages and disadvantages of the particular modes of attack and de- fence under the peculiar circumstances of each fleet or squadron, and the ulterior objects of the respective parties. This latter considera- tion appears to have been entirely overlooked by Clerk. A similar work was afterward published in England, Ekins's " Naval Battles", which corroborates many of my views of Clerk's errors, and em- braces much that I had previously collected respecting other actions. , My health had improved considerably under a strict diet, and in July 1832 it was so far reestablished that I was again recalled to the Board of Navy Commissioners, Mr. Woodbury being Secretary of the Navy. After I had notified my willingness to accept this reappointment, I was surprised by a proposition from some Boston gentlemen, for me to take the general charge and superintendence o^ the railroad, then about to be built, from Boston to Worcester. To my remark that it was a subject on which I had no information whatever they replied that they were perfectly aware of it, and that others would be furnish- ed to attend to all details, and these should be only such as might be acceptable to me. They wished my services as a general superinten- dent in whose integrity, judgment, and energy, they and the public could place confidence, and they were ready to give $5,000 a year for my services, if I would ask and obtain leave of absence from my pub- lic duties for three years. The offer was ver}r tempting, as the duties would give me exercise conducive to my health. On the other hand my whole life had been devoted to the Navy, and I had been conversant with the various du- ties of my station, and felt a confidence in my ability to perform them creditably. I had received all the consideration from the gover- ment I had any right to expect eithetf from the length or character of my services, and in case of future opportunities for honorable employ- ment, I might reasonably expect to be called to fill them, if I remain- ed actively attached to the service, but might be overlooked, if I should seek for advancement in private enterprise. The proposition was therefore declined, and I proceeded to Wash- ington. The cholera was then raging with much violence at that place, and the family remained in lodgings at Chestertown till late, iriREVISION OF THE NAVY REGULATIONS. 101 October, when it had nearly subsided. My fellow-commissioners were at first Rodgers and Stewart, but the latter left in July 1833, and was succeeded by Chauncey. Commodore Rodgers had but imperfectly recovered from an attack of cholera, and Commodore Stewart was not very regular in his attendance at the Board. These circumstances naturally threw a large share of the labor upon me for the time. A Board was convened early in 1833, under a law of the previous session of Congress, for the purpose of revising the kws and regula- tions of the Navy. This was composed of the three Navy Commis- sioners, the Attorney-General Taney and Commodores Hull and Ridge- ley. After much debate and difference of opinion it was proposed that Commodore Stewart should prepare a draft of regulations, which should afterwards be considered by the Board. In the mean time a court of inquiry, of which I was president, had to complete its inves- tigation of allegations made against Lieutenant Randolph of the Navy, for improper detention of public money which he had received when acting as purser. When this was completed I Went to Sackett's Harbor, in March, to ascertain and report on the condition of the ships-of-the-line, which had been begun in 1815, at that place and at Storrs' Harbor. I found the former well sheltered and sound, and recommended her preserva- ( tion. The other had not been protected from the weather, and was considerably decayed. A recommendation for her sale was carried into effect. The journey was exceedingly fatiguing, from the state of the roads and the inclemency of the weather. A short visit at my father s gave me some necessary rest, and relieved me from slight indisposition. On my return the revision of the regulations was resumed. It may be remarked that the Attorney-General, Mr. Taney, did not and was not expected to attend the meetings of the Board, but was to ex- amine their proceedings when completed, to see that they did not con- flict with any law, and might then propose either additions or modifi- cations. The general arrangement, as presented by Commodore Stewart, did not meet the approval of the Board. The several articles were con- sidered too large, and embraced too many subjects. None of the Board were familiar with their duties, but my former labor in 1823, on the same subject, gave me some advantage for the present work. A schedule of the classification of subjects in separate chapters, and an order of arrangement which I presented were approved. It .102 THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF COMMODORE MORRIS. was then determined to act on these in their order, and finally that the rough drafts of the several articles should be prepared by me, and presented fi*otb day to day, for discussion and decision. This my health enabled The to perform, by the aid of my foirmer propositions, in time