i

ILLINOIS

UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN

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2019(The Inventions described in the following Treatise were the subject of Letters Patent

dated 29th February 1611.)

METALLICA;

OK,

THE TREATISE OF MET ALLIC A.

BRIEFLY COMPREHENDING THE

DOCTRINE OF DIUERSE NEW METALLICAL INUENTIONS,

BUT ESPECIALLY HOW

TO NEALE, MELT, AND WORKE ALL KINDE OF METTLE OARES,
IRONS, AND STEELES WITH SEA-COALE, PIT-CO ALE, EARTH-
COALE, AND BRUSH FEWELL.

ALSO,

A TRANSCRIPT OF HIS MAIESTIES LETTERS PATENT OF PRIULEDGE,

GRANTED UNTO

SIMON STURTEUANT

FOR THE SAID METALLICAL BUSINESSES FOR ONE AND THIRTY YEARS.

Published in print before the last day of this present Easter Terme, as the said
Simon Sturteuant was by His Highnesse enioyned.

IMPRINTED AT LONDON BY GEORGE ELD.

CUM PRIUILEGIO. ANNO 1612, MAY 22,

LONDON:

Reprinted by George E. Eyre and William Sfottiswoode, Printers to the Queen's most Excellent Majesty.

Published at the Great Seal Patent Office, Southampton Buildings, Chancery Lane.

1858.

Price 1*. 4 d.

THE UNIVERSITY

OF ILLINOIS

LIBRARY

i/2L

(The Inventions described in the following Treatise were the subject of Letters Patent

dated 1§th February 1611.)

METALLICA;

OR,

THE TREATISE OF METALLICA.

briefly comprehending the

DOCTRINE OF DIUERSE NEW METALLICAL INUENTIONS,

but especially how

TO NEALE, MELT, AND WORKE ALL KINDE OF METTLE OARES,
IRONS, AND STEELES WITH SEA-COALE, PIT-COALE, EARTH-
COALE, AND BRUSH FEWELL.

also,

A TRANSCRIPT OF HIS MAIESTIES LETTERS PATENT OF PRIULEDGE,

granted unto

SIMON STURTEUANT

FOR THE SAID METALLICAL BUSINESSES FOR ONE AND THIRTY YEARS.

Published in print before the last day of this present Easter Terme, as the said
Simon Sturteuant -was by His Highnesse enioyned.

IMPRINTED AT LONDON BY GEORGE ELD.

CUM PRIUILEGIO. ANNO 1612, MAY 22.

LONDON:

Reprinted by George E. Eyre and William Spottiswoode, Printers to the Queen's most Excellent Majesty.

Published at the Great Seal Patent Office, Southampton Buildings Chancery Lane.

1858.3 1H s u

The Preface to the Reader*

Gentle Reader, I am not ignorant how they that are willing to apprehend and assist
new businesses are desirous to be satisfied in these points* First, concerning the perfect
and exact knowledge of that inuention, wherein they are to deale and negociate, for
as the common prouerbe saith—" Ignoti nulla cupido." The second is touching the
worth and goodnesse of the businesse, and how the benefit thereof may bee raised.
The third is the hability of the Inuentioner, to effect and perform his project pro-
pounded. The fourth is concerning the manner of contracting or bargaining; in
all which I will endeauour to giue the best satisfaction that I may, out of the
prcecepts and grounds of this present Treatise of Metallica. And therefore con-
cerning the first point. The transcript of his Maiesties most gracious grant and
priuiledge doth euidently shew and informe the reader, that amongst many other
inuentions granted for one and thirty yeares, my selfe, my executors, deputies, and
assignes, may onely make, practise, and put in use, within any of his Maiesties
realmes and dominions, the working, melting, and effecting of Iron, Steele, and
other mettles with Sea-coale or Pit-coale; the principall end of which inuention is,
that the woods and timber of our country might be saued, maintained, and serued
from the great consumption and waste of our common Furnaces and Iron-milnes,
which as they are now ordinarily built and framed can burne, spend, and consume no
other fewell than char-coale; the which deuise, if it may be effected accordingly (as
I make no doubt but by God's blessing I shall), will prooue to bee the best and most
profitable businesse and inuention that euer was known or inuented in England
these many yeares.

For (to speake nothing of the great benefit and profit which may be raised and
made by twenty other inuentions comprised and comprehended under the patent),
the yearly vallew of this mettle-businesse alone will amount virto 330 thousand
pounds per annus after the second or third yeare, as appeareth by this calculation.

A calculation shewing how the mettle inuention or art, which maketh all kinde
of mettles or metalique substance with Pit-coale or Sea-coale, will be worthy per
annum 330 thousand pounds immediately after the two first yeares, which are the
allotted times for tryalls and conformities without any charges (except the charges
of tryalls) to the patentees, partners, assistants, and dealers. They are planted
already in England and Wales, eight hundred milnes for the making of Iron, for
there are foure hundred milnes in Surry, Kent & Sussex, as the townsmen of Hasle-
more haue testified and numbred unto mee; there are also 200 milnes in Wales, and
20 in Nottinghamshire, as the author hath been credibly informed.

Now wee may well suppose, that all England, Scotland, and Ireland (besides the
fore-named Shires) will make up the number of 180 milnes more, being in all 800
milnes. Moreouer, one milne alone spendeth yearly in char-coale 500 pound and
more, as diuerse clarks and workmen in iron-businesse haue credibly testified, which
in pit-coale will be done with the charges of 30 or 40 pounds after the inuentioner's
manner and inuention, or at the most with 50 pound, where carriage is farre and
chargeable.

So that the inuention in the 800 Iron-milnes will saue and gaine—declaro—the
owners of those milnes 320 thousand pounds yearly, ovver and aboue their ordinary
and annual gaines, as it appeareth by this proportion.

One milne T ^	Ergo 800 milnes saue

alone saueth 1400 li	f yearly 320 thousand

yearely J	\	pounds

Againe the said metallique inuention, beeing put and conuerted to lead, tinne,
copper, brasse, and glasse-mettle, in all the seuerall mineralls of England, Ireland^
Scotland, and Wales, will questionlesse cleare yearely, by meanes of fewell aboue
ten thousand pounds more, ouer and besides the ordinary gaines in the said businesse.

a 2

I / 2 & >4

sturtevant's metallica.

So that the yearly Iron reuenues, added unto these other metallic reuenues, doe
amount unto 330 thousand pounds, as was said before.

Now out of these metalique gains of 330 thousand pounds yearely, the ouners
of the milnes, hearthes, and furnaces may haue and receiue liberall rates, and allowed
and allotted unto them ower and besides their ordinary gaines, onely in lieu of
conforming their furnaces, fineries, and chafferies to this inuention of pit-coale and
earth-coale. And also the King's most excellent Maiestie, the Prince his Highnesse
the Duke of Yorke, the Lord Viscount Rochester, and other parties interressed in
the pattent, may by their composition and agreement with the said Owners and
Iron Maisters, yearely receiue, by way of rents and licences, the residue of that
gaines which remaineth ower and aboue that which was allotted and allowed to the
Iron-Maisters, for applying of this inuention to their ordinary way of making of
Iron, as more fully shall bee specified, shewed, and prooued in the Appendix of this
Treatise, which I am now preparing for the printer and the presse with all conuenient
speed.

This may suffice therefore to giue the reader satisfaction concerning the two first
points, for the knowledge and the worth of the businesses, and concerning the manner
how certain yearly annuities may bee raised to the dealers and assistants.

Now to persuade the third point, that the authour is able to effect the work
undertaken in as ample manner as he propoundeth, we plead and alledge as
followeth.

First, the inuentioner, by his study, Industrie, and practise, hath already brought
to passe and published diuerse proiects, and new deuises, and new proiects, as well
literall as mechannicall, very beneficiall to the common-wealth. His literarie inuen-
tions doe appeare and are knowne partly by his printed treatise of " Dibere Adam/'
which is a scholasticall engin aucomaton, and partly in diuerse other manuscripts
which he hath to shew. Hi3 new mechanicks already performed are to bee seene
in the inuentions which he calleth by the names of presse wares, wood pleits, ballance,
engine, baramyha, and Hubla, of all which in priuate speech hee is ready more
largely to conferre, and to manifeste their truth and goodnesse at his worke-houses at
Islington and Highbury. To conclude, therefore, he doubteth not but (by God's
blessing & assistance, semblably with successe)

1 Sam. 17. 34.

Thus David reasoneth from "|

the Beare and Lyon to y
Golyah the Gyant - - J
to effect his inuention of Iron-works, as also all his other metallique deuises and
inuentions heere contained in the patent or priuiledged of metallica.

Secondly, the consideration of thinges in the like nature with it, are good induce-
ments to persuade well of this proiect for brick-making, brewing, dying, casting of
brasse-workes, & were (not many yeares since) done altogether with the fuell of
wood and charcoale, in stead whereof sea coal is now used as effeetually and as to as
good a use and purpose.

Againe (that which is somewhat neerer the marke) the blacksmithe long agone
forged all his iron with char-coale (as in some places where they are cheape they
continue this course still), but these many yeares small sea-coal hath and doth serue
the turne as well and sufficiently.

Adde hereunto, that very lately, by a wind-furnace, greene glass for windows is
made as well by pit-coale at Winchester house in Southwarke as it is done in
other places with much wast & consuming of infinite store of billetts and other
wood-fuell.

Thirdly, the inuention hath already experimented and made try all of the chiefe
particular meanes and instruments of diuers cheape waies of making Irons in reall
and substantiall moddles to him-selfe (though in small thinges according as his meanes
would giue him leave). And this of his credit and honesty he auoucheth and
protested: wherefore he more confidently presumetli to worke the same effects in
grander instruments and means of triall, after that he hath receiued allowance of the
dealers and assistants for itsturteyant's metallica.

5

Fourthly, there can bee no doubt of performing the matter propounded, if the
inuentioner can but make or cause Sea-coale to become as seruiceable for metallique
purposes as wood & char-coale is, the art and skill whereof consisteth chiefly in three
points. The first is to bring earth-coale to that equallity of heat that wood or char-
coale hath, that is to say, that it make neither hotter nor coulder fier than the wood or
char-coal doth. The second meanes is so to order and prepare pit-coale that all
malignant proprieties which are averse to the nature of metallique substances may be
extracted from it, or at least destroyed in it. The third meanes is the addition and
infusion of those deficient proprieties, which, as they are in char-coale, so ought
they to be found in pit-coale.

Now this three-fold mistery and secret, the author can certainly perform and
atchieue by the powerfull efficacie and meanes of his dexterous prerogatiue instru-
ments deuised for this purpose, as more at large is showed both in this treatise and in
the appendix, which very shortly shall come forth, and also shall be further confirmed
and justified by his daily experiments and tryals, which he will be ready to shew to
them who they shall any ways touch or concerne, or to them who are otherwise
desirous to assist and deale, for the experimenting and accomplishing of these so worthy
good businesses. And then also they shall know my purpose for contracting and
bargaining by word of mouth, as it is best fitting for priuate dealings and
negotiatings.

And thus (hauing briefly touched these foure promised points) I conclude and shut
up this Preface of Metallica, humbly and unfeignedly beseeching the Lord, who by
His Holy Spirit inspired* Bezaleel,

Aoliah and Hiram with the light of Mechannical inuentions, Exod. 31. 1, 2.

and in all manner of workmanship, for his effectuall blessings 2 Cro. 2. 7.14.

in these our enterprises, that which was begun in his feare, may Nisi dom : ®di ficauerit
be prosecuted and fully accomplished and built by his heavenly Psalm 127.

& helpful hands, to the glory of his name, and for the good-well-fare and emolument
of the King's most Excellent Maiestie, the Church, and the Political estate wherein
we Hue.—Amen.

Simon Sturteyant.

Metallica.

Caput I.

The Transcript of His Maiesties Indenture.	*

h	Keader.

! As I understand you haue promised and couenanted in your pattent more fully and
euidently to expresse and enlarge in a printed treatise to be called metalica, euery
point and part of your priuiledged businesse, to the intent that the reader might the
better conceiue and judge of the inuentions propounded, and might the sooner
also bee induced to assist and set forward so good and worthy workes, first therefore
I demand of you by what name and appellation you entitle that general! head, under
the which you reduce and comprehend all the seuerall arts and inuentions of your
i pattent.

Author. The generall, that comprehendeth all the other perticular inuentions, is
i called Metallica, which is a word deriued and deduced from the Greek and Latin
; words Metallon and Metallum, which signifie in English mettles, which properly are
| minerall substances digged and taken out of the earth, of which sort are Iron, Lead,
j Tin, Copper, Brasse, Gold and Siluer, &c.

! R 2. Doth your Pattent of Metallica onely containe the makinge of mettles
by the meanes of Sea-coale and Pit-coale, and with your other Metallical instruments
which you have deuised for that purpose.

A. His Maiesties grant is very large and ample, for it doth not only comprehend
and priuiledge the making of all kinde of mettles, after the manner prescribed, but
also equally authorizeth and licenseth any other mechanick inuentions comprehended6

sturtevant's metallica.

under the generall definition of Metallica, which is mentioned in the Schedules or
Manuscript treatise annexed to the pattent, which Schedules haue the same force and
validitie as His Maiesties Indenture itselfe.

R 3f Then that I may certainely know and understand the extent of your
priuiledge, repeate I pray you, word by word, defenition of Metallica, as it is written
in the said Schedules annexed to your pattent.

A, Mettalica, mentioned in the petition, is thus defined. Metallica is an art or
inuention, showing how diuerse things and materialls, now made and atteined unto in
a very chargeable sort, after the ordinary way, may be made and atteined to after a
more cheaper manner, and as with the help of common instruments, so more especially
by diuerse new deuised metallica! instruments and meanes.

From these metallical instruments the art is generally called Metallica.

R 4. This summary definition giueth me some general light and understanding
into your businesses, but that I may be the more fully satisfied, I pray you rehearse
also the tenour of His Maiesties grant as it is under the broad seale of England.

Iames,

A Letter Pattent.

James R.

This Indenture, made the xxix. day of February, in the yeares of the Reigne of our
Soueraigne Lord lames, by the grace of God King of England, Scotland, France,
and Ireland the ninth & of Scotland the xlv. Betweene our said Soueraigne Lord of
the one party, and Simon Sturteuant, Gentleman, of the other party.

Whereas the said Simon Sturteuant, by his long study and great charge, hath
atteined unto diuerse new exact Mechanick Arts, Mysteries, Waies, and Secrets of
his own inuention, whereby all kind of mettles, workes, and other things and materialls,
as namely, Irons, Steels, Leads, Tins, Coppers, Brasses, and such like—Secondly,
all kinds of Metallique concoctions, as Sand-mettles, Ash-mettles, Ammels, and such
like—Thirdly, all kinde of Burnt-earths, as Tiles, Pauing-stones, Bricks, and such
like—Fourthly, all kinds of Press-wares, as Prest-tiles, Prest-bricks, Prest-monions^
Prest-stones, and such like, with diuerse other things and materials now made after
the ordinary course, with wood-fewell and charcoal may be as well made, wrought, and
effected, as the said Simon Sturtevant affirmeth, with Sea-coale, Pit-coal, Earth-coal,
and Brush fewell, whereby the woods now generally wasted, in all the chiefe wood-
land countries of this reaime of England, by iron-milnes and such other Mettallical
Furnaces and hearths, may preserued from the great consumption thereof, and saued^
from like inconvenience in other His Maiesties dominions, all which premises so byH
this new inuention to be made, the said Simon Sturtevant hath undertaken shall be iii
substance and for use as sufficient and as good as the other like Materialls now made
and wrought with the chargeable and excessive waste of wood and charcoale. And
whereas, also, the said Simon Sturtevant, for the better making, working, and
effecting, beating, burning, melting the said mettals, workes, things, and materialise
by and with Sea-coale, Pit coale, Earth-coale, and Brush-fewell, hath by his said
inuention and skill, inuented dieurs Furnaces, hearths, tests, tooles, engens, milnes,
and other instruments and meanes, new, and of his oune inuention, neuer heretofore
used or put in practise by any other; and hath also, by his eaid inuentions and
skill, attained to the knowledge how to use and employ diuerse other common instru-
ments to the making, working, and effecting the said mettles, workes, materialls, and
things, which other common instruments haue bin heretofore and are used in other
arts, sciences, and manuel occupations, but were not, nor haue bin as yet, conuerted^
used, or imployed to, for, or about the making, working, effecting, & producing the
said mettles, workes, and things, which said skill & inuentions of the said S. Sturte-
uant, & the said mettles, workes, thinges, and other materials, and the meanes and
instruments whereby to worke and effect the same, are in some measure mentioned
and_expressed in the Schedule or Schedules to these presents annexed, and shall be
more fully, amply, and particularly demonstrated, specified, described, and containedSTURTEVAttT'S METALLICA.

7

in a large Treatise, which the said Simon Sturteuant hath already concerned, and
shall bee put in print, and so published before the last day of Easter Terme next
ensuing the date hereof, which treatise so to be printed shall be intituled—A
Treatise of Metallica: which said inuentions of the said Simon may and will prooue
beneficial to the Common-wealth, both in regard of the abundant plenty of
the said things and materialls which it will daily bring forth, as also because it
saueth and preserueth abundance of Timber, Char-coal, and Wood-fewell, and other
things and commodities wastefully consumed and spent, the general want whereof already
is felt. And forasmuch as our said Soueraigne Lord is given to understand that this art,
skill, industrie, and inuentions of the said Simon Sturteuant, of making, casting, found-
ing, working, and acquiring of the aforesaid mettles, and workes of Iron, materials, &
things by Sea-coale, Pit-coale, Earth-coale, and Brush-fewell, and all and euery, or
any of them, and also the making of the said new deuised engins, hearths, furnaces, and
other meanes, and instruments, and the imploying of the said instruments used in
other sciences and arts, to the making, working, effecting, and producing the said
Mettalls and other workes, materialls and things, is a thing not yet practised, nor
brought into any trade, occupation, or mysterie, within any of his kingdomes, but is
an inuention in substance new, and which shall not preiudice or cross any from
preiudice or crosse any from priuiledge or grant by his Maiestie heretofore made or
granted under the great seale of England, for the using and making of any former
inuention, and therefore fit to bee priuiledged for a certain time, the rather for that
his Highnesse conceuieth, that the said inuentions and skils may and will become
profitable and good for the common-wealth of these realms, and also augment his
customes and impost, in regard it bringeth forth great and aboundant store of the
aforesaid Materials and things, not onely for the use of his Highnesse realmes and
dominions here at home, but also for trafficke and Marchandize into forraine
contries abroad, which are customeable. In regard whereof, and also for and in
consideration of the good, faithful seruices heertofore done and performed unto his
said Maiesty by the said Simon Sturtevant, as also to the end that the said Simon
Sturtevant may receiue some coneuient recompence, benefit, and profit for his said
seruices, as also for his studies, laboures, and charges in perfecting these inuentions
to the common-good which may ensue heereby to his Highnesses Realmes and
Dominions.

This indenture witnesseth thait our said soueraigne lord the King of his especiall
grace, and containe knowledge and meere motion, and of his prerogatiue royal, hath
guien and granted, and by these presents for him, his heirs and successors, doth giue
and grant unto the said Simon Stutevant, his executors, administrators, and
assignes, and his and their deputy and deputies, the sole, full, absolute, and free
power, liberty, and authority, to make, worke, produce, acquire, and bring forth, all
kinde of the aforesaide mettles, and other the materials and things, by and with Sea- '
coale, Pit-coale, earth fewell, and all, euery, and any of them, in all parts and places
of his Maiesties realmes of England, Scotland, Ireland, & Wales, and also within all
the same places and dominions, to make, frame, erect, acquire, and prouide, or cause
to bee made, framed, erected, acquired, and prouided, all necessary instruments and
meanes, as namely: all work-houses, furnaces, hearths, milnes, structures, engines,
vessels, tests, tooles, instruments, deuises, or things of iron, or other stuffe or
substance whatsoeuer, which are already in use in any other trade, mysterie, arte, or
occupation, and as yet not exercised or used in or about the making, working, casting,
founding, or acquiring and producing of the sayd mettles and other materialls and
things, for and to the end and purpose aforesaid, viz.: to make, worke, and effect
the said mettles and other materialls and things, by and with Sea-coale, Pit-coal,
Earth-coale, and Brush-fewell, and all, euery, or any of them; and also in all the said
places and dominions, to make, frame, and erect, use and imploy, or cause to be
framed and erected all the said new Furnaces, hearths, deuises, instruments, and
meanes, which are meerely of the new inuention of the said Simon Sturtevant to, for,
in, or about the making, working, casting, founding, acquiring, and producing of the
said mettles, and other the said materials and things, and to all or any other purpose*.8

STURTEVANT'S METALX.ICA.

use, or uses whatsoeur, in as ample sort or manner as they or any of them are
bescribed, expressed, or mentioned in the Schedule to these presents annexed, or shall
de more fully demonstrated, specified in the Treatise of Metallica, which shall bee
as aforesaid Printed before the last day of Easter Terme next ensuing ;>nd our said
Soueraigne Lord doth further, by these presents, for him, his heires & successors,
assigne, appoint, ordaine, constitute, licence, and authorize the said Simon Sturtevant,
his Executors, administrators, and assignes, to haue the fsole power, liberty, and
authority, by and with Sea-coale, Pit-coale, and Brush-fewell, and all, euery, or any
of them, and by his said inuentions, arts, and skills, inuented and deuised for the
making of all kinds of the said mettles and other materials and things, and also for
the making, framing, and erecting of all such instruments and meanes, as Worke-
houses, Furnaces, Milnes, Quernes, Structures, Engins, Vessels, Tooles, Instruments,
Deuises, and things heretofore used in any other Arts or Sciences, to bee imployed
or used in or about the making, working, or producing the said mettals, things, and
materials, or any of them, as aforesaid, and also to haue the sole power, liberty, and
authority for the making, framing, erecting, or producing of all the said new deuises,
instruments, and meanes Metallical, as aforesaid, in what sort or about what thing
eo euer the same or any of them shall bee used or imployed; and that the said Simon
Stutevant, his executors, assignes, administrators, & their deputy & deputies, & none
other, without his or their special! licence or toleration, shal or may make any kind
or kinds of the said mettles, & other the materials and things, by or with Sea-coal,
Pit-coal, earth-coal, and brush-fewel, or at some or any of them, by means of or by
using & imploying the said inuentions of the said Simon, or any part or parcel of the,
or any of the, or make, frame, & erect any the said workhouses, furnaces, hearths,
milnes, structures, engins, tests, vessels, tooles, instruments, deuises, & things
heretofore used in any other arts or sciences which, by the said inuentions of the
eaid Simon, shall be transferred or conuerted, or turned to be used, exercised, and
imployed in or about the making, casting, founding, working, acquiring, and
producing of the said mettles or materials, things and deuises, by or with Sea-coale,
Earth-coale, Pit-coale, and Brush-fewell, or all, some, or any of them, or to make,
frame, or erect any of the said new deuises, instruments, and means of the said Simon,
either to the making, casting, working, or effecting all or any of the said works,
mettles, or materials, by or with Sea-coale, Earth-coale, and Brush-fewell, or all,
some, or any of them, or to any other end or purpose . whatsoeur; to haue and to
hold, use, exercise, and enioy the sole making, casting, founding, working, tempering,
acquiring, and producing of all and euery the said mettles, and other the said
premises, in manner and forme aforesaid, and to the end and purposes aforesaid, unto
the said S. Sturtevant, his executors, administrators, or assignes, and by his and their
deputy and deputies, for and during the time and terme of 31 yeares now next
coming, immediately from & after the date of these presents, yeelding, rendring, &
paying therefore yearly, & euery yeare immediately from and after the date hereof,
for and during the said terme of 31 yeareS, to our said Soueraigne lord, his heires
and successors, at the receipt of his Higliesse Exchequer at Westminister, alwaies in
the terme of St. Michaell, ten parts of such sum or sums of money and other cleare
yeerely profits, in 33 parts, to be dcuided as he, the said Simon Sturtueant, his
executors, administrators, or assignes, shall yearely haue or receiue, during the said
terme of 31 years now next coming, and by way of composition or otherwise, for or
by making, framing, or erecting, casting, founding, and acquiring, or otherwise for
licencing or authorizing any person or persons whatsoeuer to make, frame, cast, erect,
found, or acquire any of the said materialls, worke-houses, hearths, milnes, structures
furnaces, engines, vessels, tests, tooles, instruments, deuises, and thinges aforesaid,
the charges and expences in and about the same, and euery of them, expended out of
the said thirty-three parts alwaies deducted and allowed to the said Simon Sturte-
vant, his executors, administrators, and assignes ; and likewise yeelding, tendring, and
paying unto the most excellent Prince Henry, eldest sonne of our said Soueraio-ne
Lord, Prince of Wales, Duke of Cornwall, and Earl of Chester, & his executors or
administrators yearly, and euery yeare during the said terme of one and thirty years,
in the same termes of St. Michaell, fiue parts of the said summe and summes ofstuktevant's hetallica*

(9

money, and other cleere profits in thirty-three partes to bee deuided, to bee alwayes
paid and deliuered to such person or persons as the said most excellent Prince shall
appoint to receiue the same, at his highnesse pallace of St. lames, in the county of
Middlesex ; and also yeelding, rendring, and paying unto the most high and mightie
Prince Charles, Duke of Yorke, second sonne of our said Soueraigne Lord, unto his
executors and administrators, during the said tearmes of thirty-one yeares in the said
tearmes of St. Michaell the Arch-angell, two parts of the said summe and summes of
mony, and other cleare profits aforesaid, in 31 parts to be deuided, to be alwaies paid
and deliuered at the said pallace of St. lames, to such persons or persons as our said
Soueraine Lord the King, during the mynority of the said Duke of Yorke, and after
his full age hee the said Duke shall appoint to receiue the same; and moreouer
yeelding, rendring, and paying unto Robert Yicount Rochester, Baron of Wainick,
his executors and administrators, in the said termes of St. Michaell, one part of the
said sum and sums of money and other cleere parts to be deuided; and as concerning
the residue of the said summe and sums of money, and other cleere profits to be
deuided, it shall and may be lawful to and for the said Simon Sturteuant, his
executors, administrators, and assignes, to retaine and keepe one part thereof to his
and their discretion, and in such manner and forme, and by such rates and propor-
tions as he and they shall in their discretions thinke meet to dispose thereof, and to
expend and to distribute the same, and euery part and parcell thereof, amongst such
persons or persons as shall aduenture, ioyne, be assisting, aiding, or helping to the
aduancing or setting forwards of the workes and inuentions afore-said, or any of
them, and amongst such person or persons as shall be ouners of the said work-houses,
furnaces, hearthes, milnes, structures, engins, vessels, tests, tooles, instruments*
deuises, and things bcforementioned, or any of them.

And the said Simon Sturtueant, for him, his heires, executors, administrators, or
assignes, and for euery of them, doth couenant and grant, by these presents, to and
with our Soueraigne Lord, * his heires and successors, that he, the said Simon
Sturtueant, his executors, administrators, or assignes, shall and wil yearely, and euery
yeare during the said terme of one and thirty years, well and truly yeelde, render,
satisfie, content, and paye, or cause to bee contented and payed, the said tenne parts
of the said cleere profits, in manner and aforesaid unto our Soueraine Lord, hia
heires and successors, and shall and will likewise, during the aforesaid terme of one
and thirty yeares, well and truly yeeld, render, satisfie, content, and pay unto the
said Prince of Wales, his executors or administrators, the said fiue parts of the said
sleere proffits, in manner and forme afore-said. And also to the said Duke his
executors or administrators the said two parts of the said cleere proffits in manner
and forme aforesaid. And also to the said Duke his executors or administrators the
said two parts of the said cleere proffits in manner and forme afore-said. And also
to the said Lord Yiscount Rochester, his executors or administrators, the said one
part of the cleere proffits in manner and forme, as the same one part is formerly in
these presents appointed to bee yeelded, rendered, and payed to the said Lord
Viscount Rochester, his executors and administrators; and for asmuch as when the
said skill, worke, and inuentions of the said Simon Sturtueant, which hereby his
great industry, cost, and expenses hath attainted to, shall appeare and bee made
commonly knowne, it is very likely that many persons will priuily of the said Simon
Sturtueant, his executors, administrators, or assignes, make, frame, and erect the
like, and peraduenture hauing his platforme, adde there unto some further new
inuention for their gaines, or otherwise put the same in practise at their pleasure,
and make the said mettles and other materials and premises aforesaid, thereby
reaping the fruits of the labours of the said Simon Sturtueant, and so defraud both
our Soueraigne Lord and the said Prince, and the said Duke of Yorke, and the said
Lord Yiscount Rochester, and also the sad S. Sturtueant, his executors, adminis-
trators, & assignes, and such others as shall aduenture therein, of a great part of the
benefit and profit which might otherwise accrue unto our said Soueraigne Lord, and
.to the said most excellent Prince and Duke of Yorke, and to the said other parties^10

STXJRTEV ANT'S METALLICA.

by such skill, worke, and inuention aforesaid. Our said Soueraigne Lord therefore-
fauouring the good endeuours and studies of the said Simon Sturtueant in the
premisses, and his former seruice done unto his Highnesse, for him, his heires and
successors, for the better encouraging of him the said Simon Sturtueant, his executors,
administrators, and assignes, in the same, and the better to enable him to under-goe
and beare the burthen and charge thereof, and to avoid all deceipt that and waye
may hinder our said Soueraigne Lord, or the said most excellent Prince, or Duke of
Yorke, or any of the said parties aforesaid, doth by these presents declare and
signifie, that his maiesties royall will and pleasure is, and our Soueraigne Lord doth
hereby streightly will and command all and euery person or persons, of what state,
degree, or condition soeuer, that they nor any of them, during the said terme of one
and thirty yeares, shall not presume or attempt by any art, deuise, skill, or cunning,
directly or indirectly, without the speciall licence, allowance, and consent of him the
said Simon Sturteuant, his executors, administrators, or assignes, or of his, their
deputy or deputies, tliere-unto by him or them lawfully authorized, to make, frame,
erect, contriue, or pe^forme any kinde or kindes of the aforesaid mettles, and the
other materialls and things, or any of them, by or with Sea-coale, Earth-coale, and
Brush-fewell, and all or any of them, or any of the said new deuised instruments and
things, either too or about the making or working the said mettles, things, and
materials as aforesaid, or to any end or purpose whatsoeuer, or to make or doe any
act or thing whereby, or by meanes whereof, our said Soueraigne Lord the King, or
the said most excellent Prince of Wales, or the said Duke of Yorke, or the said
Simon Sturteueant, his executors, administrators, or assignes, or other the said parties,
ehall or may sustain any preiduce, losse, or detriment, in the said inuentions or
workes, or in any profit or commoditie which they or any of them may or might
otherwise receiue or enioy by meanes of the same inuentions or workes, or any of
them, upon pain of the high displeasure of our said Soueraigne Lord the King, and
upon paine of imprisonment of their bodies, and forfeitures of all and euery the said
materials, instruments, and things aforesaid, which shall be wrought, framed, and
made by any person or persons contrary to the tenour of these presents and Royall
prohibition therein, with such further penalties, pains, and forfeitures, as by the law
and statutes of the said Realms can or may be inflicted upon them, or any of them,
for their wilfull and obstinate disobedience and contempt of his Highnesse said
commandment and prerogatiue Royall. And it shall happen that any person or
persons contemptuously neglecting this his maiesties will and pleasure in these
presents declared, after notice thereof giuen, shall make or acquire any kind or kinds
of the aforesaid mettles, and other the materials and things, by or with Sea-coale,
Pit-coal, Earth-coal, and Brush-fewell, or all, some, or any of them, by any of the
said meanes and inuentions, or any part or parcell of them, or any of them, or shall
frame, worke, erect, use, or employ any such or the like engins, instruments, tools,
instruments, for and to the purpose and purposes aforesaid, the same and all and
euery of them shall be taken and seized, by the Constable or other officer dwelling
neerest thereunto, to and for the only use and behoofe of our said souyeraigne Lord
the King, his heires and successors; and further, our said soueraigne Lord the King,
of his abundant grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion, doth by these presents,
for him, his heires and successors, giue and grant full power and authority to the said
Simon Sturtevant, his executors, administrators, and assignes, and his and their
deputy and deputies, and euery of them, with the assistance of a Constable, Tithing-
man, headborough, or any other ordinary officer in any citty, towne, place, or places,
as well within the liberties as without, within the said realmes and dominions, at all
and euery time and times, to haue accesse and entry into any house, place, and
places where such mettles and other the premisses shall be made and wrought or
otherwise layd up contrary to his maiesties grant, and there to search and prouide
and see that daring the period 3i yeares, no manner of such or the like inuentions,
workes, or practizes of making or erecting any kind or kinds of the said mettles and
.other the premisses to be made, wrought, sold, used, or imployed within the saidsturtev ant's metallica.

11

realmes contrary to the true meaning of these presents, and by all lawfull and
conuenient waies and meanes to search, see, examine, and find out all offences during
the said time that shall be committed contrary to any guilt, licence, authority, and
commandment, prohibition, or other thing in these presents mentioned, specified, and
to seaze as aforesaid such instruments and other things aforesaid whatsoeuer made,
framed, or erected, used, exercised, or occupied contrary to the true intent of these
presents or any clause herein contained. And his Highnesse will and pleasure is, and
by these presents for him, his heirs and successors, his maiestie doth streightly charge
and command all Iustices of peace, Maiors, Shereffs, Bailifes, Constables, and al
other officers, ministers, and subiects of his Highnesse, his heires and successors for
the time being, that they and euery of them, during the said terme of 31 yeares, or
the duplicate, exemplification, or the enrolement thereof, shall be aiding and assisting
to the said S. feturteuant, his executors, administrators, assignes, & deputies, & euery
of them, in the due execution of all and euery the said grants, authorities, command-
ments, licences, priuiledges, inhibitions, prohibitions, and euery other thing in these
presents mentioned and specified, or any of them: Provided alwayes, that this
indenture, not anything, nor anything therein contained, shall extend or be construed
to extend to restraine or hinder any person or persons for exercising or using any of
their oune inuentions or artes heretofore exercised, put in use, or priuiledged by any
of his Maiesties Letters Pattents heeretofore made & granted to them or any of them,
but that it shall and may bee lawfull to and for all and euery the said person or
persons to exercise, use, and put in practise all and euery the said inuentions
heeretofore practized, put in use, exercised, and priuiledged by any of the said
Letters Pattents to them or any of them made or granted, in as ample sort and
manner as they might or may exercise, practise, or use the same, if these presents
had neuer beene had or made any in these presents to the contrary notwithstanding.
In Witness whereof to the one part of the Indentures remaining with the said
Simon Sturteuant, our said Soueraigne Lord the King's Maiestie, hath caused the
great seal of England to bee put, and to the other part thereof remaining with our
said Soueraigne Lord the King, the said Simon Sturteuevant hath put his seale.
Yeouen the daye and yeare first aboue written.

Exam. Henry Hubbers.

The Docquet to the Pattent.

This is your Majesties part of the Indentures whereby your Highnesse doth grant
licence and priuiledge unto Simon Sturteuant, gentleman, that he, is executors, deputies,
and assignes onely, and none other, shall and may, during the terme of 31 yeares,
make, practise, and put in use, within any of your Maiesties realmes and dominions
certaine inuentions, furnaces, and instruments deuised and inuented by himself, for
the working and effecting with Sea-coale, Pit-coal, Earth-coal, and Brush-fewell,
diuer things and workes done heretofore with Wood-fewell, as namely, Irons, Steeles,
Leads, Tins, Coppers, Brasses, Glasse-mettles, Mines, Tiles, Bricks, Potter-ware
and such-like. And there is reserued to your Maiestie upon this grant ten parts in
thirty-three parts, to bee deuided of the cleare yearely profits that shall bee made by
the said inuentions: and to the Prince his Highnesse, fiue of these parts: and to the
Duke of Yorke two o{ those parts, and to the Lord Viscount Rochester, one of those
parts; and to the said S. Sturteuant one or other of those parts, and to the disbursers
of the money for the tryall and effecting of the said inuentions fourteene such parts,
and the declaration and discouering of this inuention is partly set down in a certaine
schedule which is to bee annexed to these indentures. And the full and plain
manifestation thereof is to bee set forth in print by the said Simon Sturteuant before
the last day of Easter terme next, and containeth a prouisor that this new grant
shall not crosse any former grant heretofore made to any others.12	sturtevant's metallica.

And is done upon signification given unto Christopher Perkins, Knight, of your
Maiesties good pleasure in that behalfe.

Exam. Henry Hubbers.
It is his Maiesties pleasure that these doe passe by immediate warrant.

Robert Salisbury.

Received 29 of February, 1611.

An Indenture betweene the Kings Maiestie an S. Sturteuant.

Coppin.

The Manuscript Treatise of Metallica.

Capt.

Reader.

In the Transcript of his Maiesties Indenture which you have rehearsed, there is
further refferrence unto a manuscript treatise, or certaine schedules which are
annexed unto the grant, which I pray you also rehearse unto me, according to the
tenour of the words in the originall.

A. The manuscript Treatise of Metallica, which otherwise is termed by the
name of schedules in the indenture, is comprehended in these ten sections following.

Sect. 1.

Metallica the generall of all Metallica! Arts.

Metallica mentioned in the petition is thus defined—

Metallica is an art or inuention shewing how diuers things and materials, now
made and atteined unto in a very chargeable sort after the ordinary way, may be
made and attained unto after a more cheaper manner, and as with the help of common
instruments, so more especially by diuers new deuised Metallicall Instruments and
meanes, as in the Printed treatise of Metallica, more at large shall bee mentioned
and expressed.

From these Metallical Instruments the art is generally called Metallica.

The doctrine of Metallica cannot be distinctly known or methodically expressed,
except that the Art which prescribeth precepts generall to all Arts and Inuentions
called Heuretica be first precognized.

R. Define Heuretica.

Heuretica is the art of Inuentions, teaching how to find out new and to iudge of
the old, and so forth, as followeth in the printed treatise of Metallica. Metallica
thus generally described is of two sorts, Ignemetallica, which worketh with fire and
hearth, or Inigmetallica, which useth not the meanes of fire for to attaine to the
thinge or materiall intended, yet it useth the other Metallicall Instruments, where-
upon it is called more properly Metallorganica. Ignemetallica comprehendeth many
generall inuentions, which are reduced into these 7 heads: —first, Metallica proprioe
dicta; secondly, Pressoria; thirdly, Terrica ; fourthly, Hydrelica ; fifthly, Hydro-
metallica; sixtly, Hydropressoria; seauenthly, Hydroterrica.

Sect. 2.

Metallica proprie dicta.

Metallica in the proper and strict signification is thus defined—

Metallica is an Ignick inuention for the cheaper making of all kindes of mettles or
Metalique concoctures by the meanes of cheape firing and other Metallical instru-
ments, where-upon the materials and things made by this Arte are called Metaliques,sturtevant's metallica.

13

The Metalique
Materials
are as

y All kinds of
Mettles as

All kind of
Metalique
Concotures

& their
cocreats as

The contens of Metallica, proprie dicta, in the seuerall Materials which the Art
maketh.

"1. Prepared or roasted oares Mine-stones, or Mettle-
stones beeing the fit matter of Metallique liquours.

2.	Irons, Steeles.

3.	Leads.

4.	Tins.

5.	Coppers, Brasses.

6.	Any other new kind of mettles which may hereafter
bee found, beeing made and wrought after the £iid
Simon Sturteuant his manner and Inuention.

7.	All compounded mettles of the same kind as Pewters,
Belmettles, Sodars, Candlestick mettle, beeing made
and wrought after the said Simon Sturteuant his
manner and inuention.

"1. All kinde of Sand-mettles, or Ash-mettles.

2.	All kind of Ammels, Beugles, or such commixtures.

3.	All kinde of Metallique SJagges or cinders, if (perhaps
they may bee turned to some profitable use.

4.	Other compounds of the fore-named concoctures, beeing
made & wrought after the said S. Sturteuant his
manner and inuention.

And so forth, as it shall be further mentioned and enlarged in the Printed treatise
of Metallica.

Sec. 3.

Metallical Instruments.

* The instruments and meanes Metallicall which are used for the producing of
metallique materialls or things are of two sorts, common or peculiar.

The common instruments are such which are borrowed from other trades, occupa-
tions, and mysteries, amongst which we have especially use of Ioyners, Smiths,
Turners, not onely of their Instruments and Tooles but also of their Emporeuticks
which they ordinarily make, as Presses, Vices, Screwes, Bellowes, Tongs, & made
either of Iron and Wood, or of both together.

The peculiar instruments are those that are of the author's inuention, beeing of
ehiefe and principall use for the working of Metallicall effects.

The peculiar instruments of inuention are principally of three sorts—Lenick,
Plegnick, and Caminick.

Lenicks are peculiar Metallicall instruments which worke their opperation and
effect by pressing, impressuning, or moulding, and that either by thrusting or
drawing: all the kindes of these Lenick instruments are at large described in the
doctrine of art Presoria, which is a part of the Printed Treatise of Metallica.

There is a great use of these Lenick instruments for the tempering and commixing
of Sea-coale and Stone-coale.

Plegnicks are peculiar metallical instruments which perform their operation and
effect by their dexterous and artificiall ioynt moouing.

All the kinds of plegnick instruments are at large described in the doctrine of the
arte Plegnica, which is part of the Printed treatise of metallica.

There is a great use of the Plegnick instruments for the making of Eumechanick
and reformed Milnes & Bellowses. -

Caminicks are peculiar metallicall instruments which perform their operation and
effect by the new kind of Furnacing and Hearthing.

All the kinds of Caminick instruments are at large described in the doctrine of
the art Caminica, which is part of the Printed treatise of metallica.
, The instruments metallical, although they are of cheefe use in all the metallicall
arts, yet are they more peculiarly belonging to metallica proprie dicta, and for this
cause they are annexed to it.14

sturtevant's metallica.

And so forth, as it shall be further mentioned and inlarged in the printed
treatise of

METALLICA.

Sec. 4.

Pressoria.

Pressoria is a kind of Ignick Inuention which, by the meanes of cheape fiering and
by other Metallicall Instruments and meanes, maketh all kindes of Press-wares or
Mould-wares.

Press-ware or Mould-ware is anything that can bee made, wrought, or formed
of clay and earth not by hand and (as the Potters use) but by Presse and mould,
or by pressing and moulding, and that by the helpe of metallicall Instruments and
meanes.

There be many sorts and kindes of Press-wares by by reason of different figures and
diuers uses into which they are to be applied, all which kind are to be reduced to
these two heads of Rude-ware and Polisht ware.

Rude-ware are such sort of Press-ware which after they are pressed and moulded
require no further ornament, as Prest-pipes, Prest-tiles, Prest-brickes, Prest-stones,
and such like Expressed in the Printed Treatise of Metallica.

Pollisht-ware are such sorts of Press-wares which after they are pressed and
moulded doe receiue further ornament or beauty, as prest-monions for windowes, and
prest-columns, and such like, described in the Printed Treatise on Metallica.

Sec. 5.

Terrica.

Terrica is an Ignick Inuention, for the cheaper making of all kinds of Burnt-
earths, by meanes of metallicall instruments, whereupon the materialls made by this
Art are called Terricks.

k The contents of Terrica in the seuerall Materialls which the art maketh.

"1. All bricks burnt or baked, after the said S. Sturteuant
his manner and inuention, though made and moulded
according to common order of Brick-makers.

2.	All kinde of Tiles burnt or baked, after the said S.
Sturteuant his manner and inuention, though made
and moulded according to common order of Tile-
making.

3.	All kind of Potter-ware burnt or baked after the said

The

Terrick materials are all kinde <
of burnt Earth as

S. Sturteuant his manner and Inuention, though
moulded according to common order.

4.	All kinde of Limes, plaisters, alabasters, burnt, after
the said S. Sturteuant his manner and Inuention.

5.	All kinde of Way-stones, Way-grauels, Way-earths,
burnt and made after the said S. Sturteuant his
manner and Inuention; this Art is called Itineraria.

6.	Lastly, any other kinde of burnt Earths, that here-after
may be deuised, as good and proper for the Common-
wealth, being made, burnt, and wrought after the said
S. Sturteuant his manner and Inuention.

And so forth as it shall bee further mentioned and enlarged in the Printed Treatise
of Metallica,

Sec. 6.

Hydrelica.

Hydrelica is an Ignick inuention, for the cheaper making of all kinde of hotte
liquids or liquoures by the meanes of metallicall instruments, whereupon the
materialls made by this arte are called Hydrelicks.sttjrtevant's metallica.

All kind of Hydrelick waters
& their ancreats of which
there are diurse sorts as

1. The Hydrelick materials
are as

The contents of Aydrelica in the seuerall Materialls which the Arte maketh.

1.	All bathing waters for the washing of the body.

2.	All kind of washing, scouring waters for washing of
foule vessels, foule linen and other cloth.

3.	All kinde of hot-brine, or liquor for makinge of beare
or ale, or any other kind of Beauoridge.

4.	All kinde of hot or warme waters for dying cloth,
silke, or leathers, &c.

5.	All kind of hot-waters, for other trades, occupations,
or mysteries, as the Treatise further Expresseth.

, ^	. ( 1. Oyles, Tallowes, Fatts, marrowes, and such like.

liquids) or*liquors which flam^or j 2- Waxens, Rosens, Pitches, Tarres, Turpentines, brim-
burne, and their concreats—as V stones & such like unctions, gummes.

3. si.	All kind of Sopes, whether they bee black-sopes, sweet-

Allkind of Hydrelic liquors I	SOpeS, or white-sopes.

pounLao7™atelhnadndZ"ctious< 2*	A°7 °thef compound Hydrelick which hereafter may

liquors, and their concreats— J	bee deuised or lound out by the said S. Sturteuant

as x v.	his Inuention.

And so forth, as it shall be further mentioned and Enlarged in the Printed Treatise
of Metallica.

Sec. 7.

Ily drome tallica.

Hydrometallica is an Ignick muention, which with the same furnace maketh at
the same time Metallique materialls, made and brought forth by this art, are pro-
created as pares, twins, and couples, and are called from hence Hydrometallicks.

The contents of Hydrometallica, being an inuention compounded of two kinds, is
diuers and manifold according to the seuerall coupling and ioyning of the opposite
simples together.

' 1. Prest-pipes and hot-waters.

2. Prest-tiles and hot-waters.

As for Example ^ 3 Prest-bricks and hot waters.

4. Prest-monions and hot waters.

t.5. And such like combination and couples.

And so forth, as it shall be further mentioned and enlarged in the printed treatise
of Metallica.

Sec. 9.

Hydroterrica,

Hydroterrica is an Ignicke inuention, which with the same fire and the same
furnace maketh at the same time Terricke materials and Hydrelicke materials both
together, by meanes of metallicall instruments whereupon the materials made and
brought forth by this art are procreated as pares, twins, or couples, and are called
from hence Hydroterrickes.

The contents of Hydroterrica, being an inuention compounded of two kinds, is
diuers and manifold according to the seueral coupling and ioyning of the opposite
simples together, as—

Burnt-Earth, and hot water.

{1. Bricks and hot water.

2.	Tiles and hot water.

3.	Potter-ware ancl hot water.

4.	And such like combination & couples.

And so forth as it shall be further mentioned and enlarged in the Printed Treatise
of Metallica.16

sturtevant's metallica.

Note also that the compound arts, being rightly and discreetly performed, are farre
more profitable than the practise of the simple arts alone, and the reason is because
that by such a compound furnace two different workes are done at once, and in a
manner with the same charge.

And these are the seuen seueral heads and kindes of inuentions : The general
whereof is called Ignimetallica.

There are also other duiers other new arts and inuentions, which worke not with
fire, at which arise (in respect of the meanes and instruments) from the former, and
therefore, the generall of them all is called Ignimetallica, or Metall-organica, as was
specified before.

Sec. 10.

Metall-organica.

Metall-organica is an inuention Ignicke, for the cheaper making and acquireing of
diuerse profitable thinges, works, and materials, by the meanes of the Metallical instru-
ments, fire only excepted, whereupon the things made and acquired by this art are
called Metall-organickes.

Metall-organica comprehendeth many worthie inuentions whereof these seuen are
principal!, euery one of them making royalties a peece, excepting the wood-pleite art.

First, then, there is a new art and Inuention Metall-organicke, with a chiefely, by
meanes of plegnicke instruments, maketh a new kinde of water-milnes-wind-milnes,
and winde water-milnes, for the grinding of corne, tanner's bark, brazill, for the
sawing of woods, makinge of oyles, battering of Irons and Coppers, and for the
tuckeage and fullage of wolen cloth, or yellow oyled leathers, or for any other use or
purpose whatsoeuer, which other milnes are turned into ordinarily. And these
Metal-organick milnes are less chargeable to make, set up, keepe, and repaire, and
yet more necessarie and coneuient then the ordinarie sort of milnes which be now
in use.

Secondly, there is another new art and inuention Metallorganicke, which chiefly
meanes of Plegnicke instruments maketh also an artificiall kind of water after an
easier order then those that are already in use in the commonwealth.

Thirdly, there is another new art and inuention Metallorganicke, which chiefly by
meanes of Plegnicke & Lenick instruments, ioyently together, maketh singular
effectuall and most excellent deuices and meanes for the dreyning and drying of
marshes, fennes, and low-grounds.

Fourthly, there is another new art and inuention Metallorganicke, which chiefly,
by meanes of Plegnicke and Lenick instruments, ioyntly together, maketh singular
effectual & most excellent deuises & meanes for the riding, clearing, and mounting
of waters out of colepits & minerals ; the like was neuer in use or practise before.

And here the Ballance engin made of press wares is of great and worthie good use.

Fifthly, there is another new art and inuention Metalorganicke, which chiefly by
means of Plegnicke, Lenicke, and caminicke instruments, ioyently together maketh
singular effectual and most excellent deuises for the fertilizing, hartening, and
improuing of pasture ground, corne-ground, and all other barren grounds whatsouer.

Sixthly, there is another new art and inuention Metallerganicke, which chiefly by
meanes of the Plegnicke instruments maketh very effectuall and beneficiall instru-
ments of fishing, as new kind of Burces, new kinde of Nettage and Bateage, by
which new deuised meanes great aboundance of fish may be caught with farre lesse
charges, and in a shorter time then by the ordinary arts of fishing.

Seuenthly, there is another new art and inuention Metallorganicke, wThich chiefly
by meanes of the Plegnicke instruments maketh diuerse kinds of household moueables,
as artificeal Dores, Windowes, Curteines, Presses, Tables, Stooles, Bedsteads, Hang-
ings, Chests, and diuers other things handsomer & more conuenient then heretofore
is done by the ordinarie way of other stuffe.

Where note, that the materials made by this mechanicke art are called wood-
pleits.sturtevant's metallica.

17

And so forth, as it shall bee further mentioned in the Printed Treatise of
Metallica.

Cap. III.

Heuretica defined and deuided into his reall cmd Technick parts.

R.

6. Sir, you hauing thus set downe both the Transcript of his maiestures Indenture
and the Schedules anexed, I pray you to proceed more fully to entreat of the doctrine
of Metallica which seemeth to be handled in the next place.

*A It appeareth, from the first Section of the Schedules annexed to the patent, that
the doctrine of Metallica cannot distinctly knowne or Methodically expressed except
that the art which prescribeth precepts general to all arts and inuentions called
Huretica be first precognized.

R 7. Define therefore breefely Heuretica.

A Heuretica is the Art of inuentions, teaching how to find new, and to iudge of
the old.

R 8. What deuision is there for Heuretica ?

A The doctrine of Inuentions hath two parts reall and Technick.

R 9. Define the real part?

A Reall is the first part of Heuretica, which heateth of the instruments and reall
things which belong to the inuentions.

R 10. How is the reall part deuided ?

A The reall part spreadeth itself into two branches, whereof the first is called
Organic, and the other Emporeuticall or Polecall.

R 11. Define the Organick part.

A The organic is a part of Heuretica, which setteth down the means and instru-
ments whereby the work of Art intended is brought forth, made, and effected.

R 12. Define the Empoeruticall or Poleck part.

A The Emporeutick is an organick part of Heuretica which heateth of the worke
of the art, which are commodities and wares for use and sale, whereby profit is raised,
where note—the comodities, wares, and things of euery inuention for generall use are
called from this part Emporeuticks.

Note also, that Emporeuticks, being things artificial, are also fitly called materialls,
but if they bee naturall, they are called thinges acquired by the art. So fish and
fowle are the Emporeutick Materialls & made and wrought by Metallicque art.

R 13. Define the Technick part.

A The Technic is that habituall part of Heuretica which heateth of the dexterous
habit and faculty wherewithall all the Artizands are to be quallified and endowed
who are apointed to make the emporeutick workes of Inuentions.

Cap. 4.

Another partition of Heuretica and an Inuention mechanick defined.

R.

14. What other diusion is there for Heuretica ?

A Heuretica in respect to the worke intended is diuided into two pafts, namely,
into the Scientiffick part and mechanick part.

R 15. Define the Scientiffick part.

A The Scientiffick is that part of Heuretica which prescribeth precepts generall to
all liberall arts, the end of which arts is cheefe by a reall visible worke or sensible
thing.

And the inuention in this kind is called an Inuention mechanick.

R 16. Define therefore an Inuention mechanick.

b18

stu&tevant's metallica.

A A mechanick Inuention is the art of the Inuentor, which by efiectuall Instru-
merits and meanes bringeth forth some new visible or sensible worke good and
profitable to the Common-wealth.

So the Inuention of Printing is the skill and art of Faustus Guttenburgius, which
mistery (by the effectual deuised meanes of Presse, the Inke, the characters and
paper) bringeth forth impressions and Bookes, which mechanick workes are profitable
and good for man's use.

Where note, that, First the mechanic art, secondly the instruments and meanes,
thirdly the worke of the art made by those Instruments and meanes, are called
mechanicks, and all Inuentions in respect of the author that deuised them.

R 17. Expresse further euery word and clause of this definition, to the intent that
I may the better understand them.

A Your desire shall bee satisfied. First, then, to speake of the thing defined, you
must not that any other deuice, course, or way which bringeth forth no external
or materiall worke, are also in respect of the Inuentor tearmed Inuentions, so the first
discovery of the West Indies by Columbus (in respect of him) is fitly called his
Invention, and the turning point of nauigation called the Cape of Bona Speranca,
is Gaymus, his Inuention ; like may be said of Fretum Magellanicum, and Fretum
Dauies, which although they are laudable Inuentions discouered by ingenious &
adventurous persons, yet cannot they be sad to be mechanicks, because the produce
or leaue behinde them mechanik work, nor hand any mechanick instruments made by
hand of man directly, and of purpose for the performance of them, for these
mechanicks are onely propper to these kinde of Inuenions which we treate of.

IT 18. Wherefore call you an Inuention a mechanick arte ?

A To put a distinction betweene these Inuentions mechanicall, and other Inuen-
tions of the liberall Arts and Sciences, of which sort are Logick, Rhetorick, Gram-
mer, and the mathematicall sciences, all which had their authours and Inuentors.

II 19. Wherefore say you the art of Inuentioner ?

A To shew that there is no Inuention without relation to the Inuentioner.

R 20. Why then-it seemeth that all arts, sciences, mysteries, trades, crafts, things,
and deuises, which are now extent in the commonwealth, are and may bee called
Inuentions ?

A Yea verily so they may, if we respect the Inuentioner, and first authors of
them; but if we respect the person who use and put in practize the said Inuentions
at the second hand, as we say, such as are the Artificers, Tradesmen, and others that
make the said mechanic workes, in respect of these secondary persons they are called
Arts, Trades, Crafts, Syences, Misteries, Occupations, Professions, and fiightes, &c.

So the Printing, as also the Presse, the Paper, the Characters, together with the
workes done, as impressions, bookes, and volumes in respect to Faustus are his
Inuentions ; but in respect of Printers, which now a dayes worke by his inuention,
Printing is rightly called an arte, trade, or mistery: the like may bee said of all other
mechanicall Trades now extant in the common-wealth, and of all other profitable
Inuentions, which hereafter may be brought to light in the common-wealth.

R 21. To what use serueth the knowledge of this?

A This fitly serueth to repute the erronious folly of such shallow simple persons,
which cannot abide any new inuention, which this our age bringeth forth, they
utterly distaste both the proiects and Inuentors, they forsooth (as they say) will giue
no assistance, they will not meddle nor deale with them, they will not use their new
worke, though neuer so good and profitable, nay they say more after their fond
fashion, it will neuer prooue good or come to passe, with a hundred such like speeches
tending to the despraise both of the Inuentioner, and of things deuised by him, but
being demanded for their reason, they haue none to alleadge, except onely a woman's
reason like unto that of the Epigrammatist—

Non amo te volusi, non possum dicere quare,

Hoc tantum possum dicere, non amo te.

But if these men, who so much spurne at Inuentions, did well consider that allsturtevant's metallica.

19

ancient Mechanic trades, occupations, professions, trades, and workes, which now are
in use in the Common-wealth were new at the first, and had their beginning and
infancy, and how they were then the peculiar inuentions of some ingenious wits,
who trauelled with all their endeuours to bring forth the said inuentions, to the good
of that age in which they liued.

If, I say, they did well consider and ponder this, they would not bee so auerse and
bitter against laudable and good proiects, brought forth now a days, for which as
good reason they might enueighj against printing, shipping, milning, and buildings,
against the ordinary waies of making of salts, alloms, coppresses, and saultpetre,
against the trade and art of making of hats and knit-stockings, shoes, bootes,
and apparell, against the arte and trade of making of saddles, cartes, ploughs,
hafrowes, and against the arte of melting, founding, and casting of mettles, of
forging, hammering, and battering of irons, brasse, pewters, siluer, and gould; and
finally against all other trades, occupations, vocations, and proffessions in the
common-wealth, as so basely to regard and esteeme the profitable and new Inuen-
tions of our daies.

Againe, in scorning and contemning profitable businesse of late innention they set
themselves not onely against man, but also against the Spirit of God who is the
Authour of the said gifts, and first worke of them in man, as it is expressely taught
in the 31 of Exodus, in the example of two worthy Inuentioners and artificers;
the wordes of the text are these: Behold (saith God to Moses) I haue called by my
name Bezaleele, the sonne of Yri, the sonne of Hur of the tribe of Iuda, whom I
haue filled with the Spirit of God in wisedome, and in understanding, and in knowledge,
and in all workemanship, to finde out cureous workes, to worke in gould, in siluer, and in
brasse. Also the arte to set stones, and to carrie in timber, and to worke in all
manner of workemanship.

And behold I haue ioyned with him Aboliah, the sonne of Ahisamath of the tribe
of Dan, and in the harts of all that are wise harted, I haue put wisedome to make all
that I haue commanded thee.

Out of which words of holy Scripture it is apparent that all mechanicke Arts and
Inuentions, as well as the graces of salutation, are the peculiar workes and gifts of
God's holy spirit in man, which bloweth where and when he listeth, and powreth out
his spirit upon some men in euery age.

Cap. V.

Transient instrumentall meanes.

R 22. In the definition of the Organicke part you say that the worke is produced
by instruments and meanes. I would therefore know of you how many kindes of
instruments and meanes there are to effect a new businesse.

A The Organick things for the effecting of a new Inuention are of two sorts,
Permanent or Transient.

R 23. Describe the Transient Instrument and meanes.

A Instruments and means are said to be transient, when in respect of their use
they serue but once for that imployment for which they were appointed, so fuell
and oare are transient, because they wast and consume in that material which they
make.

R 24. How many kindes are there of this transient sort ?

A Two; Efficentiall or materiall.

R 25. Describe the efficentiall Instruments.

A Efficentiall are such Transient Instruments and meanes as vanish and consume
away in their first use, whilst they are performing their operation and efficiency to

Eroduce the pretended Mechanicke worke, as namely, the fuell or fireing in euery
usinesse.

R 26. Describe the materiall Instruments ?

A Materiall are such Transient instruments and meanes whereof the instru-
ments consist and made, not vading or vanishing away, but remaining transformed

b 220

sturtevant's metallica.

or altred in the substance of the thing effected, as namely, the stuffe and matter of
euery Mechanic instrument.

Capt. VI.

Permanent Instruments and meanes.

E.

27. I understand well the Transient instruments with their seuerall kindes, pray
you describe the permanent ?

A Instruments and meanes are said to be permanent, when as they serue to perform
their operations diuerse times (to wit) in this thing, in that thing, and in many others;
of this sort are all tooles in euery trade, all kilnes, furnaces, ovens, hearths in euery
trade. If we respect the first making and creation of permanent instruments, then
must we consider their efficientall and materiall meanes also.

II 28. How many kindes are their of this sort ?

A Two, for these permament meanes are either personal, as either the workmen
and artificers in euery action ; or else impersonal], of whjch sort are all other
instruments of the businesse.

E 29. How many sorts of workmen are there for euery Inuention?

A Two, primary and annually primarie as the Inuentioner to guide, and artifices
to make, the annuall are the daily workmen which make the mechanicke.

E 30. How many artifices are necessarie for the primarie and first foundation of
mectianicke inuentions ?

A These subsequents are most necessarie, as namely, Ioyners, Carpenters,
Smiths, Brickelnyers, Masons, whereupon in seuerall inuentions, diuerse other
Artificers are to be added, as occasion serueth, as Shoomakers, Glouers, Bellow es-
makers, &c.

E 31. How many sorts of annuall workmen are necessarie for the yearely
managing of an Inuention?

A Two, the maister and ouerseer, or his apprentices, or seruants, which
make the mechanicke worke, and, secondly, the repairationers, which maintain and
mend the instruments and meanes which at the first they made and formed.

E 32. What distribution haue you for impersonall Instrunents.

A The impersonal instruments are either generall or speciall, the generall is the
workhouse where other instruments doe their operations, worke, and employment, and
under this head we Comprehend the ground, place, yarde, or roome, where the
mechanicke businesse is wrought or done. The speciall impersonal instruments
besides the worke-house or place. Amongst which impersonal instruments furnacing
may be briefly touched as being a necessarie instrument in most Inuentions.

E 33. How define you a furnace ?

A A Furnace is the artificiall receptacle, which beareth and containeth feweli
and the fire.

E 34. How many kindes are comprehended under the head of furnacing ?

A Diuerse, as namely, all kindes of ouens, lampes, stoues, kilnes* hearthes, all
which we generally comprehend under the head of Furnacing.

Cap. VII.

Instruments and meanes procured and meerely operatiue, monies and charges of

businesse.

E.

35. What other distribution haue you of instruments and meanes of a Busines,
in respect of charges?

A Organicke meanes of a Mechanicke are either procuring or meerely
opperatiue.sturtevant's metallica.

