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THE

AND

• CAMPAIGN - SPEECHES-

JamEvS G. Blaine,

Welcome Home

In which is a Full Discussion of
the Questions of

PROTECTION OR FREE TRADE

And the Labor Problem.

Fireside Series, No. 61.	September, 1»88.	Issued Monthly.	$5.00 per year.	Ei.tered at tli«- NVw York

Post-office as second-class matter. Copyright by J. S. Ogilvie.

J. S. OUIi.VIK, PUBLISHER,

" Rose Street, New York ; 79 Wabash Avenue, Chicago.

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>;: s;s ik age $. sg( s|e $ s|c s|c sgs "i§? $THE SCIENCE OF A NEW LIFE.

BY JOHN COWAN, M. D.

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Marriage and its advantages; Age at which to Tnarry; The Law of choice; Love
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- OR-

THE UFE #F DANIEL WEBSTER.

By that most Popular of all American Authors,

HORATIO ALGER, JR.

Everyone should read this book and have their
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Sold by all dealers or mailed on receipt of
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S7 Rose (St., New York; 79 Wabash Ave., Chicago*THE WELCOME HOME

and

Campaign Speeches

^	of

James G. Blaine,

In which is a Full Discussion of the Question of

protection or free trade

AND THE LABOR PROBLEM.

Copyright 1888, by J. S. OatLvm.

J. S. OGILVIE, PUBLISHER,
57 Rose Street, New York ; 79 Wabash Avenue, Chicago,THE FIRESIDE SERIES.

UNIFORM IN STYLE AND PRICE WITH THIS BOO&

1.	The Mohawks, by Miss M. E. Braddon.

2.	Lady Val worth's Diamonds, by the Duchess.

8. A House Party, by Ouida.

4.	At Bay, by Mrs. Alexander.

5.	Adventures of an Old Maid, by Belle C. Greene.

6.	Vice Versa, by F. Anstey.

7.	In Prison and Out, by Hesba Stretton.

8.	A Broken Heart, by author of " Dora Thorne."

9.	A False Yow, by author of "Dora Thorne."

10.	Nancy Hartshorn at Chautauqua, by Nancy Harts-

11.	Beaton's Bargain, by Mrs. Alexander.	(horn.
Mrs. Hopkins on her Travels, by Mrs. Hopkins.

18. A Guilty River, by Wilkie Collins.

14.	By Woman's Wit, by Mrs. Alexander.

15.	"She," by H. Rider Haggard.

16.	The Witch's Head, by H. Rider Haggard.

17.	King Solomon's Mines, by H. Rider Haggard.

18.	"Jess," by H. Rider Haggard.

19.	The Merry Men, by R. L. Stevenson.

20.	Miss Jones' Quilting, by Josiah Allen's Wife.

21.	Secrets of Success, by J. W. Donovan.

22.	Drops of Blo.od, by Lily Curry.

28. Strange Case of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde.

24.	Dawn, by H. Rider Haggard.

25.	"Me." A companion to "She."

26.	East Lynne, by Mrs. Henry Wood.

27.	Allan Quartermain, by H. Rider Haggard.

28.	Brother Against Brother, by John R. Musick.

29.	A Modern Circe, by the Duchess.

80 As in a Looking-Glass, by F. C. Philips.

81.	Paradise Almost lost, by D. B. Shaw.

82.	The Duchess, by the Duchess.

38. In Thraldom, by Leon Mead.

34.	The Bad Bay and His Sister, by Benjamin Broadaxe.

35.	A Tale of Three Lions, by H. Rider Haggard.

36.	History of United States, by Emery E. Childs.

37.	Mona's'Choice, by Mrs. Alexander.

88.	One Traveler Returns, by David Christie Murray.

89.	"Cell 13," by Edwin H. Trafton.

40.	A Life Interest, by Mrs. Alexander.

41.	Natural Law in the Spiritual World, by Prof. H. Drummond.

42.	For his Brother's Sake, by the Author of "The Original
Mr. Jacobs." This is a Double Number. Price, 50 cents.

43.	A Woman's Face, by Florence Warden, Author of "House
on the Marsh," etc. 378 pages.

44.	Blunders of a Bashful Man, by Author of "A Bad Boy's Diary."

45.	Ninety-Nine Recitations and Readings, First Series.

46.

47.

48.

49.

50.

51.

52. A Young Vagabond, by Z. R. Bennett,

Second Series.
Third Series.
Fourth Series.
Fifth Series.
Sixth Series.
Seventh Series.THE WELCOME HOME AND CAMPAIGN SPEECHES

OF

JAMES G. BLAINE.

^ The Hon. James G. Blaine, one of the best known and
^ most popular American statesmen, arrived in New York,
on Friday, August 10th, 1888, after an absence of about
fourteen months in Europe, during which time he had
ample opportunity of investigating and studying the re-
lations of capital and labor, and the probable effects of
protection and free trade in their relation to the American
^ people. The welcome home which was accorded him was
<J never surpassed, if indeed it has been equalled, in the his-

tory of our country.

j* Tlie new and magnificent steamer the City of New York
=£pn this its first trip carried the man for whom many thou-
jfsands were anxiously waiting. In consequence of an acci-
5 dent to the machinery, the steamer was delayed twelve
hours, and thus disappointed those who had made arrange-
ment for a monster parade on Thursday night. The harbor
of New York never contained as many steamers with thou-

J sands of people on board waiting to welcome their leader.
The steamer Laura M. Starin had been chartered by the
Republican Committee, and had on board the officials repre-

4senting the National and State organizations, as well as
hundreds of citizens from all parts of the country from
Maine to California,6

BLAINE'S WELCOME HOME

THE BIG PARADE.

Arrangements had been completed to have the parade
on Thursday night, fully expecting that Mr. Blaine would
reach New York in time to review it, and when it was
found that he did not come it was impossible to change the
arrangements which had already been made, and thousands
of out-of-town delegates had arranged to leave the city on
Friday. It was therefore decided to have the parade on
Thursday.

IT WAS A GREAT SUCCESS.

thousands of enthusiastic men march down fifth av-
enue—a great demonstration of republican loy-
alty and determination—features of the proces-
sion and its passage before the reviewing stand.

New York City had one sensation of importance, and
that was the parade of welcome in honor of the expected
return of Mr. Blaine from his foreign trip. It was a great
success, but it was also a disappointment. When it be-
came evident that the steamer which was to bring the
honored leader of the Republican party to the city could
not possibly arrive in port, sneers were plentiful in Demo-
cratic circles about the play of Hamlet with the Prince of
Denmark left out of the role. Thousands of people, too,
who longed to meet and greet the idol of so many American
hearts, turned their feet in other directions, and spectators
and paraders who would have been in their places were
counted among the missing. A host of prominent men
were down the Bay, still watching for the arrival of the
steamer, or were unable to reach the city in time to lend
their looked-for help to the demonstration. And over and
above all was the regret and sorrow that he for whom theAND CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

7

greeting had been devised could not lend his presence as
the inspiration of the display.

In all these things there was a bitter disappointment to
those who had hoped for the jubilee that would have made
the evening long to be remembered in the annals of local
history. And yet it may have emphasized the strength
and significance of the demonstration. Foiled in the de-
sign to give Mr. Blaine the personal welcome that awaits
his return, the men who had assembled to do him honor as
the one American citizen whose name has been abroad the
synonym of National interests, and at home the chief word
in the councils of a mighty party, turned out in thousands
to record their devotion to the political chieftain and hon-
# ored representative of the country. And their numbers
were enough to throw into shade more than one of the
splendid demonstrations of the Eepublican party in the
past, while the variety and brilliancy of the parade chal-
lenged comparison with the best street displays that the
city has seen.

Here and there an organization was missing; here and
there some club got into line not strictly in accordance
with official programme, but none but the officers who re-
viewed the procession could have told of the change.
Patient watchers saw a steady line of flashing lights, flam-
ing transparencies, tossing banned and sparkling color in
caps and coats move through Fifth Avenue from the start-
ing point from early evening until the morning hours were
crowded closed upon.

MANY HOURS IN MARCHING.

And there were thousands who did not wait to see the
end of the "procession, for it had no end until it was too
late for all but those who cared nothing about morning
hours to keep their places on crowded sidewalks. It was
near midnight when some of the Brooklyn organizations got
into line, the Williamsburg clubs failing to cross the ferry8

BLAINE'S WELCOME HOME

before 10 o'clock. Other clubs and delegations fell into
place where they had npt been expected, and the streets
leading to the out-of-town ferries were crowded with dis-
persing paraders, while other streets were thronged with
new arrivals whose names could not catch the morning
press. Long after midnight the myriad torches of paraders
flamed in the streets, and bands made music disturbing to
the slumbers of all but early risers in the great city.

There was no lack of sight-seers in the streets that had
been advertised for the line of march. Crowds were early
filling the surface and elevated cars hastening to various
points of observation, and every inch of room that gave a
glimpse of the display was seized upon long before the
time when the glittering pageant could be expected to ap-
pear. It was a jolly and enthusiastic crowd, too, that
made the city livelier than usual in its great avenues and
streets.

CHEERS FOR THE TICKET AND FOR BLAINE.

Cheers were frequent for the Republican ticket, and
cheers were heard plentifully in honor of the American
citizen whose coming home revives sentiments of appreci-
ation that cannot be confined to party lines. But there was
more of a general good feeling in the mass of spectators
than is usually found in any big crowd of men and women
on a political occasion, for it was recognized that however
much the night's big demonstration might be an evidence
of the vitality of Republican sentiment, it was taken in a
larger sense as a purpose to render honor to a man who
had endeared himself to Americans beyond the limits of
partisanship. And, while the absence of the principle
personage in whose honor the outpouring of paraders
had been made was the subject of much regret, even the
casual critics in the army of on-lookers were forced to ac-
knowledge the unique success of the " play of Hamlet with
the Prince of Denmark left out," It had been an eagerAND CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

9

city few; the last few days awaiting the arrival of the dis-
tinguished passenger in the City of New York; it was a
disappointed city when it was decided that the circum-
stances compelled a parde in spite of the absence of Mr.
Blaine. It was a city thrilled and stirred with the success
of a big procession that would have done credit to a dem-
onstration in honor, not of a defeated candidate for the
highest gift in the hands of the people to confer, but of a
victorious general on glorious fields of battle.

AT THE REVIEWING STAND.

The reviewing stand at Twenty-fourth Street and Fifth
Avenue was taken possession of at an early hour by all
those who by the use of tickets, badges or persuasion could
get by the lines of policemen that guarded it. There were
few who could get within the lines by " blarney," and it
was a desperate fight to get away from the stand after one
had been wedged in among the masses that filled its board
seats or stood in the open space reserved for the reviewing
guests.

ENTHUSIASM FOR MR. MORTON.

The first stir of enthusiasm in the crowd heralded the
arrival of Levi P. Morton, who came upon the reviewing
stand a little after 8 o'clock, accompanied by Senator Quay,
chairman of the National Committee, General Thomas W.
Chace, of Rhode Island, and Colonel A. L. Conger, of Ohio.
Mr. Morton was heartily cheered when he was recognized,
and for a few moments it looked as if there would be im-
perative calls for a speech. A little while later General
Husted made a bald-eagle flight from the street over the
front railing of the stand, assisted by willing hands. Em-
mons, Mrs. Walker Blaine and James G. Blaine,. jr., and
his wife were also present.

A hearty cheer greeted the squad of mounted policemen
when they appealed near the reviewing stand, and the10

BLAINE'S WELCOME HOME

general comment was that the procession must have started
from up-town with more promptness than is usually ob-
served in political parades. General Joseph C. Jackson,
the Grand Marshal, after he had ridden by the reviewing
stand, at the head of the column, dismounted and joined
Mr. Morton there. The white-beavered men of the Ninth
Ward Pioneer Corps called forth a round of applause by
their fine appearance, and the then full ranks of the Repub-
lican Club of the City of New York called forth hand-clap-
ping. The First Division, led by General C. H. T. Collis,
brought the Pennsylvania organization into view, and the
brilliant corps of some of their clubs aroused fresh enthusi-
asm. Chairman Quay nodded emphatic approval at the
full ranks of the Republican Invincibles of Philadelphia.

cheering the chicago blaine club.

It was 9:30 p.m. and only the First Division had passed.
At the head of the Second Division rode General Nicholas
W. Day, who commanded a brigade in the 19th Army
Corps, in the war for the Union, and fought with Sheridan
in the Shenandoah Valley. He rode by like an old soldier,
saluting at the proper time and in the proper way. A
well-mounted staff followed him, and then came the Chi-
cago Blaine Club, a body of solid looking men, who cheered
and were cheered in return as they passed.

The Kansas City Blaine Club was received with equal
enthusiasm, and as the field piece "Old Abe," drawn by
men in firemen's red shirts, passed behind them, there was
renewed cheering.

?ine display of the xiiith district.

A splendid display was made by the XIHth Assembly Dis-
trict Republican Association. They marched with ranks
that stretched from curb to curb, and great applause greet-
ed the inscription on one of their banners. "No Interfer-
ence with Our Home Industries." One man in the ranksAND CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

11

carried over his head a large red, white and blue umbrella,
on which appeared in large characters the name of Harri-
son. The Enrolled Republicans of the IVth Assembly Dis.
trict turned out in great force, and with them marched the
Tippecanoe Club of that district. "Cleveland wants to
pauperize American labor; the Eepublicans want to ele-
vate it," were the words written on a transparency which
appeared in the midst of the solid column of the IVth
Assembly District Eepublican Club. " American Wages
for American Workingmen" were the words inscribed on
another, and u We are not going to vote away our wages"
were on another. Vociferous cheering by the men of this
organization as they passed the reviewing stand was re-
ceived with vigorous cheers from the spectators.

The James G. Blaine Association, of the same district,
bore a banner inscribed " Tippecanoe and Morton too," and
this was shouted as the men marched by. The East Side
Harrison and Morton Club and the Alexander Rosenthal
Protective Association were greeted with cheers as they
marched along.

THE SHOUTING ALMOST CONTINUOUS.

There was almost continuous shouting for and by all the
organizations. The Vth Assembly District Republican
Association and the lid Assembly District Republican As-
sociation camejiext, followed by the Harrison and Morton
Campaign Club of Guttenburg.

The Republican League made a splendid display, wearing
straw hats with red, white and blue ribbons and white
flags with portraits of the candidates on them. A storm
of applause greeted the strong organizations of dry-goods
men, which were followed by a huge dray on which were
piled dry-goods boxes with clerks sitting on thmn.

Next came a feature of the procession which attracted
the greatest interest. It was the Iron Workers' Protective
Club, which was followed by a blacksmith's shop on ^12

BLAINE8 WELCOME HOME

wagon with men at work in leather aprons making the
sparks fly from bars and hoops of hot iron. The Xlth
District Eepublican Association (colored) bore a transpa-
rency on which were the words, " No Free Trade in Ours."
Laughter and applause were elicited by the inscription,
uCleveland runs well in England" on a transparency
in the ranks of the Amaranth Club. "We are not going
to vote away our wages," were the words written on a
transparency in the ranks of the Harrison and Morton Col-
ored Republican Club. Another host of dry-goods clerks
followed. Then came the Young Men's Independent Club,
each man bearing a flag. The John J. O'Brien Association,
led by the leader whose name they bear, and his lieuten-
ant, John E. Brodsky, passed in great force. Each man
wore a white hat with a broad black band. The Republi-
can Colored League and the Hungarian Club made a fine
display.

General O'Beirne, riding his horse like a veteran, passed
at the head of a section of the Irish contingent—" the
Irish-American Anti-Cleveland League," and vociferous
cheers greeted them.

THE GREAT BALL ROLLS ALONG.

To the inspiring music of " Marching through Georgia,'
the IXth Assembly District Republican Association
marched by with full ranks, and after them rolled the
great ball, the appearance of which was greeted with con-
tinued rounds of applause, the wild waving of handker-
chiefs by ladies in the reviewing stand, and the dipping of
colors along the line of the Republican Club drawn up
opposite the stand. The Grant Hose Company of the Ninth
Ward followed, and the Lincoln Legion of Plumed Knights,
of the Illd Assembly District, with red lights burning and
a shouted welcome from all sides. The Enrolled Repub-
licans of the same district followed, and then came the
Peter Tighe Republican Campaign Club of the district,and campaign speeches.

13

PUBLIC INTEREST ON THE INCREASE.

At 10:30 o'clock, although the procession had been pass-
ing so long, public interest in it seemed to be on the in-
crease. No one had left the reviewing stand, and the
crowd in the park was constantly increasing. Under the
continuous pressure the police, who had at first sternly-
kept the people back to the curbstone, allowed them to
flow over into the roadway, till at last little more space
was left than was needed for the actual passage of the
companies, which generally presented a ten-file front. The
Italian organization of the Vllth Assembly District was
warmly greeted. They carried a banner welcoming the
hero of the night.

Considerable amusement was created by the North Bide
Republican Club of the Twenty-third Ward. A number
of the party rode outside of a yellow-bodied stage-coach,
waving a banner, on which were inscribed: u It's English,
you know," and "Turn the Rascals Out." A wagon, a
more democratic vehicle in character, but not in the senti-
ments of its occupants, bore the words: " Henry Clay was
for protection." "Like all sensible people, we are for
protection; our fences are all up."

The XXVIIth Assembly District turned out very strong,
and the members marched admirably and presented a fine
appearance. All wore straw hats, in each of which was a
long white feather. By this time the order of the parade
had become very uncertain, and those who had been con-
stantly consulting the published programme gave it up as
a bad job, and resigned themselves to taking whatever
the Fates were kind enough to send along. The Manhat- *
tan Elevated Railway employes were received in a way
which showed the public was inclined to condone their
occasionally arbitrary manners. One of the most enthusi-
astic of the New York organizations was the Republican
Club of the XXIIId Assembly District. They cheered Mr,14

BLAWE'S WELCOME HOME

Morton very lustily and seemed loath to pass from his
sight.

The white shirts and helmets of the Young Men's Repub-
lican Club of the XVIIth and XVIIIth Assembly Districts
were very effective, and with their capital marching
aroused much applause. Their banners gave assurance
that they demanded protection, and a stentorian voice
from the stand called out: "White shirts are protected,
. boys P'

One of the prettiest sights of the evening was the base-
ball nines of boys in extremely pretty white uniforms
trimmed with scarlet. They carried small bats on their
shoulders, and looked like eighteen guaranteed mascots.
An admirer on the stand assured them that they would
knock out a home run for Harrison. Scarcely less enthusi-
asm was aroused by the Irish-American Anti-Free Trade
Organization, which showed a handsome green banner
trimmed with gold.

Among the mottoes carried by the members were: " We
fled from free trade at home; we won't have it here," and
" Morton gave $50,000 for the Irish, and Cleveland gave
nothing." The XXIst Assembly District had one black-
edged transparency bearing the words:

We Mourn Our Loss.

Phil. Sheridan.

MARCHING TO THE MARSEILLAISE.

The Young Men's Republican Club of the XXIst Assem-
bly District came to the stand with the inspiriting strains
of the Marseillaise, being up to that time the only organiza-
tion that had marched to the great French hymn of Liberty.
With nearly all the other bands 4 4 The Eed, White and
Blue " had been the air selected. These young Republicans
carried the legend "We read 'The London Times.' " The
clubs of the XVIIth and XlXth Assembly Districts createdAND CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

15

some amusement by a buggy with horse and rider wrapped
in Stars and Stripes. Fastened to the animal's collar was
a large broom, and the rider sat under an umbrella labelled
" Protection."

The torches carried by the members of the XVIth
Assembly District threw out occasionally bursts of flame
at least six feet high. These were a decidedly effective
novelty.

At this stage several of the New-Jersey companies which
had not marched with the other organizations of that
State appeared. The Phelps Guards, of Paterson, carried
a well-preserved banner of the Fremont and Dayton cam-
paign which bore the names of both those candidates.
The Frelinghuysen Lancers, of Newark, mustered three
companies. Their spotless white uniforms, neatly trimmed
with red, aroused a great deal of admiration and applause.
This was speedily changed to hearty laughter as a colored
organization passed, bearing on a lofty pole, a stuffed coon
which they assured the spectators was "The same old
coon." The Toffey Light Guards, of Jersey City, clad in
brilliant scarlet coats, made some clever manoeuvres as
they passed the stand. The Dzioba Zouaves were also a
handsomely-uniformed and well-disciplined body.

The hour of 11:15 p.m. elapsed before the head of the
Brooklyn column came into sight. Colonel J. W. Jones,
grand marshal, in dazzling uniform, with steel helmet and
equalets, and followed by a brilliant staff, led the last
separate command of the evening. The Nineteenth Ward
Harrison and Morton Cavalry, in dark blue uniforms, led
the contingent. One of the finest organizations was the
Garfield Battery, of the same ward. The Twenty-first
Ward Veteran Campaign Club, about 200 strong, was
loudly cheered. The Fifteenth Ward Republican League,
200 strong, and the Battery of the same ward did splendid
marching. The H. C. Saffen Battery, of the Sixteenth
Ward, and the Sixteenth Ward Garfield Union, in white
shirts and red shields; the Francis F. Williams Eighteenth16

BLAINE'S WELCOME HOME

Ward Battery, organized in 1868, and the Federal Club of
the Xth Ward, 200 strong, in high hats, with red, white
and blue plumes, and carrying calcium lights, deserve
particular mention.

The Eepublican General Committee of Kings County,
carrying handsome sillk protection banners, marched by
with veteran tread, disdaining the use of carriages. Three
ladies marching with the Fifteenth Ward Association were
loudly applauded. The Sixteenth Ward Harrison and
Morton Colored Club and the T. L. Woodruff Battery of
the Twenty-second Ward, carrying flag-canes and torches,
received marked attention.

The largest organization parading, however, was the
Brooklyn Young Eepublican Club—nearly 400 in line.
Four years ago it took it until September 23 to find out
which side it was on. The "boys" were received with an
enthusiasm all along the line of which they must have felt
proud. The Second Ward Campaign Club turned out 200
men, the " First Presidental Voters" of the Twenty-second
Ward, each carrying a flag, the Sixth Ward Harrison and
Morton Club bearing red, white and blue lanterns, and
helmets, 375 men, and the Eleventh Ward Campaigners,
350 in line, with a colored club of the same ward, deserve
especial notice. Just after the rear of the column had
passed the reviewing stand a general rush from the crowd
was made to shake hands with Mr. Morton. The confusion
Caused a strong movement from all directions toward the
stand, and the police had some difficulty in restoring order.
But it was quickly over, and the great gathering slowly
and quietly dispersed.

MR. MORTON THANKS HIS FRIENDS.

Mr. Morton was escorted back to the Fifth Avenue Hotel
by Chairman Quay, General N. P. Banks, Walker Blaine
and others, Chief Inspector Byrnes following with a platoon
of police. When the candidate for the Vice-PresidencyAND CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

17

reached his rooms his Republican friends persisted in call-
ing for a " speech."

Mr. Morton after waiting several minutes went to the
window and thanked the people for their good wishes and
enthusiasm, and wished them good-night. Several times
he walked to the window, but the crowd was not satisfied,
and continued the request for a speech.

General Barnum then went to the window and said:
"You will excuse Mr. Morton. He cannot possibly address
you now at this late hour. Save your enthusiasm for
another day, but do not abate one jot from your earnest
efforts, and so sure as you continue as you have to-night,
both your candidates will be elected."18

BLAME'S WELCOME BOMB

A HEARTY GREETING IN THE BAY.

HUNDREDS GO TO QUARANTINE TO MEET THE
STEAMSHIP.

sounding the keynote of the campaign—nearly
every state in the union represented on the
laura m. starin, which brings up the represent-
ative american and his party—speeches filled
with congratulation and loyalty.

Impressive and touching was the reception accorded
Mr. Blaine as he stepped from the deck of the City of
New York upon that of the Laura M. Starin, and found
himself again surrounded by his own countrymen. Such
a demonstration was never before seen upon the waters
of the bay. Crowds, to be sure, of greater magnitude,
have gathered in honor of illustrious heroes and have
sounded bravos with a lustier voice. But the scene on
the Starin was exceptional. Its central figure was not
a conquering warrior, whose arms had won dramatic
victories, nor a highly placed official upon whose favor
any man's fortune depended. He was just simply an ordi-
nary citizen, to whom, of the many present, but a bare
half-dozen were related, with whon^ only a part were per-
sonally acquainted; a man who has neither power nor
station nor any of those belongings which make him an
object of fear or a dispenser of favor; a man who has
nothing to give that is esteemed by this calculating gene-
ration as of practical value, but simply a man whose sole
fortune, whose only source of influence, is his great, active
mind and his warm, impulsive heart.

