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stacksA HISTORY OF
HIGHER EDUCATION
IN AMERICAPRESIDENT THWING'S
COLLEGE BOOKS

American Colleges: Their Students
and Work.

Within College Walls.

The College Woman.

The American College in American
Life.

College Administration.

A Liberal Education and a Liberal
Faith.

College Training and the Business
Man.

A History of Higher Education in
America.A HISTORY OF
HIGHER EDUCATION
IN AMERICA

BY

CI-IARLES F. TIT.WING,: LL.D.

PBESIDENT OF WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY
AND ADEI.11ERT COLLEGE ,

•JSiCvk

D. APPLETON ANI) COMPANY
NEW YORK
1906Copyrioiit, 1906, by
D. APPLETON AND COMPANY

Published September, 1906PREFATORY NOTE

This History may be said to itself have a bit of history.
Twenty-five years ago certain studies for it were begun. In mak-
ing these studies my wife, Carrie F. Butler Thwing, and I worked
together. Subject to interruptions, these studies were from time
to time continued, and their results put aside for incorporation
in the proposed book. In the later years of the period which has
passed since her death in 1898, the writing of the history has
gone forward. But the completed book represents a labor cover-
ing more than twenty-five years.

In its writing I have also received much help from many
men. I cannot name all, but I wish to say I am especially grate-
ful to the librarians of Harvard, of Yale, of Brown, and of Dart-
mouth for aid graciously given. If several of my own official
associates were not so near to me, I should like also to express
to them my deep sense of gratitude. The Index is the work of
my daughter, Mary B. Thwing.

It may not be unfitting to add that I have already begun
a " History of Education " of all grades in this country for
the last forty years. This work will treat with greater fullness
certain subjects which are briefly considered in the present
volume.

J	C. F. T.

*

^ Western Reserve University, Cleveland,

J	June 14, 1906.

xt-.

^ *

£

•

aTABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER I
THE FIRST COLLEGE

]

Origin and Associations of the Founders of Harvard College—Contrast
Between Massachusetts Bay and Plymouth Colony—Founders
Were Idealists—Votes of General Court in Making Foundation—
John Harvard—Formal Government Unlike that of English
University System—First Master, Eaton, and Mrs. Eaton—Title
of President—The First President: Dunster—The Second Presi-
dent: Chauncy—Progress of College During First Two Presi-
dencies—President Increase Mather, and His Son Cotton—Cause
of Unhappiness in College Presidencies—Curriculum of the First
Century—-Comparison with the Curriculum of Oxford and Cam-
bridge—Results of the Course of Study—Requirements for Ad-
mission—Secondary Education—Moral Conditions—Social Con-
ditions—Age of Students—College Expenses—Contrast of Life at
Harvard with Life at Oxford and Cambridge—Conflict of Town
and Gown—Commencement—Results of the First Half-Century
in Educating Clergymen, Lawyers, and Physicians—General Edu-
cational Conditions—Influence of Harvard in England .

CHAPTER II
THE SECOND COLLEGE: WILLIAM AND MARY

First Endeavors for Higher Education in Virginia—Origin and Asso-
ciations of the Settlers of Virginia—Dr. James Blair—Founding
of William and Mary College—Generous Pecuniary Provision-
Government of the College—Its Great Work in Educating Virginia
Statesmen—Undergraduate Life—The Source of Several Educa-
tional Movements......

CHAPTER III

THE THIRD COLLEGE: YALE

Conditions in Connecticut—Need of a College—The Purpose of Founda-
tion Indicated in Early Charter—The Founders—A Single Board

viiviii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

of Government—Advantages and Disadvantages of Single Board
of Government and a Double—Finally Located at New Haven—
Reasons for Choice—The Course of Study—Intellectual Results
of the Education—The Annual Budgets—Endowment—Lotteries
—The First Three Presidents—The Presidency of Thomas Clap—
The Orthodoxy of the College—General Political Conditions De-
termining Its Prerevolutionary History—Governor Yale—Bishop
Berkeley—Undergraduate Rules and Customs—Comparison of
Manners and Morals in American Colleges and English Uni-
versities ...... ......65

CHAPTER IV
PRINCETON, PENNSYLVANIA, AND COLUMBIA

Unique Conditions of Founding of Princeton, Pennsylvania, and Co-
lumbia—Character of Dutch, Scotch-Irish, Irish Settlers and
Friends—The Educational Influence of the Presbyterian Church
Tennent's "Log College*'—Location of the College of New
Jersey at Princeton—Benjamin Franklin and the Higher Educa-
tion in Pennsylvania—Conditions of the Establishment of the
Higher Education in Pennsylvania—Columbia (King's) College
Result of Long Historic Process—First President of Princeton—

First Buildings at Princeton and Columbia—Similarity of Condi-
tions at the First Three Colleges of the Middle Colonies—Samuel
Johnson, First President of Columbia—Contrast of the Colleges in
England and in America in the Eighteenth Century ... 106

CHAPTER V
LATER PREREVOLUTIONARY DEVELOPMENTS

Conditions of Founding of College in Rhode Island—Rhode Island
College Baptist in Its Ecclesiastical Relations—Early Financial
History—Foundation of a Second College in New Jersey—The
Result of Conditions of the Dutch Settlement—The Founder of
Dartmouth: Eleazar Wheelock—Purpose, to Educate Indians—
Contributions Received from England—Located at Hanover—
Simplicity of Undergraduate Life—Observance of Formal Academic
Ceremonies—Unsettled Conditions in Massachusetts in Middle of
Eighteenth Century—Four Presidents of Harvard: Willard,
Leverett, Wadsworth, Holyoke—Improvements in Course of
Study-—Testimony of Rev. John Clarke—Revision of College Laws
and Customs—Value of Contributions Made by the College to the
Community Before the Outbreak of the Revolution . . . 129TABLE OF CONTENTS

ix

CHAPTER VI
THE COLLEGES IN THE REVOLUTION

Q	• 1 T»	PAGB

Special Relations of the Colleges to the Revolution—Great Men of that
Contest and Their Academic Relations: James Otis, Oxenbridge
Thacher, Samuel Adams, John Hancock—The Men of Connecticut,
New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Virginia—The Loyal-
ists—Spirit of the Students—General Influence of the Nine
Colleges ....... ... . . . 165

CHAPTER VII
BEGINNINGS OF THE NATIONAL MOVEMENT

Growth of National Spirit Contemporaneous with the Growth of College
Spirit—Collegiate Spirit Manifest in Three Forms: (1) Desire of
Individual States to Found and Promote the Higher Education
Within Their Own Borders; (2) Desire of the National Government
to Found and Promote the Higher Education Independent of the
States; (3) Desire of the National Government to Found and
Promote the Higher Education by Granting Aid to Individual
States—Higher Education in North Carolina—Slow Progress—
Joseph Caldwell—The Higher Education in South Carolina—Presi-
dency of Joseph Maxcy—The Higher Education in Georgia—The
Higher Education in Maryland—The University of Maryland—
Washington College—St. John's College—The Collegiate Spirit
Manifest in Endeavors for National University-^-W ashing ton's
Relations to National University—Endeavors of Succeeding
Presidents—National Interest in Higher Education Shown in
Giving Aid to Individual States—Place of Land in Endowment—
The Ordinance of 1787—Significance of this Ordinance—Manasseh
Cutler—Ohio's Early Educational History.....175

CHAPTER VIII
THE FRENCH PERIOD

Education in France at the Time of the French Revolution—Unity of
Interest of the French and American People—Instruction in
French Language and Literature—Frenchmen in America—
Rochefoucald—Thomas Jefferson and the French Influence—
French Influence Seen in the University of the State of New York
—Quesnay's Scheme—French Influence in the Territory of
Michigan—Movement Toward a University in Michigan . . 192X

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER IX
COLLEGES OF AND FOR AN ADVANCING PEOPLE

Several Movements Uniting in the Establishment of Colleges—Origin
of Williams College—Difficulty of Its Establishment—Movement
for a College in or near Schenectady—Union College—Signifi-
cance of its Name—Hamilton College—Jefferson College in Penn-
sylvania—Washington College in Pennsylvania—The Higher
Education in Vermont—The Higher Education in Maine—-The
Higher Education in Central Pennsylvania—Common Character-
istics of Colleges thus Founded—Poverty—High Character of
Students—Influence of Teachers over Students .... 203

CHAPTER X
THE LAYING OF NEWER FOUNDATIONS

The Order of Establishing Political and Educational Institutions—
Motives of Establishing Educational Institutions—Difficulties—
Educational Purposes Embodied in Constitution of the States—
Specific Endeavors Made—The Religious Impulse and Ecclesias-
tical Condition—The Human Motive—The Relation of New
England to the Foundation of Colleges in the West . . .213

CHAPTER XI
IN SOUTHERN STATES

Influence of the University of Virginia and Its Causes—The Higher
Education in the Carolinas—Certain Personalities—The Higher
Education in Kentucky and Tennessee—The Christian College—
The Higher Education in Louisiana, Alabama, and Mississippi—
The Rise of the Anti-Slavery Sentiment—Southern Students in
Northern Colleges...........236

CHAPTER XII
COLLEGE CONDITIONS IN NEW ENGLAND

The Fourth Decade a Period of Beginnings—Great Personalities—

Yale: Dwight, Day, J, L. Kingsley, and Woolsey—Harvard and
Its Several Presidents: Kirtland, Quincy, Everett, Sparks, Walker,
Felton, Hill—Princeton—Columbia—Unique Conditions at Dart-
mouth—The Dartmouth College Case—Union College and Nott—

Five Great Presidents: Nott, Wayland, Lord, Hopkins, Wood-
New Colleges in the Earlier and Middle Decades of the Century:
Waterville (Colby), Amherst, Washington (Trinity), Wesleyan,
Antioch and Horace Mann.........258TABLE OF CONTENTS

xi

CHAPTER XIII
THE COURSE OF STUDY

^	PAGB |

Stationary Character of the Course of Study—Changes Made in the
First Decades of the Century: In Chemistry, Mathematics, History,
Economics and Political Science, Romance Languages, German—

Law of Introduction of Subjects into the Course—The Introduction
of the Elective System—Relation of George Ticknor, Thomas
Jefferson, and President Way land to the Elective System—In-
fluence of German Universities on American Colleges . . . 300

CHAPTER XIV
FINANCIAL HISTORY

Financial History of Colleges Representative of the Financial Condi-
tion of the Community—Similarity of Financial History of All
Colleges—Slow Increase of Funds—Large Additions Made in the
Fourth Decade—The Use Made of the Lottery—Forms of Invest-
ment—Forms of Expenditure—Rapid Increase Made in the Last
Decades of the Century.............323

CHAPTER XV
THE EDUCATION OF WOMEN

The Education of Women in Early New England—Enlargement of this
Education—Foundation of Institutions—Great Personalities—

Mary Lyori and Mount Holyoke—Emma Willard—Co-education
and Oberlin College—Antioch College—Separate Education—
Vassar College and Its First President—Wellesley College—Smith
College—Bryn Mawr College—The Co-ordinate, or Parallel, Method
—Certain Results of the Higher Education of Women—Effect on
Certain Family Conditions........334

CHAPTER XVI
THE COLLEGES IN THE CIVIL WAR

Appeal of Noble Motives to College Men—Different Appeals which
Civil War Made to Men of Northern Colleges and Southern—Ap-
peal Made to Teachers of Northern Colleges and Southern—Serious
Questioning Felt by College Officers—Effect of War on College Life
—Number Who Entered the Service from Certain Colleges—
Effect of War on College Financial Relations—-The Lesson of
Patriotism . . . . . . . . ... . 354xii	TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER XVII

UNDERGRADUATE AFFAIRS AND UNDERTAKINGS

Development of Undergraduate Affairs and Undertakings—The Society PAGE
System—The Fraternity System—Religious Interests—Athletic
Interests—College Journals—Students' Songs—Students' Language
—Self-Government of Students—The Class as a Unit—Students'
Expenses and Their Increase—Alumni Associations . . .375

CHAPTER XVIII
ARCHITECTURE

Different Types of English and American College Architecture—The
Colonial Type—The Classical Type—The Gothic Type—Differ-
entiation in Uses of Buildings—Improvement in Recent Decades 404

CHAPTER XIX
LIBRARIES

Growth of Libraries from Small Beginnings by Slow Increments—
Present Size of Libraries—Improvement in Classification of Books
Classes of Books in a College Library—Special Collections—In-
creasing Availability—Value of Library in Research—The Libra-
rian Special Funds for Libraries—Library Buildings—The
Librarian and the Work of the Community.....