21

The procuring meanes is monie to be impended and disbursed in Charges.

It is the instrument of instruments, and meane of meanes, procuring all other
instruments and meanes meerly opperatiue ; and when once they are procured and
prouided by it, it measureth their worth and valuation, whereupon Aristole calleth it,
" Communis mensura omnium."

R 36. What is generally to be knowne and considered concerning the monies
to be disbursed in a busines ?

A Monies or charges of a Busines are either primarie and once impended, or
else annuall, and at certain times to be-renewded.

R 37. What differences are their of primary monies ?

A Primary monies are either disbursements about the first foundation, or about
the tryall.

R 38. What call you fundamentall charges ?

A Charges of foundation are all such primary monies which are to be disbursed
at the first erection, or setting up of a new businesse, or of grand Mechanickes, in
some one conuenient place, whereby a worke-house is furnished with all permanent
necessary tooles and instruments.

R What call you charges of Tryall ?

A Charges of Tryall are the primary monies which are bestowed or disbursted
about the tryall and an Experimenting of an inuention or new businesse.

R 40. Wherein consisteth the chief charges of tryall ?

A The triall monies are to be disbursed first about the Theoricke instruments
and meanes of an inuention, that is, the whole description of an Inuention, whether
it be by way of manuscript writings or printed Treatises.

Secondly, about the moddles of an inuention, whether they be superficial! or reall,
motionall or directionall.

And, lastly, about the erection and foundation of the Protoplast, unto which at the
Other grand Mechanickes are to be conformed.

R 41. Concerning the charge of Tryall, what is fittest for an Inuentioner to
demand of them that are willing to deale in a new businesse ?

It is the wisest, safest, and most credible course for the Inuentioner not to aske
under hand, whereby he shall be driuen to repair to them againe the second time, but
rather at the first let him aske and agree for monie, and not for lesse than will serue
the turne.

R 42. What other chiefe rules ought an Inuentioner carefully to observe in the
practise and tryall of any new inuention ?

A That he may make triall and put in practise his new deuise and inuention with
good successe and to purpose, let him alwaies well remember these subsequent rules,

1.	Make things stronger then that Exact strength which the thing is to haue.

2.	Make things greater then that exact greatnesse which the thing is to haue.

3.	And therefore make things longer, broader, thicker, and wider then that Exact

length, breadth, thicknesse, and widenesse that the thinge is to haue.

4.	Make more in number then that Exact number which is required to &erue

the turne.

5.	Take longer time for a new busines then will serue the turne.

6.	For qualities, as hardness, softnes, drinesse, moistness, stiffness, toughness, &c.

observe this Rule,

Let things be tempered to a greater quality than will s-erue the turne.

7.	Yet if the Inuentioner can make the thing in the Exact truth, then let
him do it accordingly, for this is always least chargeable.

R 43. In the first triall of things can the Inuentioner perfectly hit on the Exact-
nesse of Euery particular instrument and meanes belonging to the new businesse ?

A The Yundertakers and dealers are to Expect some losse in triall of new
businesse, be the Inuentioner euer so perfect in his Theorick; for although he does
his best Endeauour, and giue perfect directions to his workmen and artificers, yet
they will often faile and erre in their worke, by which meanes the instruments, being
experimented and put to triall, becometh insufficient for the appointed use, and many
times the Inuentioner in some one pointe may faile himself, for which their is no22

STURTEVANT'S METALLICA.

helpe, but only to redresse and amend the fault in the instrument, or else to make a
new instrument in the others stead, neither of which can be done but with further
charge.

li 44. What call you the annual! charges of an Inuention ?

A Annuall are such monies which from time to time upon occasion are
bestowed, after the first Plantation, upon the repairing, maintaining, and continuing
the said primary instruments belonging to the said new businesse.

CAP. VIII.

Inuentions intermixt and pure, moddle Protoplast and grand Mechanick defined.

You haue handled the doctrine of the generall meanes and Instruments of Inuen-
tions, proceed, I to pray you, to speake of the differences and diuers kindes of
Inuentions, and first therefore I desire to know—

E. 45. How many sorts or kindes of Inuention are there being compared or
Considered one with another ?

A Two, An Inuention is Either pure or intermixt; an Inuention is said to be
pure and entire within itself, when as none of the parts essentiall are common to any
other Inuention for the same use.

Intermixt, when as some of the parts are found in some other former Inuention.
So a Windmill is an intermixt Inuention, because some of the parts, as namely, the
Milne-stones, the ring-wheels, and the cog-wheels, were first Extant in a water-
milne, or Horse-milne and quernes.

But a hand-querne was a pure and simple Inuention, because none of the Essentiall
parts thereof were taken from any former Inuention where they were applied to
the same use.

Where none but common parts of an intermixt Inuention are to be esteemed as
proper and peculiar to the same Inuention, when as they are conioined and mixed
in with other new things, Instruments, and meanes, which are the Essentiall parts
of the new deuise.

R 46. What other distribution haue you of an inuition in respect of magni-
tude ?

A In respect of greatnesse or quantity, there are three sorts of Inuentions,
namely, the moddle, the Protoplast, and the grand Mechanick.

R 47. Describe the Moddle.

A The Moddle is a Mechanick, which onely representeth and decyfereth, in
some little platforme, the true part and lineaments of the Mechanick inuention beeing
insufficient to yeeld any Emporeutick use of the Inuention.

So the moddle of a Wind-milne representeth the sailes and the other part of the
fabric and structure, but grindeth no corne.

Where note, that sometimes the moddle is to made greater than Mechanick,
especially in small curious things and such like.

R 48. How many sorts of Moddles are there ?

A Two, superficial! and real.

The superficiall describeth only the parts and lineaments in paper, bordes, or past-
bords by limning, drawing, or painting, shewing no action or opperration; never-
thelesse it is not so effectual! or fully vse-full, beeing onely representatiue as was
touched before. So a little ship which you haue hanging up in a Marchand's house
is the Reall moddle of a grand ship or sea vessel, because it representeth euery part
and action thereof.

R 49. What is the principal use of a Eeal Moddle ?

A The cheefest use of a reall moddle is that the Inuention may thereby more
perfectly and exactly both direct himselfe, and also guide his workmen for the finishing
of any grander mechanick of the same kind, thereby the better to produce and bring
forth the Theonck conceiucd in his mind into the grand Reall Inuention.

So the use of a small reall moddle of a Wlnd-milne serueth uery fitly to direct
both the Inuentor himself, And likewise all his Carpenters and other workment tosturtevant's metallica.

23

proceed infallibly to build and set up a reall and grand windmillne intended to be
made.

R 50. How many sorts of reall moddles are there ?

A There are two sorts, for either they are meerely directionall or also
motionall.

Directional is that moddle which is made only to guide the Artificer in the dimen-
sions of all the parts, as also for to direct them for the kinds of the matter and the
stuffe that they are to haue to make the engin intended.

R 51. What is the fittest and cheapest stuffe to make a directionall moddle of ?

A Past-boordes and reedes are the fittest either for Iron-works or woodworks,
whereof the Past bords are instead of boordes, planks, and bed-sides.

And the reeds are the fittest to represent round Cylindriack timber, as also other
square timber, as namely single quarters, double quarters, puncheons, rafters,
transummes, &c.

So that of these the Inuentioner may fitly and speedily make and constriue the
fabricke and structure or any directionall moddle.

R 52. What call you a motionall moddle ?

A. A motional moddle is that moddle Real which is made compleat in euery
part, hauing his true use, operation, and motion, as in the grander Menchanicks, yet
hauing no Emporeuticke commodity, but onely for shew and try all, and not for sale
and use.

There are three degrees in this motionall moddle, the meane moddle, the lesser
than the meane, the greater than the meane. The meane moddle is a motionall,
which hath has his magnitude and greatnesse betweene the other extreames, being
the least chargeable to be made. And it is always greater than the lesser motionall;
and there is but one meane modle to be found in the progressio of the same
degrees.

Where note, that it belongith principally to the Inuentioners skil and care to set
forth the dimmensions and parts of his moddle intended with the least expence of
charges that may be, and in the easiest and rediest manner for his workmen to
understand and imitate, or else he hitteth not upon the meane moddle, but on some
other extreame.

R Define the Protoplast.

A The Protoplast is an Inuention Mechanick which is first set up of that kind,
* and seruing to profitable Emporeuticke uses, hauing all the principall parts, action?,
and perfections, which all other subsequent grand Mechanicks ought to haue of the
same kinde3 which afterward are to be made and framed by it.

So the first windmill the Inuentioner euer set up to grind corne was the Pro-
toplast and example from whence all other wind-milnes sprange and were deriued ;
the like may be said of euery kind of Mechanicke, as of Faustus his first Printing
Press, &c.

R Define a grand mechanicke.

A The grand mechanicke is that which is set up after the form and tipe of the
Protoplast in greatnesse, or with some profitable additions which later experience
has taught.

So the Windmilnes in Moorfields are mechanicks of that kind of Inuention, for
they are builded after the Archetype of the Protoplast, which the inuentor first
inuented and erected, seruing to the same use of grinding corne ; they differ only in
this, the haue a deuise called the Crampe, which will sodenly (in the face of the
9 storm) the violent motion or circumgyration of the wheeles, until the sales are taken
down or fardled up.

Cap. IX.

Inuentions Heterocresious, and Homocresious primatiue and deriuatiue, defined,.

Reader.

55 What other distribution haue you of a Mechanick inuention, considered one
with an other ?24

ST UHTEY ANT'S METALLIC A.

A Inuentions considered comparatiuely one with another haue two diffirences,
for they are eyjher Heterocresious or else Homocresious.

Heterocresious are inuentions which produce different mechanick workes, warres,
and commodities. So milning and shipping are two Heterocresious inuentions,
because the worke of the one is meale or flower, and the worke of the other is
Carriage or transportage.

R Define Homocresious Inuentions.

A Homocresious inuentions are such which produce and bring forth Emporeuticall
workes for the same use.

So a horse-milne, a water-milne, a wind-milne, are Homocresious, because they all
grinde flower, though after different manners and ways.

R 57. What distribution haue you for Homocresious ?

A An Inuention Homocresious is either primatiue or deriuatiue, the primatiue is
that which was first in use in the world of the same kinde.

So a pestle and a morter is a primatiue intention, because it was first used to
bruze corne into meale and powder, and at this day it is still used to grind oaten-
grotes, but a handquerne, a hors-milne, a wind-milne, and a water-milne, are inuention
deriuatiue, all which were found out in succession of time long after the pestle and
the mortar.

R 58. Give some other illustrious examples of primatiue and deriuatiue in-
uentions.

A In matters of literature the art of writing with the pen is a worthy primatiue
inuention, both for writing and reading, found out by Moses that Learned Leuite
and thrice holy Prophet, the deriuatiue inuention where of is Printing, a far more
exquisite misterry deuised of late years by Faustus Guttenbergius.

So in husbandry the spade, the rake, and shouell, was a worthy primatiue inuen-
tion of Adam for the tillage and sowing of the ground, according to that ancient and
old prouerbe-

When Adam digged and Eue span,

Who was then a Gentleman ?

But the Plough and the Harrow are their deriuatiue iuentions, which for their
uses of husbandry doe farre exceed them, for by them more worke of tillage of the
ground may be done in one day with the same charge, then could be done by their
primatiue inuentions in twenty dayes.

Againe, the Barrow which carrieth burdens from places is a primatiue inuention, but
the cart with wheels is a far more excellent deriued Mechanick, because it carrieth more
in one day then the primatiue can doe in ten dayes with the same charges.

And this Inuention of round wheels to draw and carry loades with a small strength
vndoubtedly was grounded on this Geometricall axiom, Circulus tangis planum
vinico puncto—for if the wheeles should haue beene made square, trencher fashion, or
in any other poly-angle, forty-horses would not so easily draw them, being laden, as two
doth now with both speed and ease. And thus much for the example of primatiue
and deriuatiue Inuentions.

Where note, that the deriuatiue must always be of a greater use, and doe more
good in the Commonwealth then the primatiue, or else it is not to be receiuded.

Note also, if there be many deriuatiues in the same kinde, the latter inuention must
alwayes better the former, and being all of them compared and rancked with their
primatiue they make an Inuentionall progression, one exceeding an other in good-
nesse and use, amongst which the last of all ought to be the best, and is therefore
called the Eumechanick in the progression of that kinde.

R 59. Giue some examples of Inuentionall progression.

A I will satisfie your desire, and first in matter of husbandry, for the making
of bread which maintaineth the life of man, there is a progression of these fiue
Inuentions : First, the mortar; secondly, the hand-querne ; thirdly, the horse-milne ;
fourthly, the water-milne; fiftly, the winde-mill.

To which if we adde the inuention of the Plegnick milne, it maketh up the sixt,
and is the Eumechanick of that kinde.sturtevant's metallica.

25

Secondly, in hose and stockings there is a progression of three, cloth or kersey
stocking with needles; thirdly and lastly, in knit stockings with loome, which is a
late Inuention of one Maister Lee.

Thirdly, in vessels of drinking there is a large progression. For, first to pretermit
the cup of the hand out of which Adam and Gedeons three hundred soldiers
dranke, Judg. 7. 6, there is, secondly, the Eathern Pitcher, which the Samaritine
woman had at the Well; and the third roome came up the use of the Black Leather
lacks, an ancient drinking vessell of our natiue countrymen ; and the fourth place
sprung up the use of Tankards and Wodden Kans; in the fift, out of homes ; in the
sixt, Siluer, gould, greene-glasse, Venice-glasse, and Peuter.

All inuentions, for the most part, of latter times, are deriuatiue, & the Inuentioners
are to make choice of this kinde, and needeth the lesse to spend his time about any
primatiue deuice.

Cap. X.

Inuentions organicall and empcreuticall; the parts and adjuncts ; the Theoricke and
practicke of an Inuention OrganicaL

R

60. What other distribution is their of an inuention Mechanicke ?

A. An Inuention Mechanicke, in respect of use, is either organicall or emporeu-
ticke commodities.

So the windmill considered within itselfe is the compact, study, or fabrice, which
comprehendeth all permanent instruments and meanes which produce, yeeld, and
bring forth meale or flower.

But the flower and meale thuse made and ground by the Windmillne Engin is fitly
called the inuention emporeuticall.

So likewise the whole structure and complement of all the permanent and imper-
sonall instruments, and meanes which made up the Eernical Eurnace, is termed the
inuention.

K> 61. What differences haue you for the parts of an Inuention Organicall.

A. The parts of an inuention organicall are either essential or inessentiall, comon
or peculiar organicall.

But the Earth-coal iron which is made by the said complement and panoply of
instruments, is fitly called the emporeuticall inuention of the Author or Inuentor.

K 62. Describe the essentiall parts of an Inuention organicall.

A. The essential part of an inuention organicall is any maine and chiefe member,
whereby the Engin is well enabled to per forme his worke and operation which being
lacking, the other parts of the Engin become ineffectual and inoperatiue, for the
producing of the emporeuticke intended.

So a windmillne consisteth of all his essential parts besides his crosse sales is
ineffectuall and not able to grinde corne, the like may be said if it lacke a cog-wheele,
a ringe-wheele, a milne-stone, or any other essentiall part.

R 63. Describe an inessentiall part of an Inuention.

A. An essential part is an additament which indeed somewhat bettereth and
helpeth the Inuention when it is added to the maine complement of the Machin or
Engin, yet being lacking and not used, it taketh not away the opperation or worke
of the Inuention or Engin ; of this sort is the crampe of a windemilne, which is a
very and worthy addittament, found out by some ingenious Milner of late, and it is
able to hold the cross sales immoueable, euen in the very blast of a storme.

Yet wind-milnes which had not nor haue not this later addition of the crampe, doe
daily grind corne as well as other windmilnes which are therewithall furnished.

But in a storme they are driuen to this inconuenience, that three or foure must
presently goe down to turn their crosse sails out of the winde, that they may take
take downe and fardle up the sailes.

So likewise the brasse plate and the rowling girth are necessary and conuenicnt26

sturtevant's metallica.

additions in the Engine of the Printing Presse, and both of them were of late years
first deuised (as it said) by one Maister Haruie, an ingenious Printer in London ; yet,
before they were added or used in the mistery of printing, Faustus his inuention was
absolute and compleat of it selfe.

R 64. Describe the common parts of an inuentionall Organical.

The common parts are such as are borrowed from other trades, occupations, and
misteries formerly inuented and in use, and now adioyned and mixed in amongst the
newest parts of the inuention.

R 65. What call you the peculiar parts of an inuention ?

A The peculiar parts are such as are proper, and of the essence of the inuention,
not being taken from any other Mechanicke formerly in use.

So the sayles, the milne-post, the spurs of a wind-milne are his peculiar parts, but
the cogge-wheeles, ronge-wheels, and milnestones are common parts, as being
assumed, and from the horse-milne and water-milne formerly in use.

R 66. What difference haue you for the adiuncts of an inuention Organicall?

A The adiuncts of an inuention Organicall hauQ the same differences which the
parts of an inuention had before.

For the adiuncts are either essential or inessential, common or peculiar, the nature
and distinction of which differences may be easily conceiued and understood by the
descriptions of the former seuerall parts.

R 67. What other differences haue you for the adiuncts of an inuention
Organicall ?

A The adiuncts of an inuention Organicall are also necessarie or lesse necessarie.

Necessarie adiuncts are all such which necessitie are to be used for the producing
of the intended Mechanicke.

And the lesse necessarie are all such which bringes some small helpe to bringe
forth the Emporeuticke.

R 63. What distribution haue you of an inuention Organicall ?

A An inuention is said to haue a Theoricke or a Practicke.

R What call you Theoricke Inuention ?

A The Theoricke of an Inuention is the declaration of the contents thereof by a
plaine and familiar discription, and that either by manuscript writings or by printed
treaties.

R 70. What arguments are cheefe for the description of an inuention ?

A The arguments of the parts and adiuncts, or the arguments of instruments and
meanes.

R 71. Do the parts and adiuncts, and instruments and meanes, expresse diuers
meanes ?

A No; for by parts and adiuncts are understood the selfe same things which are
meant by instruments and meanes, but yet in diuers and different respects, for they
are called parts and adiuncts in respect that the Mechanic Engin subsisteth & con-
sisteth of them, but in respect of the Emporeutick, which is made by them, the said
parts and adiuncts are fitly called instruments and meanes.	*

So a Printing Presse hath his seuerall parts whereupon doth consist, as the screw,
the nut, the pear-tree, and the chase, &c. It hath also his adiuncts belonging to it,
as the Inck and the Inck-balls, &c. which said parts and adiuncts of the presse
considered with the printed papers, bookes, and impression, which are the saleable
emporeutick workes—I say, in this respect, they are called instruments and meanes
whereby printed Bookes are atteined to.

R 72. Define a practick of an Inuention ?

A The practick of an Inuention is that which is made in reall parts and adiunct
according to the description of the Theorick of an inuention.

So if you describe an iron furnace by euery part and adiunct which belongeth
thereunto, such a discription is called the Theorick of a Furnace; but afterward if
you make a real furnace of moddle, stufFe, or of bricke, clay, or earth, according to
the discription & Theorick proportions, then such a furnace is called the practik of a
Furnace: the like may be said of any other Mechanick or Engin.sturtevant's metallica.

27

R 73. What cannons haue you of an inuention in respect of the Theorick?

A The Theorick of an Inuention is to be described by his parts and adiuncts
that other mens labours and indeaours bee incroached vppon or forestalled thereby.

Cap. XI.

An Inuention triable and untriable, conformable and incomformable, Royal and

Coppy-hold.

&

74. What other kindes or sorts haue you of an Inuention ?

A An Inuention is two fould, An Inuention of discouery or an inuention of
experiment, or an inuention is triable or untriable.

R 75. A triable Inuention is an inuention whose worth and goodnesse cannot
certainly appeare before trialls and experiments bee made, not only in the moddles
thereof, but also in the Protoplast it selfe.

Of this sort are all the Inuentions Metallicall comprised in the Patent, and also
the inuention called the Register for general commerce.

R 76. Define an inuention vntriable ?

A An vntryable inuention is a new proiect or discovery, whose worth and good-
nesse requireth no tryalls, but may be iudged and discerned onely by the discription
or declaration of the plot and proiect.

Of this sort are all Monopolies, new customs, imposts, taxes, subsidies, statutes,
with fines and diners other state businesses, discoueries, and inuentions, which are
ordinarily propounded or petitioned of his Maiestie.

Of this sort is Spherica, a late inuention of the Authours, the proiect and contents
whereof shall be handled in a treatise called Spherica.

R 77. How many sorts of tryable inuentions are there?

A. An inuention tryable is either conformeable or inconforemable.

R 78. Define a conformeable inuention ?

A A conformeable inuention i3 an inuention tryable, which reformeth and bet-
tereth a former inuention on (requiring but some small and not chargeable alteration)
after that the new is united to the old.

So the iron furnaces, fineries and chafferies may be much reformed and bettered
with small charges, hauing our Ferrical inuention vnited to them, and therefore the
Ferrical inuention is fitly called a conforemable Inuention.

R*79. What cannons or rules have you for a conformeable inuention?

A Conformeable inuention being priueledged is farre more beneficiall and commo-
dious to the Patantees & the dealers in that busines, than an inconformable inuention,
and the reason is, because that immediately after the grand tryals are brought to
passe and performed in the Protoplast, they may choose whether they will be at any
further charge, and yet they may raise present rent and benefit by conforming of the
former inuentions of the Protoplast, and not at theirs, but onely at the charges of the
ownners of former works and inuentions.

R 80. Define an inconformable inuention ?

A An inuention is said to be inconformable whose Protoplast, being erected and
set up, cannot be conformed to any former intention in use, where by yearely profits
of conformity may be raised without charges to the Patantees and dealers.

So the presse ware inuention maketh tiles and brickes, and all other clayworks,
after a farre more ganeful and beneficiall manner than by the ordinary course, yet
nevertheless it is an inconformable inuention, because that the ordinary arts of tile-
making and brickmaking cannot be conformed unto the Presse war Protoplast with
some small alterations and small charges.

R 81. What cannons or rules haue you of an inconformable inuention ?

A An inconformable inuention requireth a great stocke and great disbursements
from the Patentees to lay out as well for the Protoplast as also for some two or three
grander inechanicks thereof.28

sturtevant's metallica.

Secondly, an inconformable inuention, after the erection and perfection of the
Protoplast, in continewance of time may raise great rents and fines by licences
leases, and deuices, though by no present conformity.

R 82. What other distribution haue you for an inuention mechanicke ?

A An inuention Mechanicke is either priuiledged or unpriuiledged j againe, it is
either a Royaltie or a Copye-hould.

A Royalties is such a new Businesse, which in the greatnesse thereof belongith
peculiarly to the King.

Or a Royaltie is an Inuention mechanicke which produceth extraordinarie and
worthk yearely profits and reueneweries, whose valuation exceedeth the summe of
Ten thousand pounds—per annum.

R 83. Define a Coppy-houlde Inuention ?

A Coppy-houlde is an Inuention whose yearly valuation and worth exceedeth not
the sum of 10-000.

84. What cannons or rules haue you concerning of Roy all or Coppyhould
Inuentions ?

A These Cannons belong to a Roy all inuention:—first, no subiect or subiects, of
what estate or degree soever, by his seruice or demerit except the Queene mother,
the King's children, is capable of a whole entire Royaltie, and therefore if the King
have passed away a Royaltie ignorantly, he may iustly recall and reuoke his graunt.

Secondly, a subiect may be his seruice to his Prince and Country demerit part or
portion of a Royaltie, it being no greater than a Copy-hould.

R 85. What Cannons or Royalties belonging to a Mechanicall Inuention should
be priuledged for a certain time wholly to the Inuentioner and Author, if so it but
of the yearly value of Copy-houlde ?

Secondly, the first Inuention of a Royaltie, though of meane degree, hath as
great demerit in the Inuention as any other subiect of what Estate or degree soever,
excepting Royall persons.

R 86. What Cannons or Rules haue you concerning Royalties ?

A There are diuers other rules and observations which I spare to speak of at
this time, because at further leasure I purpose to print a little Tractate of Royalties
and Coppy-houldes which is a parcel of this Treatise of Metallica.

Cap. XIL

Cannons or Rules seruing to iudge of the goodnesse of a deriuatiue Inuention

JEmporeuiticall.

R.

87. How may those who are willing to deal in the triall of new Inuentions iudge
of their goodnesse ?

A There are many infallible rules by which a deriuatiue Inuention be examined,
we may easily iudge of the goodnesse thereof; but to reduce this doctrine to some
head, we are to consider both the generall vertues and generall faults in inuentions.

R 88. What are the generall virtues by which an Inuention is to be examined ?

The vertues of an inuention are of two degrees, the lesser and the greater, and
each degree is threefould ?

R 89. Which are the lesser vertues of a deriuative Inuention ?

A These three, Equi-sufficiencie, Equi-cheapness, Equi-excellency.

R 90. What mean you by Equi-sufficiencie?

A Equal-sufficiencie is when the new Inuention or Emporeuticke is as sufficient
and as good for use as the ould.

So printed bookes are as sufficient and as good to read as written Inuentions; and
the Meale grinded by the windmilne is as good and sufficient to make bread as that
which is grinded by the water-milnes and earthen pipes by the Pressorean Art, being
well made, are as strong to hold and conuey water as leaden pipes or potter's pots,
which two kindes of water conueniances werein use long before presseware pipes
were inuented.sturtevant's metallica.

29

R What meane you by the second vertue, which is called equi-cheapnesse ?

A The new Emporeuticke is said to haue equi-cheapnesse, when it may be sould
and uttered as cheape as the ould commoditie or Inuention which was in use before.

So if Printing bookes be but as cheape to be sould as MS. books, then they are
said to have equi-cheapness.

And if tiles made by the Pressorian art may be afforded to be sould and uttered as
cheap as the tiles made by the ould and ordinarie way, then the Pipe ware Tiles may
well be said to have equi-cheapnesse with ordinarie Tiles.

R 92. What meane you by the third vertue, which is called equi-excellency ?

A The new Inuention is said to haue equi-excellencie with the ould, when it hath
in it the same beautie and perfection that the ould commoditie of sale hath, and in the
same degree, measure, and equalitie.

So if Muscovie glass be as cleare, transparent as greene glasse for windowes, then
in regard, then in regard of the beautie and perfection of the substance it is said
to bee Equi-excellent.

R 93. Which is the greater virtues of an Inuention?

A There are three, more sufficiency, more cheapnesse, more excellence, all
which are easie to be understood by their lower degrees described as before.

R 94. Which are the lesser faults of an Inuention ?

A There are also there, insufficiency, exceeding dearnesse, exceeding baseness,
uglinence, or ill-fauourednesse.

R 96. What Cannons or Rules haue you to iudge of a deriuatiue Inuentibn by
comparing these virtues and faults together ?	. ,

A There are many, whereof these following serue to iudge of their uirWor-
thinesse.

R 97. What is the first Cannon ?

A If an Emporeuticke haue only in it all the smaller virtues, although it may
be esteemed commendable for a new inuention, then surely it will do no good to be
set up and followed.

So if any clay-worke made by Presse-ware art, as namely, tile, slate, free-stone,
paving-stone, archage, &c. or greene-glasse made by Sea-cole, if these two new inuen-
tions fal out to bee but Equi-sufficient, Equi-cheape* and Equi-excellent with old
inuentions of tiles, slates, free-stone, pauing-stones, archage, then surely there will
be no good to be done by them, because they yield no good to the Commonwealth.

A 98. What is your secret cannon to iudge of the worthlessnesse of an Inuention ?

A If a new Inuention of sale haue in it but all the smaller faults, it is not to be
commended proue good, for example, if one should deuise a water-worke, to raise
waters, which is less sufficient for that purpose, and more chargeable to be erected,
and in regard of excellency more imperfect then the ordinarie raising of waters in
use, I say such an Emporeutick is to be iudged a worthlesse Inuention.

R 99. What is the third directory cannon ?

A If a new inuention, compared with the old, be found to haue in it but one of
the grander faults, although it be accompanied with some one or two of the grand
virtues, yet is it to be reiected for starke naught, for there can no good be made of
it, for instance sake, that one hath deuised to make windowing of the pure mettle of
Venice-glasse, or of the pure substance of Christ-all, which is not impossible to be
done, This his sale Mechanick will be exceeding deere and costly, And therefore,
although it be more excellent or stronger, or more sufficient then the ordinary kind of
windowing by greene-glasse, yet the Inuentioner will neuer do good of it, except it
bee to beggar himselfe, and all that shall deale in it: for a scrap of Coloquintida,
I say, marreth a whole mess of good pottage.

R 100. How many directory triplicities is there of this rule?

A There are,

First, exceeding deerenesse, more sufficiency, more excellency.

Secondly, insufficiency, more cheapnesse, more excellency.

Thirdly, unsightly basenesse, more sufficiency, more cheapness#e.30

STITRTEVAirr's metallica,

This last triplicity, although it hath two grand vertues, yet the buyers of this
Emporeutick will not deale with it, because they cannot abide to behold it.

R 101. What other triplicities are there of this cannon ?

A. Three, one grand vertue, and three by another which, for breuities sake I
omit.

R. 102. What other cannons haue you to iudge of the worthlessnesse of an
Inuention ?

A. If an Inuention contain all the grander vertues, and yet tend to the utter
confusion of Kingdoms and ciuill estates, then is it by no meanes to bee attempted or
enterprized by any Inuentioner, of this kind is the Invention to walk invisible—if
such a deuise may be attained unto, to make a barge or ship to flye as well in the
ayre as to saile upon the water.

R. 103. What cannons or rules haue you to iudge of the goodnesse and worth of
a deriuative inuention ?

A. There are many cannons likewise for this purpose, all which are grounded
on triplicities of the former vertues, of lesser faultes, or intermixt of both.

R. 104. What is the first cannon?

A. An Inuention that hath none of the grand faults and hath at the least one of
the grand vertues, or more in his triplicity, then is to be esteemed good and valuable
as it appeareth by at these subsequent triplicities.

R. 105. R. Recite the triplicitie of this cannon ?

]. A. More sufficiency, Equi-cheapnesse, Equi-excellency.

As for example, earthen tileage istnore sufficient and durable, equi-cheape, and equi-
excellent, then the old way of couering of houses by wooden pannels, when wood and
timber were then as plentifull in England as is now in Yerginia, or new found land
and therefore a very good inuention.

2.	Equi-sufficiency, more cheapnesse, Equi-excellency.

3.	Equi-sufficieney, Equi-cheapnesse, more excellency.

4.	Equi-sufficiency, more cheapnesse, lesse excellency.

5.	Lesse-sufficiency, more cheape, Equi-excellent.

Of this sort is—Lees Inuention of loome stockings and the tillage of ground by
plough and harrow, comparing it wTith Adams old tillage with spade and iron-rake,
which Garderners still use.

6.	More-sufficiency, Equi-cheapnesse, lesse excellency.

7.	More excellency, lesse-cheapnesse, Equi-excellency.

8.	Equi-sufficiency, lesse cheapnesse, more excellency.

9.	Lesse sufficiency, Equi-cheapnesse, more excellency.

10.	More sufficiency, more cheapnesse, equi-excellency.

11.	More sufficiency, more cheapnesse, less excellency.

12.	Equi-sufficiencie, more cheapnesse, more excellency.

13.	Less sufficiencie, more cheapnesse, more excellency.

14.	More sufficiencie, Equi-cheapnesse, more excellency. ^

15 More sufficiency, lesse-cheapnesse, more excellency.

16. More sufficiency, more cheapnesse, more excellency. Which is the best and
most eminent of all other triplicities.

Metallical Instruments defined with their seural kinds. Lenicks, Presse-wares, and

mouldes described.

Reader.

106. The Manuscript Treatise on schedules annexed to the Identure, as it
seemeth, comprehendeth many worthy matters and excellent inuentions, but it is
somewhat obscure and obstruce, both by reason that some points are implicitely set
down, and also in respect of some strange and hard words which I doe not perfectly
conceiue or understand I pray you therefore enlarge and describe the same Materiallsturtevant's metallica.

31

points in a more familiar phrase and stile, that such plaine men as myselfe, who are
willing to deale and aduenture in these your inuentions, may more fully under-
stand the purport and goodnesse of your businesse.

A. Sir, you neede not be offended with the scholasticall tearmes, for it hath
alwaies beene lawfull to the Authours of new Arts and inuentions, at theire owne
pleasure to giue names to their new arts, instruments, and deuises which are not so
vulgarly knowne. Goe but to a Printer and you shall heare many strange words of
his inuention and misterie, as namely—Charrecters, the Compositer, the Long Primer,
the Pica, the Italica, the chace, & the like tearmes you shall find in diuerse other
trades in London.

I hope therefore I shall not be barred or denyed of that libertie of making choice of
words of Arts, for new matters which is giuen and allouend unto euerry tradesman
in owne scyence and mistery.

Indeede I confesse that some points are more closely and briefley touched of purpose,
and the reason was, because I had often promised to explaine and illustrate them in
the printed treatise, and it would haue been both tedious and more chargeable to
haue drawne the manuscript in a prolixe and ample sort.

Neuerthelesse, to the intent that no iust exceptions may be taken, & that the
meanest capacitie may pgrceiue my meaning, I will be ready to explaine and amplifie
the seuerall contents of my Pattents in as plaine and easie manner as I can think or
deuise.

R 107. It is euident by your Pattent that all Mechanick Artes and Inuentions
which performe their worke by the help and operation of Metallicall Instruments,
are all of them priuiledged businesses unto you ; wherefore I pray you describe at
large all the sorts of Metallicall Instruments and meanes, which are the strength,
nerues, and sinews of your priuiledge.

A The instruments and meanes Metallical which are used for producing the
Metalique Materialls or things are (as it was shewed before) of two sorts, common
and peculiar.

The Common Instruments are such which are borrowed from other trades, occu-
pations, and mysteries, amongst which wee haue especially the use of Smithes, Ioyners,
Turners, not onely of their instruments and tooles, but also of their Emporeuticks
which they ordinarily make, as Presses, Vices, Screws, Bellowes, Tongs, & made
either of iron and Avood, or of both together.

E 108. What call you the peculiar Metallicall Instruments ?

A The Peculiar Instruments are those that are of the Authors Inuention, being
of chiefe and principall vse for the working of Metallick effects, when they are used
and conioyned with other Common Instruments; and they are of two sortes, Principall
and lesse principall.

The principall are those which in the manuscript are called by the names of
Legnick, Plegnick & Camminicks.

R 129. Define the Metallicall Instruments which are called by the name of
Lenicks.

A. The Lenicks are peculiar Metallicall Instruments, which worke their opperaton
and effect by pressing, impressing, impresioning, or moulding, and that either by
thrusting or drawing.

R 110. What call you the Emporeutick materials which are made by these
Lenick Instrument ?

A The materials that are made and brought forth by these pressing & moulding
instruments are called Press-wares or mould-wares.

R I pray you set downe the definition of Presse-wares or Mould wares, together
with their seuerall sortes or kindes.

Presse-ware or Mould-ware is any thing that can bee made, wrought, or formed
of clay, earth, not by hand and the round table, as the Potters use, nor after the
common manner of tile-making and Brick-making, but by presse and mould, or by
pressing and moulding.

There bee many sorts or kinds of Presswares, by reason of different figures, and32

sturtevant's metallic a.

diuerse uses unto which they are to bee applied, all which kinds are reduced to these
two heads, Rude-ware and Pollishtware.

Rude-ware.

Rude-ware are such sort of Presse-ware which, after they are pressed and moulded,
require no further ornament.

Pipeage is the principall branch of Press ware, and it is nothing else but the
making of earthen pipes for the conducting and sweeter conueighing of fresh waters
for the seruiceable vse of houses.

Field-pondage is a kind of Pipeage which from higher springs and fountaines
conueigheth and distributeth water into seuerall pastures, closes, and fields, and in
euery one of the said places maketh and leaueth a pond of water for cattle and
beasts to drink in; this kinde is very necessary for Country Townes, where there
are but some few springs, and many hundred of inclosed pastures, which in the
the heate of Summer want waters.

And Kennellage is one of the chief kind of Pipeage which passeth and voydeth
away the stincking and filthy waters of citties and Townes under earth into the
common ditches or sewers, and this kind is very necessary for the auoiding of noysome
and infectious ayres, expecially in the heate of Summer.

Of Press-wares also are made Pumpes, as sufficient as Lead or Wood, and farre
less chargeable.

Welleage is a kind of Press-ware for the speedy making of Wells, farre cheaper
thaa the rounds, which are made of brick to keepe the earth from falling downe.

Priuy Funnels or Vaults may also be made by the Presse-ware Art, so close and
so sweete that there can be no annoyance or unsauory smels euapoure out or presse
through them. This kind of presse-work is very necessary for many houses in the
citty, which are much annoyed by the leaking and sincking through the funnels of
brick.

As Walls are made of ordinary Bricks, so may they be made of Press-wares
more handsome, cheaper, and dureable.

Open Gutters are made by the Press-ware w^ay, which may serue between houses
instead of Lead, or in fields to conduct and lead away water, or on the eues of
houses or Pent-houses.

The Press-ware Art ministreth a kind of Tiling and slating for the couering of
houses more substantiall and dureable then those that are made by the ordinary way
of Tiling, or then those blew and hewen slates which are digged out of the Slate
Quarries.

Spouts ordinarily are made of Lead, and hanged on the outside of the walls,
but Spouteage may more conueniently be made of Pipes brought downe within the
middest of the Brick Walls, for to conueigh raine water into the sincks Ynder the-
earth.

pollisht-ware.

Pollished-ware are such sorts of Presse-wares which, after they are pressed and
moulded, receiue further ornament and beauty by Turners, Ioyners, or Engrauors
tooles, or by Ttrning, Planing, or Engrauing; and there are three degrees of this
ornament, for else it is meerely by cutting off the edge when the Presse-ware of
clay is liuer dry, or else by repressing againe, which is when they Presse-ware is
figured or fashioned the second or third time with the mould againe. The third
degree is by fire colouring, which is the glaring, glazing, or leading of Presse-ware,
this addeth a super-excellent grace and lustre to the worke if it be well and curiously
done and performed, and it hath in it this singular prerogatiue:—For whereas free-
stone greeneth presently with the first wet and raine, and after in continuance of
time becometh owergrowne with mosse, or else moulteth, or cometh away, but this
sort of Pollished ware continueth alwaies in his natiue and lively hue, neuer tainting
or altering with any weather, no more than the stone lugs or Cruses, which we
usually drink out of.STURTEVANT\s METALLlCA.

Of Presse-wares also we may make all kinde of pauing-stones larger and greater
than those which are made by Potters and Tilers, which kind is very seruiceable for
pauing of houses, galleries, ouens, courts, and furnaces.

Fish Ponds may be both floored in the bottome and wainscotted on the sides by
the Presse-ware Art so sufficiently, that neither the earth can fall downe, nor the ouse
or mudd to swell vp within; so likewise for bathes and laynes.

Spouts ordinarily are made of leade, and hanging on the outsides of the wals, but
they may be made of turned pipes, being also beautified with glazing, leading, or
other ornaments, stamps, or impressions.

The like may be said of Windowing and Monyons for windowes, which may be
made and cast of white clay as sufficiently and substantially as of hewn bricke or
Free-stone. Gardens, Squares, and Walkes are usually compossed and inuironed
with railes and pales of wood or stone; this may also be done by Press-ware cheaper,
stronger, and handsomer.

In a word, there is no part or appurtenance in buildings, which is made either of
bricke, tile, lead, wood, Tarras, or freestone, which cannot more conueniently be
made by the pressing art of casting, and the reason thereof is, because that mouldes
may be made to cast all kinde of solid shapes, figures, and bodies whatsoeuer.

So that from hence also we make Bullets, Globes, Coping stones, Archings, Pillars,
Columnes, Finishings, Chimneys, Flannels, Mantletrees, or Clauels for chimnies,
Cesternes, Coppers to brew in, Wainescoatting for chambers, and such other like
things and vtensils.

R 112. What are the generall and chiefe instruments of making Presse and

mould?

R 113- How many kinde of Presses or Pressing Instruments are there?

A Pressing or impressioning of things is performed by diuers meanes, as namely,
by beating, stamping, knocking, or falling.

Secondely, by screwing or viceing. Thirdly, by the drawing of flexible girths or
cordes. Examples of all which sorts are to bee seene at my worke-house at Highbury,
in the parish of Islington, neere London.

R What call you a moulding instrument, mould, or moulder ?

A A Mould or Moulder is an Artificiall instrument which mouldeth, figureth, and
proportioned the tempered earth, which, being forced, passeth thorough the mould,

R 115. How many sorts are there of mould or moulders ?

A Moulds are of two sorts, for two they are as long as the Press-ware, which
they make and figure, of which sort all those which are called by the names of scouring
mouldes at the worke-house at Highbury, or else they are shorter than the Presse-
wares which they make, whereupon they are called Short Mouldes.

Diuers sorts both of long mouldes and short mouldes are to be seene at the said
workhouse, and therefore I will not further enlarge or describe them heare, but
referre the Reader to see them at the place aforenamed.

R 116. When a presse and a short mould are in one frame united together, what
is the fittest name to call that instrument by ?

A It may aptly in a word be called a Presse-mould, which is further described
and handled in the next chapter.

CAP. XIV.

The Press-mould and the Plegnick Instruments defined.

R

117.	Describe, therefore, the Press-mould by his end and use.

A. A Presse-mould is a pressing and moulding Instrument for the making of all
kind of Press-wares, that is to say, all kind of tiles, bricks, and pauing-stones,
furnace stones, or any kind of clay-worke or tempered earths whatsoeuer,

118.	R. Describe the Press-mould by his parts and adiuncts.

C34

sturtevant's metallica.

A The Presse-moulde consist eth of these general parts:—

1.	Two clay-boxes.

2.	Two Receipt Boxes.

3.	One Screw.

4.	Two Pressours.

5.	Foure Anti-pressoures.

6.	Two Nutboxes.

7.	Two squease tables.

8.	Two Coane spits.

9.	Two Screw posts.

10.	Frames for the said parts.

11.	Driers and Rammers, which are adiuncts.

There are many sorts and differences of Press-moulds, eury sort consisting of
different parts and adiuncts, all which shall be at large described in the second
edition of Metallica, or in the appendix, or edition unto this treatise called
Pressoria.

In the meanewhile if any be desirous to see both this Presse-mould, Engin, and
the working thereof, at Highbury and at Islington, he may haue diuerse sorts of
them, which in an Artificial manner doe make all kinde of Clayworks with extra-
ordinary speed and readinesse.

R 119. I understand what you meane by Lenicke Instruments, I pray show
what use they haue in Iron businesse.

A First, the Lenick Instruments serue very fitly for the tempering, stamping,
and comixing of Sea-cole or Stone-cole, that a kinde of substance being there made
of them like unto past or tempered clay, the Presse-mould may form and tranfigure
that clay-like substance into hollow pipe-cole as it doth earthen-pipes.

Now this pipe-coal is of very good use for the making and working of some kind
of iron and steeles.

Secondly, the Lenicke Instrument serueth very fitly for the breaking and bruising,
stamping and beating, tempering and impastening of all kind of iron oares, whereby
they are prepared for the Furnace in a very beneficiall manner and course, for when
this impasted oare is by the Engin of the Presse-mould Intubated and formed into
pipes, as if it were clay or loame, These Oare pipes being made hollow and full of
holes are sooner melted and consumed by the heat of the furnace, and with farre
smaller charges of fewell or firing then the ordinary oare which Founders put into
their furnace in peeces or gobbits as great as wallnuts.

R 120. You hauing handled sufficiently the doctrine of the Lenickes or Pressing
Instruments, I pray you proceed and shew me what you meane by Plegnickes,
which your Manuscript maketh the second kinde of your Metallicall Instruments.

A Plegnicks and Metallicall Instruments which perform their operation and
effect by means of their dexterous and artificiall ioynt-mouing.

R 121. How many kindes of Plegnicke instruments be there?

A There are fiue kindes of Plegnicke Engins or Machins, the Plegnicke
Bellowes, the Plegnicke Milne, the Plegnicke Schrew, and the Plegnicke Rombus,
and the Reciprocal! Plegnicke.

R 122. What odds and prerogatiue differences is there betweene the ordinary
Bellowes (which Smiths and Mettal-founders daily use) and your new deuised
Plegnicke bellowes.

A There are many differences, first, the Plegnicke bellowes is more handsomely
and strongly made than ordinary and refining bellowes, and with farre less expense
of leather, for here the leather is not closely nailed upon the wood, but strongly
grafted and incorporated into the very substance of the timber, so that by this meanes
the ioyting of the leather and the wood together is as thite and close as the substance
of the boords themselves.

Secondly, the Plegnicke Bellowes may bee made to blow and streame forth not
only could wind and ayre (which is all that ordinary bellowes can doe) but also tosturtevant's metallica.

35

Mow and send forth flames of fire, vapours, and duet, all of which is very necessray
for the blowing of Metallique substances, as shall be at large shewed in the second
edition, or in the appendix called Plegnica.

Thirdly, the Plegnicke bellows may be so made and contriued to blow ten times
more than the ordinary bellowes, and that either by moouing ten times faster, or
else by being made ten times greater.

R 123. What odds and prerogatiue differences is there betweene the ordinary
Milnes and your new deuised Plegnick Milnes ?

A The Plegnicke Milnes haue many prerogatiues and conueniences which the
ordinary Milning lacketh; and to begin with the Windmilne.

First, the ordinary Windmilne hath not only his sails mounted up in the wind, but
also the workhouse wherein the milne-stones and the cogge-wheels grind the corne,
by which meanes they are subiect to bee blowne down with storms, but the
Plegnicke-milne hath his workhouse upon the firme ground, by meanes whereof you
may make your Roomes as wide and as large as you will without any hazard or
danger of blowing downe.

Secondly, the cross sails of the windmilne doe mooue verte caliter, as they cal it,
or thorough the zeneth or the nader; whereuppon ariseth this inconuenience that
the Windmilne must be turned and haled about continually as the wind changeth,
but the Plegnick Wind-milne hath his crosse-sails ouer the top of the Workhouse,
and they flye round about with a circular motion paralel to the Horizon, whereby
it is ready for all windes without turning or haling about.

Thirdly, this Plegnick deuise may be made to go with three or foure paire of
Milne-stones at once, whereas the wind-milne can go only but with one paire, and
by this meaner the Plegnicke-wind-milne will grinde three or foure times more
meale in an houre, especially in a good gale of winde.

Fourthly, the Windmilne grindeth only corne, and cannot be made to doe any
other worke as the water milne doth, but the Plegnick engine doth all manner
of workes, it will grinde corne as well as the windmilne, it will serue for the
iron-furnace «to blow the bellowes as well as the ordinary Water-milne or Horse-
milne doth.

Fiftly, the wind-milne standeth still in a calme, and when the wind serueth
not it is made to goe with horse, and in a small gale of wind the horse may help to
draw and mooue it faster.

Sixtly, there are also many other conueniences in the Plegnick Water-milne ouer
and aboue the ordinary water-milne, as more at large shall be shewed in the second
edition of this treatise.

R 124. How many sorts of Plegnick milnes are there in regard of the force
that moueth the Engin ?

There are flue sorts of Plegnick milnes; the first is called the horsewin, because
it moueth both with horse and wind; the second kind is called the Horsewater,
because it goeth both by horse and water; the third kind is called the Windwater,
because the wind and the water mooueth the Engin ioyntly together.

The fourth is called the Horswinwater, because it is mooued with horse, wind,
and water altogether and at one time ; the fift kind is called the Water Plegnick,
which mooueth either inuisibly and secretly under the water and by the water with
one rong wheel or elce with two Horizontal wheeles aboue the water.

R 125. Did you euer make any of these Plegnicke milnes to experiment their
goodnesse by triall ?

A I haue made diuers milne engins to go both by wind and water in the moddle,
but not in the grand Mechanick; and I haue at this present a horsewin now
framing at Highbury, which, the God willing, shall stand upon some Turret in
London neere unto the Thame's side, where all passengers by water may see it goe
and mooue continually. I haue also at Pickle-herring, ouer against the Tower, a
water legnick which mooueth only by, the water, and goeth very swift with two
paire of milne-stones; whosoeuer is desirous to see it may haue it there at a ship-
carpenter's yard upon the wharfe* And thus much of the Plegnicke milne36

sturtevant's metallica.

R 126. Define the Plegnick Screw, the Plegnick Rhombus, and the Reciprocal
Plegnick, which are the three last kinds of your Plegnick Engins.

A The Plegnick screw is an engin whose spirall line moouetli with one motion
two vice nuts or matrixes at the same time, which no other screw did before.
This Plegnick Screw is yery auailable in Metallicall workes aboue any other
ordinary screw which hath beene usually in the commonwealth, but especially it
is very conuenient for tampering, beating, and impastening of all kind of oares and
pitcoles.

The Plegnick Rhombus is an engin of extraordinary and admirable power and
faculty, and in regard of quick and speedy motion there was neuer any Machin yet
deuised which cometh neere unto it.

The Reciprocal Plegnick is an engin that hath wheels running reciprocally,
turning backwards and forwards by one great wheele that moueth but one way at
the same time, which kinde of reciprocal motion was neuer done or performed before
by any other engin.

This reciprocal is of great use for the battering of iron, lattin, plate, copper, or any
other mettles. If any be desirous to be further certified concerning the truth of
these admirable motions, opperations, and workes of these three Engins, let them
repair to Highbury, and it shall be euidently shewed and demonstrated unto them in
diuers reall moddles and examples.

Cap. XY.

Caminicke instruments, as few els, liquours, and furnaces defined.

127. Haueing described the Lenicke and Plegnicke instruments, I pray you
proceed to the third kind of Metallicall instruments, which you call by the name
of Caminicks.

A Caminics are peculiar Metallical Instruments which performe their operation
and effect by their new kind of furnacing and hearthing.

R 128. How many kindes of Caminicke instruments be there which serueth
for the making of all kinde of Irons and other mettles and materials?

A There are three kindes, the fewel, the liquor, and the furnace.

R Define fewell.

A Fewell is any substance combustible, being apt or fit to burne, or to make,
or to take fier.

R 130. Rehearse the seuerall kindgs and sorts of fewell.

A There are three sorts of fewell whereof fier is made: wood-fewell, which is
either charcoal or unburnt wood-fewell; secondly, Pit-coal or Earth-coale; and
thirdly, Brush-fewel.

Char-coal is the Frincipall and best for use, but by reason of scarcity it is
grown yery deare in our country.

Earth-cole is that kinde of fewell of firing which is digged out of the bowells of
the earth, of which sort also there are many kindes hauing difference in their
burning. The Scottish coal is the best flamer and consumeth away into white ashes,
as hauing in it more vnctiousnesse than sulpharousnesse. The New-Castle-eoale,
ysually called Sea-coale, is more lasting and dureable then the Scottish, for being
sturred up it will make a secondary or third fire, whereas the Scottish-cole consumeth
at once ; for which cause all Brewers and artificers of London rather than use this
sort. Houbeit it is not so fit for some metallique purposes by reason of the
more aboundant heauy sulpherous substance remaining in it.

Turffe and Peate maketh a thirde kinde of earth-coale, and if they haue any
sulpharousnesse in them it is not so heauy and fretting as that which is in the
Sea-coale and Stone-coale; the Low Counties use for the most part this kinde of
lewell instead of wood and sea-coale.

Brush-fewell is the third kind of firing, which is neither of the inward substance
of the earth nor of the upper superficies, as Sea-coale and Turffe is, but growing
upon the earth in a brushie or twiggie manner; of this sort is all kinde of stubble,
Baueings, straw, Fur?, Fearne, Ling., Heath, with other sfalkes of hearbcs, weeds,sturtevant's metallic a.

37

and under shrubs, all which burne with great flames, yet they are of no great heate
or long continuance. Yunder bush fewell we comprehended also another sort, which
is not so much used for firing as for lights, as namely, oyles, tallows, waxes, which
are used in lamps and candles. Secondly, pitch, rosen, turpentine, tarre, mastick,
with such like liquids and gums as issue and proceed from trees being combustible.
This kind of fewell is most fit for the Yentignoll Mechanick, which hath good and
profitable use for the many purposes where other fewell is not so fit.

R 131. What meanes are to be used to make Earth-coale as seruiceable for
metalique purposes as wood or Char-coal ?

A There are three sorts: the first is to bring earth coal to that equality of heat
that wood or charcoale hath, that is to say, that it maketh neither hotter or coulder
fire than wood or charcoale doth; the second meanes is, so to order and prepare
pit-cole that all nocure proprieties which are aversse from all Metallique substances
may be abstracted in it; the third meanes is, the addition and infusion of those
deficient properties which, as they are in charcoal, so are they to be found in
pit-coal.

A By Caminick liquores I understand divers kinds of intermixt and compounded
waters for the lauing, washing, and steeping of all kind of mettle Eures to cause
them the better to keeld and giue down their liquid mettle from their slagges And
cinders, so that as the Goldsmith hath his waters which will segar gould from siluer,
and the Allum-maker his mines for the seganing and bringing downe of his, so
these Caminicke liquoures are very behoofefful and effectfull for the steeping and
tempering of oares, which being thereby prepared, they will the more easily let down
their pure mettle, being seuered and abstracted from the excrement and drosse of the
cinder and the slagg.

R 133. Define a Furnace.

A A Furnace is a Caminicke instrument made and built of furnace earth; or, a
furnace is the Artificiall receptacle of fier and fewell for boyling, nealing, and
backing of all kinde of Haw-materials or Rawe-matters.

R 134. How many kindes of raw matters are there for furnaces to worke upon?

A There are five sorts of Rawe matters; the mettle-matter, the liquor matter,
the fiery earth matter, the dry matter, an compounded matter.

R 135. Describe more plainly these seuerall kinds of Rawe matters.

A The Mettle matter is that metallar substance which is put into the Furnace
to be baked, boyled, or nealed, which in one word may be called the Metellar.

R 136. How many kindes of Metellars are there ?

A There are three sorts of Metellars. *

The first is the raw or baked oare as it is digged out of the Earth, which being
put into the Furnace melteth down into two substances, the one is called the
Glasse-slage, is a liquid materiall of a glassie substance, being tough, thicke, and
ropie like bird-lime, it swimmeth upon the superficies of the soure liquor, as barme
doth upon beare, or creame upon milk.

The second kind of Metellar is the so we of iron, which, when the hearth or furnace
hath receiued it, it melteth downe into two substances, whereof one is called Ferrica
Substantia, as whey doth in a posset or crudds.

The Ferrica substantias is tougher then the liquor of the alter-slagg, which, when
it is battred under the stroke and presse of the hammer, the after slagge is squeezed
and pressed out, and so the substance is made and becometh good Iron, euen as the
whey is wrung out by the violence of the Presse, and so the cruds are made into a
cheese.

The third kinde of Metellar is the could Iron, which when the fordge, furnace, or
hearth receiueth it, it is healed and heated into glowing iron, afterward is forged by
the Smith into diuers Emporeutickes for many-fould uses and purposes, as namely
into kniues, horse-shoes, Iron-weapons, windowe barres, windowe casements, and into
a thousand little Emporeuticks, whereby Smiths get their liuing and maintenance.

R 137. In the definition of your Furnace you make mention of Furnace-earths,
I pray you what meane you by them ?38

STURTEVANT'S METALLICAr

A Furnace-earth is any earthy substance beeing made and prepared of stone,
clay, lime, so that it may become the fit and sufficient matter for the Caminick
F urnace.

R 138. How many kindes of Furnace-earths are there where-withall you build
up your Furnaces ?

There are three sorts of Furnace earths. The first is the clay-pipes made of white-
clay, being tempered, wrought, and impastned with the dust and pouders of diuers
other things. The second kinde of Furnace earth is the clay clammy morter, which
is of the same substance and temper that the clay pipes are. The third kind of
Furnace earth is the Furnace-stone, which is made into diuers figures and propor-
tions by the Presse mould Art, and of the same matter that the other two kinds were
made of before.

R 139. Define the second kinde of Rawe matters which you call the liquor
matter ?

A The Liquor matter is any kind of liquor or liqueable, whether it be cold or
hot, which is put into the furnace, Pot, Kettle, Cauldron, or Copper to be further
heated and boiled, as namely, all kinds of fatts, tallows, oyles, and all kindes of
waters, whether simple or compound, as Fresh-water, Sea-water, Allom's-water,
Coppresse-water, and a thousand such kindes of liquours.

R 140. Define the third kinde of Rawe-matters, which you call fiery-earths ?

A Fiery earth is any kind of earth or earthy substance besides the Mettlar
which before was described, as namely, all kind of Raw Presse-wares and burnt
earths before they are burned, baked, or nealed; neuerthelesse, the rawe oare if it be
but nealed or baked belongeth to this kinde.

R 141. Define the fourth kind of Raw matters, which you call dry matters ?

A. Dry-matter is any kind of Rawe-matter besides the three former which were
described before; under this head we comprehended all kinde of pastes for bread,
malts, saffrons, papers, wet cloathes, &c.

R 142. Define the fift kinde of raw matter, which you call compounded matter ?

A Compounded matter is any two or more of the former kindes comming and
issuing from one furnace and from one fire together and at the same time.

R 143, Hauing thus handled and described the seuerall sorts of Raw matters,
which are the things that the stomack of the Furnace worketh upon to bouring, to
digest, boile, and concot them, I pray you now proceed to the distributions of the
Furnace.

A The Furnace in respect to the seuerall kinds of Raw matters which it boileth
and baketh, is likewise of fine sorts and kinds, namely,—

The Mettallar-furnace heateth, melteth, & nealeth all kind of metallers, and so
worketh them into their Emporeutick Materialls ; under this head is comprehended
all kind of iron-furnaces, or hearths for any other kind of mettles

The descriptions of the other foure kindes of furnaces may easily be gathered by
this, and therefore I referre the further explication of them until some other time.

R 145. What odds and perogatiue differences are there between the ordinary
furnaces, which refiners and mettle founders daily use, & your new deuised caminick
furnaces ?

A There are many differences both in regard of the forme & figure of making
of them, as also in respect of other conueniences and prerogatiues, whereof these are
principal 1.

1.	Our Caminick Furnace is made and built up of such dureable Furnace matter
and continually maintained with such fier-resisting meanes that it cannot possibly
melte or burne downe by any reuerberating flames or heates whatsoeuer.

2.	Secondly, our Caminick Furnace is alwayes built with some moueable part, as
namely, the dores, Fewelbeare, matter-beare, and the Ash-beare, or any other part
as wee please.

3.	Thirdly, our Caminick Furnace is built up with glasse windows for euery
seuerall roome, so that thereby the Furnar may continually see and behold his
Rawe-matters and his Emporeutic Materials, and how his fire and Furnace workethsturtevant's metallica.

39

upon them, which is a singular conuenience which our ordinary furnaces want.
These fore named differences and conueniences with many others shall be truly
shewed and demonstrated in the seuerall examples of our Caminick Furnaces, which
verry shortly (God willing) shall be raised and built up at Highbury & Islington.

R 146. What and how many are the generall parts of your furnace, which are
to be found in euery kind of your Camin ?

A These fiue, the dores, the windowes, the fewell bear, the matter-be are, and
the ash-beare.

1. 2. The dores are to shut and open, and so are also some of the windows.

3.	The matter-beare is a generall part of the Furnace, which beereth and holdeth
the substances of the Raw- matters.

4.	5. The Fewell-beare is a generall part of a Furnace, which beareth and
holdeth the fewell and fire, and the Ashbeare beareth the ashes.

R 147. What and how many are the rooms of Furnace which are to be found
in euery kind of your Caminicks ?

A There are foure seuerall rooms, which are to be found in euery Furnace,—
the ashe roome, the Fewell-roome, the fewel, and firing. The matter room
receiueth and holdeth the raw matter. The lower vent holes let out the smoak.

R 148. Hauing thus described your three principall Metallicall Instruments,
called by the names of Lenicles, Plegnicks, and Caminicks, I pray you describe your
other Metallicall Instruments which you called before the less principall.

A There are indeed divers other Metallical Instruments which are proper and
peculiar of the Author's Inuention, all which shall be shewed and described unto you
in the second edition.

R 149. To what end and purpose do you publish the treatise of Metallica in
print, which describeth and discouerfeth all the cheefe instruments of your Inventions ?

A There are diuers reasons which mooued the Author to describe publiquely to
the view of the world these his Metallicall arts and Inuentions.

First, that it might appeare that his inuentions are new and of his own deuising,
and not stolne from any other.

Secondly, it is fit and reasonable that that which was granted in the Pattent by
generall wordes and in an implicit manner should bee so specially exprest and defined,
that the endeauours and Inuentions of other men, being different from his, might not
be preuented by him.

Thirdly, that none heerafter should presume to petition or trouble his Maiesty
concerning any kind or kindes which are described & comprehended in his printed
treatise of metallica, which are all priueledged businesses unto himself.

And Lastly, because the Author, by indenture from the King's most Excellent
Maiesty, is tied and enioyned to print and publish his booke of his new Metallicall
Inuentions before the last day of Easter Terme, whereas he is not tyed to any time
for the triall of his Inuentions.{The Inventions described in the following Treatise were the subject of Letters

Patent, granted A.D. 1612.)

A

TREATISE OF METALLICA,

But not that which was published by Mr. Simon Stvrtevant upon his Patent,
which is now, by order, cancelled and made voyd, by reason of his standing out-lawed
at the time of the grant, and so still continuing, and his neglect and not performance
of the workes. Whereupon Priviledge By Patent is granted by the King's most
excellent Magesty to John Rovenzon, Esqr., for the~making of iron and other
materials with Sea-cole, Pit-cole, &c., for one and thirty yeares, according to which
Patent and direction within, this Treatise, composed by the same John Rovinson, is
published in Print before the end of Easter Tearme, viz., the 15th of May, 1613,
And containeth a briefe explanation, Demonstration, or Discouery of the Inuentions
priuiledged, and the means, Instruments, Engins, Furnaces, & with the materials,
things, and workes to be made by the said Fewels.

The charge of an Iron-worke with Sea-cole is set downe in the latter end of
this Booke.

LONDON : Printed for Thomas Thorp. 1613.
Cum Priuilegio.

LONDON:

Reprinted by George E. Eyre and William Spottiswoode, Printers to the Queen's most Excellent Majesty.

Published at the Great Seal Patent Office, Southampton Buildings, Chancery Lane.

1858.

DTo the King's most Excellent Majesty.

