; I IP if I \ I i! "'Ml ' , ii'ii P \ ' ■« 1I II is'ii f /. VS Pit s!‘: I (if P '1; ? 33T3 lY85t .V$’£ ^hv: Ip'l; "-pm4 Cp4 Pi 11 ® ‘ ‘At**Ji!: v&tx.: lip 'W &%■/" • .■ - ' 1 ■,: ; ■ v’.- , I' ' V ' ' ' , ' r 1 ■ - '' NOTICE: Return or renew all Library MateriaIsl The Minimum Fee for ' ' • • ■ -< ' , ' ;! , ' , ' V-] : ' ■ v,1',' ■'V. •i‘” 7 v- .....- . , . .. . , - .•.m ■ v «mU maf icauii iii ui3iiii93ai irom me umversuy. ; ■ . ‘ • ' • : To renew call Telephone Center, 333-8400 ' , ’ , 1 ' t ' ' ' • 1 1 . UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN ■v The person charging this material is responsible for its return to the library from which it was withdrawn on or before the Latest Date stamped below. Theft, mutilation, and underlining of books are reasons for discipli- nary action and may result in dismissal from the University. To renew call Telephone Center, 333-8400 ............................ 1 - i wm:m& rWWH-::,:, - ■ ■ . ' 'V-: "'T-. ■I i | • 1 ' '• , ‘ fM m UNIVERSITY ; , ■ LIBK •- ^ v..;,-'-.: 1 ' c,„„ -; V 1K 1' i ‘ ■’ , . ■ : ; ';, ■ ■' ■ ' Ja 09-20M -f THE TRUE AMERICAN POLICY, AH ADDRESS TO THE WORKING MEN, STATEMENTS SHOWING THE INCREASE OF MANUFACTURING IN- DUSTRY AND WEALTH UNDER A PROTECTIVE TARIFF, RATES OF WAGES IN EUROPE AS COMPARED WITH THE UNITED STATES, Etc., BY PUBLISHED AT 71 WEST BROADWAY, NEW YORK, BY THE NATIONAL CHAMBER OF INDUSTRY AND TRADE. BY THE EDITOR OP “AMERICA,” TO WHICH ARE APPEHDED EDWARD YOUNG, Ph.D., (Late Chief of the U. S Bureau of Statistics). Entered According to Act op Congress in the Year 1882, in the Office of the Librarian of Congress, Washington, D. C.PROTECT LABOR! • • *•*•»•» • - . v : :•: .*. A p:■ I. • ***•*' *«***»'**. * * * ** J* My object in these few pages is to consider the effects of a pro- tective policy upon the employments of the people and the wages of labor. I shall begin with two statements that nobody can controvert. 1. It is an admitted fact that all services are better remunerated in the United States than in Europe. The difference in favor of our working people varies considerably, according to the country with which a comparison is made; but if we take England, where the development of industry is greatest, we find, upon careful in- vestigation, that the rates of wages prevailing there, whether com- puted in money or in comforts, are still vastly less than here.* 2. Hence a prodigious exodus from all parts of Europe to these •shores. Yet, singular as it may appear, this additional supply of skill and muscle exercises no visible pressure on the remuneration of labor in this country. It is readily absorbed by our growing industries at the rates of compensation that have induced it. Why? Are not these two facts in direct conflict with the free-trade theory, that “Wages cannot depend on anything but the supply and the demand of labor. ”f Men are differently rewarded in different parts of the world for equivalent services, and it is not in sparsely populated countries that they receive the highest wages; neither is it where their labor is in greatest demand. In China, in India, the muscular power of the laborer is taxed to the utmost, but his pittance cannot be worse. The demand for manual labor is greater there than here, and owing to the absence of machinery there is no glut of human tools throughout the Far East, although there may be a glut of human stomachs. Why is it, then, that men are found in Asia to carry coal on their backs over mountains at the rate of twenty-five *For exact figures, see Appendix—Wages in Europe and America compared, by Edward Young, Ph. D., late Chief of the U. S. Bureau of Statistics. f Prof. Sumner’s speech, at a meeting of the New York Free Trade Club held in April, 1882.PROTECT LABOR. B cents per ton, while no man could be found in America to do such work at any price ? There is evidently in this matter of labor a factor at work other than the so-called infallible law of supply and demand; a factor sufficiently powerful to change the effects of this law according to the character of the populations among which it operates. This factor, the result of moral forces for which the free traders affect the most extraordinary contempt, is to be found in the require- ments of the laboring man, that increase in the ratio of his ad- vance on the road to civilization; and these requirements at any time or place constitute the Natural Cost of Labor at that time or at that place. Yes, in the industrial system of every nation the centre to which wages gravitate is the average Standard of Requirements of its workers, rising as each independent nation moves