CHAPTER XX
GRADUATE AND PROFESSIONAL INSTRUCTION AND DEGREES

Growth of Instruction for Graduates—Beginnings Made at Yale—Begin-
nings Made at Harvard—Graduate Instruction Built on Collegiate
Foundations—Johns Hopkins University—Scientific or Technical
Instruction—Its Rise in the Seventh Decade—Two Conceptions
Prevailing—Schools of Law and of Medicine Becoming Graduate
Schools—Methods of Shortening the Educational Course—Degrees
—Significance and History of Degrees—Increase in Variety of
Degrees.............

CHAPTER XXI

COURSE OF STUDY OF THE LAST THIRD OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY

Continued Slow Enlargement of Course of Study in Middle Decades—
Value of Personality in the Teacher—Causes of the Educational
Quickening: (1) The Civil War; (2) Commercial Prosperity; (3)

409

418TABLE OF CONTENTS

xiii

The Scientific Movement—Institutional and Personal Results of
this Quickening—The Foundation of Cornell University; The
Foundation of Johns Hopkins University; the Presidencies of
Daniel Coit Giilman, Andrew Dickson White, Charles William
Eliot—The Modern Elective System—Arguments for the System
Objections Against—Applications of the System—Increase in
Number of Subjects of Instruction and an Enlargement of Field
of Different Subjects..........430

CHAPTER XXII
general results

Promotion of the Intellectual Unity of the American People—Tendency
of a Democracy to Break with the Past—Reconciliation of Diverse
Educational Ideals—Influence on Public Opinion—Influence on
the Spiritual Ideals of a Nation—Relation of Higher Education on
Professional Education—Relation of Higher Education to the
Church and to Theology—Relation to the Industrial and the
Social Movement—Relation to General Society—Relation to
"Half-Education"—Relation to Research—Relation to the Formal
Government ............446

Index

475A HISTORY OF
HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

CHAPTER I

. the first college

The liberally educated Englishmen who came to America in
the first half of the seventeenth century were graduates of either
Cambridge or Oxford. Neither St. Andrews, the oldest of the
colleges and universities of Scotland, nor Glasgow, nor Aberdeen,
nor Edinburgh, the youngest, had directly influenced them.
Although the Pilgrims had made their home in Leyden for twelve
years, yet it is evident that the new university, founded by Will-
iam of Orange as a reward to the citizens for their mighty and
triumphant resistance in the great siege, had not offered its advan-
tages to this godly people. Paris and the other continental uni-
versities had affected the emigrating Englishman only, or chiefly,
as the power of these great and historic foundations had touched
Oxford or Cambridge.

It was the happy fortune of the one hundred Cambridge and
Oxford men who came to America before 1640 to be members of
those universities at a time of academic prosperity. The liberal
and liberalizing spirit of the Renaissance was still potent. The
literary influence of Protestantism, within and without college
walls, was showing itself in noble refinement and manly vigor of
character. Forty years after Francis Bacon entered the Univer-
sity of Cambridge, he criticised in his " Advancement of Learn-
1 the English university system. His criticisms are directed
to the same weaknesses which prevail to-day. They are touched
with the modern spirit. He regrets that men study words and not

1 Book I and first sections of Book II.
12	HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

matter. He laments the poverty of the salaries of the public lec-
turers. He deplores the lack of maturity in students who are
engaged in the study of logic and of rhetoric. He regrets that
the chief learning of the university is dedicated to the service of
the professions. He deprecates the difference which exists be-
tween the practical and the theoretical. But despite these criti-
cisms of one of the wisest and greatest of men, it is still evident
that the two historic institutions that have closest relation with
the higher education in America were flourishing. Although
linguistic studies, especially Greek, were suffering a decline, yet
logic, rhetoric, and theology in particular were nobly in the
ascendant. It was an age of great personalities and of great
teachers. Neville, master of Trinity, '' the magnificent," as
Fuller calls him; Chaderton, master of Emmanuel from its
foundation, from 1584 to 1622, able administrator; Andrewes—
head of Pembroke, great teacher and lecturer; and above all
John Preston of Queens and of Emmanuel, in whom grace and
refinement were joined with strength and vigor, represent with
others no less great the higher standards of scholarship, character,
and service maintained in the University of Cambridge in the
last years of the reign of Elizabeth and the first of the reign of
James. It was an age, too, of making of great men from such
students as Cartwright, Davenant, Cromwell—who entered Sid-
ney in 1616—Fairfax, Milton, John Robinson, Robert Browne,
and Francis Johnson. The orderliness, too, of the students was
undoubtedly superior to the conduct of the men at the German
universities. The college system saved the student from intel-
lectual eccentricities and moral disorders which a loosely gov-
erned university would have suffered.

Out of such associations and from the company of such asso-
ciates came the men who were the leaders among the twenty
thousand persons who landed in New England between 1620 and
1640. The larger part of these leaders were clergymen. They
were installed as pastors of churches which were in many cases
formed before the towns themselves were organized. Among
1 them were Joljn Cotton, the most famous of the early ministers,
\ eloquent and scholarly; Thomas Hooker, " the light of the West-
ern churches" ; Thomas Shepard, of Cambridge, whose name stillTHE FIRST COLLEGE

3

lives in a conspicuous church of the university town; John Har-
vard, flower of that Puritan seed-plot, Emmanuel College; John
Lliot, the apostle to the Indians; Ilenry Dunster and Charles
Chauncy, the first two presidents of the college, and Roger Will-
iams: they were great men of a great company. These men, to-
gether with John Winthrop, the colonial governor, and others
of no mean order of worthiness, to the number of one hundred,
represent the personal and scholastic force out of which sprang
the first college. Of this number of one hundred, seventy had
been students at Cambridge and some thirty at Oxford.

The larger proportion of Cambridge than of Oxford gradu-
ates who came to America is significant. The reason is not far
to seek. William Laud became a Fellow of St. John's College in
1°93, anc| jn -^l president. In the year 1624 he became a mem-
er of the Court of High Commission. In 1630 he was chosen
lancellor- of the University, and three years after Archbishop.
m°st in the very beginning of his public life he showed dis-
trust of the Puritans, and with consistency and fearlessness he
resisted them. A university and a college in which Laud's influ-
ence was potent would be repellent to the sense of a Puritan,
t is significant that not a single graduate of St. John's, Oxford,
ls nurnbered among those who came to New England. It may be
also significant that no less than five of the few Oxford men who
eame to New England left the University before the completion
°. their course. The spirit of Oxford, ruled by Laud, was incon-
sistent with the spirit which founded New England.

The Plymouth Colony was not blessed with so large a pro-
Portion of educated men as the Massachusetts. From the land-
in 1620 until the arrival of the first settled pastor—Ralph
mith—a decade after, Elder Brewster, was the only member
°£ the Plymouth Colony who had enjoyed even a part of a uni-
versity education. Intellectual impulses and motives were laek-
Edward Winslow and Samuel Newman, the concordance
^aker, represent the chief literary influences of the Colony. In
Aspect to education, as in other respects, the remark of Robin*
made in his farewell letter, becomes true, that you " are not
urnished with any persons of special eminence above the rest."
though private instruction was probably not uncommon, it
24

HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

was more than a generation after the landing that the first public
school was opened.

The desire for knowledge was apparently slight. Between
1642, when the first class took its degree at Harvard, and 1658
only one native and two residents of Plymouth are included in
the graduates. Of the -ninety-eight graduates of the college in
that period only one became a minister in the Plymouth Colony.
The lack of interest in education was at once cause and result of
j iack of interest in literature; two sermons and a single volume
i by Edward Winslow represent the literary product. The glory
of Plymouth is the glory of conscience, not of intellect. Both
Plymouth and the Bay Colony were the result of high pur-
pose, courage, sound common sense. But one looks in vain for
j the highest intellectual results among the passengers of the May-
i flower or their immediate descendants. As branches of the Bay
Colony the settlers of Connecticut and New Haven exhibited
intellectual tendencies akin to those of the northern district.
John Davenport, in New Haven, and Thomas Hooker, in Hart-
ford, were the leaders of thought. Davenport laid plans wise
and comprehensive for the higher education of the people. His
. scheme embraced the common school, the grammar and the high
school, as well as the college. Through the distant and, perhaps,
indirect result of his endeavor the college was finally estab-
lished; yet the common school and the grammar, he was privi-
leged to see in operation. In New Ilaven, in the first year of
its settlement, a schoolmaster was employed—a fact unknown in
the history of the other colonies. In the Rhode Island and Provi-
dence plantations Roger Williams, the irrepressible expounder
of toleration, and the hermit, William Blaxton, were the only
; university men. The intellectual ground was far less rich than
in either Massachusetts or the more southern New England colo-
nies. Although the early settlers of Virginia and the Pilgrims
were unlike enough in most respects, yet they were alike in
( respect to the lack of an educated membership. In the whole
colony of Virginia in its first decades were only four clergymen,
only one of whom was liberally educated. Besides him the only
representative of the university was John Pott, the colonial
physician.THE FIRST COLLEGE

5

Men of learning were not lacking in the two other recognized
professions of law and of medicine. Their number, however,
was small. In the year 1640 only one lawyer resided in the
Massachusetts Colony, and it is probable that he was the only
representative of his profession in all New England. Thomas
Lechford came to Boston from Lincoln's Inn in 1638, but after
a father uncomfortable residence of three years returned to his
native country. John Rogers, one of the first graduates of the
first college, who became its president, in speaking of the incred-
ible wickedness of the legal profession voiced the common senti-
ment. Plymouth Colony had no lawyers for many years. The
law of 1671 authorized the employment of attorneys, but under
the condition that they did nothing to deceive the court or to
darken the case. As late as the year 1687 Boston, or the Colony
°f which it was the chief town, had only two lawyers. The
needs for the services of lawyers were few. The cumbersome
forms of English procedure had been discarded. In Plymouth
deeds of land were not for many years either signed or sealed. A
sale was acknowledged before a magistrate, who made a record
°f the transaction. The transfers of real estate were few, and
the crimes committed against the person were fewer.