The spectacle of 2,000 people, drawn from every one of
nearly forty States extending across an entire continent,AND CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

19

cruising for three days about the entrance to a harbor
waiting for the home-coming of such a man, and for no
other purpose than to bid him ''welcome back," and for no
other reward than a grasp of his hand and a smile of
thanks,—this is a spectacle as solitary as it is beautiful. It
illustrates a saving tendency in the popular disposition, a
tendency which no amount of sneering at hero-worship can
repress, to appreciate real and disinterested patriotism, to
honor distinguished achievement in the public interest and
to return affection unstinted and ever ardent for that faith
in the people and that enthusiasm for the people which are
so unconsciously characteristic of Mr. Blaine.

It was a delightful day for the exhibition of patriotic
sentiment on the water, where neither heat nor dust an-
noyed, and where the whole atmosphere was light and
buoyant with that strange inspiration, the Blaine mag-
netism. The sun was just bright enough to make the day
distinctly cheery, the clouds just thick enough to save it
from being oppressively hot, the wind just strong enough
to bring in from the ocean successive draughts of refresh-
ing salt odors, and the water just active enough to give
the boat a motion. These were conditions that brought
every one's best feelings to the surface, and the party,
sure now that the object of its long watch was just be-
yond the low, dull, mist-shrouded Hook, whose faint
outlines could be^seen from the Narrows, was brim-full of
good humor when, before the sun had risen much higher
than Liberty's torch, it started toward the sea. This feel-
ing of good humor was general, irresistible, intense. No
one could escape it. No one could have desired to escape
it. It was felt in every hand-shake. It was heard in
every laugh. It was seen in every eye.

It was a distinguished company, and yet there were few
prominent politicians there. It was in no sense a poli-
ticians' enterprise. The Republican Club was thickly re-
presented, but many of those present came from other
States. Several California men were there, eager to tellSo

BLAINE'S WELCOME HOME

Mr. Blaine that they would carry the State anyhow, but
by his own majority of 20,000 if he would come out and
help. The Chicago Blaine Club made the bay resound
with their wild cry, "B!L!A!l!N!E!! Blaine!! 'Rah,
'rah, 'rah! 'Rah, 'rah, 'rah! Shee-cawr-go!" This tune-
ful lay could be heard three miles away. It never failed
to provoke responsive cheers.

Walker Blaine, Emmons Blaine and Mr. and Mrs. James
G. Blaine, jr., represented the statesman's family. Several
of his friends, including Congressman Phelps and Mr.
Elkiiis, were early in the cabin. General Harrison's part-
ner, Mr. Miller, acted as the immediate representative of
the candidate. Colonel Dudley appeared in behalf of the
National Committee, and Murat Halstead and Charles
Emory Smith were among the editors present. Mr.
Blame's welcome was intended more as a personal tribute
than as a political movement, though it was not without
difficulty that the committee in charge of it managed to
keep its character thus simple. The fact that it was so
kept explains why so few of those persons known particu-
larly as politicians were among the party.

The City of New York had spent the night outside the
bar, and even when morning dawned, she waited for a
high tide upon which to come in. The early morning
scene in the bay as the Starin went down to Quarantine to
get Health Officer Smith, whose consenting presence was
necessary before the steamer could be boarded and its dis-
tinguished passenger taken off, was as lovely as green
banks and bright skies and blue waters could make it. At
the white haze beyond the Narrows hundreds of spy-
glasses were levelled in the effort to make out the big
ship that all so longed to see. All the little specks along
the horizon were viewed carefully, even the indifferent
cat-boat receiving some attention until its identity was
fixed. But not until the Starin was well down into the
lower bay did any one descry the three smoke-stacks by
which the City of New York was to be recognized. ButAND CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

21

at last they were really made out, and then, in response to
a score of repeated calls, " There she is!" a mighty shout
went up like the discharge of such a battery as frowned
down upon the water from Fort Wadsworth. Again and
again it broke upon the air, each time louder than before.
Hats, flags and handkerchiefs were waved furiously and
cheer after cheer were given for the " Man from Maine."

The Starin did not go further down when the City of
New York was sighted. She turned about and stopped off
the Quarantine pier. The big steamer became huger and
more huge, until its immense black hull, rising above the
water in colossal proportions, came to anchor just beyond
where the Starin was resting. Her decks were crowded,
and at first no one could clearly decide which of the many
figures bustling about was Mr. Blaine's. All the passengers
seemed to be as interested as the welcoming party. They
cheered away for dear life and fluttered their cambric,
linen and silk with great enthusiasm. Upon the quarter
deck stood a crowd of young men shouting over the waters
that old-time cry, " Blaine! Blaine! James G. Blaine!"
As the Starin closed in with the steamer and Mr. Blaine,
surrounded by the ladies of his family, Mrs. Blaine, Miss
Dodge and the Misses Blaine, came over to the rail in
every one's full view, the noise of greeting was tremendous.
Mr. Blaine removed his hat and bowed and smiled, but the
hubbub went merrily on, Every conceivable variety of
sound contributed to the general noise. The whistles of
steamers, tugs and ferryboats, near and afar, shrieked a
wild welcome home. Crowds of people lined the shores on
either side of the steamer and waved handkerchiefs and
flags, and shouted franctically.

On board the Starin the uproar was unbounded. If for
a second it seemed to die away, some throat more capable
than the rest would sound forth an awakening cry, and
then the thunder would break out again. It was curious
to watch the sons of Mr. Blaine. Here was their father
coming home after fifteen months of separation, and all22

BLAINE'S WELCOME HOME

about them were hundreds of men, soon to be swelled to
thousands, vying with them in bidding the traveller wel-
come. It did seem a trifle unfair to the Blaine boys,
though they appear to have accepted the situation long
ago of having a father who belongs more to the people than
to them.

In the midst of the din a plank was thrown across the
decks of the two vessels, and the Health Officer crossed.
Then followed William Walter Phelps, Walker Blaine,
Chairman Pool and President Bartlett, and they all hurried
to greet Mr. Blaine. He and his family had for a moment
retired, but presently they reappeared close to the plank.
Another great wave of cheers inundated the ships as Mr.
Blaine stepped upon the plank and started to cross. In a
moment more he stood, his face all glowing with pride and
gratification, on the deck of the Starin, under the folds of
the Stars and Stripes, while a convulsion of sound burst
from the crowds on both ships. Mr. Blaine's lips quivered.
The smile almost faded from his face, and if ever a strong
man faltered in his strength, it was the Eepublican leader
at that moment of rejoicing. Closely behind him came
Mrs. Blaine, Miss Podge and the Misses Blaine, and when
all had returned to the Starin she dropped astern of the
Inman monster, and her passengers had their idol all to
themselves.

Mr. Blaine looked in perfect health. His eyes were clear
and as bright as diamonds. His largely-framed figure
stood easily erect, and he walked with all the sprightliness
of ten years ago. "What's the matter with James G.
Blaine?" cried one of those useful fellows who have voices
like fog-horns. He had evidently been looking for some
trace of a jaundiced liver, or an unsteady heart. For a
single instant the crowd was still and all eyes were fixed
upon Mr. Blaine's ruddy face. And then, in complete
unison, a thousand voices called back, "He's all right !"

It was* so apropos, so spontaneous an answer to the ques-
tion that everybody had on his tongue's end as to the realAND CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

23

state of Mr. Blaine's health that everybody roared with
laughter. The people who have been telling stories, so
evidently preposterous, about him will require no further
answer. As soon as possible, Mr. Blaine was taken to the
aft cabin, and the speech-making began. Mr. Bartlett's
address was well delivered and worded in good taste. His
reference to Harrison and Morton provoked a long-con-
tinued round of applause, only equalled by that brought
out by his allusion to the affection of the every-day folk,
the whole country over, for Mr. Blaine. There was not
too much of Mr. Bartlett's speech, and it was entirely suc-
cessful in conveying to the club's guest the true spirit of
the occasion. Mr. Blaine was evidently most profoundly
stirred. His voice was not free from huskiness as he told
his thanks and assured the friends about him of his appre-
ciation of their good will. When he began to talk about
the political situation, he fired up and threw out magnetism
at a great rate. Every one of his clear, concise and cleanly-
cut sentences told on his hearers, and when he summed up
the case in the remark that the issue was, 14 Shall the price
of labor be reduced to the European level ?" and the ap-
peal on the issue was to the laborer himself, the ship rocked
with applause. Another remark that made everybody
cheer was his statement that soon he hoped to speak on the
question with greater elaboration. 11 May I be there to
hear" was evidently the unanimous wish.

In the reception that followed the speech-making Mr.
Blaine shook hands with everybody in that charmingly
cordial way of his, recognizing at once all he had ever seen
before, and talking cheerily a moment as he grasped each
proffered hand. In the meantime the Starin had reached
the pier, where Police Commissioner McClave was waiting
with a carriage. Mr. Blaine was again taken away from
his family, and with Messrs. Bartlett and Pool he took his
seat in the coach. His progress, however, through such a
crowd as had collected on the pier was slow. The people
were not to be cheated out of their chance to see him, and24

BLAINE'S WELCOME HOME

they thronged thickly on all sides. A procession was
formed, and with it in front of him he was conveyed to his
hotel. All along the route the crowds collected and bade
him welcome home. The windows of every house were
crowded. Laborers along the street, cartmen, carpenters,
plasterers, even the toilers who were cleaning the streets,
cheered him affectionately, and when he arrived at the hotel
a crowd had gathered that blocked the wide thorough-
fares, all animated with the spirit of welcome. It was a
triumphal home-coming, an exhibition of popular love that
was extraordinary, impressive, profound. -BLAINE S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES,

GREETING THE PAKTY LEADER.
MR. BLAINE'S PATRIOTIC RESPONSE.

a sympathetic reference to his friend, general
sheridan—replying to the address of the repub-
lican club.

While Mr. Blaine was brought to the city on the Laura
M. Starin he was really met by a fleet of steamboats, tugs,
yachts and almost every other kind of sailing craft. There
were at least a score of them around the City of New York
when she halted to transfer her distinguished passenger,
and as many more joined in following the Starin up the
bay. None of these boats, except the Louis Pulver, which
carried the Chicago men, had been hired by the Reception
Committee, or by any one representing it. Some of them
were chartered by enthusiastic party men who could not
go on the committee's boat, but most of the fleet consisted
of boats that had left their regular work or pleasure trips
to assist in the welcome.

The Starin took the place of the Sam Sloan, which had
carried the members of the club and their friends during
the two preceding days. She is somewhat smaller than
the Sloan, and if she had not started at the early hour she
did, it is doubtful if she would have been able to carry all
who wanted to go on board. About 200 people came to the
pier after she had gone. She swung out a little before
seven, just as A. R. Whitney and a number of other be-
lated ones came hurrying down the pier.

some of those on the starin.

There were about 500 on board, including several who
had not been on. the watch before. Stephen B. Elkins and26

BLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

Colonel Coppinger, Mr. Blaine's son-in-law, were two of
these. Mr. Elkins had been detained in West Virginia.
Mrs. Conger, Mrs. James G. Blaine, jr., Miss Kerens and
the other ladies who waited and watched on the previous
day were among the earliest arrivals. Most of the West-
ern men went with the Chicago delegation on the Pulver,
but a number took the larger boat. Benjamin E. Ward,
who came from California to greet Mr. Blaine; ex-Con-
gressman Sanborn, of Michigan; Dr. A. S. Gray and Judge
M. W. Malhins, of Illinois; Colonel Taylor, of Chicago;
Murat Halstead, of Ohio, and Colonel Scott, of Kansas,
were among the Western men on the Starin. The South-
ern contingent comprised representatives from half-a-dozen
States, besides the crowd from Maryland. Every New-
England State had sons on board. In fact, as was shown
when the crowd was presented to Mr. Blaine, there was
scarcely a State or Territory in the Union that did not
have some one on hand to extend a greeting in its behalf.

The Starin proceeded at once to the Health Officer's pier.
Dr. Smith and his two deputies were waiting on the pier.
4'Where is the City of New York?" some one shouted.
The Health Officer replied that she had just crossed the
bar and was on her way up to Quarantine. This announce-
ment was greeted with a loud cheer. It was decided to
proceed down the bay until the big vessel was sighted and
then lay to until she came along. This was done. About
8: 30 the steamer was seen emerging from the light haze
that hung over the water.

4'There she is," was yelled at once by half-a-dozen
watchers on the forward deck.

" Has she got three smokestacks ?" inquired a doubting
Thomas from the cabin.

•'She has," was the reply from the man with a tele-
scope. This convinced everybody.BLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

27

THE FIRST GLIMPSE OF MR. BLAINE.

The big steamer approached rapidly. Her decks were
black with people. As she came nearer Walker Blaine,
Mr. Halsteadand others who had stationed themselves on
the storm-deck, tried with their glasses to pick out Mr.
Blaine from among the crowd that now began to cheer
lustily in response to the greetings of those on board the
Starin, the Pulver and the other boats. It was not, how-
ever, until the steamer had come up within about 500
yards of the Starin that Mr. Blaine's familiar figure could
be made out distinctly. He was standing just aft of the
bridge between Mrs. Blaine and Miss Dodge. His two
daughters, Miss Carrie and Miss Maggie, were just behind
him. His hat was off, and he was bowing to the salutations
that came to him from the numerous small boats that had
run almost alongside the big ship.

The enthusiasm which had been pent up for three days
burst forth, and cheer after cheer was given. The band
played, the whistles blew and everybody shouted himself
hoarse. "Blaine! Blaine! James G. Blaine," uThree
Cheers for Our Leader," " No Free Trade for Us," " Wel-
come Home," "Hurrah for Protection "—-these were some
of the phrases that could be caught amid the uproar. As
the Starin came closer to the steamer's side the cheering in-
creased, until the volume of human voices seemed almost
to drown the music of the bands. Mr. Blaine stood upon
a big iron-bound box and seemed to be eagerly watching
for his sons. Finally he caught sight of them and other
friends on the Starin and then he looked content.

GREETED BY MANY FRIENDS.

The gangplank was finally thrown across the steamer's
rail. Mr. Pool, Mr. Bartlett, and the other members of the
Reception Committee; William Walter Phelps, Dr. Smith,28

BLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES

and the two Custom House officials went on board. The
first to greet Mr. Blaine was William Walter Phelps. Mr.
Pool, as chairman of the Reception Committee of the Re-
publican Club, stated briefly to Mr. Blaine the arrange-
ments of welcome and then invited him to go on board the
Laura M. Starin. Mr. Blaine acknowledged the courtesy
and then went to his stateroom to get his overcoat, while
members of the committee looked after the ladies who
accompanied them on board. Mr. Blaine went from his
state-room to the lower deck and then to the gangway to
board the steamer.

Owing to the movement of the vessels a good deal of de-
lay was experienced in getting Mr. Blaine and his family
on the Starin. The people on the steamboat, in their
eagerness to see Mr. Blaine, had rushed to one side, causing
the boat to keel over in an alarming manner. Three
policemen succeeded at last in forcing them back. Colonel
Coppinger greeted Mr. Blaine as he came up the gangway,
Mrs. James G. Blaine, jr., came next. She was affection-
ately greeted by Mr. and Mrs. Blaine, Miss Dodge and th©
daughters.

MR. BARTLETT'S ADDRESS OF WELCOME.

As the crowd began to surge around him Mr. Pool led
the way to the cabin, where the ladies were allowed to
rest. An open space was cleared near the door. Mr.
Blaine and President Bartlett, of the Republican Club, took
their places, and after quiet had been restored by Mr. Pool,
Mr. Bartlett delivered this address of welcome:

''Mr. Blaine: The Republican Club of the City of New
York and its invited guests tender to you, sir, through me,
as president of the club, their warmest greetings and
sincerest congratulations upon your arrival once more, in
health and strength, on these shores. When the club first
proposed this reception it was not intended as an act hav-
ing political significance, but rather as a private expressionBLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.	29

of love and regard for one whom we look upon as our most
illustrious citizen.

"But we found our suggestion stirred the friendly jeal-
ousy of the whole country, and with one accord it was in-
sisted that the event of your arrival home should be the
occasion of a demonstration more general in its character
than was originally contemplated, and as a result there
were assembled for several days in the city of New York
tens of thousands of your friends from all parts of the
country, impatiently waiting to pay you the generous
tribute of their respect and admiration. The delay in your
arrival has interfered with this programme to some extent.
Last night the great parade took place, about forty thou-
sand strong, lacking but one thing—your inspiring pres-
ence. Many of the paraders from afar were compelled to
return to their homes at an early hour this morning.

"We are not assembled, sir, on this occasion in a spirit
of adulation to do homage to one occupying high official
position, nor are we seeking to find favor with a candidate
upon whom the mantle of power is soon to rest, but we
come to greet a private citizen whose name is so intimately
associated in our history for the past generation that no
office can add lustre to his fame; no honor can increase the
esteem and admiration in which he is held by his fellow-
countrymen.

u The history of the country for the past thirty years is
the history of the Republican party. As leader of that
party in the House of Eepresentatives, as Senator and
Cabinet Minister, you have won imperishable renown and
rest nearer the hearts of the American people to-day than
has any man since the time of Henry Clay.

" You have returned to us, sir, at a crisis in our history
when our industrial interests are imperilled, and for a
second time in our career as a Nation our foes are those of
our own household. In the past your voice has ever been
raised in defence of American labor. Your reply to the
President's message, flashed under the sea in December30

BLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

last, struck the keynote of this campaign. History is re-
peating itself. When the armed hosts of treason sought to
destroy the Government, the Republican party saved the
Nation! Now when the Democratic party, intrenched in
power, adopts a policy that will prostrate our industries
and compel our wage-earners to compete with the pauper
labor of the Old World, the Republican party stands forth
once more as the savior of the country.

u The solid South again dominates the Northern wing of
the Democracy, and the party, as thus inspired, is en-
couraged by English sympathy, as was the Confederacy in
the dark years of our civil struggle, when we fought in de-
fence of our political system on the field of war, even as
now, on a more peaceful arena, we contend for the pro-
tection of our industries and the preservation of American
markets to American manufacturers. In this emergency,
sir, the Republican party looks to you [cheers] as its lead-
ing champion in debate in the great battle between pro-
tection and free trade now in progress. With the banner
of Harrison and Morton full high advanced, where you
lead on to victory the Republican hosts will follow!

" ' One blast upon your bugle horn were worth a thousand men/

" Again, sir, we bid you welcome to your native land."

MR. BLAINE'S PATRIOTIC REPLY.

Mr. Bartlett's speech was heartily applauded. Mr,
Blaine, who had listened to it with close attention, turned
to reply, but the cheering of the crowd compelled him to
wait several minutes. Finally he was permitted to speak.
This is what he said:

"Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the New York Repub-
lican Club: To enable you to appreciate this welcome, each
and every one of you should be absent from home and
from country for the long period of fourteen months. I
am sure you can have little conception of the great gratifi-BLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

h

cation which I feel that at the instant I see the shores of
the great Republic I should be greeted by thousands of
warm-hearted and long-tried friends. This splendid scene
otherwise so joyous and enlivening is shadowed only by
the sad tidings which greeted me at early dawn this
morning—the death of General Sheridan, a man who was
above party, who won his great fame as a soldier battling for
the Union of the States for American Nationality! With
the exception of that most sad and sorrowful incident my
arrival on my native shore has been attended with every-
thing that is joyous and happy.

u The political campaign on which we are about to enter
is one which I wish could be prefaced, if such a thing were
possible, by every voter in the United States seeing what
I have seen and hearing what I have heard in the last
year. The progress of the political struggle is viewed from
the European standpoint with an interest as profound as it
is in the United States. It is the opportunity of England.
It is the longed-for occasion by which the cheaper labor
and the cheaper fabrics of the Old World shall invade the
New, and lower the standard of American wages to the
European level.

44 It is not, gentlemen, a contest of capital against capi-
ital. It is not, in the ordinary sense, a contest of partisan
against partisan. It is a contest which entirely transcends
partly motive; it is a contest as to whether the great mass
of American citizens, who earn their bread in the sweat of
their faces, shall have their wages seriously reduced from
day to day.

4 k That is the whole pith and moment of this question,
and anything that diverts the attention of the American
people from that single point tends, in my judgment, to
weakening the campaign, and I say here, as I hope to say
with much more elaboration hereafter, —I say here that
the wages of the American laborer cannot be reduced ex-
cept with the consent and with the votes of the American
laborer himself. The appeal lies to him; it comes to his82	BLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

door, and asks him whether, with the great power of
suffrage in his hands, representing, as he does, a vast ma-
jority of the whole citizenship of the Nation—whether ho
is willing for himself and his associates and bhose who are
to come after him—his children and his children's children
—to take that fatal step at the bidding of a Democratic
Administration whose policy is shaped and governed by
those elements in the Union which lately sought its entire
destruction.

"But, gentlemen, this is not the time for a political
speech. My heart is too full for a lengthened argument. I
must be allowed to enjoy this moment of welcome, this de-
light of returning home, this greeting of old friends, this
renewal of old scenes. I only wish too add my profound
thanks for the very graceful and grateful manner in which
you, Mr. Chairman, have extended the welcome of the dis-
tinguished club you so ably represent. Thanks again and
again to every member of the club for the thrice generous
welcome which they have extended to me as I return to the
home and the country I so deeply love."

GREETINGS FROM MANY STATES.

Deafening applause followed Mr. Blaine's address. It
was repeated again and again while Mr. Blaine made his
way back into the cabin, where it was decided that he
should receive the crowd. His right hand had been in-
jured on shipboard, so he had to use his left. Mr. Pool
presented each man to him. It was surprising to see how
many he knew. One would have supposed he had lived in
every State. His memory of names, as well as faces, was
something wonderful.

GIVING HIS RIGHT HAND TO THE REPORTERS.

The reception lasted for nearly half an hour. When it
was over Mr. Blaine hurried around to the newspaper men.BLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

"I'll offer my right hand to you," he said with a smile.
"It is not badly hurt, but constant squeezing would
irritate it." Then he chatted pleasantly about his trip. It
had been delightful, he said.

"You are probably aware that we have been waiting for
you here three days," said one.

" Well, that is too bad, but it was not my fault," he re-
plied with a laugh. "We were delayed twelve hours by
the breaking of a pump. The weather was pretty rough
for three days, and the fog troubled us a good deal. I don't
suppose the sailors called it rough, but the land-lubbers
did. It was a splendid passage though; we all enjoyed it.
The City of New York is an admirable vessel, certainly.
In view of the mishaps and the fact that it was her trial
trip she did very well."

MR. BLAINE IN EXCELLENT HEALTH.

" And your health, Mr. Blaine, how is it ?"

" Excellent," and then with a smile he hastened to add:
"Now see here. My health is a subject that I have de-
clined to discuss for the last three years. Consider that
question and that answer to it withdrawn."

" What about your campaign tour with Mr. Tenney, of
Brooklyn ?"

"I haven't heard anything about it. In fact I don't
know what arrangements have been made for me. I shall
stay in Maine until after our State election, anyway. What
I'll do afterward remains to be seen."

Mr. Blaine said that he did not even know when he
would go to Boston. He said that he did not care to say
anything on the political situation at present. His friends
began to crowd around again, and after a little rest he
went on the upper deck.34

BLAINE8 CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

A SONG OF WELCOME.

As Mr. Blaine came forward the crowd cheered again
and began to sing these words, entitled *'Welcome to
Blaine," to the tune of " America."

" Welcome " with one acclaim,

" Plumed Knight " of loyal fame,

Great Son of Maine!

Welcome to thee we bring,

" Welcome/' our forests ring,

44 Welcome," the prairies sing,

" Welcome to Blaine!"

Chieftain of courage grand,

Leader of ready hand,

Our Man of Maine!

Echo his honest name,

Shout forth his fadeless fame,

Let the Nation proclaim,

" Welcome to Blaine!"

Back from a foreign shore,

Battling with us once more,

Our James G. Blaine.
For Protection the fight,

For Freedom and the right,

So shout with all your might,

" Welcome to Blaine!"

" Welcome " our party's pride,

A leader true and tried,

Our Blaine of Maine!

Welcome him tongue and pen,

Welcome him loyal men,

Welcome him once again,

" Welcome to Blaine 1"BLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.	St)

The song was written by William H. Hamilton, of
Hagerstown, Maryland. A number of letters and con-
gratulatory telegrams from all parts of the country were
handed to Mr. Blaine. Here is a sample of them:

" Centreville, Md., Aug. 9, 1888.—The Republicans of
the First Congressional District of Maryland, in convention
assembled, in the town of Centreville, send greetings of
party welcome home to America's great citizen, the Hon.
James G. Blaine.	William E. Thompson,

u Chairman."

crowds gather to see the steamer.