higher up toward that common point of attraction—the sun of indus- trial progress. In countries far behind wages are low; not be- cause there is less demand for labor, since more effort is needed to produce comparatively less than in more advanced common- wealths, but because the standard of living is necessarily low. In America, however, people expect and get American Wages. And as long as we shall maintain a protective policy, the stream of immigration, constantly pouring into the channels of American industry, cannot have the effect of lowering the level of American } labor; for the number of laborers is not so much the H thing to be considered as the number of them to i whom labor can. be given. Therefore we see that under the present system the possibilities of remunerative employment are steadily keeping pace with the increase of population; and, thanks to the magnitude of our natural resources, there are in this country profitable outlets for human energy awaiting millions that are still unborn. The people who leave in disgust the shores of Great Britain will no longer vegetate for the benefit of her merchants, that these may grow wealthy by underselling every country in its own markets. Not only do they bring to America their skill and energy, their producing power, but also their purchasing ability, vastly increased by a more lib- eral remuneration of their services. Cheap land will secure them ’ CHEAP FOOD, AND PROTECTION FAIR PAY. ip.' 2. £ ^ ^ ^4 PROTECT LABOR. II. Bat although the American worker need not fear the cumpcLf* tion of European immigrants, who come here to enjoy the full benefits of our social, political and industrial system, he cannot fear too much the competition of cheap foreign labor in the form of cheap foreign products. In other words, Let Him Fear Free Trade* which the Democratic party is attempting to force upon this country in the name of liberty. Workingmen, beware! Free trade would blow out every furnace, shut down every mill,, and practically re-establish slavery by degrading American labor. And to accomplish this, politicians of the free-trade school rely upon the mechanics themselves—upon their supposed ignorance of the tariff question. First, they point to the wealth and greatness of England under a free-trade policy. The dazzling figures of her foreign commerce are attractively spread before us. We might be wealthier, they say, if we would only follow her example. Fet Us Sift This Sophistry. A nation is not necessarily wealthy in proportion to its foreign trade. It is always wealthy in proportion to its domestic exchanges. England is no exception to this rule. In almost everything she depends on the world. She depends on it for her supply of food and raw materials; and she can pay for them in manufactures only. Her trade abroad is enormous; but her people have a less averave of comfort than ours.* Had she not been strong in intellect and lucky in war she would be to-day a very poor country. Even now she might be ruined in a day. Therefore, in sight of every port stand her men-of-war, ready to force it open, if necessary, to her merchant vessels; and the words, “ To be or not to be,” are plainly written on her flag wherever it floats. She receives much from the world, and having in good time become creditor of many nations, she returns now considerably less than she receivesf; but, the true and final measure of her * See condition of working people of England in Young's “Labor in Europe and America.” t The foreign trade of the United Kingdom in the periods indicated was as follows: Imports. Exports. Excess of Imports. In the year 1881..................£ 397,022,489 £ 297,082,-775 £99,939,714 In 5 years, 1877-81............... 1,934.434,354 1,330,110,483 604,323,871 Yearly average.................... 386,886,871 266,022,096 - 120,864,775 Showing an average annual excess of imports over exports amounting to £120,864,775. In other words, the annual tribute in products of labor, which the capitalists of Great Britain, as creditors of various nations and colonies, are enabled to impose upon the world, amounts U six hundred millions of dollars.PEOTECT LABOE. 