Most bread Soueraigne,

Your Majesty hauing been pleased to grant unto me Sole priuledge for one and
thirty yeares, by your gracious Letters Patent, to make and worke iron, other
Mettals, and diners other materials with Sea-Cole and such other Few els, vvr here-
with it hath pleased God to blesse my poore intentions and Enduours by effecting
those workes which haue beene heretofore worthily attempted by others, though with
fruitlesse suceesse, I held it my duty upon publication of these inuentions to present
the same to your Hoy all View, humbly beseeching your Majesty to accept them as
a neur-dying Memoriall of the late most Excellent Prince Henry your Sonne, whose
desire of the publique good (besides many particular favours which he was pleased to
vouchsafe unto me) was the first motiue and Author to encourage me to make trial!
and to accomplish these works, which I hope will proue so profitable to your .Majesty
and so enriching to your Kingdomess as you will neucr have cause to repent your
gracious favour and pruiledge herein bestowed on me.

The Lord of Heaven and Earthe blesse and preserue your Majesty, your most
excellent Queene, and hopefull Royall Issue.

Your Majesty's most humble

and obedient Subject

Iohn Rovenzon.

To the Reader.

It is not my purpose io commend my inuentions of making and working Mettals
and other Materials and things with Sea-cole, and such other few els. AY hat I haue
performed herein in that which hath been held most difficult, by making iron with
Sea-cole, is sufficiently knowne, to the full satisfaction of some judiciall Iron-masters,
Founders, and others experienced in Iron-workes therein done. Yet am I far re
from arrogating all to my owne meere Inuention; for howsoeuer the inaine workes
and the use of the priuledged fewels thereabouts, with the Furnaces, haue beene
deuised and acted by myselfe in the workes of most difficulty, yet many Instruments,
operations, and meanes Metallicall being necessarilly to be used for the better, more
easie, and cheape working and effecting the workes, I do willingly acknowledge to
the world that the conferences and informations of many my good friends, who haue
beene desirous to further these workes, and the priuiledge granted to his Majisty to
me, haue added much to my own Inuentions, and giuen great light and furtherance,
by meanes of diuers new-deuised operations, instruments, and Engines. Onely thus
much more I thought good to giue notice,—That whereas it pleased the late most
excellent Prince, deceassed, upon a grant of priuiledge obtained by his meanes for
one Maister Sturtueant for the like workes, to commit the trust of making and
registring of all Indentures and Conueyances thereabouts, with acquittances upon all
receipts of money, or other profites thereby, to Maister Ferrour, of Graies Lane,
Esquire, his Majesties scruant, to the end that euery aduenturer, and other that was
to receiue benefite thereby, might haue his due without deceit or diminishment,
which was also agreed unto and confirmed to Maister Ferrour by grant of Maister
Sturteuant, under his hand and Seale; which Patent is, by reason of the neglect of
performance by Maister Sturteuant, and by his standing out-lawed at the time of
the Patent granted, and still continuing, become forfeited, made voyd, and
cancelled.

And the like priluiedged granted by his Majesty to me, in regard whereof, and for
that Maister Ferrour hath been my chiefe assistant and aide to effect these workes,
and an Eye-witnesse of all my endeuours therein ; and besides I knowe and am

i) 244

kovenzon's metalltca.

priny, that it was alwayes the purpose and intention of the late Prince, that upon
my performance of these workes, and obtaining his Majesties grant of priuledge there-
upon, Maister Ferrour should make and register all Conueyances and Acquittances
that should bee made by reason of my priuiledge, as he should haue done if Maister
Sturteuant's had remained in force. I haue therefore authorized Maister Ferrour
accordingly to make and register the same, giuing hereby knowledge thereof to all
whom it may concerne, and such as shall be willing or desirous to aduenture or deale
in, or about any thing concerning ough contained within his Majesties Letters Patents,
to mee made and granted, that they may repaire to Maister Ferrour at his Chamber
in Graies-Inne, or to such other place as he shall appoynt, wherein to write, make,
and register the said Conueyances and Acquittances, where they may know of him
in what sort and upon what tearmes and conditions they shall be dealt with.

And because some Aduenturers with Mr. Stureuant, by his neglect and forfeiture,
were in danger to sustaine losse, such hath beene his Maiesties Royall care of such aa
dis-bursed money to or with Maister Sturteuant by or upon meere aduenture, to
forward the workes, that a speciall clause and prouiso is contained in the Identure
of Priuiledge to me made and granted, that I am to performe and undergo such order
for their recompence and satisfaction as shall be held fit in Equity by his Majesties
Barons of his Highnesse Court of Exchequer. But if such Aduenturers shall be
willing to make knowne the manner and truth of their Aduentures to me or Maister
Ferrour, and to heat with us thereabouts, I doubt not but such conclusion shall be
made, as they shall not need to make any further complaint elsewhere for their reliefe.
To print the whole patent is a worke both tedious and superfluous, only the Induce-
ment of his Majesties grant, the terme of yeares, the effect of the thinges priuiledged,
and the distribution of the profites, is fit to be made knowne; to which end I haue
caused an Abstract thereof to bee abridged out of the Indenture and committed to
the Presse, together with the Treatise of Metallica, containing a brief of the meanes
and manner of the workes intended. And so

I rest,

Your louing friend,

lohn rovenzon.

The Inducement to his Maiesties grant made to Iohn Rovenzon, Esquire,
abstracted out of the Indenture of Priuiledge.

Upon affirmation by Simon Sturteuant that hee could performe the workes, and
had effected the same in small trials, the same Iohn Rovenzon made known the
same to the late Prince his Highnesse, who thereupon, at the humble suit of the said
Iohn Roven obtained Letters Patents of priuiledge to Maister Sturteuant for
31 yeares.

Maister Sturteuant oft promised to haue performed the workes long since in the
said late Prince his owne view, yet neglected it, to his Maiesties hinderance of profite
that might in this space haue accrued by endeours of others.

The late Prince encouraged the said Iohn Rovenzon to make triall if he could
performe the workes, who, after many chargeable trialls by himselfe and friends,
satisfactorily effected the same. The saide Prince having been graciously pleased to
assure him that upon such performance Maister Sturteuant's Patent should bee
deliuered up and made voyd, and thereupon like pruiledge should be granted to the
said Iohn Rovenzon, according to the effect of his Inuentions.

Maister Sturtueant stood out-lawed at the time of the grant to him made, and so
still continueth, which was found by office, and his patent seized and apprized and
deliuered up to bee cancelled, which is done, his Patent made voyd, and priuiledge
granted to the said Iohn Rovenson for one and thirty yeares, to work the
workes, &.

The effect of the Priuiledge.

I. Sole priuiledge to make Iron and all other Mettals, Ash-mettals, Bugles, Tiles,
Potters-ware, Concrets of boyleryes, &., with many other things, with Sea-cole.
Pit-cole, Earth-cole, &. The perticulars of the things are most of them specifie
hereafter.rovenzon's metallica.

45

II.	Sole priuiledge for making all Instruments, Engines, and meanes, onely for
these workes, which Instruments, are by this new Inuention conuerted to these
workes, hauing beene heretofore used in other sciences, Arts, or Mysteries.

III.	Sole priuiledge for making all the new deuised furnaces, Fire-workes, instru-
ments, Engines, Meanes, and inuentions, either for the workinge of the workes with
the said fewels, or for any other end or purpose whatsoever.

These are granted in as absolute manner and forme as they are contained or men-
tioned in the Identure of Pruiledge, or the Schedules thereunto annexed, or shall be
more fully demonstrated, specified, or mentioned in the Treatise of Metallica, to be
printed before the last day of Easter Tearme, which Treatise is this present Booke.

The distribution of the Profites.

The clearly yearely Profites are to be divided into 33 parts, whereof the said John
Rovenson is to pay twelue parts to the King's Maiesty, fiue parts to the now his
Highnesse, one part to the Lord Viscount Rochester, one part to the said Iohn
Rovenson is to keape himselfe, and the residue, being fourteene parts, are to be
distributed by his discretion, and by such proportions as hee shall thinke fit, amongst
the Aiders, Assisters, Aduenturers, and owners of the workes.

THE TREATISE OF METALLICA.

The meanes whereby the workes are to bee performed, containing a briefe of the
new-diuised Instruments, Engines,

The Instruments, Engines, Deuises, and Meanes for performance of the workes,
are either Preparatory before the Mettals or Materials come to be wrought, or
Preparatory after the Minerals or fewell drawne, or else are used about the
workes themselues.

Preparatory, before the Mettals or Materials come to bee wrought, are the meanes
of most easie and least chargeable getting and acquiring the Ewers, Minerals,
Mettals, Materials, or Fewell, which consisteth in speedy digging, in quicke sinking
of pits, in speedy remouing of impediments that may hinder the digging or sinking of
pits, in the easie drawing the ewers, minerals, or works coles out of the pits, and in
the speedy and easie lading forth of the water therein, and draining the pits.

Preparatory, after the Minerals or Fewell drawne, are the more easie and speedy
carriage ; and after that, the making dry and nealing of the Furnaces, and preparing
gome of the Materials by beating, burning, or breaking, and others by tempering
mount continually, and may be conuerted to haue passage through pipes, cockes, or
conduits for seruing of Houses, Townes, or Citties ; others are new deuised milnes,
to go by the labour of men, winde, water, horse, or diuers of them together, to raise
Hammers or Bellows for mettallickal workes, or to grind or breake metallical ewers
and Minerals into powder, and may bee employed to drawing of mines, cole-pits,
Fennes, marishes, or to such common uses of grinding, fulling, tucking, & that other
common milnes are used for and will doe as much with lesse charge, toyle, and expense.

A new kind of artificiall cloth, deuised for sale clothes, for the new-deuised winde-
milnes, made either of linnen or wollen, or both mixed together, by a new kinde of
weauing, which may be transferred to making of a very broad new kinde of Wollen
cloth, neuer heretofore usually made or knowne in any of his Maiesties Dominions,
and will serue for curtaines or hangings mentioned in the Schedules annexed to the
said Indenture of priuledge, and may be so dyed in wool and wouen by this new
kinde of weauing, and dressed on both sides, that it shall bee of two seuerall colours,
one colour (as greene, or any othe colour,) on the one side, and blew or crimson, or
any other colour on the other-side, the cloth being much finer then any now usually
made, and sauing abundance of wool by using lesse in weight, and thereby increasing
the number of clothes, and yet as durable, or more durable, then the now usual broad-
clothes, and reasonable cheape to be bought, and are some of them to be made two-
yards broad, so as a cloak may be made thereof without seame. The making hereof
will set more people (by many) on worke then the clothing in common use.46

KG Y EN ZO 2n \s MET ALL IC A.

There Is a new deuised Engine which will, either with Augors, bore-holes under
the elampes of Sea-cole or Pit-cole, or any-othe Mineral!, or with a raping-wheele
make such Rigals that they may fall the easier, and with lesse charge and toyle of
men, and will serue for many other uses.

Certain new-deuised Engines for the pulling up of great roots of trees or great
stones with one mans strength at once, which roots and stones may otherwise hinder
the speedy digging and sinking of cole-pit3 or mines.

A new deuised Engine or Instrument for sawing of timber for proppes, or other-
wise, in mines, or for sawing Free-stones or Fire-stones, or for furnaces, which one
man's labour will saw as much as sixe or eight men now usually saw, and may be
converted to sawing of boords or other things, or to raping of Logwood, Brasill, or
other woods for Dying.

Certain new deuiscs or engines to ease carts and Waines in carriage of coles or
other minerals, halfe in halfe, and may be conuerted to coaches, carriches, and other
carriages, so as two horses may draw as much as foure usually doe. And by this
deuice and engines, and with some other additions, three ploughs in light ground and
two ploughs in other ground may bee made to goe and worke with one man onely,
and as few c-attell as are now used for one plowe, ridding twice or thrice as much
worke in one day.

A new deuise, engine, or meanes for the easie rowing of Barges or Boats for
carriage of Coles, Mettals, or any other thing.

A deuice or engine or meanes for the easier rowing, drawing up such Barges or
Boats through w^eeres or lockes for their speedier passage and carriage.

Certain new deuised Carriages, Carts, or Waines to bee made to goe or trauell
alone, by reason of certain motions, or serues to be used by one man; and in some a*
horse may be set, onely to turn withall ; and these carriages will carry thirty hundred
weight at once (an ordinary pace and an usuall dayes journey, and may bee conuerted
to coaches and other common carriages.

Diuers new deuised Engines, Instruments, and meanes for the rearing of Hammers
or Bellows for Iron-milnes or workes, or other metallical operations, and may bee
conuerted to the dressing, rowing, and fulling of cloath, and also to the sawing of
timber, so as one man may perform as much as many. And some of these Engines
will make both Bellowes and Hammer to worke at once, and with one and the same
Engine, and with one man's labour, without winde or water.

A new-deuised Engine or Instrument to digge with, which, with labour of two
men, shall performe as much as twenty men, and serueth chiefly for the speedy and
easie getting of the fewels of peat and turfe, and is of excellent use for the speedy
cutting and scouring of riuers.

Diuers new-deuised meanes or engines, whereby a breach in any bank or stoppage
for conneueying of water out of cole-pits or mines, the dambe or poole of any Iron-
mill, or other mill, may be speedily and easily stopped, and may be conuerted to
stoppe any breach in the bankes of any riuers or sea-bankes.

The Presse and mould and instruments deuised or used for making of Pressc-
wares. Diuers new deuised fire-workes, instruments, or Kilnes to put fire into,
which are to be made of Iron, or other mettals or materialls, with funnels or passages
to vent the smoake, are deuised to dry and neall furnaces before full fire be put
therein, and serue also to drye potter's ware before it bee burnt; and may bee of
excellent use in ordinary kilnes to dry malt, starch, hops, saffron, or any such thing
with New-castle Sea-cole, or any other Sea cole or pit cole, or with any turfe, peat,
or flag, so as the malt or other thing shall be dried exceeding sweet or faire,
without sent, taint, or touch of the fewell, or any srnoak proceeding therefrom.

A new-deuised vetible, round and hollow, with a long spout, to be made of
some mettall or potter's earth, wherein watter being put, and the same placed
on a fire, as it heateh, and the water euaporateh by the spout, it maketh
a continuall blast to kindle or increase the fire in furnances or fire-workes
and may be conuerted to many other excellent uses; and the same may be so
made in seuerall peeces, with the top or upper part remoueable at pleasure so asrovexzon's metallic a.

47

tlie lower part being made to stand on feet, may serrue at pleasure for a possenet,
skellet, or boylatory; and when the top is put on, and when fastened and luted, it
may then serue for the ventible to make the blast.

For such of the workes as require light to worke by in the night, being distant
from the places where the furnaces are, there is a new-deuised luminary of glasse
or glasses filled with water, & a candle placed to giue light through it, which
giue:h a very great light a great distance off, with small charge, and may be
eonuerted to excellent use, being placed in high-places in crosse-wayes, and streets
of citties and townes, to the sauing of lanthorne and candle-light, and the auoydinjj
of inconueniences happening by darknesse.

Tiie Description of the Furnaces, and Fire-workes, and

Additaments.

F urnaces are either such as are not of diuision, wherein the mettall or materiall
to be melted or wrought lyeth together with the fewell in one place undiuided,
or furnaces of diuision, wherein the mettall or material to be melted or wrought
is kept diuided from the fewell in seuerall places, so as no substance of the fewell,
but onely the heat and flame thereof, can touch the mettall or materiall.

The furnaces or fire-workes of diuision may bee made with bellowes, or without
bellowes, as wind-furnaces, which are best, and least chargeable.

These furnaces may bee made to haue the flame come up in the middest with a
cisterne or hearth wherein the mettall lyeth on all sides, encompassing the flame ; or
else the flame may come up betwixt two or more cisternes or hearths, or else the flame
may come up on one side of the hearth or cisterne, or on both sides, or in seueral
angles or places without the hearths or cisternes, at pleasure of the owner.

The fewell always lying on grates without the cisterne or hearth, through which
grates the aire or winde gathereth, and so maketh the fire to burne, the ashes falling
through the grate.

The furnaces or fire-workes may be made round, or long, or triangular, or quad-
rangular, or with more angles, or part circular or semi-circular, or part angular, or in
as many seuerall parts or fashions as the owner pleaseth; and in euery of them the
workes may be wrought, though in some better or more readily than in others.

The furnaces may be made with one, two, or three, or more cisternes, or more
hearthes, to contain the euers or mettalls to be melted or wrought, so as one, two,
three, or more sowes of Iron or other mettall may be made to run all at once, and
euery of them, of as great or greater weight as any sowes now ordinarily cast.

The furnaces may bee made either close on the top with some vent-holes, and so
merely reuerbatory, the mettals or materials to be melted or wrought lyino- in
the cisterne or hearth before it be melted, and is thereing melted, and thence run
forth.

Or else the furnaces may be made with one or more funnels, as it were chimneys on
the top or on the sides or ends, with grates of free-stone made in the bottos of those
funnels, placed right ouer the cisternes or hearthes; in which funnels the materials to
be melted may be put, and the flame and fire shall haue only passage through those
funnels there melting the materials; so as they fall melted thence into cisternes
and hearthes, where they are cleansed, and thence run forth into sowes.

The furnaces may be without wings, into which the flame may passe by vent-
holes, or without such wings. These out-wings may serue to roast the Ewre or
for many other purposes.

The furnaces may be made with conuenient places therein for the finery and
chaffery, so as one and the same furnace, with one and the same charge of fire
may serue both to melt, cleanse, and fine the mettals, and to do all the workes
at once & in one place, that are now done in seuerall places, by finery and
chaffery; and may be set up at the mine, with an engine to raise the hammer
&. with one man's labour there, to be used without trouble of carriage, and without
the charge of any water-milne.48

rovenzon's metallic a.

The furnaces may bee made great, and fixed for greater workes; or small and
moueable, for smaller workes and tryalls; and by conueying, circling, or twining
pipes of mettal or burnt earth through any of them, through which pipes of water
may haue passage, the one thereof being fastened on a cocke or conduit, and the other
end kept stopt with a cocke or otherwise, or opened at pleasure. It may bee made
to run hot water continually, or so long as the party pleaseth to use, and then being
remoued the maine cocke or conduit may run cold water againe. All which may be
performed with far lesse charge than is now used in heating of caldrons, kettles, or
receiuers of water by felt-makers, launderers, or any others.

♦ One and the same furnace may bee so contriued and made, as it may do all the
workes of metallical, of burning, melting, fining, & the ewer or mettall; and
also the worke of any boylery, to gather the concret thereof, or for any other

Eurpose; and also to make a cocke or conduit run hot water; and also to make
ugles, china-worke, and glasse-worke therein. And to bake and burne potter's-ware
and other burnt earthes, or as many of those seueral workes as the owner pleaseth to
be done at one and the same time, with one and the same fire.

All boylatories of things liquid, and all kilnes to dry malt or other things, & all
clampes or kilnes to dry tiles or potters'-ware, or any thing of burnt earth (except
only where New-castle Sea-cole is intermixt in burning of bricks) are fire-workes of.
diuision.

The said mettals of Iron, may bee also made with the same fewels in common
bloomeries, fineries, and chafferies, but much better in bloomeries, fineries, and
chafferies of deuision, which are of new inuention, not yet usually used about the said
workes, wherein the material to be melted or wrought may be kept diuided from
touch of the fewels.

Certain new deuises in framing of chimneys and other things thereabouts, for
drying of earthen-vessels before they bee burnt, and for drying of concrets made by
boyleries; which deuises may be transferred to common chimneys, whereby halfe the
fewell now used therein may be saued.

Certain new deuised vessels or caldrons made of woode or mettall, or both, for
boyling of liqors or wort for brewers or others.

There are certain fluxes or additaments for the speedy and more perfect melting,
eeperating, and purifying of Iron and other mettals from their slagge, drosse, and
cyndar; as transparent or glassy stones, or sand crisorall, or borax, gall of glasse,
glasse beaten to powder; and for small tryalls of tin or lead, soap or wax, or some
fatty substance, are proper additraments ; and lead itselfe is fit for seperating of other
mettals; The slagge of former melted mettals, as the slagge of Iron to melt and
purify Iron Ewre, for which also Lyme, and ashes of wood, and dust of ehar-coale,
are used ; and for small tryalls, arsnicke, sulpher, vitriol, tartar, salt-gemme, salt-
niter, and stybrum, some of which may also be used in greater workes, for which also
salt-peter is by new inuention deuised to be made cheape, and in one place continually
without trouble of digging of houses or stables, and may be conuerted to make
gunpowder in aboundance.

There is also some speciall new deuised additraments for the more speedy and

?erfect separating, purifying of Iron from the slagge, drosse, and cyndar, in making of
ron with Sea-coale, or other the priuledged Fewels ; which special additraments
are specified and prepared in writing, with the descriptions or models of diuers Engins,
instruments, deuises, and inuentions drawn in parchment, and remaining in custody of
the fore-named Iohn Ferrour.

A new deuised stone, for the opening and better dressing of Wooll with a new kind
of dressing, and spinning thereof, for a new kind of cloathing,

The Materials and things to be melted, made, or wrought by the

Fewels of Sea-cole, &.

All Ewers, or Oares, and mettals of Iron, Steele, brasse, copper, lattin, tin, pewter,
lead, Alchimy-ware, bel-mettals, candlesticke-mettals, bugels, ammels, and all other
things whatsoeuer, simple or commixt, to be melted, made, or wrought, to be conuerted
into any stony or glassy substance.ROVEXZOX'S METALLICA.

49

All burnt earths or earthen vessels, stone pots, earthen-pots, potters-ware, tobacco-
pipes, pipes of earth, cast-iron, or other mettall or stuffe whatsoeuer, to conuey water
in; pauing-stones, mantle-trees for chimneys, pillers, monions for windowes, or other
ornaments of burnt earth, artificiall marble, or things of burnt earth like marble ;
burnt earth like burnt earth like free-stone, or other stone for building or other
uses; tiles, way-earthes, lime, plaisters, the making, moulding, perfecting, and
burning of certaine white earthen vessels, painted with diuers colours, commonly
called by the name or names of Faianza vessel, and a certain earthen vessel of Jasper
colour, or such as are brought out of the Straights, Italy, Spaine, France, Germany,
and the Low Countries, together with pauing-tiles, chymney-peeces, monions for
windowes, and such other things framed and fashioned of earth not usually heretofore
made in any of his Majestie's dominions or countries, and all things whatsoeuer made
or to bee made of earth, and then burnt or hardened.

All kind of presse-ware, to be made by presse and mould, or either of them, and
framed, and framed or fashioned of earth, or other stuffe or substance. Bricke may
bee made of pit-cole or stone-cole, or any other of the priuledged fewels, better than
with New-castle sea-cole, without danger of that losse which oft happeneth by New-
castle sea-cole, which, as it is now used, doth many times spoyle much of the bricke-
clampe, by making it run together in a lumpe.

All boyleries and hot waters, and all concrets gathered by boyleries, all copperosses,
allomes, saltpeter to bee made in one place continually, without trouble of digging
houses or stables, being a new inuention. Sugers, rosins, gums, turpentines, waxes,
tallows, sopes, called white sopes, hard-sope, sweet-sope, and castle-sope, not usually
heretofore made in any of his Majestie's dominions or countries. Oyles, distilled
waters, commixtures, or all other boyleries or directions whatsoeuer heretofore boiled
or heated usually with wood-fuell or char-cole.

Conuerting or making of Iron into Steele or Copper.

The burning of any weedes or hearbes, or other things, into ashes, or any stony or
glassy substance for dyers or glasse makers.

Extracts of siluer out of lead or lead-ewre, or either of them, conuerting of lead or
lead eure into litarge, or into white or red lead, or into coeruse.

A new deuised stuffe werewith ships, boats, or other vessels may be trimmed aa
cheape as now they are, and shall endure ten yeares together water-tite, without
new dressing, or hurte by mosse or wormes, so as they run not on graueley shelues,
and will be exceeding good to preserue all timber workes from wormes and rotting.
A small example or parcell of the stuffe remaineth in custody of Mr. Ferrour.

A new deuised hard coniealed stuffe, which will make a liqor or commixture,
which will fixe false dying woods so as they will endure all cold wearing trials, and
much more, as may appeare by a certificate made to the right Ko : the Lords of his
Majesties most honourable Priuy Councell by the Lo: Mayor and Recorder of
London on behalfe of that friend, by whose information the said Iohn Rovenson
attained to this new inuention. An ensample or parcell of this coniealed stuffe
remaineth in custody of Mr. Ferrour.

All chymicall works and operations whatsoeuer hitherto done usually by fire, or
wood, or char-cole, may by these new inuentions, meanes, instruments, or operations
bee made, wrought, or done by fire made with sea-cole, pit-cole, and other the
priuledged fuels.

The models of all or most Engins and instruments before mentioned remain in the
custody of Mr. Ferrour, and had bene now expressed in print, but that the short-
nesse of time limited for the impression hereof will not permit. To expresse the
Furnaces by moclell is needlesse, in regard that some of them haue been already set
up by me the now patentee; and besides they may bs varied into so many seueral
formes and figures, according to the seuerall formes and figures, according to the
seueral humors of the owners, as cannot be wele expressed by models.

The charge of an Iron-worke or Furnace :

I. A reasonable or conuenient house close by the mine to set the furnace in, so as
carriage of the Eure shall be thereby saued. The charge of that house cannot
be great.50

kovenzon's metallica.

II. The furnace itselfe to work witliall (which shall do as much or more than any
furnaces now used with char-cole) may bee set up in the country for less than ten
pound charges, if their fire-stone bee not fetched too farre.

Upon decay of the furnace in the fire-stone or hearth, the one end of the furnace
may bee pulled downe, and a new fire-stone or hearth put in, and the furnace re-edified
and built all againe for forty shillings charge, or lesse.

The furnace being a winde furnace (which is best}, sauetli the charge of the
bellowes, and of a milne to make them blow. And the engine to raise the hammer
for the finery and chaffery by the help of one man, saueth the charge of the milnes for
the finery and chaffery ; and if the engine, finery, and chaffery be set up in the
place where the furnace to make Sow-Iron is, which may well be done, it will saue
the charge of infinite carriage of Cole, stone, and Sow-Iron.

The Furnace may be so contriued that it may serue also for Finery and Chaffery,
so as the Sow-Iron may be fined at one time, and in one and the same time, and in
one and the same Furnace where it is made Sow-Iron.

After the Furnace comineth to full heate, which will be after 8 or 9 dayes, or
fewer, heating and nealing by degrees, euery tun of Sow-Iron will not require for
the most part aboue a Tun of pit-cole to be made witliall.

Whereas an Iron-worke cannot be well set up and set on worke after the usuall
manner without a 1000 pound or 1500 pound dis-bursement and stocke; now by
this new Inuention an 100 Stocke will performe as much with Sea-cole and the new-
deuised Furnaces having a conuenient house to set the Furnace In.LllL

(The Inventions to which the following Record relates were the subject of Letters
Patent, Nos. 33 and 85, respectively dated 8th April 1626, and 23rd July 1635.)

A COMMISSION

DIRECTED TO

SIR RICHARD WYNNE, SIR THOMAS HATTON,
SIR HENRY SPILLER, AND LAWRENCE WHITAKER, ESQ.

TO ENQUIRE UPON OATH •WHETHER

NICHOLAS PAGE, CLERK,

OR

SIR NICHOLAS HALSE

WAS THE FIRST INVENTOR OF

CERTAINE KILNS FOR THE DRYING OF MALT,

* &c. &c.

Dated 2nd June, 1637.

LONDON:

Reprinted by George E. Eyre and William Spottiswoode, Printers to the Queen's most Excellent Majesty.
Published at the Great Seal Patent Office, Southampton Buildings, Chancery Lane.

1858.

EMd qd Sexto die Junii, A0 RR. Caroli xiij0. ista Billa delibat fuit DSo custodi
magni sigilli Angl. apud Westmr exequend.

Charles R.

Charles, by the Grace of God, &°, To o trusty and Welbeloved Sir Richard
Wynne, Knight and Baronett, Treasurer to o dearest Consort the Queene's Matio,
Sir Thomas Hatton, and Sir Henry Spiller, Knightf, and Lawrence Whit.aker, Esq1,
greeting. Whereas certaine necessary kilnes have beene invented principally for
the sweete and speedy drying of Malte and hoppes by the vse of Seacole, Turfe,
Broome, Furze, brakes, heath, or any other fuell, and that wthout touch of Smoake,
and very vsefull likewise for baking, boy ling, roasting, starching, and drying of
Lynnen, and divers other the like conveniences all at one and the same time and
with one and the same fire. And whereas vpon the humble Peticon of Nicholas
Page, Clerke, thereby ^tending himselfe to bee true and first Inventer thereof,
wee by our Lres Patents vnder o greate Seale of England, bearing date the tenth
day of July, in the tenth yeare of Our Raigne, did graunte vnto the said Nicholas
Page and his Assignes, for the Terme of fourteene yeares, the vse of the said
Invencon, soe as noe pson or psons other then the said Nicholas Page or his Assignes,
and his and their deputies, Workemen, Servants, factors, and Agents, should or
might, during the said terme, vse or exercise the same wthout his or their Licence
or Consent first had and obtained in that behaulfe ; and afterwards vpon the humble
peticon of Sir Nicholas Halse, Knight, thereby suggesting unto vs that himselfe
was the true and first inventer of the said Kilnes by other Lres Patents vnder o
greate Seale, dated the three and twentieth day of July, in the eleaventh yeare of
o raigne, we did graunte vnto the said Sir Nicholas Halse and his Assignes the vse
of the said invencon, in like manner as the same is aforemenconed to bee graunted
to the said Nicholas Page. Sithence wth respective graunte, controversie hath
risen betweene the said Nicholas Page and the said Sir Nicholas Halse and his
Assignes, whether hee the said Nicholas Page or the said Sir Nicholas Halse was
the first Inventer of the said Kilnes. Nowe forasmuch as the right of, in, and to
the said Invencon, and of, in, and to the vse and exercise of the same doth not by o
Lawes belonge vnto the first Patentee vnles hee also bee the true and first Inventer,
and it may bee a greate discouragem* to study and industry of this kinde, if vpon
a bare surmise w^out right one shall be pmitted to reape and carry away the fruit and
creditt of another's invencon, Wee therefore, being willing to be informed of the
trueth of the ^misses, to the end wee may doe what is iust and meete therein, and
reposing espetiall trust and confidence in yo approved wisdomes, fidelities, and
circumspeccons, have assigned, made, and constituted you to bee o Commissioners:
And wee doe hereby give full power and authority vnto you the said Sir Richard
Wynne, Sir Thomas Hatton, Sir Henry Spiller, and Lawrence Whitaker, to call
before you all such psons as shalbe meete to be called in this behaulfe, and to enquire
vpon Oath and by all other lawfull waies and meanes whether the said Nicholas
Page or the said Sir Nicholas Halse was the first Inventer of the said Kilnes, and
in like manner to enquire of all other circumstances conducing to the manifestacon
of the trueth and certainty thereof, and after such enquiry made, to certifie unto vs,
vnder yo hands and seales wthout delay, such deposicons as shalbe by you soe taken
concerning the ^misses, sending back vnto vs these Our Lres Patents.

In witnes, &c, Witnee.

Exr p Jo. Bankes.54

Maie it please yo most Excellent Matic,

This conteyneth a comission directed to Sir Richard Wynne, Knight and
Baronett, Treasurer to the Queene's Matie, Sir Thomas Hatton, and Sir Henry
Spiller, Knights, and Lawrence Whitaker, Esqr, to enquire vpon Oath whether
Nicholas Page, Clerke, or Sir Nicholas Halse was the first Inventer of certain
Kilnes necessary for drying of Maulte, &°.

And is signified to be yo Ma*®8 pleasure by Mr Secretary Windebanke.

Jo. Bankes.
2° Junii, 1637.

Resepi 6 Junii, 1637.

Charles R.

Our pleasure is that this shall passe by imediate warrant.LnL

LgfT.^

{The Inventions described in the following Treatise were the subject of Letters
Patent, the first, No. 18, dated 22nd February 1620, to Edward Lord Dudley,
and the second, No. 117, dated 2nd May 1638, to his son Dud Dudley, the
Author.)

DUD DUDLEY'S
METALLUM MARTIS;

OR

IRON MADE WITH PIT-COALE, SEA-COALE,

&c.

AND WITH THE SAME FUELL TO MELT AND FINE IMPERFECT
METTALS, AND REFINE PERFECT METTALS.

LONDON : Printed by T. M. for the Author.
1665*

LONDON:

Reprinted by George E. Eyre and William Spottiswoode, Printers to the Queen's most Excellent Majesty.
Published at the Great Seal Patent Office, Southampton Buildings, Chancery Lane.

1858.To the Kings Most Sacred Majesty.

May it Please your Majesty,

All Your Kingdoms, Dominions, and Territories, being the happy Subjects of
Your Cares, are therefore the proper Objects of Your View: Great Brittain, O Great
Brittain, Your Principal Island, here Humbly Presents her self unto Your Royall
Presence, View, and Care ; be Pleased to interpret this her Obsequiousness to be her
Duty ; for since Your Majesties safe Return, has already Graciously dayned to View
and often to review her Shipings, Stores, Armories, Ordnance, Magazines, and Trade ;
Vouchsafe, Great Sir, Great Brittain Your Royal Patronage, and once more, at some
one hour, or two, to Grace it with Your Auspicious Aspect, in this Mite, with all
Humility Presented, By,

A Faithful Servant of Your Sacred Fathers;

And a Loyal Sufferer, for Your Sacred
Majesty; And by
Pat tent-Servant,

DUD DUDLEY.

To the Honourable, His Majesties Great Council,

The High Court of Parliament.

Your Predecessors in former Ages had both serious Consultations and Con-
siderations before they made those many Wholesome and Good Lawes for the
Preservation of Wood and Timber of this Kingdom, 1 Eliz. 15, 23 Eliz. 5,27 Eliz. 19,
28 Eliz. 3, 5, in whose dayes, and since in King James's Reign, Ships in most Porta
and Rivers of this Kingdom (Thames excepted), might have been built for forty
Shillings per Ton, but now they can hardly be built for treble the value, wood and
timber is so much decayed; therefore men of War, Trade of Merchants, of Fishing,
of Navigating unto Plantations will decay if not timely prevented, which is hoped
will be one of Your Principallist Cares, seeing our JEnemies have carried Timber from
England, and the Iron Works have much exhausted it. For the prevention of so
great a Consumption, almost incurable, first, is to put the wholesome Laws in Execu-
tion ; Secondly, not to permit Timber to be Exported ; Thirdly, to animate, as King
James did, and also Prince Henry, the making of Iron in England, Scotland, and
Wales with Pit-cole, Sea-cole, and Peate, wrhicb, if the Author (who had a Paitent
for it) had not been opposed after he had made much good Iron with Pit-cole, it had
long since by his Inventions been fully perfected. The Fourth is, to stop all the
Exportation of Pit-cole and Sea-cole (paying His Majesties Duty) if the Cole be in
a fit place, to make Iron therewith. Fifthly, That the Authour or his Agents may
have power to preserve many thousand Tuns of Pit-cole which are annually destroyed,
for ever in England, Scotland, and Wales, which are fit to make Iron; and the
Authour in this Treatise hath demonstrated it being moved with pitty, seeing his
Native Country decaying, Humbly offers but His Judgement, and leaves the grave
consideration thereof to your Learned and more serious Consultations and Actings,
praying that you may animate good things and newlnventions that may bring unto
His Sacred Majesty and all Loyal Subjects Safety, Strength, Wealth, and Honour by
our Ships and Men of War, Fishing, Navigation, and Merchandizing unto Forreign
Nations, but more especially to and from the Territories of Great Britain, our North
Indies abounding in Mines and Minerals, that they that are of the Honourable Cor-
porations of Mines Royal, and Batteries, or any others, would lay in a Common or
Joynt Stock fully to set the Mines at Work, by imploying our idle and burdensom
supernumerary people therein, Iron, Tin, Lead, Copper, Quick silver, Silver and Gold,
besides many other Minerals, and Marcesifs, Lapis Calaminaris, Antimonie, Maganes,
&c., also many Mineral Earths and Precious Stones. Did I call Great Brittain our
North Indies? give me leave to repeat a passage till further satisfaction, of King

F 358

DUDLEY'S METALLUM MAKTIS.

Josina of Scotland, a great Phylosopher, Physitian, and Herbalist, living before
Christ 161 years, at which time two venerable Phylosophers and Priests passing from
Portugall to Athens, their Ship and Company and Marriners all perished at Ros} they
only saved; after refreshing and good Entertainment, the King desired of them what
they understood by their Science of the Nature of the Ground of Scotland; after
deliberate advisement, said, There was more Riches and Profit to be gotten within the
Veins of the Earth of Scotland, than above, for the winning of Mines and Metals;
They knew this by the Influence of the Heavens: This you may see in the Chronicles
of Scotland.

My Dear Master, our Sacred Martyr, Charles the First of ever Blessed Memory,
did animate the Author by Granting him a Patten t, Anno 14 of His Reign, for the
making of Iron, and Melting, Smelting, Extracting, Refining, and Reducing all
Mines and Metals with Pit-cole, Sea-cole, Peat and Turf, which was Extinct and
Obstructed by reason of the War; and had not this unnatural and unparallel'd
War been, His late Sacred Majesty himself had set at Work many of His Mines,
and much good had been produced to Great Brittain before this time.

At present the Authour is in good hope, and incessantly prayes, that the Mines
be set at work in his dayes by the Honourable Corporation of the Mines Royal, for
he verily believeth the time to be near when the Omnipotent God, before he Judge
the World in Fire, will shew his Omnipotency unto the Nations, by revealing of the
wonderful and incredible things of nature, of which the Learned do believe very
many to be, in the Mineral Kingdome, by working of mines and Fusion of Metals
gotten by honest Labour under Ground, profitable to Man and Acceptable with God.
I might here speak somewhat of Superiour Planets producing Metal. Saturn, Lead:
Iupiter, Tin; Mars, Iron ; but these abound in Great Brittain, so do the Inferiour
Planets produce Venus, Copper; Mercury, Quicksilver ; Luna, Silver.

If God permit me health and leasure from Sutes and Troubles, not onely to write
of them, but also the manner of the Melting, Extracting, Refining, and Reducing of
them wTith Pit-cole, Sea-cole, Peat, &c. In the Interim to let you know that Great
Brittain abounds with Copper Mines, much neglected, yet of great use for Ordnance,
at Land, and also at Seas, and for the making of Brass with our Lapis Calaminaris
bo much Exported by the Dutch, which doth hinder our manufactories of Brass, and
causes the Dutch and Swedes to raise the price of Copper and Brass ever since our
small loss at Sea by the Dutch. Mercury, Quicksilver is not wanting, but few
Artists have made any Experiment of that Mine in this Kingdome.

Luna, Silver doth abound in Great Britain, especially a very Rich Vein, Rake, or
Fibrey thereof was wrought at Binny-hills near Lithgo in Scotland, in the Authors
dayes, some part of which he hath, is malleable Silver in the Ore or Mine, yet
neglected. And so are many of our Richest Mines in England and Wales, &c., the
cause is conceived to be the want of a general and joynt-stock for the imploying our
idle people in getting and working of the Copper and Silver Mines.

Of the Planet Sol, Gold, I may not be silent, whose Golden, Glorious, Pure,
Sulphurious, Percing, Spirit, communicating his virtue Mineral unto all things in the
Mineral Kingdom, as well as to the Animal and Vegetable Kingdom, whose pure
influence producing Gold, caused the poor indigent people of Scotland, which the
Author did see, Anno 37, at Shortlovgh, six men to dig and carry with wheel-
barrows the common Earth or Mould unto Rivolets remote, out of which those men
did wash Gold-grains as good as in the sand of the Rivers, in which Rivers many
have gotten Gold, and seen grains of Sol near one ounce weight, both in the Low-
lands and in the High-lands; also he hath seen Gold gotten in England, but not so
plentiful as in Scotland: For Sir James Hope, An. 1654, brought from Scotland
Baggs of Gold Grains unto Cromwell, some of which Grains wrere very large, and
as fine as any Gold in the world that is in mines; thus I came to see the Baggs,
taking a view of the Low-lands, and High-lands of Scotland, Anno 37, in which year,
I spent the whole Summer (in opening of Mines and making of discoveries) was at
Sir James Hopes Lead Hills, near which I got Gold, and he coming to London, im-
ployed Captain David Acheson, a Refiner, whom I met with in Scotland, Anno 37, toDUDLEY'S HETALLUM MAKTIS.

59

find me out; when I came unto Sir James Hope, dwelling in White Hall, he produced
the Baggs unto me, and poured the Gold out upon a board, in which was one large
piece of Gold, which had to it adjoyning a large piece of white spar very transparent,
which Cap. David Acheson, yet living at Edenburgh, saw, but I would never Act
with Sir James Hope, hoping of these times to see good things acted, for I believe
God is about to reveal many of his secrets unto his Israel in this latter Age, which
made me not to Answer the Letter of Sir James Hope, as followeth.

Edinburgh, 26. June 1654.

Sir, If I had found the opportunity before my parting, I purposed to have been a
sutor to you, and I perswade myself you are so kinde and generously disposed that you
would have answered my desire, and therefore also even at this distance adventure to offer
it: And it is that you would confer upon me one breviate of your journey through the
North of Scotland ; as to the discovery of Minerals upon some account, and at first view,
this may seem as unreasonable of me desired, as improbable that you should grant it, but
the circumstance of time and persons and substance of the things considered, I am not
altogether out of hope of it; onely, I shall say, if you condescend to me in this, though it
it be more in satisfaction to my curiosity than for any designe 1 have upon the m dter,
yet you shall singularly oblige me to indeavour and be ready as opportunity shall offor,
to expresse my thankfulnesse, in what way you will prescribe, that is in the power of

your very affectionate brother

and Servant, James Hope.

This Sir James Hope was a Judge at the City of Edinburgh, and-by Cromwel
made Lord Marshall of Scotland.

My hope now is, that the Honourable and ingenious Corporation of the Mines
Royall will set the Mines at work, that my Inventions, in which I have spent much
time and charge, in melting, smelting, extracting, refining, and reducing of Mines
and Mettals with Fitcoal, Seacoal, and Peats, and have made with the same Fuell
many hundred Tuns of good Merchantable Iron into cast works and Bars, may by the
inventioner be enjoyed according to the Act of Parliament, 21. Jacob. Seeing the
Authour can make it appear he hath been much obstructed by lawsuits and the Wars
hitherto, Desires that his Talent of Undoubted truths (may not be buried) for the
general good, but be brought to light, after all the sad Sufferings of the Authour,
whereby he may add unto nis new Inventions what he conceives fit to be done: That
not onely this so exhausted Kingdome may enjoy the benefit thereof, but also
Scotland and Wales, which abound with Coals, Iron, Stone, and Mines of all sorts,

minerals and precious Stones, &c.

Yet from England's Granary, Scotland making no Iron, and other Territories, have
their thorow supply, not onely of Iron, but of Iron manufactories many, so hath
Wales ; yet might Scotland and Wales not onely supply themselves, but supply His
Sacred Majesties other Territories with Iron and Iron Wares and Steel also, by Iron
and Steel made with Pit-coale, Sea-coale, and Peat: and thereby be helpfull unto
themselves and England, and all Plantations of his Majesties, on this side and beyond
the line.

To the Header, especially of England, Scotland, and Wales.

The injury and prejudice done unto me §• to this Island, my native Country, for the
mahinq of Iron, in cast works and bars with Pitcoal, Seacoal, Peat, and Turff, and
with the like feuell, to melt, extract, refine, and reduce all Mines and mettals, moved me
in the negligence of better Wits and Pens to apologise for it, in this ensuing Treatise;
and believe me, Reader, tivas no private or politick designe in my Invention, but meer
zeal becomming an honest man, Patriee, parentibus, and amicis, that Engaged me {after€0

DUDLEY'S METALLUM MARTIS.

many others failed) in these Inventions, for the general good and preservation of Wood
and Timber, which,	✓

Eque pauperibus, locupletibus, eque,

Eque neglectis pueris senibusq; noc^bit;

Therefore it concerns His Sacred Majesty, his high Court of Parliament, all his
Counsels, Mariners, Merchants, Roy all and Loyall Subjects (the destruction of Wood
and Timber) to lay it to hearty and helping hands, upon Jit occasions, in these so
laudable Inventions of making Iron 8f melting of mines and refyning of them with Pitcole,
Sea cole, Peat, and Turf; for the preservation of Wood and Timber, for maintenance-of
Navigation, men of War, the Fishing and Merchants' Trade, which is the greatest
strength of Great Britain, and all other his Majesties Kingdomes and Territories, whose
defence and offence next under God consists by his sacred Majesties assisting care, and
view of his men of War, Ships, experienced marrinours, merchants, Ordinance of CopperT
Bras, and Iron Armories, Steels, and Irons of all sorts ; both of bars, squares, and cast
works, and which ought and may be suplyed from Scotland awe? Wales by Iron, Copper,
and Brasse, and made there, with Pitcole, Seacole, and Peat; and which abound there
and in England, also, In Cornwall, Devonshire, Sommerset, Glocester, Stafford, Darby,
York, Lancaster, Westmerland, Cumberland, are many Copper mines; so is there in
Pembrook, Carmarthin, Merionith, and Denbyshires, also there are very many rick
Coper mines in very many places in Scotland^ at Sterling, at Dumfad, and many other
places well known unto the Authour.

Dud Dudley.

DUD DUDLEY'S METALLUM MARTIS.

That Great Brittain with her Men of Warr, Fleets, and Shiping, have had in all
Ages, and in these latter Ages, as great Success at Seas as any people whatsoever in
the Universe cannot possibly be denied in 88, overthrowing that Invincible Armado
so long a preparing, and since other Navies also; and whose Armadoes, Navies,
Armes, and Men have been a Terrour to other Nations; . nay her own Grand
Magazins are the very Granary from whence all His Sacred Majesties Kingdomes,
Dominions, and Territories, both in the East and West-Indies, on this side and beyond
the Line, they have their whole and thorow supply of Shiping, Men, Armes, Food,
and Rayment, and more than can be from any Kingdom of the Christian World.

Now'if Wood and Timber should decay still, and fail, the greatest Strength of
Great Brittain, her Ships, Mariners, Merchants, Fishings, and his Majesties Navies
and Men of War, for our Defence and Offence would fail us, which before and since
88 made his Sacred Majestyes Prodecessors, Queen Elizabeth, and her Great Council,
the then Parliament, to make Lawes for the preservation of Wood and Timber,
especially near any Navigagable River; 1 Eliz. 15. 27 Eliz. 19. 28 Eliz. 3. 5.
23 Eliz. 5. All which Laws, and others, for the Preservation of Wood and Timber,,
are still in force, but not duly Executed; also King lames His Sacred Majesties
Grand-father, and Prince Henry, for the Preservation of Wood and Timber in this
Island, did, in the 9th Year of His Reign, Grant His Letters Pattents of Priviledge
unto Simon Sturtevant, Esq., for 31 years, for the making of Iron with Pit-cole and
Sea-cole for the preservation of Wood and Timber of Great Brittain, so greatly then
consumed by Iron-works; This Invention was by King James s command to be at
large put in Print, which Book did contain near a quire of paper in quarto, called
Simon Sturtevant His Metallica. Anno 1612. May 22. Printed by George Eld,
Cum Privllegio.

After Simon Sturtevant could not perform his making of Iron with Pit-cole or Sea-
cole, according unto his Engagement, King lames and Prince Henry caused him to
tender up his Pattent, and a new Pattent was Granted unto Iohn Rovenson, Esq., who
also was Enjoyned to write a Book of his Inventions, called Rovensoii's Mettallica.
Printed for Thomas Thorp, Cum Privilegio; May 15. An. 1613.

After Iohn Rovenson, Esq., had often failed with his Inventions and great under-
takings,	Gombleton, Esq., a Servant of Queen Ann's, undertook (by Pattent) toDUDLEY'S JtlETALLUM MAHTI8.

61

perform the Invention of making of Iron with Pit-cole and Sea-cole; but he, being
as confident of his Invention as others, did Erect his works at Lambeth, which the
Authour viewed; and Gumbleton failing, the Learned and Ingenious Doctor Iorden,
of Baths, the Author's Acquaintance, and sundry others, obtained Pattents for the
making of Iron, and melting of Mines with Pit-cole and Sea-cole, for the preservation
of Wood and Timber, all which Inventions and endeavours to Effect and Perfect the
said Works have been by many heretofore well known to have worthily attempted
the said Invention, though with fruitless success.

Having seen many of their failings, I held it my Duty to endeavour, if it were
possible to Effect and Perfect so laudable and beneficial, and also so much desired
Inventions, as the making of Iron into cast Works and Bars, and also the Melting,
Extracting, Refining, and Reducing all sorts of Mines, Minerals, and Metals, with
Pit-cole, Sea-cole, Peat, and Turf, for the preservation of Wood and Timber, so much
exhausted by Iron Works of late.

Having former knowledge and delight in Iron Works of my Father's when I was
but a youth, afterward, at 20 years Old, was I fetched from Oxford, then of Bayliol
Colledge, Anno 1619, to look and manage 3 Iron Works of my Father's, 1 Furnace
and 2 Forges in the Chase of Pensnet, in Worcester-shire; but Wood and Charcole
growing then scant, and Pit-coles in great quantities abounding near the Furnace, did
induce me to alter my Furnace, and to attempt by my new Invention the making of
Iron with Pit-cole, assuring my self in my Invention the loss to me could not be
greater then others, nor so great, although my success should prove fruitless; But I
found such success at first tryal animated me, for at my tryal or blast I made Iron to
profit with Pit-cole, and found Facere est addere Inventioni.

After I had made a second blast and tryal, the fesibility of making Iron with Pit-
cole and Sea-cole, I found by my new Invention the quality to be good and
profitable, but the quantity did not exceed above 3 Tuns -per week: After I had
brought my Invention unto some perfection, and profitable, doubted not in the future
to have advanced my Invention to make quantity also.

Immediately after my second tryal I wrote unto my Father what I had done, and
withall desired him to obtain a Pattent for it from King lames of Blessed Memory,
the Answer to which Letter I shall insert only to shew the forwardness of King
lames in this his much animating the Inventor, as he did both Simon Sturtevant, lohn
Rovenson, Doctor lordanie9 and others. The Letter follows;—-

Son Dudley,

The King's Majesty being at New-Market, I sent Parkes thither on Saturday to
some Friends of mine, to move the King's Majesty for my Pattent, which be coming on
Sunday Morning, in the Afternoon His Majesty sent a Warrant to Master Atturney to
dispatch my Pattent, for the which I am infinitely bound unto His Majesty that it
pleased Him of His Great Grace and Favour to dispatch it so soon. I have been this
night with Master Atturney, who will make hast for me. God Bless youy and Commend
me unto all my Friends•

Your Loving Father,
March 10,	Fldward Dudley.

1619.

This Richard Parkes, k Parks house, Esq., in the Letter before mentioned, was
the Author's Brother in Law, which did about 1 year after the Pattent was granted
carry for the Author much good Merchantable Iron unto the Tower by King Iames's
command to be tryed by all Artists, and they did very well approve of the Iron, and
the said Parkshouse had a fowling Gun there made of Pit-cole Iron, with his name
gilt upon the Gun, which Gun was taken from him by Colonel Levison, Governour
of Dudley Castle, and never restored.

The said Richard Parkhouses son, my Nephew, Fdward Parkshouse, the 5th of
January 1664, pressed me much to put Pen unto Paper, to shew what 1 have done
in the invention of making of Iron with Pitcoale and Seacoal, net unknown unto this62

DUDLEY'S METALLUM MARTIS.

Country, and to my brother FolliotU Esq., and my Nephew Parks house, Esq., and to
my Kinsman Master Francis Dingley, to whom I intend to leave the Secrets of my
Inventions, notwithstanding all my sad Sufferings from time to time this forty Years
in the invention, my Sufferings in the War, and my Estate sold for my Loyalty;
and also my sad sufferings and obstructions since his Sacred Majestie/s happy
Restau ration many wayes; and also upon sundry and many references, at the
Author's very great charge, pains, and time spent of Foure years in his aged dayes
for the general good by his inventions for the preservation of Great Brittairis Wood
and Timber.	.

Now let me shew some Reasons that induced me to undertake these Inventions
after the many failings of others, well knowing that within Ten miles of Dudley
Castle there to be neer 20,000 Smiths of all sorts, and many Iron works at that time
within that circle decayed for want of wood (yet formerly a mighty Woodland
Country).

Secondly, The Lord Dudley's Woods and Works decayed, but Pitcoal and Iron
Stone or Mines abounding upon his Lands, but of little Use.

Thirdly, Because most of the Coale Mines in these parts, as well as upon the
Lord Dudley's lands, are Coals, Ten, Eleven, and Twelve yards thick; the top or the
uppermost Cole or vein gotten upon the superficies of this Globe or Earth in open
works.

Fourthly, Under this great thickness of Coal is very many sorts of Iron Stone
Mines in the Earth, Clay, or Stone earth, like bats, in all four yards thick; also
under these Iron mines is severall yards thick of Coals, but of these in an other place
more convenient.

Fifthly, Knowing that when the Colliers are forced to sinck Pits for getting of ten
yards thick of Cole one third Part of the Coles or more that be gotten under the
ground being small, are of little or of no use in that inland Country, nor is it worth
the drawing out of the Pits, unlesse it might be made use of by making of Iron
therewith into cast works or Bars.

Sixthly, Then knowing that if there could be any use made of the smal-coale that
are of little Use, then would they be drawn out of the Pits, which coles produceth
often times great prejudice unto the Owners of the works and the work it self, and
also unto the Colliers, who casting of the smalcoles together, which compelling
necessity enforcing the Colliers so to do, for two causes,—one is to raise them to cut
down the ten yards thicknesse of coles, drawing onely the bigger sorte of cole, not
regarding the lesser or small cole, which will bring no money, saying, He that liveth
longest let him fetch fire further. Next, These Colliers must cast these coles and
sleek or drosse?out of their wayes, which sulphurious small cole and crouded moyst
sleek heat naturally, and kindles in the middle of those great heaps; often fals the
cole-works on Fire, and flaming out of the Pits, and continue burning like -zEtna in
Cicily, or Hecla in the Indies.

Yet when these loose Sulphurious compost of cole and sleek, being consumed in
processe of time, the Fire decayes, yet notwithstanding the Fire hath continued in
some Pits many years, yet colliers have gotten coles again in those same Pits, the Fire
not penitrating the solid and firme wall of coles, because, Pabulum ignis est Aer, the
Ay re could not penetrate, but passe by it in the loose cole and sleek ; for coming into
those pits afterwards, I have beheld the very blows of Pikes or tools that got the
coles there formerly. Also from these Sulphurious heaps mixed with Iron Stone,
(for out of many of the same pits is gotten much Iron Stone Mines, the Fires heating
vast quantities of Water, passing thorow these Soughs or Adits, becometh as hot as the
Bath at Bathe, and more healing and sovereign even for old Ulcers and Sores,
because many of these Baths doe proceed not onely from common Sulphur and
vitriol of Mars, but also from Solar sulphur in this Iron stone. I hope, Filii Artis,
will excuse my digesion from the making of Iron with Pitcole, Seacole, Peat or
Turff, and the melting of mines and mettals, and refining of the same with the like
fnell, the first Pattent being granted by King lames for 31 Years, in the 19th year
of his Reign, upon just and true information that the Authour had the year beforeDUDLEY'S METALLUM MARTIS.

63

made many Tuns of Iron with Pitcole at a Furnace or Iron-work, in the Chase of
Pensnett, in the County of Worcester, besides cast Iron Works of sundry sorts with
Pitcoles; and also at two Forges or Iron Mills, called Cradly Forges, fined the said
Iron into Merchantable good Bar Iron; but the year following the grant or Pattent
for saking of Iron with Pitcole or Seacole, there was so great a Flood by rain, to
this day called the great May-day-Flood, that it not onely ruinated the Authour's
Iron works and inventions, but also many other men's Iron works; and at a market
Town called Sturbridge, in Commitate Wigornioe, although the Authour sent with
speed to preserve the people from drowning, one resolute man was carried from the
Bridge there in the day time, and the nether part of the Town was so deep in
Water that the people had much ado to preserve their lives in the uppermost rooms
in their Houses.

My Yron works and inventions thus demolished, to the joy of many Iron maters
whose works scaped the Flood, and who had often disparaged the Authour's Inven-
tions, because the Author sold good Iron cheaper than they could afford it, and
which induced many of the Iron masters to complain unto King lames, averring that
the iron was not Merchantable. As soon as the Author had repaired his works and
inventions (to his no small charge), they so far prevailed with King lames that the
Authour was commanded with all speed possible to send all sorts of Bar iron up to
the Tower of London fit for making of Musquets, Carbines, and Iron for great
Bolts fit for Shipping, which Iron being so tryed by Artists and Smiths that the iron
masters and Iron-mongers were all silenced until 21th of King lames. At the then
Parliament all Monopolies were made Null, and diverse of the Iron masters endea-
vouring to bring the invention of making Iron with Pitcole, Seacole, Peat, and Turff
within the compasse of a Monopoly, but the Lord Dudley and the Authour did
prevaile; yet the Pattent was limited to continue but Fourteen years, after which
Act the Authour went on with his invention cheerfully, and made annually great
store of Iron, good and merchantable, and sold it unto diverse men yet living at
Twelve pounds per Tun. I also made all sorts of cast iron Wares, as Brewing-
Cysterns, Pots, Morters, and better and cheaper than any yet were made in these
Nations, with Charcoles, some of which are extant to be seen by any man (at the
Authour's House in the City of Worcester) that desire to be satisfied of the truth in
the Invention.

Afterwards The Author was outed of his works and inventions before mentioned
by the Iron-masters and others, over long to relate; yet being unwilling his Inven-
tions (having undergone much charge and pains therein) should fall to the ground
and be buried in him, made him to set forward his Invention again at a Furnace
called Himley Furnace, in the County of Stafford, where he made much Iron with
Pit-cole, but wanting a Forge to make it into bars, was constrained for want of
Stock to sell the Pig-Iron unto the Charcole Iron-masters, who did him much
prejudice, not onely in detaining his stock, but also disparaging the Iron, Himley
Furnace being Rented out unto Charcole Iron-Masters.

The Authour Erected a new large Furnace on purpose, 27 foot square, all of
stone, for his new Invention, at a place called Hasco Bridge, in the Parish of
Sedgley and County of Stafford, the Bellows of which Furnace were larger then
ordinary Bellows are; in which work he made 7 Tuns of Iron per week, the
greatest quantity of Pit-cole-Iron that ever yet was made in Great Britain; near
which Furnace the Author discovered many new Cole mines 10 yards thick, and
Iron-Mine under it, according to other Cole-works, which Cole-works being brought
unto perfection, the Author was by force thrown out of them, and the Bellows of
his new Furnace and Invention by riotous persons cut in pieces, to his no small
prejudice and loss of his Invention of making of Iron with Pit-cole, Sea-cole, &c.;
so that, being with Law-Suites and Riots wearied and disabled to prosecute his Art
and Invention at present, even untill the first Pattent was extinct, notwithstanding
the Author his sad Sufferings, Imprisonments wrongfully for several thousand pound
in the Counter in London, yet did obtaine a new Pattent, dated the 2d of May,
Anno 14. Caroli Primi of ever Blessed Memory, not only for the making of Iron64

DUDLEY'S METALLUM MARTIS.

into cast-works and bars, but also for the Melting, Extracting, Refining, and
Reducing of all Mines, Minerals, and Mettals, with Pit-cole, Sea-cole, Peat, and
Turf, for the Preservation of Wood and Timber of this Island; into which Patient
the Author, for the better support and management of his Invention, so much
opposed formerly at the Court, at the Parliament, and at the Law, took in David
Ramsey, Esquire, Resident at the Court, Sir George Horsey, at the Parliament,
Roger Foulke, Esquire, a Counsellour of the Temple and an Ingenious Man, and
also an Iron Master my Neighbour, and one who did well know my former Sufferings
and what I had done in the Invention of making of Iron with Pit-cole, &c.

All which said Patentees, Articled the 11 th of Iune following, the Grant not only
to pay the Authour all the charges of passing the Pattent laid down by him, but also
to lay in for a common and joynt-stock, each man of the four, one hundred pounds,
and so, from time to time, what more stock any three of the Pattentees should
think fit to be laid in for the making of Iron into cast works and bars, and likewise
for the Melting, Extracting, Refining, and Reducing of all Mines, Minerals, and
Metals with Pit-cole, Sea-cole, Peat, and Turf, which Articles are yet extant.

Now let me without offence insert the opposition we all had, by means of power-
full Iron-Masters, with Sir Philibeard Yernat, a Dutch Man, and Captain Whit-
more, who pretended much unto his late Sacred Majesty, but performed not their
undertaking, which caused the Author and his Partners thus to Petition.

To the King's Most Excellent Majesty.

The Humble Petition of Sir George Horsey, Knight; David Ramsey, Roger
Foulke, and Dud Dudley, Esquires :

Humbly Sheweth,

That whereas Your Petitioners being called before the Right Honourable the
Lord Keeper, by Your Majesties Appointment, touching the making of Iron with
Pit-cole, Sea-cole, Peat, and Turf, for which they have Your Majesties Pattent;
and seeing that Sir Phillibeard Yernat and Captain Whitmore, who are not
Inventors, have obtained a Pattent also for the same, yet before their Pattent
Granted, Sir Phillibeard was ordered at Council-board, according to his Great
Undertaking, to perfect his Great Undertaking and Invention within Two Years,
and there hath been near Three Years passed, and yet have made little or no Iron;
still he Opposeth Your Petitioners, and doth neither benefit himself, but hinders
Your Majesty and the Kingdom.

The reference unto the Petition folioweth: —At the Court at Greenwich,
May 20, 1638. His Majesty is pleased to refer this Petition to Master Atturney
and Master Solicitor General, to call the Petitioners before them, and to compose
the differences between them (if they can), or otherwise to certifie his Majesty their
opinions therein:

Sir Sidney Mountegue was then

Master of the Requests.

But Sir Philibeard Yernat and Captain Whitmore never appeared any more for
their Invention.

Not long after the Wars came on, and caused my partners to desist, since which
they are all dead but the Author, and his Estate (for his Loyalty unto his late
Sacred Majesty) and Master (as by the Additional Act of Parliament may appear)
was totally sold.

Yet, nevertheless, I still endeavoured not to bury my Tallent, took in two
Partners into my inventions, Walter Stevens, of Bristow, Linnen Draper, and John
Ston, of the same City, Merchant, after the Authour had begun to Erect a new work
for the Inventions aforesaid near Bristow, Anno 51, and there we three Partners
had in stock near 7001., but they not only cunningly drew me into Bond, entered
upon my Stock and Work, unto this day detained it, but also did unjustly enter
Staple Actions in Bristow of great value against me, because I was of the KingsDUDLEY'S METALLUM MARTIS.