At the Battery and all along the river front crowds of
people were gathered in dense crowds. Their cheering was
mingled with a constant series of shrill salutes from the
steam-whistles of boats all the way up the river. Many
people, however, looked for him on the Sam Sloan, not
knowing of the change in the boats.

The Albany Day Boat pier, at the foot of East Twenty-
second Street, had been selected as the landing place. Here
a crowd was also waiting, though every effort had been
made to keep the place of disembarking a secret. A num-
ber of carriages were drawn up on the pier. The first one,
an open barouche, was in charge of Secretary Humphrey,
of the Republic League, and Police Commissioner McClave.
Mr. Blaine, Mr. Beal, and President Bartlett entered and
were driven away. Some of Mr. Blaine's more zealous
friends wanted to take out the horses and draw him to the
hotel. To avoid any risk of such an occurrence, his car-
riage was not driven away until all the passengers had
landed and the policemen from the Patrol, which had fol-
lowed the Starin all the way, had come ashore. A pro-
cession was formed with Cappa's Band in front. The rep-
resentatives of the Chicago and the Baltimore and other
clubs fell in, forming an escort to Mr. Blaine. His family
and other friends in the meantime had gone quietly to the
Fifth Avenue Hotel.36	BLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

THE SCENES AT THE HOTEL.
THOUSANDS HEAR THE FAMILIAR VOICE.

A BUSY DAY—SCORES OF CALLERS SHAKE THE HAND OF MR.
BLAINE—ADDRESSES OF WELCOME FROM MANY STATES-
MEN.

The scene at the Fifth Avenue Hotel was one that will
long be remembered. Hours before Mr. Blaine's arrival
people began to gather in the corridors and about the door.
When the first carriage, containing Mrs. Blaine, her two
daughters, Miss Dodge, and Colonel Coppinger drove up
from the boat, there were several thousand people at the
entrance and near the building. It required all the efforts
of the police to keep a passage clear. Some one said that
Mr. Blaine had gone into the hotel.

Instantly there was a rush into the main entrance. The
corridors, from the large mirror to the door, were blocked.
Everybody began to shout for Mr. Blaine. 4' Blaine, Blaine,
give us Blaine," was shouted. Some of the crowd attempted
to go upstairs to the rooms that had been assigned to him.
The big policeman at the stairway interfered. Then the
cheering began. " Hurrah for Blaine," was followed by
cheers for Harrison, Morton, protection, and the party in
general.

CALLING LOUDLY FOR MR. BLAINE.

At last the drum was heard in Twenty-third street.
Then was another rush made. The procession escorting
Mr. Blaine was just coming up. It stopped in front of the
hotel. Mr. Blaine arose in his carriage and bowed. He
was greeted with great cheering. With some difficulty heBLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

37

made his way into the hotel, but the crowd was not satis-
fied. They crowded into the corridors and began to call
again for him. Mr. Blaine had only reached the parlor
floor.

" I'll go down," he said, and with Mr. Morton and Gen-
eral Knapp he went down the stairway in full view of the
people. There was another tumult of applause. When it
subsided he said:

4 4 Just a word to thank you for your tribute. It is the
grandest sight and the most cheering sounds I have heard
in a year."

Mr. Blaine then returned upstairs to his rooms, where his
family and a number of friends were awaiting him. They
were tastefully decorated with fresh cut flowers. In the
reception parlor the most conspicuous object was the floral
banner that was carried by the Philadelphia club in Thurs-
day night's parade. When Mr. Blaine retired to his apart-
ments it was not to find quiet and repose. Nearly all day
he was besieged by callers.

For a man not in robust health it would have been a
trying ordeal, but Mr. Blaine did not appear to be fatigued
by it, and derived evident pleasure from the meeting with
so many old friends. For some time it was in doubt
whether Mr. Blaine would start for Maine that evening.
Patrick Ford looked radiant when he came down stairs
with the news that Mr. Blaine would review the procession
of labor organizations and Irish societies, which was to be
held on Wednesday night if the city of New'York had done
all that had been expected of her. A little later it was
announced that Mr. Blaine would not leave the city until
Monday morning, and this caused still wider gratification,
although the news doubtless dashed the spirits of his friends
in Maine, who are anxiously awaiting him.

A STEEL HORSESHOE FOR MR. BLAINE.

James P. Foster presented Mr. Blaine with a highly
polished horseshoe, surmounted by an eagle. It was sent38

BLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

by James Ryder, of Dayton, Ohio, on behalf of the Amer-
ican Anti-Free-Trade League, of that city. Among other
visitors were Joseph L. Barbour, Samuel Fossenden, Col-
onel Tweedy, of Danbury, Conn.; W. F. Graham, editor
of the Meriden Republican. The members of the Maryland
delegation, whose spirits never flagged during the long
hours of waiting, called in a body, and Charles L. Wilson,
who is the orator of the party, made a brief address.

44 We come," he said, " to present the compliments of the
Maryland delegation, who have come 200 miles and waited
four days to see the idol of the Maryland Republicans.
We come from the State that cast the last Blaine ballot at
the Chicago Convention. Maryland is not hopelessly Dem-
ocratic. The Democratic success there is due to the perni-
cious influence of Gorman and Higgins, and not to party
sentiment."

Mr. Blaine expressed great pleasure in meeting the Mary-
land delegation and cordially shook hands with each mem-
ber. Then came a delegation from Massachusetts, headed
by Dr. Burden, chairman of the State committee, who pre-
sented the following address:

"We are deputed by the Republicans of Massachusetts to
extend to you, in their name, an invitation to accept their
hospitality as you pass through the State upon your way
home. The Republicans of the Old Bay State earnestly
desire to hear your voice again, and to take you by the
hand. We sincerely trust that they may not be disap-
pointed."

Mr. Blaine briefly expressed his thanks for the invitation,
and said that it would give him great pleasure to greet his
friends in Massachusetts if it did not interfere with his en-
gagements in Maine. It was finally arranged that Mr.
Blaine should stay over in Boston on Monday night at the
Hotel Vendome and be serenaded there, and the delegation
retired happy with the expectation of hearing a speech
from Mr. Blaine there.

Then followed a workingmen's delegation from Massa-BLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

39

chusetts, consisting of Frederick F. Dougherty, William H.
Mahoney, Tucker M. Leavey, Edward O'Donnell, and John
F. O'Sullivan. They presented this address:

"We extend to you the cordial greeting of the working
people of the Old Bay State. We welcome you as the rep-
resentative of that principle of protection to American
labor by and through which our Commonwealth stands in
the front rank of the industrial sisterhood of the Union.
In the name of the believers of this principle we invite
you to Massachusetts to tell the workingmen the true
agency in building up our manufactures and American
homes."

FACTS LEARNED BY THE STAY IN EUROPE.

"I am very happy to receive that address," replied Mr.
Blaine, "and I will answer it by a single fact, that is, the
wage-workers in Massachusetts have to their credit in the
financial institutions of the State a larger amount of money
than the wage-workers among the thirty-five millions of
Great Britain." This seemed to strike the delegation as
pretty conclusive evidence of the relative prosperity en-
joyed under free trade and protection.

Mr. Blaine kept in his room until shortly after 5 o'clock,
when he went out for a drive, accompanied by Joseph H.
Manley, Stephen B. Elkins and, his son, Walker Blaine.
This had been anticipated by the hundreds that hung
around the hotel during the afternoon, so when the car-
riage drove up to the ladies' entrance on the Broadway
side it was rapidly surrounded, and several policemen had
to step forward to clear a space through the crowd in
which Mr. Blaine and his companions could walk.

Mr. Blaine, who came out of the door first, stepped lightly
across the sidewalk and gracefully raised his hat in re-
sponse to the cheers of those near him. Many hurried
forward and were introduced to him by Mr. Elkins and
Mr. Manley.40	BLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

The carriage was delayed several minutes by those eager
to shake Mr. Blaine's hand. It was finally driven off, how-
ever, up Fifth Avenue. While the carriage was standing
in front of the hotel several street cars passed, the drivers
and conductors of which raised their caps to him. Mr.
Blaine responded by raising his hat and bowing pleasantly
to them. All the way up the avenue and into the Park
he was kept busy raising his hat in response to salutations
from people of all degrees.

irish-americans present an address.

The following address was presented to Mr. Blaine soon
after his arrival at the Fifth Avenue Hotel, in behalf of the
Irish-American Anti-Free Trade League, the first Irish
organization in the field for the Eepublican nominees:

"Hon. James G. Blaine.

" Dear and Honored Sir : In the name of the Irish-Amer-
ican Anti-Free Trade League, composed of thirty clubs in
the city of New York and numerous others in the adjoin-
ing States, and in concert with our fellow-citizens through-
out the Union, we tender you a genuine, heartfelt Irish
Caed mille faithe (a hundred thousand welcomes) back
again to the great people who love you so well for the
friends and enemies you have made. Your friends are the
friends of America; your enemies are her enemies; you
have just cause to be proud of both. In the grandeur of
supreme self-denial you have set aside the greatest honor
the world could bestow upon you. Eeluctantly, very re-
luctantly, we bowed to your decision to decline leading the
opponents of English Free-Trade to what .we are firmly
convinced will be a glorious and decisive victory, but we
rejoice in the knowledge of the fact that your incom-
parable abilities will be exercised to the utmost to secure
the election of our standard-bearers, Benjamin Harrison
and Levi P. Morton, and we hereby invite you to address
the members of our League and their friends at any time,BLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

41

during the campaign which may suit your convenience.
Humbly thanking the God of our fathers for having pre-
served you and yours from all the perils of the great deep,
and assuring you that language utterly fails to express our
admiration and affection for you, we once more repeat our
hearts' fondest welcome home.

"Signed, on behalf of the League,

"P. H. McNamee, President.

u A. L. Morrison,

" Chairman of Executive Committee."

cincinnati sends a warm greeting.

Murat Halstead, on behalf of the Young Men's Blaine
Club of Cincinnati, presented the following address to
Mr. Blaine:

" On the occasion of your return to a country that is
proud of you as a son—a country that you have worthily
represented among the lowly and the great of Europe, the
Young Men's Blaine Club of the city of Cincinnati, Ohio,
sends these greetings and congratulations.

4 4 We love you, sir, for your brilliancy in leadership and
your strong humanity. We congratulate you upon the
grand demonstrations of intelligent joy that will certainly
distinguish the occasion of your landing upon your native
shores. Those demonstrations will come upon you with a
spontaneity and a unanimity that will convince you that
these are no idle words that will tell you of the strong
hold you have upon the hearts and intelligence of this
great people.

"And, sir, we congratulate you that you come back to the
great Republican party of this country equipped to direct
its leaders to the path that shall lead them to victory, to
sound the keynote of a campaign that shall end in the suc-
cess of our distinguished National candidates.

"We congratulate you and the Republican party and the
people at large that God has spared you to bring back to42

BLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

us all your ripe intelligence, reinforced by the gleanings of
your analytical observations of events and conditions in
many countries.

' 'We congratulate ourselves that there is spared for us
and returned to us the master mind that in December
last hurled back upon the leader of the Democracy the
gratuitously advanced heresy of free trade and ruin. You
come, sir, to blaze the way for a new triumphal march
of the Eepublican party and the people. The Young Men's
Blaine Club of Cincinnati, the first and strongest of its
name, whose motto is, 4 Vim,Vigor and Victory,'welcomes
you home.

" By order of the Board of Directors.

" George B. Cox. President.

4 4 George E. Boyer,

" Corresponding Secretary."

This was sent by the Dakota Republicans:

dakota presents its congratulations.

" To the Hon. James G. Blaine.

" Dear Sir: This is to certify that at a meeting of the
John A. Logan Club, of the City of Watertown, Dak., held
July 28, 1888, the following resolution was adopted:

Eesolved, That the John A. Logan Eepublican Club of
Watertown,Dak., conveys its greeting, through a duly ac-
credited representative, to the Hon. James G. Blaine upon
his arrival at New York from his foreign tour; to assure
him of the unfaltering devotion of Dakota Eepublicans; to
congratulate our most distinguished fellow-citizen upon
the happy manner in which he has always sustained and
honored the character of an American statesman and gen-
tleman; that we specially commend the study he has made
abroad of the struggle of Ireland for home rule, and that
we cordially invite him to visit Dakota and compare its
condition under Democratic rule to Ireland's oppression;BLAINKS CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

45

that we bespeak his valuable service in the campaign now
upon the country with the same matchless zeal he has
always shown to the principles of Eepublicanism, whether
as leader or follower; that our representative be instructed
specially to carry our delight at his complete restoration to
health and assure him that his welfare, honor and success
will ever thrill with delight the hearts of all lovers of free-
dom and equal rights.

"C. G. Williams, President.

"J. E. West, Secretary."

A TRIUMPHAL JOURNEY TO BOSTON.

crowds assemble at the stations to see and hear him—
a series of vigorous and brief speeches—protection
the theme.

Mr. Blaine's journey to Boston was characterized by a
series of demonstrations remarkable for the number of
those who took part in them and the enthusiasm shown.
At every station on the route where the train halted large
crowds had gathered. It was known that at each stop-
ping-place Mr. Blaine would speak for only a few minutes.
Many could not even expect to hear him; they could only
hope to catch a glimpse of him. Those who obtained places
of vantage must have obtained them by coming long before
the train was due. It was noticeable, too, that the crowds
were largely composed of workingmen. There is only one
explanation of the eagerness to see and hear a simple
private citizen who has no favors to bestow on anybody,
even if he wished to bestow them, Mr. Blaine has a deep
and abiding hold on the popular affection. Large masses
of people everywhere love him and believe in him; believe
that his aims are not selfish, but that he is actuated by a
sincere desire to benefit his countrymen. In each of his
speeches, with unaffected modesty, Mr. Blaine assumed44

BLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

that the demonstrations were not tendered to him person-
ally, but were intended as an indication of the popular ap-
proval of the cause which he advocates—protection to
American industries and American laborers. This was the
theme which he discussed in all his speeches. They were
brief, but in each one he struck the key-note of the cam-
paign—protection—and each time it struck a responsive
chord in his hearers.

Except at New Haven, he spoke from the rear platform
of the observation car in which the party travelled. His
appearance was always the signal for tumultuous cheer-
ing, swinging of hats and handkerchiefs, and when he
finished his speech the demonstrations were resumed.
Numbers of people clambered on the rear of the car to
shake hands with him. At some of the stations, a few in-
dividuals, more enthusiastic than discreet, clung to the
train until it had attained such speed that it was not safe
for them to drop off, and they had to be taken on to the
next stopping-place, and they hugely enjoyed their free
ride in such close proximity to the man from Maine.

SPEAKING FROM A PLATFORM AT NEW HAVEN.

At New Haven a passage was with difficulty made for
him through the crowd, and he was escorted to a little
platform in the rear of the depot. At each station where
the train stopped some one well known to the inhabitants
performed the rather superfluous ceremony of introducing
Mr. Blaine, for if there is any one man who needs no
introduction to an American audience in any part of the
country, it is the great Eepublican leader. But the intro-
ductions were all commendable for their brevity. Every-
body who undertook the task realized that the crowd
wanted to hear Mr. Blaine, and wanted to hear him with
as little delay as possible. This resulted in an amusing in-
cident at West Framingham. Mr. Blaine was presented by
a young lady with the Stars and Stripes wrought in red* BLAINE* 8 CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

48

and white flowers and bearing an inscription welcoming
Mr. and Mrs. Blaine to Framingham. The girl was pretty,
and when she blushed as scarlet as the flowers that marked
the bars in the flag she looked still prettier. She had a neat
little presentation speech prepared and bravely started in
to recite it. 4'Blaine, Blaine, James G. Blaine!1' cried
a boorish bachelor, indifferent to feminine charms. The
crowd took up the refrain, and the young lady's speech
had no chance after that. But a nice young man boarded
the train and told what a good and pretty girl she was, and
just what she would have said if she had had a chance.

At some of the stations bands lent melody to the enthu-
siasm, and at other places the applause was punctuated
with the firing of cannon.

THE GREETING OF THE OLD BAY STATE.

Connecticut's greeting to Mr. Blaine was warm, but if
anything the greeting of the old Bay State was warmer,
and it must have been especially gratifying to Mr. Blaine
in view of the attitude of the Massachusetts delegation in
1884. At Worcester the crowd that assembled about the
depot was simply immense. Mr. Blaine's voice would
have needed to be as strong and penetrating as a fog-horn
to have explored its limits. People climbed fences and
freight cars; youngsters were raised aloft in the arms of
their fathers that they might say in after days that they
had seen Mr. Blaine. '' Come back to us again, come back-
to us again," was the cry frequently flung after Mr. Blaine
as the train sped onward. Colored men were always nu-
merous in the crowd, and were among those who fought
most eagerly for the privilege of shaking Mr. Blaine by
the hand, and the gratification they exhibited was almost
touching.

The first stopping-place after leaving New York was
Stamford, where about 2,000 people were assembled. A
band struck up 4'Hail to the Chief" as the train rushed46	BLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

into the depot, and some small cannon lent emphasis to
the welcome. Mr. Fessenden thus introduced Mr. Blaine:
"It affords me great pleasure to join with you in wel-
coming home the illustrious citizen in whose honor you are
here assembled. He requires no introduction. He is a
familiar figure. His name and his fame are known to the
remotest boundaries of the Eepublic. We honor him be-
cause he is one of our greatest and most beloved statesmen,
and we proudly join with his great hosts of friends in this,
our tribute of love, admiration, and respect. We welcome
him home to the land that he loves so well, and we greet
him as the leader of the grand army which proposes to
carry the banner of Harrison and Morton forward in tri-
umph to glorious victory, the Hon. James G. Blaine."

When Mr. Fessenden mentioned Mr. Blaine's name^
which he was wise enough not to do until he had said his
say, there was a renewed outburst of cheering, and it was
some little time before Mr. Blaine could get a chance to be
heard. Then he spoke as follows:

" I thank this large assembly quite beyond the power of
my expression for the compliment they pay me as I jour-
ney homeward. In the brief moment of the train stopping
I have only time to add to my thanks an admonition. That
is, if Connecticut shall maintain her great prosperity, if
she shall maintain her forward position among the indus-
trial and prosperous communities of the United States, she
must be up and doing. She must see to it that no harm
shall come to the Republic or her by the neglect of the Re-
publican citizens. It is not improbable in the political
contest now upon us that the post of honor and responsi-
bility shall rest upon Connecticut. It is not improbable
that the Presidential election of 1888 may be settled on
the soil of your State. My request is that each and every
one of you shall regard the task of carrying Connecticut
for Harrison and Morton as imposed upon himself. Be-
lieving that you are awake to your duty I shall proceed to
Maine and ask her Republicans to show Connecticut theBLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.	47

path in which she should walk. I thank you, gentlemen,
once more, and bid you good morning." (A voice, "You
shan't be disappointed.")

There was a wild scramble to shake hands with Mr.
Blaine when he had finished, but there wasn't more than a
minute left for such exercise. Again the band struck up
and the cannon roared as the train moved onward.

At South Nor walk the train scarcely came to a halt, but
in the few moments that it stopped hundreds gathered
about the car that contained Mr. Blaine. He appeared at
the rear platform bareheaded and bowed his acknowledg-
ments of the cheers that were flung after him and which
were continued as long as the train remained in sight.

ENTHUSIASM SHOWN AT BRIDGEPORT.

The train shot into Bridgeport at 12:39. Here there was
a larger crowd than at Stamford, but its welcome was
marked by the same characteristics—cheering, waving of
handkerchiefs and hats, music from the band and firing
from cannon. Mr. Blaine was introduced by George Mal-
lory, of Bridgeport, and this is what he said:

"Fellow-citizens: I know exactly what this big crowd
means. It means that you are resolved to carry Connecti-
cut for Harrison and Morton. If Connecticut votes for
Harrison and Morton, I give you my pledge that they will
be the next President and Vice-President. I cannot say
more than to ask you that you make it certain, and to
add my very sincere thanks for the great compliment
you pay me in greeting me with so magnificent a crowd of
old political associates, as Bridgeport has more than once
turned out to testify its friendship for me."

New Haven seemed to have temporarily abandoned busi-
ness for the purpose of seeing and hearing Mr. Blaine.
Hugh Dailey headed a deputation of the Eepublican Town
Committee, who boarded the train and escorted Mr. Blaine
to the platform specially constructed for the purpose at%

48	BLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

the back of the depot. Mr. Dailey in the briefest possible
way introduced Mr. Blaine to the people of New Haven as
follows:

" Fellow-citizens: Allow me to present to you America's
greatest citizen, Mr. James G. Blaine."

Mr. Blaine said:

4'Since I last had the pleasure of passing through your
beautiful city I have seen much of countries beyond these;
but I am sure I have nowhere seen any people associated
in any form of government constituting so prosperous a
commonwealth as the State of Connecticut. In the aims
which her people have cherished, in the ends which they
have accomplished, in the great motives which have in-
spired them, I think you stand as a model government.
Added to that, gentlemen, you have enjoyed for the last
quarter of a century a great prosperity, and you have ac-
cumulated in an extraordinary degree all the means which
contribute to human welfare and to human progress. The
industrial system under which all this has been accom-
plished and so grandly accomplished is now threatened,
and the people of Connecticut will be asked in the pending
election whether they desire this commonwealth to be
launched on new experiments of free trade, or whether 4
they desire to adhere to the old landmarks which have
proved so safe. This will be submitted to the people of
Connecticut, and on their response will be probably de-
termined the fate of the question. I do not doubt, I can-
not doubt, the verdict that will be given at the hands of
your people. It only remains for me to return to you my
sincere thanks for whatever of personal compliment you
pay me by this large assemblage. But all personal com-
pliments which I might take to myself is subordinated in
every respect to the great end of rallying the people of
Connecticut to the support of Harrison and Morton, who
represent in their political record and in their personal
history all the great issues of the National campaign.

When Meriden was reached there was the same enthusi-BLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

49

asm shown by the 2,000 people assembled at the depot.
William F. Graham introduced Mr. Blaine as follows:

" Fellow-townsmen and friends from Wallingford and
the Naugatuck Valley, I present to you the greatest cham-
pion of the rights of labor, and the most distinguished cit-
izen of the United States, James G. Blaine."

This little speech was warmly applauded, and when Mr.
Blaine stepped forward the cheering was still louder.
When the noise had sufficiently subsided to give him a
chance to speak, Mr. Blaine said:

" Thanking my friend for his somewhat extravagant
laudation, I beg to thank you all for this compliment in
greeting me so warmly. I have time only to add what I
have said elsewhere on my route to-day, that important as
the vote of Connecticut always has been, it is ten-fold
more important in this year of grace 1888. If we can have
every Eepublican voter in Connecticut fully comprehend
and appreciate what the vote of this State may mean, I
shall rest content with the result which your understand-
ing and your appreciation will bring. Trusting, gentle-
men, that the ides of November may chronicle victory in
Connecticut, and as a consequence victory to the Nation, I
return your greeting with all the cordiality with which it
has been tendered."

At Hartford there were the usual enthusiastic demon-
strations of welcome. Mayor Boot performed the cere-
mony of introduction, and this is what he said:

"Gentlemen: I take pleasure in presenting to you the
Hon. James G. Blaine, who has kindly consented to say a
few words to you on his way through our city. You will
all remember what pleasure we derived from his visit here
four years ago, during the last National campaign. We
recognize in him to-day, as we did then, one of the fore-
most citizens of our country. We welcome him home to
the land of his nativity."

The words of welcome were emphasized by a great out-
burst of cheering. Mr. Blaine spoke as follows;50	BLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

" Less than a fortnight ago I was in the country which,
according to its area, is called the richest in the world—
Old England. A large number of the counties in England
have each a population greater than that of the whole
State of Connecticut. But I wish I could compare the sta-
tistics of Connecticut with any county or any community
of 600,000 people in England. The comparison would give
a sharp test by which the good people of Connecticut could
determine the depressing effects of free trade upon the
mass of laboring men. As I said in New Hkven, I do not
believe that the sun shines upon a people more prosperous
in every respect than the people of Connecticut. You are
asked now to change the tariff system under which the
prosperity has been attained. The country wishes to hear
your answer upon that'point and awaits to hear it with
confidence. I thank you for your very generous welcome,
and as I am on an express train which I must not delay, I
have time only to say Good-bye."