^he needs, however, for the services of the doctor were many.
So honorable was held to be the healing art that its practice was
frequently united with the profession of the clergyman, a union
not uncommon in the early days of old England. Among the
passengers of the Mayflower was Dr. Samuel Fuller, a deacon
°f their 'church, beloved and trusted. Charles Chauncy and
Leonard Iloar, the second arid third presidents of the college,
took charge of the bodies as well as the minds of their associates.
Ihomas Thacher, the first minister of the Old South Church,
°f Boston, was the author of the earliest medical treatise pub-
lished in this country. Cotton Mather, it is known, was the first
great apostle of vaccination.

Hie educated men who came to the northern colonies from
1620 to 1640 with their associates who were not educated, were
moved alike by a single aim. This aim is comprehended in the
Word religion. The purpose of the voyagers coming to New
England before the arrival of the Mayflower, as well as the pur-6

HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

pose of the Virginia settlers, was commercial. John Smith, the
Virginia captain, affirmed that no other purpose than wealth
could draw people away from old England to the New World.

The primary religious reasons for the coming of the Massa-
chusetts Company to New England were well set forth by John
Winthrop, made governor before he left England in 1629 and
continuing until his death in 1649, with the exception of a few
years, and always the master spirit of the colony. They were
three in number. In the first place the colony would be, he be-
lieved, of great service to the Church in carrying the Gospel to
this part of the world, thus helping on the " coming of the full-
ness of the Gentiles " and raising a " bulwark against the King-
dom of Antichrist which the Jesuits labor to rear up in those
parts."1 The second reason of a religious nature to be urged
by Winthrop for the undertaking in the New World is seen at
the standpoint of the individual Christian. " What can be a
better work," he asks,44 and more honorable and worthy a Chris-
tian, than to help raise and support a particular church while it
is in its infancy, and to join his forces with such a company of
faithful people as by a timely assistance may grow strong and
prosper; and for want of it may be put to great hazard, if not
wholly ruined^ "2 The third reason is given in behalf of the
colony itself. Winthrop argues that if wealthy and prosperous
people who are known to be godly shall forsake their ease and
comforts to join themselves with the new Church and endure
with others the hardships of the New World, the example would
be of great value in removing the disrepute usually attached
to adventurers. Such an example would also 4 4 give more life
to the faith of God's people in their prayers for the planta-
tion," and would " encourage others to join the more willingly
init."a

The Bible, therefore, was the principal book of the community.
John Cotton was asked by the General Court to draw an abstract
of the laws received from God and delivered by Moses to the
Commonwealth of Israel, so far forth as they are of moral, of

1	" Life and Letters of John Winthrop," by Robert C. Winthrop, p. 309.

2	Ibid., p. 310.	* Ibid., p. 310.THE FIRST COLLEGE

7

perpetual, and of universal obligation. Although.the code thus
made was never formally adopted, yet its spirit prevailed. The
church was therefore the origin of the state. Only members of
the church were allowed to vote. Heresy was punished by the
civil authorities.

The colonists therefore, having such a religious aim, were
serious in character and severe in conduct. They took life in
earnest. They lived, as their great fellow-Puritan has sung, as
ever in their " great Taskmaster's eye." Their pleasures were
few and somber; amusements were regulated by law. Dice and
cards were prohibited treasures; dancing was forbidden on the
ground of its inconsistency with dignity of character, as well as
for other reasons. Certain forms of dress became the object of
legal prohibition. Flashy apparel, immoderately great sleeves,
embroidered and needleworked caps, were the objects of prohib-
itory legislation. Though wine and rum were suffered, tobacco
Was regarded as the instrument of the evil one, and its smoke was
compared with smoke of the bottomless pit, which burneth with
fire and brimstone. Long hair was a special abomination, and
John Eliot and President Chauncy have each left on record
their hatred of what Eliot called a luxurious feminine prolixity.
Virginia as well as Massachusetts required attendance at the
services of the church; the penalty for absence was either a
Pecuniary fine or lying neck and heels the night following the
transgression.

These settlers, therefore, of education, of the religious aim,
and of seriousness in conduct and character were idealists. They
were apostles of things not as they are, but as they ought to be.
With them the two conditions of the ideal and practical, which
have always ruled in America, had their place; but the ideal
was far more potent and constant. One of the chief reasons
that Bradford gives in his incomparable history of the immi-
gration of the Mayflower Company would be equally true of other
companies; for the people of Massachusetts as well as those of
Plymouth had a great hope " of laying some good foundation,
°r at least to make some way thereunto, for the propagating and
advancing the Gospel of the kingdom of Christ in those remote
Parts of the world; yea, though they should be but even as8

HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

stepping-stones unto others for the performing of so great a
work.''1

Out of such general conditions sprang the first college. The
bare record of the bare facts is significant. In the year 1636
the General Court of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay voted to
"give four hundred Pounds towards a school or College, whereof
two hundred Pounds shall be paid the next year, and two hun-
dred Pounds when the work is finished, and the next Court to
appoint where and what building.'' In the following year twelve
of the most eminent men of the Colony, appointed by the General
Court, became its governors. Six were officers of the Common-
wealth and six were neighboring clergymen.

The six magistrates to whom were committed the destinies of
the new institution were Governor John Winthrop, the ancestor
of his family in America; Governor Thomas Dudley, father of
Joseph, who was also governor, who died at Roxbury in 1653;
Richard Bellingham, also governor; John Ilumfrey, of Lynn,
an assistant and the first major-general of the colony, who re-
turned to England in 1641; Roger Ilarlakenden, of Cambridge,
who came to New England in 1635, an assistant, and who died in
1638; Israel Stoughton, of Dorchester, father of William, who be-
came governor, who, after serving for eight years as an assistant,
returned to England. The other six members were clergymen
or elders. They were John Cotton arid John "Wilson, of Boston;
Thomas Welde, of Roxbury; Thomas Shepard, of Cambridge;
John Davenport, an Oxford man, who, after preaching in Lon-
don, went to Amsterdam, and came to Boston in 1637. In 1638
he went to New Haven. His plans for the New Ilaven Colony
touching the higher education were not realized until the first
year of the next century. After residing thirty years in the New
Ilaven Colony he returned to Boston as successor of Johu Wil-
son, and died in 1670. The sixth member was Hugh Peters, of
Salem, who was educated at Trinity College, Cambridge, served,
like Davenport, as a preacher in London, whence he was driven
to Holland; he arrived in New England about 1635. After six
years he returned to England as an agent of the colony. He was
distinguished for his noble service throughout the period of the

1 Bradford's " History of Plymouth Plantation/' p. 24.THE FIRST COLLEGE

9

Commonwealth. At the Restoration he was convicted of treason
and was executed in 1660. It was apparent that the destinies
of the colonial college were committed to the ablest men of the
colony. Taken all in all, it is certain that no body of men have
represented their constituency more ably than the first governing
board of Harvard. It would be difficult to-day to assemble twelve
men of clearer vision or of firmer conviction.

The establishment of the college under the conditions of the
first third of the seventeenth century prevailing in New England
seems to contradict the ordinary law of first the material and
then the spiritual, first the temporal and then the eternal. The
colony was poor. Its inhabitants were few, not exceeding five
thousand families. Its system of public education was yet to be
formed. The struggle for the barest necessaries was hard and
constant. On the west was the wilderness, and on the east the
ocean. To a little strip of territory running thirty miles along
the coast and twenty miles into the interior, a distance like that
from Ipswich to Ilingham, and from Boston to Natick, were the
People confined. Matters as diverse as ecclesiastical doctrines,
Politics, and Indians engaged their attention. Yet under these
conditions the Puritan people, through their legal representative
body, established an institution of the higher learning. A devo-
tion to the highest ideals, so great and so triumphant, under con-
ditions so forbidding, the world has not known.

The college was placed at Cambridge, first called Newtown,
in. recognition of the English origin of the foundation, and also
111 hopefulness that the new college, on the banks of what is
now known as the Charles, might be not unworthy of bearing
the name of the university situated on the Cam. The preaching,
too, of the Cambridge pastor, Thomas Shepard, was of the sort
which, it was judged, students ought to hear. In the year,
1638, John Harvard died in Charlestown, after a residence in the
colony of about a year. Ilis entire library of some three hundred
volumes, and half of his other property, he bequeathed to the
college; whether the value of the bequest was eight hundred
pounds or four hundred, the will leaves doubtful.

Such a donation was, measured by the standards of the twen-
tieth century, insignificant, and even measured by the standards10

HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

of the educational endowments of the seventeenth was not great.
In the year 1612 Brasenose College, Oxford, had a revenue of
six hundred pounds. About the same period, too, Balliol had
an annual revenue of about one hundred pounds; but the revenue
of New College was one thousand pounds, of Magdalene twelve
hundred, and of Christ Church two thousand. Yet gifts are to
be measured by their serviceableness, and not by their gross
amount. It is not improbable that the gift of John Harvard,
made in the exigency in which it was made, saved, or at least
helped to save, the infant college from a premature death. The
gift also aided in establishing the principle that the unorgan-
ized community is as sure and constant in its aid to the cause of
the higher education as the formal commonwealth. The other
half of Harvard's fortune, it may be added, went to his young
widow, who, however, remained a widow less than a year. By
his small and princely bequest, John Harvard, without neglecting
his evident privilege and duty as a husband, built the greatest
monument from so slight a foundation, ever constructed.

Regarding John Harvard little is known, and this little is the
result of prolonged inquiry of the last two decades. His mother,
Katherine Rogers, was born in Stratford-on-Avon, in a house
still standing, and which in the year 1905 was purchased by an
American citizen. She married Robert Harvard, and lived in
Southwark, London, where he was born. Robert Harvard was
a butcher. The son was baptized in St. Saviour's Church, Novem-
ber 29, 1607, in which in May, 1905, was unveiled a memorial
window to him. He matriculated at Emmanuel College, Octo-
ber 25, 1627.