65

Party, unto the great prejudice of my Inventions and Proceedings, my Pattent
being then almost extinct, for which, and my Stock, am I forced to Sue them in
Chancery.

In the interim of my proceedings, Cromwell and the then Parliament granted a
Pattent and an Act of Parliament unto Captain Buck, of Hampton Road, for the
making of Iron with Pit-cole and Sea-cole. Cromwell and many of his Officers
were Partners, as Major Wildman and others, many Doctors of Physick and
Merchants, who set up diverse and sundry Works and Furnaces, at a vast charge,
in the Forrest of Dean; and after they had spent much in their Invention and
Experiments, which was done in spacious Wind-Furnaces, and also in Potts of
Glass house Clay, and failing afterwards, got unto them an Ingenious Glass-
Maker, Master Edward Dagney, an Italian, then living in Bristow, who, after
he had made many Potts, for that purpose went with them into the Forrest of
Dean, and built for the said Captain Buck and his Partners a new Furnace, and
made therein many and sundry Experiments and Tryals for the making of Iron with
Pit-cole and Sea-cole, &c. But he failing, and his Potts being all broken, he did
return to Bristow frustrate of his Expectation, but farther promising to come
again and make more Experiments; at which time Master John Williams, Master
Dagneys, Master of the Glass-House, was then drawn in to be a Partner for 3001.
deposited, and most of it spent, the said Williams and Dagney hearing that the
Authour had knowledge in the making of Iron with Pit-cole, Sea-cole, &c., they
from Cap. Buck and the other Partners importuned the Author, who was at that
time in great danger by the Parliament (being a Colonel of the Kings Party), to
go along with them into the Forrest of Dean, which at that time durst not deny.
Coming thither, I observed their manner of working, and found it impossible that
the said Edward Dagney, by his Invention, should make any Iron with Pit- cole or
Sea-cole in Pots to profit. I continued with them till all their Potts and Inventions
failed. At every Dinner and Supper Captain Buck, Captain Robins, Doctor I vie,
Doctor Fowler, and others would aske the Author why he was so confident that
Iron in quantity could not be made by their new Inventions ? I found it a difficult
thing to diss wade the Partners from their way. So confident were they to perform
the making of iron with Pit-cole or Sea-cole to profit that they desired me to come
again a second time into the Forrest to see it Effected, but at that time I saw their
failings also.

Yet, nevertheless, Captain Buck and his Partners Erected new Works at the
City of Bristow, in which they did fail as much as in their former Inventions ; but
Major Wildman, more barbarous to me then a Wildman, although a Minister,
bought the Authors Estate, near 2001. per Annum, intending to compell from the
Author his Inventions of making of Iron with Pit-cole, but afterwards passed my
Estate unto two Barbarous Brokers of London, that pulled dow^n the Authors two
Mantion Houses, sold 500 Timber Trees off his Land, and to this day are his
Houses unrepaired.

Anno 1655. Captain Buck and his Partners, wearied of their Invention,
desisting, An. 1656. Captain John Copley, from Cromwell, obtained another
Pattent for the making of Iron with Pit-cole and Sea-cole. He and his Partners
set up their Works at the Cole-Works, near Bristow, and endeavour'd by Enge-
neers assistance to get his Bellows to be blown at or near the Pits of Cole, with
which Engines the Work could not be performed; but the author coming to see the
said Works, and after many Discourses with Captain Copley, his former Acquain-
tance, told him plainly, if his Bellows could have been blown by those Engines, yet
I feared he could not make Iron with Pit-cole or Sea-cole. He seemed discontented;
whereupon, and without those Engines, I made his Bellows to be blown feisibly, as
by the Note under his hand appears (the first Note), folioweth: —

1656. December 30.

Memorandum, The day and year above-written, I, John Copley, of London, Gent.,
do acknowledge, that after the Expence of diverse Hundred Pounds to Engineers,66

dudley's metallum mabtis.

for the making of my Bellows to blow for the making of Iron with Pit-cole or Sea-
cole near Bristow, and near the Forrest of Kings-wood, that Dud Dudley, Esq., did
perform the blowing of the said Bellows at the Works or Pits abovesaid; a very
feisible and plausible way, that one man may blow them with pleasurejthe space of an
hour or two; and this I do acknowledge to be performed with a very small charge,
and without any money paid to him for the same Invention.

John Copley,

Captain John Coply thus failing in his Inventions, An. 1657, he went into
Ireland, and all men now desisting from the Inventions of making of Iron with
Pit-cole and Sea-cole, The Author, Anno 1660, being 61 years of Age, and moved
with pitty, and seeing no man able to perform the Mastery of making of Iron with
Pit-cole or Sea-cole, immediately upon his Sacred Majesty's happy Restauration,
the same day he Landed, Petitioned that he might be restored to his place, and his
Pattent obstructed, revived for the making of Iron with Pit-cole, Sea-cole, Peat, and
Turf, into cast Works and Bars, and for the Melting, Extracting, Refining, and
Reducing of all Mines, Mettals, and Minerals, with Pit-cole, Sea-cole, Peat, and
Turf; which said Laudable Invention the Author was and is unwilling should fall
to the ground and dye with him, neither is the Mistery or Mastery of the Invention
Effected and Perfected by any man known unto the Authour as yet, either in
England, Scotland or Wales; all which three abound with Pit-cole or Sea-cole,
and do overmuch furnish other Kingdomes many with Pit-cole and Sea-cole, when
they might make far better use of it themselves, especially Scotland and Wales,
both for the making of Iron into cast Works and Bars; and also for the making of
Steel, and Metal, Extracting, and Refining of Lead, Tin, Iron, Gold, Copper,
Quicksilver, and Silver, with Pit-cole and Sea-cole.

I shall not trouble you with the Petition, or my reasons and desires that were
annexed unto it, for the making of Iron, and Melting of Mines, &c., with Pit-cole,
&c.; they are over long to relate; only the Reference to them is thus; (after my first
Petition was lost, I Petitioned again.)

At the Court at Whiteh. 22. of June 1663.

His Majesty is graciously pleased to refer the consideration of this Petition to
Master Atturney and Solicitor General, or to either of them, together with the
Petitioners Reasons and Desires hereunto annexed; and they, or either of them, are
to inform and certifie His Majesty, what they or either of them, in their Judgments
respectively, conceive fit for His Majesty to do concerning the Petitioners Humble
Request, and then His Majesty will declare his further pleasure.

Robert Mason, Ma-
ster of Requests.

After Master Atturney and Sollicitor General would do nothing upon the Refer-
ence, the Author Petitioned His sacred Majesty sitting at the Council-Board for
the Renewing of his Pattent for making of Iron, and Melting of Mines, with Pit-
cole, Sea-cole, often obstructed; the reference to that Petition followeth.

At the Court at Whitehall, July 25, 1660.

Upon reading of a Petition this Day at the Board, being the same in terminls
with this above written, which His Majesty was graciously pleased by a Reference
under the hand of Doctor Mason, one of the Masters of the Requests, to refer to
the consideration of Master Atturney and Master Solicitor General, together with
the Petitioners Reasons and Desires thereunto annexed, to the Consideration of the
Lords, and others Commissioners for the Treasury, who upon Examination of the par-
ticulars, are to give such order thereupon as they shall find most proper for His
Majesties Service.	Sir Edward Walker was

Clark to the Council, and
Garter King at Armes.DUDLEY'S METALLTJM MARTI S.

67

The Author, during the Lords Commissioners their time, could get no Order upon
his Reference; But his Petition was left with the now liight Honourable the Lord
Treasurer, to take or grant further order therein, but the Author hath gotten hitherto
no order.

Therefore compelling necessity doth constrain (having prosecuted his Petition
hitherto) him to desist from his Inventions, in which he hath taken more pains, care,
and charge than any man to perfect his new Invention in these Kingdomes.

Although the Author hath not as yet so fully perfected or raised his invention to
the quantity of Charcole Iron Furnaces, yet the Authors quantity beingjbut seven
Tuns per week at the most, together with the quality of his Iron made with Pit-cole
and Sea-cole, hath the most eminent Triplicity of Iron of all that can be desired in
any new Invention.

1. More Sufficient. 2. More Cheap. 3. More Excellent.

Upon which Triplicity the Authour might enlarge himself, but shall not be tedious,
only give me leave to mention that there be three sorts of Cast Iron;

1.	The first sort is Gray Iron.

2.	The second sort is called Motley Iron, of which one part of the Sowes or
Piggs is gray, the other part is white intermixt.

3.	The third sort is called white Iron, this is almost as white as Bell-Mettle, but
in the Furnace is least fined, and the most Terrestrial; of the three, the Motley Iron
is somewhat more fined, but the Gray Iron is most fined and more sufficient to make
Bar-Iron with, and tough Iron to make Ordnance or any Cast Vessels, being it is
more fined in the Furnace, and more malliable and tough, than the other two sorts
before mentioned; and of this sort is the Iron made with Pit-cole, Sea-cole for the
most part, and therefore more sufficiently to be preferred.

2.	More cheaper Iron there cannot be made, for the Author did sell pigg or cast
Iron made with Pit-cole at four pounds per Tun, many Tuns in the twentieth year
of King James, with good profit; of late, Charcole Pig-iron hath been sold at six
pounds per Tun, yea at seven pounds per Tun hath much been sold.

Also the Author did sell Bar-iron Good and Merchantable, at twelve pounds per
Tun, and under, but since Bar-iron hath been sold for the most part ever since at
157., 167., 17/., and 187. per Tun, by Charcole Iron-Masters.

3.	More Excellent for diverse Reasons, and principally being the meanes whereby
the Wood and Timber of this Island, almost exhausted, may be timely preserved
yet, and vegetate and grow again unto his former wonted cheapness, for the main-
tenance of Navigation, which is the greatest strength of Great Brittain, whose
Defence and Offence for all the Territories that belong unto it, next under God and
his Vice-Gerent, our Sacred Majesties Cares, consists most of Shiping, Men of War,
Experienced Mariners, Ordnances, Ammunition, and Stores, the Ordnance made
therewith will be more gray and tough, therefore more serviceable at Sea and
Land, and the Bar-iron will wall, rivet, and hold better then most commonly Char-
cole Iron.

2. More Excellent, not onely in respect the Invention of making of Iron with
Pit-cole and Sea-cole will preserve Wood and Timber of Great Brittain so greatly
consumed by Iron-Works of late.

But also in respect, this my Invention will preserve many Millions of Tuns of
Small-cole in Great Brittain, which will be lost in time to come, as formerly they
were, for within ten miles of Dudley Castle, is annually consumed four or five thou-
sand Tuns at least of small Pit-cole, and have been so consumed time out of migd
under ground, fit to have it made Pit-iron with; which coles are and (unless Iron be
made therewith) will be for ever totally and annually lost; if four or five thousand
Tun of Cole be consumed within ten miles compass, what Coles is thus consumed in
all England, Scotland, and Wales ! which is no good husbandry for Great Britain,
hinc ille laerime, that our Timber is exhausted.

Must I still be opposed, and never enjoy my Inventions, nor Great Brittain the
Benefit ?

Must my Patent be obstructed in Peace, as it was extinct by the Wars ?68

BIlbLEY'S METALLUM MAKTIS.

And must not my Pattent be Revived for the making of Iron with Pit-cole, Sea-
cole, Peat, and Turf, but find Enemies still to oppose it ?

How may thousand Tuns of Iron might have been made but since my first Inven-
tion, An. Jacob. 18th, by my means with Pit-cole and Sea-cole (lost) if I had not
had Enemies ; and had not wood and timber been preserved ?

But most men will aver, that it doth concern the Author to Demonstrate the great
losse mentioned formerly of Pit-cole annually;

•	It is thus,

There is at least within ten miles of the Castle of Dudley twelve or fourteen
Cole-Works, some in Worcester, and some of them in Staffordshire (now in work,
and twice as many in that Circute not in work), each of which Works get two
thousand Tun of Cole yearly, some get three, four, or five thousand Tun of Coles
yearly; and the uppermost or top measures of Coles are ten, eleven, and some
twelve yards thick; the Coles Ascending, Basseting, or as the Colliers term it,
Cropping up even unto the superfices of the Earth, and there the Colliers formerly
got the Coles; but where the Coles is deep, and but little Earth upon the measures
of Coles, there the Colliers rid off the Earth, and dig the Coles under their feet;
these Works are called Foot-rids.

But of these Works there are now but few, some of these small Coles in these
open Works the poor people did carry away, but paid nothing for them in former
times, termed the Brain Carriages.

But now the Colliers working more in the deep of these Works, they are con-
strained to sink Pits, some of which Pits are from eight unto twenty yards deep, and
some are near twenty fathom deep, which fathom contains two yards.

In these Pits, after you have made or hit the uppermost measures of Cole, and sink
or digged thorow them, the Colliers getting the nethermost part of the Coles first,
about two yards in height or more, and when they have wrought the Crutes or Staules,
(as some Colliers call them) as broad and as far in under the ground as they think
fit, they throw the small Coles (fit to make Iron) out of their way on heaps to
raise them up so high to stand upon that they may, with the working of their Picks
or Maundrills over their heads, and at the one end of the Coles so far in as their
Tool will permit, and so high as their working cometh unto a parting in the measure
of Cole, the which Coles, to the parting by his self-clogging and pondrous weight,
fall often many Tuns of coles, many yards high down at once ; with which fall and
the Colliers breaking of the said Cole, many small coles do so abound of no use, and
fit for no sale, that in getting of twenty thousand Tun of Pit-cole, one half near is
small cole, not drawn out of the Pits, but destroyed, left, and lost; which small cole,
with the sleek thrown moyst together (heat the sooner), and by means of its suphur-
ousness fire in the Pits, to no small prejudice unto the Owners of the Works, and
the Workmen, besides Great Brittains Loss ; which Cole might have made many
thousand Tuns of Iron, and also have preserved this Islands Woods and Timber. I
might here give you the names and partly the nature of every measure or parting
of each cole lying upon each other. The three uppermost measures are called the
white measures for his white Arcenical, Salsuginous, and Sulphurious substance
which is in that Cole. The next measure is the shoulder-cole, the toe-cole, the
foot-cole, the yard-cole, the sliper-cole, the sawyer-cole, and the frisly-cole. These
last three coles are the best for the making of iron ; yet other coles may be made
use of.

I might give you other names of coles, but desire not prolixity; yet must I tell
you of a supernumerary number of Smiths within ten miles of these Cole-Works
near twenty thousand ; yet God of his Infinite goodness (if we will but take notice
of his goodness unto this Nation) hath made this Country a very Granary for the
supplying these Men with Iron, Cole, and Lime made with cole, which hath much
supplyed these men with Corn also of late; and from these men a great part, not
only of this Island, but also of his Majesties other Kingdomes and Territories withDUDLEY'S METALLUM MARTIS.

69

Iron wares have their supply, and wood in these parts almost exhausted, although it
were of late a mighty wood-land Country.

Now, if the Coles and Iron-stone so abounding were made right use of we need
not want Iron as we do ; for very many measures of iron-stone are placed together
under the great ten yards thickness of cole, and upon another thickness of coles two
yards thick, not yet mentioned, called the bottom-cole, or the heathen cole, as if God
had decreed the time when and how these Smiths should be supplyed and this Island
also with Iron, and most especially that this cole and iron-stone should give the first
and just occasion for the invention of the making of iron with pit-cole* no place
being so fit for the invention to be perfected in then this country for the general
good, whose Woods did formerly abound in Forrests, Chases, Parks, and Woods, but
exhausted in these parts.

Now, for the names of the iron-stone, the first measure is called the Black-row-
graines, lying in very hard and black Earth.

The second measure is the Dun-row-graines, lying in dun earth or clay.

The third measure is called the white row grains, lying in very white Earth or
Clay. Under these three measure are sundry other measures, and are called, first,
the Eider Stone; secondly, the Cloud Stone; thirdly, the bottom Stone; fourthly,
the Cannock or Cannotstone, which last may wel be so caled (although all the other
measures be very good), yet this Stone is so Sulphurious and Terrestrial, not fit to
make Iron; because the Iron thereof made is very Hedshare, which is that if a work-
man should Draw or Forge out a Share mould fit for a Plough in that red heat, it
would crack, and not be fit for the Use of the Husbandman's Plough or Share. I
may take occasion here to speak of the Nature of Coldshare Iron, which is so brittle
if made of the grain Oare or Iron-stone would be almost as brittle as some Regulus
Antimonii made Iron, for with one small blow over an Anvil you may break the
biggest Bar, that is, if it be perfect coldshare Iron; nay, the Ploughman often breaks
his Share point off if it be made of coldshare Iron. But perfect tough malliable Iron
will not break feisibly in hot-heat or cold, as coldshare wil, or red hot as Sulphurious
veneriated redshare Iron will; but yet tough enough when it is cold. All which
aforesaid qualities of Iron the Authour very well knoweth how to mend their
Natures, by finning or setting the finery, lesse transhaw more borrow which are
terms of art, and by altering and pitching the works and plates, the fore spirit-plat,
the tuiron, bottome, back and breast or fore-plate, by the altering of which much
may be done. If the work be set transhaw and transiring from the blast, the Iron
is more cold-share, lesse Fined, more to the Master's profit, lesse profitable to him
that makes it into manufactorage, and lesse profitable to him that useth it; but the
Iron made in a Burrow work becometh more tough and serviceable; yet the nature
of all Ironstone is to be considered both in the Furnace and in the finery, that the
Sulphurious Arceniall and Yeneriating qualities, which are oftentimes in Ironstone
be made to separate, in both the works from the fixed and fixing bodies of Iron,
whose fiery quality is such, that he will sooner self-calfine than separate from any
Sulphurious veneriated quality.

No man, I hope, need to be offended at any terms of Art, it hath been alwayes
lawfull for Authours of new Arts and Inventions, at their own pleasures, to give
name to their new Inventions and Arts. Every Tradesman is allowed it in his
mystery.

But the Authour hath, as much as he could, avoided the terms of Art that Simon
Sturtenante and others have used, which are very many. Onely the Author hath
given you the common names and terms (for the most part) which are so common
among Forgemen and Founders, as is nothing more common, but kept secret amongst
them, and a mystery not yet known, but unto very few Owners of Iron-works;
nay, I have not yet troubled your memory with any of the Founder terms, of but
making his harth as the Timpe stones, the wind-wall stones, the Furion stones, the
Botton-stone, the Back-stones, and the Boshes, in the making and pitching of which
harth is much of the Mystery,70

DUDLEY'S METALLUM MARTIS.

I must confesse there is given unto some Phylosophers, etc* filii Artis, some few
terms how the Sulphurious Arsenicall, Bituminos, Antimoniall, Venerial, and other
poysonous qualities, either in the Pit-cole, Sea-cole, or the Iron-stone, may be in part
at the Furnace separated, and not be permitted to incorporate in the Iron; and if it
be incorporated, yet, by Fining at the Forge, to fetch it out : Also, to melt, extract,
refine, and reduce all mines, mettals, and minerals unto their species with Pit-cole,
Sea-cole, Peat, and Turff, by wayes not yet in use, which the Authour will make
known hereafter, if God permit him health, time, and space, or leave his knowledg
unto his Brother Aylmore Folliott, Esq., his Nephew Parks-house, Esq., and to his
Kinsman Master Francis Dingley, to declare unto this latter Age of the World in
which God is pleased to manifest many of his Secrets : Qui vult secreta scire, secreta
secrete sciat custodire.

Having suffered much, ever since the Year 1618 unto this present, for the general
good, as by the preceding discourse appears, for the making of Iron with Pitcole,
Seacole, Peat, and Turff; for the preservation of Wood & Timber of Great Brittain
so much exhausted; for future prevention of which,

Is, first, to permit the Authour to enjoy His Patent, and fully to perfect his said
Inventions (obstructed in the Reign both of King James and in the Reign of his
Sacred Majesty King Charls the First, of ever Blessed Memory, and lately since his
most Sacred Majesties happy Restauration), who desires nothing but to be animated
with the Patent revived according unto the Statute of 21 Iacob. for Inventors.

Secondly, to impower the Authour or any other Agents to take care that no Pit-
cole or Seacole be any wayes wilfully destroyed under ground.

Thirdly, To put all former good Laws in Execution, and to make others for the
preservation of Wood and Timber of these Nations, especially neer Navigagable River
or Seas.

Fourthly, Seeing there goeth out of England, Scotland, and Wales many thousand
Tuns Annually of Pitcole and Seacoles to furnish France, and also the Smiths
thereof, Spaine, Portugal, and Flanders, and especially the Smiths thereof, the Low-
Countries and the Smiths thereof; besides, the Hollanders carries great quanties of
our Coles into Foreigne parts, without which those Countries cannot subsist. Now
the Authors desire is, that where there is a conveniency of Iron stone or Ewre, the
Coles may not be transported (paying His Sacred Majesties Duty) untill Order from
His Majesty or his Privy Council.

Fifthly, That no Pitcole be Exported, seeing that Wood fuell and Timber is
decayed for Buildings, and instead thereof Brickmaking (formerly spending Wood,
but now coles) is much in use: also is Glasse now made with cole, but formerly were
there many Thousand Loads of Wood fuell spent in the making thereof, and the
Glass Invention with Pitcole was first effected near the Authour's Dwelling.

Sixthly, Making of Steel, Brewings, making of Coppras, Allum, Salt, casting of
Brasse and Copper, Dyings, and many other Works were not many years since done
altogether with the Fuell of Wood and Charcole. Instead whereof, Pitcole, and
Seacole is now used as Effectually, and to a far better Use and Purpose, besides the
preservation of Wood and Timber.

Seventhly, That which is somewhat neerer the mark and Invention. The Black-
smith forged all his Iron with Charcole, and in some places where they are cheap,
they continue this course still; but small Pitcole and Seacole, and also Peat and
Turff, hath and doth serve the turn as well and sufficiently as Charcole.

Eighthly, That which is nearest, and my perfect Invention, and neer the Authour's
Dwelling, called Greens-lodge, there are four Forges, namely, Greens-forge, Swin-
forge, Heath-forge and Cradley-forge.

Which Four Forges have Barred all or most part of their Iron with Pitcole ever
since the Authours first Invention, 1618, which hath preserved much Wood: In
these Four, besides many other Forges do the like; yet the Author hath had no
benefit thereby to this present.DUDLEY'S METALLTJM MARTIS.

71

Yet by this Barring of Iron with Pit-cole 30,000 loads of Wood and more have
been preserved for the general good, which otherwayes must have been had and
consumed.

Symon Sturtevant, in his Metallica, in the Epistle to the Reader, saith, That
there was then, Anno 12. Jacobi in England, Scotland, Ireland, and Wales, 800
Furnaces, Forges, or Iron Mills making Iron with Charcoal: Now we may suppose
at least 300 of these to be Furnaces and 500 to be Forges; and each Furnace
making fifteen Tun per week of Pig or cast Iron, and work or blow but Forty week
per Annum, but some Furnaces make Twenty Tuns of Pig Iron per Week, and two
Loads of Charcole or there about go to the making of a Tun of Pig Iron: And
two Loads (or two cords) of Wood at the least go to the making of a Load of
Charcole.

Now what Loads of Wood or Charcole is spent in Great Brittain and Ireland
Annually? but in one Furnace that makes Fifteen Tun per Week of Pig-iron for
Forty weeks: I shall give you the Table, and leave you to judge of the rest of the
Furnaces.

15 Tun per Week
spends of

Per Annum 40
weeks spends
Also for one Forge that make Three

Charcole, Wood,

30 loads 60 loads.

120(5 2400 loads.

Tuns of Bar Iron weekly for Fifty weeks,

but some Forges make double my Proportion, and spend to Fine and Bar out
each Tun three Loads of Coles: To each Tun.

3 Tun per week Charcole	Wood

9 Loads	18 loads

Per Annum	450 loads	900 loads

By these Examples may you see the vast quantities of Charcole or Wood that the
300 Furnacis spend weekly or yearly, and the 500 Forges workings all the year
spend little less then the Furnaces: It being impossible after this rate for Great
Brittain or Ireland to supply these her works with Charcole in Fining of Iron at the
Fineries, yet the Forges that need but half the Charcole may be permitted to use
Charcole, and may be supplyed with under Woods.

Let us but look back unto the making of Iron, by our Ancestors, in foot blasts or
bloomenies, that was by men treading of the Bellows, by which way they could make
but one little lump or bloom of Iron in a day, not 100 weight, and that not fusible,
nor fined, or malleable until it were long burned and wrought under Hammers, and
and whose first slag, sinder, or scorius doth contain in it as much or more Iron then
in that day the workman or bloomer got out, which Slag, Scorious, or Sinder is by
our Founders at Furnaces wrought again, and found to contain much Yron and easier
of Fusion than any Yron stone or Mine of Yron whatsoever, of which slag and
Sinders there is in many Countryes Millions of Tuns, and Oaks growing upon them,
very old and rotten.

The next invention was to set up the Bloomeries that went by water for the ease
of the men treading the bellows, which being bigger, and the waterwheel causing a
greater blast, did not onely make a greater quantity of iron but also extracted more
iron out of the slag or sinder, and left them more poorer of iron then the foot -blasts,
so that the Founders cannot melt them again, as they do the foot blast sinders to profit:
Yet these Bloomeries by water (not altogether out of use) cto make in one day but
two hundred pound weight of iron, or there abouts, neither is it fusible or malleable,
but is unfined untill it be much burned and wrought a second time in fire.

But some of the now going Furnaces with Charcole do make two or three Tun
of Pigg or cast iron in 24 hours.

Therefore I do not wholly compute the vast quantities of charcoles and wood
Bpent in these voragious works, which quantity of cast iron, with pit-cole and Sea-
cole, at one Furnace I desire not, but am contented with half the proportion, which
once I attained unto before my Bellows were riotously cut, that is one Tun in 24 hours;
we need not a greater quantity, if the like quantity were made in Furnaces in Scotland
and Wales, which abounds with Pit-cole and Sea-cole, as well as England; and our

G72

DUDLEY'S METALLUM MAETIS.

supernumery Smiths, Founders, and Forgemen, and other Tradesmen, might be there
employed, thereby to furnish His Majesties Plantations, as well, if not better then
England, where Coles are far cheaper then in England.

Although vast quantities of Coles do abound near the Authors dwelling, yet
twenty thousand Smiths or Naylors at the least dwelling near these parts, and taking
of Prentices, have made their Trade so bad that many of them are ready to starve and
steal; so that it is wished that there were some courses taken to mend their Trade,
imploy them in other parts, or permit them not to take so many Prentices, all which
have great occasions to use Pit-cole, and had not these parts abounded with cole, it
would have been a great deal worse with them then it is; but of the cole there is,
nor will be any want, nor of iron-stone.

The manner of the cole-veins or measures in these parts, and also of the measures
of iron-stone or mines, how they lye, be, or increase, some veins lye circular, some
sami-circulre, some ovall, some works almost in a direct line, and some works parts
of a Circle; as by the Circle, it being onely for a small Example to judge the rest of
the Mines by, may appear.

FINIS.

AA East.

A West.

AAA North.

Time not permitting me to give you a Larger Mapp, conclude, etc.

A Two Gutters out of which issueth Water, as hot as that at Bath.
B The way from Himley to Dudley, and from Dudley to Burmicham.
C Dudley Castle.

O Coles ten yards thick.

O Iron-stone four yards thick.

o Coles two yards thick.

The Scale for Cole and Stone per yard.

By the white innermost Circle you may conceive the Scale under to be over in
Diameter a mile and a half.it

{The Inventions described in the following Treatise were the subject of English
Letters Patent, No. 127, dated 24>th June 1642.)

DESCRIPTION

OF THE

NATURE AND WORKING

OF THE

PATENT WATER-SCOOP WHEELS,

INVENTED BY

william wheler,

AS COMPARED WITH

THE RAISING-WHEELS NOW IN COMMON USE.

By J. B. W.

( Translated from the Dutch for the Commissioners of Patents by Dr. A. Tolhausen.)

AMSTERDAM:

Printed by John Blaen, for the Partners, and to be had of John Wybrantsz Colck,

Langestraat 1645.

LONDON:

Reprinted by George E. Byre and William Spottiswoode, Printers to the Queen's most Excellent Majesty,
Published at the Great Seal Patent Office, Southampton Buildings, Chancery Lane.

1858.

HDESCRIPTION, &c.

To the Illustrious, High, and Mighty Lords, the States General of the United
Netherlands.

Illustrfous, High, and Mighty Lords,

Amongst the manifold arts which so richly adorn our country, to its great
benefit and advantage, none may be said to be so important as those which offer us
proper means of remedying certain defects of nature. Thus, that art evidently ranks
highest which points out to us the mode of making proper instruments for raising
water and draining lands, to obtain thereby, for the support and enjoyment of life,
tracts of pasture and arable land which lie from two to ten feet below the level
of the sea.

These circumstances, Illustrious Lords, have been wisely taken into consideration
by our ancestors, who soon discovered the utility of raising-wheels for the before-
mentioned purpose. These wheels have been greatly improved by their descendants,
and at present show such a degree of perfection that many persons may think it is
vain and useless to look for anything superior; yet others, not less gifted with a
clear intellect and mature judgment, have greatly exerted themselves to discover still
more convenient and easy means of raising water and draining lands, since they
observed that those raising-wheels, however complete otherwise, must carry the
weight of the water on their circumference in order to discharge it on the waters
outside; and besides, being worked by wind, cause the country to be covered with
mills unable to work in calm weather. Still, all those works executed up to the
present day, including even the patented Invention of our own Mr. Wheler, were
stigmatized as foolish works ; for though he properly described the nature and
working of the apparatus patented by him, and also the models of his improved
water-scoop wheels, yet public opinion (guided by the fact that numbers of raising-
wheels had been rejected some years ago as useless by the makers themselves) placed
his Invention among the other foolish contrivances. This circumstance so much
disheartened our Inventor, who as yet had not quite perfected his work, that he went
abroad, and sold his Patent and models.

We leave it to the readers of the following propositions and drawings whether we
fully succeeded in providing proper means for raising and discharging water more
easily than by the common raising-wheels, and whether we removed the former
imperfections of the same to such a degree as to entitle us to claim for our water-
raising wheels the superiority over all existing draining machines^ We trust that
such is the case, and therefore we offer the same with great humility to your Lord-
ships, as almost the first ripe fruit of all Patents granted for such contrivances, so
much the more as we are of opinion that this demonstration of the proper nature and
working of these water-scoop wheels ought to be submitted to your Lordships prior
to its becoming public and falling into the hands of high and common persons.
Should we by this dedication attain our only object of procuring its favourable accept-
ance by your Lordships, we shall feel happy and encouraged, under the guidance of
Almighty God, to introduce further improvements in draining.

That Almighty God may grant your Lordships a long and prosperous reign is the
prayer of

Your Illustrious, High, and Mighty Lords'

Most humble and obedient servants,

J. B. W. & Co.

h278

wheleu's water-scoop wheel.

To the Ingenious Reader.

All those who are somewhat conversant with the laws of geometry are aware that
both the plan and the perspective view of any figure may be represented according
to fixed geometrical rules on an enlarged or reduced scale" without detriment to the
actual proportions and size of the same ; it therefore cannot be denied that the water-
raising wheels represented by us hereafter on a reduced scale as to their size and
working may be constructed on a large scale for any required service.

Others not familiar with that science, and who are prejudiced by mere hearsay, or
by their own experience, against the belief that any contrivance can surpass the
working of the common raising wheels, shall be convinced by the reasons which
will be alleged for the bad success of so many works. Those reasons, I think, are
chiefly the following :—

1st, Inventors wanted to improve the water-raising wheels before they were
sufficiently conversant with the nature and working of the same.

2nd, they did not find out a certain proportion, before setting to work, between
their new contrivance and the common water-raising wheels.

It therefore may be easily understood that it is only by mere chance such works
could succeed, which till now has never been the case; since whenever it is required
to make a wheel or other apparatus capable of draining off water in greater quantity
and more easily than the common wheels, the volume and weight of the water which
may be drained off by common wheels must first be ascertained; next must be found
out what power is required to raise such a weight and carry it off; finally, the volume
and weight of the water to be drained off must be properly computed, and the pro-
portions of the apparatus arranged accordingly, in order that the volume and weight
of the water to be drained off may be safely raised by a corresponding counterpoise.
By thus comparing the different counterpoises, it may be ascertained whether the
proposed raising-wheels or the apparatus in ordinary use is able to raise water in
greater quantity and with greater facility.

Further reasons and examples might be adduced in corroboration thereof, but the
facts and truth are self-evident from the very works. And in order to avoid the
imputation of writing against others, I shall, in explaining the nature and working of
our improved water-scoop wheel, abstain from giving an opinion of the works of
others, but leave to each inventor the honour of his own work, contenting myself
by showing that the great desideratum is now found, not in a strange shape or a
puzzling apparatus, but in a plain wheel, the working of which shall be proved, to
the benefit of our native country, in the following order:—

I. That a single improved water wheel, as represented by Fig. 1, and constructed
as a water mill instead of a common raising-wheel, as seen in Fig. 2, will drain off
with the same velocity and working power, and at the same time with greater facility,
from 11 to 12 feet more water than three common raising wheels of equal height.

II» That one mill wTith two improved water-wheels (working together as in Fio*.
will raise the water from 12 to 18 feet high with the usual velocity and working
power.

Likewise, that a mill with a water-scoop wheel of six-feet power will raise as much
water as If mill with common wheels of a raising power of 11 to 12 feet; in other
words, eight mills of six-feet power will raise as much water as thirteen of a
working power of from 11 to 12 feet.

III.	That a mill with an improved water wheel instead of a common raising-wheel
working whilst the outside water lies 3^ feet higher than the inner water, will raise
water with greater ease, in greater quantity, than two mills and a half with common
raisingVheels, and with equal velocity and working power.

IV.	That a mill with a water-scoop wheel instead of a common water-raising wheel
working whilst the water outside lies two-feet higher than the water inside, will
raise water hi greater quantity, and^more easily, than two mills with common water-
raising wheels and with equal velocity and working power.wheler's water-scoop wheel.

79

The order I have followed in these demonstrations is the same as that observed in
the Specification of our Patented Invention, the object of which is to raise water in
large and ordinary quantities from three to twelve feet high, or more. I did not
adhere so much to the strict rules of mathematics as to the method of reasoning
most likely to render me intelligible to the majority of my readers, nevertheless
holding up occasionally the laws of mathematical science.

And now, in order to convey the reader in good order and easily, as it were, by a
beaten track, to the illustrated description itself, I shall begin by saying, that the
reason why the working power of mills with improved water-raising wheels, both as
to height, volume of water, and facility, is greater than that of mills witfi common
water-raising wheels (as asserted by me) is to be attributed to the circumstance of
the weight of the water in my water-raising wheels being1 nearer to the axis than in
the common water-raising wheels, thus far settling at once, for the learned in mathe-
matics as well as for the unlearned, the solid base upon which we build. I shall
illustrate with a pair of scales the first proposition of Part II. of the propositions
contained in Book I. of the Statics of the ingenious Simon Stevijns, and which is as
follows:—Given two equipoised weights, the heavier weight stands in the same
ratio to the lighter one as the longer arm to the shorter one. And not mathemati-
cally (as done most ably by Stevijn) shall I examine the truth of the proposition but
merely by means of common scales, as illustrated by the present Figure, in order to
show to the unlearned, by sight and feeling, what learned men understand by
Sevijn's geometrical figures and demonstrations.

1980,

B

In this Figure I have represented known weights, equipoised to each other, and
suspended at different places on the beams. By these weights the length of the80

wheler's water-scoop wheel.

arms on which they are suspended is found out according to the rule of the
proposition in the following manner:—The weight 660, suspended in M, bears the
same relation to the weight 550 in K as the length K, O, to O, M. Likewise, the
weight 1980 suspended in P bears the same relation to the weight 550 in K as the
arm K, O, to O, P. Thus K, O, being equal to 9, as stated above, the length
of O, P, is like 2^. Likewise, the weight 1980, suspended in P, bears the same
relation to the weight 660 in N as the arm N, O, to O, P, and so on. Thence may
be drawn the contrary conclusion that the equipoised weights stand in the same
proportion to each other as the parts of the arms on which they are suspended. This
experiment may be tried by any one with large or small scales, with heavy or light
weights, and dividing the arms at pleasure, without being bound to those figures or
divisions. I use those weights and divisions of the arms not for some peculiar
convenience, but merely because I had prepared the above Figure for the demonstra-
tion of our proposition on the 7th, 10th, 14th, and 17th October, 1644, in order to
enable me to explain, if required, the working of the water-scoop wheel, or to face
opposition. This occasion not having arisen, and as the said Figure may serve the
present purpose, I leave it here unchanged, especially as any weights may be used,
the scales showing merely the mode of proceeding.

Illustration of the Nature and Working of the Patent Water-Scoop
Wheels, invented by William Wheler.

First Proposition.

A water-scoop wheel in a water-mill will raise water from 11 to 12 feet high with the
same speed and working power, and with greater ease and in greater quantities> than
three mills with the common water-raising wheels.

Shape of the improved water wheel.

The shape of the wheels, the working of which is described in this proposition, is
represented in Figs. 1 and 2.

Fig. 1 represents an improved water wheel immersed in water at a proper depth,
one foot below the water-mark, shown in dotted lines. Below the improved water-
wheel there is a figure representing a trough from which the wheel draws its water.
At the outer end of the trough there is a channel for the discharge of the water
from the wheel. At the inner end of the trough there is a sluice gate, which may be
raised and lowered according to water and wind, for keeping the wheel at the
required depth.

Shape of the common water-raising wheel.

Fig. 2 is a common water-raising wheel, which raises the water 4 feet high, and is
immersed in the water at its proper depth, i.e., feet below the water mark. The sill
under the wheel and the outside water before the wheel are represented in their
right proportion. Below that water-raising wheel there is a figure representing the
trough in which the wheel is moving.

These wheels, as illustrated by Fig. 3 and 4, have been constructed in the following
manner: —

The water-scoop wheel from within.

Fig. 3 represents the water-scoop wheel from within, its diameter A, C, or
B, D, being 30 feet (Amsterdam wood measurement) ; it stands in the water
2 feet deep, i.e., 1 foot below the actual water mark, the water inside being 1 foot abovewhelek's water-scoop wheel.

81

the same. This wheel has twelve scoops or buckets in which the action of the
water, when at work, is shown by Fig. X, W, E, T. R, T, represents the height
of the water outside, which lies 12 feet above the water mark inside. The
line T, P, R, represents the water mark inside, and S, H, F, the level of the water
inside.

The common water-raising wheel.

Fig. 4 represents the effect produced by the common water-raising wheel in the
lower mills within and without the water trough. Its diameter A, B, or C, D, is 21 feet
(Amsterdam wood measurement), and it works 3^ feet deep in the water, i.e., 2^ feet
below the real water mark, the water standing 1 foot above it. L, M, I, K, or
L, N, S, K, show the water raised by the wheel when at work, the section
L, K, N, S, and M, I, being considered as £ of the circle. L, V, represents the
height of the water outside, being 4 feet above the water inside. Y, O, C, Q,
represents the sill, which is 3f feet high; the line P, R, represents the inside water
mark, and V, F, the level of the water inside.

Form of the water in the improved water-wheel.

Having thus explained the Figures, we must first examine whether the water has
really such a form in and upon the wheels in motion as represented, and show the
reason thereof. Secondly, we must find out how many feet the centres of gravity of
those parts of the wheel are situated from the centre.

First, to prove that the water in the water-scoop wheel has the form shown
by X,W, F,E, I reason thus: Each scoop takes upas much water as it is deep,
and until it comes out of the water, leaving the water undermost horizontally with
the water outside; as, for example, the lower scoop E,F, takes in as much water as is
admitted by its depth F, Y, and its length E, F, which water must describe the form
of the section E, F, and the depth of E, Y; but since the inside of the scoop is £ foot
deeper than its orifice, the distance from F to E must be shorter by -J- for the
following reason:—Whilst the scoop E was at the place of A, the water in the same
must have been horizontal with the water outside, and as deep as Y, E, and
during its progress to E it could take in no more water beyond its own depth,
since the water therein cannot be expelled by the water flowing into the scoop.
Now, each scoop containing an equal volume of water, since they are equally
deep and remain equally long under water, it necessarily follows that the water
in the improved water-wheel, during its motion, has the form shown in the said
Figure ; for it is a well-known fact that water, when propelled, sinks down to the
level of the propelling water.

For further illustration I have drawn outlines in each scoop parallel to the water
outside the wheel, contiguous to the lower section, representing on these outlines at
each side an equal quantity of water, thus giving the above Fig. X, E, F, W.

The centre of gravity in the improved water-wheels

After having shown the place and form of the water in the improved water-wheel,
it remains to find out the centre of gravity on which the raising power is to bear.
For greater facility and sufficient correctness I divide the Figure into two equal
parts by the line K, I; the section E, G, is known to be £ of a circle whose diameter
is 26 feet; this gives 13^ feet for the section E, G, and there being 11 degrees
between the diameter A, C, and the line K, I, it follows that the point where the,
raising power is to bear on, is situated little less than 2^ feet from the centre.

The preceding proposition might be proved likewise by algebraic forms; but no*
greater accuracy being required (and having given the preference to mechanical
demonstration and calculation, for the accommodation of those readers chiefly who are
not experienced in calculations of fractions,)! shall return to the common raising
wheels, and explain, as much as is required, their nature and the weight of the water
on the same (as done before with respect to the water-scoop wheel), Yet,
before I do so, the reader must bear in mind that in these calculations I follow82

wheler's water-scoof wheel.

the rule laid down by Archimedes, who states the proportion of the diameter of a
circle to its circumference to be as 7 to 22; and that for finding the dimension of a
circle I multiply half its diamater by half its circumference.

The form of the water on the common water-raising wheels.

For the purpose of describing the common water-raising wheels in a convenient
order for comparing to them the nature and working of the water-scoop wheels,
we must first examine and show on what parts of the wheel (when worked by a
sufficient power of wind) the water which is continuously raised is bearing, and
what form that water describes on the wheel. This is done in the following
manner:—Since all that is raised is above the place from which it is raised and free
from its support (for remaining there it would exert no weight on the lever), I first
find out a line on the common water-raising wheel, on which I describe the form of
the water that is raised. Such is the line in Fig. 4, drawn from its centre D to its
circumference in K. Sixty degrees above K I first draw the line L, D, touching
the circumference about \ foot above the water outside (since the wheel cannot
discharge the water without raising it higher than the water outside), and, finally, I
draw from the centre D the sections N, S, and M, I, which is all that is required
for showing the action of water that is continuously raised by the common water-
raising wheel. Now, since K at the bottom of the Figure is situated 15 degrees above
C at the bottom of the wheel, it follows that all that is contained in L, N, S, K, or
L, M, I, is suspended on the wheel, and may be considered as a fixed weight.
Secondly, since L, K, is a section whose chord is as long as half the diameter, the
chords of the sections N, S, and M, I, must be half diameters of those circles, as they
are since they are drawn from its centre parallel to the circumference of the wheel,
and precisely between the line which divides the circumference of the wheel into six
equal parts. Thirdly, since I, K, and L, M, are each as long as G, C, it follows (as
shown before) that L, M, I, K, represents the water which is raised by ^ of the
wheel, if the assertion of others is founded on truth, L e., that the common water-
raising wheel may safely raise as much water as the paddles can take hold of.

To resume what I have to say about the common water-raising wheel (for the
purpose of comparing it to the water-scoop wheel;, we must first inquire whether
the common water-raising wheel may possibly discharge as much water as the
paddles can take hold of at the bottom, since they are by 3 inches narrower than
the trough, and from 2 to 3 inches shorter than the sill. I dare say no, for the
following reasons :—The paddles, which are by 3 inches narrower than the trough,
and from 2 to 3 inches shorter than the sill, must raise the water as high as L, and
cannot fill this opening otherwise than with the water which they raise, and which is
well known to have a downward tendency. Consequently the common raising
wheel cannot discharge as much water as the paddles can take hold of. Admitting
this, we must now find out the right proportion between the waste water and the
water discharged.

As for myself, I must confess that I am not at all satisfied, either through my own
observation or by the testimony of others possessing many years' experience and
great knowledge of the working of water mills ; I have therefore compared it always
to an irrational number from which a root is to be extracted, which root may be
found out to a nicety. Therefore, in calculating the size of the figure and the
volume of the water that falls down again, I shall assume L, M, I, K, must be
calculated one fourth part smaller (since the paddles are narrower than the trough,
and shorter than the sill). This fourth part is represented by N", M, I, S, which is one
foot wide, not taking into account small fractions either here or before, since the
reading is thereby rendered more confused and the proofs less clear. L, N, S, K, is
therefore a fixed weight, representing the water on the common raising wheel, which
water is continually raised and discharged whenever the wheel is moved by sufficient
power of wind. For further illustration I shall add, that the water on the wheel
wit iin the paddle 0 is separated from the water outside the same paddle, since thewheler's water-scoop wheel.

83

same closes almost the entrance of the channel of the trough, otherwise W, T, K,
would produce no weight; since, if the water could get in by the sides of the wheel,
the water would always remain on a level with the water outside the wheel. But as no
water, as said before, can come into the trough, except it is emptied behind the
wheel driving therein (as clearly shown by Fig. 2 and its trough below), it follows
that the said Figure represents a fixed weight, which is constantly suspended on the
common water-raising wheel, as long as the wheel can draw water through the
sluice.

After having first shown the place and form of the water on the common raising
wheel, we now must find the centre of gravity on which the volume of water may
be raised uniformly and perpendicularly.

The centre of gravity on which the raising po wer in common water-raising wheels

is to bear.

To find out the same, I divide L, N, S, K, into four equal parts by a section,
which is parallel to the periphery of the Figure, and a straight line from its centre.
Where those lines intersect each other, as here in W, there lies the centre, which is
1 foot inside. W e must now find out how far the centre of gravity on which the
raising power is to bear is from the centre, which is done in the following manner:
The line D, W, is known to be 9-£ foot; the angle D, W, X, is equally known to
be 45 degrees; since L, K, is a section of 60 degrees, A, C, 90 degrees, there
remains 30 degrees for both sections A, L, and K, C, which I have made equally
large, i. e. 15 degrees. The line D, W, divides the section L, K, into two equal parts,
30 degrees belonging to the section W, L, besides 15 degrees for L, A, and 45
degrees belonging to the angle A, D, L, which is equal to the angle D, W, X.
These proportions known, a sinus table will point out the length of D, X, to
be 6^ feet, which is the required centre of gravity on which the raising power is to
bear. It must not be understood thereby that L, N, S, K, may, properly speaking, be
uniformly raised thereon (for if suspended freely on X, W, the same would get from a
swinging into a horizontal position, like the beams of scales), but the volume of water
may be said to be uniformly suspended thereon, and inasmuch as it is scarcely worth
while to find out the exact centre of gravity on which the raising power bears, I have
given the common water-raising wheel the benefit thereof. Having thus found out
these centres of gravity, as well the parts on which the water which is raised must
rest, I may conclude my demonstration in the following words:—

The water-scoop wheel compared with the common water-raising wheel.

I.	Since the centre of gravity of the water on which the raising power is to bear
is known to be 6-^ feet from the centre in common raising wheels, and 2% feet
from the centre in water-scoop wheels, the preposition of Simon Stevijn (as illus-
trated before by scales) leads to the conclusion that the water-scoop wheel can carry
2^ times more water or weight, both weights remaining equiponderous; as, for
example, if the weight L, N, S, K, in the improved water wheel was suspended in
N, M, 6-^ feet from the centre, it would balance the weight X, W, Z, Y, which i$
2^ feet from the centre, and 2—^ times heavier than the said weight L, N, S, K.

II.	Since the sections L, K, and N, S, in the common water-raising wheel are
(according to the description) -g- of its circumference, one revolution of the -common
water-raising wheel must discharge six times as much water as is taken up by
L, IN, S, K, if worked by a sufficient power of wind.

III.	Since the weight or water carried by the water-scoop wheel may be 2-^
times more considerable than on the common water-raising wheels (the said weight
still being equiponderous), and since that weight in the improved water wheel
is contained in eight scoops (such as represented in 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, the water in
I having no weight at all, since it is on a level with the water outside), it follows,
that 12 scoops of the improved water wheel discharges in one revolution four volumes84

wheler's water-scoop wheel.

of water, whilst the common water-raising wheel can discharge six in one revolution;

I	therefore conclude my proposition thus :—

Conclusion to be draivn from the working of the improved water-wheel as compared to

the raising wheels.

I.	Having shown that the improved water-wheel can drain off in one revolution
4 parts of the water raised by common raising-wheels, and by no greater power than
is required for raising the same (since the improved water-wheel, as soon as it
revolves, has the power of raising the water whilst under similar circumstances the
sluice in common water-raising wheels cannot be kept half open, the water being
required to be driven up by a special power, if the desired effect is to be obtained),
it follows, that in such occasions, and with such winds, the improved water wheel
raises two thirds of the water 11 or 12 feet high with the same velocity and working
power that three common water-raising wheels can raise at the utmost; and as the
common-raising wheels on such occasions and with such winds work but little or not
at all, I conclude, as set forth in the proposition, that an improved water-wheel, etc.

II.	Since the improved wheel, by means of the sluice gate, may be fitted to any
depth of water, it follows, that in low winds much water can be raised 11 or 12 feet
high; and as the common raising-wheels, besides not being able to work, cannot
prevent leakage, I conclude, as set forth in the proposition, that an improved water-
wheel, etc.

III.	Since it has been proved that the common water-raising wheel when at full
work raises as much water in two revolutions as the improved water-wheel in three
revolutions, it appears to be conclusive that three common water-raising wheels on
such occasions and with such winds raise 4- more than the improved water-wheel.
But considering that the improved water-wheel may be moved much easier than
the common water-raising wheel, it will be found that the improved water-wheel
may well effect three revolutions whilst the common raising-wheel effects but three.
Thus, whilst the common raising-wheels must bring and discharge their water by
the last scoop and with a special power on the water outside that stands like a hill
before them, the improved water-wheel (carrying its weight about the centre and
not being obstructed by the water outside,) discharges its water into a channel, the
bottom of which is as high as the water outside. From this I conclude, as set forth
in my proposition, that " an improved water-wheel in a water-mill will raise water from

II	to 12 feet high with the same speed and working power, with greater ease and in
greater quantities than three mills with the common raising-wheels."

Remark. —To avoid the suspicion of underrating the working of the common
raising-wheels instead of describing the improved water-wheels, I have purposely
not mentioned the following unavoidable causes of increasing the weight:—

Causes which increase the weight of common water-raising-wheels

I.—The	water represented in N, M, I, S, which cannot be discharged must neces
sarily flow down again, causing thereby as great a weight as itself.

II.—The	water on the sill as represented falling down in L, V, O, must press
heavily on the extremities of the paddles.

III.-—The	dragging of the paddles 6, 7, 8, 9, flat through the water like oars
must produce a certain weight.

Refutation of objections raised as to the size of the improved water wheel.

Having thus proved the first proposition with reference to an improved water-
wheel of 30 feet diameter, some people, though approving the working as
described, may yet have doubts about the size of the wheel; I therefore let here
follow the Fig. 5, in order to show that two wheels of 22 to 24 feet diameter may
be put into a mill, whereby the water may be raised 12 and even 18 feet high. And
since those wheels will be found very, useful and necessary on many occasions, I
shall herewith describe the working of the same.	#i^heler's water ^scoop wheel.

85

Second Proposition.

A water-mill with a water scoop wheel of 22 to 24 feet diameter, and raising the
water six feet high, will discharge with the same speed and working power as much water
six feet high as If mill with a scoop-wheel of SO feet diameter, and working 11 to 12
feet high, i. e.3 eight mills will do the work of thirteen.

The shape of the wheel described in this proposition is represented by the lower
wheel in Fig. 5, standing in the water at a proper depth, 1 foot below the water
mark, and showing how the water is discharged. To demonstrate the proposition,
this wheel has been again represented in Fig. 6 with a diameter of 24 feet and with
twelve scoops, where N, P, L, O, represents the water in the wheel; K, its centre
of gravity; P, F, Q, the water mark; and H, L, M, the level of the water inside;
R, Q, the height of the water outside. Now, in order to show that a mill with such
a wheel may raise as much water as If mill with a wheel as represented in Fig. 1, it
must be observed that the weight of the water, which is distributed in Fig. 3 in
eight scoops, must in this Figure be contained in five scoops, which shows the truth
of the proposition ; since, if five scoops of Fig. 6 contain 2 ^ times that weight,
whilst eight scoops in Fig. 3 contain fourteen, twelve scoops raise 6^ such weights.
Thus, as said in the proposition, a water-mill, etc.	%

It is useless here to enlarge on the reasons and proofs, since the centre of gravity
in both wheels is at an equal distance of 2J feet from their centres. All proofs
thereof have been sufficiently laid down in the first proposition, so that the truth of
the one must be inferred from the truth of the other. To avoid repetition, I shall
proceed to the wheels working not higher than 3^ and 2 feet, and show how much
more water the improved water wheels may raise on such occasions than the common
raising wheels, referring to the following.

Third Proposition.

A water mill with scoop-wheel will raise the water with the same speed and working
powder, with greater ease, and in larger quantities, (the water outside being Z\feet higher
than 4he level of the water inside,) than 2\ mills with the common raising wheels of the
same height, i. e., two mills with scoop-wheels will do more ivork than five mills with
common water-raising wheels.

Shape of the scoop-wheel in Fig. 9.

The shape of the wheels, the working of which is described in this proposition, is
represented by Fig. 9 and 10.

Fig. 9 represents the water wheel standing in the water at its proper depth, 1 foot
below the water mark.

Shape of the common water-raising wheel in Fig. 10.

Fig. 10 represents the common raising-wheel standing in the water at its proper
depth, 3 feet below the water mark, with the sill under the wheel and the water
outside before it, each being represented in its proper measure.

These wheels, as represented in Fig. 7 and 8, for the sake of better demonstration,
have been constructed as follows:—

The scoop-wheel from within.

Fig. 7 represents the scoop-wheel from within. Its diameter A, Gr, is 20 feet,
it stands 2 feet deep in water, 1 foot below the water-mark, and the water
inside is 1 foot above the water-mark. O, N, P, Q, in the said wheel, which has
12 scoops, represents the water in the wheel when at work, K is ihe centre of86

WflELER'S WATER-SCOOP WHEEI,.

gravity on which this water may be uniformly raised. M, L, represents the height of
the water outside 3^- feet above the inner water-mark. The outline F is the inner
water mark; and E the level of the outer water.

Shape of the common water-raising wheel.

Fig. 8 shows the working of the common raising wheel within and without the'
trough. Its diameter A, C, or B, D, is 19 feet long. It stands 4 feet in the water,
3 feet below the water mark, the water being 1 foot above the water mark. L, R,
S, H, or L, K, I, H, represent the water raised by the wheel when worked by suffi-
cient power of wind (the sections L, H, R, S, and K, I, being £ of the circle); M, N,
is the height of the outer water, 3-J- feet above the inner water-mark; N, O, P, Q,
is the sill, 3 feet high; F is the level of the inner water; G is the inner water-
mark.

Description of the water-wheel as in the first proposition.

These Figures, made for illustration, are of the same nature as those of the first
proposition, from which it may be inferred that the water raised by the scoop
wheel when in motion Represents the form of P, Q, O, N. It is useless, therefore, to
repeat the same demonstration, since all the proofs about the filling of the scoops, about
the water in the wheel, about the centre of gravity, etc., may be found there. In order,
therefore, to apply the same proof to two similar facts, I shall appeal to the memory
of the reader, and let him judge of the latter by the former, observing here only that
the openings of the scoops in this wheel are f foot deep, and that the centre of gravity
(by which the water in the water wheel, Fig. 7, may be uniformly raised) is situated 2\
feet from the centre, less than in the wheel Fig. 3, since the discharges are greater,
and the traction more even.

Description of the common water-raising wheel as in the first proposition•

After having referred the reader for the description of the scoop-wheel of
Fig. 7 to the scoop wheel of Fig. 3, I [now refer him to Fig. 4, respecting the
centre of gravity and water on the common raising wheel of Fig. 8, to which
I am about to compare the water in the scoop-wheel of Fig. 7, hoping that those
who have understood the preceding descriptions will find this clear, since the section
H, D, in the wheel Fig. 8, is 15 degrees, 81 and H being the lower part of the
water raised (just as C, K, in the wheel Fig. 4, is 15 degrees, and K represents the
lower part of the water raised). The sections H, L, R, S, and K, S, represent 60
degrees each, and form, together with the lines L, E, and H, E, drawn from the centre,
the Figure L, K, I, H, or L, R, S, H, (representing the water on the common raising
wheel, each being £ part of the water raised by the wheel in one revolution), just as
the sections and lines drawn from the centre in Fig. 4 represent the water on the
common raising wheel. Thus the one may be explained by the other, if it is observed
that the form of the water, which is less than the lowest scoop can take hold of, and
the centre of gravity in this our wheel must be less and shorter in proportion than
in the wheel in Fig. 4, on account of its being 2 feet shorter, ^ foot deeper in water,
and of the outer water being 1 \ foot lower.

As for R, K, I, S, representing the water which is discharged in a less quantity
than has been taken up by the paddles, I take it to be \ of L, K, I, H, about •§• foot
wide, L, R, S, H, representing thus the volume of water which may be safely
discharged. Its centre of gravity on which it may be uniformly raised is found by
dividing L, R, S, H, into four equal parts by a section (which is parallel to the
circles of the Figure) and by a straight" line from the centre. This centre of gravity
is situated at the intersection of those lines, as here in T, l-^ foot inside. This
makes E, T,. known to be 81 ^ feet, and the angle Y, E, T, being known to be 45
degrees, the centre of gravity from E to V is found out to be 5-fo feet.whel.ek's wateh-scoop wheel.

87

Having found out those centres of gravity, as well as on what parts of the wheel
the water which is raised must rest, I put my preceding descriptions into the
following order, in order to conclude therewith my proposition —

The 8coop-wheel as compared with the common water-raining wheel.

I.	Since it is known that the centre of gravity of the water on the common raising
wheel is 5t7q- feet, and that of the scoop-wheel 2% feet, it is known likewise that the
scoop-wheel may carry 2\ times as much water or weight than a common raising-
wheel, both weights being equipoised.

II.	The sections L, H, and S, H, being of the circumference, the common
raising-wheel must discharge in one revolution, and with sufficient power of wind,
6 times as much water as is represented by L, H, S, R.

III.	Since the scoop-wheel may contain 2\ times as much weight or water
as the common raising-wheel, both weights being equipoised, and this weight in
the scoop wheel lying in 3^ scoops, (as in 3, 4, 5, and half of 6, the water in 1 and 2
causing no weight,) it follows that the scoop-wheel in one revolution, and from 12
scoops, discharges 8£, whilst the common raising-wheel in one revolution discharges
but 6 ; I therefore conclude my proposition thus:—

Conclusion of the working of the scoop-wheel, as compared to the
common water-raising wheel.

•

I.	It being proved that a mill with a scoop wheel may raise in one revolution
8 J parts^ of water, whilst two and a half mills with common raising-wheels, when in
full action, may raise 15 such parts, and observing, besides, that the scoop-wheel
requires no stronger wind than is required for raising the water, (the same wind
sufficing scarcely to make the common water wheels raise the water, since they
must raise and discharge the inner water on the outer water, with a greater power
than is required for mere raising,) it follows that a scoop-wheel in a mill can, on
such occasions and with such winds, raise more than half the water than 2\ mills with
common raising-wheels, if worked by sufficient power of wind. From this I con-
clude, as set forth in the proposition, that a scoop wheel, etc.

II.	Since by means of the sluice door in the trough, we may raise by the scoop-wheel
as much water as we like, it follows that in calm weather, when the common raising-
wheels cannot prevent the sluices from leaking, the scoop-wheel may still raise much
water. On such occasions, therefore, and with such winds, the proposition stands
good, a scoop-wheel, etc.

III.	It being proved that 2\ mills with common raising-wheels, when in full
operation, raise in 3 revolutions about as much water as one mill with a scoop-wheel
in 5 revolutions, it seems to follow that 2^- mills with common raising-wheels raise
as much water in one revolution as 1| mills with scoop-wheels; yet, observing how
much easier a scoop-wheel may be moved than a common raising-wheel, since the
scoop-wheel in raising water is not obstructed by the outer water, and besides is
free from the defects of increased weight, inherent to common water-raising wheels,
viz.:

Increased pressure on the common raising-wheels.

Raising a greater weight than they discharge, since a portion of the water raised
falls down again ;—

The propelling paddles bearing flat upon the water;—

Every foot of water discharged getting heavier the longer it remains, whilst the
contrary takes place in improved water-wheels;—

The greatest power being required at the extremity of the paddles;—

It follows, that on suoh occasions, and with such winds, the scoop-wheel will make
5 revolutions, whilst the raising-wheel performs but 3. Therefore I conclude as88

wheler's water-scoop wheel.

stated in the proposition, that a water-mill with a scoop-wheel will raise the water
with the same speed and working power, with greater ease, and in larger quantities, (the
water outside being 3^ feet higher than the level of the water inside,) than *2\ mills ivith
the common raising-wheels of the same height, i.e., two mills with scoop-wheels ivill do
more work than Jive mills with common raising wheels.

Fourth Proposition.

A water-mill with a scoop-wheel ivill discharge the water with the same speed and
working power, with greater ease, and in larger quantities (whilst the water outside
is 2 feet higher than the inner water), than 2 mills with the common water-raising
wheels.

Shape of the scoop-wheel in Fig. 13 and of the common raising-wheel in Fig. 14.

These wheels, the working of which is described in this proposition, are represented
in Fig. 13 and 14.

Fig. 13 represents a scoop-wheel standing in water at its proper depth, 1 foot
below the water-mark.

Fig. 14 represents a common water-raising wheel standing in water 3^ feet below
the water-mark; the sill under the wheel, and the outer water before the same, are
represented at their proper measure. These wheels, as illustrated by Fig. 11 and 12,
have been constructed in the following manner:—

The scoop-wheel from within.

Fig. 11 represents the scoop-wheel from within; its diameter A, G, is 18 feet;
it stands 2 feet in the water, 1 foot below the water-mark, the inner water being
1 foot above the water-mark. O, N, P, Q, in this wheel, which hasl2 scoops,
represents the water in the wheel during its revolution ; M, L, is the height of
the outer water, 2 feet above the inner wrater-mark; F, the inner water-mark, and
E, the level of the inner water.