At Hartford the crowd was a large one, and its enthusi-
asm was commensurate with its numbers. Springfield was
reached at 3:02, and here Mr. Blaine received his first wel-
come from the Bay State. It could not have been more
cordial. There were as many people about the depot as
could get there by tight packing. Elisha Morgan, chair-
man of the Eepublican City Committee, introduced Mr.
Blaine in half a dozen words, and Mr. Blaine spoke as fol-
lows:

" Gentlemen, it Would be sheer vanity in me to attribute
the assembling of this vast mass of Massachusetts voters
to a desire to meet me. I take it rather as an index of the
profound interest which you feel in the pending contest.
I take it rather as an indication that great as the Eepubli-
can majorities have been in Massachusetts, you intend to
make the majority of 1888 still greater. In that worthy
and patriotic purpose I am most heartily with you. I share
feeling, I bid you God speed. Of the National policies
which have strikingly advanced your State among theBLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.	bi

your States in the Union, the policy of Protection has been
the chief. That policy is represented in this contest by
Harrison and Morton. It is nothing that you Eepublicans
should give your electoral vote to Harrison and Morton, as
you surely will, but you should roll up a majority of tens
of thousands, and beyond that, in every practicable and
proper way, you should help your neighbors in Connec-
ticut:

A GREAT THRONG AT WORCESTER.

Worcester was reached at 4:50, and here the spectacle
was a startling one even to people used to political demon-
strations. It was a right royal welcome that Worcester
gave Mr. Blaine. Every available inch of space about the
depot and far beyond the depot was packed with people.
Carriages were numerous, and filled with people who could
afford such luxuries. The music of the band could hardly
be heard above the great volume of sound that ascended
from hundreds upon hundreds of strong lungs. But this
did not afford their enthusiasm sufficient vent. Hats were
tossed aloft, banners waved and handkerchiefs were flut-
tered in fair hands. Mr. Blaine was introduced by Dr.
Burden, chairman of the Republican State Committee,
who received a most cordial greeting. This is what he
said:

" Fellow-citizens: Everything that is noble, everything
that is true, comes from the heart. The heart of the old
Commonwealth, throbbing in unison with the pulsation of
the great Republican heart of the Nation, extends a rous-
ing Worcester County welcome to James Gr. Blaine."

The cheering was loud and long. Mr. Blaine spoke as
follows:

" I have been really embarrassed the whole day by such
demonstrations as this. The crowds have not been so
large, but everywhere the welcomes have been hearty. I
repeat here what I said in Springfield. I am not vain62	BLAINE'8 CAMPAIGN SPEECHES-.

enough to suppose that this vast assemblage is simply a
personal compliment to myself. It is rather and far more
largely, an exhibition of the deep sympathy which the Re-
publicans in Massachusetts have in the pending National
contest for Harrison and Morton. Massachusetts can do
much in this contest, and much is expected of her. She
can lead the way in a contest which shall restore the Re-
publican party to National power, and insure the perma-
nence of a sound protection policy to the laborers of the
United States. Thanking you personally, gentlemen, for
the kindness which the gathering of this vast multitude
implies toward myself, which I fully reciprocate, I bid you
God speed and farewell."

At South Framingham a smaller, but not less enthusi-
astic gathering, awaited Mr. Blaine's coming. When the»
train stopped a little girl was pushed forward through the
crowd, bearing aloft in her extended arms an American
flag wrought of flowers.

Mr. Blaine spoke as follows:

"The one great question which is uniting and inspiring
the Republican party everywhere is best illustrated by the
progress and history of Massachusetts; for, after all,
Massachusetts, perhaps, furnishes the finest example of
industrial progress in the United States."

At this point Mr. Blaine was interrupted by the backing
up of a car, which caused a general scattering of the
crowd.

"That's the way," said Mr. Blaine, "that the Harrison
locomotive is going to scatter the Democrats, unless they
get out of the way to avoid being hurt."

Before Mr. Blaine had time to pick up the thread of his
speech, the train began to move, much to the disappoint-
ment of the large crowd which had come from West
Framingham to hear him, but they consoled themselves
by cheering heartily for Mr. Blaine, who stood on the
platform waving his adieus to them as the train moved
out of the depot.BLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.	53

THE ARRIVAL AT BOSTON.

It was a little after six o'clock when the train reached
Boston. There was a large crowd about the depot, and it
cheered lustily as Mr. Blaine and his party passed through
it to reach the carriages which the Republican State Com-
mittee had in waiting to convey them to the Hotel Yen-
dome. There was cheering along the streets through
which the carriages passed, and not a few of the houses
were decorated with banners and streamers and Republi-
can emblems. About the Hotel Vendome a. large crowd
was gathered, and as he entered the hotel Mr. Blaine was
greeted with music from a band. Mr. Blaine and his
friends went at once to their rooms and took dinner.

It was just a quarter of nine when Mr. Blaine, accom-
panied by some members of the State Committee, stepped
out on a balcony on the second floor overlooking the vast
crowd. Then Boston's welcome to Blaine was rendered in
a mighty shout, repeated again and again, "Blaine!
Blaine! Blaine!" It was a popular indorsement of which
any man, however exalted, whatever his deeds, might
well feel proud. It was several minutes before Dr. Bur-
den could obtain sufficient quiet to make his voice heard.
He then introduced Mr. Blaine, who said:

"My voice has been so much worn to-day by much
speaking that I doubt if I may be heard to the limit of
this great assembly to give thanks to their greeting of me
to New England. But for all the absence and the feeling
of exile that obtains to a man beyond the sea for a year, I
am compensated over and over again by the magnificent
welcome I have received since I touched my native shore.
From no town, city or State has this been more grateful
than from Boston and the great and leading State of
Massachusetts, Never since the Republican party came
into existence—more than a generation ago—at no time,
on no issue, under no exigency, has Massachusetts failed54 j BLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

to respond for right. Never was Massachusetts called on
to perform a more important part for a more beneficent
end than in this year of grace, 1888, in electing Harrison
and Morton. What Massachusetts says she can do she
will do. Already our opponents have taken alarm, and
the Young Men's Democratic Club of Massachusetts have
set themselves the task to prove that you can introduce
free trade into the United States without reducing the
wages of the American laborer. They are alarmed.
President Cleveland is alarmed, the supporters of the
Mills bill are alarmed, the Democratic party is alarmed,
because they know the mighty power of that host which
earns its bread by the sweat of the brow, and will resent
the attempt to place them on the low basis of the Euro-
pean plane. We will let the Democratic party know that
this is no fight for the manufacturers. They can take
care of themselves. But this is a fight for the strong arm
and the sturdy heart of the American laborer.

"If we have free trade the factories will not be closed,
but if kept open they will be run at half the present
wages. That is the issue which should be pressed home
on the Democratic party. They should be arraigned, as
I arraign them, as conspirators against the welfare of
the laboring man. Let that be the issue and the watch-
word of the Republicans, and defeat is impossible."

When he finished the outburst of applause that greeted
his first appearance was repeated again and again, and his
portrait done in fireworks was struck off. Mr. Blaine re-
tired early, as he was rather fatigued with his severe exer-
tions during the day.BLAINE8 CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

£5

MR BLAINE AT HIS OWN HOME.

THE GREETING OF AUGUSTA CROWNS HIS
TRIUMPH.

speaking to the people in front of his own house-
protection of american industry the great lesson
taught the traveller in other lands.

Right royal was the welcome which Augusta gave to
James G. Blaine on his home-coming. Nay, it has been
more than royal. Royalty commands, and Mr. Blaine
commands nothing. It has been prompted simply by the
love and esteem of his fellow-townsmen. There is script-
ural authority for supposing that a great man is not apt
to be considered great by the people among whom he
dwells, but Augusta showed to-night that it fully appreci-
ates Mr. Blaine. It has only about 10,000 inhabitants, but
last night its population was temporarily doubled. Long
and patiently great crowds waited at the railroad station
for his coming. The train was due at 7:15 p.m. It did not
get here until 8:45. It was greeted with salutes of artil-
lery, patriotic airs from numerous bands, and the ringing
of church bells. The combination was not altogether har-
monious, but it made a grand hurrah, and that was what
everybody in Augusta wanted to express.

As speedily as possible after the train came in, the pro-
cession was formed. Augusta's choicest band headed the
procession, and there were bands and delegations from
Portland, Portsmouth, and Bangor. Many delegations
were in uniform, many were on horseback, while plumes
were frequent. Across the street that led to Mr. Blaine's
house was a transparency inclosing a portrait of him-56	BLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

self. A vast crowd surrounded the stand in front of Mr.
Blaine's house. Judge Whitehouse made the address of
welcome, concluding as follows:

4' In conclusion permit me to apply to yourself and Mrs.
Blaine the words recently addressed by Lord Granville to
the greatest living statesman of England and his devoted
spouse: ' As one of you has known no loftier duty than
the furtherance of national well-being, so the other has
had no more cherished desire than to lighten the burden
and smooth the path in his high task.'"

Mr. Blaine, who was received with tumultuous applause,
responded as follows:

" Mr. Mayor: May I return to you and through you to
the eloquent orator who has addressed me in terms too
partial, I fear, my most sincere thanks for the manner in
which you have voiced the kindness and cordiality of this
reception, not merely by old neighbors, but by thousands
of friends from all parts of the State. When I first heard
that it was designed to give me a reception, I thought it
would be confined to friends and neighbors. I thought
that as I had lived in this town since my twenty-fourth
year, that as here my whole public and domestic history
began and centred, a congratulation from those who had
known me for a period of well-nigh thirty-five years
might come as one of those happy incidents which now and
then occur in the cordiality of human intercourse. But I
had no conception that there would be an outpouring of
men from all quarters of the State, that my friends would
be here from the extremes of that Commonwealth which
I love so well, and which I have tried faithfully to serve in
public station.

''You, I am sure, could have no conception how deeply
it has impressed me, who have been for more than a year
beyond the sea, an exile for a period from home, to meet a
welcome boundless in its extent, unlimited in its cordiality,
beyond the power of human speech even to respond to. I
must therefore let you take the will for the deed, and letBLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

57

you take my heart for the words which cannot reach the
limits of this vast assembly. I am indebted to you more
than I can express. I am indebted to many communities
in other States, to many calls in other towns in this State;
but there is something about one's home, there is a greet-
ing at the door-sill and threshold which comes more di-
rectly to a man's heart than the salutation from any other
place or any other people. And it is to you of Augusta, and
all the other towns which have done me the great honor,
that I beg to pour out my thanks. I have seen much
within the last year. I have seen much of many countries,
but I can say with great truth that I have seen nothing in
any kingdom of Europe which did not tend to give me a
higher and a deeper and a more profound appreciation of
our own country. I have, on the contrary, seen everything
which should tend to make an American citizen, native or
naturalized, desire no land before this which owns the
sovereignty of the Stars and Stripes. This land in which
he is an inheritor of freedom, not in its narrow, limited
sense, but in the freedom to grow for himself and his chil-
dren, and to expand with the growth of this mighty Repub-
lic. I have seen nothing in the industrial systems of Europe
that did not confirm me, if I had needed confirmation, in
the belief that the industrial system which is enjoyed by
the people of the United States at this time is far wiser,
far more beneficent, far more helpful to every working-
man and evely citizen of the United States, than any other
we could adopt.

" Nor do I fail to recognize that the inspiration to many
who join this vast throng this evening is the sympathy
which they have with me and which I have with them in
the pending contest in this Nation, which is to decide
whether that great industrial system is to be maintained,
or is to be impaired, if not destroyed. I know that you
came from that sympathy, and I desire to reaffirm my
sympathy with you, and to say that if I have ever hereto-
fore been able to say a wor4 in upholding that system, I58

BLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

hope I may say many more and weightier words in the
future than I have said in the past. There is no country
on which the sun shines in the civilized world so prosper-
ous as the United States. See to it, then, see to it, my
friends, who have come here to greet me, that no harm
shall come to the Republic by your action.

" Gentlemen, this much I could not help saying outside
the limits of courtesy and good will which so heartily dis-
tinguish this reception. Let me in conclusion say that for
all you have done for me, for all the testimony that, through
the eloquent gentleman who so eloquently addressed me,
you have borne to the kindly relations that subsist between
myself and my fellow-citizens of Augusta, without distinc-
tion of party, for all the generous testimony you have
borne to my life here among you, I give you my profound-
est thanks. There is to me no State like the State of
Maine. There is no valley like the Valley of the Kennebec.
There is no city like the city of Augusta. There is no
home like that home (pointing to his house). There I have
lived and there I propose to live. Among this people I
wish to dwell. I have no desire to separate any interest
of mine from interests of yours. I have been with you
these many years, and I hope to be with you for as many
years more as God shall grant me in this world. I thank
you a thousand times over and a thousand times beyond
that for this splendid tribute to the friendship that sub-
sists between myself and all who inhabit the State of
Maine."

When Mr. Blaine concluded, he was cheered again and
again, and every device of enthusiasm was employed to
make him feel how glad Augusta was to have him home
again.BLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

59

MR. BLAINE AT PORTLAND.

AN ENTHUSIASTIC WELCOME FROM MAINE RE-
PUBLICANS.

opening the campaign—trusts not the outgrowth of
the protective policy—a few words about the
fisheries treaty and the heroism of maine fishermen.

Portland put on holiday attire to celebrate the opening
of the Republican campaign in Maine and to welcome Mr.
Blaine. The Stars and Stripes, the emblem of Republican-
ism and protection, were freely displayed. Judging by its
scarcity, the Portland people haven't much liking for the
red bandanna. Mr. Blaine, accompanied by Walker Blaine
and his son-in-law, Colonel Coppinger, left Augusta a little
before 10 o'clock this morning on a long excursion train,
crowded with people, and arrived at Portland at 12.35 p.m.
He was driven to the Falmouth Hotel, and dined there.

The Campaign Committee had arranged for two meet-
ings, one in the afternoon and the other in the evening,
both to be held in City Hall—a large room with balconies
and admirably adapted for public meetings. The afternoon
meeting began at 2.30 p.m. Long before that time all the
seats were occupied. When the meeting opened there was
standing-room only, and precious little of that. There
were a great many ladies in the audience, and they were
not less enthusiastic than the men present. When Mr.
Blaine appeared on the platform he was greeted by an out-
burst of cheering such as probably only Mr. Blaine can call
out in Maine. Mr. Blaine looked in excellent health. His
eyes were bright and his complexion was clear, and every-60

BLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

body present could see how baseless are the stories about
his broken health.

Colonel F. N. Dow called the meeting to order, and
Henry B. Cleaves was made chairman. Mr. Cleaves made
an excellent speech. He reviewed briefly the career of the
Democratic Administration, and showed conclusively its
failure to redeem its promises. When he struck the key-
note of the campaign—protection—a loud cheer arose from
the audience, but it swelled still louder when he spoke of
Mr. Blaine as the champion of that cause. He said :

u The President of the United States not long since sent
to the American Congress a message and threw down the
gauntlet of battle. With lightning speed the American
champion of protection, from across the water, responded
to that message and spoke for protection to American
industries, American homes, and American workingmen.
To-day he is welcomed by millions of Americans, who will
follow him in this contest that is now being waged in this
country. I have the honor of presenting to you the Hon-
orable James G. Blaine."

mr. blaine greeted with a storm of applause.

Loud swelled the applause when Mr. Blaine rose to speak,
and the women, who could not cheer, lent animation to
the scene by waving handkerchiefs. It was some time be-
fore the storm subsided. Mr. Blaine's voice was in excel-
lent condition. He had entirely recovered from the hoarse-
ness due to much speaking in the open-air. This is what
he said :

" Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen—I should not
have left my home the very day after my arrival, but for my
desire to feel myself once more in touch with those with
whom I have in previous years fought in many a good Re-
publican contest, once more to compare notes with those
upon whose wisdom the party has always relied—namely,
the Republican masses—as to what should be done at thisBLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.	61

crisis in the political affairs of the country and in the history
of the party which is its great defender. When President
Cleveland delivered his message, he had something to say
to the American people about the danger of 4 trusts.' I
think there have since been no Democratic papers in the
country, whether they understood the meaning of the
word or not, that have not been constantly warning the
people as to the horrible danger of ' trusts.7 Well, I shall
not discuss trusts this afternoon. I shall not venture
to say that they are altogether advantageous or disadvan-
tageous. , They are largely private affairs with which
neither President Cleveland nor any private citizen has any
particular right to interfere.

1' Aside from that, the point which I wish to impress upon
you is that trusts are not the outgrowth nor in any way
the incident of the protective policy, as the President
charges; that a protective policy no more breeds what the
President considers the pestilence of trusts than does the
veriest free-trade country in the world, which is England;
for England is literally plastered all over, under her system
of free trade, with trusts. ' The very day before I sailed
for home, just a fortnight ago, I cut from a London jour-
nal the announcement that all the manufacturers of coffins
and all the undertakers of the United Kingdom had gone
into a trust; that it was to consist of $2,000,000 capital,
which, in the language of the English financial market,
was to have a large number of 4 preferential bonds,' and
that the yearly death rate might be expected to yield a
semi-annual dividend of twelve per cent. Now, I think,
my friends, that we might safely bury all the President's
predictions of evils from trust in this country in the graves
in which those coffins are about to go, preferential bonds
and all, and we might do this safely by showing that so far
from the protective policy, generating trusts, an utter free-
trade policy generates them in far greater number, and
thus I leave the question.

u In Maine we are not able to devote ourselves wholly to6£

BLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

the National elections, but primarily to the State election,
and I am glad that both parties have nominated gentlemen
of unexceptional personal character and respectability,
standing high in their communities, against whom, per-
sonally, nothing can be said. That applies equally to Mr.
Putnam and Mr. Burleigh, and I am proud and glad to say
so, for it leaves the contest where it should rest—on prin-
ciple. Mr. Putnam, I judge from a speech of his which I
hold in my hand, and which I read in The Portland Argus
of August 9th, is very uneasy in regard to the charges that
have been brought against him concerning the very disad-
vantageous treaty he aided in making, giving away, as I
think, in large degree, the rights of American fishermen. I
have read his speech with great interest, and I found it to be
mainly an answer to some criticisms that Senator Frye, of
this State, had made on the President, the Secretary of
State, and the Fisheries Commission in connection with the
treaty. I have never yet seen Senator Frye in any contest
or controversy in which he was not abundantly able to
take his own part. So far as the controversy between him-
self and Mr. Putnam is involved, it would be sheer pre-
sumption in me to say anything in behalf of our distin-
guished Senator. I assure you from what I know of
him that he will be heard from in due season. But what
interested me most in this speech of Mr. Putnam's was
three or four lines that occur somewhat parenthetically
about the middle of his remarks. 4 At this point,' says
The Argus, 4 Mr. Putnam discussed several features of the
treaty, showing the practical benefits which our fishing
fleet would derive from the treaty.' But The Argus didn't
think it worth while to mention what those points of Mr.
Putnam's were. On all the points of criticism of Mr.
Frye's speech, Mr. Putnam was full to affluence, but just
in a breathing spell—or as Artemus Ward used to say,
' At this point, desiring to rest my voice, I will tell you a
little story '—so about the time that Mr. Putnam got half
way in his speech he seems to have needed a little rest andBLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.	63

told all these advantages to the American fishing fleet,
which he didn't seem to include in his regular speech, and
which The Argus did not seem to deem worth while re-
porting.

" Well, now, if there is anything in this question at all, if
there is anything in the world* about which the American
people are concerned to day touching this fishery question,
it is the interest of the fishing fleet, and that is the very
point which the voters of Maine, before whom Mr. Putnam
appears as a candidate, are desirous to have him explain.
For we believe—by we I mean those opposed to the treaty—
that it is a complete abandonment of the whole fishing in-
terests of the United States; and I may myself, following
the example of Senator Frye, at some future period of this
campaign take occasion to show the grounds of my charge.
I will promise you, if I do, I will not limit it in a small
three-line parenthesis in the middle of a paragraph.

" On Monday of last week, as the passengers on the
steamer on which I was crossing the Atlantic rose from
breakfast there was suddenly one of the rumors that flow
with wonderful swiftness, even over the largest of steamers,
that we were in the midst of a fishing fleet. We had come
to the Banks of Newfoundland during the night, and as we
rushed—those of us who were not sea-sick—to the deck, we
were surrounded by some twelve to fifteen sail of fishermen,
partly French, partly Canadian, and more largely Amer-
ican. The sea was very rough, so much so that at least
half of the passengers were very seriously disturbed with
the most unpleasant sensation known to human nature.
But those of us who could get on deck—and I will hon-
estly confess that I was not one of the swiftest myself
—beheld in this rough sea the fishermen in their small
boats, their little dories that were not more than fifteen
feet long, out on those waves that seemed to those on the
steamer to be rolling half the height of this great room,
and they were taking up their trawls with as little concern
as a Maine farmer would mow his hay in July; and there64	BLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

was one universal burst of admiration on that steamer at
the daring and the heroism and the splendor of the bravery
that would risk life in a contest with such angry elements.
I said to myself then, as I say to you now, that in my
judgment the United States would dishonor itself for all
time if by any negotiation/ or for any consideration, it
should surrender one jot or one tittle of the rights of those
gallant, generous, and brave men."

Mr. Blaine received round after round of applause when
he had finished, which indicated personal esteem and
affection for the man, as well as approval of what he had
said.BLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

65

ME. BLAINE AT BANGOR.
HE SHOWS WHAT PROTECTION HAS DONE.

figures from which the free-traders cannot fly-
some democratic criticisms answered—the coun-
try's unparalleled growth.

If it was ever doubted that the representatives of this
section of the country were lukewarm, that doubt has been
expelled by the magnificent outpouring of the masses on
the occasion of a visit from James G. Blaine here. Mills
and factories shut down, the country people left their
harvest fields, all thronging to town, and since the visit of
General Grant no such welcome was ever accorded any
man as was given Maine's honored son. Not only this, but
those who were with him, and who stand high in the coun-
cils of the party, and who, like Mr. Blaine, spoke for Har-
rison and Morton and protection to American labor and
American industries, were greeted in a manner which
must convince them that "the Pine Tree State" when she
speaks in November will send out no uncertain sound.

The day was auspicious. Train-load after train-load of
hardy farmers, lumbermen, and workmen came; and at
noon, when Mr. Blaine arrived on a regular train and in a
common car, crowds were out to greet him. An incident
illustrates how near he g^jp to the common people, and how
well they know him. An Indian of the Penobscot tribe
made his way to the barouche in which Mr. Blaine sat, and
held out his hand. Mr. Blaine took it and shook it
heartily, and then, as the masses surged to and fro, he
talked with the representative of the original dwellers of06

BLA1N&8 CAMPAIGN SPJE£!(fflM

this land. Walker Blaine, Colonel Coppinger, James G.
Blaine, jr., and some intimate friends accompanied Mr.
Blaine, and all were the guests of Congressman Boutelle.
In an address before an immense throng Mr. Blaine said:

1' Fellow Citizens : In a brief speech which I made in the
city of New York on the day of my arrival from abroad,
I remarked, as illustrating the superior condition of
laboring men in the United States, that the wage-workers
in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland did
not have in the savings banks of that country as large a
sum to their credit as did the wage-workers of the com-
paratively small State of Massachusetts in the savings
banks of that State. A day or two afterward this, pon-
derous and most significant fact was violently contradicted
by many Democratic papers. They one and all perverted
my statement by imputing to me the declaration that
there was a larger aggregation of money in the savings
banks of Massachusetts than there was in the savings
banks of the British Isles. As I happened to know quite
as well as the gentlemen who contradicted me the exact
figures in both cases, I was very careful in making my
statement, and I confined myself strictly to the wage-
workers in Great Britain and Ireland, and the amount to
the credit of the wage-workers in Massachusetts. It will
be shown by the report of my speech in the very papers
that afterward misquoted it. It is really in that special
feature of the deposits that the pith of the whole question
lies. Let me now give the figures for Great Britain and
Ireland, and in so doing I will use dollars instead of pounds,
so as to make all comparisons the more quickly appre-
hended, and I will give the British depositors an advantage
of 3 per cent in reckoning the pound as equivalent to five
dollars.

"The total amount at the close of last year in both the
savings and postal banks of the United Kingdom was, in
round numbers, $520,000,000. But the whole of this sumBLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEEGHM.	6?

Was by no means to the credit of the wage-workers of the
kingdom. Under the English law various other classes
are permitted to make deposits, both in the savings and
postal banks. From an authoritative British publication
you may learn that persons of independent means, profes-
sional men and their wives, may deposit in these institu-
tions; so also may policemen, letter-carriers, revenue
officers, pensioners and their wives; so also may minors
having accounts in their own names; so also may '4 females
described only as married women, widows, or spinstersso
also may 44 trust accounts " be deposited, including all joint
accounts, or principally for minors; so also may persons
engaged in education, male and female, which includes
professors in universities and colleges, and principals and
teachers in all other schools. The limit for any one de-
positor is $150 per year and the amount cannot exceed
$1,000 with interest.

WAGE-WORKERS' SAVINGS IN GREAT BRITAIN.