In 1631 Harvard received his Bachelor's degree at Emmanuel,
and four years after his Master's. In 1637 he became a freeman
of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay; arid the next year, he died.
The only records regarding him are two references: one, con-
tained in " New England's First Fruits," published in 1643,
represents him as a u godly gentleman and a lover of learning."
In the autobiography of Thomas Shepard, a fellow-student at
Emmanuel with Harvard, it is said of him that he was a " scholar,
and pious in his life, and enlarged toward the country, and the
good of it, in life and death.'' Such is the content of our knowl-THE FIRST COLLEGE

11

edge regarding the man whose name the oldest American college
and university bears. But this is enough, as says a son of Har-
vard College, Charles Eliot Norton: " The imagination is content
with this firm, broad outline; no likeness, however filled with de-
tail, could much better this portrait. We see him now as one
of the Great-hearts of his generation, whom England begot, Cam-
bridge bred, and Emmanuel in especial nurtured; men who went
forth from here full of the faith which gives steadiness to high
resolve, rich in the culture which invigorates as well as refines,
and strong in a courage which no perils could daunt because its
source was in the Rock of Ages; men who went forth to cross
the vast and solitary sea, and in the wilderness on its further
shore to lay the little stones which were to prove the more than
Cyclopean foundations of an unparalleled commonwealth, not
unworthy to be called by the great name of New England." 1

The memory of Harvard is perpetuated in the college that
gave him his first degree. In the beautiful little chapel are win-
dows memorial to Cranmer, Anselm, St. Augustine, Origen, Colet,
Tyndale, John Smith, Law, Sancroft, Bedell, and others who
embody the essence and spirit of the Puritan tradition under
diverse conditions in widely separated ages. Consjncuous among
these memorials is a window to John Harvard. It stands as a
companion piece to the memorial of Lawrence Chaderton. The
figure is scholarly and fine; the face delicate and pure. Back
°f the figure of Harvard is a representation of his monument at
Charlestown, and of a ship.2

1	Address at Tercentary Festival of Emmanuel College, pp. 17, 18.

2	In 1904 a tablet was placed in the Chapel of Emmanuel College bearing
the following inscription:

" In memory of John Harvard, A.M. A member of Emmanuel College, who
emigrated to Massachusetts Bay, and there dying in 1638, bequeathed to a
college newly established by the General Court, his library and one-half of his
estate. Wherefore his name is borne by Harvard College, that eldest of the
seminaries which advance learning and perpetuate it to posterity throughout
America. This tablet, erected by Harvard men, records their gratitude to
their founder in the College which fostered his beneficent spirit."

The inscription was written by a professor of Harvard College who was
Clark lecturer at Trinity College, Cambridge, in 1902, Prof. Barrett Wendell.
The expense was also borne by another Harvard man, Mr. Edwin Vernon
Morgan.12

HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

The further remaining official legal acts for the establish-
ment of the college were few and simple. Six years, to the very
day, after the passing of the vote founding the college, in the
year of 1642, was passed an act by the General Court at Boston
establishing the Overseers of Harvard College. Full power and
authority for instructing, guiding, and furthering of the college
and its members in piety, morality, and learning, and in all mate-
rial concerns, was given to the Overseers of the College, among
whom were the teaching elders of the six nearest towns. It was
seen that this Board was too large to take up the direction of the
college. After eight years, therefore, a charter was granted by
the General Court which made the college a Corporation. This
Corporation consisted of a president, five fellows, and a treas-
urer. It was a close corporation, choosing its own members.
It was known and is known at the present time as Presi-
dent and Fellows of Harvard College. The granting of the char-
ter did not do away with the existence of the Board of Overseers.
From that early time until the present the Corporation and the
Board of Overseers have, despite several attempts to change the
government of the college, remained as co-working, and, in cer-
tain respects, as coordinate bodies. The general relation of the
Overseers to the Corporation is expressed in a phrase of the char-
ter of 1650, " provided the said orders be allowed by the Over-
seers. ''

The Corporation has the power of initiative; its field of action
covers the entire field of collegiate administration, intellectual
and material; but its acts are subject to revision by the Board of
Overseers. Thus there was introduced into the organization of
the American college the double system of control. This system
was, with modifications, an adaptation of the Upper and Lower
House, which has prevailed in most political governments, either
republican, or of the constitutional monarchical type. Into the
second college founded in New England was introduced the sys-
tem of control by a single body.

The method of academic government thus established was
somewhat like that in force at Oxford and Cambridge. Harvard
College, as established, has a government similar both to the uni-
versity system and to the college system. It did not, however,THE FIRST COLLEGE

IS

adopt the method of control and government of a college or uni-
versity by its own immediate teaching force. The control was
put outside of what to-day would be called the Faculty. The
leading men of the Massachusetts Colony were wise. The history
of the government of the two great English universities and their
colleges by their own fellows and immediate members has, on the
whole, been a history of jealousy, inconsistency, and inefficiency.

The simplicity, however, of the academic government was and
is m marked contrast with the elaborateness of the government of
the English university. The contrast in the educational field is
as great as it is in the ecclesiastical. The independency of the
Congregational Church in America is somewhat akin to the sim-
plicity of the organization of the first college. The University of
Oxford is governed by at least four bodies. The first is the House
of Convocation, which is the supreme governing body making
permanent statutes or temporary decrees and controlling ex-
penditures. The second body is the Congregation of the Uni-
versity of Oxford, which is, in a sense, the lower house of the
Convocation. Before a statute is introduced into the Convoca-
tion it must be passed by the Congregation. The Congregation
alone has the right of amending statutes. The third body is the
Ancient House of Congregation, which is a power somewhat
similar to the Congregation. Its fourth body is the Hebdomadal
Council, which may be called a still lower house, having the ex-
clusive right of making all proposals which are finally laid before
Convocation. In addition to this quadrilateral method of control
the University holds relation to the individual colleges. The col-
leges are distinct corporations, and over them the University has
no legal control. But every student of a college is also a member
of the University. The University requires that each of its mem-
bers shall be a member of a college. James Bryce has compared
the relation between the colleges and the University to the rela-
tion existing between the separate States of the United States and
the General Government; the comparison is, on the whole, fairly
exact. But such elaborate and complex methods of academic
control the founders of the first college in America swept entirely
away.

The first Master of Harvard College was Nathaniel Eaton.14 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

The college was called school as well as college, and its chief officer
was known as schoolmaster. Of Eaton little can be said. It is
fortunate for his reputation that so little can be said, for
the little is bad, and significant of worse. At the time of his
coming to America his age was about thirty. He seems to embody
all unworthy qualities, and few or none worthy. Passionate, re-
vengeful, cruel, stubborn, ungrateful, vain, he had all the evil
characteristics of Keate, of Eton—who reigned for a quarter of a
century—without the great qualities which make Keate's admin-
istration magnificent. His whippings of students—and whip-
pings continued to be for a century a method of academic disci-
pline—were clubbings. His confessions of too great severity
were the wailings of the hypocrite. Under sentence of court arid
church he escaped to Virginia. For about a score of years in
that domain he tried to unite the duties of the clergyman with
the habits of the drunkard. On the restoration of Charles II. he
returned to England and became a clergyman of the Church.
Having the traditional bitterness of the new convert toward
former associates, he persecuted dissenters. His end was a fit-
ting crown to his life; he died in prison, where he was sent for
debt. Eaton's dismissal from Harvard reminds one of the exclu-
sion of Belsire, the first president of St. John's, Oxford, from
his office for cheating the founder.

In this academic pillory which tradition has erected stands,
with Eaton, his wife. Her association with the early college is
hardly less evil than her husband's. If his character was bad,
the food which she offered the students was worse. The lack
of beef, the badness of fish, the sourness of bread, represent con-
ditions against which the men complained, and to which Mrs.
Eaton confessed. The revolt against Mrs. Eaton is the first of
many bread-and-butter rebellions which help to make the history
of education in America picturesque. That the commons were
not permanently bad is evidenced by the pleasant fact that in
1646, Mitchel, a tutor, thought so well of the provision that on
the occasion of his marriage the supper was served from the
college buttery.

The first officer of Harvard College to bear the title of Presi-
dent was Henry Dunster. The title has come, with a few excep-THE FIRST COLLEGE

15

tions, to stand for the chief executive; of the American college.
Other titles are more common in Oxford and Cambridge. The
head of University College, of Balliol;and of.Pembroke is called
Master; of Merton, New, All .Souls, Wadham, Keble, Warden;
of Exeter and Lincoln, Rector; of Oriel, Queens, Worcester, Pro-
vost; of Christ Church, Dean; of Brasenose, Jesus, and Hertford,
Principal; and the head of Magdalene, Corpus, Trinity, and St.
John is called President. With the exception of provost, as the
Provost of the University of Pennsylvania, and of Chancellor,
preserved in a few State universities, the title of president has
usually been applied to the head of the American college and
university. The chief officer of Yale was, however, for almost
its first half century known as Rector.

Dunster was chosen president at the beginning of the aca-
demic year of 1640 and 1641. He was a graduate of Magdalene,
Cambridge—a Puritan stronghold, like Sidney and Emmanuel.
He came to his office in America at the time when the similar
office at the colleges of Oxford and Cambridge was increasing in
usefulness and dignity. The Puritan party abroad demanded
that the head of a college should be a clergyman. This demand
was opposed by some, who declared that the duties of certain
headships could be better performed by a layman. Puller, in his
happy sketch, of happy title, " The Good Master of a College,"
affirms that ability as an administrator is, in certain conditions,
more important than clerical relationships. Fuller holds that the
duties of a head of a college consist in being a good example
m observing the college laws, in the proper carrying forward of
college discipline, in basing elections to fellowships upon merit,
and in supervising the financial interests of the foundation. It is
apparent that Dunster embodied the Puritan demand and the
qualities which Fuller names in a somewhat unusual degree.

Magdalene was distinguished above others of the Cambridge
colleges by the power which it intrusted to its president. How
far, therefore, the example of this office fitted Dunster to be the
first president of America's first college may be asked, but the
question cannot be answered. But in ability and in training
it is plain that Dunster was well fitted to be the first in a great
succession. lie is called by his contemporaries '' learned, rever-16 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

ent, and judicious, . . . abundantly fitted and conscionable, . . .
industrious "; his preaching was described as " very powerful to
a man's affection," and what is quite as important, in the opinion
of some college men, he was able to have a " good inspection in
the well ordering of things for the students' maintenance." He
seems to have united vigilance, judgment, knowledge, and the
power of initiative. Under him the college was formally estab-
lished; its rules were made, its laws framed, its conditions fixed.
For the six years after its founding, the college was rather a per-
sonal association than a formal and complete corporation. The
legal conditions became more fixed in 1642. In securing them
Dunster was probably useful; and for the granting of the charter
of 1650 he was a most efficient agent. lie was a benefactor as
well as an administrator. lie contributed of his little property
towards its support. With the aid of friends he built the first
President's House. He established the first Students' Aid So-
ciety. He urged the Commissioners of the United Colonies to
recommend that every family contribute a quarter part of a
bushel of corn, or its equivalent, for the diet of needy students.
He was the first college president to appeal for books for the
college library. He especially asked for works in law, philos-
ophy, physics, and mathematics.

Dunster was a man of the modern spirit—alert, aggressive,
of high purposes, tireless, human. lie had a sternness that at
times seemed to approach severity, and a fixedness in aim that
gave ground for the charge of stubbornness.