The common water-raising wheel.

Fig. 12 represents the working of the common water-raising wheel within and
without the trough; its diameter A, C, or B, D, is 18 feet long; it stands 4^ feet
deep in water, 3^ feet below the water-mark, and the water is 1 foot above the water
mark. I, K, L, H, represents the water raised by the wheel when in operation,
the sections of which, I, It, H, L, I have taken to be 55 degrees; K, O, is the
height of the outer water, 1 foot above the inner water; P, Q, K, I, the sill, feet
high; F is the level of the inner water; and G, the inner water-mark.

Form of the water in the scoop-wheel.

After having thus explained the Figures of the wheels, I shall refer to the
1st, 2nd, and 3rd propositions as to the proof of O, N, P, Q, representing the water, and
of K, its centre of gravity, being situated 2£ feet from the centre C, and begin with
I, K, L, H, representing the water on the common water-raising wheel and ita
centre of raising power, for comparing to the same the water in the scoop-wheel.

Form of the water in the common water-raising wheel.

The proof of this Figure representing the water or fixed weight as raised and
discharged by the common water raising-wheel when in motion, may be found in all
that has been said about the common water-raising wheels in Fig. 3 and 8.

This common water-raising wheel is moved much easier than the common raising
wheel in Fig. 8, and still more so than the common raising-wheel in Fig. 4, since thewhelek's water-scoop wheel.

89

last paddle requires but little power to discharge the water, the outer water not
being more than 1 foot higher than the inner water. I have, therefore, represented
as much water on the wheel as the lowest paddle can take hold of, as shown by
I, K, L, H. It now remains to find out its centre of gravity, which is done
as follows:—

The sections I, D, and A, N, being known to be each 15 degrees, I, N, 60 degrees,
and I, S, 50 degrees, I divide the volume of water into four equal parts by the
line E, X; and a section drawn from the centre intersects the line at V, which is the
centre, If foot from X, leaving 7£ feet for E, V. The angle V, E, W, is, by what
is said before, known to be 50 degrees, the angle E, Y, W, therefore measures
40 degrees, and the centre of gravity is 4^4 feet from E to W.

Having pointed out these centres of gravity, as well as the parts of the wheels in
and on which the water raised must bear, I put all that has been proved in the
following order, to conclude therefrom the truth of my proposition:—

The scoop-wheel as compared to the common rai&ing-wheeL

I.	Since the centre of gravity of the water in the common raising-wheel is known
to be 441* feet from the centre, and in the water-wheel feet, it is equally known
that the weight in the scoop-wheel may be 2T]T times as great as on the common
raising wheel, both weights being equipoised; and since the weight in the scoop-
wheel lies in 2 scoops, as seen in 2 and 3, it follows that the improved water-wheel,
in one revolution, and from 12 scoops, discharges \2\ volumes of water, whilst the
common raising wheel in one revolution discharges but 6^.

II.	The sections K, I, and L, H, are 55 degrees each, therefore the common
raising-wheel must discharge in one revolution 6A such volumes of water as
I, K, L, H.

Conclusion about the working.

The truth of this proposition is to be deduced from what has been said before.
It being proved that a scoop-wheel in one revolution discharges 12J volumes of water,
whilst 2 common water-raising wheels in one revolution discharge 13 such volumes •
and it being observed that the propelling paddles of the common raising wheels cause
a considerable pressure, and that the scoop-wheel by means of the sluice-gate may
raise wrater in low winds, I conclude, as set forth in my proposition, that a water
mill with a scoop-wheel will discharge the water with the same speed and working potter,
with greater ease, and in larger quantities (1whilst the water outside is 2 feet higher
than the inner water) than 2 mills with the common water-raising wheels.

I herewith have accomplished what I promised in the preface. Now, if I am
asked why I prove one mill with a scoop-wheel to discharge water more easily, and
in greater quantity than three, two and a half, and two with common raisino- wheels,
without specifying the exact quantity, I shall reply that in describing the&working
of the common raising-wheels I endeavour to proceed as safely as possible, and to
convince others, if possible, by clear and intelligible arguments, and therefore I have
only pointed out irrefutable facts, it being very difficult to describe the working of
the common raising-wheels with certainty in consequence of this unsettled state
and of the wind being the counterpoise. Those who from ignorance think that these
scoop-wheels can only be constructed by great mathematical ingenuity may correct
their error in learning the fact that the construction of our improved wheels when
once in use will not require greater skill than is at present required by carpenters
or millwrights for constructing common water-raising wheels, provided the builder
know by experience how to find out the exact proportion of every wheel required
in various mills. To deny this fact would be as absurd as to maintain that it is dark
at noon. Therefore, I shall abstain from giving any further proof thereof, but end
this description of the nature and working of the improved water-raisin a- wheels etc
with the following	0	' *'90

wheleb's water-scoop wheel.

Conclusion.	^

Just,- ingenious reader, as all that is proved by itself needs no further proof, all
that is clear and intelligible by its nature, although it may appear somewhat
obscure at the beginning, requires but little to be proved. This circumstance has
been taken into consideration in describing the wheels, and particularly the improved
water-wheels. For if to be understood they simply require to be shown in them-
selves and their working, they need no further proof than is required for stimulating
memory. Let others find out by their own ingenious searches matter for rejoicing
at the great advantage and benefit derived thereof by our native country.

As for those who judge by slow understanding or careless reading, nothing can
assist them. I did therefore care but little, or not at all, for the approval of such
persons, merely endeavouring to demonstrate my propositions for intelligent readers,
so as to deduct therefrom all circumstances relating thereto, allowing the working of
the wheels (which in proper time shall give better proofs of themselves than I can)
to instruct those who cannot be convinced by arguments.

As seen by the Figures, I have described as much water on the raising-wheels and
also less than the deepest paddles can take hold of, and proved that the water
discharged by the common raising-wheels forms one body with the outer water,
and is forced by a greater power of wind than is required for raising it into the outer
water; but I have not shown or proved that there is more water on the wheels than
the lowest paddle can take hold of (as maintained by some people), as it is impossible
to prove such a proposition, which is against the nature of the wheels. For, if the
propelling paddle near the channel of the trough, before being in deep water took
up more water than it could get at the deep part, this water would again be lost by its
sides. From this circumstance it may be inferred that if the water between the paddles
cannot be higher than at its sides within the channel of the trough, it cannot be raised
higher than the water which is taken up by the paddle in the trough; thus the
common raising wheels cannot discharge more water than the paddles can get at the
bottom, else it ought to be proved that the water may be compressed within the
channel of the trough, between the propelling paddles and at their open sides.

Some of the scoop wheels represented in those Figures have been drawn from
nature, and some have been projected according to requirements, each having
12 scoops, and without limiting ourselves to their precise form or number of scoops.
The scoop-wheels, whether formed differently or provided with more or less scoops,
remain still the same, and have the same proportion as long as we raise and discharge
the water through curves.

I have proved that the water mills with improved water wheels discharge the
water at a greater height and with greater ease than those provided with common
raising wheels, and moved with the. same velocity and with the same working power.
I have purposely not pointed out the volume of water discharged, in order not to
annoy those who do not relish it, or have no knowledge of calculations, thinking,
besides, that those conversant with mathematics may easily make those calculations
for themselves, since the area of the water on the common raising wheels is
known by numbers; and in order to find out its cubic content, I shall here indicate
the width of those common raising wheels, which at present are made and thought
best, viz.: Fig. 2 or 4 = l^foot; Fig. 10 or 8 = 14-foot; and Fig. 14 or 12
= 1foot I shall also mention that the contents of a tun of water is 7\ foot, and
that one foot of water weighs 45 pounds, all being Amsterdam weight and measure.
The volume of the water on the common raising-wheel being once known, it will be
easy to find out likewise the volume of water in the improved water-wheel according
to the given proportions, as shown in the demonstration of each proposition, which, to
conclude, I wish to be read with due judgment and understanding.wheler's water-scoop wheel.

91

LETTERS PATENT.

The States General of the United Netherlands, to all whom it may concern,
greeting.

Be it known, that we have granted, and by these Presents grant, to William
Wheler, English Gentleman, for the next twelve years, the exclusive privilege of
making, practising, and working, and of allowing to be made, practised, and worked,
in these United Provinces and Towns, several of his original Inventions that are
worked: viz., for raising water in great quantities to a moderate height of from three
to six, twelve feet and more. Also for raising mean quantities of water to great
heights; great quantities being raised by hand, horse power, or wind; smaller quan-
tities by hand, horse power, wind, water, or weights. We expressly forbid all inha-
bitants of this country, within the prescribed term of the next twelve years, to make,
or cause the said Inventions to be made, entirely or partly, on a large or small scale,
directly or indirectly, or to import counterfeits into the United Netherlands, for the
purpose of selling or using them without the consent of the said William Wheler
under the penalty of forfeiting all counterfeits, and of a fine of five hundred Carolus
gulden, to be disposed of as follows :—One third for the benefit of the officer who
effects the seizure, one third for the poor, and the remaining third [part for the benefit
of the said William Wheler. Provided that it be a new Invention, not made and
worked by any one else in this country, and provided also that he brings the same
into full practice within one year from the present date, under the penalty of for-
feiting the present Octroys and without prejudice to all preceding general and parti-
cular grants. We, therefore, order and command all justices, officers, magistrates, and
inhabitants of the said United Netherlands, and all those whom it may concern, to
let the said,William Wheeler enjoy and use our present Grant and Octroy to its full
extent and without any hindrance.

Given at the Assembly of the High States General, at the Hague, on the 18th
June 1639.

(Signed) S. V. Haersolte*

Cornells Musch.

Amplification [Certificate of Addition.]

The States General of the United Netherlands, to all whom it may concern
greeting.

Be it known, that we have extended, and do hereby extend, the annexed Octroy,
to the following purport:—Mr. William Wheler, the owner of the said Octroy,
shall, for the same time as mentioned therein, make and cause to be made, practised,
and worked, in the United Netherlands and Towns, certain wooden augers, invented
by him, for boring easily timber of twenty feet thick; as also certain of his Inven-
tions for putting piles in the ground at a depth of eight or ten feet, without applying
thereto the usual sledges, hammers, or pullies; ordering and commanding all inhabi-
tants of the said United Netherlands to conform strictly and literally to the contents
of the annexed Octroy, under the penalties and fines stated therein, all hindrances
and oppositions notwithstanding.

Done at the Assembly of the Illustrious States General, at the Hague, on the
9th August 1639.

(Signed) A, V. Rantwyck.

Cornelis Musch.

I. Prolongation.

The States General of the United Netherlands, to all whom it may concern.

Be it known, that for various good reasons and considerations we have extended
and by these Presents do extend the term of twelve years, mentioned in the annexed
Octroy, granted by us on the 18th June 1639, to William Wheeler, to eighteen years*

i92

wheler's water-scoop wheel.

and the time for working the same to three years, to be included in the said eighteen
years; allowing, moreover, in case the said William Wheeler should die within the
said time, this Octroy to be transmitted to his brother, and allowing also the fines
which are to be paid by parties infringing this Octroy to be increased to one thousand
florins; ordering and commanding all inhabitants of the said United Netherlands to
conform strictly and literally to the contents of the annexed Octroy under the before-
mentioned penalties and fines, all hindrances and objections notwithstanding.

Done at the Assembly of the Illustrious States General, at the Hague, the 30th
December 1639.

(Signed) Wigb. Aldringa.

Cornelis Musch.

II. Prolongation.

The States General of the United Netherlands, haying taken into consideration
the reasons and motives put forth in the petition presented to their Lordships for and
in the name of the partners of the Octroy granted on the 18th June 1639 to
William Wheeler, English Gentleman, also by the subsequent respective Amplifi-
cation and Prolongation of the 9th August and 30th December of the same year, (as
printed here-before,) have agreed, after due deliberation, to prolong by these Presents
for the above-mentioned partners the term of eighteen years respectively granted in
the before-mentioned Octroy and Prolongation to the following eight and twenty
years, to begin from the present date; all this without prejudice to the clauses,
stipulations, and concessions mentioned in the above-mentioned Octroy, Amplifi-
cation, and Prolongation; ordering and commanding all inhabitants of the said
United Netherlands to conform strictly to these Presents, all hindrances and objections
notwithstanding.

Done at the Assembly of the Illustrious States General, at the Hague, on the
15th April 1644.

(Signed) C. V, Bronchorst.

Cornelis Musch.

Extension.

The present Octroy, Amplification, and Prolongations granted by the High and
Mighty Lords, and of which the present are copies, has been extended to Westr
Yrieslandt, on the 25th July 1644.

Extract (attached to last leaf.)

An Octroy of the High and Mighty Lords, the States General of the United
Netherlands, dated 10th May 1645, and the extension to the provinces, granted to
the partners of the water works invented by Mr. William Wheler, allows the said
partners to sell the present treatise:— On the Nature and Working of the Patent
Improved Water-raising Wheels, invented by Mr. William Wheeler, etc., and cause it
to be sold by John Wybrantsz Colck, during the term of his Octroy, forbidding all
others to print this demonstration wholly or partly on a large or small scale, or to have?
it printed or to import it into these Provinces, and sell it without the consent of the
said partners, under the penalty of forfeiting the counterfeit copies, and paying a fine
of 3.00 florins, as may be seen in full in the original Octroy.Description/ o f Invention^.
A.D. 1642. June 24. 5T? 127.
WTIELER & CRUPLEY.

The itnpri Vdi Water riii.sniij trim /

Tlu wu an ore water raisauj wli£fl .

7 roujjh vftfw urcprovexL water raMfinq wfieeJy.

5 SHEETS)
SHEET 1 .

Trouxjhj <jf th <>, ccmrrwTb water nusm/j whael/.

Malby & Sons.Tilth^ -n 00

«s£Description*' o f Invention/.
A D 1642. June 24. N? 127.
WHELER & CRIXPLEY.

3

Saction/ of th& unproved; watej" raising wftcti .

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SHEET 2.

43

m-Description of Iraeritjon.

A.D. 1642. June 24 N9127.

WHELER & CRUPLEY.

5

6

(5 sheets)

sheet 3.

3

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Section/ of th^ ccrwveacetiL wheels

Malby &, Sons.Lithm

"^4



Descriptions of Inventions.
A. I). 1642 . June 24<. K? 127^
WHELER & CRUPLETT.

(5 SHEETS)
SHEETJdescription; of Inventions.
A.D. 1642. June 24. X? 127
WHELER & CRUPLEY.

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03

:.3

m(Act 15 Car. II. cap. xii. A.D. 1663.)

AN EXACT AND TRUE DEFINITION

of the most stupendious

WATER-COMMANDING ENGINE,

invented bt

THE RIGHT HONOURABLE

(and deservedly to be praised and admired)

EDWARD SOMERSET, LORD MARQUESS OF WORCESTER,

AND BY HIS LORDSHIP HIMSELF PRESENTED TO

HIS MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY CHARLES THE SECOND,
OUR MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN.

LONDON:

Reprinted by George E. Etre and William Spottiswoode, Printers to the Queen's most Excellent Majesty.
Published at the Great Seal Patent Office, Southampton Buildings, Chancery Lane.

1858.

KAn exact and true Definition of the most stupendious Water-commanding Engine
invented by the Right Honourable (and deservedly to be praised and admired)
Edward Somerset Lord Marquess of Worcester, and by his Lordship himself
presented to His most Excellent Majesty Charles the Second, our most gracious
Sovereign.

An Act of Parliament thereupon granted, with great applause of both Houses
being through his Majesty's particular favour passed by special Commission to the
Right Honourable the Earl of Clarendon, Lord High Chancellour of England; the
Earl of Southampton, Lord High Treasurer; the Lord Roberts, Lord Privy Seal,
third Officer of the Crown, preceding all Dukes not of the Blood Royal; the Duke
of Albemarle, his Grace, most deservedly by his transcendent merits never to be
forgotten, Lord General of his Majesties Land-forces; the Lord Marquess of Dor-
chester, and the Earl Lynsey, Lord High Chamberlain, by his place preceding all
Earls, both likewise of the Privy Council. They passed the said Act upon the third
of June, 1663, for the more expedition and in testimony of the great consequence
thereof to the King and Kingdom.

His most Excellent Majesty having the tenth part, without deducting of Charges
freely given him by the said Lord Marquess, and there evidently accruing a
considerable Profit and Benefit to every individual Subject of the whole Nation, if he
either have surrounded Marish-ground to drein, or dry Land to improve; Commodities
to sell portable from Town to Town, and through the Countrys to the Towns by Cuts
thus fed by Water ; or if he have (I further say) Mines wherewith to enrich himself
withall, Houses to be served, or Gardens to be beautified by plentiful Fountains
with little charge, yet certain in ever so dry a Summer: and there being indeed no
place but either wanteth water, or is overburdened therewith, and by this Engine
either defect is remediable, that is to say, water necessary to man-kind furnished
with the pleasantness thereof, procured, and the water unnecessary, as easily
rejected.

Thus whole Cities may be kept Clean, Delightful, and Wholesome, needing no other
scavengery then by means thereof to void their dirt, and avoid noisomness, the
Cause of Infection, Sicknesses, and Contagion it self, by Stenches commonly ingen-
dring and fomenting the same.

After the Act of Parliament there is here set down a Latin Elogium & an
English Panegirick, both of them composed through duty and gratitude by an
Antient Servant of his Lordships, presuming to begin the way to the greatest Wits
and Poets to dilate upon so plentiful and admirable a Theam, and so deserving a
person of King and Kingdom, and indeed of all that ever knew him. This Antient
Servant of his Lordships hath for forty years been an eye witness of his great
ingenuity, indefatigable pains, and vast expences in perfecting for publique service,
not onely this most Stupendious Water-commanding Engine, but likewise several other
rare, useful, and never formerly heard of Mathematical Conclusions, of which he
hath owned a Century, and thereunto I refer you, though this alone were enough to
eternalize his name to all Ages and future times.

I think it not amiss to give further notice in his Lordships behalf,* that he intends
within a moneth or two to erect an Office, and to entrust some very responsible and
honourable persons with power to Tr at and Conclude with such as desire at a96

marqtjis of worcester's water-commanding engine.

reasonable rate to reap the benefit of the same Water-commanding Engine, in any
of the aforesaid useful and beneficial operations, whereof his Majesty is to reap the
first fruit, and then the whole Kingdom in general, before his Lordship is reimbursed,
and his reward beginneth; whose laudable inventions Almighty God prosper with
blessings on earth and reward in heaven.

Most gracious Sovereign,

The same individual Definition of my Water-work which I formerly presumed
to put into Your Royal Hands I again adventure to present to your Majesty, praying
Your Belief of it as Your Majesty shall find it true by comparing it with the real
effect, which, if found punctually agreeing, Vouchsafe then not to be apt hereafter to
lend a believing Ear to such persons as Malice causeth to detract from, or Ignorance
to slight, what shall (though never so seemingly strange) be averr d by me, who will
never be convinced of a Falshood in Word or Deed towards Your Sacred Majesty,
before whom I shall ever speak as in the presence of Almighty God, whose Vice-
gerent on Earth I deem You. And to Your Majesties transcentdent Judgment I
submit all, and will presume to subscribe my self,

Sir,

Your Sacred Majesties
Faithfully Devoted and passionately Affected,
Useful if cherished, Subject and Servant,

Worcester.

A Stupendious or a Water-Commanding Engine, boundless for Height or Quantity*
requiring no External nor even Additional help or force to be set or continued in
motion but what intrinsecally is afforded from its own Operation, nor yet the
twentieth part thereof. And the Engine consisteth of the following Particulars:—

1.	A perfect Counterpoise for what Quantity soever of Water.

2.	A perfect Countervail for what Height soever it is to be brought unto.

3.	A Primum Mobile commanding both Height and Quantity Regulator-wise.

4.	A Vicegerent or Countervail supplying the place and performing the full force
of a Man, Wind, Beast, or Mill.

5.	A Helm or Stern, with Bitt and Reins, wherewith any Child may guide, order,
and control the whole Operation.

6.	A particular Magazine for Water, according to the intended Quantity or Height
of Water.

7.	An Aquaduct capable of any intended Quantity or Height of Water.

8.	A place for the Original Fountain, or even River, to run into, and naturally of
its own accord incorporate itself with the rising Water, and at the very bottom of the
same Aquaduct, though never so big or high.

By Divine Providence and Heavenly Inspiration this is my Stupendious Water-
Commanding Engine, boundless for Height and Quantity.

Whosoever is Master of Weight
Is Master of Force;

Whosoever is Master of Water
Is Master of both:

And consequently, to him all Forceable Actions and Atchievments are easie which
are in any wise beneficial to or for Mankind.

Exegi Monunientum aere perennius,

Regalique situ Pyramidum altius;

Quod non imber edax, non Aquilo impotens,

Possit diruere, aut innumerabilis.—Horace.

Annorum series, & fuga temporum :

• Non omnis moriar, multaque pars mei
Vitabit Libitinam,

dum stabit Anglia Capitolium.marquis or Worcester's water-commanding engine.

97

Reader, observe, This tells us how to keep
Our morning Thoughts awake while others sleep ;

'Tis Art and Nature's product, scan'd by some;

Judge of it by th' Effects, then give your doom.

To God alone be all Praise, Honour, and Glory, for ever and ever. Amen.

Worcester.

An Act to enable Edward Marquess of Worcester to Receive the Benefit and
Profit of a Water-commanding Engine, by him Invented; One Tenth part
whereof is appropriated for the Benefit of the King's Majesty, His Heirs
and Successors. [15 Car. II. cap. xii. a.d. 1663.]

Whereas The Right Honourable Edward Marquess of Worcester hath affirmed
to the King s most Excellent Majesty, That he hath by long and indefatigable pains
and study, and with great and vast expences, invented and found out a Secret in
Nature, never heretofore discovered, being a Water Commanding Engine, of greater
force and advantage then hitherto hath been known; and being no Pump or Force now
in use, nor working by any Suckers, Barrels, or Bellows heretofore used for the raising
and conveying of Water: Which said Engine will yield very great benefit and
advantage to the Common- Wealth, by draining of all sorts of Mines, Marish, Oazie,
or Overflown Grounds, by furnishing of Rivers and Cutts with water, to make them
navigable and Portable from Town to Town, by improving of Lands wanting water,
by the supplying and bringing in of water into the City of London or into any other
places; and by divers other ways and means whereby great Encouragement will be
given to the People of this Nation to undertake to work rich Mines, to drain, and
gain in many Marish, Oazie, and surrounded Grounds, which hitherto they have
been deterred to endeavour the improvement of, by reason of the vast sums of
money which must be necessarily expended by the draining and conveying away the
water out of the same: And whereas the said Edward Marquess of Worcester is
willing and contented to setle a tenth part of the accruing benefit thereof upon his
Majesty, His Heirs and Successors, for the term of years after in this Act mentioned.
To the end therefore that the said Edward Marquess of Worcester may have and enjoy
the full and particular benefit and profit of this his new Invention, with a Prohibition
to all others to make use thereof for ninety and nine years : May it therefore please
the King's most Excellent Majesty, That it may be enacted; And be it enacted by
the King's most Excellent Majesty, by and with the Advice and Consent of the
Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the Commons, in this present Parliament
Assembled, and by the Authority thereof, That it shall and may be lawful to and
for the said Edward Marquess of Worcester, His Executors and Assigns, from time
to time, and at all times hereafter during the said ninety and nine years, to have,
receive, take, and enjoy, to his and their own proper use and uses, the Profit,
Benefit, and Advantage which shall any ways arise, happen or accrue by means or
reason of the aforesaid Engine and new Invention : And be it also Enacted by the
Authority aforesaid, That one full tenth part of the accruing Benefit thereof (without
deduction or abatement for or by reason of any Charges or Expenses whatsoever)
shall be paid and answered, and accounted for by the said Edward Marquess of
Worcester, his Executors, Administrators, and assigns, for His Majesty, His Heirs
and Successors, into His Majesties publick receipt of Exchequer yearly, and every
year at the Feasts of Saint Michael the Arch-angel and the Annunciation of the
Blessed Virgin Mary, during the said Term of Ninety-nine years, the first payment
to be made at the Feast of Saint Michael the Arch-angel, which shall be in the year
of our Lord God One thousand six hundred sixty and three: And be it further
Enacted by the Authority aforesaid, that if any Person or Persons whatsoever
w thin his Majesties Kingdom of England, et Dominion of Wales, and Town of
Berwick-upon-Tweed, and the Dominions and Territories thereunto belonging, do, or
shall at any time hereafter, during the said term, Counterfeit, Imitate, put in
practice, or ercct the said Water-commanding Engine (without the consent and98

marquis of Worcester's water-commanding enginit.

Licence first had and obtained in writing from the said Edward Marquess of
Worcester, or his Assignes), That it shall and may be lawful to and for the said
Edward Marquess of Worcester, or his Assignes, with his or their agents or Workmen,
by a Warrant from the Lord Chief Justice or from any two Justices of Peace
within the respective County or Liberty where such search shall be made, and
assisted by the Constable or Constables neer adjacent, to enter into or upon the said
place or places where the said Work or Engine shall be made or erected : And upon
discovery of any such Engine, to proceed against the said Person or Persons by
Action, Information, or Indictment; and after conviction thereof in due course of
Law in any Assizes or publique Sessions of the Peace, or any of the Courts at
Westminster, or any other His Majesties Courts of Record in any City, Burrough, or
Town Corporate, or in any Stanary Court, or Jurisdiction of Lead Mines; Then
such Engines to be forfeited, and seized to and for the use of the said Edward
Marquess of Worcester, his Executors, Administrators, and Assignes respectively:
And further, that the said Actor or Actors, Contriver or Contrivers thereof, and
every of them, shall lose and forfeit Five pounds of lawful Money of England an
Hour for every Hour he or they shall be Convicted, by one or more credible
Witnesses upon Oath, to use the same, after such Conviction, without the consent
and Licence of the said Edward Marquess of Worcester, or his Assignes, first had
and obtained in manner as aforesaid; the same to be recovered in the name of the
said Edward Marquess of Worcester, his Executors or Assignes, at the Common
Law by any Action or Actions to be grounded upon this Statute; The same
Action and Actions to be heard and determined in any of his Majesties Courts
of Record, in which Suit no Essoign, Protection, or Wager of Law shall be allowed;
one third part whereof shall be to the King's most Excellent Majesty, one other
third part to the Informer or Discoverer, and the other third part to the said
Marquess of Worcester, his Executors and Assignes: Provided always, and it is
hereby Declared, That this Act or any thing therein contained shall not prejudice
any other Water-work or Engine now known and used, nor any Person or Persons
who before the making of this present Act have obtained any Letters Patents from
his Majesty for the sole makeing and useing of any new Engine for the carriage of
Water; But that the said other Water-work, and the said Letters Patents, shall be
and remain of the same force and effect as if this Act had never been had or made,
anything herein contained to the contrary notwithstanding: Provided always, that
nothing in this Act contained shall be construed or taken to prejudice or hinder any
Person or Persons from making or using any Engine, Device, or Invention for ther
raising and carriage of Water other than the Engine in Act mentioned; And that
a Model thereof be delivered by the said Marquess, or his Assignes, to the Lord
Treasurer or Commissioners for the Treasury for the time being, at or before the
Nine and Twentieth day of September, One thousand six hundred sixty-three;
And be by him or them then put into the Exchequer, and kept there.

Copia vera.

Jo. Brown, Cleric.,

Parliament.

In admirandam magis quam imitandam, aut ullis Encomiis satis praedicandam,

Illustrissimi Domini Marchionis Vigornias Machinam Hydraulicam Elogium.

Barbara Pyramidum sileat miracula Memphis,

Assiduus jactet nec Babylona labor.4—Horat.

Siste viator, depone farcinam, & dum reficis membra
Lahore languida, pasce mentem novitatis avidam;

Perpende gyganteam hanc mole, aeterni motus aemulam,

Naturae & Artis compaginem, Cceli Solique stuporem.

Pondera ponderibus librata hie ^Ethera scandunt,

Et redeunt proprias mox subitura vices.

Mens praegnans agitata Deo, nunc prasstat in Orbe,

Quae nec stellifero sunt tribuenda Polo.marquis of worcester's water-commanding engine.

99

Taceat Rhodus, facessat Ephesus, et quicquid fabulosa
Praedicat antiquitas; illic laudanda Artificis industria,
Hie admiranda mentis sublimitas celebranda venit.
Cui impares fuere tot seculis retroactis omnes Graeci,
Et Romani, humano conatu, id praestitit nostra
-ZEtate unus Cambrobritannus, Divino affiatu :

Soli Deo Gloria.

Martis & Imperii Palmam fert Roma perennem;

Artis & Ingenii Cambria culmen habet.

.... Pauci, quos aequus amavit
Jupiter, ant ardens evexit ad sethera virtus,
Hoc potuere....

Jacobus Rollocus,

Scoto-Belga-Britannus.

A Panegyrick to the Right Honourable Edward Lord Marquess of Worcester,
upon his stupendious and never-sufficiently-commended Water-work.

I know mean subjects need a skilful pen
•	To stretch their worth on tenter-hooks ; but when

A Theam falls out so pregnant, who can chuse
But strain his vulgar Wit to prove a Muse ?

Come, fainting Pilgrim, lay here down thy Pack,

And, while thou rests thy wearied limbs, look back
Upon this Pageant, th' Emblem of his mind,

Whose Art and skill hath this our Age refin'd.

Here little David curbs the Gyant's brood,

Small drops of Rain contend with Noah's Flood;

One weighs a thousand coming down apace,

Weighs but himself when he hath run his race.

The Heavens admire, the Centre stands amazed,

To see such Streams by so small Forces rais'd,

Great is the work, but greater is the Fame
Of that great Peer who did invent the same.

What force or Strength can do is in his reach,

His long Experience, Cost, and Charges teach ;

What Greeks nor Romans e're could do this day
Our Noble Britain here hath found the way.

If Ages past had bred you, we had seen

Your Glories current run a bigger stream;

But Art and Envy meeting face to face,

Like France and Spain, dispute who shall take place.

None but ignoble Minds love to detract
From th' Honour due to such a noble Act;

On then, that after ages may relate
Your Service done to Country, King, and State.

And though that envious spirits spit their gall
Your noble Deeds are so well known to all,

As if their malice should take from your praise,

Your own deserts will crown your head with Bays.

By your Lordships

most humble and faithful Servant,

James Rollock..Ll 2 C

The Invention described in the following Treatise was the subject of Letters
Patent, No. 347, dated 10th January 1696.)

NAVIGATION IMPROVED:

OR,

THE ART OF ROWING SHIPS OF ALL RATES,

IN CALMS,

WITH A MORE EASY, SWIFT, AND STEADY MOTION THAN

OARS CAN.

ALSO,

A DESCRIPTION OF THE ENGINE

THAT PERFORMS IT ;

And the Author's Answer to all Mr. Dummer's Objections that have been made

against it.

Magna est Veritas 4* pravalebit*

BY THO. SAVERY, GENT.

LONDON:

Printed and Sold by James Moxon, at the Atlas.
in Warwick Lane. 1698.

LONDON:

Reprinted by George E. Eyre and William Spottiswoode, Printers to the Queen's most Excellent Majesty.
Published at the Great Seal Patent Office, Southampton Buildings, Chancery Lane,

1858.

L,Navigation Improved, or the Art of Rowing Ships of all Rates, in Calms, with a
more Easy, Swift, and Steady Motion than Oars can; also, a Description of
the Engine that performs it, and the Author s Answer to all Mr. Dummer's
Objections that have been made against it.

The Dedication to all the Masters of the Art of Navigation.
Gentlemen,

The chief Strength and Security of the Nation, as well as the Wealth and
Riches of it, depending, under God, and our good King, on your Integrity, Courage,
and Conduct, I have no reason to suspect Men of your Honesty and Bravery will Suffer
your Judgments to be byass'd or prejudiced against me in favour of my Adversaries,
who, I think, without much ground, opposed the making my Engine useful to
the Navy of England, as I design'd it, for no other reason that I know of than that
it is not their own Contrivance: And therefore as an English Man, and a Lover of
my Country, I humbly submit the Justice of my Cause, and what I here say in my
Defence, to your Judgment and Candor; and am,

Your humble Servant,

T. S.

to the reader.

Kind Reader, if you give your self the trouble to look into this small Treatise, pray
read it through, and you tvill find my Reputation being concern d (a thing upon which
my Welfare doth depend) I am necessitated to write it, For after I had troubled my
Thoughts and racltd my Brains to find out that ichich a great many have spent several
years in vain in the pursuit of tohen I had brought it to a Draught on Paper, and
found it approved by those commonly reputed Ingenious, and receiving Applause, with
promises of great Reward from Courts if the thing icould answer the End for which I pro-
posed it, after I had, with great Charge and several Experiments, brought it to do beyond
what I ever promised or expected my self at last one Marts Humour, and no more than
a Humour, totally obstructed the use of my Engine, to the great Disservice of both King
and Country, and my no small loss; But its the nature of some Men to decry all Inven-
tions, how serviceable soever to the Publick, that are not the Product of their own Brains.
I hope, therefore, you will think me excusable if I endeavour to satisfy the World that
I do understand something of the Business I pretend to, and if by the means of it,
Mankind receives any Advantage, I shall think myself very happy, for the promoting
the common good of every body hath always been my chief Delight, and certainly
nothing contributes more to it than the Improvements made by the Mechanicks, for that
Noble Machine called a Ship is no more than a Mechanick Engine, which, from the time
of its first Invention, has admitted of such Improvements that its use is now prodigious.
' Tis Ships are our best Defence against our Enemies, and His Ships bring us in the
Wealth of our Friends. The Grist-Mill, which finds us Bread, is a Mechanick Engine
also.

The Spinning-Wheel, Loomb, and Fulling Mill which cloath us, the Paper Mill
and Printing Press, which have their Uses too, with some others that I could name, are
all the Products of the Mechanicks. And indeed, there are few Benefits we enjoy, if

l 2104

savery's art of rowing ships.

reasonably considered, but are the Product of Project, or the Invention of the Industrious,
whom, the Ancients Adored and Deified, as the Authors of their Happiness, when they
contrived anything that was for the Publick good. Thus Ceres was made a Goddess, for
teaching the People the way to Plough and make Bread; and Bacchus teas made a God
for informing the World how to make Wine. History is full of instances of this hind,
and of the various Honours they did their Benefactors; but this, alas> at present is so
much, neglected and despised in our Country, and so little encouragement given to the
Ingenious that 'tis to be feared Arts will decay, and be quite lost in time in England,
which will as certainly bring Poverty as Clouds and dark Weather bring Rain, for all
Countries, as they have either lost their Arts, which many have done, or those Countries
which have been ahoays ignorant at this day remain poor and impotent through the
whole Universe. 'Tis a great deal of pity that this should be our case, and I believe for
so small a space and tract of Land as our Island contains no Country in the World
abounds with Men of more ingenious Spirits than we do, But I am sorroy to say it of
so Heroick a People, That in some things they are very effeminate, there being few to be
found that will any more speak well or approve of what another has done, the? never so
deserving, than any Female will allow another of her Sex to pass for a Beauty, because
'tis not in the nature of Women to see or acknowledge good Features in any bodies Face
but their own, And this, on my conscience, is my case, for I can never persuade my self
that any Man, tho* but of common Understanding, can satisfie himself with such weak
Objections as you will find entered against my Engine, and more than suspect there is
something of this sordid barbarous temper in it. But after all, Courteous Reader, I shall
court you to no Partiality on my side, but leave you at your liberty to judge of me and
my performance, as in justice you shall think fit, or as you toould have another judge of
you, or any Invention of yours, or if it were your own Case; for my part all that I
desire is, That the World would act Honestly and upon the Square with me; and
that the Gentleman with irhom I am concerned tvould give me some better Arguments to
overthrow the Use of my Engine than hitherto have been produced. 'Tis not my fondness
of own Bratt only makes me think so, but the Opinion of several very judicious Persons here
in Town confirm me in my Notion, That the Objections are really no Objections at all, and
'tis the judgment of others more than any conceit of my own which encouraged me to
stand a Publick Tryal, which nothing else could have given me confidence enough to do.

NAVIGATION IMPROV'D, &c.

About March 94, I, considering with myself how much it was every Man's Duty
to assist his King and Country to the utmost of his Power, according to his Genius,
especially in a time of War, I grew very uneasy, till such time as Providence had
directed me in this Matter. After I had employed my Thoughts some time, I con-
cluded that the chief Strength of England lay in the Fleet, and that could we make
any Improvement on Shipping, so as to give them Motion, when the Enemy could give
theirs none, as in Calms, which generally happen in Fights, and at other times very
often in the Summer, if such Discovery could be made before the Enemy, the use of it
would be very Extraordinary. Upon which I nicely considered the Nature of Oars,
after which I contrived an Engine more useful, and applicable to Ships. Which
Engine and Oar are thus compared to each other.

The Figure of an Oar for a Ship.

.A

Now, suppose the Oar at A on the Side of the Ship B being in a Man's Hand, and
C to take hold of the Water: From B to A is but half as long as from A to C ; so
that when the Oar is mov'd at B it moveth twice as far at C at the same time,
tho' but with half the Strength; for one Man at C would pull as much as two atsavery's art of rowing ships.

105

J3, so that the Oar is nothing more than the Leaver reversed. Which is an Instrument
us'd by all manner of People for the Kemoving great Weights, and is a very pretty
Instrument for weighing; for with one Pound you may weigh ten, twenty, or hundred,
as you may see good, as by the following Draught,

£0

Which is a thing so commonly us'd by all sorts of Traders who buy and sell by
Weight,"that it needs no further Explanation, than that A is the Center of Gravity,
and from thence to A B is 20 times as long as from A to C; so that altho' D be
20 times as heavy as B, yet they hang even; for should they incline one way or
t'other, B must move 20 times the space of D, as in this Figure.

B

DC

Where you find that B is removed twenty times the space of the C in the Leaver,
and in the Oar B is removed twice as far as C, by which means B goes twice as fast,
and takes more hold of the Water than otherwise it would; and were it longer from
A to B, it would still have a greater Sweep; and provided you have Force enough at
C, 'twould still be more useful. But the reason why Oars for Ships are not made
four times as long without Board as within, is, that then their Bigness would make
them unhandy: And you could not apply Force enough at C to work them, without
some Help more than barely Men's Hands. This is plainly seen by our tWherryes9
whose Oars are four times as long without Board as within, and very few are ignorant
of the Swiftness of their Motion; and I hope to prove very plainly, That the Engine
I have contrived is exactly the Proportion of Wherryes Oars, both in Force and Swiftness*
and more useful than Oars of that Proportion, were they practicable, and could be
.apply'd to a Ship. For every body that ever saw Bowing knows that there is as
much time and labour spent in taking their Stroak with an Oar, which is no help to
the Vessel's Motion, as in making that Stroak, which is the Occasion of the Motion;
whereas the Work of this Engine is one continued Stroak, with the same Purchase or
Power in the Water as Oars have, that are four times the Length without Boards as
within; so that of Course the motion of the Ship (moved by this Engine) must, with
the same number of Men, be much swifter than with Oars, and I hope to prove near
twice as swift when Under-way. But first it will be convenient to give you a Draught
of the Engine.

Now, the Bars in the Capstand moving one Foot, the Paddles move four, which is
exact in Proportion to the Oars of Wherryes; for as much as the Blade of such an
Oar moves four foot for the Oar's moving one, and one pound weight on the Blade
shall weigh four on the Loom,. So that one pound on the End of the Paddles wiJA106

sayery's art of rowing ships.

weigh four on the Capstand Bars, and no more; and a Man at D stepping three foot,
makes L go twelve; .as does a*Man at the Loom of a Wherry's Oar, moving three foot*
makes the Blade go twelve. So that all you have to do, is to make Paddles propor-
tionally large to the number of Men you can bring to work at your Capstand, so as
the Men do not tire themselves by working too fast or too slow.

Now, suppose thirty Men at work with Wherry's Oars, each Stroak being three foot
long within Board, and twelve without; I hope one Step of thirty Men at our Cap-
stand Bars must need do the same thing, and while they recover their Oars thirty
Men at the Bars make another step with the same success; whereas the Oars in the
mean time do nothing but what rather hinders than farthers the motion of the Ship,
Galley, &c., I mean recovering the Stroak. So that I think it is very plain, That we
have two Stroaks to one, with the same Purchase, Strength, Force, and Swiftness, by
which the Ship or Gaily must of consequence make much fresher way than by any Oars,
or any thing else, but Sails and a Gale of Wind that can be us'd. And it is common by
Long-Boats, 8fc., to Tow Ships even of the greatest Burthen. Now, the Gentlemen that
were on the Brest Expedition, with My Lord Carmarthen, must know how useful this
Engine would have been, for had they had them on Board each Ship they might have
row'd themselves where they had pleased; and if occasion had requir'd it, they
might in each Ship have employ'd above a hundred and twenty Men in rowing at the
Capstand, which must needs have given the Ships better way, than by Towing with
six Boats a Head, which do all by Jerks ; for when the Hawser, by which the Tow is
made, is extended, it gives a sudden Pull to the Ship, which not only deadens the
Boafs Way, but by that time the Boat or Boats have gotten fresh way again, the Ship
has almost lost her Motion, and so gives another Tug, which common Experience shows
to be but of small use in Water, and next akin to a Blow on Water, which the harder
it is struck the less the thing that strikes it penetrates ; which is plainly seen by a
Cannon Ball, which being easily let fall into the Water sinks, but being shot into it
with great Violence rebounds as from a Mountain of Brass. By which it is plain,
That a solid steady Motion, and such as shall give the Particles of the Water time to
shift places, and • make room for what is to pass through it, is the only agreeable
Motion to Water; and in this we excel Oars in Boats very much, for their very Work
goes by Ticks. Nay, in short, even Sailing itself is not so steddy a Motion as that which
is made by this Engine, except it be in a very steddy Gale indeed. But the impelling
Force of a Gale, of Wind being generally so far superior to Men's strength, I dare
make no Comparison ; but only where the impelling Force by Men, and that by a very
easy Gale, is equal; tho' this Engine would be a great Help to a small Breeze, and will
in Still Weather force a Ship either backward or forward at pleasure, without Towing
the Ship, steering as well one way as the other, which is of great use to get out of a
Harbour, narrow Channel, or River ; so that the usefulness of this Engine for Packet
Boats, Bomb Vessels by Night or Day, or such other Ships as it is applicable to, seems
very considerable; which made me get a Friend to give Mr. Secretary Trenchard an
Account of it, which he desired in Writing3; and I gave him as follows :—

A short Account of the Use of the Engine given to Secretary Trenchard.

The Engine is so contrived, that being fix'd to any Ship, Boat, or Bark, &c.,
in a Calm, it will occasion the Ship to make fresher way than Oars, and near as fast as
an ordinary Gale, when all the Sails can be us'd, which will be very useful to the
Royal Navy. For,

First, The Charge is but small.

Secondly, It does not lie in the Sailor's way in any sort of Business, either in
handing their Sails, Guns, or otherwise, but takes up much less room than Oars, and
is easily stowed so as no way to incommode the Vessel in a Storm, or the like.

Thirdly, The work of this Engine is as Natural to the Sailers as any other part of
their Business.

Fourthly, Whereas Oars take up that space on each side of ^he Vessel that they
require some twenty, thirty, or forty Foot of each side to pass between other Ships;
now this doth not take up above two, three, or four foot of a side.savery's art of rowing ships.

107

Fifthly, this Engine must be very useful in Yachts, Bomb-Boats, Sloops, &c., and of
extraordinary use in Fights to tow off disabled Ships.

Sixthly, it is so contriv'd, that nothing but a Chance Shot can prejudice it, the
Rolling of a common Sea not being able to annoy it.

A few Days after the Secretary told me that the King had seen my Proposals, and
that I need not fear, for that the King had promis'd me a very considerable Reward,
and that I must go to the Lords of the Admiralty to put it in practice, but that first
I must make a Model of it in a Wherry, which I did, and I found it to answer my
Expectations. Then I shew'd a Draught of it to the Lords of the Admiralty, who all
seem'd to like it, and one amongst them was pleased to say, that it was the best
Proposal of its kind he ever saw; so I was referred from them to the Commissioners
of the Navy, who all seem'd to like it, but told me, that the Model must be survey'd by
Mr. D . . . . the Surveyor of the Navy, whose Opinion I ask'd, but he was very
reserv'd, and said, that a Wherry was too small a thing to shew it in, there being no
working at a Capstand in a Jfherry, but he told me it was a thing of Moment and
requir'd some time to consider on, for should 1, said he, give a rash Judgment against
it, I should injure you, or for it the charge of putting it in Practice must prove a loss to
the King, and indanger my Employ ; but if you will (says he) give me a Draught of the
several sizes of the Engine I will give you a Draught of the half breadths of the several
Rates to proportion them by.

The Week following one Mr. Fuser, Under-Surveyor of the Navy, came to me from
him, with Draughts of the several half breadths, which I immediately returned with
Draughts of the Size of each Engine, after which Mr. D . . . . would never discourse
me or let me know one word of his Opinion, but four Months afterwards sent a Report
of it to the Lords of the Admiralty, which I was prepared to answer as follow, but
was refus'd by their Lordships.

Mr. D . . .'s Objections answered, which I desire the Reader to take particulat

notice of

Object, the first. That it is the same sort of Engine that was used in the year 1682,
at Chatham, for the Towing of Ships, the charge of which proved a loss to the Crown.

Ans. I have heard that an Engine with two Wheels in the Water, on each side the
Vessel, was used for the Towing of Ships ; but to shew, with submission, that every Like
is not the Same, I humbly beg Your Lordships to consider, that this Engine was not
to be taken in Pieces on all occasions as mine is, neither was the Capstand*or what
was used as I would the Capstand of a Ship, fit for any other use. Whereas, by my
Contrivance, the Capstand loses no part of its other qualities; and I am inform'd by
very Ingenious Men, That this differs from that in all its Parts.

Object, the second. I am said to overlook former Experiments, and not to give one
solid Argument.

Answ. I don t see how it was possible for me to offer a solid Argument to Mr. D ..
who never would hear me, tho' I desired him for near four Months, that I might
know what he had to object; or if he met with any Difficulties, I did not question
but to make them easy, which he still denied me, telling me, That he was throughly
Master of the Thing.

Object, the third. That I assert it useful for Ships from two to twenty-two foot
Draught of Water ; whereas the tow vessel in 82 drew but four and a half Water the
Outside.

Ans. It is true; but I never said, that it was as easy to force a Ship of twenty-two
foot Draught of Water through the Water-as one of two. But I know very well, that
if two foot can by a small force be moved through the Water, that twenty-two may,
with a proportionable Strength, be also moved. But if you cannot bring so great a
Strength proportionable to a Ship's Capstand of twenty-two foot, the Motion will be
only so much the slower; and tho' the Tow Vessel in 82 drew but four foot and a half
Water, they towed the greatest Ships by the help of four, six, or eight Horses. Be
pleas'd to note, That an ordinary Horse is not found to have the Strength of six
common Sailors, so that forty-six Men will do the work of eight Horses; whereas I108

saveey's aet of sowing ships.

can bring a hundred fourty-six Men to work on this Engine, which is not to Tow by
Jerks, but move the Ship with a steddy and strong Motion, more agreeing to that
Element than any other Motion whatsoever.

Object, the fourth. The Work by Resistance is too great for Horse or Man.

Answ. If the Objection be true, it is the first thing of its kind that could not be
wrought by Man or Horse, and I believe no Man of Experience will be of Mr. D . . « 's
Mind in this Matter.

Object, the fifth. That I have not consider d the Moving equal Bodies gradatim, /ram
two to twenty-two foot, besides accidents in Elements, which I should have consider d by
proper Calculations, and not light and frivolous Instances.

Answ. This in my Second Answer is sufficiently spoken of, and I hope the Judicious
Reader is satisfy'd to the contrary of this Objection.

Object, the sixth. Every Body that hath gravity is not to be removed locally, but by like
Body which is superior in Weighty or by some Body, with addition of purchase artificially
placd, as Leaver, Pullies, Capstand, &c., answerable to the Body to be removed.

Answ. How two Bodies alike in Gravity can be one heavier than the other I am

a stranger, and should I have said--------------; but to what is said of purchase,

artificially placed, as Leaver, Pulley, Capstand, &c., answerable to the Body to be
removed, I am ready, by Mathematical Demonstration to, to justify this Engine to
be no more than Leaver, and as much also artificially placed, with full Power and
Purchase.

Object, the seventh. Whereas the superincombency of Water is always equal in weight
to the Body subsiding in it; for nothing lighter will sink nor heavier sivim, but being
equal subsides by a just decision of Nature. This toeight in the whole Body of a Ship,
whatever it be, is to be removed ; but its real and abstracted weight, I confess, is much
abated in communion ivith that Element, and may make the true weight, which must lye
on the Purchase or Force of such like Engine, somewhat difficult to be punctually known ;
but in tke room thereof ice may venture to say, That the weight of Air gently filling all
the Sails, and making the Body move a space a little more than is just perceivable, is
superior and not to be removed by this Engine, occupied by all Men sailing in the
$aid Ship.

Answ. That the superincombency of Water is equal in weight to the Body sub-
siding in it is undeniable, and of use to be known for the sinking of mighty hollow
Bodies in the Water, or by large hollow Bodies to bouge up any thing sunk; for if you
know their weight you may the better by this means proportion your Work. But I
cannot perceive what relation this has to Rowing. I have seen one Horse pull an
hundred Tuns through the Water the length of three Miles in an hour; but by the
art of Man this Horse could not have made the Ship sink or rise three foot in the
time. Now 'tis said, That this Weight, what ever it be, must be removed, which a
Man's Hand will do in a wet Dock by the largest Ship that ever was built, provided
the Water in the Dock, nor the Air above it, have no perceivable Motion, and the
Hausers loose enough to give the Ship leave to move; and this Motion shall be
perceivable, tho' I own very slow. But 146 Men having 146 times the strength, will
make the Motion increase to a far greater Swiftness, having continued Purchase,
which all Wheels of this Engine have. But it is affirmed positively, That if there is
as much Wind as will but just occasion a perceivable Motion in the Ship, it will be too
strong for all the Men in the Ship to resist. Now certainly a Ship in still Water has
been found by all that have made their Remarks to be as inclinable to go a Head as
a Stern, and that the strength of one Man (as I said before) can occasion it either
way; and I think it absolutely impossible that a Ship's Crew of as many Men as are
but in the smallest Bates should not have more strength than one man. I am satisfied
that none but madmen ever attempted to R-ow against the Wind with all theii* Sails
spread if there were a possibility of furling them. And tho' it be difficult to know
exactly what way a Vessel will make in a Tydes way, yet a little experience will
teach us that without all doubt, as exactly as sailing, or the present way of Bowing a
Barge, or the like.

Object, the eighth, Nevertheless, when Abatements shall be made for infinite Acci-
dents by Winds, Tryes, Roughness of the Sea, Misunderstandings in the Working part,savery's art of rowing ships.

109

Unevenness and Uncertainty of Men s Strength, Dislocation, Frictions, and oflier unfor-
tunate Incumbrances such Clock-work under the weight of Ships in the Sea will ever he
lyable to, this Proposition, in our Opinion, can never, by any known Sailor or other
intelligent Man, be thought practicable at Sea.

Answ. In Winds and Rough Seas there is no occasion for this Engine, for the Sails
will occasion Motion enough. Misunderstanding in the Working Part may happen if
a Horse in a Mill can go out this way, but not else. Unevenness and uncertainty in
Men's Strength may as well obstruct all the work the Sailors have to do. Disloca-
tions, &c., my Work-man shall prevent, or have nothing for his Labour. And I never
offer'd that this Mill-work (which is call'd Clock-ivork) should support the weight of
Ships in the Sea; for since I began this Design I have shewn the Draught to several
Sailers, as well as other Intelligent Gentlemen, which I am sure in number are above
two hundred, but have not met with any one that could make any reasonable Objec-
tion but what I soon gave them full Satisfaction about. Now I humbly offer, That
if my Affirmatives can be esteem'd in ballance with these Contradictions, That this
Engine may be put in Practice but on one Ship, the Charge of which will not exceed
707., the hazard of which sum is very inconsiderable weigh'd against the Advantage
this Engine may be to the King's Service.

When I found the Lords of the Admiralty so much altered, that from commending
the thing they would not hear one word in its defence, I made bold to ask the
Opinion of the greatest Engineer in the Christian World, viz., Sir Martin Beckman,
who told me that the thing was good, and would answer my Proposal; and withall
said, that His Majesty understood those things as well as any Engineer in the World
Upon which I made my humble Request to a most Noble Lord, who shew'd a Draught
of it to the King, who being at that time very busy, ordered me again to the
Admiralty, who never ordered me in before them; but after waiting 2 or 3 Days,
the Door-Keeper told me that my Business lay before the Navy. Upon which, the
next Day, I desired a Friend of mine to go with me to the Navy Office ; that he, being
a Man of Extraordinary Judgment, and no less Reputation, might be an Evidence of
what Discourse might happen; but coming to the Navy Office we found the Board
was rose. However, in the Hall I found Mr. D .... I as'd him, Whether any thing
was come before the Board concerning my Business ? No, said he, not since the Objec-
tions sent to the Lords of the Admiralty; on which, he could not but fall into an
Argument.

I asked him some Questions in relation to his Objections, and in a very little time
we had a great puther about superambient Air and Water. I found that my sailer
run himself fast aground, as Men commonly do when out of their Knowledge. This,
indeed, made me pity him again, altho' I was willing to come to the plain truth of
the matter, and asked him, Whether or no he could not bring 150 men to work at
this Engine? He answered, Yes. Then, said T, Will they not have as much power
to give a Ship motion as 150 Men would have on Shore at a Hawser fastened to the
Ship ? This he likewise answered in the affirmative. Then, said I, it will do more
than Oars, or any thing but a Gale of Wind, and fully answrer my Proposals. Well,
said he with a Smile, and putting off his Hat, as taking leave, we are all Submission to
the Lords of the Admiralty, and so went off. Not long after a Friend of mine met a
Commissioner of the Navy, and my Friend, being perfectly acquainted with my
Contrivance, asked the Commissioner, Why it was not put in use by them ? The
Gentleman offered several Objections, which were by sound reason so fully answered
by my Friend, That he had only this Hole to creep out at: Sir, said he, have we not a
Parcel of Ingenious Gentlemen at the Board f Yes, said my Friend, I hope so, or 500/.
per Annum is paid them to a fine purpose. Is not Mr. D . . . . (says the Commis-
sioner) one of them, and an ingenious Man ? I hope so, continued my friend. Then,
said he, What have interloping People, that have no concern with us, to do to pretend to
contrive or invent things for us ?

So, Reader, here you may see what to trust to, tho' you have found out an
Improvement as great to Shipping as turning to Windward or the Compass; unless you
can sit round the Green-Table in Crutched Friars, your Invention is damned of course.110

savery's art of rowing ships.

And yet some of these People did own to me in private, That it was pity this Engine
was not put in practice, for that it would be of singular use; but I find there are a
sort of People in the World that will rather disserve King and Country than disoblige
or run counter to one another in things of great and small importance. I know not
how Mr. D .. . . will clear his Objections and make them appear truth to the World,
tho* I am satisfied that he will not want for those that will assist him tho'
never so contrary to reason; and at present I think it behoves them so to do, or
honestly to recant. I hope none that read this but will find Mr. D . . . /s arguments
very weak to obstruct for so many Years together a thing of that Use and Service to
the Nation that this would have been; and truly, unless Mr. D .... do publish
better Reasons than he has yet done, I shall think, and question not but some
hundreds more will be of my opinion, that had he lived in the time that the Compass
was found out, if he could not have laid Claim to that unparraled Discovery, he would
have obstructed its use to the utmost of his power.

The last year I made sufficient demonstration of the use of my Engine on the
Thames, of which thousands were Eye-witnesses, and all People seem'd to like it, the
Publick News Papers speaking very largely of it, yet all to no purpose. I can bring
Men of undoubted Reputation to justifie, that with a small Yatcht that I fixed it to, I
once below Bridge made better way, or out-went a Ketch in a Gale of Wind, who had
all her Sails spread, viz., Main-Sail, Main-Top-Sail, Main-Top-Gallant-Sail, Fore-Sail,
Gib-Stay-Sails, and Mizon; and we had the help of nothing but eight Sailors working
at this Engine ; and yet the Vessel I used this Engine in was far more improper for it
than any Vessel in the King's Service, and, would my circumstances have afforded it,
I would have fitted out a large Vessel myself, it being chiefly proper for such; but I
thought that ocular Demonstration would do, tho' in never so small a Model, which
made me begin with a Wherry ; and by that time I had solicited up and down, and
made an Engine fit for a Yatcht, I found the Expence was too great for me, and was
forced to desist; for altlio' the Engine did not cost much, yet the continual charge
of going with the Yacht was considerable, insomuch that my endeavour to serve my
Country has cost me above 200 pounds. Yet the charge of this Engine in such a
Vessel as the Royal Transport will not exceed 50 pound ; and tho' 1 have a Patent
for it, yet the first Captain of a Frigot that desires it I will assist in the making of it
aboard his Ship gratis ; and that he may be certain that I won't impose upon him, he
shall have liberty to use his own Workmen ; but this I will only do by the first
comer, and I doubt not but when the Ice is once broke I shall at least receive thanks
for my past Labour and Expence.

I have, besides the Engine before mentioned, made several useful Discoveries, of
which I will give some account, it not being altogether out of its place, which is, a
method whereby I will fight any Ship, using Charge and Discharge as often as six or
eight do now, and to as much purpose, without any manner of incommodation more
than by the common way, so that one half of the Men need not be exposed that now
are, and the rest may be kept as a reserve for Boarding, &c. The benefit of this I
leave to the ingenious Sailor. Besides which, I have invented a Gin of 14 inches
square, portable by one Man, by which one Man may lift the largest Cannon or
Mortar into her Carriadge. But I will never discover one title of either of these till
I find justice done me on account of my Rowing Engine ; I mean, that it is put in
practice, and I am rewarded, or else that it is proved useless by an Argument or
Experiment, not by such objections as Mr. D . . . who talks of the weight of Ships
in the Sea lying on this Clockwork, by which I believe neither he himself nor any
one else knows- what he means; for this Engine is not to be under Ships in the Sea,
nor to lift Ships out of the Water, but to occasion Motion, which, as I shewed before,
that even the smallest Force will do, and the greater the Force is the better or
swifter the Motion will be. But to avoid trouble to any who shall think fit to write
against it, I shall give an account of some other objections that have been raised
against it which I have met with.

Object, the first. It is lyable to be shot

Object, the second. It will lye in the way.savery's art of rowing ships.

Ill

Object, the third. That the Wheel and Trundle may be out of order, and is not to be
mended by a Ship Carpenter.

Answ. the first. A Captain may be shot, and a good and brave Man's Life lost; will
you not therefore have good Captains ? A Yard by a Shot, sometimes from the Top-mast
Head, descends to the Men's Heads on the Deck ; will you therefore have no sails ? But
this Engine is the least lyable to be injured by a Shot of any thing: for tho' it break
some of the Paddles, you suffer no inconvenience, as I have tryed by taking some out.
Should a Shot take all the Paddles off on one side, the Vessel will make near as good a
way as before, and stear nigh as well; and truly I think, it must be a very odd Shot
that can totally disable this Engine so as a small time will not repair it. And I think
the Rudder in ten times more danger; yet a man would deservedly be thought mad
that would have no Rudder to a Ship. But suppose at any time, that this Engine is
disabled, the ship is still in as good order as any ship now is, if she has no other
harm ; and it will be ill luck indeed if there are three or four Ships together, and all
are disabled at the same time.

Answ. the second. For its being in the Way, I know of nothing about it that can be
thought to be so but the Bar or the Paddles for the Bar. Now I desire the Sailors to
stoop a little when they go under it, and when they do not use the Paddles to stow
them on the Boom under the Long-Boat, their Shape making them very proper for
that place.

Answ. the third. For a Shipwright's not understanding, or not being able to mend
the Wheel and Trundle, it is next to impossible; for without Flattery, the Men of that
Profession, of all the Brothers of the Broad-Ax, are the most general Workmen; and it
is hard to find a Shipwright but either is, or with little trouble will be, on occasion,
House-Carpenter, Joyner, Wheelright, Millwright, Cooper, or what you please of that
kind.

All that I have now to add is, that whoever is angry with the Truth, for appearing
in mean Language, may as well be angry with a wise and honest Man for his plain
Habit; for indeed it is as common for Lyes and Nonsence to be disguised by a jingle
of words, as for a Blockhead to be hid by abundance of Peruke.

I have had my Patent for this Engine about Two years, and am sorry it was not
put in practice in time of War, because of the use it might have been of Aboard His
Majesty's Navy; however Men of sense will see it may be put in practice with good
Advantage in time of Peace; and I hope its Novelty will not hinder an Experiment
of it

Wherefore, fly no Invention, 9cause 'tis New,

But strictly search ; and after careful View
Reject if false, embrace it if 'tis true.

Creech's Lucretius.

f i x i s./zL

(The Invention described in the following Treatise was the subject of Letters
Patent, No. 356, dated 2,5th July, 1698, and of a Private Act, 10 &11 Will• III-
A.D. 1699.)

THE

MINERS' FRIEND,

OR

AN ENGINE TO RAISE WATER BY EIRE,

DESCRIBED,

AND

OP THE MANNEE OP FIXING IT IN MINES,

WITH

AN ACCOUNT OP THE SEVERAL OTHER USES IT IS APPLICABLE UNTO;

AND

AN ANSWER TO THE OBJECTIONS MADE AGAINST IT.

By THO. SAVERY, Gent.

Pigri est ingenii contentum esse his, quae ab aliis inventa sunt.—Seneca.

LONDON:

Printed for S. Crouch at the corner of Pope*s Head Alley in Cornhil.

1702.

LONDON:

Reprinted by George E. Eyre and William Spottiswoode, Printers to the Queen's most Excellent Majesty.
Published at the Great Seal Patent Office, Southampton Buildings, Chancery Lane.

1858.

MTo the King.

Src,

Your Majesty having been graciously pleased to permit an experiment before you
at Hampton Court of a small moddle of my engine described in the following
treatise, and at that time to shew a seeming satisfaction of the power and vse of it;
and having most graciously enabled me by your Royal assent to a Patent and Act
of Parliament to persue and perfect the same. By which your Royal incouragement,
it being now fully compleated and put in practice in your dominions, with that
repeated success and applause, that it is not to be doubted but it will be of vniver-
sal benefit and vse to all your Majesties subjects, of whom your Majesty being the
vniversal patron and father, all arts and inventions that may promote their good
and advantage seem to lay a just and natural claim to your Majesties sacred protec-
tion.