< ' What proportion the deposits of wage-workers bear to
the whole is not officially reported, but, as in this country,
is simply estimated. I found in England that the amount
belonging to slctual wage-workers was variously stated
—some putting it as low as ten per cent of the total de-
posits, while most of those from whom I sought infor-
mation put it at about twenty-five per cent. For the sake of
being just and even liberal in the comparisons, let us^esti-
mate at thirty-five per cent, or more than one-third of the
total deposits, a sum equivalent to one hundred and eighty-
two millions of dollars ($182,000,000) as belonging to actual
wage-workers in the kingdom. That is an estimate many
millions higher than was made me by an Englishman of
whom I made inquiry.

" Let us now turn to Massachusetts for the other side of
this comparison. At the close of last year the total
amount of deposits in the savings banks of that Common-68	BLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

wealth was more than three hundred and seventeen mil-
lions of dollars ($317,000,000)—and this in addition to fifty-
eight millions ($58,000,000) in trust companies and co-
operative banks, which also receive deposits from wage-
workers, but of which I shall take no note, confining my-
self to the savings banks proper, as in England there is no
official statement as to the occupation of depositors, but at
the Treasury office of Massachusetts it is estimated that 75
per cent of the whole amount, or $287,000,000, belong to the
wage-workers of the State. In the case of the British de-
positors, I assigned them 10 per cent more than any esti-
mate which I received in England. So let us reduce the
estimate of the Treasury of Massachusetts by 10 per cent
and assign only 65 per cent to the credit of the wage-work-
ers of that State, and the amount will be found to be $206,-
000,000, or $24,000,000 more than the amount to the credit
of the wage-workers of the United Kingdom.

" I beg you, gentlemen, to take in the full force of this
statement. I am making comparison between the savings
of the wage-workers of a kingdom accounted the wealth-
iest of Europe, with a population of 38,000,000, on the one
hand, and on the other hand the savings of the wage-
workers in one of the smallest States territorially of the
American Union, with a population at the last census of- a
million and three-quarters (1,783,085), and only a little
more, perhaps, than two millions to-day—the British arti-
san working under a system of absolute freejtrade, the
Massachusetts workman working under a well-organized
system of protection. The figures have such portentous
meaning that it is no wonder the free-trade Democratic
papers fly from them and reject their conclusions.

NO ESCAPE FROM THE FIGURES.

" But they cannot escape, for I am willing, after vindi-
cating as I have the correctness of my own statement, as
made in New York, to take the statement which theyBLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

69

imputed to me, and ask them to publish the figures and
the comparisons which are so readily reduced. Admit,
for the argument, that the whole sum of five hundred
and twenty millions ($520,000,000) in the savings banks
belongs to the wage-workers of the .United Kingdom,
and that on the other hand the entire $317,000,000 in
the savings banks of Massachusetts belong to the wage-
worker of that State. What, then, is the inference ?
That the wage-workers among thirty-eight millions of peo-
ple have saved the one sum, while theVage-workers among
two millions of people have saved the other; or that nine-
teen wage-workers in England have saved $260, while one
wage-worker in Massachusetts has saved $158.50, or that
one wage-worker in Massachusetts has saved as much as
twelve wage-workers in England.

" But I anticipate the fling from the Democratic editors
that these startling statistics are in Massachusetts, and
that she has always been especially favored in the accu-
mulation of wealth by the protective tariff, and has grown
rich at the expense of other States of the Union. Let
them, then, turn to New York, whose electoral vote trans-
ferred the National Administration to the Democratic
party. New York has to-day about six millions of people,
or perhaps somewhat less than one sixth of the population
of the United Kingdom. Their savings banks contained,
at the beginning of this year, five hundred and five mil-
lions of dollars—within a small fraction—or, if the ex-
change be correctly made, the full equivalent of all the de-
posits in the savings and postal banks of the whole United
Kingdom. If the United Kingdom had the same pro-
portional amount of deposits in her savings and postal
banks as New York, the sum total would exceed three
thousand millions of dollars ($3,000,000,000), and would
almost offset her gigantic national debt.

4'Or, if you please, take another State which helped to
give the country a Democratic Administration—Con-
necticut, With only a little over six hundred thousand70

BLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

people at the last census, she has one hundred and two
millions of dollars ($102,000,000) deposited in her savings
banks.

u Or, if you choose, without further considering indi-
vidual States, let us group New York with the six New
England States, and you will find that the aggregate
amount in the savings hanks of the seven States to day is
$1,100,000,000. The amount in these respective States be-
longing to the wage-workers, in every State except Con-
necticut, is reckoned at seventy-five per cent. Connecticut
estimates sixty-five, while in New York the estimates ex-
ceed eighty per cent. But to make the statement abun-
dantly safe, take sixty-five per cent for the whole, and you
have over $715,000,000 in the savings banks of the seven
States credited to wage-workers. To state the fact in other
words, you find an American population of 11,000,000 in
which the present savings of the wage-workers are four
times as great as the savings of the wage-workers among
the 38,000,000 people of Great Britain and Ireland.

TWO INDUSTRIAL PERIODS COMPARED.

"At this point the Democratic advocate of free trade
answers that these great gains to the wage-workers came
from their industry and thrift, and were not in the least
helped by a protective tariff. Let us see. For twenty
years preceding the enactment of a protective tariff in
1861, with the exception of a short period of between three
and four years in 1842-46, the country was under a low
revenue tariff, precisely of the kind now recommended by
President Cleveland and approved by the Democratic
party in Congress. At the end of that period, the savings
banks of New York and New England had total deposits of
$149,000,000. Allowing the wage-workers of that day to
have the same proportion of the total deposits as they now
have, their share would be $97,000,000. We are now in
the twenty-eighth year of a protective tariff, enacted byBLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

71

a Republican Congress, and made more effective from year
to year as industrial experience enabled Congress from
time to time to correct and adjust its workings. How,
then, stands the matter at the end of twenty-eight years of
protection ? The wage-workers of New York and New
England have $715,000,000 to their credit, or nearly eight
times the amount gained under twenty-eight years of free
trade in the same States.

"The population of the seven States at the close of the
long era of free trade was 7,250,000, and their population
in this twenty-eighth year of protection is presumed to be
11,000,000. The wage-workers of these States, toiling
under a revenue tariff such as is recommended by the
President, had earned a surplus amounting to $13.50 for
each person of the entire population, while the wage-work-
ers for the later period under a protective tariff have
earned $65 per head for the total population; or, in other
words, the average wage-worker under a protective tariff
in the United States has been enabled to save five times as
much as the average wage-worker under a mere revenue
tariff.

" But the Democratic advocate of free trade thinks that
he can escape from the crushing force of these figures by
his favorite cry that these earnings of the laboring man in
New York and New England have been made at the ex-
pense of the agricultural States in the West. I first answer
that manufactures are so rapidly spreading that there are
no longer agricultural States in the sense in which that
term was used a generation ago. Under a protective tariff
manufactures are springing up everywhere, and already
some States in the West—notably Ohio, Indiana, and Illi-
nois—have an annual product from manufactures amount-
ing high up into the millions. But, secondly, I answer
that I have no need to interpose the manufacturing in-
terests in stating the progress and development of the
West. For in twenty years of protective tariff wealth has
increased in a far greater ratio in the agricultural States of72

BLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

the West than in seven manufacturing States which I
have adduced in the East. In 1861, for instance, the six
Western States of Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa,
Kansas, and Nebraska had a population of two and a half
millions (2,500,000), and an aggregate wealth by the census
of 1860 of eight hundred and seventy millions of dollars
($870,000,000). To-day they have a population of perhaps
eleven millions (11,000,000), the equal of New England.
We cannot give the statistics of aggregate wealth either in
the West or the East later than the census of 1880; but in
the twenty years between 1860 and 1880 these six Western
States had increased their aggregate wealth from eight
hundred and seventy millions ($870,000,000) to six thou-
sand three hundred and seventy-five, millions ($6,375,000,-
000), an increase of more than seven-fold. New York and
New England had three times the population of these
Western States in 1860, with an aggregate wealth of
thirty-seven hundred millions ($3,700,000,000). To-day the
population of these States is about the same as the Western
States, while their wealth in the twenty years between 1860
and 1880 increased only three-fold, amounting in 1880 to
eleven thousand two hundred and eighty-six millions
($11,286,000,000). The ratio of development between the
manufacturing States of New York and New England has,
therefore, not been half so rapid as that of the six agricul-
tural States which I have named. They have not, it is
true, the same amount in cash to the credit of the wage-
workers ; but they have in great and flourishing cities, in
long lines of railways, in improved farms, in the increased
values in great cities, in new towns, in the prodigious
products of grain, in the countless flocks and herds, an in-
crease of agricultural wealth to which the expense of the
Western farmer under a revenue tariff bears so slight a
comparison that it can hardly be stated,BLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

73

THE OBJECTIONS FROM THE SOUTH.

" Lastly, the objection to the conclusions I present comes
from the Southern Democrat who, forgetting the interests
of his section, is urging the revival of free trade. He con-
siders that the South has been robbed for the benefit of the
North; and, hugging this monstrous delusion, he strives to
place the Union back under the old free-trade systems of
the ante-bellum period. Yet the beneficent effect of a pro-
tective tariff can be even better illustrated by the recent
history and development of the South than by the prog-
ress of the North. By the census of 1860, seventy-one
years after the Federal Government was organized, the
Southern States, or, to describe them more accurately, the
slave-holding States of the Union, had acquired property
amounting in the aggregate to six thousand eight hundred
millions of dollars ($6,800,000,000). One-third of this total
amount, or certainly over two thousand millions of dollars
($2,000,000,000), was reckoned as the value of the negro
slaves. Eleven of these States went into rebellion, at the
end of which they had lost the institution of slavery, with
all of its assured money value. They had used up four
annual crops for war purposes. They had lost all their
ready money and their stocks. They had lost a quarter of
a million of the youth of their land, and had disabled as
many more. They had subjected all their fair and bloom-
ing section to the blighting and devastating influence of
the sword to as great a degree as the Seven Years' War had
inflicted on Prussia, or the Napoleonic struggles had on
France. Coming out of the war in 1865 defeated, dis-
couraged, almost destroyed, the Southern people set to
work, under the influence of the protective system, made
good the two thousand million dollars ($2,000,000,000)
which they had lost in slaves, repaired the ravages and
damages of war, and in the short space of fifteen years
they had acquired, by the census of 1880, twenty-one hun-
dred million dollars ($2,100,000,000) ctf property more than74

BLAINES CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

they had possessed by the census of 1860. If the financial
and industrial condition of the South could be ascertained
to-day, they would be found to have two and a half to
three times as much property as they had on that direful
day when they rashly fired on Sumter."BLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

75

MR. BLAINE ON THE MESSAGE.

A SCATHING CRITICISM OF THE PRESIDENT'S
POSITION AND MOTIVES.

retaliation as a political device to divert atten-
tion from the free-trade issue.

Mr. Blaine's speech at Lewiston, Me.,was a scathing and
pointed criticism of the President's message. The point
was made that the Executive document is not the patriotic
American measure which Mr. Cleveland and his followers
would have the country to believe, but a Democratic parti-
san device, conceived in order to divert the attention of
the people from his free-trade message and the Mills bill.

Mr. Blaine's speech will be found in full below :

" I did not happen to have an opportunity of reading the
full text of President Cleveland's message on the fisheries
subject until this morning, and, with all due respect to the
Chief Executive of the Nation, I must say that, consider-
ing all the circumstances, it is the most extraordinary doc-
ument that ever was sent from the White House to the
Capitol. Here are the main facts of the issue between
Canada and the United States, or perhaps, to speak more
exactly, between Great Britain and the United States, in
respect to the fisheries. It was our belief, and still is, that
after the articles of the Treaty of Washington relating to
the fisheries had expired, the Canadian Government be-
haved in an unneighborly, unseemly and unjust manner
toward our fishermen in refusing them rights which they
had enjoyed by long prescription.76

BLAINE 8 CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

" In order to bring the Government of the Dominion to
a just appreciation of the subject, Qongress authorized ths
President in the spring of 1887 to adopt at his discretion a
policy of suitable retaliation, directing, among other things,
that whenever and so long as American vessels were de-
prived of commercial privileges in the ports of Canada,
Canadian vessels should be deprived of like privileges in
the ports of the United States. This, if I may indulge in
appropriate slang, was a genuine tit-for-tat policy, in which
the punishment was admirably fitted to the crime. Presi-
dent Cleveland declined to enforce the policy, and allowed
outrage after outrage on our fishing vessels to go unre-
dressed. He was bent upon some form of negotiation with
England, even against the expressed wish and will of the
United States Senate and in defiance of the large share in
the treaty-making power which the Constitution assigns
to the Senate. Finally, without the consent of the Senate
and practically against its protest, the President organized
a commission to frame a treaty that should settle all points
of dispute. He thus gave what was never intended by the
Constitution—a partisan side to an international discus-
sion. It was never designed by the founders of our Gov-
ernment that intercourse with foreign nations should be
conducted by Eepublicans, or by Democrats, or by Whigs,
or by Federalists. It should only be by the Nation as a
whole.

4'Why should the railways of the United States, that
annually transport fifty millions of Canadian goods in
transit, be deprived of their business and endure a large
loss on account of a sudden whim of the President? Why
should the transit from Detroit to Buffalo and New York,
over both American and Canadian lines of rails, be sus-
pended when it has no relation whatever to the fishery
question? Why should the large traffic between Quebec
and Montreal on the one hand and Portland on the other,
by which Portland becomes the winter port of Canada, be
summarily stopped at the caprice of the President, becauseBLAINWS CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

77

of bis chagrin over the course of an independent, but as he
considers refractory, Senate? Is it the design of the Presi-
dent to make the fishing question odious by embarrassing
commercial relations and commercial exchange along 3,000
miles of frontier, and to inflict upon American communi-
ties a needless, a vexatious, and a perilous confusion of
trade?

A DEVICE TO COVER THE FREE-TRADE ISSUE.

"If Congress will give him the enactments which he
asks, he will give them retaliation until they cry, "Hold,
enough!" and will allow him to settle the fishery question
in the precise manner which the Senate now contemptu-
ously rejects. Or, after all, fellow-citizens, is not the
President's position a mere political device to divert the at-
tention of the American people from his free-trade message
and from the Mills Tariff bill? Is not bluster on the fisher-
ies to be the plan of campaign for the Democratic party?
Are not permits for bravado to be issued by the political
agents of the Administration, marked on the back, 4 Good
till after the first Tuesday in November'?

"We have our partisan differences at home, and settle
them on our own soil, in our own way, but toward all for-
eign powers on the globe we should present one united, in-
divisible American Republic. But this was not done. The
treaty was launched as a Democratic partisan measure
rather than a patriotic American measure. And the Lon-
don papers have been following their usual vocation of
eulogizing the Democracy and abusing the Eepublicans,
with greatly increased vituperation against the Republican
party, ever since it was found that the Senate was bent on
maintaining the National dignity. It is plainly apparent
from the text of the Constitution itself that the wise men
who framed it intended that the ordinary legislative power
should be committed to the majority, however small, but
that no treaty could be framed without the overwhelming?§	BLAiNSTS CAMPAIGN SPBEdltES.

support of public opinion. They provided, therefore, that it
should require in all cases two-thirds of the Senate to ratify a
treaty; but despite this, the National Administration went
ahead, regardless of results, and negotiated a treaty so re-
pugnant to the American instinct of National self-respect
that, instead of securing a ratification by two-thirds of the
Senate, it was absolutely rejected by a majority vote.

CLEVELAND'S REMARKABLE SOMERSAULT.

"What then? At the first rebound the President has
leaped so far over on the other side that he asks authority
to cripple all our commercial relations with Canada from
Passamaquoddy Bay to Vancouver's Island. Having for
three years offered to waive the rights of the fishermen
and the National dignity at the same time, the President
desires now to cross over to the other side of the question.
He seems eager to-day to discharge a whole battery of
Krupp guns on the question, when last year a blank car-
tridge from a pocket-pistol would have settled the whole
affair. After subjecting the country month after month
to the humiliation of an unprecedented surrender, the
President's supporters, with the zeal of new converts—
rather with the extravagant enthusiasm of pretenders—are
now manifesting such renewed and deep and keen sense of
the wrongs we have experienced from Great Britain in
Canada in the matter of fisheries, that they second the
President's extraordinary somersault, and, in the slang of
the Democratic heelers, they are 1 thirsting for Canadian
gore.'

"The Democratic papers were but a short time ago tell-
ing Massachusetts and Maine that their contemptible little
question over a few codfish on the banks of Newfoundland
was not worth consideration in the National Congress, and
that if they kept annoying the country about it they would,
in the end, drive Congress into giving the full markets of
the United States to all fishermen of the Dominion.BLAINE S (JAMPAI&N BPMEOMEB.

HOW GRANT MET A SIMILAR ISSUE.

My friends, history repeats itself. Let me call your at-
tention to a remarkable parallel between the course of
President Cleveland and the course of President Johnson,
after he returned to the Democracy, in a more weighty
negotiation with England than that relating to the fisher-
ies. You will readily remember that, under instructions
from Andrew Johnson, our Minister to England, the late
Beverdy Johnson, negotiated a treaty designed to settle
the Alabama claims. It was negotiated with Lord Claren-
don, the Foreign Secretary of England, and is known as
the Johnson-Clarendon Treaty. It was communicated to
the Senate just before the expiration of Johnson's term,
and the Senate had it under consideration when President
Grant was inaugurated. It was rejected with emphasis
and indignation—just as the Senate has now rejected the
Fisheries Treaty. A few months later President Grant
sent to Congress a communication on the whole subject of
the Alabama claims. Eeferring to the Johnson-Claren-
don Treaty, he used these weighty words which I beg to
read to you:

u Believing that a treaty thus misconstrued in its scope
and inadequate in its provisions would not have produced
the hearty, cordial sentiment on pending questions which
alone is consistent with the relations which I desire to have
firmly established between the United States and Great
Britain, I regard the action of the Senate in rejecting the
treaty to have been wisely taken in the interest of peace,
and as a necessary step in the direction of a perfect and
cordial friendship between the two countries.

" A sensitive people, conscious of their power, are more
at ease under a great wrong wholly attained than under
the restraint of a settlement which satisfies neither their
ideas of justice nor the grave sense of the grievance which
they have sustained. In his next annual communication
President Grant recommended to Congress to antagonize80	BLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

the appointment of a commission to take proof of the
amounts and the ownership of the several Alabama claims,
on notice to the representative of Her Majesty's Govern-
ment at Washington, and that authority be given for the
settlement of those claims by the United States, so that the
Government would have the ownership of the private
claims as well as the responsible control of all the demands
against Great Britain. The result, you know, was that the
British Government proposed a joint commission to settle
all claims between the countries; that President Grant,
unlike President Cleveland, secured the assent of the Ben-
ate before appointing commissioners in return, and the
joint commission made a settlement which, on the whole,
was satisfactory to both parties. This was brought about
to the honor of both nations in consequence of the firm po-
sition assumed by President Grant.* Why could not a like
attitude to-day on the part of the President produce a like
result, peaceably, honorably, and to the lasting advantage
of both nations?

THE DEMOCRACY'S DIPLOMATIC BLUNDERS.

u The truth is, my friends, the Democratic party has never
been fortunate in conducting diplomatic negotiations with
Great Britain. The English partiality for the Democratic
party is not difficult to explain. It is not solely be-
cause the Democracy are a free-trade party and are now
proposing to open our home market for the benefit of the
British manufacturers, at the expense of American work-
ingmen; but it is that in every negotiation with the Dem-
ocratic Administration England has succeeded in attaining
the precise result which she desired. A great historic case
in point is familiar to all who have studied our history for
the sixty years since the Democratic party was first organ-
ized. From the administration of Mr. Jefferson onward
there was a dispute between the two countries as to theBLAINE 8 CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.	81

rights of each bordering on the Pacific Ocean, and the
question was adjusted from time to time by our earlier
Presidents, and lastly by a treaty made by Mr. Clay when
he was Secretary of State under Mr. Adams, providing for
joint occupation of the country for an indefinite period,
neither party losing their rights; but from pure demagog-
ism the Democrats raised the cry in the National election
of 1844 that the whole of what now constitutes British Col-
umbia up to latitude 54:40 belonged unquestionably to the
United States. The pretence was put forth as a blind, in
order to show that they were as zealous to secure Northern
territory as they were bent on acquiring Southern territory.
The Democratic National Convention affirmed our right to
54:40. President Polk made his campaign on it. They
were ready to do anything to secure it, and they pressed it
so far that as soon as Mr. Polk was inaugurated the Dem-
ocratic Congress asked that notice be given to England for
terminating the treaty of joint occupation. The next thing
the country heard was that Mr. Polk's Administration was
compelled to surrender the whole territory to Great Brit-
ain, confessing that they had made pretences which they
were unable to maintain or defend. Had they not raised
their demagogic cry and thus forced the question to a set-
tlement, the joint occupation which had come down from
Jefferson to that hour would have peacefully continued,
and with our acquisition of California two years afterward
and the immediate discovery of gold, the thousands of
American citizens who swarmed to the Pacific Coast would
have cccupied British Columbia, and the final settlement
would doubtless have been in favor of those who were in
actual possession; and but for the blundering diplomacy
of the Democratic party, which prematurely and without
any reason forced the issue, we should to-day see our flag
floating over the Pacific front, from the Gulf of California
to Behring's Straits.82

BLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

RECKLESS TRIFLING WITH GREAT QUESTIONS.

4' President Cleveland is exactly following the precedents
of his party in his negotiations with Great Britain—an al-
ternation of blushes and of surrender, both of which are
equally inconsistent with the dignity of a nation conscious
of its great power. We certainly do not desire a continu-
ance of the diplomacy which, after studying a subject for
three years, can radically change the position of the Na-
tional Administration between Wednesday afternoon and
Thursday morning. On Wednesday the President was
still urging the Senate through the entire body of Demo-
cratic Senators to surrender all our rights in the fisheries
by agreeing to the treaty, and on Thursday he put those
Senators to shame by directly reversing the position he
had strenuously held for three preceding years.

4<I do not believe the American people will submit to
such trifling with a great question. I believe, rather, that
they will commit the Government to the great party which
from the first day of Lincoln's Administration to the last
hour of President Arthur's has maintained the force and
prestige and right of the Union against rebellion at home
and aggression from abroad, and did it without bravado or
bluster on the one hand, and without humiliating surren-
der on the other."BLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.	SB

MR. BLAINE ON TRUSTS.

SPEECH AT DOVER, MAINE.

trusts created ry state, not national authority—
not the result of the tariff—the democratic
failure to investigate them.

Ladies and Gentlemen : In some remarks at Portland
a fortnight ago I had occasion to say that the President's
attempt to charge the responsibility of what are known as
'' trusts " in the country to the protective tariff, as he did
in his last annual message, was utterly groundless and un-
justifiable. I said then, as I repeat now, that trusts flour-
ish to a greater extent under the free-trade policy of Eng-
land than they do under the protective policy of the United
States, and I gave one extreme instance in which the whole
business of burying the dead in the United Kingdom had
been committed to a trust in which all the undertakers
were stockholders, and that preferential bonds were issued
upon this grim and ghostly trust for the financial market.
I held in my hand an extract which I had myself cut from
a London paper stating these facts in full. Immediately
thereafter a class of editors who think that contradiction
means argument, and that impudent denial well takes the
place of sober fact, assailed me for having made an untrue
statement, and one of them procured a telegram from
London stating that they did not in England even know
what the phrase 44 trusts " implied.

Neither did we in the United States until within two or
three years, for it is simply a modern use of a word to de-
scribe that which has existed for a long time, namely, a
combination of traders or manufacturers in a given line to
keep up the price of an article which they may all be en-84	BLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

gaged in selling, and that form of combination or monopoly,
or, as it is now called, trust, not only flourishes more rankly
in England than in the United States, but it was from Eng-
land and Englishmen that the commercial device was im-
ported into the United States. The London iron trade
circular of June 30, in referring to an instance to which I
have elsewhere made an allusion, declares it to be "the
largest amalgamation of business firms which has ever
been accomplished in England." On July 14 "The Iron
and Steel Trades' Journal" of London said: " The practice
of combination to maintain prices in certain branches of
business is extending in England." It points out a
great increase of combinations to sustain the iron trade.
It further says that "the makers of carriage, cart,
and wagon axles recently united for the purpose of es-
tablishing an advance, and that the alliance has suc-
ceeded in upholding the higher prices." Another statement
sets forth that the manufacturers of sheet iron have joined
together to prevent free competition, and that more than
twenty firms have shared in the effort, the members of the
union pledging themselves to abide as to price by the de-
cision of the majority. Still another is the well-known
wood-screw combination of Birmingham, which was the
exemplar and precedent for whatever was attempted in
the same line in this country. Still another, which has
recently been called to my notice, is a combination in some
glassware pottery, which, not being able to take in all the
trade, attempted "to turn tradesmen of other kinds
against those who persisted in remaining out and practi-
cally boycotted them."