5 internal prosperity is the amount of trade between her own peo- ple—what they consume; what they get from each other in exchange for their respective labor and its products. By this measure she is less wealthy than we are, fOT they get less than we do. Yes, the figures of her foreign trade are dazzling. But people don’t live to do business; they do business to live. If with all her income from foreign investments, and all her factories, and all her ships, and all the millions that pass through her banks, England <3an only secure to the average British subject a less comfortable home than is enjoyed by the average American citizen, she possesses nothing that we should envy. True, she could not maintain even that inferior standard of re- quirements with less enterprise. All the bustle and activity she displays along her coast and in foreign ports is necessary to her existence. Her corn and cotton fields, her flocks and herds are in her ships. Sink the Ships, you Sink England. Here, then, is a nation, greater than which there is none in all that constitutes external greatness; reaping to-day the fruits of a bold, egotistic and far-sighted statesmanship, which for centuries has never ceased to preside over her councils; and enjoying all the artificial advantages which immense accumulations of capital, wisely distributed throughout the world in all the channels of production, transportation and finance, can possibly confer. Yet, many of her people are miserable, and the actual amount, per capita, of products consumed by them is less than in this country. They must be satisfied with a small remuneration for converting into manufactures the raw materials of the world, and with the development of industry everywhere that remuneration must grow smaller. Bat What Bo We See m America? An enormous production, more than ninety per cent, of which, with the exception of cotton and tobacco, is consumed at home,* and an internal commerce which, though less costly, dwarfs the foreign traffic of England. Are the commodities thus exchanged of no value to us because they never crossed the ocean? The benefits derived by this country from the protective "tariff are incalculable. They' are seen everywhere; in the growth of our manufacturing cities; in the diversification of industry; in * See Appendix-—The production in 1880; Export in the same year.6 PROTECT LABOR. the employment of labor; in the home demand for food and raw materials, and the consequent development of agriculture; in the lower price of every commodity produced here in competition with the foreigner; in the rapid accumulation of capital; in our vast network of railroads; in the prompt payment of the public debt; in our comparative freedom from taxation; in the liberal education within the reach of every child,* and in the higher standard of comfort enjoyed by the American people. There is not a roof in the land under which its beneficial effects cannot be discerned by the economist or the moral philosopher. Indeed,, both the English mechanic and the English farmer look to this as the promised land. Shall we, at the beck of the Democratic party, surrender Congress to British legislators, turn our manu- facturing States into a desert, and bowing low to the Cobden Club, mutter humbly: “Rule, Britannia?” III. Ingenious sophists point also to the crudeness of some tariff laws and ask you, working men, to remove the defect by tearing down the structure. At the request of the Protectionists themselves, a* Taeiff Commission has been instituted, with a view to the judi- cious revision of these laws. An opportunity was thus offered to- the agents of Great Britain for a crusade against American industry. Don’t they improve it wonderfully? Importers of .British goods, merchants and speculators,heretofore better known for their wealth-absorbing inclinations than for their devotion to the welfare of the people, have suddenly become the friends of the oppressed. Protection, they say, fosters Monopoly and works all the time against improvement. Believe that,, working men, upon the word of those new friends. Shut your eyes to the glaring light of our national development. Admit, if you can, that the American people have been slow to avail them- selves of .their inventive faculties; that they are wanting in manu- facturing enterprise; and that the spirit of competition, so dear to the free trade school, has not been more active among our citizens under a protective system than it could by any possibility have been if crushed in its infancy by the superior strength of the pld established industries of Europe. * The total amount received from taxation for support of public schools in the United? States during the year 1880 was $70,371,435; from funds and rents, $0,580,632; total $76,952,067£ yearly expenditure per capita of pupils in public schools $7.87.PROTECT LABOR. 1 Why, you cannot admit that? Neither, .caji I, a&d. fgr good reasons. Wherever monopoly :H* Exists no- where to the same extent as in fr^e jb^a^§ .England—^/ springs from other eauses than tHeimflffJ Bii-it r' W* s i ■