'Tis upon this consideration I am incouraged with a profound respect to throw this
performance of mine, with the author, at your Majesties Royal feet, most humbly
beseeching your Majesty, that as it had birth in your Majesties auspicious reign,
you will vouchsafe to perpetuate it to future ages by the sanction of your Royal
approbation, which is the utmost ambition of,

May it please your Majesty,

Your Majesties most humble,

most loyal, and most obedient Subject,

Tho. Savery.

To the Royal Society.

At the request of some of your members at the weekly meeting at Gresham
Colledge, June the 14th, 1699,1 had the honour to work a small moddle of my engine
before you, and you were pleased to approve of it. Since which I have met with
great difficulties and expence to instruct handicraft artificers to forme my engine
according to my design; but my workmen, after so much experience, are become
such masters of the thing that they oblige themselves to deliver what engines they
make me exactly tight and fit for service, and as such I dare warrant them to any-
body that has occasion for them.

Your kindness in countenancing this Invention in its first appearance in the
world, gives me hopes the usefulness of it will make it more acceptable to your
Honourable Society, as they are the most proper judges of what advantage it may be
to mankind. And it would be ungrateful in me not to make use of this opportunity
to return you my most humble and hearty thanks for the honour and favour you
did me in approving my design and ^publishing it to the world, which shall be always
acknowledged by

Your most obliged and most humble Servant,

Tho. Savery.

To the Gentlemen Adventurers in the Mines of England.

I am very sensible a great many among you do as yet look on my invention of
raising water by the impellent force of fire a useless sort of a project that never can
answer my designs or pretensions ; and that it is altogether impossible that such an
engine as this can be wrought under-ground and succeed in the raising of water, and
dreining your mines, so as to deserve any incouragement from you. I am not very
fond of lying under the scandal of a bare projector, and therefore present you here
with a draught of my machine, and lay before you the uses of it, and leave it to your

* Philosoph. Transact. Number 252.

M 2116*

THE MINERS' FRIEND.

consideration whether It be worth your while to make use of it or no. I can easily
give grains of allowance for your suspicions, because I know very well what mis-
carriages there have been by people ignorant of what they pretend to. These, I know,
have been so frequent, so fair and promising at first, but so short of performing what
they pretended to, that your prudence and discretion will not now suffer you to
believe anything without a demonstration, your appetites to new inventions of this
nature having been baulkt too often; yet after all I must beg you not to condemn
me before you have read what I have to say for myself, and let not the failures of
others prejudice me, or be placed to my account I have often lamented the want of
understanding the true powers of nature, which misfortune has of late put some on
making such vast engines and machines, both troublesome and expensive, yet of no
manner of use, inasmuch as the old engines used many ages past far exceeded them.
And I fear whoever by the old causes of motion pretends to improvements within
this last century does betray his knowledge and judgment. For more then an hun-
dred years since men and horses would raise by engines then made as much water
as they have ever since done, or I believe ever will, or, according to the law of nature,
ever can do. And though my thoughts have been long imployed about water-works,
I should never have pretended to any invention of that kind, had I not happily found
out this new, but yet a much stronger and cheaper force or cause of motion than any
before made use of. But finding this of rarefaction by fire, the consideration of the
difficulties the miners and colliers labour under by the frequent disorders, cumber-
eomness, and in general of water-engines, incouraged me to invent engines to work
by this new force, that tho' I was obliged to incounter the oddest and almost insuper-
able difficulties, I spared neither time, pains, nor money till I had absolutely
conquer'd them. I hope this will at least incourage you to read over this small
treatise I now put into your hands for the farther and more particular information
of the nature* and vses of this engine for raising water by the force of fire; after
which I shall patiently submit to any judgment you shall please to pass upon me or
the invention, and may have reason to believe you will not any longer suffer your
judgments to be imposed on by those whose profit and interest it may seem to be to
condemn both right or wrong ; I mean such who make your common ginns, and their
friends and acquaintance among you; tho' I am very sure the promotion of the vse of
this engine is their true interest, as I very plainly prove thus:

The cheaper water is drawn, the more is the miner incouraged to adventure;
the more the miner adventures, the more pits or shafts must be sunk ; the more
shafts or pits are sunk, the more wood-work will be necessarily imployed in timbering
them, or supporting the sides from falling in where the earth is loose ; besides
windelesses and all other vtensils of wood used in mines or the trades depending
thereon must be more, which by increasing the carpenters' trade in general will
make them sufficient amends for the loss of a small part of that branch of their
trade called ginn making. As for pump making, that part of the trade will be
much improved by my engine; for I must use board and timber for pipes, and
have considerable imployment for pump makers and carpenters for timber used about
my engine; but shall never -imploy any other person in making pipes or any other
carpenters' work I shall have to do but the person who was before imployed in
the work, or such as shall be recommended, as a person imployed in the mines of
the country wheresoever I shall fix engines, provided they will work as cheap and
fairly, and observe the orders and directions given them. For my design is not
in the least to prejudice the artificers, or, indeed, any other sort of people by this
invention, but, on the contrary, is intended for the benefit and advantage of mankind
in general, especially the people of my own nation, and wherein you, gentlemen
concern'd in mines, may, if you please, reap the greatest profit.

And altho' I do not question but the plan and draught of my engine will be
very well and readily understood with many gentlemen by the description here
given, yet it will require a longer time in others to imploy their minds and thoughts
more intensely about it, especially such as have not been familiar and acquainted
with things of this kind. But should the engine to the apprehension of some seemthe miners* friend.

117

intricate and difficult to be worked after all the description I have given of it in
this book, yet I can and do assure them that the attending and working the engine
is so far from being so, that it is familiar and easie to be learned by those of the
meanest capacity in a very little time, insomuch that I have boys of 13 or 14 years
of age who now attend and work it to perfection, and were taught to do it in a few
days, and I have known some learn to work the engine in half an hour. We have
a proverb, that interest never lyes; and I am assured that you, gentlemen of the
mines and collyeries, when you have once made this engine familiar in your works,
and to your selves and servants, not only the profit, but abundance of other advan-
tages and conveniences which you will find to attend your works in the vse thereof
will create in you a favourable opinion of the labours of

Your real friend and humble Servant,

tho. savery.

London,

Sept 22, 1701.

A Description of the Draught of the Engine for raising Water

by Fire.

A.	The furnaces.

B.B.	The two fireplaces.

1.2.

C. The funnel or chimney.

D.	The small boyler.

E.	The pipe and cock of it.

F.	The skrew that covers and confines its force.

Gr. A small cock or pipe going within eight inches of its bottom.

H.	A larger pipe going the same depth.

I.	A clack on the top of the said pipe.

K. A pipe going from the box of the said clack or valve into the great boyler,

about an inch into it.

L. The great boyler.

M. The skrew with the regulator.

N. A small cock and pipe going half way down the great boyler,

0.0.	Steam-pipes, one end of each skrew to the regulator, and the other end to the

receivers.

1.	2.

P.P. The vessels called receivers.

1. 2.

Q The skrews which bring on the pipes and clacks in the front of the engine-
K.R.R.R. No. 1, 2, 3, 4. Valves or clacks of brass, with skrews to open and come

at them upon occasion.

S. The force-pipe.

T. The sucking-pipe.

Y. A square frame of wood with holes round its bottom in the water.

3l. A cistern with a buy-cock coming from the force-pipe.

Y. A cock and pipe coming from the bottom of the said cistern.

Z. The handle of the regulator.

Chap. I.

The Manner of working the Engine.

The first thing is to fix the engine in a good double furnace, so contrived that
the flame of your fire may circulate round and incompass your two boylers to the
best advantage, a,s you do coppers for brewing. Before you ;niake any fire, unskrew118

THE MINERS' FRIEND.

G and N, being the two small gauge pipe3 and cocks belonging to the two boylers.
And at the holes fill L, the great boyler, two-thirds full of water, and D, the small
boyler, quite full. Then skrew in the said pipes again as fast and tight as possible.
Then light the fire at B, No. 1. When the water in L boy Is the handle of the regulator
mark'd Z must be thrust from you as far as 'twill go, which makes all the steam
rising from the water in L pass with irrisistible force through O, No. 1, into P, No. 1,
pushing out all the air before it through the clack R, No. 1, making a noise as it
goes. And when all is gone out, the bottom of the vessel P, No. 1, will be very
hot. Then pull the handle of the regulator to you, by which means you stop
O, No. 1, and force your steam through O, No. 2, into the P, No. 2, until that vessel
has discharged its air through the clack R, No. 2, up the force-pipe. In the mean-
time, by the steam's condensing in the vessel P, No. 1, a vacuum or emptiness is
created. So that the water must and will necessarily rise up through T the sucking
pipe, lifting up the clack R (No. 3), and filling the vessel P, No. 1.

In the meantime, the vessel P, No. (2), being emptied of its air, turn the handle of
the regulator from you again, and the force is upon the surface of the water in P,
No. (1), which surface being only heated by the steam, it does not condense it, but
the stream gravitates or presses with an elastick quality like air, still increasing its
elasticity or spring till it counterpoises, or rather exceeds the weight of the water
ascending in S, the forcing pipe, out of which the water in P, No. (1), will be
immediately discharged when once gotten to the top, which takes up some time to
recover that power; which having once got, and being in work, it is easie for any one
that never saw the engine, after half an hour's experience, to keep a constant stream
running out the full bore of the pipe S. For on the outsides of the vessel P, No. (1),
you may see how the water goes out as well as if the vessel were transparent. For
as far as the steam continues within the vessel, so far is the vessel, dry without, and
so very hot as scarce to endure the least touch of the hand. But as far as the water
is, the said vessel will be cold and wet where any water has fain on it; which cold
and moisture vanishes as fast as the steam in its descent takesi place of the water.
But if you force all the water out, the steam, or a small part thereof, going through
R, No. (1), will rattle the clack, 60 as to give sufficient notice to pull the handle of the
regulator to you ; which at the same time begins to force out the water from P, No.
(2), without the least alteration of the stream; only some times the stream of water
will be somewhat stronger than before, if you pull the handle of the regulator
before any considerable quantity of steam be gone up the clack R, No. (1). But it
it much better to let none of the steam go off (for that is but losing so much strength),
and is easily prevented by pulling the regulator some little time before the vessel
forcing is quite emptied. This being done, immediately turn the cock or pipe of the
cistern X on P, No. (1), so that the water proceeding from X through Y (which is
never open, but when turned on P, No. (1), or P, No. 2, but when between them, is
tight and stanch), I say, the water falling on P, No. (1), causes by its coolness the steam
(which had such great force just before) to its elastick power, to condence, and become
a vacuum, or empty space. So that the vessel P, No. (1), is by the external pressure
of the atmosphere, or what is vulgarly called suction, immediately refilled, while P,
No. (2), is emptying; which being done, you push the handle of the regulator from
you, and throw the force on P, No. (1), pulling the condensing pipe over P, No. 2,
causing the steam in that vessel to condense, so that it fills while the other empties.
The labour of turning these two parts of the engine, viz. the regulator and water-
cock, and tending the fire, being no more than what a boy's strength can perform for
a day together, and is as easily learn'd as their driving of a horse in a tub-gin ; yet,
after all, I would have men, and those too the most apprehensive, imployed in work-
ing of the engine, supposing them more careful than boys. The difference of this
charge is not to be mentioned or accounted of when we consider the vast profit which
those who use the engine will reap by it.

The ingenious reader will probably here object, that the steam being the cause of
this motion and force, and that steam is but water rarefied, the boyler L must in some
certain time be emptied, so as the work of the engine must stop to replenish the
boyler, or indanger the burning out or melting the bottom of the boyler.the miners' friend.

119

To answer which, please to observe the use of the small boyler D. When it is
thought fit by the person tending the engine to replenish the great boyler (which
requires an hour and a half, or two hours time to the sinking one foot of water),
then, I say, by turning the cock of the small boyler E you cut off all communication
between S, the great force-pipe, and D, the small boyler, by which means D grows
immediately hot by throwing a little fire into B, No. 2, and the water of which boyls,
and in a very little time it gains more strength than the great boyler. For the force
of the great boyler being perpetually spending and going out, and the other winding
up or increasing, it is not long before the force in D exceeds that in L ; so that the
water in D being deprest in D by its own steam or vapour, must necessarily rise
through the pipe H, opening the clack I, and so go through the pipe K into L,
running till the surface of the water in D is equal to the bottom of the pipe HL
Then steam and water going together, will, by a nose in the clack I, give sufficient
assurance that D has discharged and emptied itself into L to within eight inches of
the bottom. And inasmuch as from the top of D to the bottom of its pipe H is
contained about as much water as will replenish L one foot, so you may be certain
li is replenished one foot of course. Then you open the cock I and refil D imme-
diately, so that here is a constant motion without fear or danger of disorder or
decay. If you would at any time know if the great boyler L be more than half
exhausted, turn the small cock N, whose pipe will deliver water if the water be
above the level of its bottom, whicli is half way down the boyler; if not, it will
deliver steam. So likewise will G shew you if you have more or less than eight
inches of water in D, by which means nothing but a stupid and wilful neglect, or
mischievous design, carried on for some hours, can any ways hurt the engine. And
if a master is suspicious of the design of a servant to do mischief, it is easily dis-
covered by those gauge pipes; for if he come when the engine is at work, and find
the surface C of the water in L below the bottom of the gauge-pipe N, or the
water in D below the bottom of Gr, such a servant deserves correction, tho' three
hours after that the working on would not damage or exhaust the boylers; so that,
in a word, the clacks being in all water-works always found the better the longer
they are used. And all the moving parts of our engine being of like nature, the
furnace being made of Sturbridge or Windsor brick, or fire-stone, I do not see it
possible for the engine to decay in many years; for the clacks, boxes, and miter-
pipe, regulator and cocks, are all of brass; and the vessels made of the best hammered
copper, of sufficient thickness to sustain the force of the working the engine. In
short, the engine is so naturally adapted to perform what is required, that even those
of the most ordinary and meanest capacity may work it for some years without any
injury, if not hired or imployed by some base person on purpose to destroy it. For
after the engine is once fixed and at work, I may modestly affirm that the adven-
turer or supervisor of the mine will be freed from that perpetual charge, expence,
and trouble of repairs which all other engines ever yet imployed in mines for the
raising of water are continually liable unto.

Chap. II.

Of the Vses that this Engine may be applied unto.

It may be supposed that there are few people among us so ignorant but must
necessarily know of what value the falls of water are in most places as being
applicable to mills, which are made after various kinds and forms, according to the
different genius and abilities of the millright; for mill-work being in a manner
infinitely diversified, and had I leisure to comment thereon, and give you an account
not only of the vast variety that I have seen and heard of, but (when encouraged)
what may yet be brought to work by a steady stream, and the rotation or circular
motion of a water-wheel, it would swell these papers to a much larger volume than
was at first designed and frustrate my intended brevity. I only just hint this to120

THE MINERS' FRIEND.

shew what use this engine may be put to in working of mills> especially where
coals are cheap.

I have only this to urge that water in its fall from any determinate height has
simply a force answerable and equal to the force that raises it. So that an engine
which will raise as much water as two horses working together at one time in such
a work can do, and for which there must be constantly kept ten or twelve horses
for doing the same, then I say such an engine will do the work or labour of ten
or twelve horses; and whereas this engine may be large enough to do the work
required in imploying eight, ten, fifteen, or twenty horses to be constantly main-
tained and kept for doing such a work, it will be improper to stint or confine its uses
and operation in respect of water-mills.

2.	It may be of great use for palaces, for the nobilities or gentlemen's houses;
for by a cistern on the top of a house you may with a great deal of ease and little
charge throw what quantity of water you have occasion for to the top of any house;
which water in its fall makes you what sorts of fountains you please, and supplies
any room in the house. And it is of excellent vse in case of fire, of which more
hereafter.

3.	Nothing can be more fit for serving cities and towns with water, except a
crank-work by the force of a river. In the composing such sort of engines, I think
no person hath excelled the ingenious Mr. George Sorocold. But where they are
forced to use horses, or any other strength, I believe no ingenious person will deny
this engine to have the preference in all respects, being of more vniversal use than
any yet discovered or invented.

4.	As for draining fens and marshes, &c., I suppose I need say no more than this,
that that force which will raise great quantities of water a height of above 80 foot,
must necessarily deliver a much greater quantity at a lesser height. And that it is
much cheaper^ and every way easier, especially where coals are water-borne, to
continue the discharge of any quantities of water by our engine, than it can be done
by any horse-engines whatsoever.

5.	I believe it may be made very useful to ships, but I dare not meddle with that
matter, and leave it to the judgment of those who are the best judges of maritain affairs.

6.	For draining of mines and coal-pits, the use of the engine will sufficiently
recommend it self in raising water so easie and cheap, and I do not doubt but that in
a few years it will be a means of making our mining trade, which is no small part
of the wealth of this kingdom, double if not treble to what it now is. And if such
vast quantities of lead, tin, and coals are now yearly exported, under the difficulties
of such an immense charge and pains as the miners, &c., are now at to discharge their
water, how much more may be hereafter exported when the charge will be very much
lessened by the use of this engine every way fitted for the use of mines? For the far
greater part of our richest mines and coal-pits are liable to two grand inconveniences,
and thereby rendered useless, viz,: The eruption and excess of subterranious waters^
as not being worth the expence of draining them by the great charge of horses or
hand labour. Or, secondly, fatal damps, by which many are struck blind, lame, or
dead in these subterraneous cavities if the mine is wanting of a due circulation of
air. Now both these inconveniences are naturally remedied by the work of this
engine of raising water by the impellant force of fire.

For the water. Be the mine never so deep, each engine working it 60, 70, or 80
foot high, by applying or setting the engines one over another, as shall be' shew'd at
large hereafter in the following pages, you may by a sufficient number of engines
keep the bottom of any mine dry, and when once you know how large your feeder or
spring is, it is very easie to know what siz'd engine or what number of engines will do
your business.

The coals used in this engine is of as little value as the coals commonly burned on
the mouths of the coal-pits are. For an engine of a three-inch bore or thereabout
working the water up 60 foot high requires a fire-place of not above twenty inches
deep, and about fourteen or fifteen inches wide, which will occasion so small a con-
sumption, that in a coal-pit it is of no account, as we have experienced. And in allthe miners' friend.

121

parts of England where there are mines, coals are so cheap that the charge of them
is not to be mentioned when we consider the vast quantity of water raised by the
inconsiderable value of the coals used and burnt in so small a furnace. What the
quantity of coals used for one engine in a year is cannot easily be ascertained,
because of the different nature of the several sorts of coals.

As for the cure of damps by this engine, the air perpetually crowding into the
ash-hole and fire-place, as it is natural for it to do, and with a most impetuous force
discharged with the smoak at the top of the chimney, the contigious air is successively
following it, so that not only all steams or vapours whatsoever that may or can arise
must naturally force its way through the fire, and so be discharged at the top with
the smoak.«. But this motion of the fire will occasion the fresh air to descend from
above down all the pits, and every where else in the mine but down the chimney, pro-
vided you have a heading drift or passage from all the shafts or pits in the work to
that place where the engine stands, whether the mouth of the said pit and chimney
be lower or higher than the mouths of any of the rest of the pits or shafts in the
same work, it matters not, for here will be a perpetual circulation of the air, and with
that swiftness as is hardly to be believed. This I have tryed, and know to be true;
so leave the ingenious miner to his own judgment whether, when all the air is in a
swift motion, that any stagnation of air (which has always been adjudged the cause of
damps) can happen in any pit.

Chap. III.

The Manner offixing the Engine for Water-mills, Palaces, and Gentlemen s Seats, and
dreining Fens> and supplying Houses with Water in general.

1.	For mills. The engine must be made and proportioned according to the
quantity of water required to drive the mill you would make use of. Now suppose
you would make a mill on a plain place, where you will have only a pond, and a
small spring of water no bigger than a quill; then you must build your mill-house
thirty-six foot high, in which you may make what motions and what sort of mills you
please. By the side of wThich house without may be placed your water-wheel of
thirty-two, thirty-three, or thirty-four foot diameter. For the height of either house
or wheel I would confine no person too exactly, but I guess that a convenient height
and no more then what is common enough. Under the wheel I would have a pond,
and on the top of the house a cistern of wood lined with lead. The engine may be
fixed in any corner of the mill-house, 20, 21, 22 feet or more from the level of the
pond ; there two boylers must be fixed, as shewn you in the draught for fixing the
engine; and round each of them it is convenient to have a hoop of iron, writh straps
coming from them to rest on the brickwork, to support and strengthen them. Your
clacks and pipes in the front being supported by wood, and the vessels standing on
pedestals of wood, it is convenient that the flew or chimney be so contrived as to
draw very sharp, and the flew to circulate round both the boylers, so that you may
lose no part of your strength.

2.	For palaces, or the nobilities or gentlemen's houses, you may fix the engine in
any remote or out-room, whose floor is not above twenty foot from the level of your
water, and you may continue your force-pipe to the top of your house, with a con-
venient cistern to hold your water. Into which lay the pipes which may convey the
water as you want it, either for pleasure or common occasions. This way of cisterns
on the top of your houses or palaces would be of singular vse in case of fire, as is said
before; for in every staircase a pipe may go down the corner, or behind the wain-
scot, so as to be no blemish even to the finest of staircases. At every floor there may
be a turn-cock with a skrew. At the utmost end have likewise a small leather-pipe
kept well oyled in a cup-board or cavity in your wall, which may not be seen, but
on the opening some part of the wainscot, or such other contrivance as the ingenious
builder shall think fit to make use of. This pipe of leather must be long enough to122

THE MINERS' FRIEND.

reach from the landing-place or stair-head in all rooms depending thereon, v One end
of this pipe has a skrew to fit the cock in the other pipe ; and at the other end a pipe
like the nose of a pair of bellows. So that wherever, tho' under a bed, or the re-
motest part of any room in the house, the fire breaks out or is discovered, any
servant having skrewed the pipe to the cock, stops the nosle with his thumbs, till he
comes to the place where the fire is, when taking away his thumb, he by directing the
nosle to the fire, immediately extinguishes it, which being liable to be instantly used,
I think a house, palace, &c., that has this invention may be said to be morally out
of danger of being destroyed, or so far injured as Whitehall and Kensington have been
within a few years. This command of water must be allowed to be of vast advantage
to any house whatsoever. Where brewing, washing, &c., is used, the copper standing
high may be filled as easie as if it stood low, by which means the hot liquor may be
contrived to go to all your coolers and other vessels, either by a cyphon, stop-cock,
&c., without the hand labour of pumping or bailing with buckets. But more con-
veniences then we can at present foresee will be discovered in the vse of this engine
for palaces, houses, &c.

3. For fens and the like it is convenient that these engines be made very large;
for at all small heights a small quantity of fire will deliver prodigious quantities of
water. For suppose we force but thirty foot, and suck twenty foot, if the bovler does
. but fill the vessels called receivers with steam strong enough to counterpoise or exceed
the force of the atmosphere or spring of the common air, it will discharge them at so
small a height as thirty foot force in a very little time; and the steam having very
little force or spring, is immediately condensed, so that it will presently suck full in
one of the vessels, while the other is discharged. Now, inasmuch as the fire, being
more or less, adds nothing to the suction, I think such lifts, being seldom above thirty-
six foot, or under six foot, all the directions farther needful for fixing the engine for
this vse is, in all lifts under twenty-four foot, to place your engine so, as a little above
your force clacks may be the place of the delivery of your water into a convenient
trough or lander to be carried off at the most proper place for its discharge. If it be
any height above twenty-four foot, you have nothing to do but to continue the
length of your force-pipe to the height required. It ought to have a sh&d or covering
round it, and to be placed at the lowest place of your fenn or bogg, as other engines
designed for that purpose commonly are.

As for fixing the engine in ships, when they may be thought probably useful, I
question not but we may find conveniency enough for fixing them.

In mines and coal-pits the manner of fixing the engines is this:—Your pit being
Bunk, and a sump or proper well or bottom cistern made to receive the water
coming from the several feeders or springs, supposing an engine carrying inch
bore is to be fixed to deliver water about seventy foot high, constant running a
full bore; in such case you make a small room in your shaft or pit, which, together
with your shaft or pit, i3 nine foot square every way. As for example: Suppose
your shaft six foot by four, take three foot out of one side and five out of
another perpendicular nine foot, making a small floor or platform of boards over that
part of the shaft which goes down to your sump or bottom cistern, so you have a
compleat room big enough for your engine where ten- or twelve people may stand
on occasion. This floor may be about eighteen, nineteen, or twenty foot from the
water at the lowest you ever will draw the water into the sump or bottom cistern.
If your ground be loose, 'tis convenient to line this room with brick ; if rock, it may
support itself. But in this the miner's judgment must direct him. That the engine
will stand best in the side of the pit, where most is digged away, you may see in the
second figure of the engine, being fixed in a mine. Your pipes, &c., must be fixed
with cramps of iron, wood, or such materials as are convenient, to the side of the pit
or shaft, so as to make it stand as firm as the very shaft itself. Your furnace must
be so contrived that your flame take a turn or two round each of the boylers, which
any bricklayer used to furnaces can do, it being performed by running a row of
bricks round them both like a skrew or worm, which being contigious to the wall of
the furnaces and the boylers, makes it as it were a worm funnel round them both;the miners' friend.

123

from whence you may continue your chimney to the top of your work, which you
fasten to the sides of your shafts in the corners as you please, either with iron or
wood, or both, according to the nature of the ground. And wherever you make a
sudden bent or nook near a right angle in the chimney, have a loose brick or stone,
to take out the soot, if any should settle in such place, which in long working ifc
may do.

SEVERAL OBJECTIONS

against the working this engine

ANSWERED in a DIALOGUE between a MINER and the AUTHOR.

Miner. Sir, having been some time concerned in the engines now used for drawing
water out of our mines, and hearing so much talk of this wonderful invention of
yours of raising water by fire, I was very desirous to enter into some discourse with
you concerning the nature, use, and application of your engine so strangely differing
from all other engines ever yet invented for our works, and which you positively
affirm will every way tend so much to our advantage in the vse of them, and
I do not doubt of meeting with that plainness, freedom, and good humour
that your discourse is generally accompanied with. And with the same freedom
resolve me in such questions as the general sense of us miners may naturally propose
to object against the use of your engine, especially such of us as are yet ignorant
of its vse and operation, who are more capable to judge of fact than of the nature
and power of that force which raises your water.

Author. Sir, I am extremely obliged to you for your freedom, and shall readily
imbrace all opportunities to inform and explain to you the true use and nature
of my engine; and therefore desire you with all imaginable freedom to proceed
and ask what questions you please, either as to your own thoughts as well as what
has been suggested to.you by others, and you may be assured of a plain and canded
answer to all your objections.

Miner. Then, Sir, which way will you go to work with your engine to clear an
old work full of water ?

Author. Why, Sir, to deal plainly with you, if your shafts are or may be cut
etreight, your tub-engines or chain pumps may draw forth the water. And the
charge in that respect is not to be accounted for, because no mine would be thrown
up or neglected, but on account of the feeders or springs, which being certain, and
constantly to be carried off winter and summer. The prospect of being likely
to succeed makes your mine worth working or emptying within twenty foot of the
bottom, if ever they were worth sinking, though you work or drain by the common
ways of tubs or chain pumps. And could the constant charge of those engines be
afforded, numbers of them will empty and keep under any work; but it is the
constant charge of carrying off what the springs bring in, is the chief thing to be
considered in the business of mines, which constant charge is what we lessen very
much by this engine of mine.

Miner. What signifies your engine then, Sir, if it be not capable of sinking or
forking an old mine ?

Author. Hold, my good friend, a little patience ; I have dealt plainly and impartially
with you about the vse of your old engines ; and for my engine, it will clear an old
work, if full of water, as readily as your tub-gins or chain-pumps, provided the shafts
are good. The method I propose to clear an old mine, if sixty foot deep, and full
of water, the feeders not above two-inch bore, which is done at a very small charge
after this manner, viz.:—I fix my engine on the top of the mine, and only suck and
deliver a 3^-inch bore; as soon as we have sunk the water as far as our suction will
go, which will be some 22, 24, or 26 foot deep below the surface, there I make a
room fit to receive another engine, which I fix with his force-pipe to go up to the top
of the pit; and when I have sunk about 24 or 26 foot more, then I fix a smaller engine
of two inches bore, which sucking twenty and forcing forty, does your work and124

THE MINERS' FRIEND.

keeps all safe; or let your small engine be kept at work while you remove the larger
engine from the top to the middle station, and then you will have occasion for no
more than two engines, the greatest of which may be removed as soon as the smaller
is fixed in the lowest or proper station. And that you may be convinced of my
impartiality, it is my opinion that in gaining an old work or sinking a new one, you
use your old engines of tub or chain-pumps ; this engine of mine being most proper
when you are come fairly to the bottom either of the oar or coal, for then if you
have but one lift, one station or engine-room will be sufficient. And by having two
sumps or bottom cisterns your water may in some measure settle in one of them
in its passage to the other; so that the miners working tolerable clean and suffering
as little dead or loose coal or oar as is possible to mix with the water, you may have
the water to draw only a little discoloured, for you know as well as I, that generally
the water coming from mines or coal-pits while they work by the gins now in use
is almost clear water.

Miner. Sir, I thank you for your candor in relation to the clearing of an old work.
But supposing that our water arises thick and muddy, which you know will some-
times happen, what shall we do with your engine then?

Author. What you say, Sir, I know to be very true, that sometimes you have thick,
muddy gravel, and nasty water. To prevent which from coming into, or offending
our pipes, we have a frame of board made full of holes round about the bottom of our
pipe that receives the water; for singe or fine dirt, it will do my engine no injury i
Indeed the clearer our water is in our boylers, the better it is for our work; but for
our receivers and their clacks, you may clear them as you work it, from stones, coal,
oar, or any other anoyance, though hung in the very clack ; for by emptying of one
or both the receivers of their water you cause the motion, either of suction or force,
immediately to be so strong as to clear and blow out all before it to the top of the pit.
Insomuch that I have found filings of copper, large bits of metal, considerable quan-
tities of coal and stone, delivered and thrown up with the water out of my engine
above sixty foot high. However, clear water is preferrable before the dirty water in
the work of mine engine.

Miner. But, dear Sir, if 60, 70, or 80 foot be the determinate height for raising
of water by your engine, how shall we use your engine in a mine or pit that requires
water to be raised three times 80 foot, as you know some of our wrorks do ?

Author. I heartly thank you, Sir, for this last proposal, because I have now an
opportunity to acquaint you that the force used in my engine is in a manner infinite
and unlimited, and will raise your water 500 or 1,000 foot high, were any pit so deep;
and that you could find us a way to procure strength enough to support such an
immense weight as a pillar of water a thousand foot high must certainly produce-
However, to give you an answer, I must intreat you to give my engine as kind
entertainment and fair quarter as you do to your engines now in vse; for I am sure
you are not ignorant of a custom used in every deep mines (in several parts of
England) of raising their water by several lifts, from cistern to cistern, to a very
great height; although some of their lifts may not be above twelve, sixteen, or twenty
foot a lift at the most. And suppose that your engine now in vse at twenty foot
the lift, and my engine at sixty, seventy, or eighty foot, for at any of these lifts we
raise a full bore of water with much ease; then one lift of my engine at sixty foot
answers to three lifts of your engines at twenty foot, and also to four of your lifts at
eighty foot, &c., which you may please to take for a sufficient answer to your last
objection, I have known in Cornwall a work with three lifts of about eighteen foot
each lift, and carrying a 3^-inch bore that cost forty-two shillings per diem, reckon-
ing twenty-four hours the day for labour, besides ware and tare of engines; each
pump having four men working eight hours at fourteen pence a man, and the men
obliged to rest at least ^ part of that time.

Miner. You have, Sir, hitherto given me undeniable answers to my former objec-
tions, for which I thank you; but I fancy I shall puzzle you, when I ask you how you
will manage your engine to draw up our water where the shafts are not direct,
but turn and wind to and fro ?THE MINERS* FRIEND.

125

Author. Sir, tliis last question is so far from being any hardship put upon my
engine, that no engine ever yet invented was so naturally adapted to work in these
crooked shafts as mine is; for let the windings or turnings of the shafts be what
they will, the perpendicular weight of water is all that my engine has to account for,
and is the same as if it made the figure of a distiller's worm, and went through the
straightest pipe imaginable, except a little inconsiderable friction of the water
against the side of the pipe that is crooked, more than is in the straight pipe, which
is so small a matter, that a very nice judge would hardly be able to distinguish
whether the crooked or straight pipe carried off most water in the working. For
the flew that carries the smoak, experience sufficiently instructs you that you may
turn and wind it any way you please, and that such windings, in their drawing most
air, do rather improve than prejudice your flew, as any one experienced in building
of furnaces can inform you.

Miner. Well, Sir, I find that our crooked shafts will not any way incommode your
engine ; but what think you of accommodating your engine to the service of the lead
mines, whose shafts are many times so narrow that it will be very difficult to get your
engine down ?

Author. I perceive, Sir, you are yet much a stranger to the nature of my engine,
which is so furnished with brass skrews, and as strong as the very metal itself, that
you may take it to pieces, and with ease put it together again, fit to work in a few
hours' time; and so contrived, that where a man can well go down, there I can put
down my engine, in several pieces, and fix them below; for the greatest boyler
belonging to my engine is between twenty-four and thirty inches diameter, and may,
if occasion require, be made yet much narrower and deeper. And that if it be
difficult to bring the shaft of the mine to fit my engine, I can with much ease make
my engine to fit the shaft of any mine.

Miner. But will not these brass valves that you speak of in your engine speedily
ware out and stop your work ?

Author. No; they cannot fail me, because experience shews us that brass valves
improve rather than grow worse by twenty or thirty years' use in any force-work
where constantly worked, and where they rise and fall twenty times oftner than my
valves will do.

Miner. But what think you, Sir, if you should meet with such corrosive water in
some of our mines as will in a little time eat through your copper vessels ?

Author. Truly, Sir, this question does a little startle me, because I never expected
to meet any water of such a corrosive quality in any mine ; and could I find out a
mine whose water abounds with such acid particles as to destroy or injure the copper
vessels of my engine, I would drain that mine for nothing but the water I shall
take up ; because the water would be more valuable than any oar (I believe) in
England. And were there even a tenth part of aquafortis to nine-tenths of common
water, which is impossible to suppose it should be, I say, such a water could have
no effect on the coppers were that water to lodge some time in the copper vessels,
much less in passing through tluem with that celerity and rapid motion that alwavs
accompanies it.

Miner. But, Sir, will not such a continual fire, as must be kept under your boylers
burn them out in two or three months time, and spoil the work of your engine ?

Author. I can assure you they will not decay in some years (unless some fellow
be hired or imployed on purpose to do it). And should any villain be imployed to
burn, break, or destroy any of the engines now used in your works for raising of
water, we are then on the same level with you in that point. But I will give you
one reason why my engines will not easily decay, and I am sure that will go
further with you than all the affirmation I can make. For, first of all, although
a white heat will melt copper, and a red heat and sudden cooling it again will scale
the copper, yet such a heat as is possible for it to have or suffer while water is in the
boyler can have no ill effect, or cause any alteration in our copper. A friend of mine
has coppers used in sugar boyling of twenty years' standing. They may be a small
matter worn with cleaning on the inside, whereas on the outside there does not appear.126

THE MINERS' FRIEND.

the least visible decay; for as soon as the fire has thrown a thin coat of soot on the
outside of the boyler, the flame has no other effect on it than to cause the water in
it to boyle.

Miner. But we have often combustable vapours in our mines, which, taking fire
from the candles used there, do by a sudden explotion destroy both the mine and
the miner; and therefore I am afraid that the fire used in your engine will be very
dangerous, and apt to kindle those combustables more than our candles.

Author. To answer this objection, I will desire leave to give you my notion of
those combustables, which, in short is this: that when your miners come into a
close place, where there is no circulation of air to carry off the effluvia or attoms
constantly rising like fine dust in a powder-mill, they, by knocking and working, do
increase to be very numerous, like to those loose particles in a powder-mill. But it
is the work of some time for those vapours to come to perfection; for I have heard
several experienced miners say that it is common to avoid the danger of those
vapours by retiring as soon as they see the flame of their candles burn longer than
ordinary ; which may be discerned some times long before the air is thick enough of
this combustable matter to take fire at once, and like gunpowder to destroy all.
I did once hear say, that from an inch and half, once the flame of his candle did gra-
dually increase to two foot long, and yet he escaped, which makes it very plain
that stagnation of air is the sole cause of this inconvenience in mines, which may be
totally prevented by a pipe going from the ash-pit of our furnace to any part of
the mine liable to stagnation. For the air will press with great violence through
the pipe into the fire before the combustable matter can be ready to do any hurt, and
passing through the fire, make way for fresh air to descend in the room of it. So
that our fire, instead of blowing up of your works, is the best means that can be
used to prevent so fatal an accident; and will likewise carry off all unwholesom
vapours, damps, or steams which may proceed from corruption of air by stagna-
tions, or vapours arising from any poysonous earth or mineral.

Miner. This notion of yours carries reason and demonstration along with it, which
pleases me wonderfully. But Sir, is not your price too great for these engines of
yours ?

Author. By what I shall offer to you, as to my price, I am sure to have you a friend
to me and my engine for ever. For I must tell you, that I would never have sent
my engine into the world if it would not raise your water with more ease and con-
veniency to you and your servants, and also much cheaper than any other engine ever
used in your works, without which I could never propose any advantage to myself
by it. And to convince you of the truth of my assertion, I dare undertake the engine
shall raise you as much water for eightpence as will cost you a shilling to raise the
like with your old engines in coal pits. By this one article the miner will save one-
third part of his former charge, which is thirty three pounds six shillings and eight-
pence saved out of every hundred pound,—a brave estate gained in one year out of
such great works, where three, six, or it may be eight thousand pounds per annum
is expended for clearing their mines of water only, besides the charge and repair of
gins, engines, horses, &c. I hope you will not now account my engines dear under
such conditions as I now offer; but if I should with you suppose my engine propor-
tionable dear, or as dear as the engines you now use for drawing up your water, which
is impossible, my engine will be preferrabel before yours in many respects, insomuch
as mine prevents your damps and the evil effect of them. And as it will be my
interest to allow those that first set my engine at work considerable advantages, so I
hope I may assure my self of due incouragement from the ingenious, who are ever
studious to promote all inventions useful and beneficial to the publick; for they must
conclude, that an engine which for some time has daily imployed the best artificers
to work on it was not to be brought forth in one day; and to bring it to that per-
fection you now find it must have cost me and my friends not a little money to make
the workmen capable of their work with that certainty and exactness they now do.
And for working the engine, any person may have his servant taught it, it being to
be learnt in a very short time by one of an ordinary capacity.Description, of Invention
a.d 1696. jajs\10.n?347.

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the

ENGINE

For

ut^ifaler
BY FIRE.

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DrawnonStfflie^Mlj&: Sons.usm

OF THE

csiWHisnY OF WjiKw?THE MINER'S FRIEND.

127

Miner. But there are people who pretend to do great things in the improvement of
engines to work by hand or horses, the hope and expectation of which has hindered
some of us in our work and tired others, so as to make them out of love with all
engines, and almost with the trade of mining. And though I wish the contrary, I
fear this may prove some hinderance to the promoting your interest.

Author. True, Sir, I own that time out of mind there have been mountebanks and
impostors in all faculties, who pretend to great things, but do perform nothing
effectually. And it would be hard if that should be drawn into consequence, that
because some are knaves therefore none are honest. I know the notions of the per-
petual motion or self-moving engine, and many such like whims are pretended to by
designing men and believed by ignorant ones, but the judicious man who considers
the laws of motion knows it is an infallible rule, that whatsoever matter is to be
removed upward must have a force superiour to the weight to be lifted up if its
motion be required as swift as the motion of the moving cause; if slower, propor-
tionably less strength will do; if swifter then the moving cause, as men's hands,
horses, or dead weight, then must the strength of the moving cause be increased pro-
portionably, or no motion can be produced. And the experience of ages shows us
this to be a most sure rule, allowing for friction, which is larger the more wheels or
parts an engine consisteth of, and of consequence the fewer parts or wheels an engine
consisteth of, the easier it works, so that by barely looking on a pump, if it has more
parts or wheels then the common crank-work, you may conclude it worse; if a chain-
work or tub-work the same. So that all that can be expected is to make those go
easier then they are now made to go by ingenious workmen expert in making them.
And if you try how small a matter will move those engines, when not loaded with
water, you will find the friction so small as not worth any mending, could it be done,
especially the tub-gin, whose friction increases the least in being loaded of any, but
the others are vastly encreased by the leathers of their suckers being forced broader,
and rubbing with much greater force against the barrel they work in, according to the
height the pipes are raised.

And I hope, when it is considered how far this engine of mine differs from the
bare pretensions of ignorant or designing men, and that any persons may see what
my engine will perform before they contract for it, there will be found no ground for
the least suspicion in any person concerned to imploy them in mines, but to the con-
trary, afford us a generous incouragement in a business so condusive to the increas-
ing the mining trade, and thereby inrich themselves and the nation, and increase the
king's revenue.

I could heartily wish all miners, for their own as well as their countries interest,
were good mechanicks, and truly understood the nature, use, and application of all
kinds of engines, for I am sure those that do will be my best friends, without expect-
ing that horses, or men, or any other strength can or will do more then what nature
and the laws of motion has allowed them.

THE END,( The Inventions described in the folloiving Treatise were the subject of Letters Patent,

No. 513, dated 7th August, 1729.)

SPECIMINA ICHNOGEAPHICA;

OR,

A BRIEF NARRATIVE

OP SEVERAL

NEW INVENTIONS AND EXPERIMENTS,

PARTICULARLY

THE NAVIGATING A SHIP IN A CALM,
THE IMPROVEMENT OF THE ENGINE TO RAISE WATER BY EIRE,
A NEW METHOD OF DRYING MALT,

For all which His Majesty has lately been most graciously pleas'd to grant His

Letters Patent to

JOHN ALLEN, M.D.

LONDON:

Printed for W. Innys, at the West End of St. Paul's.
MDCCXXX.

LONDON:

Reprinted by George E. Eyre and William Spottiswoode, Printers to the Queen's most Excellent Majesty.
Published at the Great Seal Patent Office, Southampton Buildings, Chancery Lane.

1858.

NTO

THE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY,

THESE

DISQUISITIONS

ARE MOST HUMBLY DEDICATED,

BY

his majesty's most dutiful

and most obedient subject and servant,

JOHN ALLEN.

n 28PECIMINA ICHNOGRAPHICA.

Disseration 1.

A new Invention for Heating and Boiling Water or other Liquors, with far less
Expence of Fuel, than by the common Methods now in Use.

Art. 1. The common Method of boiling Water and other Liquors (since the In-
vention of setting Furnaces in Brick-work,) is by the Application of Fire under the
Bottom and round the Sides of the Furnace or Boiler wherein the Water is to be
boiled. In this way (notwithstanding how much soever it may exceed the boiling of
Water in a Kettle over an open Fire) it is evident that well nigh half of the Heat or
Effect of the Fire is employed in heating the Walls of the Fire-place, and con-
sequently so much of it is in great measure lost. Besides, in the best contrived Fur-
naces that ever I saw the Current of Flame and Heat, after having fetched one
single Compass by a Flue round the Furnace, makes its Exit presently into the
Tunnel, where the greatest Force of the Heat is immediately sent up into the Air,
and any farther Benefit and Advantage of it entirely lost.

Art. 2. Moreover, when there is a great Quantity of Water to be heated, as in
large Boilers containing 30 or 40 Hogsheads, the Body or Bulk of it is so large that
the Contact of the Fire on the Outside of the Boiler must be everywhere at the
Distance of 4 or 5 Foot from some Parts of the Water, which renders the Operation
exceedingly slow before it boils, and also is the Occasion that it requires much more
Fuel to keep it boiling than if Matters were otherwise order'd, as will be seen by
and by.

Art. 3. It will be needless to set forth here the various Experiments I have made
use of with Relation to the Article of saving the Expence of Fuel in boiling Water,
since it will be sufficient if I describe the new Method I propose, and explain the
Construction of a large Boiler, for instance, one about the Size of that employ'd at
York Buildings for working the famous Engine for raising Water by Fire, which is
the noblest Invention that any Age has produced, and is of far more extensive Use
than has hitherto been thought of; and especially it will be so when it has received
the Improvement of being wrought with one-half of the Fuel now consumed.

Art. 4. In the Method I am speaking of the Fire is not to be made on the Out-
side of the Boiler, as in the usual way, but in the Center or Midst of the Water to
be boil'd, in a Furnace of Copper, Brass, or Iron, &c. of a peculiar Form and Figure,
and the Water to be contain'd undequaque on the Outsides of it, in a Vessel made of
Wood, Lead, or any other Material that will hold Water, by which means the. whole
Force and Energy of the Fire will be imploy'd solely in heating the Water; the Fire
here is closely confin'd, and the Heat not so soon discharg'd in the open Air, the
Surface of contact of the Fire against the Water will be larger, the Distances the
Fire is to penetrate much less, the Superficies of the Water for emitting Steams
greater, and consequently far less Expence of Fuel will be required, &c.

A Description of the new Boiler, Fig. I.

Art. 5. The whole Figure is a Section of it lengthways through the Middle.
A, B, C, is the Copper, Brass, or Iron Vessel or Fire-place, included in a large
external Vessel D, E, F, G, two-thirds full of Water, supported in its proper Situation
by Iron Bars from the Bottom Plank E, G, and firmly screw'd down to the said
Plank by means of a Planchet or Border a, a, on the Outside, round the Part where134

allen's specimina ichnographica.

the Fire is to be made on the Grate H, in such manner that no Water may issue
out.

This Copper Vessel, at the Place where the Fire is made, is to be in Breadth
from A to I about 21 Inches, and in3 Height about 3 Foot from H to K, and in
Breadth the other Way on the Flat (not visible in this Figure) 4 Foot, and then
from I to B, where it turns up, it is of one uniform Depth and Breadth, viz., a Foot
deep and 4 Foot broad. Lastly, from B to C, the Tunnel where the Smoak is
discharged, it may be made tapering from 4 Foot to 2 Foot, or a Foot and half,
and from 12 Inches to 10 or 9, as will best serve the Occasion, and carried up by a
Tin Shaft to any Height. So much for the Copper or Fire-place.

The large Vessel D, E, F, G, containing the boiling Water, is to be made after
the following Manner:—The Top and Bottom, each to consist of Three good sub-
stantial Planks, 5 or 6 Inches thick, 2 Foot broad, and 14 Foot long, well fitted
together, and the Joints or Seams calked within and without with Oakham. The
Top and Bottom are to be kept asunder at their proper Distance with a Frame of
Wood or Iron Bars placed in the Inside, viz., at the End D, E, at 7 Foot Distance,
and at the other End F, G, 5 Foot. This being done, the Sides are to be made of
good substantial Sheet Lead, firmly nail'd all round to the Edges of the Top and
Bottom Plank; and this would complete it, was it not that there will be a Necessity
to take it abroad, sometimes to mend the Copper within when defective; therefore it
must be made to take asunder in the Middle, which may be thus contrived:—The
Lead must be disposed of in two Sheets, one of them naiPd to the upper Plank, and
the other to the Bottom one, as before mentioned; and at the Middle, where they
are to meet, they must be allow'd broad enough to turn off square outwards, about
3 Fingers' Breadth, so that they may lie flat one on the other, and being thus
placed, thin Plates of Iron clap'd on each Side, and screw'd together with Screw
Pins thro Lead and all, will so pinch the Foldings together that the Joint will
be secured from leaking; or if this Method should not be thought sufficient, the
Edges may be solder d together, the Expence being not very great. If the Sides of
this Boiler, being of Lead, should not be supposed to be strong enough to sustain
the Weight of the Water within, and the Force of the Steam, &c., it will be very
easy to strengthen the Outside with a Frame of Timber-work screw'd together,
that may be taken abroad at Pleasure; and thus this Boiler may be open'd at any
Time to repair the Copper within, which also may be taken out without much
Trouble, only by unscrewing it from the Bottom Plank at the Grate. Lastly, a
Case of Boards may be fitted all round the Boiler, filTd with Sand to keep in the
Heat; the Sand may be perhaps 8 or 9 Inches thick, or more, as will be found best
to answer the End.

Art. 6. The better to discover the Preference of this Boiler to the common
Furnaces, it will not be amiss to make a Comparison between them. The Capacity
of the Boiler of the Engine to raise Water by Fire at York Buildings is nearly the
same with this here described.

I suppose the Diameter of that Furnace to be about 8 Foot and a half, and its
Depth about 8 Foot; if so its Contents will be about 453 cubical Feet, which is
about 53 Hogsheads, after the Bate of 8 Foot and a half to the Hogshead, which
is a little more than Wine Measure. Be that as it will, to reckon by cubical Feet
will be the most Commodious for the present Calculation.

Art. 7. The Comparison:—

The Boiler at York Buildings.	The New Boiler.

Suppose we, then, the total Capacity The Dimensions here being 14 Foot
of the Boiler at York Buildings to be in long, 6 broad, and, at a Medium, 5 deep,
cubical Feet 453.	the whole Cavity would contain 504

cubical Feet, out of which Space the
Copper or Fire-place takes up (about 50
Foot) being deducted, what remains will
be in cubical Feet 454.allen's specimina ichnographica.

135

Two-thirds of this Boiler to be filled
with Water, and One-third for the Re-
ception of Steam.

The Contact of the Fire against this
Boiler may be supposed to be all over
the Bottom, and about 18 Inches up
the Sides, which is in square Feet about
95.

Water kept boiling (as I have experienced
with great Exactness) evaporates after the
Rate of an Inch and a half in Depth 'per
Hour, therefore the larger the Surface,
cseteris paribus, the greater the Evapora-
tion of Production of Steam.

The Superficies of the Water in this
Boiler is in square Feet 56*71.

The Water therefore evaporated in an
Hour in this will be in cubical Feet 7,
about 52 Gallons.

The same in this.

The Contact of the Fire in this, reck-
oning the Least of it, is more than 10
Feet per 12#120, exceeding the other 25
Foot. The Contact of the Fire, I say,
is in superficial square Feet 120.

The Water in this Boiler lies together
in a vast bulky Body, 8 or 9 Foot Dia-
meter, and about 5 or 6 Foot deep; so
that the Fire on the Outside does not
reach the Middle and upper Part of it
within by 4 or 5 Foot.

Lastly, in this, as in all other common
Furnaces, the Force of the Fire is hurried
away with great Impetuosity from the
Fire-place through the Flues up the
Tunnel, without imparting its greatest
Efficacy to the Water it is to Heat.

The Superficies of the Water in this
Boiler (the Dimensions being 14 per 6) is
in cubical Feet 84.

The Water evaporated in this therefore
will be One-third more than in the York
Buildings Boiler, which will consequently
generate One-third more Steam, viz.,
every Hour in cubical Feet 10*5, about
78 Gallons.

In the new Boiler (which is a very
considerable Advantage in this Inven-
tion) the Fire is hardly anywhere much
more than at a Foot's Distance from any
Part of the Water, as is apparent from
the Construction of it.

In the new Boiler the Fire is so con-
trived that it burns in a Reverberatory
Furnace, which affords the strongest Heat
that culinary Fire is capable of producing
by any Art we know of, and that Heat is
retained and improved to the utmost
before it is dismissed at the Tunnel.
The Comparison between these two Boilers here set forth being considered, and
the several Advantages of the one above the other duly weighed, will, without doubt,
sufficiently recommend this new Method to be put in Practice, and therefore it will
be needless to add anything more in vindication of it.

Art. 8. However, there may be contrived another Sort of Boiler, the Construction
of which is somewhat different from this now described, tho' in the main deduced
from the same Principles ; but I cannot say whether much preferable to it or not,
having not made Trial of it \ it is as follows :

The external or containing Vessell here is a cylinder, Fig. 2, whose Diameter is to
be 9 Foot, and its Altitude 8 Foot and a-half, the Top and Bottom of firm Plank, and
the Sides of Lead, hooped with Iron Hoops, or perhaps it may be all of Wood, if so
large a Cask can be made.

From the Fire-place (of the same Dimensions with the other) is to be continued' a
large Copper-worm about 15 Inches Diameter, and about 40 Foot in Length, as is
visible in the Figure, by which Contrivance the Flame, heated Air, and Smoak are
retained more than three Times as long as in the other, which is a very singular
Priviledge and Advantage in this Form; the Contact of the Copper against the Water
to be heated is far more extensive than in the other; all other Things relating to it
are pretty much the same. If this should not be found to have Draught enough of
Air barely by the Admission of it at the Grate, a large Pair of Bellows may be mada
use of to force the Fire as may be found necessary.136

alleys specimina ichnogra^hlca.

Art. 9. It is a Thing well known, that in boiling of Water in a cylindrical Vessel
over a Fire, there is a constant Flux of the bottom Part of the Water, as it heats, to
the top; and also a reciprocal Flux of that at the Top, which is colder, down towards
the Bottom, occasioned from the Difference of the specific Gravity in the Parts of
the Water at the Top and Bottom of the Boiler; the Heat communicating itself to
that Part of it which is next to the Fire, rarifies it and makes it lighter, and causes
it to ascend, and consequently that which is colder descends.

Art. 10. From this Theory, which is Matter of Fact, it is evident that this Boiler
is contrived very advantageously, for that the upper part of the Water receiveth the
strongest Heat, and boils most furiously, whilst the lower Part has also a moderate
Share of the Benefit of the Fire, so as to prepare it to ascend, as Occasion requires,
to answer the Evaporation, for which reason I should advise the Supply of fresh
Water to be made at the Bottom of the Boiler, not at the Top, as is usually done in
the Fire Engine from the large Cylinder or Steam Barrel; I mean that the warm
Water descending from thence should be conveyed into the Boiler near the Bottom
of it, not at the Top, because the coming of it in there damps the boiling, and hinders
the Ascent of the Steam.

Art. 11. This Boiler would exceed the other in the point of saving Fuel; but
then the Construction of it may be look'd upon somewhat more difficult, and the
repairing and amending of it when need requires, perhaps not quite so easy, tho'
even this is not to be look'd upon as impracticable.

Art. 12. It is now more than 30 years since the Engine for raising Water by
Fire was at first invented by the famous Captain Savery, and upwards of 20 years
that it received its great Improvement by my good Friend the ever-memorable Mr.
Newcomen, whose Death I very much regret; and that it has not been more
frequently made use of, and employed also to other Purposes, as well as almost
solely the draining of Coal mines, seems to be owing to the great Expence of Coals
that is required for the working of it, it being at present so very expensive on that
Account in some Parts of England, especially where Coals are at an excessive Price,
that in many Copper and Lead Mines it cannot be set up.

Art. 13. For the working the Engine at York Buildings, the Article of Coals
is at least 1000 Pounds a Year, and proportionally as much in all others, where Coals
are as dear as they are in London, according to the Largeness of the Engine. Now
if this Engine can be wrought at half the Expence of Coals, or even at two Thirds of
the Expence, there will be great Encouragement not only for the setting it up in
many Places where at the present it cannot be* afforded, but also of applying it to
many Uses in Mill-Work, and particularly for draining large Levels of low Lands,
to which Purpose I greatly admire that it has never been as yet applied, when a
whole River might be lifted with it 4 or 5 Foot high or more, as Occasion should
require.

Art. 14. One considerable Advantage of this new Boiler that has not hitherto
been mentioned, is, that it is capable of being removed and shifted with great Ease
from one Place to another, which cannot be so readily done in Furnaces that are set
in Brickwork. By this means it may, without great trouble, be adapted to this or
that Shaft of a Mine, as Occasion may require. It may also be put on Board to
navigate a Ship, as will be shewn in the Sequel of this Tract, which the Fire-Engine
now in Use is altogether incapable of, on account of its Brickwork Furnace.

Disseration II.

New Inventions for the Application of Powers (never before made use of for sack

Purposes) to give Motion to Engines, whereby a Ship may be navigated in a Calm,

and some other great Works performed, where much Force is required.

Art. 1. The ancient Greeks and Romans, for aught we read in History, contented
themselves with giving their Ships a Motion in calm Weather by rowing them withallen's specimina ichnographica.

137

Oars, much after the same Manner as the Galleys are rowed now-a-days. Several
attempts have been made in our modern Times to navigate a Ship in a Calm after a
more expeditious Manner, and in a less laborious Way, that can be effected by the
means of common Oars ; but these attempts have hitherto all of 'em proved unsuc-
cessful, their Contrivances having been (by all that I could hear or learn of 'em) by
some kind of Machinery working without the Ship, having a Motion communicated
to them from within from the Capstan or otherwise, something analogous to Oars,
Paddles, or by the Revolution of Wheels, or the like, which have ever been found
incommodious, and consequently not practicable.

Art. 2. The Method that I propose for navigating a Ship, is altogether of another
Nature, and very different from any Thing that has been ever yet attempted; no
Part of its Machinery or Apparatus being without the Ship. In short, the Principle
of giving Motion to the Ship in my Way is by forcing Water or some other Fluid
through the Stern or hinder part of it into the Sea by a proper Engine or Engines
placed within the Ship for that Purpose.

Art. 3. This is an Operation consentaneous to Nature, agreeable to what the
Author of it has shewn us in the Swimming of Fishes, who proceed in their pro-
gressive Motion, not by any Vibration of their Fins as Oars, but by protrusion with
their Tails. So likewise Ducks and other Water Fowls swim forward by paddling
with their Feet behind their Bodies. Hor is it dissonant to some Productions of Art;
witness the sky rockets ascending in the Air by Virtue of a Stream of fired Gun-
powder forceably bursting out at the lower End of it, and the Recoiling of a Canon
when it is fired off, &c.

Art. 4. I got a Tin Machine or Sort of Boat to be made, 11 Inches long, 5
Inches broad, and about 6 deep. I put it into a Vessel of stagnant Water, and
loaded it in such manner, that it sunk in the Water exactly 3 Inches and three
quarters in Depth, and in such Case 18*75 square Inches would be the Suiface of
it presenting to the Water, which we call the Surface of Resistance immersed in
the Water, which Surface of 18*75 Inches was equal to 300 times the Aperture in
the Pipe or Tube of a quarter of an Inch square, by and by to be mentioned.
In this Tin Boat was placed a cylindrical Vessel, 6 Inches high, and almost 3 Inches
Diameter, filled with Water, and at the Bottom of it in a horizontal Position, was a
small Pipe or Tube a quarter of an Inch square, carried quite through the Stern
of the Boat, about an Inch and a half under the Surface of the Water in which
the Boat floated, where it had its Aperture of a quarter of an Inch square. Things
being thus prepared, I stopt the Aperture, at the End of the Tube under Water,
with my Finger; and then, when the Boat was in a steady Position, and the Water
calm, I gently drew it away, and leaving the Boat at Liberty, the Water beginning
to run out at the End of the Tube, gave Motion to it as I expected; which Motion,
as nearly as I could observe upon many Trials, was 3 Foot in 10 or 11 Seconds of
Time, which is after the Rate of 1056 in an Hour, or one fifth of a Mile. The
Column of Water being 6 Inches high, we may suppose the pressure of it at a
Medium to be equal to 3 Inches in Height. The Motion of the Boat at the first
was very slow, but increasing gradually, towards the last it was more swift, and
could it have been continued longer, it would doubtless have acquired still a somewhat
greater celerity.	'

Art. 5. Let us in this Experiment suppose the resisting Surface to be augmented
to 500 square Feet, which is much about the Size of a cross Section at the main
Breadth of a 7 0 Gun Ship; then in proportion the Diameter of the Aperture of the
Tube must be enlarged to about 20 Inches square; then it is plain, that the pressure
of a Column of Water of 20 Inches square and 3 Inches high, would move the
Ship after the Rate of 1056 Feet, or one fifth of a mile in an Hour. The Weight
of a Column of Water 20 Inches square and 3 Inches high, will be found to be 25
Pound and *3328 in Decimals, at the Rate of a cubical foot of Water (being Salt-
water) weighing 64 Pound.158

allen's specimina ichnogkaphica.

Art. 6. It has been abundantly demonstrated, or at least presumed to have been
demonstrated, that the Resistance of Fluids is as the Squares of the Velocities of
solid Bodies moving in them, and the moving Powers are always equal to the
Resistances. Hence in the Case before us, as the Square of the Velocity of one
fifth of a Mile in a given Time, viz. an Hour, is to the Square of the Velocity of
2 Miles, so is 25*33*28 to a fourth proportional, which by working will be found
to be 2533*2, &c., Pound Weight, which is equal to the Force required to navigate
a Ship, whose Surface of Resistance contains 500 Foot, at the Rate of two Mile
an Hour, according to this Way of Reckoning. This, how random a Computation
soever it may seem to be, will notwithstanding be found not very distant from other
more accurate Calculations, or from the Truth itself in Fact.

AhT. 7. Some Things very well worth remarking to the Purpose in Hand, may
be observed from the Rowing of the Galleys in the Mediterranean Sea. A Galley,
whose Surface at a cross Section at the main Breadth presenting to the Water is
80 Foot, having 52 Oars, and 3 Men at an Oar (156 Men,) proceeds ordinarily in a
Calm at the Rate of about 3 Mile and two thirds in an Hour. At that rate of
Rowing, the Weight of Water against the Galley is 2240 Pounds, according to
M. de la Hire, Memoir des Scien. Anno 1702, p. 370. Allowing it so (tho' it is
no more than 1606) that Weight being equally divided among the 156 Men, each
Rower impels towards navigating it no more than 14 Pound and 6 Ounces or there-
abouts, which they unitedly contribute to give it that Motion. But then it is to
be considered, that at least two thirds of their Force is lost in wielding the Oars,
being 36 Foot long, which must be moved upwards and downwards, as well as
as backwards and forwards; and in giving it this last Motion the Rowers are obliged
to run backwards and forwards, he that is the farthest from the Fulcrum no less than
6 Foot, and the rest proportipnably; add to this, that they sometimes meet with
Opposition of Water in fetching their Stroke, and sometimes quite miss their
Stroke; besides they wrest the Galley from Side to Side, and disturb its direct
Motion, one Side of the Rowers happening almost alway to out row, or pull stronger
than the other, which is unavoidable. This makes the Galley move in a crooked
line from Side to Side; but this you will say is to be help'd by the Steerage;
right; but then so much as is rectified by the Rudder, so much of the
Motion is abated and retarded. There is also yet another Thing, which in
some measure impedes the progressive Motion, which is the Dancing of the Galley
upwards and downwards, occasioned by the lifting up and plunging down the Oars
in the Sea. It is farther to be observed, that they strike no more than 24 Strokes
in a Minute, and one third of that Time is only applicable to give Motion to the
Galley, the rest being imployed in wreilding the Oars, &c. as before noted. By
Reason of these Impediments, it cannot be supposed that more than one third of the
Rower's Strength exerts itself in forwarding the Galley. In my Way therefore of
Navigating, herein-after to be explained, wherein all these Inconveniences are
avoided, less than half of the Number of Hands would suffice for Rowing a Galley
of that Dimensions, after the rate of 3 Miles and two thirds an Hour. There are
some Galleys that are large, and have greater Numbers of Hands on Board, but
then the same proportion holds good in all. They have usually from 25 to 30 Benches
of Oars on each Side, and 4 or 5 Slaves to each Bench. They are from 20 to 22
Fathom long, 3 broad, and 1 deep, and they are said to Row 5 Miles an Hour, but
then they have a vast Number of Hands. Let their Rate of Rowing be what it
will, the same is to be performed in my Way with half the Number of Men, which
certainly is Incourageing enough for those that make Use of Galleys to put this
Method in Practice, whatsoever the Wisdom of this Nation may think fit to do.