ENGLAND ACTUALLY "PLASTERED OVER WITH TRUSTS."

I might cite many more, and worse, for I repeat what I
said before, that England is plastered over with these com-
binations, which are now called trusts in this country, and
the5 men who denied either knew nothing of the subject orBLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

85

were striving to conceal the truth. They may take either
horn of the dilemma. The point that I made then, that
trusts were in no way chargeable to a protective system,
but flourished even more freely and more widely under a
free-trade system, is abundantly established, and is well
known to all who choose to read the trade journals of that
kingdom.

Now, as to American trusts, let me say this, that there
is not one among all the trades in the land that derives its
being, owes its organization, or came up under the patron-
age of the National Government. Every one of them de-
rives whatever sanction or law it possesses from the State
Government, generally one State, but sometimes several
uniting in giving vitality to the organization of a trust,
but in no case the Government of the United States. Take
the Standard Oil trust, the whiskey trust, the cottonseed-
oil trust; the sugar trust, and various coal trusts; take the
whole list from A to Z, and not one of them stands upon or
is supported by the authority of National law, or the per-
mission and approval of the National Government. The
President, therefore, must have known—certainly he
should have known—when he arraigned trusts in a message
to Congress that Congress could not dissolve them when
their charters were from State Legislatures or their organ-
izations under State law. If he did not so understand it,
obviously the Democratic House did.

NOT THE FRUIT OF THE TARIFF.

That trusts had no possible legal connection with the
tariff has been confessed by the Democratic House, con-
fessed by the Ways and Means Committee, confessed by
Chairman Mills, practically confessed by every man that
stood as an advocate of free trade. Take the Mills bill
that the House, or its committees, had under consideration
for seven months, in which they were seeking to do the
most radical things with our revenue laws that they dare,86

BLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

The bill, after its seven months' incubation, left the House
containing forty-one sections, sixty-seven octavo pages,
more than 1,600 lines and 15,000 words, and it does not
contain section or page or line or word or syllable relating
directly or indirectly or in any way whatever to trusts.
The zeal with which the President started off to saddle the
whole of the unpopularity of trusts on the protective tariff
and upon the Republican party seems not even to have
been heard of in Congress. Did they purposely intend to
affront the President by taking no notice of his suggestion,
or did the Democratic members of the Ways and Means
Committee of the House coolly accept some conclusion
that I stated in Portland, namely, that neither the President
of the United States nor any private citizen of the United
States could affect the existence of trusts or cure the abuses
thereof by voice or vote in a National campaign? The
President's charge that trusts had their origin in a pro-
tective tariff does not, therefore, have a foot of ground to
stand on, and was contradicted in every line of the free-
trade experience I have quoted from England.

It is very well to make stump speeches against the Re-
publican party as having favored trusts, to hold them
responsible for their existence, and to introduce it as an
issue in a national campaign; but even the Democrats,
who are making these speeches, when put upon their re-
sponsibility as legislators, did not dare to bring the subject
forward. They knew, if the President did not, that trusts
were derived from State charters, and did not exist under
a national law.

DEMOCRATS FIGHTING SHY OF THE SUBJECT.

Nor did the passage of the Mills Tariff bill through the
Democratic House afford the only occasion in the history
of Congress that the Democratic party very unanimously
backed out of an investigation of trusts. I do not desire
to be personal or censorious, and? least of all? do I accuseBLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.	87

any man; but it is fresh in the memory of all my hearers
that since President Cleveland was inaugurated it was
charged that a Senator for a great State owed his election
to bribery—to bribery of the rankest character ever
charged in our political history. So notorious was the
charge that the Legislature of the State memorialized the
Senate of the United States on the subject and asked only
the favor that there might be an open, fair, and full inves-
tigation. The bribery was charged against one of the most
prominent members of perhaps the largest trust in the
United States. Far be it from me to say that he was
guilty. I know nothing of him; certainly I know nothing
to his personal discredit, but the charge was made and
made openly—not made anonymously, not made in a cor-
ner, not made by an individual responsible or irresponsible,
not made merely by a newspaper—but made by the Legis-
lature of what the Democrats are fond of calling u a sov-
ereign State of the Union." There, my friends, was the
opportunity for these irrepressible, voracious, omnivorous,
enthusiastic Democratic opponents of trusts to get right
into the secret history (if there was a history) of all crooked
transactions (if there were any crooked transactions), of
one of the largest trusts in the nation, to ascertain whether
it was a guilty monster, whether it was a corrupt and dan-
gerous organization, whether its members were paying for
the election of United States Senators and buying up State
Legislatures by the outlay of vast sums of money.

We have seen that the contrivers of the Mills Tariff bill
avoided the whole subject; and now what did these Demo-
cratic Senators—many of them still in the service—these
Senators that are preparing to make stump speeches on the
Eepublican inquiry in the matter of trusts, what did they
do ? Did they spring forward eagerly to the investigation ?
Did they champ their Senatorial bits with impatience to
get into the race for who should first chase these wicked
trusts, or this one wicked trust, down ? Not one of them.
They spoke against investigation. They worked against88

BLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

investigation. They combined against investigation, lest
one stray Senator might express a faint desire to look into
the matter of trusts, of the corruption charged upon the
chief of them. They caucused against investigation.
They voted unanimously against touching the matter. If
the alleged trust had the smallpox, they could not have
fled from it more rapidly. Not even ten sovereign States
could have induced them to go into the subject at all.
They did not want to know anything about trusts, espe«
cially if any member of those trust had been resorting to
bribery in order to elect a Senator of the United States to
sit on the Democratic side of the Chamber. Not alone did
the Democratic members of the United States Senate resist
this investigation, but they were urged thereto with all
the force of President Cleveland's Administration, for
there were reasons affecting that Administration that made
it quite as eager to suppress investigation into the alleged
corruption of the Senatorial election, and into the con-
nection therewith of money derived from this great trust,
as those which affected the members of the United States
Senate. In fact the tar of that stick made a somewhat
general besmearing in the Democratic ranks, and both out-
side and inside of the administration they were determined
to have no investigation. But now, when all chances to
investigate the bribery and the trust money that was
alleged to be behind it, and all chances to insert anything
about trusts in the Mills Tariff bill have safely gone by,
the Democratic papers can make a loud noise over trusts,
a brave member of Congress can fire blank cartridges at
the whole system of trusts, by putting in an occasional
bill, which is at once referred to the tomb of the Capulets,
with no possible hope of resurrection in this world or the
next.BLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

89

A LEGITIMATE STATE ISSUE.

In my speech at Portland I said that I should neither dis-
cuss the advantages nor the disadvantages of trusts,
whatever they might be, nor shall I now. They have no
place in a National campaign. They are State issues, and
if an offensive trust should come up in Maine the Repub-
lican party, responsible as it is for the legislature of the
State, will not be lacking in the energy and effectiveness
with which it will meet its proper responsibility. I only
referred to the subject in Portland, as I refer to it here, to
show that President Cleveland's effort to charge whatever
there may be in trusts upon the protective policy was with-
out any justification whatever, and was a weak offset to
the prodigious effort with which three years ago his Ad-
ministration smothered all investigation into the largest of
trusts, and the studied neglect with which the Ways and
Means Committee and the Democratic House treated them
in their tariff bill. In the Eepublican National plat-
form, upon which Harrison and Morton stand before the
people, there is a resolution with which my honored friend
from Iowa had much to do referring to trusts, in which
there is a wise discrimination made as to the legislative
power which shall control them and cure the evils connected
with them. That resolution '' recommends to Congress and
to the State Legislatures in their respective jurisdictions
such legislation as will prevent the execution of all the
schemes to oppress the people by undue charges on their sup-
plies or by unjust rates for the transportation of their pro-
ducts to market." Obviously, the convention referred the
trusts to the jurisdiction of State Legislatures and the inter-
state commerce to the power of Congress, making precisely
the distinction upon which my remarks at Portland and my
remarks to-day are based. The Republican party assigns
trusts to the power that can deal with them; the President
in his message referred them where he knew all efficient
action on the subject was impracticable and impossible,90

BLAINE 8 CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

THE FISHERIES QUESTION.

And now, friends, a few words on another subject. The
county of Piscataquis is not a fishing county, but it belongs
to a State that has a large fishing interest on the coast, and
you know, without my telling you, how completely the
interests of these fishermen were sacrificed in the treaty
which was made by a special commission, of which the
Democratic candidate for Governor in this State was one.
You know also how that treaty, although supported and
urged by President Cleveland, was absolutely rejected by
the Senate of the United States. The Constitution requires
that a treaty before it becomes law shall be ratified by two-
thirds of the Senate, but this treaty, instead of getting
two-thirds in its favor, came much nearer getting two-
thirds against it. The President, though intensely dis-
pleased with the issue, was unable to strike at the Senate,
which was on top, and seems to have concluded that the
next best thing was to shy a stone at the under dog in the
fight, which was Canada.

And he did so in an astonishing manner. A long while
ago, when we were beginning to have railway connections
with Canada and when trade was growing between' the
Dominion and the United States, Congress enacted a pro-
vision authorizing transit through the territory of the
United States. The ports of New York, Boston, and Port-
land were designated in the act, leaving to the Secretary
of the Treasury to designate such others as he might
choose. Well, you don't need to be told by me that under
that clause a very large trade has grown up between
Canada and Portland as the main seaport of our State—a
trade that has been of such consequence and value to Port-
land that if it were struck down you might as well knock
five millions out of her valuation. You know in this county
of Piscataquis that you are soon to be traversed by the
Megantic road, which, in connection with the Maine Cen-
tral, will make another transit route for bonded goods,BLAINE'S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

91

and the President says that this trade shall not continue if
Congress will authorize him to stop it, and he asks us to
agree to a law enabling him to suspend or destroy th®
whole of it.

RETALIATION IN THE WRONG DIRECTION.

Among the motives for this extraordinary course is on®
to placate some railroad's interest which his Secretary of
the Treasury has embarrassed by a gratuitous order in
favor of the Canadian Pacific Koad, and has given that
company the right to carry freight as a rival to our own
Pacific roads, which owe a large debt to the Government.
Certainly, if a man owed me a debt and I had a chance to
throw something in his way that would enable him to make
money and pay it, I would not throw the privilege away
over to an alien and a stranger in Canada-, but the Secretary
of the Treasury has given that power, under the law, to
the Canadian Pacific at its extreme west end. He might
easily have withheld it if he had chosen. Out of it there
has grown jealousy with American trunk lines which
think, and very justly, that being restrained by the Inter-
state Commerce Act, they are deeply injured by the Secre-
tary's course. Would it be an ungenerous suspicion if I
suggest that it is in the President's mind that he might
make an important point there ? But, instad of asking for
power to proclaim a suspension of all transit on Maine
railroads, why don't his Secretary of the Treasury recall
the privilege that he gave to the Canadian Pacific, and let
us alone here in our trade over the Megantic and Grand
Trunk lines ? Upon whom does that trade inflict an injury ?
To whom in the State of Maine is there a wrong done by
the fact that imports from Europe or the West Indies are
landed at Portland, destined for Canada, and go straight
through without being detained under our Custom House
laws ?

Would it not be, in your -judgment, a very mean and a92

BLAINE'8 CAMPAIGN SPEECHES.

very unneighborly act if, when the St. Lawrence Kiver is
frozen up so that no ship can enter it, and the President
calls attention to that fact as an advantage we have over
Canada, to deny them commercial privileges through Port-
land, especially when it throws a large and constant and
profitable trade into the hands of thousands of American
citizens ? Would you advise that trade be stopped and the
Americans engaged in it all punished because the President
stubbornly refused to use the means of proper retaliation
in his power for the last year and a half in regard to the
fisheries ? I think it would be wiser to have the policy of
retaliation that hits the right man, and not resort to one
that strikes your honorable and deserving men, and all this
in order that Mr. Cleveland's Administration shall be re-
lieved from the odium of the gratuitous blunder of the
Secretary of the Treasury. The only intelligent way to
treat the question now is to give no more power to Presi-
dent Cleveland in regard to it. And I am sure you will
agree with me as to the expediency of postponing the
whole subject till the next fishing season and remanding it
to the decision of a wise and firm President in the person
of Benjamin Harrison.REV. T. DE WITT TALMAGE'S

SERMONS ON

THE LABOR QUESTION

"This Labor Question is one of the most important
issues of the CampaignTHE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

THE LABOR QUESTION.

"The earth was without form and void ; and dark-
ness was upon the face of the deep. And the Spirit
of God moved upon the face of the waters."—Gene-
sis 1:2.

Out in space there hung a great chunk of
rock and mud and water and shell. Thousands
of miles in diameter, more thousands of miles
in circumference. A great mass of ugliness,
confusion, and distortion, uselessness, ghastli-
ness, and horror. It seemed like a great com-
mons on which smashed-up worlds were
dumped. It was what poetry and prose, scien-
tist and Christian agree in calling chaos. Out
of that black, rough, shapeless egg our beauti-
ful world was hatched. God stood over that
original4

THE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

ANARCHY OF ELEMENTS

and said : "Atlantic Ocean, you go right away
and lie down there ! Pacific Ocean, you sleep
there ! Caucasian range of mountains, you
stand there! Mount Washington, you be sen-
tinel there ! Mont Blanc, you put on your cor-
onet of crystal there ! Mississippi, you march
there, and Missouri you marry it there!" And
He gathered in His Almighty hands the sand
and mud and rock, and rolled and heaved and
moulded and dented and compressed them into
shape, and then dropped them in four places ;
and the one was Asia, and another was Europe,
and another Africa, and another America,
North and South.

SOCIAL CHAOS THREATENED.

That original chaos was like the confusion
and anarchy into which the human race ever
and anon has a tendency to plunge. God has
said : " Let there be light of law, light of jus-
tice, light of peace, light of love!" " No !
No !" say anarchic voices, "let there be dark-
ness, let there be cut-throatery, let there be
eternal imbroglio, let there be chaos."

Such a social condition many are expectingTHE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

5

because of the overshadowing contest between
Labor and Capital; there has not been an intel-
ligent man or woman during the last two
months who has not asked the question,
"Shall we have bloody revolution in this
country ?" I have heard many answer the
question in the affirmative ; I answer it in the
negative.

THE CHURCH AS PEACEMAKER.

There may be and there have been terrific
outbursts of popular frenzy, but there will be no
anarchy, for the Church of Christ, the mightiest
and grandest institution of the planet, shall, lay-
ing hold of the strength of the eternal God,
come out, and putting one hand on the shoul-
der of Labor, and the other on the shoulder of
Capital, say, " I come in the name of the God
who turned chaos into magnificent order, to
settle this dispute by the principles of eternal
justice and kindness; and now I command you,
take your hands off of each other's throats."
The only impartial institution on this subject is
the Church, for it is made up of both capitalists
and laborers, and was founded by Christ, who
was a carpenter, and so has a right to speak for
all laborers, and who owns the earth and the6

THE feATTLE FOR BREAi).

solar system and the universe, and so can speak
for the capitalists.

As for myself, as an individual I have a right
to be heard. My father was a farmer and my
grandfather, and they had to work for a living ;
and every dollar I own I earned by the sweat of
my own brow, and I owe no man anything, and
if any obligation has escaped my memory, come
and present your bill when I descend from this
pulpit, and I will pay you on the spot. I am
going to say nil that I think and feel on this
subject, and without any reservation, asking
your prayers that I may be divinely directed in
this important series of Sabbath morning dis-
courses.

That Labor has grievances I will show you
plainly before I get through this course of ser-
mons. That Capital has had outrages com-
mitted upon it I will make evident beyond dis-
pute. But there are right and wrong ways of
attempting a reformation.

When I say there will be no return to social
chaos, I do not underrate the awful

PERIL OF THESE TIMES.

We must admit that the tendency is toward rev-
olution. Great throngs gather at some pointsTHE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

7

of disturbance in almost all our cities. Rail-
trains hurled over the rocks. Workmen beater
to death within sight of their wives and chil-
dren. Factories assailed by mobs. The faith-
ful police of our cities exhausted by vigilance
night and day. In some cases the military
called out. The whole country asking the
question, " What next ?" A part of Belgium
one great riot. Germany and Austria keeping
their workmen quiet only by standing armies
so vast that they are eating out the life of those
nations. The only reason that Ireland is in
peace is because she is hoping for Home Rule
and the triumphs of Gladstonism. The labor
quarrel is hemispheric, aye, a world-wide quar-
rel, and the whole tendency is toward anarchy.

But one way in which we may avoid anarchy
is by letting the people know

WHAT ANARCHY IS.

We must have the wreck pointed out in order
to steer clear of it. Anarchy is abolition of
right of property. It makes your store and
your house and your money and your family
mine, and mine yours. It is wholesale robbery.
It is every man's hand against every other man.
It is arson and murder and rapine and lust and8

THE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

death triumphant. It means no law, no church,
no defence, no rights, no happiness, no God.
It means hell let loose on earth, and society a
combination of devils incarnate. It means ex-
termination of everything good and the corona-
tion of everything infamous. Do you want it ?
Will you have it ? Before you let it get a good
foothold in America take a good look at the
dragon.

Look at Paris, where for a few days it held
sway, the gutters red with blood and the walks
down the street a stepping between corpses, the
Archbishop shot as he tries to quell the mob,
and every man and woman armed with knife or
pistol or bludgeon. Let this country take one
good, clear, scrutinizing look at anarchy before
it is admitted, and it will never be allowed to
set up its reign in our borders. No ; there is
too much good sense dominant in this country
to permit anarchy. All good people will, to-
gether with the officers of civil government,
cry " Peace!" and it will be re-established.
Meanwhile, my brotherly counsel is to

THREE CLASSES OF LABORERS.

First, to those who are at work. Stick to it.
Do not amid the excitement of these times dropTHE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

9

your employment, hoping that something bet-
ter will turn up. He who gives up work now,
whether he be railroad man, mechanic, farmer,
clerk, or any other kind of employee, will prob-
ably give it up for starvation. You may not
like the line of steamers that you are sailing in,
but do not jump overboard in the middle of the
Atlantic. Be a little earlier than usual at your
post of work while this turmoil lasts, and attend
to your occupation with a little more assiduity
than has ever characterized you.

My brotherly counsel, in the second place, is
to those who have resigned work. It is best
for you and best for everybody to go back im-
mediately. Do not wait to see what others do.
Get on board the train of national prosperity
before it starts again, for start it will, start soon
and start mightily. Last year in the city of
New York there were 45 general strikes and
177 shop strikes. Successful strikes, 97; strikes
lost, 34; strikes pending at the time the statist-
ics were made, 59; strikes compromised, 32.
Would you like me to tell you who will make
the most out of the present almost universal
strike ? I can and will. Those will make the
most out of it who go first to work.

My third word of brotherly advice is to theIO	THE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

nearly two million people who could not get
work before this trouble began, and who have
themselves and their families to support, to go
now and take the vacated places. Go in and
take those places a million and a half strong.
Green hands you may be now, but you will
not be green hands long. My sentiment is full
liberty for all who want to strike to do so, and
full liberty for all who want to take the vacated
places. Other industries will open for those
who are now taking vacation, for we have only
opened the outside door of this continent, and
there is room in this country for eight hundred
million people, and for each one of them a
home and a livelihood and a God!

PLENTY OF ROOM.

So, however others may feel about this excite-
ment, as wide as the continent, I am not scared
a bit. The storm will hush. Christ will put
His foot upon it as upon agitated Galilee. As
at the beginning, chaos will give place to order
as the Spirit of God moves upon the waters.
But hear it, workingmen of America! Your
first step toward light and betterment of condi-
tion will be an assertion of your individual in-
dependence from the dictation of your fellow-THE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

II

workmen. You are a free man, and let no
organization come between you and your best
interests. Do not let any man, or any body of
men, tell you where you shall work, or where
you shall not work, when you shail work, or
when you shall not work. If a man wants to
belong to a labor organization, let him belong.
If he does not want to belong to a labor organ-
ization, let him have perfect liberty to stay out.
You own yourself. Let no man put a manacle
on your hand or foot or head or heart.

I belong to a ministerial association that
meets once a week. I love all the members
very much. We may help each other in a hun-
dred ways, but when that association shall tell
me to quit my work and go somewhere else ;
that I must stop right away because a brother
minister has been badly treated down in Texas,
I will say to that ministerial association, " Get
thee behind me, Satan !" Furthermore, I have
a right to resign my pastorate of this church
and say to the people, " I decline to work for
you any longer. I am going. Good-by." But
I have no right, after I have quit this pulpit, to
linger around the doors on Sunday mornings
and evenings with a shot-gun to intimidate or
hinder the minister who comes to take my12

THE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

place. I may quit my place and continue to be
a gentleman, but when I interfere with my suc-
cessor in this pulpit I become a criminal, and
deserve nothing better than thin soup in a tin
bowl in Sing Sing Prison. Your first duty,
oh laboring man, is to your family ! Let no one
but Almighty God dictate to you how you
shall support them. Work when you please,
where you please, at what you please, and allow
no one for a hundred millionth part of a second
to interfere with your right. When we emerge
from the present unhappiness, as we soon will,
we shall find many tyrannies broken, and Labor
and Capital will march shoulder to shoulder.

MUTUAL DEPENDENCE.

This day I declare the mutual dependence of
Labor and Capital. An old tentmaker put it
just right—I mean Paul—when he declared :
"The eye cannot say to the hand, I have no
need of thee." You have examined some elab-
orate machinery—a thousand wheels, a thousand
bands, a thousand levers, a thousand pulleys,
but all controlled by one great water-wheel, all
the parts adjoined so that if you jarred one part
you jarred all the parts. Well, society is a great
piece of mechanism, a thousand wheels, a thou-THE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

13

sand pulleys, a thousand levers, but all con-
trolled by one great and ever-revolving force—
the wheel of God's providence. The profes-
sions interdependent, all the trades interde-
pendent. Capital and Labor interdependent,
so that the man who lives in a mansion on the
hill, and the man who breaks cobble-stones at
the foot of the hill, affect each other's misfor-
tune or prosperity. Dives cannot kick Laza-
rus without hurting his own foot. They who
throw Shadrach into the furnace, get their own
faces scorched and blackened. No such thing
as independence. Smite society at any one
point and you smite the entire community.

IDENTICAL INTERESTS.

Relief will come to the working-classes of this
country through a better understanding between
Capital and Labor. Before the contest goes
much further it will be found that their interests
are identical; what helps one helps both; what
injures one injures both. Until the crack of
doom there will be no relief for the working-
classes until there is a better understanding be-
tween Labor and Capital and this war ends.
Every speech that Capital makes against Labor
is an adjournment of our national prosperity.*4	THE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

Every speech that Labor makes against Capital
is an adjournment of our national prosperity.
The capitalists of the country, so far as I know
them, are successful laborers. If the capitalists
in this house to-day would draw their gloves,
you would see the broken finger-nail, the scar
of an old blister, here and there a stiffened
finger-joint. The great publishers of New
York and Philadelphia, so far as I know them,
were book-binders or printers on small pay.
The carriage manufacturers of the country used
to sandpaper the wagon-bodies in the wheel-
wright's shop.

PHILANTHROPIC CAPITALISTS.

Peter Cooper was a glue-maker. No one
begrudged him his millions of dollars, for he
built Cooper Institute and swung open its
doors for every poor man's son, and said to the
day laborer: " Send your boy up to my In-
stitute if you want him to have a splendid edu-
cation." And a young man of this church was
the other day walking in Greenwood Cemetery,
and he saw two young men putting flowers on
the grave of Peter Cooper. My friend sup-
posed the young men were relatives of Peter
Cooper, and decorated his grave for that reason.the battle for bread.

15

" No," they said, "we put these flowers on his
grave because it was through him we got our
education." Abraham Van Nest was a harness-
maker in New York. Through economy and
industry and skill he got a great fortune. He
gave away to help others hundreds of thousands
of dollars. I shall never forget the scene when
I, a green country lad, stopped at his house,
and after passing the evening with him he came
to the door and came outside and said : " Here,
De Witt, is fifty dollars to get books with.
Don't say anything about it." And I never
did till the good old man was gone. Henry
Clay was " the Mill-boy of the Slashes." Hugh
Miller, a stone-mason; Columbus, a weaver;
Halley, a soap-boiler; Arkwright, a barber;
the learned Bloomfield, a shoemaker; Ho-
garth, an engraver of pewter plate, and
Horace Greeley started life in New York
with ten dollars and seventy-five cents in his
pocket.