to prevent any delay. Commodore Hull was soon succeeded by Commodore Patterson, and Commodore m% morris: was asserted, that of the shipa whieh had been built after the es~ tablishment of the Board were $4 all comparable to, those which had been, built before, excepting alwaj's the Ohio., ship-of-the-line. This ship, according to the complainants, wa& superior to any of our other ships^ of-the-line, and its. superiority was said to be owing to the fact that Mr. Eckford, the superintending constructor, had refused to accept way of the suggestions of the Board, and had followed his own viewsw Besides the general object of discrediting the Board, there was a more special object on the part of the naval constructors, which was to ob- tain a situation for the Chief Constructor, independent of the Boards and that the constructors of the yards should only receive their or- ders from the Chief Constructor. Not a few of the lieutenants exercised their pens and personal influence in giving publicity to their complaints, and amongst them one using the signature of 44 Harry Bluff" was the most prominent, from his boldness and from the superb ority of his style.* Notwithstanding these bold and long continued charges, they were entirely destitute of all just foundation, so far as the Board was con- cerned. In the first place, the records of the office showed conclus- ively that the Board had never interfered at all with the building draughts of the ships-of-the-line and frigates begun just after the close of the war, in 1815, with the single exception of the Ohio, and in this case not in a manner to affect the form of the immersed part of the hull. With respect to the ten ships or sloops authorized or begun in 1825, restrictions were imposed as to their maximum draught, the dif- ference of draught aft and forward, and capacity required for a given arrangement and complement. With these restrictions, however, the five vessels which were built from the draughts made by the Chief Con- structor, conformed to all the requirements of the Board, and were vessels of uncommonly good sailing and other qualities. This faet was a full refutation of the charge, so far as the interference of the Board was concerned; but it better suited the purposes of the com- plainants to refer to the vessels which were built from the draughts of other constructors, and which had not equally good qualities, and to * The attacks upon the Navy Board finally resulted in its abolition. By th<& Act of August 31, 1842* it was replaced by the present Bureau system. That t]j$ fault lay with the system rather than with the officers who carried it out is clearly shown by the subsequent appointment of Morris, as Chief of the Bureau of con? struction in 1844, and of ordnance in 1851, and by his successful administration during the eight years in whiqh he held thes$ offices.OPPOSITION TO THE BOARD OF NAVY COMMISSIONERS. Ill charge these draughts boldly to the Board. It did not (seem to strike the writers, that it was rather absurd to assume the Ohio to be superior to the other ships-of-the-line before her qualities had ever been tested, notwithstanding two of the others had been tried, and very favorable reports made upon them by those who had sailed in them. As little attention was paid to truth in the comparisons of the ves- sels built under the Board and those which were built before, as in re- lation to the interference with the constructors. No fair and candid officer would hesitate to admit that frigates like the Brandy wine, Poto- mac, and their class, were more powerful than the Constitution or the United States—or to give the same decision in favor of the Delaware and North Carolina, over the Franklin and Washington. With re- spect to sailing qualities, the old ships-of-the-line might be slightly superior, but for working and all other qualities, the new ships-of- the-line were fully equal or superior. The frigates could compete fair- ly in all respects, even in sailing. The Brandywine, on her first cruise, outsailed all competitors. This was sufficient to establish her capabili- ties, and all the other frigates of her class were built from the same moulds below the bends, and with trifling differences above. Subse- quent inequalities in her sailing, and in that of others, were fairly at- tributable to other causes than their forms, and had been experienced by all the older ships. Unfavorable comparisons were also frequently made between our ships and those of other nations, but no reference was made to the fact that our vessels were designed and begun twenty years before, and had formed the models which it had been the object of other nations after- wards to equal, and if possible to surpass. Neither was any mention made of the surprise and admiration with which all these vessels were viewed by foreign officers, when they first made their appearance abroad. Many of these attacks, the greater part perhaps, were made by per- sons entirety ignorant of many important facts, some, and not a few, by those who were incompetent to judge correctly upon the subjects on which they wrote, and some again, from sinister or malicious motives. 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