Akt. 8. Philosophical Transactions No. 169. A cubical Foot of Pump Water, by
Experiment is found to weigh 62 Pound 8 Ounces, but Salt-water may weigh
about a twenty-ninth or twenty-eight more than common Water; which allowance
being made, a cubical Foot of Sea Water at the most can weigh no more than 64
Pound, which I make the Standard in my future Calculations.allen's specimina ichnographica.

139

Art. 9. Water falling from a Reservoir 14 Foot high
from A to D, acquires the Velocity of 28 Foot in a
Second, as has been found by very nice Experiments,
from whence a general Rule for Calculation in all
Cases may be established (Resistances of Fluids being
as the Squares of the Velocities of Bodies moving in
them) as thus:—As 784 (the Square of 28, the Velo-
city in D) is the Square of the Velocity in B (which
is to be found by Experiment, it being the Velocity
of the Current, or the Velocity you would have the
Ship to sail at in a Second of Time, or the Height
of the Reservoir from A to B, which are all the same
thing; for Example, supposing the Current to move
after the Rate of one Mile an Hour, viz., 5280 Foot,
then it would move 1*4666, &c. in a Second, the
Square of which is, 2*1508) so is A D, 14 to a fourth
Term, which fourth Term is the length of the Line
from A to B, and is to be multiplied by 64, the
Pounds in a cubical Foot of Water (Fid. Art praeced.)
and this Rule will hold universally. See the Operation
following:—

2,1508
14

2 8. ---

_ 86032

21508

784)30,1112(-0384
23-52	64

6-591 1536
6272 2304

'3192	2*45 7 6 = to the Weight of Water against

•SI36	one Foot, at the rate of one

----Mile an Hour.

'•56

For A, B, the Height of the Reservoir being determined from the given Celerity,
and the Proportions being as above mentioned, it will be easy to discover the
Resistance of the Water in all Cases whatsoever, and the Powers able to overcome
it in any single Foot of Water; and from thence the cross Section of a Ship, which
is the Surface of Resistance, being given in square Feet, the power to navigate it in
still Water may be known by multiplying the Weight of Resistance of that square
Foot into the Number of square Feet contained in the Ship's Surface of Resistance.

So also the Force required to navigate a Ship or Boat against any determined
Current may be found out, if we add the Celerity of the Current to the Resistance
of dead Water, and proceed in the Manner spoken of.

After this Manner may be found the Force required to navigate a Ship of any
Burthen, after the Rate of 1, 2, 3, 4, &c., Miles an Hour, by the same Method of
Proceeding.

Art. 10. A 70 Gun Ship may be about 38 Foot Beam, and may draw 16 Foot
Water, not including the Keel; a Section then at the main Breadth will contain
500 Foot, which is the Surface of Resistance; and if it be required to know what
Force is sufficient to navigate it in a Calm, for Example after the Rate of two
Miles an Hour, we had need only to multiply 9-8, the Weight of Water against
one Foot, by 500, the whole Surface of Resistance, and the Product will be 4900

A

	-----
14.	
D.	140

allen's specimina ichnographica.

Pounds, equal to the Force required; and if we would have it to sail after the
Kate of 3 Mile an Hour, it would require somewhat more than double the Force to
effect it, as the Method of Calculation here laid down would shew.

And this Method of Calculation would undoubtedly obtain, if the Form of a Ship
was an exact Parallelopepid, at each End flat and Square; but the Figure and
Shape of it is so artfully contrived to facilitate its Passage thro' the Water, that
it very much alters the Case, as the Experiment underneath will demonstrate.

Art. 11. It is a Proposition self-evident, That a Force or Power, whatsoever it be,
that is sufficient to hold a Boat or Vessel against a Current of a known Velocity, the
same Force or Power would Draio it zoilh an equal Degree of Velocity in a Still
Water, I mean with the same Swiftness as such a Current runs at. In consequence
of this Proposition I made the following Experiment.

Art. 12. In the River Parret at Bridgwater, I procured a small Vessel about 50
Ton, whose cross Section at the main Breadth was 15 Foot, and being about 3
fourths loaden, it sunk to the Depth of 6 Foot and a half, or drew so much Water
as 'tis called, not including the Keel, so that the Surface of Resistance might be
about 85 Foot From a Cable fasten'd cross the River, in the Middle of it, we had
a line fixed; at the Distance of about 20 or 30 Yards from the Cable was the Vessel
with a Block lashed to the middle part of the Bowsprit, over this Block was brought
the Line, to which was fasten'd a Scale to receive such Weight as we should want
from a Boat attending underneath to make a Counterpoise against the Stream. Soon
after the Tide began to ebb we tried the Experiment, what Weight it would bear,
and found it to be hardly half a hundred; after awhile we added more Weight, as
the Tide of ebb ran stronger, and at length it sustained 325 Pound Averdupoize,
Weights, Scale and all; at the same time, when the Current was at that Strength,
we threw into the River a roundish Block of Deal Timber, which we had prepared
for the Purpose, about 6 or 7 Inches Diameter, and 10 Inches long, with a
sufficient Quantity of Lead nailed to the Bottom of it to make it swim upright,
about 2 Inches of it appearing above Water; and at the same we also threw in
an old Hoop about a Foot and a half Diameter; for half a Mile or more they
kept Pace pretty well together, after that the Block happening to come near the
Shore, its Motion was retarded, and at length it lodged on the Side of the Bank;
but the Hoop all the while went on in very good Order, and we attended it whilst
it floated along a full measured Mile, which it did in 26 Minutes, as we observed by
our Watches, so that the Current ran at the rate of a Mile in 26 Minutes, or 2 Mile
and 3 tenths in an Hour.

Art. 13. This Experiment was made with great Care and pretty good Exactness,
so that we may adventure to deduce Rules for Calculation from it. The first
fundamental Proposition will stand incontestibly thus ; That the Force, Weight, or
Power of 325 Pound will navigate a Ship, whose Surface of Resistance contains 85
square Feet, at the rate of 1 Mile in 26 Minutes, or 2 Mile and 3 tenths in an
Hour. However, that a sufficient Allowance may be made for the Friction of the
Block, the Stiffness of the Rope, &c., we will suppose, that the Ship would have
suspended 15 Pound more, viz., in all 340 Pound, which 340 Pound being divided by
85, the superficial square Feet in the Ship's Section, the Quotient will be 4 Pound to
each Foot; then as the Square of the Velocity of 2*3 Miles an Hour is to the Square
of the Velocity of 2 Miles an Hour, so is 4 Pound to a fourth proportional, which by
working will be found to be 3 Pound, and a trifle more, which is inconsiderable after
the great Allowance just now mentioned; therefore, 3 Pound to the Foot will be
amply sufficient to navigate a Ship after the rate of 2 Miles an Hour, and consequently
be admitted as a standing Rule for all future Calculations.

Thus much may suffice for an Enquiry what Force and Power is necessarily
required to navigate a Ship in a Calm, which I have deduced, partly from the
Speculation of rowing the Galleys, and from other Mens Writings and Observations,
but chiefly from several of my own Experiments, by which I apprehend I am come
to a great Degree of Certainty.ALLEYS SPECIMINA ICHN0GRAPI1ICA.

141

In the next Place then I am to explain my own Method, which as I have hinted
above, is by forcing Water, or some other Fluid, through the Stern or hinder Part
of the Ship into the Sea, by a proper Engine or Engines placed within the Ship for
that Purpose. The other Fluids besides Water that I am to make Use of for
this Purpose are Air and Fire, as I have declared in the Specification of my
Patent.

Art. 14.1 got a sort of Force Pump fitted in thro' the Bottom of a large Cock Boat,
with a Valve on the lower End of it opening upwards, so as to let in the Water
into the Pump Barrel from under the Boat, and prevent its Return that Way. A
little higher up was a Spout about 3 Foot long, fixed into the Barrel of the Pump
horizontally, and the End of it went thro' the Stern of the Boat, about half a Foot
under Water. The Barrel of the Pump was about 5 Inches Diameter, and the
Bore of the Spout, where it delivered the Water, somewhat less than 2 Inches.
Things being thus prepared, and the Boat in a Mill-pond River, where there was no
Current, the Pump was set to work, and it moved on the Boat after the Rate of
about a Mile and half an Hour. The Boat was loaded, so as to sink to a Depth, a
Section of which I computed to be equal to 4 square Feet; the Weight upon each
Foot, after the Rate of a Mile and half an Hour, is one Pound and 6875 in Decimals,
or 6 Pound three quarters on the 4 Foot, the double of which is 13 Pound and a
half (the Reason for doubling it will be seen hereafter), which, besides the Friction
of the Force Pump (which was not a very good one) was all the Force required to
give it a Motion of half a League an Hour.

Some preliminary Suppositions in order for Description of a Pneumatick
Engine to navigate a Seventy Gun Ship in a Calm.

Art. 15. In the first Place, let there be supposed to be prepared two large
Chests, which may be called the Air Chests, of thick Deal Plank, 12 Foot square,
and about 7 or 8 Foot deep, made to the greatest Truth and Exactness, and the
Joints all tight and well secured, or they may be made of a cylindrical Figure.
These are to be supposed to be set side by side in some convenient Place, towards
the Stern of the Ship, at such an Height that their Bottoms may be about 7 or
8 Foot under the Water-mark. Each of these Air Chests is to have a Piston
fitted to it, and leather'd all round in good Workman-like Manner. These Pistons
are to be furnished each of'em with 3 or 4 Brass Valves, two Foot diameter, opening
into the Cavity of the Chests, and to be provided with Springs to shut them, as
Occasion shall require.

Art. 16. Before I describe the Method of working these Pistons, it may not be
amiss to take a Survey of the Power and Effect they would have to move a Ship
according to the known Laws of Motion and Rules of mechanical Operations, for
the present taking it for granted, that we can find an adequate Power to work such
an Engine. This is a matter of great Importance, and will deserve to be examined
with the utmost Strictness and Impartiality ; for if I am mistaken herein, I must
own it a fundamental Error, and I must come infinitely short of what I pretend to.
And first perhaps it will be objected, that Air being so light a Body, so tenuious
and yielding, as also so compressible and elastick, I shall be able to make little or
no impression with it against the Water, which is a Fluid of so superior a Gravity
and Density. This indeed looks like an Objection to vulgar Apprehensions, but I
hope for better Quarter from the Learned and skilful in Mechanicks, they will agree
with me, that an Impulse made on a Body of Air in a confined Place will com-
municate the same Degree of Motion to any other Body, whether fluid or solid, by
a Shove it will give it, a small allowance only being made on account of its Com-
pressibility, which is not to be look'd upon to be very great neither; for in the case
before us, in a Column of Air 12 Foot Square, it would require more than 30,000
Pound Weight to compress the Column, so as to shorten it 3 Inches; therefore,
when a great Weight or Force comes upon it, it will not be squeezed together,142

allen's specimina ichnographica.

but it must go qua data porta, with a Celerity correspondent to the Weight incumbent
or Force from whence it receives the Impulse, and the Diameters of the Foramen
or Foramina, where it makes its Escape.

Art. 17. If such a Column of Air as are speaking of, 12 Foot square, was supposed
to be carried out against the sea water horizontally in its full Dimensions at the Stern
of the Ship; supposing, I say, the make of a Ship would admit of such a Thing, in
such case the Shove or Impulse the Air would make against the Water would be
equal to the Impression it received at the Top of the Column by the Piston; this
granted, we will suppose farther the Telocity of the Motion of the Piston to be 2
Yards in 2 Seconds in each Chest, which, added together, would make as it were a
continued Stream of Air, issuing out with the Celerity of 2 Yards in every Second of
Time, which is more than 4 Miles an Hour, equal in Weight to 1728 Pound and
upwards. Now the Resistances of Fluids to Bodies moving in them being as the
Squares of their Velocities, half this Power will be expended in shoving the Ship
forward, or (which is the same thing) in making its effort against the Water afore the
Ship ; and the other half in shoving back or spurning against the Water behind the
Ship. We may justly compare it to the Explosion of Gunpowder in the Barrel of a
Cannon, half of whose Force is employed in sending forward the Ball, and the
half in making the Cannon to recoil; tho' it be not exactly so, it matters not, it
serves to illustrate the Notion; or it is like driving a Wedge, which presses as much
on one Side of the Block to be cloven, where the Crack or Cleaving is, as on the
other. According to this Computation the Ship would have the Weight of 864
Pound impressed on it to forward its Motion, which, in a 70-Gun Ship, whose Sur-
face of Resistance is 500 Square Feet, being divided by that Sum, the Quotient will
be one Pound *72 &c., in Decimals on each Foot, sufficient to navigate such a Ship
more than half a League an Hour; and would require no more than 70 men to
work it, (was it possible to do it in this manner) as will appear hereafter. Thus far
Things are plain, and we are involved in no Obscurity.

Art. 18. To render this Engine practicable for Navigation it is necessary that the
Conveyances of the Air thro' the Stern of the Ship into the Sea be lessened, and it
would be expedient to have the Air Chests also, as much as conveniently may be,
diminished, that they may not be too cumbersome in the Ship. It is visible that
everywhere I entirely depend on the Truth of the Proposition, That the Resistances
of Fluids are as the Squares of the Velocities. I am not ignorant, however, that it
has been disputed; but believe, tho' I am not Master enough of Mathematicks to
demonstrate it, that it will be allow'd me, that it is extreamly near so, and near
enough for Practice, which is all I contend for. If the Air Chests, or Cylinders, if
they may be made round, or Pump Barrels, let 'em be called what any one pleases,
be made no more than 7 Foot Diameter, with Pistons fitted to them, and their
Trunks or Tubes to convey the Air into the Sea 2 Foot square, and the Strokes to
be made as before observed; then,will the Steam issuing from them move with
a Velocity of 48 Miles an Hour, operating upon a Volume of Water 2 Foot square,
or of 4 square Feet; the Effect of it will be that it will impress a Force of 6912
Pound, which, being divided by 500, the square Feet of Resistance in a 70-Gun
Ship, the Quotient will be 13 Pound and eight tenths on every Foot, which, being
halved, is 6.9, more than sufficient to navigate such a Ship after the Rate of 3 Mile
an Hour, and the Number of Men for that Work would be 276. If the Square of
the Air Chests be lessened to 5 Foot, and the Tubes to convey the Air into the Sea
to 18 Inches, then will the Stream issuing from them move with a Velocity 44 Miles
an Hour, operating upon a Volume of Water 18 Inches square, or of 2 square Feet
and a quarter, and the Effect will be that it will impress a Force of 1452 Pound,
which, being divided as above by 500, the Quotient will be 2 Pound and 9 tenths,
which, being halved, is 145, within a trifle, enough to navigate such a Ship after the
rate of half a League an Hour, and will require no more than 58 Men. These
two Examples may be sufficient, since there is an infinite Variety, which any one
may try at Pleasure.allen's specimina ichnographica.

143

The Description of a Water Engine to navigate a small Ship, for Example, about 200

Ton. Such a Vessel at the main Beam may measure about 22 Foot, and may draw

about 11 Foot Water, not including the Keel.

Art. 19. For the accomplishing this Design a little Portion of the Ship abaft must
be divided off by a very strong and firm Partition, such as may be proof against the
Sea. Into this Room, as I may call it, the Water may be permitted to come in the
Intervals of the Strokes of the Piston, thro' several Inlets or Openings from the
Bottom of the Ship by Yalves opening inwards; so that the Water may come as
high in that Boom as it is in the Sea without side the Ship. In this Boom is to be
placed a Cylinder or a Tube of 6 Foot square, and about 7 Foot long, open at the
Bottom, with a Piston fitted to it. The whole Boom must be closely sealed down
with good strong Planks everywhere, except over the Opening of the Tube where
the Piston works. When the Piston works it forces the Water in the Boom into
the Sea thro' 2 Tubes, each a little more than a Foot Square, one on each Side of
the Stern Post opening into the Sea, where they are to deliver their Water. These
are to be placed in a level Line parallel with the Keel, and are to be of a convenient
Length; they are not to be contiguous to the Cylinder or Pump Barrel. The
Strokes here being but once in 2 Seconds, the Piston moves 3 Foot in a Second,
which is somewhat more than 2 Mile an Hour. The Water will issue out thro' the
Tubes into the Sea after the Bate of 16 Mile an Hour, operating upon a Volume of
Water 18 Inches Square, or of 2 square Feet and a Quarter, and the Effect will be,
that it will impress a Force equal to 786 Pound Weight, which being divided by
200, the Square Feet of Besistance, the Quotient will be 3 Pound and 9-Tenths,
which being halved 19 5 Pound upon each Foot, which is almost to navigate the
Ship after the Bate of a Mile and S-Fourths an Hour, and requires about 15 or 16
Men to do it by Hand. This also may be varied according to the Bigness of the
Ship and other Circumstances, pro re nata.

Art. 20. Having proceeded thus far in an untrodden Path, it will be now incum-
bent upon me to shew in what Manner the Engines are to be wrought, how and by
what Powers and Force the Pistons are to be moved, in order to communicate a
Motion to the Ship, &c., the Powers to be made use of either the Strength of Men,
or the Application of the Fire Engine, and upon some very extraordinary Occasions
the Explosion of Gunpowder. The Manner of working the Pistons is to be by
Wheels and Chains, which is the very best Way of all, being the most simple, and
liable to the least Friction of any. First, then, for doing it by Hand. The Stroke
of the Piston, as has been noted above, being to be about 6 Foot, and the Beach of a
Man as he is to sit in a rowing Posture being not much more than 3 Foot, the
Radius that moves the Piston must be double to that by which the Men pull at.
A very few Men can work the Piston in any Ship, but then if they are few the
Strokes will not be quick enough, and the Motion of the Ship very slow. The more
Hands are employed the quicker the Strokes will be, and the Ship will receive the
greater Impulse. The Men may be ranged along between Decks at a great
Length, and may work it by means of a long Pole, with small Cross Bars or Handles
to pull by, as will be found most commodious for the Purpose. There are Two
Pistons in the Pneumatick Engines, to be wrought alternately, of which Mention
was made above. This is effected by seating One-half of the Men with their Faces
towards the Prow and the other half towards the Stern, and the making use of Two
Wheels or Sectors of Circles, which is explained in the Draught Fig. 3, but could be
made much more intelligible by a Model than by any Draught or Scheme. The
Strokes of the Pistons are alternate, as I have said, so that between the Two they
create a perpetual Stream, incessantly pouring forth from 10 to 150 Miles an Hour if
one pleases (let it not be thought incredible, when Mr. Newshams Engine spouts Water
after the Bate of upwards of 230 Miles an Hour, as any one who will be at the Pains
to calculate may find; and a Bullet out of a Cannon moves after the Bate of above 4 30
Miles an Hour). The Besistance of the Sea Water against so very rapid a Stream,144

allen's specimina ichnographica.

especially because It is thrown out at such a Distance under the Surface, is very
considerable, as may be calculated by the Rules laid down; and tho' it presses upon
but a small Volume of Water, yet, by its prodigious Celerity, an ample Amends is
made, as is easy to compute, and will be made good in Experience. N.B. A 70-Gun
Ship may be about 1000 Ton, carrying about 430 Men.

The Manner of applying the Engine for raising Water by Fire to navigate

a Ship in a Calm.	*

Art. 21. I must suppose my Reader to understand the Construction and Method
of working of Engines to raise Water by the impellant Force of Fire, as now in
practice at York Buildings, and at several other Places in England, for draining
Mines. He must also attend to the Alteration I have proposed to make in it,
Dissert. 1, Art. 5, &c.; for when it is modelled after the Manner there proposedjt
may be put on Board and made use of to navigate a Ship; but then the Steam
Barrel must be set down almost upon the Level with the Boiler, which may be done
by means a crooked Pipe of Conveyance for the Steam into the great Cylinder; for
the Steam may be made to descend as well as ascend into the Cylinder or Steam
Barrel. If it was not so contrived after this Manner the Leaver or Beam would rise
too high in the Ship above the Deck. This Inconvenience being thus prevented, let
us suppose a Fire Engine with its Furniture (tho' it is not needful that it be made
to work itself, since 4 or 5 Men, there being enough in the Ship, can supply it by
Hand,) to be placed in a 70-Gun Ship, having on Board the Pneumatick Engine
above described, with Two 7-Foot Cylinders and their Pistons accordingly fitted,
&c.; only here it is to be observed that the Two Pistons are to be made so as to
strike together, the Fire Engine being powerful enough to work both of them at
once. The Engine, as is well known, strikes about 12 Strokes in a Minute, one
every 5 Seconds, which Stroke in the large Engine is computed at about 5 Ton, so
that an Impulse of a Weight equal to One Ton every Second is communicated, Half
of which goes towards forwarding the Ship (as has been before observed), that Half
therefore, equal to 1000 Weight, being divided by 500, the Feet of Resistance gives
in the Quote 2 Pound, which is almost sufficient to navigate such a Ship after the
Rate of 1 Mile in 3 quarters of an Hour, which, if done by Hand, would require
between 90 and 100 men, so that the Engine performs the Work of such a Number
of Hands. The Fire Engine is capable of being well adapted for this Purpose,
because it strikes a Stroke of 6 or 7 Foot in Length; and I am persuaded that it will
perform to a greater Degree than what I here have mentioned, on account of the
prodigious Celerity of its Strokes, although they do not follow one another so quick
as one could wish, insomuch that I think there is no manner of Doubt that if a
Couple of 'em were applyed to a Ship of 12 or 14 hundred Ton, they would impel it
at the Rate of Three Knots an Hour.

Art. 22. It remains now that I should give some Account of what Helps are to
be had from the Explosion of Gunpowder for the giving Motion to a Ship on some
extraordinary Occasions, as in Sea Engagements, in great Dangers of Shipwreck, or
the like; but this is a Thing of such a Nature and Consequence, that it must not be
published to the World over hastily, without mature Deliberation as well as great
Caution; for I have had some Doubtings with myself whether some bad Uses might
not be made of it, to the great Detriment and Prejudice of Mankind. Moreover,
there are also some other Engines besides what relate to Shipping, which, to their
great Improvement, may be brought to receive Motion from this same powerful
Agent; wherefore, upon the present View of Things, I cannot judge it to be so
convenient at the present to unfold this great Mystery of the Use of Gunpowder in
these Respects, and to explain the Methods of applying it to the various Purposes it
is capable of, but rather choose to reserve it for a future Treatise, if it shall please
God to grant me Life and Health to go on with my Experiments, and to perfect my
Speculations in that affair, wherein, when I am upon the Subject of Gunpowder, I
shall explain a new Invention of a Piece of Ordnance, about 4 Foot and a half long,allen's specimina ichnogr afhic a.

145

consisting but of half the Weight of Metal of a common Cannon, and requiring no
more than One-sixth Part of Gunpowder for the Charge, yet will do the same
Execution with the other. It is obvious enough, at the first Hearing, how advan-
tageous Guns of this make would be on Ship-board, and how commodious and
portable by Land.

Art. 23. Now I am discoursing on Maritime Affairs I hope my kind Reader will
be so good to indulge me a little whilst I just mention the Circumstances of an
Invention (I am in some Measure entitled unto) which I believe has not unto this
Day received its full Improvement. In the Year 1716, the last Day of May, I
communicated to the Royal Society an Invention of mine, which I called the Per-
petual Log, or Marine Hodometer, shewing the Way of a Ship by Inspection, by an
Index on a Dial-plate, a Model of which Invention was produced, and an Account of
its Use in Writing delivered at the same Time, and received with an Approbation
of it in Theory by the said honourable Society, and the Model laid up in their Re-
pository, and the Writing committed to their Register, &c. Soon after this, upon
Application made to the Admiralty, an Order was given by the Commissioners for
its being tried at Sea, and in Order thereunto the Machine was performed from the
aforesaid Model by the famous Mr. Rowley, and was put on Board Capt. Chandler,
who sailed for the West Indies, but he dying in the Voyage, I never heard anything
more of the Experiment until 2 or 3 Years after, when I was informed that one
Mr. Henry de Saumarez, a Guernsey Man, was reviving it, under the Title of the
Marine Surveyor ; and indeed, as may be seen by the several Accounts printed in the
Transactions of the Royal Society, he had taken a great deal of Pains in the Thing,
and perhaps in some degree improved the first Contrivance, and I heartily wish he
had lived to have brought it to its greatest Perfection. All that I claim in it is the
Invention of it at first. At the same Time I acquainted thfe Admiralty, or at least
some of the honourable Commissioners, that I knew of a Method of finding the
Influence of Currents and Lee-way of the Ship without stirring out of it; but I do not
understand, that now, after 14 Years, anybody has yet hit of that Notion. After so
many Pretences there have been offered to the World to secure Ships from the Worm
in the West Indies, perhaps it would be esteemed a very great Presumption in me,
who am of a very obscure Character, should I say I can so prepare Plank for the
Building of Ships at a very small Expence, that the Worm will never touch it; but
this at the present I mention here only as a Problem.

Dissertation 3,

A new Method of drying Malt, in such a Manner that no Smoak of the Fuel affects it>
and the Beer brewed therewith is render d more wholesome and pleasant.

• Art. 1. In the common Way of drying Malt the gross Fumes or Halitus of the
Fire pass through the Malt to exhale the Humidity of it. These Fumes communi-
cate an ill smoaky Taste to the Malt, different according to the Nature of the Fuel
made use of in the Drying. Hence it is that the Drinkers of Beer brew'd with Coal-
dry'd Malt condemn the Wood or Straw-dry'd, alledging it has a smoaky Taste,
gives them the Heart-burning, &c. The Drinkers of the Wood or Straw-dry'd say
the same of the Coal-dry'd; and indeed both of them affirm it with great Truth, only
Use and Custom in the Drinkers of each Sort have familiarized the Flavour of one
and the other to themselves; whereas in Reality all Sorts of it have a smoaky
Taste more or less, according to the Kind and Nature of the Fuel wherewith it is
dried.

Art. 2. To remedy the Inconvenience, and to render Malt Drink the more pleasant
and wholesome, I have discovered a new Method of drying Malt with any Sort
of Fuel whatsoever, after such a Manner, that no Smoak at all comes at the
Malt.

This is to be done in a very easy, simple, and natural Way, viz., by laying the
Malt to dry on a Stratum of boiling Water, included in a thin flat Boiler, artfully

-t— o146

allen's specimina ichnographica.

placed in a proper Kiln for that Purpose; so that by the Intervention of the Water
between the Fire and the Malt, the Malt is dry'd in a very gentle and uniform manner,
without Danger of being burnt or smoak'd.

Art. 3. The Experiment I at first try'd, was as follows:—I caused a Tin Vessel
to be made, about 10 Inches Diameter, and 8 or 9 Inches deep, with a double
Bottom, as in the Figure A, B, C9 D, Fig. 4. The Cavity between the two Bottoms
being about 2 Inches deep was fill'd with Water at the Top of the Pipe D, about
2 Inches Diameter, and the Vessel being placed on a small Fire of Wood Coals, the
Water was soon made to boil and bubble up at the Pipe D, and a very small Fire
would keep it boiling. Then the Malt was laid in the Cavity above on the upper
Bottom to dry, and being laid on 3 Inches thick, it was 12 Hours in drying, and
at 4 Inches thick it required 18 Hours. With Malt dried in this manner I brew'd
some Beer, which was of a fine delicious Flavour, without the least smoaky Taste.

Art. 4. For the Purpose then, in order to dry large Quantities of Malt in this
Way, a Kiln may be prepared, as I projected it more than a Year and a half since
(and should have built it if some very great Misfortune had not happened in my
Family) after the following manner, see Fig. 5. First a large Copper, Brass, or Iron
Bottom must be made, suppose about 6 Foot broad, and 20 or 25 Foot in Length,
or more, according to the Largeness of the Kiln intended, the Sides to be turn'd
up about 4 or 5 Inches, in order to have a Floor of Tin Plates w^ll solder'd together
placed all over it, at about 3 Inches Distance above the Copper Bottom, which Floor
of Tin Plates may be supported from the said Copper Bottom with thin Strips of
Wood or the like Contrivance. This Vessel thus fitly compacted together, I call
the Boiler, which may conveniently enough perhaps be made all of Iron, both
Top and Bottom, as the Salt Pans are made ; or the upper Side, where the Malt
is to be laid on, may be made of Lead, if Lead will not be thought to communicate
an Unwholsomness to the Malt. This Boiler must be set in a Kiln of Brickwork
made to receive it, and the Bottom of it to be 6 or 8 Inches above the Brick
Floor. The End where the Fire is to be made, must be laid about 2 Foot lower
than the upper End, where the Flues are to carry off the Smoak of the Fire,
and Fumes of the Water.

Art. 5. The Boiler thus placed must be fill'd with Water at the upper End,
where it must be turn'd up about a Foot high, and left open for discharging the
Fumes occasioned by the boiling of the Water; and the Supply of Water to answer
that Evaporation may most commodiously be furnished by a Pipe near the lower
End over the Fire Place, where the Heat may be supposed to be the strongest.

The Malt is to be laid on this Boiler about 4 Inches thick, which will contain
(the Dimensions being as before spoken) about 20 or 25 Bushels. It must be turn'd
pretty often, as is usually done in other Ways of Drying; and it will be dry'd in
about 18 Hours.

Art. 6. By all the Experiments I have been hitherto able to make, I do not
find that this Method will take more Fuel, or require longer Time for the drying
than the common Way ; and any sort of Coals, Turff or Peat, Furze, Hearth,
Straw, or any other combustible Matter whatsoever, that will but heat Water,
may be used to as good Purpose as chared Coals, or the finest and choicest cleft
Wood.

Finis*The Invention described in the following Treatise was the subject of Letters Patent
No. 556, dated 2\stJDecember 1736.)

DESCRIPTION AND DRAUGHT

OF A	1

NEW-INVENTED MACHINE

FOR

CARRYING VESSELS OR SHIPS OUT OF OR INTO ANY
HARBOUR, PORT, OR RIVER,

AGAINST WIND AND TIDE OR IN A CALM;

FOR WHICH

HIS MAJESTY HAS GRANTED LETTERS PATENT, FOR THE SOLE
BENEFIT OF THE AUTHOR,

FOR THE SPACE OF FOURTEEN YEARS.

BY JONATHAN HULLS.

LONDON t PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR, 1737.
(Price Sixpence.)

LONDON.

Reprinted by George E. Eyre and William Spottiswoode, Printers to the Queen's most Excellent Majesty.
Published at the Great Seal Patent Office, Southampton Buildings, Chancery Lane.

1858.

PAn Abstract of the Patent granted to Jonathan Hulls, for his

New Machine.

George the Second, by the Grace of God of Great Britain, France, and Ireland
King, Defender of the Faith, &c.

To all to whom these Presents shall come, Greeting.

Whereas our Trusty and Well-beloved Jonathan Hulls hath by his Petition
humbly represented unto Our most dearly beloved Consort, the Queen Guardian of
the Kingdom, &c., That he hath with much Labour and Study, and at great Expence,
Invented and formed a Machine for Carrying Ships and Vessels out of or into any
Harbour or River against Wind and Tide, or in a Calm, which the Petitioner apprehends
may be of great Service to Our Royal Navy and Merchant Ships, and to Boats and
to other Vessels passing against the Stream in Navigable Rivers ; of which Machine,
the Petitioner hath made Oath that he is the sole Inventor, as by Affidavit to his
said Petition annexed appears. But in regard the Petitioner apprehends he cannot
at present safely discover the nature of his Invention, he proposes to describe the
same more fully by an Instrument in Writing under his Hand and Seal, to be
enrolled in our High Court of Chancery within a Time for that purpose given,
as has been frequently done in Cases of the like Nature, and has humbly prayed Our
said most dearly beloved Consort to grant unto him, his Executors, Administrators,
and Assigns, Our Letters Patent, under the Great Seal, for the sole Use and Benefit
of his said Invention, within England, Wales, and Town of Berwick-upon-Tweed,
for the Term of Fourteen Years, according to the Statute in such Cases made and
provided.

Know ye, Therefore, That We, of Our special Grace, certain Knowledge, and
meer Motion, have given and granted, and by these presents, for Us, Our Heirs and
Successors, Do give and grant unto the said Jo. Hulls, his Executors, &c., Our
special Licence, full Power, sole Privilege and Authority, during the Term of Years
herein expressed, shall and lawfully may make, use, exercise, and vend his said Inven*
tion of a Machine for carrying Ships and Vessels out of or into any Harbour or River.

And to the End that the said Jonathan Hulls, his, &c., and every of them, may
have and enjoy the full Benefit and sole Use and Exercise of the said Invention,
according to Our gracious Intention herein-before declared, W e do by these presents,
for Us, our Heirs and Successors, require and strictly Command All and every Person
or Persons, Bodies politick and corporate, and all other Our Subjects whatsoever, of
what Estate, Quality, Degree, Name, or Condition soever they be, within that part
of Our Kingdom of Great Britain called England, &c., that neither they, nor any of
them, at any Time during the continuance of the said Term, hereby granted, either
directly or indirectly, do make use or put in Practice the said Invention, or any part
of the same so attained unto by Jonathan Hulls as aforesaid, nor in any wise
counterfeit, Imitate, or Resemble the same, nor shall make or cause to be made any
Addition thereunto, or Substraction from the same, whereby to pretend himself or
themselves the Inventor or Inventors, Devisor or Devisors, thereof without the
Licence, Consent, or Agreement of the said Jonathan Hulls, his, &c., in Writing
under his or their Hands and Seals first had and obtained in that behalf, upon such
Pains and Penalties as can or may be justly inflicted on such Offenders for their
Contempt of this Our Royal Command, and further to be answerable to the said
Jonathan Hulls, his Executors, Administrators, and Assigns, according to Law, for
his or their Damages thereby occasioned.

In Witness whereof, We have caused these Our Letters to be made Patent.
Witness Caroline, Queen of Great Britain,&c., Guardian of the said Realm, &c.
At Westminster, the 21st Day of December 1736, in the Tenth Year of our
Reign.

By Writ of Privy Seal.

Cocks,

v 2150

hull's machine for carrying vessels or ships.

Whereas several Persons concerned in the Navigation have desired some Account
of my Invention for carrying Ships Out of and into Harbours, Ports, and Rivers when
they have not a fair Wind. But I could not fully describe this Machine without
writing a small Treatise of the same, in which I shall endeavour to demonstrate the
Possibility and Probability of the Matter undertaken.

There is one great Hardship lies too commonly upon those who propose to Advance
some New, tho' Useful, Scheme for the publick Benefit. The World abounding more
in rash Censure than in a candid and unprejudiced Estimation of Things; if a person
does not Answer their Expectation in every Point, instead of Friendly Treatment for
his good Intentions he too often meets with Ridicule and Contempt. But I hope that
this will not be my Case, but that they will form a Judgment of my present Under-
taking only from Trial. If it should be said that I have filled this Tract with Things
that are foreign to the Matter propos'd, I answer, There is nothing in it but what is
necessary to be understood by those that desire to Know the Nature of that Machine
which I now offer to the World; and I hope that, through the Blessing of God, it
may prove serviceable to my Country.

J. H.

A Description and Draught, &c.

Before I speak of the machine itself, it will be necessary to explain the Nature of
those Powers that are applied to it.

And First, of Mechanical Powers.

The Intent of most Mechanical Machines is to raise great Power or Weight with a
small intensity of Power, or, on the other Hand, to cause a Motion to be more Swift,
or to continue a Motion a long space of Time by a greater Weight or Force. But
there was never any Instrument yet could be mads to move a Heavy Body by a
Lighter, through equal perpendicular space. If that could be performed, the perpetual
Motion might be easily brought to Perfection; but where Nature contradicts it is
in vain to Attempt.

It is possible to make a Machine to lift up an immense Weight with a small String,
or even a Hair, but then we must take Notice, there must be Time and Space in
Proportion to the weight of the Body to be so raised; for one general Rule to be
observed in Mechanical Powers is, When the Spaces gone through are in an inverse
Ratio of the Intensities, the Actions are equal.

demonstration.

We will instance in the Ballance-Beam a well-known instrument.

The Action of a Weight to move a Balance is by so much greater as the point pressed
by the Weight is more distant from the Center of the Ballance, and that Action follows
the Proportion of the Distance of the said Point from the Center. When the Ballance
moms about its Center the Point B describes the Arch B b, whilst the Point A describes
the Arch A a, which is the biggest of the Two. Therefore, in thak Motion of the Ballance
the Action of the same Weight is different, according to the Point to which it is
applied9 and it follows the Proportion of the Space gone through by that Point
Therefore, at A it is as A a and at B it is as B b, but those Arches are to one
another as C A to C B, Fig. 1.

The Brachia of the Ballance are divided into equal Parts, and one Ounce applied to
the Ninth Division from the Center is as powerful as three Ounces at the third Division,
and two Ounces at the Sixth Division act as strongly as three at the Fourth, &c. A
Ballance is said to be in iEquilibrio when the Actions of the Weights upon each
Brachium to move the Ballance are equal, so that they mutually destroy each other
by the foregoing Experiment. Unequal Weights can ^Equiponderate. For this it is
requisite that the Distance from the Center be reciprocally as the Weights. In that

* Vide Gravesand's Introduction to Philosophy.hull's machine for carrying vessels or ships.

151

Case, if each Weight be multiplied by its Distance, the Products will be equal. On
this Principle are Stilly ards made to weigh with one Weight.

Of the Axis in Peritrocliio.

The Power hath the greater Force the greater the Wheel is, and its Action increases
in the same Ratio with the Wheel's Diameter. The Weight resists so much the less as
the Diameter of the Axis is less, and its Resistance is diminished in the same Ratio as
the Diameter of the Axis; and that there may be an ^Equilibrium between the Weight
and the Power, it is always Requisite that the Diameter of the Wheel be to the
Diameter of the Axis in an Inverse Ratio of the Power to the Weight.

For Example, Suppose the Diameter of the Axis to be One Foot and the Diameter
of the Wheel Six Foot. If the weight D weigh Six Hundred Pounds and the Weight
at B One Hundred Pounds, there will be an ^Equilibrium; and if it is required to
raise the weight D, the weight at B must descend Six Foot, in order to raise the
weight at D one Foot.

There are many sorts of Machines to raise great Weights, as the Pulley, &c., but
they are all grounded on the same Principles with these already mentioned; for if a
great weight is to be raised by a small Power, this small Power must go thro' the
larger Space in Proportion to the inequality of the Power with the Weight.

Note, there ought to be some Allowance added to the Power that moves any
Machine more than the Rules of Mechanicks mention, by Reason of Friction, which is
more or less according to the Nature of the Machine ; for the larger a Wheel, &c., is,
and the lesser the Axis, the lesser the Friction will be, & contra.

But since our present Purpose cannot be compleated by any Mechanical Rules
only (Because there can no Motion be contrived to be work'd by Manual Operation,
to move both with Power and with Swiftness sufficient to Answer the intended work).
In order, therefore, to Drive this Machine we are forced to apply the Weight of the
Atmosphere, The Nature of which I shall now endeavour to Explain.

The Atmosphere being an invisible Fluid* it will be proper to give some Account
of Fluids in general.

Of Fluids.

<c A Fluid is a Body whose Parts yield to any Force imprest, and by yielding are
« very easily moved one among another." Whence it follows that Fluidity arises
from this, that the Parts do not strongly cohere, and that the Motion is not hindered
by any inequality in the Surface of the Parts.

Fluids agree in this with solid Bodies, viz., That they consist of heavy Particles,
and have their gravity Proportionable to the Quantity of Matter in any Position of
their Parts. From this Gravity it follows, That the Surface of a Fluid contained in-
a Vessel, if it be not pressed from above, or if equally press'd (for that makes no
Alteration), will become Plain or Flat, and parallel to the Horizon; for as the Par^
tides yield to any Force impress'd, they will be moved by Gravity, till at last none
of them can descend any Lower. The Lower Parts sustain the Upper, and are
pressed by them, and this Pressure is in Proportion to the incumbent Matter; that is,
to the Height of the Liquid above the Particle that is pressed. But as the upper
Surface of the Liquid is parallel to the Horizon, all the Points of any Surface which
you may conceive within the Liquid parallel to the Horizon are equally press'd.

If, therefore, in any Part of such a Surface there is a lesser Pressure than in other
Parts, the Liquid which yields to any Impression will ascend^ till the Pressure
becomes equal.

Example.—Take a Glass Tube open at both Ends, and stopping one End with
your Finger, immerse the other in Water. When the Tube is full of Air the Water
will rise but to a small Height, If you take away your Finger, that the Air that is
compressed may go out, the imaginary Surface that you conceive in the Water just at
the Bottom of the Tube is less pressed, just against the hole of the Tube, so that the
Water will rise up in the Tube till it comes up to the same Height with the external
Water.152

HULL'S MACHINE FOR CARRYING VESSELS OR SHIPS.

The Pressure upon the Lower Parts, which arises from the Gravity of the Super-
incumbent Liquid, exerts itself every Way, and every way equally.

In Tubes that have a Communication, whether Equal or Unequal, whether Strait or
Oblique, a Fluid rises to the same height; that is, all the Parts of the Upper Surface
are in the same Horizontal Place.

The modern Philosophers conceive Fluids to consist of Particles, small, smooth,
hard, and spherical; according to which Opinion every Particle is of itself solid, or
a fixt Body, and, when considered singly, is no Fluid, but becomes so only by being
join'd with Particles of the same Kind. The more perfect a Fluid is the more easily
it will yield to all Impressions, and the more easily will the Parts Coalesce, being
separated. Properly speaking, there is no perfect Fluid in Nature, by Reason of
their Attraction; for Mercury, the most perfect Fluid, is not exempt from it.

Of the Actions of Liquids against the Bottoms and Sides of the Vessel that contains

them.

As the Pressure of the Liquids is every Way Equal, the Bottom and Sides are
pressed as much as the neighbouring Parts of the Liquids; therefore this Action
increases in proportion to the Height of the Liquid, and is every Way Equal at
the same Depth, depending altogether upon the Height, and not at all upon the
Quantity of the Liquid, Therefore when the Height of the Liquid and the Bigness
of $ie Bottom remain the same, the Action upon the Bottom is always Equal,
however the shape of the Body be changed. In every Case the Pressure sustained
in the Bottom is equal to the weight of a Column of Water whose Base is from the
Bottom itself, and the Height of the Vertical distance of the Upper Surface of the
Water from the Bottom of itself.

To Explain which: Take a Cylinder of a certain Base that will hold perhaps a
Gallon. This Vessel being filled, the Bottom will be alloived to sustain the whole
Weight of the Fluid therein contain d} Gravity acting in a right Line and perpendicularly.
Again, take another Vessel of equal Height and Base, partly Cylindrical and partly
FlancKd out, the Top being in the form of the Frustrum of a Cone. This Vessel
suppose will hold two Gallons : Then take a third Vessel of equal Base and but half
the Height; to make it, however, of equal Height vnth the other two, let a small Pipe
be solder d into the Lid. Let this Vessel contain in the whole but half a Gallon.
If these be severally filled ivith a Fluid of the same Kind, we say that the Bottoms and
Sides of each of these shall be pressed thereby alike. If the Cylindrical part of our Second
Vessel mentioned were continued to the Top, the Fluid thereby inclosed woud be just in
the same Circumstances as that in the Vessel first mentioned ; and then the Side
Water contained in the conical Part would bear against the Cylinder, supposed to be
continued to the Top, as if the Water therein was Frozen, on the one Hand, and bearing
against the Sides of the Conical Part on the other, according to the Height of the Fluid
between them contained ; imagine then the Continuation of the Cylinder removed, or the
Water Frozen therein to Thaw, the Pressure of the Side-water would lye against the
Fluid Cylinder itself which being in all parts of equal Weight and Moment with it self
will be thereby sustained Quiet and Motionless in its proper Place, and 'twill be supported
on the other Side in like manner by the sloping Sides of the Vessel, nor would the
Weight on the Bottom or against the fixt Cylindric Sides of this Vessel be at all increased
by the alteration proposed.

It must however be admitted, that as there is double the Quantity of Matter by Suppo-
sition contained in a Vessel of this Form that was in the Vessel first mentioned; the
absolute Weight together will be Proportionable thereto; but then again it must be
considered that ihis increase of Weight and Pressure affect only the shelving Sides of the
2d Vessel. And as these by their Disposition become an inclined Plane, they are
doubtless made to bear the difference of Weight proposed, which must be thereby commu-
nicated to and supported by the upright Sides of the Cylindric part whereon they Rest;
but on the Area of the internal Base, and against the Sides of the Cylinder within, no
more Weight is laid than barely that of the Height of the Fluid above them.

To prove that the Water in the small Tube, in |he Vessel last mentioned, pressethhulls machine for carrying vessels or ships.

153

against the Bottom and Sides and Top of the Vessel according to its Height, we
have the following Experiment:—

Take two round Boards of about a Foot Diameter, and join them together with
Leather, in the manner of Bellows, that they may hold Water, and in the Top-most Board
screw in a small Tube of a considerable Length, as 4 foot; Set a Weight on the Top of
this Vessel near equal in Weight to a pillar of Water of 12 Inches Diameter and
4 Foot high; keep -pouring Water into this Tube at the Top, and it will raise the Weight,
notwithstanding the Water in the Tube is not near so heavy as the Weight on this Board,
as Fig. 7. Or, if you were to Jill this Vessel with Water, and lay on more Weight than
the Weight of the largest Column up to the Top, this Weight would drive the Water out
at the Top of the small Tube: For as in Mechanical Instruments a heavy Body will
force a lighter, a larger Space and a light Body, by passing a larger Space, will raise a
heavy Body a small Space ; therefore Weights are to their Spaces in an Inverse Ratio,
as hath been already demonstrated.

Hence it follows that every Drop which is at Rest endeavours io recede every way with
equal Force. If therefore it be pressed on one Side it endeavours to recede that way with
the same Force, because Action and Re-action are equal? and with that very force it will
press every way.

This is proved by several Experiments. I shall Instance in one more.

Fix up a Ballance Beam, and to one End hang a Vessel of Water partly full, made
in a Cylindrical Form, and at the other End hang Weights: Then take some solid
Body in your Hand and immerse the same into the Liquid, not touching the Bottom nor
Sides : Then hang on Weights to make an ^Equilibrium : the Solid being immersed to
a certain depth, those Weights will be the weight of the whole Water were it filled up to the
place the Water rose to when this Solid was immersed. Note, the Gravity of the Solid
doth not alter the Case in this Experiment.

Of Solids immersed in Liquids.

The different Gravity of Bodies, whether Solids or Liquids, arises from this, that
they contain a greater or less Quantity of Matter in an equal Space.

[definition i.

The Quantity of Matter in a Body, being considered in Relation to the Space possessed
by it, is called the Density of the Body. A Body is said to have Double or Triple, fyc.
the Density of another Body, when9 supposing their Bulks equal, it contains a Double
or Triple, 8fc. Quantity of Matter.

definition ii.

A Body is said to be Homogeneous, when it is every where of the same Density

definition iii.

Heterogeneous, when the Density is unequal in different parts of the Body.

definition iv.

The Gravity of a Body, considered with Relation to its Bulk, is called the Specijick
Gravity of a Body.

The Specijick Gravity is said to be double when under the same Bulk the Weight is
double.

Therefore the specijick Gravities and Densities of Bodies in Homogeneous Bodies are
in the same Ratio, and they are to one another as the Weights of equal Bodies in
respect to their Bulk. If Homogeneous Bodies are of the same Weight, their Bulks
will be so much less as their Densities are greater, and under the same Weight the Bulk
is diminished in the same Ratio in which the Density is increased>; therefore, in that
Case the Bulks are inversly as the Densities.

On the Specijick Gravities of Bodies.

" Aristotle's Notion of the Elements was, that the Earth and Water were posi-
tively Heavy, Fire positively Light, and Air indifferent as to either. His Followers.154

hull's machine foe carrying vessels or ships.

therefore affirm that the Ascent of Bodies is owing to their positive Levity, that of
Flame and Smoak for instance; But in this they are Mistaken; for Bodies are only
relatively Light or Heavy according as they are compared with others of a different
Kind; so that Flame or Smoak ascend not because they are really Light, but because
they are buoyed up by the Air, which is more Dense, and in its Nature heavier than
they, for Flame in vacuo will soon subside, and Smoak, when the Fuliginous parts
thereof become heavier than the Medium around them, will visibly descend: Thus
Oyland Wine do not swim on Water because of their own Levity, but because Water
is a heavier Fluid, and sinks in them. In Air most Bodies sink because it is very
Light; in Water not so many, it being far more Dense ; in Mercury scarce any may
be totally immersed from the like Cause ; for is there any greater Reason that Cork
should be termed Light because 'twill swim in Water, than that Iron should be
esteemed so because 'twill swim in Mercury "

In general, therefore, one Body is said to be specifically Heavier or Denser than
another when it contains more Matter, or a greater degree of Weight under the same
or an equal Bulk, or an equal Degree of Weight in less Space or Compass: For
Instance, A Cubick Inch of Gold weighs Ten Ounces Troy, an equal quantity of
Lead hardly Six, of common Water, something better than half an Ounce, so that
Gold is about Nineteen, and Lead about Eleven times Denser or specifically heavier
than Water, and thus of any other.

Specifick Gravity then is Appropriate or the Gravity Peculiar to any Body,
whereby it may be Distinguished from Bodies of a different Kind. 'Tis sometimes,
and not improperly, call'd Relative or Comparative Gravity, which to distinguish it
from Absolute or positive Gravity, which last increases always in Proportion to the
Bulk of the Body, weighed directly, the other not; absolutely considered, a Pound
of one Thing is as Heavy as as a Pound of another, without Regard to what their
Specifick Gravity is, but their Relative Gravities, or Bulk for Bulk, they are very
different.

A Body, specifically heavier than a Fluid will sink therein, because it weighs more
than the Fluid by it displaced and whose room it takes up, so that the Imaginary
Surface immediately under the Body being there more pressed than by the Water in
any other Part, it therefore yields and lets it thro'; But a Body specifically lighter
than a Fluid will always rise therein, because it presses less on the imaginary Surface
beneath it than the Fluid would in whose Place it is substituted. Were there any
necessit y of proving this by Experiment, it might be done thus: Take a small Glass
Bolt-head (which were it Solid and of a Lump wou'd be near three times heavier
than Water, but being hollow and full of Air only, 'twill immerse and swim), this
may be so nicely filFd with Water by the Stem that at the top of a Jar it may Swim,
in the middle it may remain at a Poise, and put beyond that it will sink.

•This will be brought about by the Spring of the Air included therein, which
being Compressible, will either contract t)r dilate itself, according to the Degree of
Pressure 'tis under: Toward the upper part of the Jar 'twill be pressed by little more
than the Atmosphere; toward the middle by the Atmosphere and some Inches perhaps
of Water, and at the Bottom by more*Water still. In the first Case the Air in the
Machine cannot be so much press'd as in the second, in the second not so much as
in the last; whence the Mouth of the Machine being unstop'd as the Pressure is
increased, more Water will be gradually thrust into it, making the whole specifically
more Heavy, and so will produce the afore-mentioned Effect; which will be visible,
tried on a Machine that is small.

The Table of Specifick Gravity.*

Fine Gold
Standard ditto
Quick- Silver
Lead

The Cubick Inch of

Ounces Troy.	Ounces Avo,

10-3592	11-3656

9 9626	10-9304

7-3844	8-1017

5-9840	6-5539

* See Mr. Clare's Treatise on Fluids-hull's machine for carrying vessels or ships.

155

The Cubick Inch of	Ounces Troy.	Ounces Avo.
Fine Silver	5-8500	6-4183
Standard ditto	5-5567	6-0965
Rose Copper	4-7471	5-2083
Plate Brass	4-4042	4-8321
Cast Brass	4-2724	4-6303
Steel	4-1421	4-5445
Common Iron -	4-0313	4-4230
Block Tin	• - 3-8615	4-2366
Common Glass	1-3608	1.4930
Sea Water	0-5427	0 5949
Common Water	0-5274	0-5787
Linseed Oyl	0-4916	0-5393
OylOliv.	0-4815	0-5283

hull's machine for carrying vessels or ships.

Of the Densities of Liquids.

Of the Densities of Liquids.

Since the Densities of Bodies are in Proportion to their Gravity, by comparing
the Weights of equal Bodies, to discover their Densities : If therefore any Vessel be
exactly filled wit a Liquid, and that Liquid be weighed, and if you make the same
Experiment with other Liquids, their Weights will be as their Densities; But as
this Method is liable to several Difficulties in Practice, I shall not spend any Time in
explaining it here.

When the Pressures of two Liquids are equal, the Quantities of Matter in Columns
that have equal Bases do not differ, wherefore the Bulks, that is, the Heights of the
Columns, are Inversely as the Densities, whence may be deduced the Method of
comparing them together.

experiment i.

Pour Mercury into a Curve Tube A, so as to fill the lower part of the Tube from
B to C; pour in Water in one Leg from B to E, in the other Leg pour Oyl of
Turpentine, till both the Surfaces of Mercury B, C, be in the same Horizontal Line,
and the Height of the Oyl be C, D: these heights will be as 87 to 100, which is the
inverse Ratio that the Density of the Water has to the Density of Oyl of Turpentine,
and therefore these Densities are to each other as 100 to 87. The Mercury is
poured in lest the Liquids should be mix'd in the bottom of the Tube.

The Densities of Liquids are also compared together by immersing a solid in
them; for if a solid Lighter than the Liquids to be compared together be immersed
successively into different Liquids the immersed parts will be inversely as the
Densities of the Liquids: for, because the same solid is made use of, the Portions of
the different Liquors, which in every case would fill the Space taken up by the
immersed part, are of the same weight; therefore the Bulks of those Portions, that
is, the immersed parts themselves, are inversely as the Densities.

Six Theorems extracted out of Archimedes' Tract, entituled De Incidentibus Aqua,
very necessary for the better Understanding of several 'Experiments and Conclusions
herein contained.

theorem i.

" The Superficies of every Liquid that is consistent and settled shall be of a
" spherical figure, which figure shall have the same Center with that of the Globe
" of the whole Earth and Waters.	'

theorem ii.

" Solid Magnitudes that being of equal Mass with the Liquid are also equal to it
" in Gravity, being demitted into the settled liquid do so submerse in the same as
" that they lye or appear not at all above the Surface of the Liquid, nor yet do they
" sink to the Bottom.156

hull's machine for carrying vessels or ships.

theorem iii.

" Solid Magnitudes that are Lighter than the Liquid, being demitted into the
" settled Liquid, will not totally submerse in the same? but some part thereof will
" lye or stay above the Surface of the Liquid.

theorem iv.

" Solid Magnitudes that are Lighter than the Liquid, being demitted into the
« settled Liquid, will so far submerse till a Mass of Liquor equal to the part sub-
" mersed, shall in Gravity equalize the whole Magnitude.

theorem v.

" Solid Magnitudes Lighter than the Liquid, being thrust into the Liquid, are
u repulsed upwards with a force as great as the excess of the Gravity of a
" Mass of Liquor equal to the Magnitude above the Gravity of the said
" Magnitude.

theorem vi.

" Solid Magnitudes Heavier than the Liquid, being demitted into the settled
" Liquid, are born Downwards as far as they can descend, and shall be Lighter in
" the Liquid by the Gravity of a Liquid Mass of the same bigness with the solid
" Magnitude.

Here follow some other Theorems concerning this Matter.

theorem i.

" Jf four pieces of Mettals whereof the third is of the same Kind with the first,
" and the fourth of the same Kind with the second, are Proportional, their Gravities
" or Weights shall be Proportional.

theorem ii.

tc If there be four pieces of Mettal, whereof the third is of the same Kind with the
" first, and the fourth of the same kind with the second, and the first and second be
" of equal greatness, and the third and fourth of equal weight, the weight of the first
" and second shall be reciprocally Proportional to the Magnitudes of the third and
" fourth.

theorem iii.

cc If Spheres of the same Matter are in Gravity or Weight as the Cubes of their
(€ Diameters are in Magnitude, & contra.

theorem iv.

" Pieces of Mettal, if they be of equal Magnitude, have their Weights in direct
" proportion; But if they be of equal weight, they have their Magnitudes in
" reciprocal Proportion.

To prove that the weight of the Air forces Fluids, as it were, seemingly to hang
in a Tube to such a height, according to the Gravity of the Fluid in such Tube,
Mercury will be forced about 29 Inches and Water about 31 Foot; and if the Air
is drawn out of the Tube, no Fluid will rise any higher than to such height as the
weight of the Fluid makes an Equilibrium with the weight of the Atmosphere.

As Air is proved to have Gravity according to its Density, as well as other Fluids,
it is easy conceived the nature of its pressing the Mercury in the Barometer to such
an height. It is not because Nature abhors a Vacuum (as some imagine); for if that
were the Case, there would be no Vacuum in the top, were the Tube of ever so great
a Length.

The Instrument call'd the Barometer is to find the weight of the Air at such a
present Time, and to shew the difference of the weight at different Times. The
different Pressure of the Atmosphere may very well supposed to be occasioned by the
Alteration of the height; for, as in other Fluids, the deeper they are the greater the
Pressure at the Bottom.hull's machine for carrying vessels or ships.

157

To make this Matter more plain, take this Example :—Take a Barometer that is
turn'd at the Bottom (as they now commonly make them), as Fig. 20, and join
to the Bottom of some Pipe that comes from the Top of some Edifice, and being
fiil'd with Water, will drive the Mercury to the Top of the Glass-Tube, by reason of
the weight of the Pillar of Water and Atmosphere both press on the Mercury, but
unstop the top of the Tube at A and the Air will press equally upon A and B.
Therefore the Pillar of Mercury gives the weight of the Pillar of Water only of the
same bigness of the Tube A ; for let the Pillar of Water be of what bigness soever,
the Pillar of Mercury Ballances no more than a Pillar of its own bigness, for the
Reasons laid down in the 17, 18, 19, and 20th Pages; and if you add to or diminish
from the top of the Tube B, the Mercury will respectively rise or fall one 14th of
the Length added to or diminished from the Tube B.

Note.—The Mercury is to be measured from the Horizontal Line from the top of
the Mercury in the short End of the Glass-Tube. The Water in B will stand
14 Times as high as the Mercury in A. Therefore, if you Measure the height of the
Mercury, and have recourse to the Table of Specifick Gravity, you may calculate the
height of the Pillar of Water and the weight of the same.

Again, if you were to take a Barometer of 5 or 6 Foot long, and fill it with
Mercury, and immerse the open End into a Cistern of the same, the Mercury will
sink down out of the Tube into the Cistern untill the height of the Mercury in the
Tube is about the height of 29 or 30 Inches (according to the Weight of the
Atmosphere at that Time); then, if you immerse this Instrument in Water, the
Mercury will rise one Inch for the Instrument's sinking fourteen.

If you take two Tubes and join them together so that they shall have a Communi-
cation at the Bottom by a small Hole, put some Mercury into one of the Tubes, and
it will rise to an equal height in both. Then pour in Water into either untill this
Water has driven out all the Mercury into one Tube, and then stop; and you'll find
the Water to stand about 14 Times as high as the Mercury, because they Equi-
ponderate at those heights.

It may be observed what an exact Equilibrium is made by Fluids; for, if you
disturb the Mercury in the Cistern wherein the Barometer is immersed, you will see
the Mercury act in the Tube in the same manner as a nice Ballance-Beam that
Equiponderates.

If you take a Tube of a considerable Length, and put a Quantity of Mercury in,
stop it at the Lower-end, and immerse it in Water 14 Times as deep as the length
of the Mercury in the Tube, and then unstop the Lower-end, the Mercury will not
fall out, notwithstanding the Tube is open at both Ends. If the Tube is immersed
deeper the Mercury will rise higher in the Tube, which demonstrates that Fluids are
pressed upwards as well as downwards (in Proportion to the height of the Fluid above
and the Gravity of the same).

Now Air having a Property in it which other Fluids have not—I mean the Elastic
spring, which renders it Heterogeneous—therefore it is in vain to attempt to measure
the height of the Atmosphere as we do the height of other Fluids, for we may suppose
it to be less dense higher in the Air than it is near the earth; but a Pillar of this Air
of any bigness is easily weigh'd ; as, for Example :—

We will suppose a Pillar of Air of 12 Inches Diameter. Square the Diameter,
and multiply that sum by 11 and divide it by 14, gives the Area pretty near; then
multiply that Sum by 29, the height of the Pillar of Mercury, as will Ballance the
Atmosphere, and you have the content of cubical Inches of Mercury; then multiply
that Sum by the Ounces in a cubical Inch of Mercury, and you have the Ounces in
the whole Pillar, which may be brought into Pounds and Hundreds. Therefore, by
this Calculation, a Column of Air of this bigness weighs near 15 Hundred weight,
and by this Proportion the weight of a Pillar of Air of any Diameter may be found.

The weight of a Pillar of two Foot is near four Times the weight of one that is
but one Foot, for the weight is in Proportion to the Squares of their Diameters; or
if you square the Diameter and multiply it by 12 it is pretty near the truth. Reckon
the Mercury at 29 Inches, it will be but 1659 pounds, which makes it 1728; but158

hull's machine for carrying vessels or ships.

this difference arises from reckoning the Mercury but 29 Inches, whereas it is some-
thing more, except in bad Weather. A Pillar of Air of 20 Inches Diameter will be
found to weigh 2 Ton, 2 Hundred, 3 Quarters, and 12 Pounds; likewise a Pillar of
Air of 30 Inches Diameter weighs 4 Ton, 16 Hundred, and 20 Pound.