The distance between Capital and Labor is
not a great gulf over which is swung a Niagara
suspension bridge; it is only a step, and the
laborers here will cross over and become capi-
talists, and the capitalists will cross over and
become laborers. Would to God they would16	THE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

shake hands while they are crossing, these from
one side, and those from the other side.

WHO THE COMBATANTS ARE.

The combatants in this great conflict be-
tween Capital and Labor are chiefly, on the
one side, the men of fortune, and, on the other
hand, men who could get labor, but will not
have it, will not stick to it. It is the hand curs-
ing the eye, or the eye cursing the hand. I
want it understood that the laborers are the
highest style of capitalists. Where is their in
vestment? In the bank? No. In railroad
stock ? No. Their muscles, their nerves, their
bones, their mechanical skill, their physical
health, are the highest kind of capital. The
man who has two feet, and two ears, and two
eyes, and ten fingers, owns a machinery that
puts into nothingness Corliss's engine and all
the railroad rolling stock, and all the carpet
and screw and cotton factories on the planet.
I wave the flag of truce this morning between
these contestants. I demand a cessation of
hostilities between Labor and Capital. What
is good for one is good for both. What is bad
for one is bad for both.THE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

CO-OPERATION.

Again, relief will come to the working-
classes of this country through co-operative
association. I am not now referring to trades-
unions. We may hereafter discuss that ques-
tion. But I refer to that plan by which laborers
become their own capitalists, taking their sur-
pluses and putting them together and carrying
on great enterprises. In England and Wales
there are seven hundred and sixty-five co-opera-
tive associations, with three hundred thousand
members, with a capital of fourteen millions of
dollars, doing business in . one year to the
amount of fifty-seven millions dollars. In Troy,
N. Y., there was a co-operative iron foundry
association. It worked well long enough to
give an idea of what could be accomplished
when the experiment is fully developed.

You say that there have been great failures in
that direction. I admit it. Every great move-
ment at the start is a failure. The application
of steam power a failure, electro-telegraphy a
failure, railroading a failure, but after awhile the
world's chief successes. I hear some say,
" Why, it is absurd to talk of a surplus to be
put into this co-operative association, when men18	THE BATTLE FOR BkEAI).

can hardly get enough to eat and wear and take
care of their families." I reply, Put into my
hand the money spent in the last five years in
this country by the laboring classes for rum and
tobacco, and I will start a co-operative institu-
tion of monetary power that will surpass any
financial institution in the United States.

TAKEN INTO CONFIDENCE.

Again, I remark, that relief will come to the
working-classes through more thorough dis-
covery on the part of employers that it is best
for them to let their employes know just how
matters stand. The most of the capitalists of
to-day are making less than six per cent., less
than five per cent., less than four per cent., on
their investments. Here and there is an ana-
conda swallowing down everything, but such are
the exceptions. It is often the case that em-
ployes blame their employer because they sup-
pose he is getting along grandly, when he is
oppressed to the last point of oppression. I
knew a manufacturer who employed more than
a thousand hands. I said to him : " Do you
ever have any trouble with your workmen ? do
you have any strikes?" "No," he said.
" What! in this time of angry discussion be-THE BATTLE FOR BREAD.	!§

tween Capital and Labor, no trouble ?" " None
at all—none." I said: "How is that?"
"Well," he said, "I have a way of my own.
Every little while I call my employes together
and I say,—'Now, boys, I want to show you
how matters stand. What you turned out this
year brought so much. You see it isn't as much
as we got last year. I can't afford to pay you as
much as I did. Now, you know I put all my
means in this business. What do you think
ought to be my percentage, and what wages
ought I to pay you ? Come, let us settle this.
And," said that manufacturer, " we are always
unanimous. When we suffer, we all suffer
together. When we advance, we advance to-
gether, and my men would die for me." But
when a man goes among his employes with
a supercilious air, and drives up to his factory
as though he were the autocrat of the universe,
with the sun and the moon in his vest-pockets,
moving amid the wheels of the factory, chiefly
anxious lest a greased or smirched hand should
touch his immaculate broadcloth, he will see at
the end he has made an awful mistake. I
think that employers will find out after awhile
that it is to their interest, as far as possible, to
explain matters to their employes. You 6e2 O

THE BATTLE FOR BRFAJV

frank with them, and they will be frank with
you.

Again, I remark, relief will come to the
laboring classes through the religious rectifica-
tion of the country. Labor is appreciated and
rewarded just in proportion as a country is
Christianized. Show me a community that is
thoroughly infidel, and I will show you a com-
munity where wages are small. Show me a
community that is thoroughly Christianized,
and I will show you a community where wages
are comparatively large. How do I account
for it ? The philosophy is easy. Our religion
is a democratic religion. It makes the owner
of the mill understand he is a brother to all the
operatives in that mill. Born of the same
heavenly Father, to lie down in the same dust,
to be saved by the same supreme mercy. No
putting on of airs in the sepulchre or in the
judgment.

An engineer in a New England factory gets
sleepy, and he does not watch the steam-gauge,
and there is a wild thunder of explosion, and
the owner of the mill and one of the workmen
are slain. The two slain men come up toward
the gate of heaven. The owner of the mill
knocks at the gate. The celestial gate-keeperTHE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

21

cries, "Who is there?" The reply comes, " I
was the owner of a factory at Fall River, where
there was an explosion just now, and I lost my
life, and I want to come in." " Why do you
want ito come in, and by what right do you
come in ?" asks the celestial gate-keeper.
" Oh," says the man, " I employed two or three
hundred hands! I was a great man at Fall
River." "You employed two or three hundred
men," says the gate-keeper, "but how much
Christian grace did you employ?" "None at
all," says the owner of the mill. " Step back,"
says the celestial gate-keeper ; " no admittance
here for you." Right after comes up the poor
workman. He knocks at the gate. The shining
gate-keeper says, " Who is there ?" He says,
" I am a poor workman; I come up from the
explosion at Fall River; I would like to enter."
" What is your right to come in here ?" asks the
shining gate-keeper. The workman says, " I
heard that a shining Messenger came forth from
your world to our world to redeem it; I have
been a bad man ; I used to swear when I hurt
my hand with the wheel; I used to be angry; I
have done a great many wrong things, but I
confessed it all to the Messenger that came
from your country, and after I confessed it He22

THE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

told me to come up here; and that you may
know I have a right to come, there is His name
on the palm of my hand; here is his name
on my forehead." Then there is a sound of
working pulleys, and the gates lift, and the
workingman goes in. There was a vast differ-
• ence between the funerals at Fall River. The
owner of the mill had a great funeral. The
poor workingman had a small funeral. The
man who came up on his own pompous re-
sources was shut out of heaven. The poor
man, trusting to the grace of Jesus Christ, en-
tared. So, you see, it is

A DEMOCRATIC RELIGION.

1 do not care how much money you have, you
have not enough money to buy your way
through the gate. My friends, you need to
saturate our populations with the religion of
Christ, and wages will be larger, employers will
be more considerate, all the tides of thrift will
set in. I have the highest authority for saying
that godliness is profitable for the life that now
is. It pays for the employer. It pays for the
employd The hard hand of the wheel and
the soft hand of the counting-room will clasp
each other yet. They will clasp eaoh other inTHE BATTLE FOR BREAt).

n

congratulation. They will clasp each other on
the glorious morning of the Millennium. The
hard hand will say, " I ploughed the desert into
a gardenthe soft hand will reply, " I fur-
nished the seed." The one hand will say, " I
thrashed the mountainsthe other hand will
say, " I paid for the flail." The one hand will
say, " I hammered the spear into a pruning-
hookand the other hand will answer, " I
signed the treaty of peace that made that pos-
sible." Then Capital and Labor will lie down
together, and the lion and the lamb, and the
leopard and the kid, and there will be nothing
to hurt or destroy in all God's holy mount, for
the mouth of the Lord hath spoken it.24	the battle for breajb.

THE TREATMENT OF EMPLOYES.

" If ye bite and devour one another, take heed
that ye be not consumed one of another."—Gal. 5:15.

" Look not every man on his own things, but every
man also on the things of others.—Phil. 2:4.

The labor agitation will soon quiet. The
mills will again open, the railroads resume their
traffic, our national prosperities again start. Of
course, the damage done by the strikes cannot
immediately be repaired. Wages will not be
so high as they were. Spasmodically they may
be higher, but they will drop lower. Strikes,
whether right or wrong, always injure laborers
more than the capitalists. You will see this in
the starvation of next winter. Boycotting and
violence and murder never pay. They are dif-
ferent

stages of anarchy.

God never blessed murder. The worst use
you can put a man to is to kill him. Blow up
to-morrow all the country seats on the banks
of the Hudson, and all the fine houses on
Madison Square, and Brooklyn Heights, andTHE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

2$

Brooklyn Hill, and Rittenhouse Square, and
Beacon Street, and all the bricks and timber
and stones will just fall back on the bare head
of American labor.

The worst enemies of the working classes in
the United States and Ireland are their
demented coadjutors. Assassination — the
assassinations of Lord Frederick Cavendish
and Mr. Burke in Phoenix Park, Dublin, Ire-
lond, in the attempt to avenge the wrongs of
Ireland, only turned away from that afflicted
people millions of sympathizers. The attempts
to blow up the House of Commons, in Lon-
don, had only this effect—to throw out of em-
ployment tens of thousands of innocent Irish
people in England. In this country the torch
put to the factories that have discharged hands
for good or bad reasons; obstructions on the
rail-tracks, in front of midnight express trains,
because the offenders do not like the president
of the company ; strikes on shipboard the hour
they were going to sail, or in printing offices
the hour the paper was to go to press, or in the
mines the day the coal was to be delivered, or
on house scaffoldings so the builder fails in
keeping his contract—all these are only a hard
blow on the head of American labor, and crip-26

THE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

pie its arms, and lame its feet, and pierce its
heart. Traps sprung suddenly upon employers
and violence never took one knot out of the
knuckles of toil, or put one farthing of wages
into a callous palm. Barbarism will never
cure the wrongs of civilization. Mark that!

A KING THREATENED BY A MILLER.

Frederick the Great admired some land near
his palace at Potsdam, and he resolved to get
it. It was owned by a miller. He offered the
miller three times the value of the property.
The miller would not take it because it was the
old homstead, and he felt much as Naboth
felt about his vineyard when Ahab wanted it.
Frederick the Great was a rough and terrible
man, and he ordered the miller into his
presence, and the king with a stick in his hand
—a stick with which he sometimes struck the
officers of State—said to the miller : " Now, I
have offered you three times the value of that
property, and if you won't sell it I'll take it any-
how." The miller said : "Your Majesty, you
won't." " Yes," said the king, " I will take it."
" Then," said the miller, " if your Majesty does
take it I will sue you in the Chancery Court."
At that threat Frederick the Great yielded hisTHE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

2 7

infamous demand. And the most imperious
outrage against the working classes will yet
cower before the law. Violence and opposition
to the law will never accomplish anything, but
righteousness and according to the law will ac-
complish it.

THE WIDENING CHASM.

But gradually the damages done the laborer
by the strikes will be repaired, and some im-
portant things ought now to be said. The
whole tendency of our times, as you have
noticed, is to make the chasm betweeu em-
ployer and emyloy6 wider and wider. In olden
time the head man of the factory, the master
builder, the capitalist, the head man of the
firm, worked side by side with their employes,
working sometimes at the same bench, dining
at the same table; and there are those here
who can remember the time when the clerks of
large commercial establishments were accus-
tomed to board with the head men of the firm.

All that is changed, and the tendency is to
make the distance between employer and em-
ploy^ wider and wider. The tendency is to
make the employ^ feel that he is wronged by
the success of the capitalist, and to make the28

THE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

capitalist feel: "Now, my laborers are only'
beasts of burden ; I must give so much money
for so much drudgery, just so many pieces of
silver for so many beads of sweat." In other
words, the bridge of sympathy is broken down
at both ends. That feeling was well described
by Thomas Carlyle when he said : " Plugson,
of St. Dolly Undershot, buceanedr-like, says to
his men: 'Noble spinners, this is the hun-
dredth thousand we have gained, wherein I
mean to dwell and plant my vineyards. The
hundred thousand pound is mine, the daily
wage was yours. Adieu, noble spinners ; drink
my health with this groat each, which 1 give
you over and above."

Now, what we want is to rebuild that bridge
of sympathy, and I put the trowel to one of the
abutments to-day, and I preach more especially
this morning to employers as such, although
what I have to say will be appropriate to all
who are in the house.

THREE BRUTAL PRINCIPLES.

The outrageous behavoir of a multitude of
laborers toward their employers during the last
three months—behavior infamous and worthy
of most condign punishment—may have in-THE BATTLE FOR BREAD.	29

duced some employers to neglect the real
Christian duties that they owe to those whom
they employ. Therefore I want to say to you
whom I confront face to face, and those to
whom these words may come, that all ship-
owners, all capitalists, all commercial firms, all
master builders, all housewives, are bound to be
interested in the entire welfare of their subor-
dinates. Years ago some one gave three pre-
scriptions for becoming a millionaire: First,
spend your life in getting and keeping the earn-
ings of other people; secondly, have no anxiety
about the worriments, the losses, the disappoint-
ments of others; thirdly, do not mind the fact
that your vast wealth implies the poverty of a
great many people. Now, there is not a man
in my audience who would consent to go out
into life with those three principles to earn a
fortune. It is your desire to do your whole
duty to the men and women in your service.

THE RATE OF PAY.

First of all, then, pay as large wages as are
reasonable and as your business will afford.
Not necessarily what others pay, certainly not
what your hired help say you must pay, for
that is tyranny on the part of labor unbearable,30	THE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

The right of a laborer to tell his employer
what he must pay implies the right of an em-
ployer to compel a man into a service whether
he will or not, and either of those ideas is
despicable. When an employer allows a labor-
er to say what he must do or have his business
ruined, and the employer submits to it, he does
every business man in the United States a
wrong, and yields to a principle which, carried
out, would dissolve society. Look over your
affairs, and put yourselves in imagination in
your laborer's place, and then pay him what be-
fore God and your own conscience you think
you ought to pay him.

" God bless yous " are well in their place,
but they do not buy coal nor pay house rent
nor get shoes for the children. At the same
time you, the employer, ought to remember
through what straits and strains you got the
fortune by which you built your store or run
the factory. You are to remember that you
take all the risks and the employe takes none,
or scarcely any. You are to remember that
there may be reverses in fortune, and that some
new style of machinery may make your machin-
ery valueless, or some new style of tariff set
your business back hopelessly and forever.THE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

31

You must take all that into consideration, and
then pay what is reasonable.

BIBLE INJUNCTIONS.

Do not be too ready to cut down wages. As
far as possible pay all, and pay promptly.
There is a great deal of Bible teaching on this
subject. Malachi: " I will be a swift witness
against all sorcerers, and against all adulterers,
and against those who oppress the hireling in
his wages." Leviticus : "Thou shalt not keep
the wages of the hireling all night unto the
morning." Colossians : " Masters, give unto
your servants that which is just and equal;
knowing that ye also have a Master in heaven."

So you see it is not a question between you
and your employ^ so much as it is a question
between you and God

Do not say to your employes: "Now, if
you don't like this place get another," when
you know they cannot get another. As far as
possible once a year visit at their homes your
clerks and your workmen. That is the only
way you can become acquainted with their
wants. You will by such process find out that
there is a blind parent or a sick sister being
supported. You. will findL so_me of your young32

THE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

men in rooms without any fire in winter, and in
summer sweltering in ill-ventilated apartments.
You will find how much depends on the wages
you pay or withhold.

BENEFICENT EMPLOYERS.

Moreover, it is your duty as employer, as far
as possible, to mould the welfare of the em-'
ploy6. You ought to advise him about invest-
ments, about life insurance, about savings
banks. You ought to give him the benefit of
your experience. There are hundreds and
thousands of employers in this country and
England, I am glad to say, who are settling in
the very best possible way the destiny of their
employes. Such men as Marshall, of Leeds ;
Lister, of Bradford ; Akroyd, of Halifax ; and
men so near at home it might offend their
modesty, if I mentioned their names. These
men have built reading-rooms, libraries, concert
halls, afforded croquet lawns, cricket grounds,
gymnasiums, choral societies for their employes,
and they have not merely paid the wages on
Saturday night, but through the contentment
and the thrift and the good morals of their
employes, they are paying wages from genera-
tion to generation forever.fHE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

33

Again, I counsel all employers to look well
after the physical health of their subordinates.
Do not put on them any unnecessary fatigue.
I never could understand why the drivers on
our city cars must stand all day when they
might just as well sit down and drive. It seems
to me most unrighteous that so many of the
female clerks in our stores should be compelled
to stand all day, and through those hours when
there are but few or no customers. These peo-
ple have aches and annoyance and weariness
enough without putting upon them additional
fatigue. Unless those female clerks must go
up and down on the business of the store, let
them sit down.

Then, I would have you carry out this sani-
tary idea, and put into as few hours as possible
the work of the day. Some time ago—whether
it has been changed I know not—there were
one thousand grocer clerks in Brooklyn who
went to business at five o'clock in the morning
and continued until ten o'clock at night. Now,
that is inhuman. It seems to me all the mer-
chants in all departments ought, by simultane-
ous movement, to come out in behalf of the
early closing theory. These young men ought
to have an opportunity of going to the Mercan-34

tliE battle for bread.

tile Library, to the reading-rooms, to the con-
cert hall, to the gymnasium, to the church.
They have nerves, they have brains, they have
intellectual aspirations, they have immortal
spirits. If they can do a good round day's
work in the ten or eleven hours, you have no
right to keep them harnessed for seventeen.

But, above all, I charge you, O employers!
that you look after the moral and spiritual wel-
fare of your employes. First, know where
they spend their evenings. That decides every-
thing. You do not want around your money
drawer a young man who went last night to
see Jack Sheppard / A man that comes into
the store in the morning ghastly with mid-
night revelry is not the man for your store.
The young man who spends his evenings in the
society of refined women, or in musical or ar-
tistic circles, or in literary improvement, is the
young man for your store.

the guardian of employes.

Do not say of these young men: " If they
do their work in the business hours, that is all
I have to ask." God has made you that man's
guardian. I want you to understand that
many of these young men are orphans, or worseTHE BATTLE FOR BREAD.	35

than orphans, flung out into society to strug-
gle for themselves. A young man is pitched
into the middle of the Atlantic Ocean, and a
plank is pitched after him, and then he is told
to take that and swim ashore. Treat that
young man as you would like to have your son
treated if you were dead. Do not tread on
him. Do not swear at him. Do not send
him on a useless errand. Say " Good-morn-
ing" and "Good-night" and " Good-by." You
are deciding that man's destiny for two worlds.

One of my earliest remembrances is of

OLD ARTHUR TAPPAN.

There were many differences of opinion
about his politics, but no one who ever kne\V
Arthur Tappan, and knew him well, doubted
his being an earnest Christian. In his store in
New York he had a room where every morn-
ing he called his employes together, and he
prayed with them, read the Scriptures to them,
sang with them, and then they entered on the
duties of the day. On Monday morning the
exercises differed, and he gathered the young
men together and asked them where they had
attended church, what had been their Sabbath
experiences, and what had been the sermon,36

THE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

Samuel Budgett had the largest business in
the west of England. He had in a room of his
warehouse a place pleasantly furnished with
comfortable seats and " Fletcher's Family De-
votions" and Wesleyan Hymn-books, and he
gathered his employes together every morn-
ing, and having sung, they knelt down and
prayed side by side—the employer and the em-
ployes. Do you wonder at that man's suc-
cess, and that though thirty years before he
had been a partner in a small retail shop in a
small village, at his death he bequeathed many
millions. God can trust such a man as that
with plenty of money.

SIR TITUS SALT

had wealth which was beyond computation,
and at Saltaire, England, he had a church and
a chapel built and supported by himself—the
church for those who preferred the Episcopal
service, and the chapel for those who preferred
the Methodist service. At the opening of one
of his factories he gave a great dinner, and there
were thirty-five hundred people present, and in
his after-dinner speech he said to these people
gathered : " I cannot look around me and see
this vast assemblage of friends and work-peoplettl£ BATTLE FOR BREAD.

without being moved. I feel greatly honored
by the presence of the nobleman at my side,
and I am especially delighted at the presence
of my work-people. I hope to draw around
me a population that will enjoy the beauties of
this neighborhood—a population of well-paid,
contented, happy operatives. I have given in-
structions to my architects that nothing is to
be spared to render the dwellings of the opera-
tives a pattern to the country, and if my life is
spared by Divine Providence, I hope to see
contentment, satisfaction, and happiness around
me."

That is Christian character demonstrated.
There are others in this country and in other
lands on a smaller scale doing their best for
their employes. They have not forgotten
their own early struggles. They remember
how they were discouraged, how hungry they
were, and how cold and how tired they were,
and though they may be sixty or seventy years
of age, they know just how a boy feels between
ten and twenty, and how a young man feels
between twenty and thirty. They have not
forgotten it. Those wealthy employers were
not originally let down out of heaven with pul-
leys of silk in a wicker basket, satin-lined,3*

THE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

fanned by cherubic wings. They started in
roughest cradle, on whose rocker misfortune
put her violent foot, and tipped them into the
cold world. Those old men are sympathetic
with boys.

LOOK AFTER THE FOREMAN.

But you are not only to be kind to those
who are under you—Christianly kind—but you
are also to see that your boss workman, and
your head clerks, and your agents, and your
overseers in stores are kind to those under
them. Sometimes a man will get a little brief
authority in a store or in a factory, and while
they are very courteous to you, the capitalist,
or to you, the head man of the firm, they are
most brutal in their treatment of those under
them. God only knows what some of the
lads suffer in the cellars and in the lofts of
some of our great establishments. They have
no one to appeal to. The time will come when
their arm will be strong, and they can defend
themselves, but not now. Alas! for some of
the cash boys and the messenger boys and the
boys that sweep the store. Alas! for some
of them. Now, you capitalist, you, the head
man of the firm, must look, supervise, seeTHE BATTLE FOR BREAt).

those all around you, investigate all beneath
you.

BE MERCIFUL.

And, then, I charge you not to put unneces^
sary temptation in the way of your young men.
Do not keep large sums of money lying around
unguarded. Know how much money there is
in the till. Do not have the account books
loosely kept. There are temptations inevit-
able to young men, and enough of them, with-
out your putting any unnecessary temptations
in their way. Men in Wall Street, having
thirty years of reputation for honesty, have
dropped into Sing Sing and perdition, and you
must be careful how you try a lad of fifteen.
And if he do wrong, do not pounce on him
like a hyena. If he prove himself unworthy of
your confidence, do not call in the police, but
take him home, tell why you dismissed him to
those who will give him another chance.
Many a young man has done wrong once who
will never do wrong again. Ah ! my friends, I
think we can afford to give everybody another
chance, when God knows we should all have
been in perdition if He had not given us ten
thousand chances.

Then, if in moving around your factory, or46	THE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

mill, or barn, or store you are inexorable with
young men, God will remember it. Some
day the wheel of fortune will turn, and you
will be a pauper, and your daughter will go to
the workhouse, and your son will die on the
scaffold. If in moving among your young
men you see one with an ominous pallor of
cheek, or you hear him coughing behind the
counter, say to him : " Stay home a day or two
and rest, or go out and breathe the breath of
the hills." If his mother die, do not demand
that on the day after the funeral he be in the
store. Give him, at least, a week to get over
that which he will never get over.

A BRAVE GENERAL.

Employers, urge upon your employes, above
all, a religious life. So far from that, how is
it, young men ? Instead of being cheered on
the road to heaven, some of you are caricatured,
and it is a hard thing for you to keep your
Christian integrity in that store or factory
where there are so many hostile to religion.
Ziethen, a brave general under Frederick the
Great, was a Christian. Frederick the Great
was an infidel. One day Ziethen, the vener-
able, white-haired general, asked to be excusedTHE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

41

from military duty that he might attend the
holy sacrament. He was excused. A few
days after Ziethen was dining with the king and
with many notables of Prussia, when Freder-
ick the Great, in a jocose way, said: " Well,
Ziethen, how did the sacrament of last Friday
digest ?" The venerable old warrior arose, and
said: " For your Majesty I have risked my
life many a time on the battle-field, and for
your Majesty I would be willing any time to
die; but you do wrong when you insult the
Christian religion. You will forgive me if I,
your old military servant, cannot bear in silence
any insult to my Lord and my Saviour."
Frederick the Great leaped to his feet, and he
put out his hand, and he said : " Happy Zie-
then, forgive me, forgive me !"