The service which President Dunster rendered to the college,
and through the college to humanity, was not only academic. In
the fall of 1638 the Rev. Jesse Glover left England, bearing
along in his ship a printing press. The press was in due time
set up in Cambridge, but Glover himself had died on the passage.
By the direction of the officers of the colony it was made " an
appendage to Harvard College." The press, however, was the
property of the widow of Glover. In the year 1641 Dunster
married her, and to him as President of the College, and the hus-
band of the widow of the former owner, the press came to hold
a special relationship. The residence of the first President of
Harvard College became the first printing office in America. ItTHE FIRST COLLEGE

17

may be added that the first important work that was issued from
this press was a metrical translation of the Psalms. Of the first
edition of a revision of this work Dunster was the proof-
reader. But of an edition further revised and improved he was
the editor.

In two hundred and sixty-seven years there have been twenty-
two presidents of Harvard College. Excluding the present head,
the longest term was that of Edward Ilolyoke, of thirty-two years,
and the shortest, John Rogers, in 1683, of one year. The aver-
age length, therefore, of service was exceeded by Dunster by
about two years. In 1653 he declared his disbelief in infant
baptism, and declined to present his own child at the font. This
offense resulted in his indictment by the grand jury, his convic-
tion by the court, his public admonition, and his being put under
bonds for good behavior. A further result was his resignation of
the office of president. In poverty and humiliation he resigned
his office and threw himself upon the mercy of the General Court:
He asked to be allowed to stay in the president's house for a
tune; v the request was granted. Ilis salary—which he had
received not in money or kind but in town-rates, he himself being
the tax-gatherer—was in arrears, and no full settlement was made
during his lifetime. To him the Corporation of the College was
far more gracious than the General Court. But to the General
Court he wrote, in one of his farewell epistles, with tenderness
and appreciation: " The whole transaction of this business is
such, which in process of time, when all things come to mature
consideration, may very probably create grief on all sides; yours
subsequent, as mine antecedent. I am not the man you take me
to be. Neither, if ye knew what, should, and why, can I persuade
myself that you would act, as I am at least tempted to think you
do. But our times are in God's hands, with whom all sides hope,
by grace in Christ, to find favor; which shall be my prayer for
you, as for myself." 1

From the presidency of Harvard College Dunster went to the
pastorate of the church in Scituate. Here he served a dozen
years, and here he died. His body was brought to Cambridge for

1 Quincy's " History of Harvard University/' I, pp. 19, 20.18 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

burial. For Mitchel, who was pastor of the Cambridge church
when Dunster resigned from the presidency, and who aided in
making his resignation inevitable, and for his successor in office,
he seems to have had a warm heart; he calls each of them his
" reverend and trusted " friend in his will, and names them
appraisers of his library.1

Ilenry Dunster succeeded Charles Chauncy in the pastorate
of the church at Scituate, and Charles Chauncy succeeded Ilenry
Dunster as president of Harvard College. Born in Hertfordshire
in 1592, passing through the grammar school at Westminster,
Chauncy received his university training in Trinity College, Cam-
bridge. A Hebraist and Hellenist, and chosen to professorships
of these two languages, he yet found in theology his favorite
study. Leaving Cambridge, he served as minister in two parishes.
His career in the second, at Ware, was in 1629 interrupted by
the high policy of Laud. He had expressed sentiments opposed
to the principles and methods of the High Commission. He made
recantation and confession, a fact which he lamented until the
day of his death. He came to Plymouth. After serving as min-
ister at Plymouth and Scituate for fifteen years, he determined
to return to England. The Puritan party was in power. But as
he was about to set sail he was, late in 1654, elected president.
For seventeen years, until the age of fourscore, he continued in
the office. He was one of the few college presidents who died at
or near the close of his term. In the February following the
Commencement at which he had spoken his valedictory, he died.

The administration of Chauncy was that of the scholar, as
Dunster's had been that of the executive. His eminence as a
scholar long remained as a tradition in both Old England and
New. lie was faithful, laborious, industrious. He began his
studies of each day, as was the tradition concerning John Milton,
at four o'clock, summer and winter. To the students he was a
guide and a friend. There was also in his nature an element
which his contemporaries called hasty, passionate, mobile. One
condition prevented his administration from being happy to him-
self. It is the condition which occupies a constant place in the

1 Sibley's " Harvard Graduates,'' I, p. 150.THE FIRST COLLEGE

19

history of unhappy college presidencies—the lack of proper
financial support. The state of the heart and mind as well as of
the purse of President Chauncy is well set forth by a petition
which early in his administration he made to the General Court
and the government. He declares that the portion of English
corn previously given to him has been used in paying debts
caused by the expense of living. He also declares that the Indian
corn will not pass for either food or clothing, except with great
loss. He affirms that he has no ground for keeping cattle, so that
neither milk, butter, nor cheese can be had but by purchase. He
also asserts that he has no other means of support than the allow-
ance which the government makes to him. His family is large,
consisting of ten persons, and he affirms that the greatness and
Multitude of college businesses doth require the whole man, and
one free from other distractions. He therefore petitions that his
grievance may be removed, in order that "God may not be dis-
honored, nor the country blemished, nor^your petitioner and his
family east upon temptations or enforced to look out to alter his
condition.'' There is reason to fear that this prayer was denied,
tor eight years after he again declares that his salary is not suf-
hcient to buy food and raiment for his family, and that he had
een compelled to fall into debt. The financial embarrassments
°f the family did not cease with his death, for his son requests
that the balance due on his salary may be paid to a " dear, dis-
tressed brother/' who was unable to support himself.1

Chauncy published many sermons which, in not a few pas-
sages, show a force characteristic of a later time. But in general
they seem pedantic; Hebrew, Latin, and Greek are frequently
quoted. The works which President Chauncy published are only
f" snaaH share of those which he wrote. Ilis manuscripts were in-
erited by his eldest son; they were by him transmitted to his
grandson; on his death his grandson left them to his widow. The
Widow afterwards married. Her new husband was a baker in
°nathan Edwards's parish of Northampton. The baker made
of the manuscripts of the second president of Harvard Col-
ege by putting the sheets at the bottom of his pies in the oven.

1Quincy,s "History of Harvard University/' I, pp. 28, 29, 468, 469.
820 . HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

" Thus," says the painstaking historian of 44 American Liter-
ature," " the eloquent and valuable writings of Charles Chauncy
were gradually used up, their numerous Hebrew and Greek quo-
tations, and their peppery Calvinism, doubtless adding an un-
wonted relish and indigestibility to the pies under which they
were laid."1

Between the death of Chauncy in 1672, and the election of
Mather as president in 1685, intervene three administrations.
The biographies and administrations of President Iloar and
President Oakes are similar. They were the first two presidents
who were graduates. They had been students at the College
at the same time, Oakes graduating in 1649 and Hoar in 1650.
Soon after graduation both had returned to England. They were
settled in the ministry in England and were alike unsettled for
nonconformity. They returned to the New World within a
few months of each other. Oakes became a pastor of the church
in Cambridge in 1671, and Hoar in the year following of the Old
South Church of Boston.2

During the presidency of these two men the College did not
progress. In 1674 it is declared to be in a languishing and de-
caying condition. The General Court orders the officers and
students to appear before itself to take measures for its future
nourishing and establishment. The causes of decline are not
evident; but apparently jealousy without and unpopularity
within college walls were controlling forces. The scholarship of
Hoar was high, almost too high for the demands and apprecia-
tion of the new community. It is also evident that his spirit
was not conciliatory. Stung by mortification, feeling himself
cruelly used, he retired from the presidency. The shame of the
conclusion of his short term of three years hastened his death,
which occurred in 1675.

Oakes consenting to become superintendent, served four
years in this capacity, and in 1679 became president. He died
only two years after. The services of Oakes were faithful, inde-
fatigable; his character was pure, without brilliancy; his piety

Tyler's "History of American Literature/' I, p. 226.
* Quincy's "History of Harvard University," I, p. 36.THE FIRST COLLEGE

21

warm. Modest and learned, he gave an administration which,
though brief, was happy, and let it not be added, that because
it was brief, happier to the college as well as to himself than
either of the three preceding presidencies. While he was presi-
dent he continued to serve as pastor of the First Church, a
double service not infrequently rendered by his immediate suc-
cessors, and by the first presidents as well of Yale and of William
and Mary College.

The presidency of the last years of the first century of the
College was that of Increase Mather. For the years preceding
his election in 1685, and for the years following his exclusion in
1701, he was in many respects the most conspicuous citizen. The
daughter of John Cotton was his wife, and the first of the ten
children born to them bore the name of Cotton Mather. The
two-thirds of a century from 1664, when Increase Mather was
ordained minister in Boston, down to the death of Cotton Mather
in 1728, may be called the reign of the Mathers. Singularly
alike were the father and the son. They each entered Harvard
College at the age of twelve. They each also showed a precocity
of learning and of ability, which, however, was not the precursor
of early decline. Each was the pastor of the same church, and
the pastorate was for many years a co-pastorate. Each used his
pastorate not only as a watchtower, but also as a throne. Noth-
ing occurred in the colony which was to them foreign. One was
president of Harvard College and the other wanted to be, and
in the opinion of many people ought to have been. Both felt
themselves wronged by the College, the elder because he was
excluded from the presidency, and the other because, as he him-
self says in his diary, " the corporatipn of our miserable College
do again (upon a fresh opportunity) treat me with their accus-
tomed indignity and malignity,"1 in not electing him to its
chief office. But whether president or not president, the Mathers
for two-thirds of a century helped to make or to mar the Col-
lege. Through act and through character their influence was
potent. About 1680 Increase Mather formed a " philosophical
society of agreeable gentlemen," which was the first of its kind

Sibley's "Harvard Graduates," III, p. 22.

HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

formed in America. For four years, in the critical times of 1G88,
he served as representative of the Colony at the English Court,
lie laid the grievances of his countrymen, occasioned by the des-
potisms of Dudley and Andros, before the king. He secured a
charter which united Massachusetts, Plymouth, and Maine, and
which kept Plymouth from being annexed to New York. lie
secured a new and enlarged charter for the College, which, how-
ever, by reason of the failure of royal approval, never became
operative. He was at once a politician and an ecclesiastic, a
clergyman and a citizen.

His son Cotton was less of a politician, but possessed appar-
ently greater influence in the State through personal character.
Both of them were involved in the promotion of the witchcraft
delusion. The only case, to my knowledge, of the official burning
of a book in the College yard occurred under the direction of
President Mather. The book was a volume of Calef, directed
against the horrible madness.

But both the Mathers throughout their long reign represent
mighty qualities of character and of intellect. In them also were
likewise united opposing qualities. Although exceedingly able
in intellect, their passions were easily aroused. They were both
efficient in service, yet officious in performance. Learned beyond
their times, they were pedantic. Laborious and industrious in
an age distinguished for toil, finding sixteen hours a day no un-
common period of labor, they yet had strength for many social
diversions and avocations. Self-centered and self-seeking, they
were yet generous with their little properties and with all their
powers in the service of the community. Restless and violent in
temperament, they yet were stubborn and persistent. Having
minds trained to weigh evidence, they still were prejudiced and
suspicious. Gifted by nature, they were unwilling that such
treasures should be made the basis of any excuse for a failure to
improve. Scholarly, they yet had the power of initiative. Seek-
ing to do immediate duty, they had relations through correspond-
ence not only with England and Scotland, but also with Hol-
land and Germany. Preaching the gospel of peace and forgive-
ness, they yet were free to accuse Governor Dudley as guilty of
covetousness; lying, hypocrisy, treachery, bribery, Sabbath-THE FIRST COLLEGE

23

breaking, robbery, and murder. Prodigious writers themselves,
they read more books than anyone in America of their time, and
it would be almost safe to add that their writings represent more
extensive reading than do the books of any author, with few
exceptions, of the present day.