If a Man's Body were to bear the weight of the Atmosphere in proportion to the
superficial content of his Body (as has been imagined) the Strength of his Bones
and Sinews could not sustain it; but if you cut a Hole in the Top of a large Vessel,'
and then lay your Body on it in such manner as that the Air cannot pass by you into
the Vessel, and then pump the Air out of the Vessel, you will very sensibly feel the
weight of the Air; for if the Hole is large you will not be able to separate yourself
from the Vessel, but when the Air is let in you are immediately relieved.

Since it is demonstrated that the Air is of itself of such weight, it may seem
strange it is not more sensibly felt to press on human bodies. The Reason is this,
there is no particle in a Man's Body but is made up with Matter full as heavy as
Air, and most. of the Particles a great deal heavier; therefore, every part defends
it self, within and without, without being press'd in, for every Body that is heavier
than a Fluid being immersed therein defends itself from External Pressure. For
when you immerse a soft Body that is Homogeneous in Water ever so deep, if this
Body is more Dense than Water the Pressure of the Water will not alter the form of
this soft Body.

But if a Man were to Dive in the Water very deep the Water would press his
Body to a great Degree, notwithstanding his whole Body is heavier than the Water
in the same space. But a Man's Body consisting of Heterogeneous Particles, and
some less Dense than Water, those parts less Dense are pressed in proportion to the
height of the Water above him, and not according to the quantity of the Water
he is in.

For if a Person were to descend to the Bottom of a Well full of Water his Body
would be press'd the same as if he descended the same Depth into the Sea, for there
is the same Pressure against a Pool-head as there is against the Sea-bank at the same
Depth, as hath been before demonstrated.

Thus I have endeavoured to explain the nature of the Pressure of the Air on
other Bodies, by comparing it with other Fluids that are visible to our eye, as
Mercury, Water, &c., and since the Pressure is so very great, it is the more fit to be
apply'd to a purpose wherein all sorts of manual Operations are Insufficient. For
this present Undertaking cannot be supposed to be done by Strength of Men or
Horses, or by any Machine driven by either.

Lastly, the Atmosphere being of a great weight, and striving to get in where there
is a Vacuum, I shall endeavour to shew how this Vacuum is made, and in what
manner this Force is apply'd to drive the Machine.

In some convenient part of the Tow-Boat there is placed a Vessel about two 3ds
full of Water, with the Top close shut. This Vessel being kept boiling, rarifies the
Water into a Steam ; this Steam being convey'd thro' a large Pipe into a Cylindrical
Vessel, and there condensed, makes a Vacuum, which causes the weight of the
Atmosphere to press on this Vessel, and so presses down a Piston that is fitted into
this Cylindrical Vessel in the same manner as in Mr. Newcomen's Engine, with which
he raises Water by Fire. See Fig. 30.

P, the Pipe coming from the Furnace to the Cylinder.

Q, the Cylinder wherein the Steam is condensed.

R, the Valve that stops the Steam from coming into the Cylinder, whilst the
Steam within the same is condensed.

S, the Pipe to convey the condensing Water into the Cylinder.

T, a cock to let in the condensing Water when the Cylinder is full of Steam, and
the Valve P is shut.

TT, a Hope fixed to the Piston that slides up and down the Cylinder. Note.—
This Rope U is the same rope that goes round the Wheel D in the Machine.

It hath been already demonstrated that a Vessel of 30 Inches Diameter, which
is but two Foot and a Half, when the Air is driven out the Atmosphere will press onhull's machine for carrying vessels or ships.

159

it to the Weight of 4 Ton, 16 Hundred, and upwards; when proper Instruments for
this Work are applied to it it must drive a Vessel with a great force.

Note.—The bigness of the Machines may be proportioned to the Work that is to
be performed by them ; but if such a force as is apply'd in this first Essay be not
sufficient for any Purpose that may be required, there is room to make such Addition
as will move an immense Weight with tolerable Swiftness.

It is my Opinion it will not be found Practicable to place the Machine here recom-
mended in the Vessel itself that is to be taken in or out of the Port, &c., but rather
in a separate Vessel, for these Reasons:—

1.	This Machine may be thought Cumbersome and to take up too much Eoom in
a Vessel laden with Goods, Provisions, &c.

2.	If this Machine is put in a separate Vessel this Vessel may lye at any Port, &c.
to be ready on all Occasions.

3.	A Vessel of small Burthen will be sufficient to carry the Machine to take out
a large One.

4.	A Vessel will serve for this Purpose for many Years after she is thrown off and
not safe to be taken far abroad.

The Explanation of the Machine.

A represents the Chimney coming from the Furnace.

B,	the Tow-Boat.

C,	C, Two pieces of Timber framed together to carry the Machine.

Da, D, and Db, are three Wheels on one Axis to receive the Ropes, M, F b,
and F a.

Note.—M is the same Rope that goes into the Cylinder, Fig. 30.

H a and H b are two Wheels on the same Axis with the Fans I, I, I, I, I, I, and
move alternately in such a manner that when the Wheels Da, D, and Db move
backward or forward they keep the Fans I, I, I, I, I, I, in a direct Motion.

Fb is a Rope going from Hb to D b, that when the Wheels Da, D, and Db
move forward, moves the Wheel H b forwards, which brings the Fans forward
with it.

Fa is a Rope going from the Wheel Ha to the Wheel Da, that when the Wheels
Da, D, and Db move forward the Wheel Ha draws the Rope F, and raises the
weight G at the same time as the Wheel H b brings the Fans forward.

When the Weight G is so raised while the Wheels Da, D, and Db are moving
backward, the Rope F a gives way, and the Power of the Weight G brings the
Wheel Ha forward, and the Fans with it, so that the Fans always keep going
forward, notwithstanding the Wheels Da, D, and Db move backwards and forwards,
as the Piston moves up and down in the Cylinder.

L, L, are Teeth for a Catch to drop in from the Axis, and are so contrived that
they catch in an alternate manner, to cause the Fans to move always forward; for the
Wheel Ha, by the Power of the Weight G, is performing his office while the other
Wheel H b goes back in order to fetch another Stroke.

Note.—The Weight of G must contain but half the Weight of the Pillar of Air
pressing on the Piston, because the Weight G is raised at the same Time as the
Wheel H b performs its office, so that it is in effect two Machines acting alternately
by the Weight of one Pillar of Air of such a Diameter as the Diameter of the
Cylinder is.

If it should be said that this is not a New-Invention, because I make use of the
same Power to drive my Machine that others have made use of to Drive theirs for
other Purposes, I Answer, The Application of this Power is no more than the Appli-
cation of any common and known Instrument used in Mechanism for new-invented
Purposes.	4160

bull's machine for carrying vessels or ships.

Answers to some Queries that have been made concerning the Possibility and Usefulness

of this Undertaking.

Query I.— Is it possible to fix Instruments of sufficient Strength to move so
prodigious a Weight as may be contained in a very Large Vessel ?

Answer. All Mechanicks will allow it is possible to make a Machine to move an
immense Weight if there is Force enough to drive the same, for every Member
must be made in a proportionable Strength to the intended Work, and properly
braced with Laces of Iron, &c., so that no part can give way and break. If the
Braces, &c., necessary for this Work had been put in the Draught, it would have
been so much crowded with Lines that the main Instruments could not be so well
perceiv'd.

Query II. Will not the Force of the Waves break any Instrument to Pieces that is
•placed to move in the Water ?

Answer. First it cannot be supposed that this Machine will be used in a Storm or
Tempest at Sea, when the Waves are very Raging; for if a Merchant lyeth in a
Harbour, &c., he would not choose to put out to Sea in a Storm if it were possible
to get out, but rather stay untill it is abated.

Secondly. When the Wind comes a Head of the Tow-Boat the Fans will be
protected by it from the violence of the Waves, and when the Wind comes Sideways
the Waves will come Edge-ways of the Fans, and therefore strike them with the
less Force.

Thirdly. There may be pieces of Timber laid to swim on the Surface of the
Water on each Side of the Fans, and so contrived as they shall not touch them, which
will protect them from the Force of the Waves.

Up in-land Rivers where the Bottom can possible be reached, the Fans may be
taken out, and Cranks placed at the hindmost Axis to strike a Shaft to the
Bottom of the River, which will drive the Vessel forward with greater Force.

Query III. It being a continual Expence to keep this Machine at Work, will the
Expence be answered ?

Answer. The work to be done by this Machine will be upon particular occasions
when all oth^r means yet found out are wholly Insufficient: How often does a
Merchant wish that his Ship were on the Ocean, when if he were there, the Wind
wou'd serve tolerably well to carry him on his intended Voyage, but does not serve
at the same time to carry him out of the River, &c. he happens to be in, which a
few Hours' work of this Machine wou'd do: Besides, I know Engines that are
driven by the same Power as this is, where materials for the Purpose are dearer
than in any navigable River in England; therefore Experience demonstrates, that
the Expence will be but a Trifle to the value of the Work performed by those sort
of Machines, which any Person that knows the Nature of those things may easily
Calculate.

Thus I have endeavour'd to give a clear and satisfactory Account of my New-
invented Machine for carrying Vessels out of and into any Port, Harbour, or River
aganist Wind and Tide, or in a Calm, and I doubt not, but whoever shall give
himself the Trouble to peruse this Essay will be so Candid as to excuse or overlook
any imperfections in the diction, or manner of writing, considering the Hand it comes
from; if what I have imagined may only appear as plain to others as it has done to
me, vi7, That the Scheme I now offer is Practicable, and, if encouraged, will be
useful.

finis.

Sold by T. Boreman, near Child's Coffee House in St PanVs Church Yard,
and at the Pamphlet Shops in London and Westminster.Description of Invent ion .
A.D. 1723. Aug.7. N? 513 .
ALLEN,

1 SllliET)

F I G

FIC. 4 .

iSSs$S;i(8!!«;8®	"

tMsm*

B.C. is the under Bottom next the Tire,
E.l' the Upper Bottom nhereon the Malt
u> laid

B E the Pipe to Convey the Water into
the Bottom/ and likewise to let
out live- Steam/ wh en/ Boy l en g
G\ the Hire.

A .Jf TkeUngth of the- Mtn<

A . C. The Breadth

T) . E The Copper JBrass or Iron bottom with its sides txirrvd up as to T\ G
It G The floor of Tin Plates whereon th e Malt is laid/

J[. The fire Place
1. The flue to carry off the Srnoak
K. The fhie to earrv off the Purnes of the water *
, 1. The Ma lt

M TheTipe for Conveynig water to supply evaporation

D T. is a Large Tube thro' which the Air is
fared out of ye Chest into the Sea/
The ChestE F Gil has its Tube Uhmue
for the same Purpose

ABCD&EFCrlJ are the two Chests in which the Pistons work
111 are the Brans valves wh ieh open / down wa rds to Ut Air
mto the Chests
His a long Pole into which /arefastened/ Cross pieces or
Handles for the men toTulb at . muz end of which Tole
is -fastened' by Chains to a Sector of a Circle/ L of three feet
Mad* us and/ to this Sector is Joyn 'd/ another Sector M
of Sex feet Radius both movemgTlound the Ceriter JSC}
so thcet whms die mem pull the poUH\ the Sector M unity
depress the Stent 0 of the Piston/1). C, to winch the stem
is fastened: with Chains fdmrtse another Sector P of ecpmh
-Radius bu t placed/ at 'Right.Angles to the Sector Mr, the
SectorP being likewise deprest wdL Maise another Sector Qy
of the same JS/xxhi ts; and mth it the Stem R of theTiston
£ /z they mrvuhg ore the Center S m the same maimer* as
die SeotorsTM do upon/ the Center N, so that when/ the
Piston D C is deprest E F mil be raised&vice versa; and
so they strike their Stokes alternately

Ttawn on Stone"byMaJljy Sc Soils

London : Reprint<*ibvGeorge Howard Kyki: ami William Spottiswooije,
Printers to the -Queens most Excellent, Majesty .1857.J) escr if/tza/v of Jnventum .

A D. 1736. DEC_3r.l? 556
HULLS'



(1 sheet)

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PubUsshM according

Jon/ JLiiZLs izw#&b De,lvrv $

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Drawn on Stone bjMalb) & Sons.(The Invention of which the history and description are given in the following
Tract was the subject of Letters Patent, JVo. 602, dated 16th March> 1744.)

AN HISTORICAL ACCOUNT

OF

A NEW METHOD

FOR

EXTRACTING THE FOUL AIR OUT OF SHIPS,

&c.

with the

DESCRIPTION AND DRAUGHT OF THE xACHINES,

BY WHICH IT IS PERFORMED :

in two letters to a fbiend,

By SAMUEL SUTTON, the Inventor.

THE SECOND EDITION.

to which abe annexed

TWO RELATIONS GIYEN THEREOF TO THE ROYAL SOCIETY/
By Dr. Mead and Mr. Watson.

LONDON:

Printed for J. Bbindley, Bookseller to His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales,

in New-bond-street.

MDCCXLIX.

london:

Reprinted by George E. Eyre and William Spottiswoode, Printers to the Queen's most Excellent Majesty.
Published at the Great Seal Patent Office, Southampton Buildings, Chancery Lane,

1858.

QTHE PREFACE.

I have often said, that it is not, in our country at least, so easy a thing to serve
the public, as is commonly imagined; not meaning hereby the difficulty of finding
out useful experiments (although even that is great enough), but the hardships
which attend the putting them in practice. Whence this should come to pass it is
foreign to the present purpose to inquire. They who are acquainted with the
several motives upon which men often act, among which self-interest, envy, pride,
and obstinacy have no inconsiderable share, will readily see the springs of this
seemingly unaccountable disposition of mind.

I would not have it thought that I have had occasion to make this ill-natured
remark from what I may myself pretend to have done for the benefit of the public;
but it is sufficiently justified by the opposition which the invention described in the
following treatise has met with. The machine is so simple, and of so extensive
advantage, that, as it is surprising to see the greatest pains taken to make it abortive
at first, so it is no less strange that it has not been so universally used in the royal
navy, as might have been expected from the great good which it promises.

It is not my business to examine the causes of this neglect, which is in a very
moving and handsome manner complained of in the voyage of the great lord Anson (a);
an immortal work, which will be always read with a pleasure equal to the benefit
to be reaped from it, with regard to our navigation and commerce to those parts q£
the world to which the adventures relate.

As this hero is not less admired for his humanity and good sense than for his
conduct and courage, he has taken care that the relation of his enterprises should be a
monument of the one as well as of the other. The accounts given of that strange
disease, so fatal to our seamen, The Sea-Scurvy> are hints so new and useful in physic,
that I have thought it not unbecoming the place with which I am honoured in my
profession to write a short discourse on this subject, and give it to the honest and
ingenious author, to be published together with his reprinted Account of a new
method for extracting the foul air out of ships, &c.: an invention which, I may venture
to say, does honour to our nation, and will in time be found of more public benefit
than any discovery in mechanics which has been produced these hundred years.

Having therefore had the satisfaction, in the beginning, to recommend this
experiment to the admiralty, I now join a short discourse on the scurvy to the
reprinted edition of mr Sutton's book, as a convincing and happy proof of the success
which attends it. And the author has also added some other authentic accounts to
the same purpose. From all these things, duly considered, it is to be hoped that the
evil spirit of opposition, which, as is mentioned in mr. Sutton s account, tyc. exerted it
self even against the making a trial, will now be rebuked and cast out

To conclude, as any one versed in mechanics will easily see (as we formerly
observed) that this management of the air may be applied to many other purposes of
life (to some instances of which I have been an eye-witness), so it will prove a great
loss to mankind if it is not universally brought into practice; especially, since by
the generosity and disinterestedness of the inventor the whole expence may be
considered as a trifle. Many more considerations might be urged, but they will
readily occur to the wisdom of those whose province it is to direct our naval affairs.

The foregoing Preface was written, and ready to be put to the press, when
mr Sutton brought me the agreeable news, that the right honourable the lords of the

(a) See p. 158.164 sutton's method of extracting foul air out of ships, &c. •

admiralty had just then given him orders to provide all the ships of his majesty's
navy with this useful machine. Thus, laudable discoveries, though discounte-
nanced at first, do at last break through all difficulties, and meet with suitable
encouragement.

E. M.

An Historical Account of a New Method for Extracting the
Foul Air out of Ships.

Sir,	- ■

Pursuant to your desire I now send you an historical account of my scheme,
together with the reasons that first inclined me to employ my thoughts about it.
In the year 1739 I was informed by a gentleman, that the sailors on board the fleet
at Spithead were so dangerously ill, for want of fresh air, that they were put
ashore to recover their health, and the ships to which they belonged stunk to such
a degree that they infected pne another. In compassion to my fellow-creatures,
I thought myself obliged to do all that was possible for their relief in these unhappy
circumstances, and from this time tried what could be done by fire. I at length
found, that by stopping the air out of a room that had three fire-places, and making
two large fires in two of them, I could bring the air to draw down the third chimney
with such force as to put out a candle. I then lighted a fire in the other chimney,
which so rarified the air in the room that the incumbent air pressed to enter in, and
with a force sufficient to raise a pulley with half a hundred weight; and as soon as the
room was cooled, by the coming in of the air, the door would shut, and then open
again in three minutes.

Having proceeded thus far with good success, I stopped up all the chimneys in
the house, the garret excepted, and then lighted two large fires, which drew the air
down the chimney with such violence as to put out four or five candles immediately:
whereupon I concluded, that, a fire being always kept on board a ship, and a pipe
or cavity made to the well, one end of it being heated by fire, a change of air would
follow, and that by this means rendered sweet and pure, and fit for respiration.

From this time I made it my business to consult the officers and sailors of the
navy, who all agreed that such a change of air would be of the greatest use
imaginable, in preserving the lives of the men on board his majesty's ships. I
particularly remember, that, being at a coffee-house near the admiralty, I placed
myself nigh some gentlemen of the navy, and enquired of them, as I had before of
others, as to the usefulness of the forementioned change of air, who all, to a man,
acknowledged that it would be of the utmost service ; and, upon their unanimous
approbation of it, I told them that I could procure such a change of air: upon which
one of the company went to another table, and the rest followed him; and I heard
him tell the others that he heartily pitied me, as being really mad, and out of my
senses.

Upon this unexpected treatment, I resolved to apply to some person of consequence
in the navy, of approved integrity; and well knowing that sir Charles Wager was a
gentleman of this character, and withal of the greatest humanity, I waited upon
mr Gashery, a commissioner of the navy, and acquainted him that J would commu-
nicate my invention to sir Charles, by word of mouth ; and that, if I did not, in a
few minutes, convince him of it's usefulness, I would withdraw immediately, without
giving him any farther trouble about it.

Mr Gashery was so kind to speak in my behalf to sir Charles, and thereupon I
was introduced into his presence. I desired sir Charles to be so good as to permit
me to ask him some questions relating to my affair, which he was pleased to permit. I
asked him whether he had ever considered the principles upon which the operations of
the cupping-glass were founded ? that, rarefaction being made in the glass, by means
of the fire, and the glass pressed to the skin, the air in the blood presses out the skin;
and, the skin being cut, and a second rarefaction made, the blood presses forward tosutton's method of extracting foul air out of ships, &c, 165

the place where the rarefaction was made. I told him that in like manner I proposed
to procure a change of air on board his majesty's ship3, by means of a fire in the
cook-room, and laying proper pipes for that purpose.

Sir Charles, upon my discourse with him about my scheme, not only expressed his
approbation of it, but favoured me with the following letter to sir Jacob Ackworth,
surveyor of his majesty's naval works:

Sir,

s The bearer hereof, mr Sutton, has found out a method to extract the foul

*	air out of the wells of ships, which will be of great use for preserving the lives of
4 the men aboard his majesty's ships. He will be willing to talk with you, if an
4 experiment can be made, so that he may not lose the benefit of the invention/

I accordingly waited on sir «Jacob, who ordered me to come to him again, five days
after, at seven in the morning \ at which time he being engaged in business, I waited
at the office till evening, when he was pleased to express himself to me in the
following words: ' Sir, I suppose you intend to throw air into the wells of slr'ps/
I answered, 1 no, I proposed to draw it out, by means of fire/ Upon this he asked
me, ' if I knew how far I was to draw it out V I replied, € not six inches : for, if I
€ could extract it never so' small £ distance, the incumbent air would press forward of
4 course, and in so doing cause a constant change/ He admitted this. I then told
him, that I waited upon him, by sir Charles Wagers orders, in hopes that he would
appoint a time for an experiment to be made of my scheme : to which he replied,

*	that no experiment should be made, if he could hinder it/

Upon this disappointment, I petitioned the lords of the admiralty, and thereby
obtained an order from them to the commissioners of the navy, to cause my experiment
to be tried on board the Greenwich man of war then lying at Woolwich. I forthwith
carried their lordships order to Woolwich, and, pursuant thereto, to the satisfaction of
myself, and all on board the Greenwich, I placed the pipes, and all things necessary
for my experiment, except the soldering of two pipes : but, whilst the solder was hot,
and the plumber in readiness to solder them, a messenger from the builder of his
majesty's yard came to order the workmen ashore. I thereupon repaired to the
builder, who acquainted me that I must ajfply to the navy-board to procure an
order to have my experiment performed on board the Hulk at Woolwich. I instantly
replied, that, all the proper preparations being already compleated, except the
soldering of two joints, which might be done in an hour's time, I desired it might
be tried immediately. But to this he made answer, that I must apply to the navy-»
board, in order that they might procure an order from the lords of the admiralty
for trying it on the hulk aforesaid. I thereupon told him that I insisted on those
two joints being soldered, that I might make my report to the lords of the. admiralty,
that I had faithfully executed their order; upon which he assured me they should
be soldered that very night: but when I went on board the next day, to see if they
were soldered, I found them just as I left them the day before*

Finding myself thus disappointed, I took a candle, and went down to the pipes,
which were carried through deck, and laid under the beam, towards the well, about
thirty feet in length from the copper; and as soon as I put the candle to the ends
of the pipes they immediately extinguished the flame : which fully convinced those
on board of the great usefulness of my invention. But to my extreme surprise, I no
sooner came on shore than I found that the master afloat was sent from the king's
yard to take down my pipes, and plug up the holes : upon which, perceiving the
obstructions my experiment would meet with, I determined to apply to some
gentlemen of the faculty of physic that were proper judges of the usefulness of my
scheme.

Being no stranger to the character of Dr. Mead, physician to his majesty,
distinguished as much by his humanity as his abilities, I went directly to his house,
shewed him sir Charles s letter, and, by his appointment, the next morning came
thither again, where I met the learned Martin Folkes, esq., president of the royal
society, whom the doctor had desired to talk with me, together with himself, upoa166 sutton's method of extracting foul air out of ships, &c.

my proposal. They both expressed their approbation of it, and most readily offered
to do whatever was in their power to encourage an invention which they judged
must be of great service to the public. Accordingly Dr. Mead immediately waited
on the lords of the admiralty, and represented to them, in a strong manner, the
advantage of such a contrivance: whereupon they were pleased to order that it
should be tried, as soon as possible, on board any of his majesty's ships *n the
river.

Being now left at my own liberty to chuse a proper place for my experiment, I
fixed upon the hulk at Deptford, because that was immovable, and could not, like a
ship, be sent away: and upon this I directly went to Deptford, in order to make
the necessary preparations. I was soon acquainted there that several of the
workmen belonging to the king's yard were busily employed in trying the usefulness
of another machine, industriously set on foot to supplant mine: but, after the
strictest enquiry I have since been able to make, I cannot learn that they had any
orders to that purpose from the lords of the admiralty.

This proceeding, together with the excessive shyness and caution of the gentlemen
of the yard, led me to conclude that my scheme, at last, would be set aside, in spite
of all the steps I could take to prevent it; and I was confirmed in this opinion,
when I found the pipes were made of wood, between five and six inches wide, in
such an unworkmanlike manner, that, to render them tight, I was forced to get size
and paper from Deptford to put over the joints; and that moreover many hands
were employed in erecting wind-sails, in order to shew that they could thereby
procure as much air as my scheme would afford.

At length, in September 1741, the day appointed for the trial of my experiment
came ; when the lords of the admiralty, the commissioners of the navy, Dr. Mead,
Martin Folkes, esq., and several other members of the royal society, being present
on board the said hulk, sir Jacob Ackworth was pleased to say, in the hearing of them
all: 6 I am sorry that you are come to see the trial of such a foolish experiment, that
' I tried myself yesterday, and it would not shake a candle/ To this I replied,
' It would be in good humour to-day, and the end of every one of the pipes would
blow out a candle.' And accordingly, notwithstanding the forementioned obstruc-
tions, and that the tarpawlins were tqjsen away, which I had ordered to be laid over
the hatches, I was as good as my word; and all the lords and gentlemen aforesaid,
upon the trial of my experiment, expressed their approbation of the performance.

In November following, I was sent for by the messenger to the commissioners of
the navy, and by them* pursuant to an order from the lords of the admiralty, sent
down to Portsmouth, to prepare the Norivich man of war according to my scheme ;
and, upon this occasion, sir Charles Wager, in the presence of the lords of the
admiralty, honoured me with the following letter to commissioner Hughes at
Portsmouth

Admiralty-Office, 24 Nov. 1741.

* I send this by mr Sutton, who has found out a way to draw bad air out of
f close places, particularly from wells of ships, which you know are sometimes so

*	bad as to stifle men before they can be drawn up ; as happened on board the Lynn,
' while I was at Helvoet-Sluys; one man being killed by it, and two narrowly
' escaped. This contrivance is approved by much wiser men than I am in such
' things; and therefore I desire you would let mr Sutton have all the encouragement

*	and assistance you can give him. 1 take mr Alleyn, your builder, to be an

*	ingenious man; if you recommend mr Sutton to his care he will see that he meets
f with no obstruction or discouragement from any body that may think themselves
' wiser. There is an order from this board to the navy, from whom you will
< have it. to have the Norwich, who is to go to the coast of Guinea, to be fitted
4 according to mr Sutton*& scheme ; which will be a very good experiment. I am,

Sir,

Your humble Servant,

Charles Wager.SUTTON'S METHOD OP EXTRACTING FOUL AIR OUT OF SHIPS, &C< 167

This letter I carried down to Portsmouth, and delivered to commissioner Hughes,
who received me in a very friendly manner, and recommended me to mr Alleyn the
builder; who both of them (and indeed all the persons belonging to the yard) exerted
themselves to the utmost of their power, to forward my undertaking ; and at length
I compleated it, agreeable to the plan I shall hereafter exhibit.

Haying finished this business, I waited some days at Portsmouth, for a report
signeu by admiral Lestock, and several commanders of ships, which captain Gregory
gave me reason to expect: but, at last, (tho' to do the captain justice I must own,
that he treated me, whilst at Portsmouth, in an obliging manner) I was acquainted,
that no report could be made till the Norwich returned from it's voyage; which was
sent to Guinea, and from thence to the West Indies: which constrained me to repent
of my journey*

Soon after my return to London I found things in the utmost confusion, by the
sudden change of the ministry, which likewise occasioned a change in the admiralty.
I petitioned, however, the commissioners of the navy, humbly requesting them to
make a report of what I had done, from time to time, from the 10th of July, to the
10th of December, 1741, at Greenwich, Deptford, and Portsmouth, in compliance with
the orders of the lords of the admiralty; in order that I might receive a suitable
reward for my usefel invention, and reasonable satisfaction for my trouble, loss of
time, to the neglect of my other affairs, and cxpences in the execution of the same.
But I received no answer, nor to many petitions I delivered to the lords of the
admiralty themselves; until at length, justly moved at the cold and unkind treatment
I met with, I freely expressed my sense of their hard usage, in the following
petition:

To the right honourable the lords of the admiralty, the petition of Samuel Sutton,
Humbly sheweth,

That your lordships petitioner, having invented an useful scheme for
extracting foul air out of his majesty's ships (which, in the month of September, 1741,
was tried before the then lords of the admiralty, who approved the performance)
lately applied to your lordships; but, to his extreme surprize, he finds that he is
not likely to receive any reward, either for the invention itself, or his loss of time
and expences : nor are his majesty's sailors and mariners likely to receive any benefit
from his scheme; tho' it is universally acknowledged that more of them have lately
died in America for want of good air than by the Spaniards. That your lordship's
petitioner cannot help remarking, that, tho' no invention ever met with more applause
from the public than his, never wa3 any man (himself excepted) employed by the
lords of the admiralty, from time to time, at his own charges, as he has been, without
a proper consideration. That your lordship's petitioner now desires that you would
be pleased to consider him on that account, and order him a suitable satisfaction ;
and as in duty bound, for your lordships he will

Ever Pray,

This petition was overlooked like the rest, nor was there any notice taken by the
lords either of me or my scheme till captain Gregory returned to London, who*
soon after his arrival, sent a letter to the then lords of the admiralty, in reference to
the Norwich man of war, which I fitted up at Portsmouth ; and the following extract
of it was left at their office for me:

Extract of a letter from captain Gregory, late commander of his majesty*s ship the
Norwich, to mr Corbett, dated June 11, 1743.

c As to the air-pipes which were put on board of me, I was obliged to stop up
c two of them, by reason the fire came down between decks: the other to the well
6 was kept open but the ship making water enough to keep her sweet, I was not
f able to judge of their use, having been so healthy as to bury only two men all the
6 time I was on the coast.'

Copy, Tho. Corbett.168 sutton's method of extracting foul air out of ships, &c.

I have many remarks to make upon this letter, which by no means can be justly
called a report, since the other officers of the ship were not consulted ; particularly the
surgeon, and the carpenter, or other under-officers, the most competent judges—the
former, of the health of the men; and the latter, of the sweetness and good condition
of the provisions. As to mr Haddon, the carpenter, who had been several voyages to
Guinea before, and never knew the like ; he assured me that the provisions continued
entirely sound, and the men healthy, free from the scurvy or any other disorder, to
the admiration of the people of Barbadoes, who therefore questioned, whether they
had been at Guinea or no : and, indeed, this matter of fact, which is the main point,
is for substance acknowledged by the captain himself; tho\ at the same time, he is
pleased to say,' that he was not able to judge of the use of my pipes/ This gentle-
man it seems lost so few men that he could not discover the usefulness of my pipes;
but, had he lost the greatest part of his crew, I dare say that he would have been
able to judge that my pipes were of no service at all. But tho' the extract of the
captain's letter carries it's own confutation along with it, yet, as it was sent to the
lords of the admiralty, I thought it expedient to give an answer to it, in this following
letter to the earl of Winchelsea :

My Lord,

Tho' I have petitioned the right honourable the lords of the admiralty
several times, and even wrote to your lordship, in reference to my extracting foul
air out of his majesty's ships, and never received any answer, except an extract from
captain Gregory's letter; yet, in justice to my scheme, I apprehended myself obliged
to lay before your lordship some just remarks on the said extract, which I hope will
effectually remove any inferences that may be thence drawn, to the prejudice of my
useful invention, which is founded on the most evident principles, and may be put in
execution, at so easy a charge as about thirty pounds, in any of his majesty's ships.
As to the captain, he says, that he was obliged to stop up two of my pipes, by reason
some sparks of fire came down between the decks. But this might easily have been
prevented, by adding two pipes of tin (which they never want) three feet long, and
bringing them through the chimney, by which all communication would be cut oft' between
those sparks and it. The captain also declares that he could not tell whether the pipe to
the well, because of the water in it, was of use or not; 'but, which seems to be very unfair
dealing, he entirely overlooks two other pipes. I intreat your lordship to be pleased
to consider that the pipes draw more air than any kitchen-chimney, and what is
sufficient to sweeten any ship in the navy. The captain himself owned to me that
not so much as one of his men had the scurvy, which cannot be said of any of his
majesty's ships heretofore, or that out of such a number so few have lost their lives,
and so many have returned in perfect health from such a voyage: and indeed, if my
scheme was generally put in practice, this, in all likelihood, would become a common
case, nor would ships that come from infected places have any occasion to perform
Quarentine, the air being preserved by the foresaid pipes in a pure and whplesom§
state. I am,

My Lord, fyc.

And as the principaJ, and indeed only, objection, in the extract against my
scheme, was the danger of fire, I wrote the following letter to sir Jacob Ackworth%
his majesty's surveyor, in order to shew that it was entirely groundless.

Honoured Sir,

When a scheme is proposed for the good of mankind in general, and the preserva-
tion of the lives of his majesty's subjects in particular, it is doubtless highly reasonable
that, as it is a matter of great consequence and importance, a strict inquiry should
be made, whether it be practicable, and will effectually answer the end proposed. As
to the inconveniency apprehended to attend mine, that it will expose ships to the
danger of fire, I intreat you to be so good as to enquire of any bricklayers orsutton's method op extracting foxtl air out of ships, &c. 169

builders whether this apprehension be not entirely groundless. I could heartily
wish that you would be pleased to satisfy yourself in this particular, as your
declaration, on this point, in my favour, would have great weight with the lords of
the admiralty, in order to my being by them appointed to have the directions
of laying pipes on board his majesty's ships. I am, sir, firmly relying on your
goodness,

Your humble

and obedient Servant,

Samuel Sutton.

Soon after, when the plague raged in Sicily, and timely precautions were taken
to prevent it's being introduced hither, I again wrote to the Earl of Winchelsea, as
follows:

My Loup,

A Proclamation being issued out for ships to perform Quarentine, I humbly
beg leave to acquaint your lordship, that if my scheme for extracting of foul air
was properly put in practice on board such ships it would effectually preserve the
health and lives of his majesty's subjects. And, such a fume being let down as the
physicians may judge expedient, great advantages would arise, without any ill
consequences whatsoever: because, the foul air being consumed by the fire, the
fume, by means of a pipe let into the hold of the ship, will with ease be drawn down,
there being a want of it to supply what is extracted. If your lordship will be
pleased to consult the physicians you will find that what I offer is practicable,
being founded on just and rational principles. I am,

My Lord,

Your humble

and obedient servant,

Samuel Sutton.

Sir Jacob Ackworth, mr Alleyn of Deptford, and the rest of the surveyors will
readily attest that no damage can arise from the fire made use of in my scheme,
which is the only objection that has hitherto been advanced against it.

Having thus refuted the foresaid objection, and I hope in a convincing manner, it
was natural for me to expect, without any longer delay, a reward suitable to the
importance and usefulness of my invention; but it was some time after this before
I received the following order from the lords of the admiralty :

Extra.

Received, the 31 Oct 1743.

No. 688.

Mr. Treasurer,

No. 2619. < In pursuance of an order from the right honourable the lords com-
1743. ' missioners of the admiralty, dated 22 October 1743, signifying

<	that, whereas mr Samuel Sutton did, some time since, propose to that board an
f invention of his, for extracting the foul air out of ships by fire, and letting in fresh
' air, an experiment of which was ordered to be made on board his majesty's ship the

*	Norwich, bound to the coast of Africa; and captain Gregory, who commanded the

*	said ship, having since his return made a report thereof, a copy of which their
' lordships sent us therewith, whereby it appears that it does not, in all respects,
' come up to the expectation, and that the use thereof is dangerous, and liable to
€ accidents by fire: yet, as the said mr Sutton has employed a great deal of pains

<	and time about the said invention, for the benefit of the navy, and had encourage-

*	ment from their lordships so to do; and their lordships being desirous to give

*	encouragement to persons who shall turn their thoughts to any inventions that170 sutton's method of extracting foul air out of ships, &c.

c may tend to the advantage of the navy, do thereby desire and direct us to cause a
< bill of one hundred pounds to be made out to the said Samuel Sutton, as a reward

*	for the loss of time and expences he has been at about the said invention.

* We pray you to pay unto mr Samuel Sutton accordingly the sum of one hundred

*	pounds, dated 22 Oct. 1743.

J. B.

31 Oct 1743.

Jam. Compton—Ca. Account

Rich. Haddock.

J. B.	J. H.

This, sir, was all the satisfaction I could procure from the lords of the admiralty,
though I had, from time to time, executed their orders with the utmost fidelity; and
even that, not till above two years after the trial of my first experiment on board the
hulk at Deptford: a satisfaction that scarcely defrayed my expences. But I
am perswaded, from what has been already said, you clearly perceive, that, as
matters stood, if the usefulness of my scheme had appeared in the most demonstrative
light, I should, after all, have fallen short of a suitable reward; and indeed this is
the truth of the case. Dr. Hales'& Ventilators, which were designed to answer the
same purposes as my pipes, had, by some means or other, got such an ascendant in
the esteem and regard of some leading persons in the affairs of the navy, as, in spite
of conviction itself, to admit of nothing to come in competition with them; tho'
even that darling scheme is now out of date and exploded. Far be it from me to
insult and triumph over a conquered adversary; and it is needless as well as cruel
to spend much time in confuting a scheme that experience has abundantly shewn
to be absurd and ridiculous. However, I think it incumbent on me to observe, how
much I was surprized to find no mention made by the candid author of the
Description of Ventilators of my invention : whereas he himself saw an experiment
made before the royal society, with a model of it, and heard dr Mead!s account of it
read to that learned body; which account was published in the Philosophical Trans-
actions some time before the book of Ventilators was printed. Upon the whole,
this is a peculiar advantage attending my invention, that it's beneficial influences are
perpetual, without the least intermission; whereas doctor Hales fully evinces the
insufficiency of any attempts to make the air in ships wholesome by only a few hours
ventilation. ' It were to be wished (says he, p. 41) that there should not be so much
6 as one hour without ventilation, when the ports are shut/ His ventilators are
cumbersome machines, taking up more room than can conveniently be spared, and
require many hands to work them: my pipes take up no room, but what may be
very well spared, and stand in need of no manual labour at all. His ventilators
have only a casual and uncertain, but my pipes a certain and uninterrupted, effect.
His ventilators cannot extract the air from the well at the bottom of the ship; but
mine do this, and introduce pure and wholesome air, in the place of impure and
unwholesome. His ventilators, he tells us, will keep a prison sweet; but my pipes will
sweeten even a bog-house, and may be conveyed miles under ground into the deepest
mines and subterraneous cavities with the same success. His ventilators require
much more air than my pipes, which will admit of more or less, as shall be thought
expedient. And, as my scheme, in all these respects, surpasses his; so his is dead
and buried, without any hope of a resurrection, whilst mine rises in it's reputation
daily: and the report of captain Comyns, commander of the Fame privateer, which I
fitted up some months ago, and which is returned to Lisbon with his crew in health
and vigour, will give such an ample and satisfactory attestation of the safety and
usefulness of my pipes, as will be sufficient to dispel the doubts and suspicions of
most incredulous.

To conclude: the simplicity of this machine; it's easy stowage without being
cumbersome; its operation without any labour to the seamen; the small expence to'sutton's method of extracting foVia air out of ships, &0> . 171

put it in execution, and maintain it; besides it's tendency to preserve the health and
lives of the seamen, to keep the ship dry, and the merchandize from damaging; are
strong reasons why no ship should go to sea without it.

I am, Sir,

Yours, &c.

Samuel Sutton.

An Account of mr Sutton's invention and method of changing the air in the hold, and
other close parts of a ship; communicated to the royal society by Richard
Mead, m.d. physician to his Majesty , fellow of the royal society, and of the royal
college physicians, London.

Read Feb. 11, 1741—2.

It is found by daily experience that air shut up and confined in a close place,
without a succession and fresh supply of it, becomes unwholesome, and unfit for the
use of life.

This is more sensibly so if any stagnating water be pent up with it.

But it gvows still worse if such an air as this is made use of in respiration, that is,
becomes moister and hotter, by passing and repassing through the lungs.

These bad effects, in different degrees, according to the different manner in which
air is inclosed, are observed in many cases ; particularly in deep wells and caverns of
the earth, in prisons or close houses, where people are shut up with heat and
nastiness: but most of all in large ships, in which, with the stench of water in the
hold, many men being crouded up in close-quarters, all the mentioned circumstances
concur in producing greater mischief than would follow from any of them single.

The reason of these bad effects is this: it is that property of the air which is
called it's elasticity or springiness which makes it so useful to our life. When any
part of it is enclosed and kept from the communication of the outward air it expands
itself, and, in proportion to the closeness of the place, loses it's spring; and if any heat
or moisture comes to it the elastic force may be quite lost and destroyed. And not
only so, but if it happens to be impregnated with noxious effluvia, either from
unwholesome substances of any kind, or from the infectious breadth of diseased
bodies, it will become quite poisonous and deadly, in a manner suitable to the
original cause.

It is proposed at present to find out a remedy for this evil in ships only : but
by making alterations according as particular places require, the same may
be applied to any houses or parts of them, as prisons, the sick wards in
hospitals, fyc.

Now it is a natural consequent of the elasticity of the air that when it is rarefied
in any part (which is most effectually done by heat) the neighbouring air will rush
that way, till this part is brought to be of an equal density and elasticity with
itself; and this again will be followed by the air next to it: so that, if a conveyance
for air be laid from the hold or well of the ship, and a rarefaction of the air therein
be made, the foul air from this place will run or be drawn out that way, and fresh
air from the adjacent parts will succeed in it's room.

It is upon these principles that the following scheme is most humbly offered to the
right honourable the lords of the admiralty and commissioners of the navy, which
it is hoped will be found effectual for clearing the bad and corrupted air from the holds
and other close parts of his majesty's ships, and thereby prove beneficial to the public,
by preserving the healths of many of his majesty's good subjects serving on board the
same; the whole thing being indeed easy to be executed, and what will no way
incumber or be troublesome in any of the vessels where it shall happen to be
applied; the same being, in short, no more than this: that whereas in every ship of
any bulk there is already provided a copper or boiling-place proportionable to
the size of the vessel, it is proposed to clear the bad air by means of the fire
already used under the said coppers or boiling-places for the necessary uses of
the ship.172 Sutton's method of extracting foul air out of ships, &c.

It is well known that under every such copper or boiler there are placed two
holes separated by a grate, the first of which is for the fire, and the other for
the ashes falling from the same; and that there is also a flue from the fireplace
upward, by which the smoke of the fire is discharged at some convenient place of the
ship.

It is also well known that the fire, once lighted in these fire-places, is only
preserved by the constant draught of air through the forementioned two holes and
flue; and that if the said two holes are closely stopped up, the fire, though burning
ever so briskly before, is immediately put out.

But if, after the shutting up the above mentioned holes, another hole be opened,
communicating with any other room or airy place, and with the fire, it is clear the
said fire must again be raised and burn as before; there being a like draught of air
through the same as there was before the stopping up of the first holes: this case
differing only from the former in this, that the air feeding the fire will now be
supplied from another place.

It is therefore proposed, that, in order to clear the holds of ships of the bad air
therein contained, the two holes abovementioned, that is, the fire-place and ash-place,
be both closed up with substantial and tight iron doors, and that a copper or leaden
pipe, of sufficient size, be laid from the hold into the ash-place, for the draught of
air to come in that way to feed the fire. And thus it seems plain, from what has
been already said, that there will be from the hold a constant discharge of the air
therein contained; and, consequently, that that air so discharged must be as constantly
supplied by fresh air down the hatches, or such other communications as are open
into the hold: whereby the same must be continually freshened, and its air rendered
more wholsome and fit for respiration.

And if into this principal pipe so laid into the hold other pipes are let in, com-
municating respectively either with the well or lower decks, it must follow that
part of the air consumed in feeding the fire must be respectively drawn out of all
such places, to which the communication shall be so made.

To Martin Folkes, Esq.,

* President of the Royal Society.

Sir,

According to my promise I have herewith sent you my observations upon
mr Sutton*s machine, which I drew up some time since, and intended to lay before
the royal society in December last, before I knew either that a model would be
shewn by mr Sutton, or that dr Mead would have presented his account thereof.
I am conscious of the disadvantages my slender performance must appear under after
the reading of one upon the same subject from so celebrated a pen as dr Mead?s.

These remarks were the result of several times seeing the machine, when first put
in execution at Deptford. I hope it will not take up too much of the society's time
to read my paper this evening. And am,

Sir,

Your most obedient

humble servant,

Aldersgate-street,	W. Watson.

Thursday Morning,

April 1, 1742.

Some observations upon mr Sutton's invention to extract the foul and stinking air
from the well and other parts of ships, with critical remarks upon the use of windsails,
by William Watson, f.r.&

London, Dec. 4, 1741.

Read April 1, 1742.

As nothing is more conducive to the health of the human body than the taking
a sufficient quantity of wholesome air into the lungs, so the contrary is attended
with pernicious and often with destructive consequences.SUTTON'S METHOD OF EXTRACTING FOUL AIR OUT OF SHIPS, &C, 173

One of the great uses of air in inspiration is to cool the blood passing through
the lungs, where nature has provided, according to the excellent Malpigkius, that the
blood should be distributed through a vast number of exceedingly fine arteries,
which occupy the thin vesicles of the lungs ; and by this means the blood is exposed
to the air under a prodigiously large surface, whereby the putrefaction is prevented,
which, from the alcacescent quality of that fluid, would otherwise be speedily
destructive.

Observations inform us that contagious distempers are more frequent in hot
climates than in cold, and in closely built cities fully inhabited than in towns: the
former may, in some measure, proceed from the too great heat of the air, not fully
answering the above-mentioned purposes; and the latter from too many people
breathing in the same atmosphere, thereby rendering it unfit for respiration.

It has been frequently tried, that if a gallon of air be contained in a bladder, and
by means of a blow pipe inspired and expired into the lungs of a man, without
having any communication with the external air, in the space of a minute, or little
more, it becomes heated, and unfit for respiration; and, without the addition of fresh
air, the person making the experiment would speedily be suffocated. The diving-
bell is another instance of the same kind, wherein a constant supply of fresh air
must be had, to keep out the water, and refresh the people included.

Although air is absolutely necessary to our existence, and necessity constrains us
inevitably to breathe therein, it may be made a vehicle of most malignant poisons,
as witness the famous Grotto del Card in Italy, the poisoning air by charcoal, and air
impregnated with the fumes of fermenting vegetable liquors. Stagnant air, either
alone or mixed with water, soon becomes very offensive and pernicious, as in wells
dug for the supply of water, and disused for some time; as is the air also in the wells
and in the holds of ships, which is occasioned principally by what is usually called the
Bulge-water, which if the ship is tight, and not frequently pumped, becomes not
only very offensive, but so extremely poisonous as frequently to suffocate those
seamen, who, as the pumps are subject to be clogged with filth, venture down to
cleanse them; and will cause also in persons at a distanee violent head-achs, cold
sweats, and frequent vomitings, which continue more or less, in proportion to the
distance from the well of the ship when the injury was received, and the degree of
putrefaction in the water and air.

The air, in ships particularly, is very liable to be vitiated, not only from the
Bulge-water, but from too many people breathing in the same atmosphere; especially
in ships of war, hospital-ships, and those used in the Guinea trade for Negroes,
where a number of uncleanly people, being stowed too close together, heat the air,
make it replete with noxious effluvia, destroy the particles therein adapted to cool the
lungs, particularly the acid nitrous gas. This principle is abundant in cool air, and
manifests itself not only from the quantity of nitrous crystallizations which may be
collected from caverns of the earth, especially those open to a northerly aspect, but
also from exposing pieces of the flesh of animals fresh cut, or their blood, whereby
the colours of their surfaces are soon changed from a dark deep red to a more lively
and florid one. Air robbed of this valuable property, and replete with hurtful ones,
not only from the people, but from the stinking water in the well and lower parts of
the ship, must produce the most putrid if not pestilential fevers.

Although the (Equilibrium, within places confined is maintained by the external air,
yet unless, by openings properly adapted, the air is suffered to pass freely enough, the
external air proves as a stopple to the internal, and only mixes with that portion of
it which is next in contact: this is evident from the common occurrence in privies,
which are scarcely offensive in clear weather, but are much so in foul or windy,
from a diminution of the incumbent pressure of the atmosphere when the vapours
that have been pent up expand themselves to a considerable distance.

To prevent the abovementioned inconveniencies, and to preserve the healths and
lives of the seamen, that valuable part of the nation, many schemes have been
thought of, particularly the machines of those two very worthy, ingenious, and
industrious members of this society, the rev. dr Hales and the rev. dr Desaguliers;174 SUTTON'S METHOD OF EXTRACTING FOUL AIR OUT OF SHIPS, &C.

the first by an instrument which he calls the ship's Lungs? and the latter by a
machine,f which is an improvement of the Hessian bellows: but as these have been
laid before the society by the gentlemen themselves, I shall pass them over, and
proceed to mention the contrivance commonly made use of, I mean the wind-sails.
They are made of the common sail-cloth, and are usually between 25 and 30 foot
long, according to the size of the ship, and are of the form of a cone ending obtusely :
when they are made use of they are hoisted by ropes to about two thirds or more
of their height, with their basis distended circularly by hoops, and their apex hanging
downwards in the hatchways of the ship; above each of these, one of the common
sails is so disposed, that the greatest part of the air, rushing against it, is directed
into the wind-sail, and conveyed, as through a funnel, into the upper parts of the
body of the ship. These must be hung up and taken down every time they are used,
and the supply by this method is not constant. Though custom has given a sanction
to this device it is subject to many inconveniencies : 1st, each ship having commonly
three of these one to each mast) the seamen are a considerable time in getting their
apparatus ready, and in hoisting them up to make use of. 2dly, They can only be
used in mild weather. 3dlyy jear the equator, where fresh air is most wanted,
there sometimes happen such stark calms that they are useless by not having air
enough to distend them. 4thly, the air hereby admitted passes only into the upper
and more open parts of the ship, so that the well, 8fc. receive no change there-from;
and it is observed, that sometimes, upon using them after some discontinuance, they
drive offensive air into the cabin and more airy parts of the ship; like as the pouring
some fresh into stinking water makes the whole stink, though in a less degree.
5thly> they are improper to be used in the night-time, when the people are sleeping
between decks. And lastly, admitting they had none of the former inconveniences,
their use must be destructive in hospital ships; where, though fresh air imperceptibly
received is absolutely necessary to preserve the crew as free as possible from the
infectious breath and exhalations of the diseased and wounded seamen, yet blasts of
wind, pouring impetuously into the very places where the sick lie, must be attended
with such consequences as are too obvious to mention.

To remedy these inconveniences, to prevent the air proving foul even in the wells
and holds of ships, and to cause imperceptibly a large circulation of fresh air into
every part of the ship at all times, mr Sutton has invented the following scheme,
which is useful not only in these cases, but, by altering some parts, as particular
places require, may be applied to houses, the close parts of prisons, wells at land,
privies, hospitals, fyc.

Nothing rarefies air so considerably as heat, which, whenever it causes a diminution
in the density of the air, that part next in contact will rush in, and be succeeded by
a constant supply, till the air becomes of an equal degree of elasticity. Therefore, if
a tube be laid in the well, hold, or any other part of the ship, and the upper part of
this tube be sufficiently heated to rarefy the impending column of air, the (Equilibrium
will be maintained by the putrid air from the bottom of the tube, which being
drawn out this way, a supply of fresh air from the other parts of the ship will succeed
in its place; which operation, being continued, will intirely change the air in all
parts of the ship. This principle, exactly conformable to the doctrines of pneumatics,
is the basis of mr Sutton s machine, which being put in execution on board the
Hulk at Deptford, before the lords of the admiralty, commissioners of the navy, our
very learned and ingenious president M. Folkes, esq., dr Mead, &c., performed to
their satisfaction, in bringing air from the bread-room, horlop and well of the ship at
the same time, in such quantity that large lighted candles being put to the end of
tubes the flame was immediately sucked out as fast as applied, though the end of
one of the tubes was above twenty yards distant from the fire. The method is as
follows:

To boil the provisions of the ship's company they must have a copper which is

• See dr. Hales*s treatise of ventilators.

t See Philos. Trans. no. 437.sutton's method of extracting foul air out of ships; &c.

175

bigger or less in proportion to the size of the ship and number of the crew; this
copper is fixed in ships in the manner as on land, haying under it two openings
divided by an iron grate. The first opening, having an iron door, is for the fire ; the
ashes from the grate drop through into the bottom of the other; the smoke passes
through a chimney, and is discharged as usual. After the fire is lighted, it is
supported by the air from the parts next the ash-pit; but having, contrary to the
usual custom, adapted an iron door, like the former, made very tight, to prevent the
ingress of air, the fire would soon be extinguished if not supplied by some other
aperture; in order to which, one or more holes are made through the brickwork
in the side of the ash-pit; and tubes of lead or copper, fitted closely in the holes,
and made fast, are laid from thence into the well and other parts of the ship ; by
which means the air next the bottom of the tubes rushes through them, and the foul
and stinking air succeeding is transmitted through the fire, and passes off, without
offending, by means of the chimney; and a supply of fresh air from the other parts
of the ship continually fills the the place of the former, the fire requiring a constant
support. This support will will be wanting, not only during the continuance of the
fire, but while any warmth remains in the fire-place, copper, or brick-work, as was
observed on board the Hulk at Deptford, where the draught of air through the tube
lasted above twelve hours after the fire was taken away. This being considered,
as the dressing the provisions for a number of people will take up some hours every
day, the warmth of the brick-work and flues will continue a draught of air from one
day to the next. Mr Sutton proposes thus to circulate the air by the same and
no greater expence of fire than is customarily used for the necessities of the ship.

The operation of the machine will be equally useful in large as in small ships;
for the greater the number of people they have on board, the larger quantity and
longer continuance of the fire will be necessary to dress the provisions; and therefore
there will be required a greater quantity of air to support that fire. The size and
number of the tubes need not be specified; because as the circulation of air is in
proportion of the quantity of fire the wider the tube, and greater the number of
them, the less the velocity of the air, and vice versa.

I several times took notice in this machine, when, for the sake of observation,
after the fire was well lighted, the lowest iron door was left open, that the flame did
not ascend so high or burn so fierce ; but immediately upon shutting thereof, when
the draught of air was only through the tubes, the flame soon recovered its former
vigour.

There is likewise, especially in large ships, not only a copper, but also a fire-grate
like those used in kitchens: that the heat and smoke of this also may not be useless,
an iron tube may be fixed behind the grate, and inserted quite through the brick-
work, and through the deck, so that one end thereof will stand about a foot, or little
more, in the chimney above the brick-work, and the other will enter into the hold, or
any other part of the ship; the upper end of this tube then being heated, the
draught of air will be supplied from below, as in the other case. This likewise was
tried on board the Hulk, with an iron tube about two iliches and an half in diameter,
and the lighted candles held at the bottom of this tube were extinguished as fast as
by any of the others.

It may be objected, that a number of tubes take up too much room, especially in
merchants ships, and are subject to be broken or injured by loading or unloading:
to remedy which it is adviseable that only one tube of a convenient size be made
fast unto the side of the ashpit, and, as soon as it comes through the main deck, to
compress it (a circular or any other form being equally useful) not too close; and it
may be divided into as many ramifications as may be thought necessary (especially
as the bread-room, store-room, Sfc. cannot be kept too sweet, a branch for each of
these), and these branches may be carried between the beams which support the deck,
till they come to the side of the ship, and there be let down likewise between the
beams into the places intended ; by which contrivance their operation will not in the
least be obstructed, and the tubes be secured from any accident.

The simplicity of this machine, it being so little cumbersome, its operation176 sutton's method of extracting foul air out of ships, &c.

without any labour to the seamen, the small expence to put it in execution, and
maintain it, besides the before-mentioned considerations, are other arguments for its
general use.

Continuation of the historical account of a new method, fyc.

Sir,

Since my first letter to you, giving an historical account of my methodfor extract-
ing foul air out of ships, &c., I have made such improvements in it that I am convinced
it is now perfect, and will produce all the benefits that can be expected from a free
circulation of fresh air in close places, without any of those imaginary inconve-
niences that by some few were apprehended from it. And my conviction does not
arise from the truth of the principles alone on which it is founded, but likewise
from impartial experiments made with my machine during long voyages in several
parts of the world, and ample testimonials of its salutary effects wherewith I have
been honoured; the most material of which you will find at the foot of this letter.

I have now the satisfaction to inform you that my invention has at length
surmounted all obstacles through the wisdom and zeal of the present right honourable
the lords of the admiralty, and the right honourable and honourable the principal
officers and commissioners of his majesty's navy, who, having taken the whole
affair into their serious consideration, were so thoroughly satisfied of the great
advantages that must accrue to the nation from the faithful execution of my scheme,
that the said principal officers and commissioners of his majesty's navy have con-
tracted with me for fixing my engine on board his majesty's ships, whether laid up
or in commission; for which act of general concern, as I well know the warmth of
your heart for the good of our country, I doubt not but you will readily concur with
me in making cordial acknowledgments to their lordships and those honourable
gentlemen in the name of the public.

Your*sy &c.

Samuel Sutton.

Extract from the right honourable the lord Anson's voyage round the world, p. 36
of the edition in A to, shewing the want of an engine to extract the foul air.

The captains of the squadron represented to the commodore that their ships
companies were very sickly, and that it was their opinion, as well as their surgeon's,
that it would tend to the preservation of the men to let in more air between decks,
but that their ships were so deep they could not possibly open their lower ports.
On this representation the commodore ordered six air-scuttles to be cut in each ship,
in such places where they would least weaken it.

And on this occasion I cannot but observe, how much it is the duty of all those
who either by office or authority have any influence in the direction of our naval
affairs to attend to this important article, the preservation of the lives and health of
our seamen. If it could be Supposed that the motives of humanity were insufficient
for this purpose, yet policy, and a regard to the success of our arms, and the interest
and honour of each particular commander, should naturally lead us to a careful and
impartial examination of every probable method proposed for keeping a ship's crew
in health and vigour. But hath this been always done ? Have the late invented
plain and obvious methods of keeping our ships sweet and clean, by a constant
supply of fresh air, been considered with that candour and temper which the great
benefits promised thereby ought naturally to have inspired ? On the contrary, have
not those salutary schemes been often treated with neglect and contempt ? And
have not some of those who have been entrusted with experimenting their effects
been guilty of the most indefensible partiality in the accounts they have given of
these trials ? Indeed, it must be confessed, that many distinguished persons, both in
the direction and command of our fleets, have exerted themselves on these occasions
with a judicious and dispassionate examination becoming the interesting nature of
the inquiry ; but the wonder is that any could be found irrational enough to act abutton's method of extracting foul air "out of s^ifs,&<£ 177

contrary part in despite of the strongest dictates of prudence and humanity. I must,
however own, that I do not believe this conduct to have arisen from motives so
savage, as the first reflection thereon does naturally suggest; but I rather impute it
to an obstinate, and in some degree superstitious, attachment to such practices as
have been long established, and to a settled contempt and hatred of all kinds of
innovations, especially such as are projected by landsmen and persons residing
on shore.

Testimonials of the advantages and success of my machines for purifying the
air in ships and other close places.

Numb. I.

Extract of a letter from rear admiral Boscawen to mr Corbett, dated in Table-bay,

9th April 1748,

The squadron as well as the troops who are with me are surprizingly healthy,
and have been so in general our whole passage; which I attribute in a great measure
to our having touched at the islands where I procured refreshment. But at the
same time I cannot help thinking, the air-pipes fixed in the men of war have been of
great service in this particular, by purifying the air between decks, and thereby
preventing the scurvy.

In addition to what I have said above of the air-pipes, I cannot help observing to
their lordships, that the bulge-water on board the Namur in particular has not been
the least offensive the whole passage; tho' it was so bad when we last went into
Portsmouth harbour that three or four men were like to be suffocated by only coming
near the well; and therefore I cannot but recommend them as things highly useful
on board his majesty's ships.

Num. II.

Mr. Joseph Hatton, carpenter of the Warwick man of war, during her voyage to
Guinea and the West-Indies, mentioned above p. 19, declared at the navy-board,
that on the accident of breaking the phain of their pump it fell with a kink in the
chain, so that it could not be got up or down; wherefore he was obliged to go into
the well in order to cut a scuttle in the pump to clear the kink ; that he remained in
the well near five hours in a considerable depth of water, without any ill effect on
his health; which he imputes to the pipes being fixed on board the said ship for
extracting the foul air.

Num. III.

Captain Petre, commander of the Sandwich, in the service of the East-India*
company, on board of which ship mr Sutton had constructed one of his machines,
declared at the navy-board, that on his return from a China voyage in 1747, when he
put in at Ireland, he ordered some of the bulge-water to be brought up ; and it
differed not in smell from other common sea-water, but differed in colour as the
liquor of bohea from green tea.

Num. IV.

extract of a letter from captain William Lisle, commander of his majesty's ship
the Vigilant, at the Cape of Good Hope, April the 10th, 1748.

I gave you an account of all that occurred till I left Madeira, in a letter from
thence: however, that you may farm a better idea of the tedious passage to this
place, I shall just mention the dates of our departure from the several ports we
touched at in our passage. We left Spithead the second of November, Lisbon the 24th
of January, and arrived at the Cave of Good Hope the twenty-second of March;
by which you may observe, that our passage from Madeira to this place was just
eleven weeks, and our whole voyage from England full five months, if we fix each

r17S BUTTON^ METHOD OF EXTRACTING FOULr AIR OUT OF SHIPS, &C.

month at twenty-eight days : which is a long time to be getting but little more than
half-way to our journey's end; but tho' long, yet it has been attended with very few
bad circumstances; and particularly in regard to the health of the several ships
companies, and all the troops in general, never were people more healthy; which I
cannot but suppose is entirely owing to the new-invented Ventilators,* and the large
quantity of mustard-seed allowed by the government to the seamen by way of
experiment. The Dutch, who reside here, speak of it as a miracle, and make it the
chief subject of their conversation.

* N.B. These are mr Sutton's air-pipes.(The Invention of which the history and description are given in the following
Tract was the subject of Letters Patent, No. 602, dated 16th March, 1744.)

AN HISTORICAL ACCOUNT

OF

A NEW METHOD

FOR

EXTRACTING THE FOUL AIR OUT OF SHIPS,

&c.

WITH THE

DESCRIPTION AND DRAUGHT OF THE MACHINES,

BY WHICH IT IS PERFORMED :

IN TWO LETTERS TO A FRIEND,

By SAMUEL SUTTON, the Inventor.
THE SECOND EDITION.

TO WHICH ARE ANNEXED

TWO RELATIONS GIYEN THEREOF TO THE ROYAL SOCIETY,
By Dr. Mead and Mr. Watson.

LONDON:

Printed for J. Brindley, Bookseller to His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales,

in New-bond-street.

MDCCXLIX.

LONDON:

Reprinted by George E. Etre and William Spottiswoode, Printers to the Queen's most Excellent Majesty.
Published at the Great Seal Patent Office, Southampton Buildings, Chancery Lane,

1858.

Price Is.JVo.

(Department of

LIBRARY OF

| Illinois Industrial University,

C/cZZLdL	JT& W,

IjooJcs are not to be taken from the Library ifoora

□Description of Invention .

A.D. 174-4. March 16. N° 602
SUTTON.

(1 SEEUTi

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