Oh, there are many being scoffed at for their
religion! and I thank God there are many
men as brave as Ziethen. Go to heaven your-
self, O employer! Take all your people with
you. Soon you will be through buying and
selling, and through with manufacturing and
building, and God will ask you : " Where are
all those people over whom you had so great
influence ? Are they here ? Will they be
here ?" O shipowners! into what harbor will42

THE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

your crew sail ? Oh, you merchant grocers!
are those young men that under your care are
providing food for the bodies and families of
men, to go starved forever ? Oh, you manu-
facturers of this United States ! with so many
wheels flying, and so many bands pulling, and
so many new patterns turned out, and so many
goods shipped, are the spinners, are the carmen,
are the draymen, are the salesmen, are the
watchers of your establishments working out
everything but their own salvation ? Can it be
that, having those people under your care five,
ten, twenty years, you have made no everlasting
impression for good on their immortal souls ?
God turn us all back from such selfishness, and
teach us to live for others and not for our-
selves. Christ sets us the example of sacrifice,
and so do many of His disciples.

A SELF-SACRIFICING PHYSICIAN.

One summer in California a gentleman who
had just removed from the Sandwich Islands
told me this incident. He said one of the
Sandwich Islands is devoted to lepers. People
getting sick of the leprosy on the other islands
are sent to that isle of lepers. They never
come off. They are in different stages of dis-THE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

43

ease, but all who die on that island die of
leprosy.

On one of the islands there was a physician
who always wore his hand gloved, and it was
often discussed why he always had a glove on
that hand under all circumstances. One day
he came to the authorities, and he withdrew
his glove, and he said to the officers of the law:
" You see on that hand a spot of the leprosy,
and that I am doomed to die. I might hide
this for a little while and keep away from the
isle of lepers; but I am a physician, and I can
go on that island and administer to the suffer-
ings of those who are farther gone in the dis-
ease, and I should like to go now. It would
be selfish in me to stay amid these luxurious
surroundings when I might be of so much help
to the wretched. Send me to the isle of the
lepers." They, seeing the spot of leprosy, of
course took the man into custody. He bade
farewell to his family and his friends. It was
an agonizing farewell. He could never see
them again. He was taken to the isle of the
lepers, and there wrought among the sick until
prostrated by his own death, which at last came.
Oh, tbat was magnificent self-denial, magnifi-
cent sacrifice, only surpassed by that of Him44

THE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

who exiled Himself from his home in heaven
to this leprous island of a world, that He might
physician our wounds, and weep our griefs, and
die our deaths, turning the isle of a leprous
world into a great blooming, paradisical gar-
den ! Whether employer or employ^ let us
catch that spirit.THE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

45

HARDSHIPS OF WORKINGMEN.

"So the carpenter encouraged the goldsmith, and
he that smootheth with the hammer him that smiteth
the anvil."—Isa. 41:7.

You have seen in factories a piece of mech-
anism passing from hand to hand, and from
room to room, and one mechanic will smite it,
and another will flatten it, and another will
chisel it, and another will polish it, until the
work be done. And so the prophet describes
the idols of olden times as being made, part of
them by one hand, part of them by another
hand. Carpentry comes in, gold-beating comes
in, smithery comes in, and three or four styles
of mechanism are employed. " So the carpen-
ter encouraged the goldsmith, and he that
smootheth with the hammer him that smote
the anvil." When they met, they talked over
their work, and they helped each other on with
it. It was a very bad kind of business ; it was
making idols which were an insult to the Lord
of heaven. I have thought if men in b*d work
can46

THE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

ENCOURAGE EACH OTHER,

ought not men engaged in honest artisanship
and mechanism speak words of good cheer ?

Men see in their own work hardships and
trials, while they recognize no hardships or
trials in anybody else's occupation. Every
man's burden is the heaviest, and every wo-
man's task is the hardest. We find people
wanting to get other occupations and profes-
sions. I suppose, when the merchant comes
home at night, his brain hot with the anxieties
of commercial toil, disappointed and vexed,
agitated about the excitements in the money
markets, he says, " Oh, I wish I were a me-
chanic ! When his day's work is done, the
mechanic lies down; he is healthy in body,
healthy in mind, and healthy in soul, but I
can't sleepwhile, at that very moment, the
mechanic is wishing he was a banker or a mer-
chant. He says, "Then I could always have
on beautiful apparel; then I could move in
the choicest circles; then I could bring up my
children in a very different sphere from that
in which I ■am compelled to bring them up."
Now, the beauty of our holy religion is thatTHE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

47

GOD LOOKS DOWN UPON ALL

the occupations and professions, and while I
^ cannot understand your annoyances and you
cannot understand mine, God understands
them all. He knows all about the troubles
of these men mentioned in my text—the car-
penter who encouraged the goldsmith, and he
that smootheth with the hammer, and the
gold-beaters.

I will speak this morning of the general
hardships of the working-classes. You may
not belong to this class, but you are bound as
Christian men and women to know their sor-
rows and sympathize with them, and as politi-
cal economists to come to their rescue. There
is great danger that the prosperous classes,
because of the bad things that have been said
by the false friends of labor, shall conclude
that all this labor trouble is a "hullabaloo"
about nothing. Do not go off on that tan-
gent. You would not, neither would I, sub-
mit without protest to the oppressions to
which many of our laborers are subjected.

ANARCHISTS REPUDIATED.

You do a great wrong to the laboring classes
if you hold them responsible for the work of48

THE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

the scoundrelly Anarchists. You cannot hate
their deeds more thoroughly than do all the
industrial classes. At the head of the chief
organ of the Knights of Labor, in big letters,
I find the following vigorous disclaimer:

" Let it be understood by all the world that
the Knights of Labor have no affiliation, asso-
ciation, sympathy or respect for the band of
cowardly murderers, cut-throats, and robbers,
known as Anarchists, who sneak through the
country like midnight assassins, stirring up the
passions of ignorant foreigners, unfurling the
red flag of anarchy and causing riot and blood-
shed. Parsons, Spies, Fielding, Most, and all
their followers, sympathizers, aiders, and abet-
tors, should be summarily dealt with. They
are entitled to no more consideration than wild
beasts. The leaders are cowards and their fol-
lowers are fools."

You may do your duty toward your em-
ployes, but many do not, and the biggest
business firm in America to-day is Grip,
Gouge,

GRIND AND COMPANY.

Look, for instance, at the woes of the wo-
manly toilers, who have not made any strike andTHE BAffLE FOR fekfeAfc.	ify

who are dying by the thousands, and dying
by inches. I read a few lines from the last
Labor Report, just out, as specimens of
what female employes endure: " Poisoned
hands and cannot work. Had to sue the
man for fifty cents!" Another: "About
four months of the year can, by hard work,
earn a little more than three dollars per week."
Another: " She now makes wrappers at one
dollar per dozen ; can make eight wrappers per
day." Another: "We girls in our establish-
ment have the following fines imposed: for
washing your hands, twenty-five cents; eating
a piece of bread at your loom, one dollar; also
sitting on a stool, taking a drink of water, and
many trifling things too numerous to men-
tion." " Some of the worst villains of our cities
are the employers of these women. They beat
them down to the last penny, and try to cheat
them out of that. The woman must deposit a
dollar or two before she gets the garments to
work on. When the work is done it is sharply
inspected, the most insignificant flaw is picked
out, and the wages refused and sometimes the
dollar deposited not given back. The Wo-
man's Protective Union reports a case where
one of the poor souls, finding a place where$0	fHE BATfLE FOR BREAD.

she could get more wages, resolved to change
employers, and went to get her pay for work
done. The employer says, ' I hear you are go-
ing to leave me ?' ' Yes,' she said, 'and I have
come to get what you owe me.' He made no
answer. She said : ' Are you not going to pay
me?' 'Yes,' he said, ' I will pay you,' and he
kicked her down stairs." I never swore a word
in all my life, but I confess that when 11 read
that I felt a stirring within me that was not at
all devotional.

UNDERPAID WOMEN.

By what principle of justice is it that wo-
men in many of our cities get only two thirds
as much as men, and in many cases only half ?
Here is the gigantic injustice, that for work
equally well, if not better done, woman re-
ceives far less compensation than man. Start
with the National Government. Women
clerks in Washington get nine hundred dollars
for doing that for which men receive eighteen
hundred dollars. The wheel of oppression is
rolling over the necks of thousands of women
who are at this moment in despair about what
they are to do. Many of the largest mercan-
tile establishments of our cities are accessoryTHE BATTLE FOR BREAD.	jl

to these abominations, and from their large
establishments there are scores of souls being
pitched off into death, and their employers
know it. Is there a God ? Will there be a
judgment ? I tell you, if God rises up to re-
dress woman's wrongs, many of our large estab-
lisments will be swallowed up quicker than a
South American earthquake ever took down a
city. God will catch these oppressors between
the mill-stones of His wrath, and grind them
to powder.

Why is it that a female principal in a
school gets only eight hundred and twenty-five
dollars for doing work for which a male princi-
pal gets sixteen hundred and fifty dollars ? I
hear from all this land the wail of womanhood
Man has nothing to answer to that wail but
flatteries. He says she is an angel. She is
not. She knows she is not. She is a human
being who gets hungry when she has no food,
and cold when she has no fire. Give her no
more flatteries; give her justice ! There are
sixty-five thousand sewing-girls in New York
and Brooklyn. Across the sunlight comes
their death groan. It is not such a cry as
comes from those who are suddenly hurled out
of life, but a slow, grinding, horrible wasting§2	TH£ BATTLE FOk MIAB.

away. At a large meeting of these women
held in a hall in Philadelphia, grand speeches
were delivered, but a needlewoman took the
stand, threw aside her faded shawl, and with
her shrivelled arm hurled a very thunderbolt
of eloquence, speaking out the horrors of her
own experience. Stand at the corner of a
street at six or seven o'clock in the morning,
as the women go to work. Many of them
had no breakfast except the crumbs that were
left over from the night before, or the crumbs
they chew on their way through the street.
Here they come!

THE WORKING-GIRLS OF NEW YORK

and Brooklyn. These engaged in head work,
these in flower-making, in millinery, paper-box
making; but, most overworked of all and le^st
compensated, the sewing-women. Why do
they not take the city cars on their way up ?
They cannot afford the five cents. If, conclud-
ing to deny herself something else, she gets
into the car, give her a seat. You want to see
how Latimer and Ridley appeared in the fire.
Look at that woman and behold a more horri-
ble martyrdom, a hotter fire, a more agonizing
death. Ask that woman how much she getsTHE BATTLE FOR BREAD.	S3

for her work, and she will tell you six cents for
making coarse shirts and finds her own thread.

I speak more fitly of woman's wrongs be-
cause she has not been heard in the present
agitation. You know more of what men have
suffered. I said to a colored man who, in
Missouri, last March, came into my room in
the morning to build my fire: " Sam, how
much wages do you people get around here ?"
He replied: "Ten dollars a month, sir!" I
asked : " Have you a family ?" " Yes," said he,
"wife and children." Think of it—a hundred
and twenty dollars a year to support a family
on ! My friends, there is in this world

SOMETHING AWFULLY ATWIST.

When I think of these things, I am not bothered
as some of my brethren with the abstract ques-
tions as to why God let sin come into the
world. The only wonder with me is that God
don't smash this world up and start another in
place of it.

One great trial that the working-classes feel

is

PHYSICAL EXHAUSTION.

There are athletes who go out to their work at
six or seven o'clock in the morning, and come$4

the battle for bread.

back at night as fresh as when they started.
They turn their back upon the shuttle or the
forge or the rising wall, and they come away
elastic and whistling. That is the exception.
I have noticed that when the factory bell taps
for six o'clock, the hard-working man wearily
puts his arm into his coat-sleeve and starts for
home. He sits down in the family circle, re-
solved to make himself agreeable, to be the
means of culture and education to his children,
but in five minutes he is sound asleep. He is
fagged out—strength of body, mind, and soul
utterly exhausted. He rises in the morning
only half rested from the toil. Indeed, he will
never have any perfect rest in this world until
he gets into one narrow spot which is the only
perfect rest for the human body in this world.
I think they call it a grave !

Has toil frosted the color of your cheeks ?
Has it taken all spontaneity from your laugh-
ter? Has it subtracted the spring from your
step and the lustre from your eye until it has
left you only half the man you were when you
first put your hand on the hammer and your
foot on the wheel ? To-morrow, in your place
of toil, listen, and you will hear a voice above
the hiss of the furnace and the groan of theTHE BATTLE FOR BREAD.	5§

9

foundry and the clatter of the shuttle—a voice
not of machinery, nor of the task-master, but
the voice of an all-sympathetic God, as He
says, " Come unto Me, all you who labor and
are heavy laden, and I will give you rest." Let
all men and women of toil remember that this
work will soon be over. Have they not heard
that there is a great holiday coming? Oh,
that home, and no long walk to get to it! Oh,
that bread, and no sweating toil necessary to
earn it! Oh, these deep wells of eternal rap-
ture, and no heavy buckets to draw up ! I
wish they would put their head on this pillow
stuffed with the down from the wing of all
God's promises: "There remaineth a rest for
the people of God."

Do you say, "We have sewing-machines
now in our great cities, and the trouble is
gone ?" No ; it is not. I see a great many
women wearing themselves out amid the hard-
ships of the sewing-machine. A Christian man
went into a house of a good deal of destitution
in New York, and he saw a poor woman there
with a sick child, and he was telling the woman
how good a Christian she ought to be, and how
she ought to put her trust in God. " Oh," she
said, " I have no God; I work from Monday56	THE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

morning until Saturday night and I get no
rest, and I never hear anything that does my
soul any good ; and when Sunday comes, I
haven't aay bonnet that I can wear to church,
and I have sometimes got down to pray and
then I got up, saying to my husband, ' My
dear, there's no use of my praying; I am so
distracted I can't pray ; it don't do any good !'
Oh, sir, it is very hard to work on as we peo-
ple do from year to year, and to see nothing
bright ahead, and to see the poor little child
getting thinner and thinner, and my man ak
most broken down, and to be getting no nearer
to God, but to be getting farther away from
him ! Oh, if I were only ready to die f May
God comfort all who toil with the needle and
the sewing-machine, and have compassion on
those borne down under the fatigues of life.

Another great trial is

PRIVATION OF TASTE

and sentiment. I do not know of anything
much more painful than to have a fine taste for
painting and sculpture and music and glorious
sunsets and the expanse of the blue sky, and
yet not to be able to get the dollar for the ora-
torio, or to get a picture, or to buy one's wayTHE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

57

into the country to look at the setting sun and
at the bright heavens. While there are men in
great affluence, who have around them all kinds
of luxuries in art, themselves entirely unable to
appreciate these luxuries—buying their books
by the square foot, their pictures sent to them
by some artist who is glad to get the miserable
daubs out of the studio—there are multitudes
of refined, delicate women, who are born art-
ists, and shall reign in the kingdom of heaven
as artists, who are denied every picture and
every sweet song and every musical instrument.
Oh, let me cheer such persons by telling them
to look up and behold the inheritance that God
has reserved for them !

A HEART-BREAKING PICTURE.

Then there are a great many who suffer not
only in the privation of their taste, but in the
apprehensions and the oppressive surroundings
of life that were well described by an English
writer. He said : "To be a poor man's child,
and look through the rails of the playground,
and envy richer boys for the sake of their many
books, and yet to be doomed to ignorance. To
be apprenticed to some harsh stranger, and feel
forever banished from 3 mother's tenderness58

THE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

and a sister's love. To work when very weary,
and work when the heart is sick and the head
is sore. To see a wife or a darling child wast-
ing away, and not to be able to get the best
advice. To think that the better food or purer
air might set her up again, but that food you
cannot buy, that air you must never hope to
breathe. To be obliged to let her die. To
come home from the daily task some evening,
and see her sinking. To sit up all night in
hope to catch again those precious words you
might have heard could you have afforded to
stay at home all day, but never hear them. To
have no mourners at the funeral, and even to
have to carry on your own shoulder through
the merry streets the light deal coffin. To see
huddled into a promiscuous hole the dust which
is so dear to you, and not venture to mark the ,
spot by planted flower or lowliest stone."

But I have no time this morning longer to
dwell upon the hardships and the trials of those
who toil with hand and foot, for I must go on
to offer some grand and

GLORIOUS ENCOURAGEMENTS

for »uch; and the first encouragement is, that
one of the greatest safeguards: against evil isTHE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

59

plenty to do. When men sin against the law
of their country, where do the police detectives
go to find them? Not amid the dust of fac-
tories, not among those who have on their
"overalls," but among those who stand with
their hands in their pockets around the doors
of saloons and restaurants and taverns. Active
employment is one of the greatest sureties for
a pure and upright life. There are but very
few men with character stalwart enough to en-
dure consecutive idleness.

I see a pool of water in the country, and I
say, "Thou slimy, fetid thing, what does all
this mean ? Didn't I see you playing with
those shuttles and turning that grist-mill ?"
"Oh, yes," says the water, " I used to earn my
living." I say again, " Then what makes you
look so sick ? Why are you covered with this
green scum ? Why is your breath so vile ?"
"Oh," says the water, " I have nothing to do.
I am disgusted with shuttles and wheels. I am
going to spend my whole lifetime here, and
while yonder stream sings on its way down the
mountain side, here I am left to fester and die
accursed of God because I have nothing to
do!" Sin is6o

THE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

AN OLD PIRATE

that bears down on vessels whose sails are flap-
ping idly in the wind. The arrow of sin has
hard work to puncture the leather of an old
working-apron. Be encouraged by the fact
that your shops, your rising walls, your anvils
are fortresses in which you may hide, and from
which you may fight against the temptations of
your life. Morning, noon, and night, Sundays
and week-days, thank God for plenty to do.

Another encouragement is the fact that their
families are going to have the very best oppor-
tunity for development and usefulness. That
may sound strange to you, but

THE CHILDREN OF FORTUNE

are very apt to turn out poorly. In nine cases
out of ten the lad finds out if a fortune is com-
ing, by twelve years of age; he finds out there
is no necessity of toil, and he makes no struggle,
and a life without struggle goes into dissipation
or stupidity. You see the sons of wealthy pa-
rents going out into the world, inane, nerveless,
dyspeptic, or they are incorrigible and reckless,
while the son of the porter that kept the gate
learns his trade, gets a robust physical consti-THE BATTLE FOR BREAD.	6l

tution, achieves high moral culture, and stands
in the front rank of Church and State.

Who are the men mightiest in our Legisla-
tures and Congress and Cabinets ? Did they
walk up the steep of life in silver slippers ? Oh,
no. The mother put him down under the tree
in the shade, while she spread the hay. Many
of these mighty men ate out of an iron spoon
and drank out of the roughest earthenware—
their whole life a forced march. They never
had any luxuries until, after awhile, God gave
them affluence and usefulness and renown as a
reward for their persistence. Remember, then,
that though you may have poor surroundings
and small means for the education of your chil-
dren, they are actually starting under better
advantages than though you had a fortune to
give them. Hardship and privation are not a
damage to them, but an advantage. Akenside
rose to his eminent sphere from his father's
butcher-shop. Robert Burns started as a shep-
herd. Prideau used to sweep Exeter College.
Gifford was a shoemaker, and the son of every
man of toil may rise to heights of intellectual
and moral power if he will only trust God and
keep busy.

Again, I offer as encouragement that you62

THE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

have so many opportunities of gaining infor-
mation. Plato gave thirteen hundred dollars
for two books. The Countess of Anjou gave
two hundred sheep for one volume. Jerome
ruined himself financially by buying one copy
of Origen. Oh, the contrast! Now there are
tens of thousands of pens gathering up infor-
mation. Typesetters are calling for " copy."
All our cities quake with the rolling cylinders
of the Harpers and the Appletons and the Lip-
pincotts and the Petersons and the Ticknors,
and you now buy more than Benjamin Frank-
lin ever knew for fifty cents ! There are peo-
ple who toil from seven o'clock in the morning
until six o'clock at night who know more about
anatomy than the old physiologists, and who
kpow more about astronomy than the old phi-
losophers. If you should take the learned men
of two hundred years ago and put them on one
bench, and take twenty children from the com-
mon schools in Brooklyn and put them down
on the other bench, the children could examine
the philosophers, and the philosophers could
not examine the children. " Ah !" says Isaac
Newton, coming up and talking to some intel-
ligent lad of seven years, " What is that ?" " Oh,
that is a rail-train!" " What is that ?" " ThatTHE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

63

is a telegraph." "What is that?" "It is a
telephone." " Dear me! I think I shall go
back to my bed in the dust, for I am bewil-
dered and my head turns." Oh, rejoice that
you have all these opportunities of information
spread out before you, and that, seated in your
chair at home, by the evening light, you can
look over all nations and see the ascending
morn of a universal day.

TOIL A DISCIPLINE.

One more encouragement: Your toils in this
world are only intended to be a discipline by
which you shall be prepared for heaven. " Be-
hold, I bring you glad tidings of great joy,"
and tell you that Christ, the carpenter of Naz-
areth, is the workingman's Christ. You get
His love once in your heart, O workingman !
and you can sing on the wall in the midst of
the storm, and in the shop amid the shoving of
the plane, and down in the mine amid the
plunge of the crowbar, and on shipboard while
climbing ratlines. If you belong to the Lord
Jesus Christ, He will count the drops of sweat
on your brow. He knows every ache and every
pain you have ever suffered in your worldly
occupation. Are you weary ? He will give64

THE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

you rest. Are you sick? He will give you
health. Are you cold ? He will wrap around
you the warm mantle of His eternal love.

And besides that, my friends, you must re-
member, that all this is

ONLY PREPARATORY—

a prefatory and introductory. I see a great
multitude before the throne of God. Who are
they ? " Oh," you say, " those are princes ;
they must have always been in a royal family ;
they dress like princes, they walk like princes,
they are princes; there are none of the com-
mon people there; none of the people that
ever toiled with hand and foot !" Ah ! you are
mistaken. Who is that bright spirit before the
throne ? Why, that was a sewing-girl who,
work as she could, could make but two shil-
lings the day. What are those kings and
queens before the throne ? Many of them
Went up from Birmingham mills and from
Lowell carpet factories.

THE SONG OF THE REDEEMED.

And now I hear a sound like the rustling of
robes, and now I see a taking up of harps as
though they were going to strike a thanksgivingTHE BATTLE FOR BREAD.

<*5

anthem, and all the children of the saw, and the
disciples of the shuttle are in glorious array,
and they lift a song so clear and sweet I wish
you could hear it. It would make the pilgrim's
burden very light, and the pilgrim's journey
very short. Not one weak voice or hoarse
throat in that great assemblage. The accord
is as perfect as though they had been all eter-
nity practising, and I ask them what is the
name of that song they sing before the throne,
and they tell me it is the song of the redeemed
working-people. And the angel cries out:
" Who are these so near the throne ?" and the
answer comes back: " These are they who
came out of great tribulation, and had their
robes washed and made white in the blood of
the Lamb."'Wmm

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SOSKEB

GEAND, SQUAEE AND UPRIGHT PIANOS.

FIRST PRIZE
DIPLOMA.

Centennial Exhibition,

1876, Montreal, 1881 and
.882.

The enviable po-
sition Sohmer &

Co. hold among
American Piano
Manufacturers is
solely due to I lie
merits of their in-
struments.

AKE AT PRESENT THE MOST POPULAR

AND PREFERRED BY THE LEADING ARTISTS.

SlllinKIl <fc CO., Mannfaotnrem, Nos. 149 to 1 55 E. 14th StN. Y.

FOUR HUNDRED

Choice Recitations and Readings.

This is a choice collection of Reading's and Recitations,
which have been selected with great care, and are specially
adapted for Day and Sabbath Schools, all Adult and Juvenile
Organizations, Young People's Associations, Reading Clubs,
Temperance Societies and Parlor Entertainments. They com-,
prise Prose and Poetry—Serious, Humorous, Pathetic, Comic,
Temperance and Patriotic. All those who are interested in
providing- an entertainment should have this collection.

It is the largest collection ever offered for the price, and
we guarantee satisfaction or will refund the money. Sent to
any address postpaid for 35 cents. Address,

J. S. OGILVIE Publisher

They are used
in Conservatories,
Schools and Sem-
inaries, on account
of their superior
tone and unequalet!
durability.

The SOHMEP
Piano is a special
favorile with the
leading musicians
and critics.

P.O. Box 2767	57 ROSE STREET, NEW YORK.This book is a preservation facsimile produced for
the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign.
It is made in compliance with copyright law
and produced on acid-free archival

60# book weight paper
which meets the requirements of
ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992 (permanence of paper).

Preservation facsimile printing and binding
by

Northern Micrographics
Brookhaven Bindery
La Crosse, Wisconsin
2015