To men of such character and power the fortunes of the Col-
lege at the close of its first century and the beginning of its
second were committed.

The administrations of the five men who served as the earli-
est officers of Harvard College were causes of sorrow to them-
selves and to their associates. The ease of Eaton can be elimi-
nated, for Eaton was a rascal. Dunster and Chauncy represent
not only the first of all college presidents, but also the first of a
long list of unhappy college presidents. One of the successors of
Dunster and Chauncy and Hoar, Josiah Quincy, and the his-
torian of the university, says: " After years of duty unexcep-
tionally fulfilled, both experienced the common fate of the liter-
ary men of this country at that day,—useless labor, unrequited
service, arrearages unpaid, posthumous applause, a doggerel
dirge, and a Latin epitaph.''1

The general cause of unhappiness in academic administra-
tions, whether ancient or recent, lies at once both in the president
and in the governing bodies. The president is in peril of inter-
preting his work as possessing an importance with which govern-
ing boards do not credit it. Eager, aggressive, tireless, the execu-
tive desires that the college shall advance; lacking the virtue or
the defect of patience, he becomes either aggrieved or irritated.
In this condition it is easy for him to ask to be relieved from his
office, or, if he does not see fit to ask for relief, and continuing in
the condition of irritability, the result is also lamentable. Humil-
iated or maddened, he becomes the cause of irritation to his official
superiors or subordinates. Often, too often, it must be confessed,
he lacks those gentler qualities which Thomas Puller suggests as
the attributes of The Good Master of a College.97 2 Governing
boards, on the other hand, are usually composed of gentlemen

1 "History," I, pp. 14, 15.

* "The Holy State and the Profane State," Book II, Chapter XIV.24 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

to whom the college is not of primary significance. Other inter-
ests or concerns are to them dearer, and demands other than
those which the college makes are more imperative. Therefore
they are willing to permit the college to pursue its ordinary
methods under unchanging conditions unto easily attainable ends.
For the active president, therefore, they entertain respect, but
they lack sympathy with him and are liable to refrain from co-
operation with him. Presidents lack patience and staying power;
governing boards lack the spirit of progressiveness. The list,
therefore, of American college presidents has on the whole been
a history of burdened hearts often breaking, of noble plans,
nobly conceived, rudely and suddenly nipped or slowly withering.
Great exceptions are to be found, but the common griefs and the
not unusual result had their beginning in Dunster, and to a de-
gree in Chauncy—the first two presidents of the first American
college.

The larger share of the duty of government and instruction
in the first half century of Harvard College was committed to the
president. But with Dunster were associated two assistants; the
first two who were appointed were Downing and Bulkley, of
the Class of 1642. The. salary of each was Four Pounds a year.
The hours of instruction a week of all the classes in the first
decade number only thirty-three. At that time the present formal
division and requirements of four years had not obtained a secure
footing. It is probable that the length of the College course at
first was not precisely determined. Both three years and four
years are ^mentioned in the earliest documents. As early, how-
even, as 1655, four years was made the normal period.1 Fre-
quently graduates continued their studies at the College after
they had taken their first degree until the second, of Master of
Arts, was granted. Each class, therefore, was given only eleven
hours of instruction. Three hours of the morning and three
hours of the afternoon of each of five days, together with a sim-
ilar use of the morning of the last day of the week, would repre-
sent thirty-three hours. The tabular view, to apply a term now
in use at Harvard to a Harvard condition of the first decade,

1 Mass. Hist. Soc., XIV, 211.THE FIRST COLLEGE

25

shows that the three morning and the three afternoon hours were,
with minor exceptions, continuous. Two classes apparently did
not recite at the same hour. The first-year class had recitation
at eight o'clock, the second-year class at nine, and the third-year
at ten. A similar method was pursued in the three hours of the
afternoon, beginning at two. One-third of the thirty-three hours
a week is now regarded as a proper amount for the ordinary pro-
fessor in the ordinary American college to instruct. But in the
public schools, existing for two and a half centuries, five and six
hours of instruction a day is regarded as normal. The first col-
lege in its first years was apparently in some essential respects a
higher type of the present public school.

The course of study of the college of any age usually repre-
sents that degree of knowledge which man has attained. The
course is a microcosm of humanity's acquaintance with itself
and with nature. Every enlargement of the field of knowledge
has resulted in the enrichment of the academic curriculum.
Great is the difference, moreover, between knowledge as knowl-
edge and knowledge as a tool of intellectual training. Time is
required for the transmutation of pure science into a practical
agency or condition of discipline. The academic course, there-
fore, of any age is the resultant of the knowledges of the past.
It is also determined by the special demands of its own time and
place.

The curriculum of the first American college, however, fails
adequately to represent the knowledge which the world had se-
cured in the first third of the seventeenth century. Time was
required for its introduction into the academic course. The great
enlargement of the field of learning which was occurring had not
found its way into the field of the curriculum. Copernicus had
indeed died in 1543, but Tycho Brahe, who adhered to and im-
proved the Ptolemaic system, lived until the first year of the
seventeenth century. It is not to be forgotten that the Pope's
Bull condemning the Copernican system was issued in 1616.
The age was at once the age of literature and of science. It was
the age of Shakespeare, who died just a score of years before
Harvard College was founded, and of Francis Bacon, who died
halfway between the death of Shakespeare and the founding26 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

of. the College. Galileo was still living, and passed away in the
year that the first class of nine received its degrees, which was
also the year of the birth of Newton. It was the age of Kepler,
of Napier, who invented logarithms, and of Harvey, the founder
of modern physiology. The drama was in its golden age. The
predecessors, the successors, the contemporaries of Shakespeare,
would have been great lights in any age in which the light of the
greatest did not shine. Newton, Beaumont, Fletcher, Ben Jon-
son, not to speak of Edmund Spenser or of John Milton, repre-
sent the highest elements of a great age.

Yet few of the influences embodied in and going forth from
these personalities, scientific and literary, are seen in the cur-
riculum of either Oxford or of the old or the new Cambridge.
Time was required to transmute the humanism of literature or
the truths of science into the curriculum of colleges that were
primarily seminaries of the church.

The course of study in the new Cambridge was in many
respects like, and in many respects unlike, the course of study
in the old Cambridge. About one-third of the time of the first
Harvard students was given to philosophy. Philosophy in every
age has a most elastic connotation, but in the Harvard curricu-
lum it represented physics as well as logic, ethics, and politics.
Greek came next in importance, a study in which special atten-
tion was given to the language of the New Testament. The third
place belonged to rhetoric, in which speaking seems to occupy
a place at least approaching in importance that assigned to writ-
ing. Oriental languages, including Hebrew, Chaldee, and Syr-
iac, represent about one-sixth of the time of the entire course.
Mathematics fell into a most insignificant order, representing
about one-fifteenth of the whole curriculum. The catechism, his-
tory, and botany stood also for subordinate studies.

Little specific attention was given to Latin; no formal men-
tion of the study was made in the curriculum. It is probable
that the students had, in their preparatory studies, read the
larger share of all the texts which they could secure. But there
is also reason to believe that this study did not entirely cease,
for the whole course was saturated with a Latin atmosphere.
If not read, it was spoken; and if not read in formal ways, itTHE FIRST COLLEGE

27

was read in informal ways, constituting doubtless, in a certain
measure, a condition for pursuing other studies.

The chief difference between this curriculum of the new and
the curriculum obtaining at the old Cambridge in the middle
of the seventeenth century lay in the absence of theology. In
the Puritan colleges, or in what may be called the Puritan uni-
versity of the Old World, theology occupied a chief place. In
the Puritan college of the New World theology had no separate
and distinct place assigned. The students on the Cam who
desired distinction in Church or State, or who were eager for
intellectual fame, were students of theology. Thomas Aquinas
had ceased to be a Master, but Calvin, through his " Institutes,''
still ruled the academic mind. No such dominance of theology
is apparent in the first Harvard curriculum. The founders and
governors were determined to be no more bound by Geneva in
matters educational, than they were bound by Canterbury and
York in concerns ecclesiastical.

The small place, too, which mathematics occupied is signifi-
cant. The mathematical studies began in the last year, and
consisted of arithmetic and geometry, together with astronomy.
Algebra was unknown. The little mathematics which the new
college taught was a transcript of an amount certainly no greater
than that taught at the English Cambridge. Mathematics at
this time was regarded as more mechanical than scholastic.
The best mathematicians were found in London, not in either
Oxford or Cambridge. Descartes published his first great work
in 1637. It is not to be forgotten that Sir Isaac Newton was
not born until the year when the first class graduated from
Harvard College; he entered Trinity, Cambridge, in 1660.
The absence of mathematical studies from the curriculum con-
tinued to be significant until the middle of the eighteenth
century.

It is also to be noted that no small share of the work of the
curriculum was devoted to '4 disputes " and "disputations."
The terms represent debates upon philosophical subjects. The
questions smell of the lamp. They are children of the medieval
schoolmen. They are grammatical, rhetorical, and philosophical.
" Prudence is the most difficult of all the Virtues/' " Justice28 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

is the Mother of All the Virtues/' " No Sin can be Committed
unless one is a Free Agent/' represent the type.

The presence of debate in the curriculum, then as now, is
significant. In the decade previous to the outbreak of the War
of the Revolution this form of the higher education was very-
popular. It represented as it still represents the desire for the
adjustment of the training given by the College to public needs.
The literary life of the time made its appeal to the ear rather
than to the eye. There was only one printing press for many
years in the Colony. The writing of books was uncommon; the
reading of new books was also uncommon. There were few new
books to read. Public opinion was influenced more by the orator
than by the author. The literary training which in the mod-
ern college is given largely through reading, was given in the
first college largely through speaking. It was not until Addi-
son and his contemporaries and successors had written their
great essays that the literary value of reading as a form of
academic training became appreciated. The early oratorical cul-
ture of the college was argumentative and forensic. It was felt,
as was said by the Master of Emmanuel College, that oratory is
very useful and necessary not only in all professions of learn-
ing, but in any course of life whatsoever. Logic without oratory
was dry and unpleasing, and oratory without logic was but
empty babbling.

The first curriculum, thus constituted of philosophy, lin-
guistic and rhetorical studies, together with mathematics, was
arranged in a form to produce concentration. The attention of
each class was directed for the whole day to one or two studies.
Each class usually had two recitations, one in the morning and
one in the afternoon each day. The first-year class having
logic in the first hour of the morning as a theory, devoted the
first hour of the afternoon to " practice." The first-year class
having Greek and etymology and syntax in the first hour of
the morning, gave the first hour of the afternoon to practice
of the principles of the grammar. It is also not without interest
that the concentration was not confined to a class; it applied to
time as well. In the first course of study Monday and Tuesday
were, with a few exceptions, given to philosophical studies,THE FIRST COLLEGE

29

Wednesday and Thursday to linguistic, Friday to rhetorical, and
Saturday to a catechism in theology, together with a little of
history, and a little of botany in the summer months.

This course of study, with minor changes, continued until
the middle of the eighteenth century. The changes wrought in
it in more than a hundred years were less than the changes that
are wrought in the ordinary curriculum of the ordinary college in
the course of a decade. Conservatism obtained in the first Ameri-
can college, as it had obtained on the whole throughout the
history of the mediaeval universities.

At the time that this curriculum was in vogue at Harvard a
not dissimilar course was pursued at Emmanuel College. In the
first two years of the four, logic and Latin were the two favorite
studies. Logic and allied subjects belonged to the morning, lan-
guage to the afternoon. Besides logic, ethics, physics, and mathe-
matics had a small place. The chief Latin authors were Cicero,
Terence, Ovid, Sallust, Virgil, Horace, and Martial. Greek
grammar also occupied a slight share of the time, and toward
the close of the second year Theocritus was read. The third
year was devoted quite entirely to Latin and Greek, Aristotle and
Demosthenes being the two chief authors. These languages oc-
cupied also a larger part of the fourth year, but to them are
to be added Homer, and also Lucretius, Livy, Plautus, Seneca;
a summary of Christian theology was also included.

As one compares the two courses of study of Emmanuel of old
Cambridge, and of Harvard of the new, one is impressed by the
greater variety of subjects offered in the new college. Both
courses were lacking, according to modern standards, in mathe-
matics and the sciences, but the Harvard course was the less
deficient. Apparently Dunster and his successors were deter-
mined to provide the best curriculum possible, not being too
greatly moved by ancient standards.

In the year 1841, Professor Kingsley, of Yale College, wrote
to his colleague, the first Professor Silliman, saying, Let them
at Cambridge try experiments, and we will try to profit by them.
They are better able to experiment than we are."1 From the

1 Fisher's "Life of Benjamin Silliman," vol. i, p. 401.SO HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

first, innovation has been characteristic of the oldest American
college.

A curriculum composed of ancient languages—Greek, Hebrew,
and Latin—of philosophy broadly interpreted, represents a most
worthy instrument and condition of discipline. For to these
three ancient nations concerned the modern world is most deeply
indebted. By the Hebrew has been offered the gift of religious
culture. Through the Greek the modern world has elevated its
standards of literary and aesthetic taste. The Greek represents
the principle of appreciation. One may not go so far as does
Sir Henry Sumner Maine, in saying that " except the blind
forces of nature, nothing moves in this world which is not Greek
in its origin.''1 But one can without exaggeration say that the
literary and aesthetic worth of modern civilization is, in its be-
ginning and early progress, Greek. A curriculum, too, which is
essentially Roman represents a worthy contribution to modern
affairs. Force, law, power, imperialism, are the great elements
of the offering which Rome makes to modern life. The Latin
nation also represents combination, cooperation, union. It em-
bodies the civil State and prepares the way for civilization.

The study of the ancient world, as seen in the language and
literature of the Hebrew, the Greek, and the Roman, represents
one of the mightiest forces for relating oneself to the highest
achievements and conditions of man. When with these linguistic
pursuits is joined the study of philosophy, the result is of great
value. For if language represents man under certain national
or individual forms, philosophy presents him as a citizen of the
world, as a being having relations to infinite space and eternal
time. Such a presentation liberalizes the mind of the student.
It dignifies-his thought and enlarges his emotions.

There are at least four results which the academic course
of study should create. It should make the thinker, the scholar,
the gentleman, and the worthy public servant. The worth of
a curriculum in training men for the service of the people
depends not simply upon the content of the curriculum, but
also, and more, upon the spirit in which the curriculum is taught

1 The Rede Lecture. "Memoir," p. 30.THE FIRST COLLEGE

SI

and upon the character of those who teach it. The same remark
applies in a certain degree to the furnishing and equipping of
a fine type of the gentleman. It is apparent, however, that the
curriculum of the sort obtaining at the new and the old Cam-
bridge lacked in elements of culture. It had few studies designed
to train the faculty of high and noble appreciation. It lacked
in works and methods of the imagination. Neither was the course
designed to make the scholar. It was narrow in content, limited
in relationship, confined to elements of each subject. But be it
said, positively, that such a course does train the thinker. It
teaches the student to judge, to relate fact to fact, to compare
and to infer. It trains the intellectual gymnast. It does not
create the large mind, but it does create the exact mind. It
lacks fullness, breadth, but it does tend to produce depth of
thinking. It disciplines the power of apprehension and of com-
prehension. It aids in seeing individual truths and in uniting
individual truths into general conceptions. It tends to create
strength, without brilliancy of intellect, and reasoning, without
imagination. It helps to make in the realm of mind what the
Puritan conception made in the general community an indi-
vidual, serious, severe, truthful. It fails to represent pro-
gressiveness, but it does embody a certain intellectual marking
of time which may prove to be an excellent preparation for ulti-
mate intellectual*and social advancement. The education made
by this curriculum was one well fitted to develop a Puritan
community in a new commonwealth and under new conditions
—simple, severe, uniform. It served to train a community demo-
cratic in Church and State into a natural, simple life of plain
living and of high thinking.

It is to be said that the religious element of the early Har-
vard College, as in the community at large, had intellectual
value. The heart warmed the intellect. The conscience clarified
the mind. The motive of love for God and for man quickened
the student to apply himself earnestly and persistently to the
duties which would give him a more adequate preparation for
service. The spirit of the pursuit of a study is quite as valuable
for securing benefit from a study as is the high character of the
study itself. The spirit which Brock and Cooke and Noyes,82 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

Bulkeley and Hubbard—men of the first classes—bore to their
work was earnest, profound, enthusiastic. Religion and ethics
formed the spring of a constant intellectual stimulus.

The requirements necessary for gaining the right to pursue
this simple course of study were also simple. The reading of
ordinary Latin prose, and the writing also of Latin prose and
verse, an elementary knowledge of Greek, covering the declen-
sion of nouns and conjugation of verbs, represented the condi-
tions for admission. Mathematics, English, the sciences, modern
and foreign languages were yet to be added to the list of re-
quirements for admission to the Freshman class. As the condi-
tions of admission have become heavy, the curriculum of the
college itself has become elaborate. Difficulty or ease of admis-
sion has throughout the two hundred and seventy .years of the
history of the higher education been contemporaneous with the
fullness or the meagerness of the course of study which the col-
lege itself-offers.

In that remarkable tract, " New England's First Fruits"
it is said: "And by the side of the college a fair Grammar
School for the training up of young scholars, and fitting of them
for academical learning, that still as they are judged ripe, they
may be received into the college: of this school Master Corlet
is the Master, who hath very well approved himself for his abili-
ties, dexterity, and painfulness in teaching and education of
the youths under him." It thus appears that established near
Harvard College was a school preparatory to it. Of one of
those schools it was said it " dandled Harvard College on her
knees.'/1 The first schools of Massachusetts and of New Eng-
land were, like the first college, a transfer of English founda-
tions. In Europe, at the beginning of the seventeenth century,
a Latin School was the usual agency of secondary education.
The school was the direct result of the cathedral and monastic
schools of the Middle Ages. Many of the liberally educated
Englishmen who came to America had received a share of their
education in these schools. It was therefore natural for sim-
ilar schools to be established in Massachusetts and other colo-

" Boston Public Latin School," p. 5.THE FIRST COLLEGE

38

nies. The earliest of these schools, and the oldest educational
institution having a continuous existence in America, is the Bos-
ton Latin School, which, as Phillips Brooks said, ■" still exists in
the freshness of its youth."1 Within ten years of its beginning
in 1635, several other schools were founded. In Charlestown
in 1636, in Salem in 1637, in Dorchester in 1639, in Eoxbury
in 1645, were established schools that prepared youths for the
I1 reshman class of the College. The schools were usually the
result of the vote of the citizens of each town, and were sup-
ported by direct taxation. But in certain cases private contribu-
tions supplemented public appropriations. The Governor, Sir
Henry Vane, and the Deputy-Governor, John Winthrop, each
gave Ten Pounds toward the establishment of the Boston Latin
School. In these schools the names of Pormont of Boston, of
Ezekiel Cheever, as well as of Corlet, are conspicuous. Neither
were these schools confined to Massachusetts. Ezekiel Cheever
appears in the New Haven Colony as well as in Ipswich and
Charlestown.

In 1647 was passed by the General Court of Massachusetts
the most significant of all the acts ever passed relative to
secondary education. It was directed that every township which
had fifty householders should offer means for the teaching of
reading and writing, and every town of one hundred families
should establish a Grammar School which should fit students for
the College. Although other acts touching education had been
passed, yet this act was most comprehensive. It laid down a law
to be observed by all the larger towns, which had in essence
already been observed by such towns as Boston, Salem and
Cambridge. It made secondary education free and obligatory.
It is also to be noted that this law proceeded not from the re-
ligious, but from the civil, power. Within three years of its pas-
sage a similar law was enacted in Connecticut. The character of
secondary education thus established had great and permanent
effect upon the education which the College offered. The College
was assured of the coming to itself, year by year, of a number
of well-prepared students. These schools were essentially fitting-

1 Phillips Brooks's ''The Oldest School in America," p. 15.34

HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

schools for the College. They looked forward to a higher
education. The efficiency of the foundations thus made was
promoted by donations of individuals or by grants of the State.
Of such personal grants the bequest made by Edward Hopkins,
of London, was most prominent.

The studies in these Latin Schools were primarily Latin and
Greek. If one turn to the curriculum of the English Eton
of the same age he finds that Cicero, Virgil, Ovid, Terence, rep-
resent the chief authors. Greek has its place, but the place
is small.

The students who entered the College entered not simply
a;s students but also as Christians. The rules touching the char-
acter and behavior of the men were direct and personal. In
many cases the regulations seem to spring forth directly from
passages of either the Old Testament or the New. It is directed
that everyone shall consider the main end of his life and studies
to know God and Jesus Christ, which is eternal life. Students
are commended to pray in secret and to read the Scriptures
twice a day, in order to secure a knowledge of the principles
of the language and logic of the Scriptures, as well as to obey
more easily the Commandments. Proper behavior in church
is ordered. Profane swearing is interdicted. The rules pass
beyond the religious domain., All idle, foolish, bitter, scoffing,
frothy and wanton words and offensive gestures are forbid-
den. The society of men who lead a dissolute life is denied.
Buying or selling or exchanging articles up to the value of
a sixpence, without the permission of parent, guardian, or
tutor, is not allowed. Hard work, constant attendance at
recitations, are required under severe penalties. No one is
suffered to go out of town without the permission of a col-
lege officer or his parents. Latin is specified as the ordinary
language for conversation; the use of the mother tongue is
denied.

These rules were largely the transcript of rules in force in
the English Cambridge. In the English Cambridge, Greek or
Hebrew, as well as Latin, was allowed in conversation. Absence
from town was permitted only for very definite reasons. Boxing
matches, dancing, bear fights, and cock fights represented severeTHE FIRST COLLEGE

35

offenses. Playing cards or dice or reading irreligious books
was denied.

The students who were subject to these rules were not Eng-
lishmen only. Prom the time that John Eliot, in 1646, began
to preach to the Indians, efforts were made for their education.
In 1653 Eliot's " Indian Catechism," in 1661 the Indian New
lestament, and in 1665 the Indian Old Testament were printed.
The London Society for Propagating the Gospel was a primary
force in these missionary efforts. The Society also furnished
the money for a hall for Indian students. At least two matricu-
lated ; only one apparently ever took a degree. The larger part,
in the course of their preparatory studies, became disheartened^
some returning to Indian life and others entering on different
callings. One became a seaman, another a carpenter and a
third went to England, where he soon died. But Cabel Chee-
shahteaumuck persevered, and his name is enrolled as a member
of the Class of 1665; but in the next year, at the age of twenty,
he fell a victim to consumption, a disease to which the early
Indians, subjected to civilization, became an easy prey.

But the life of the students in the early decades of the college
was not confined to books or to recitation rooms. If the under-
graduate life was simple, it was yet quite as vital and possibly as
interesting as the life of to-day. The number of students was
small. It is probable that never were there more than fifty
men in College. In the first sixty-five years, down to the begin-
ning of Leverett's presidency, five hundred and thirty-one men
had received a degree, or an average of about eight each year.
The numbers were small compared to the colleges of the English
Cambridge. In 1621 Emmanuel College numbered two hundred
and sixty members, of which the larger share were students-
Queens, two hundred and thirty; Pembroke and Kings each one
hundred and forty; Jesus, one hundred and twenty; St. John's
three hundred and seventy; Trinity—the largest then, as now—-
four hundred and forty. Harvard was simply a small school,
in which every man knew every other, coming into constant and
intimate association with each other.

Though the college has always been in many respects the

most democratic of all democracies, yet the divisions of the coin-
436

HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

munity in respect to social conditions were transferred to the
academic cloister. Students were placed in their classes accord-
ing to the distinction or official rank which their families held
in the State. Apparently such placings were the cause of bitter
disappointment and many heartburnings. The higher part of a
class had the best rooms, and also the right to help themselves
first at the table. But such material advantages were not chief.
The sense of superiority in social rank doubtless gave a delight
quite as keen to the college man in Massachusetts as it gave to
the college man in the old Cambridge. Care was taken in the
use of titles. The title Sir was given to a graduate while he
was a Bachelor of Arts, and after he had taken the second degree
of Master, the title of Mr. was used. The students were young.
Among the youngest men who ever took a degree at Harvard
College were Cotton Mather, of the Class of 1678, of the age of
fifteen; Paul Dudley, of the Class of 1690, of the age of fourteen;
and Andrew Preston Peabody, of the Class of 1826, of the age
of fifteen. But during the first hundred years all students were
young. The average age of the class which entered in 1753 was
fifteen years and five months; of the twenty-eight members, one
was twelve and a half years old, eight from fourteen to fifteen,
twelve from fifteen to sixteen, three from sixteen to seventeen,
four from seventeen to eighteen, and one of nineteen. The first
President Dwight of Yale College graduated in 1769 at the
age of seventeen, and David Humphreys two years later at about
the same age. John Trumbull, of the Class of 1767 at Yale,
it is said was fitted for College at the age of seven; lie delayed
entering, however, till he had reached the mature age of thirteen.1
The youngest graduate of Yale was Charles Chauncey, of the
Class of 1792, of the age of fifteen years and twenty-six days. But
such early admission was only the transcript of a similar age
obtaining in the English Cambridge. Jeremy Taylor was ad-
mitted to Caius' College in 1626, at the age of thirteen; Francis
Bacon to Trinity in 1573, also at thirteen; Nicholas Ferrar was
also admitted at the same age; John Bois joined St. John's in
1583, at the age of fourteen. It may be added that when Pitt

1" Yale College," vol. i, p. 96.THE FIRST COLLEGE

37

entered Pembroke in 1773 lie was fourteen. A statute of Eliza-
beth forbade admission before the age of fourteen. For a long
time a paragraph stood in the catalogues of most American col-
leges that no one was admitted to the Freshman Class under the
age of fourteen, or to an upper class at a less relatively early age.

Of the Class of 1681 of Harvard College, consisting, like the
first, of nine members, at graduation the ages of two were twenty-
one; of four, twenty; of two, seventeen, and the age of one is
unknown; the average age, therefore, was probably nineteen and
a half years, which is not far from three years less than the
average age now prevailing at graduation.

The whole conduct and life of the students, young in years
and few in numbers, in the new college in the New World was
in deep contrast with the behavior and conditions of the " young
gentleman of the University," as he has been painted in the
Oxford Journal of a later time. " lie is one that comes there
to wear a gown, and to say hereafter he has been at the Univer-
sity. Ilis father sent him thither because he heard there were
the best fencing and dancing schools: from these he had his
education—from his tutor, the oversight. . . . His study has
commonly handsome shelves, his books neat silk strings, which
he shows to his father's man, and is loath to unty or take down
for fear of misplacing. Upon foul days, for recreation he retires
thither and looks over the pretty book his tutor reads to him,
for which his tutor gives him money to spend next day. Ilis
main loitering is at the library, where he studies arms and books
of honour, and turns a gentleman critic in pedigrees. Of all
things he endures not to be mistaken for a scholar, and hates
a black suit, though it be made of satin. Ilis company is ordi-
narily some stale fellow that has been notorious for an ingle to
gold hatbands." 1

There is preserved a letter written by Leonard Iloar while
serving as minister in England, before he became president
to his nephew Flynt, who was in 1661 a member of the Fresh-
man Class. The letter is significant of many elements of the

1 Earle, " Micrososmographie " (1628), Chap. XXV, quoted in J. R. Green's
"Oxford Studies," pp. 50, 51.38

HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

college curriculum and undergraduate life. " Your account
of the course of your studies, as now ordered, under the worthy
Mr. Chauncey, is far short of my desire." You should not
" content yourself with doing that only which you are tasked
to; nor to do that merely as much as needs must, and is ex-
pected of you; but daily something more than your task; and
that task, also, something better than the ordinary. Thus,
when the classes study only logick or nature, you may spend
some one or two spare hours in languages, rhetorick, history,
or mathematics, or the like. And when they recite only the text
of an author,,read you some other of the same subject, or some
commentator upon it, at the same time. Also, in your accus-
tomed disputations, do not satisfy yourself only to thieve an
argument, but study the question before hand, and, if possible,
draw, in a book on purpose, a summary of the argument and
answers on all hands; unto which you may briefly subjoin any-
thing choice and accurate, which you have heard in the hall, upon
the debate of it in public.

" Nextly. As you must read much, that your head may be
stored with notion, so you must be free and much in all kinds
of discourse of what you read, that your tongue may be apt to
A, good expression of what you do understand. And further;
of most things you must write too; whereby you may render
yourself exact in judging of what you hear or read; and faithful
in remembering of what you once have known. Touching your
writing, ... let it not be in loose papers . . . nor in a fortui-
tous vagrant way; but in distinct " paper " books, designed for
every several purpose, and the heads of all, wrote aforehand, in
every page, with intermediate spaces left (as well as you can
guess) proportionate to the matter they are like to contain.

" As to the authors you should distil into your paper books
in general; let them not be such as are already methodical, con-
cise, and pithy as possible; for it would be but to transcribe
them . . . But let them be such as are voluminous, intricate,
and more jejune; or else those traetabuli, that touch only on
some smaller tendrills of any science; especially, if they be books
that you do only borrow, or hire, to read. By this mean I have
kept my library in a little compass (scarce yet having moreTHE FIRST COLLEGE

39

books than myself can carry* in my arms at once, my paper books
only excepted), and yet I have not quite lost anything that did
occur in my multifarious wandering readings. Were a man
sure of a stable abode in a place for the whole time of his life,
and had an estate also to expend, then, indeed, the books them-
selves in specie were the better way, and only an index to be made
of them all.

" One paper book more add," for " such fragments as shall
occur ... to you by the by, in your reading, and would for the
most part be lost, if not thus laid up.

" Be forward and frequent in the use of all those things
which you have read, and which you have collected; judiciously
moulding them up with others of your own fancy and memory,
according to the proposed occasions; whether it be in the pen-
ning of epistles, orations, theses or antitheses, or determinations
upon a question, analysis of any part of an author, or imitations
of him, per modum geneseos. For so much only have you

profited in your studies, as you are able to do these._And all

the contemplations and collections, in the world, will but only
fit you for these. It is practice, and only your own practice, that
will be able to perfect you. My charge of your choice of com-
pany, I need not inculcate; nor I hope that for your constant use
of the Latin tongue in all your converse together, and that in the
purest phrase of Terence and Erasmus. Music I had almost
forgot. I suspect you seek it both too soon and too much. This
be assured of, that if you be not excellent at it, it is nothing at
all; and if you be excellent, it will take up so much of your time
and mind, that you will be worth little else. And when all that
excellence is attained, your acquest will prove little or nothing of
real profit to you, unless you intend to take up the trade of
fiddling.

" I shall add but one thing more, for a conclusion; but that
the crown and perfection of all the rest, which only can make
all your endeavours successful and your end blessed. And that is
something of the daily practice of piety, and the study of the
true and highest wisdom. And for God's sake, and your own
both present and eternal welfare's sake, let me not only intreat,
but enjoin and obtain of you that you do not neglect it: no, not40

HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

a day. For it must be constancy, constancy, as well as labour,
that completes any such work. And if you will take me for an
admonitor, do it thus: Read every morning a chapter in the old
testament, and every evening, one in the new. . . . And as you
read, note lightly with your pen in the margin the several places
of remark. . . . Secondly, out of these . . . sentences cull one
or two to expiate upon in your own thoughts, half a quarter of
an hour, by way of meditation. There use your rhetorick, your
utmost ratiocination, or rather your sanctified affections, love,
faith, fear, hope, joy, &c, . . . Those two being premised, close
with prayer; for this I prescribe, not whether it should be lingual
or mental, longer or briefer, only let it, as well as its preparatives,
be most solemn and secret. ... Do not seriously try these three
last things for some good while; and reckon me a liar in all the
rest, if you find not their most sensible sweet effects, yea, as that
Christian Seneca, Bishop Hall, said before one, so I boldly say
again, do you curse me from your death-bed, if you do not reckon
these among your best spent hours." 1

To the undergraduate of the early time the question of
expense was of great importance. The community was poor,
incomes were small, money was scarce. The value of a Pound
or of a Shilling was five or six times as great as at present.
Not a few of the students paid their bills in kind. As one goes
through the accounts one finds students credited with butter,
rye, malt, wheat, hog, lamb, veal, hens, eggs, and in one instance
with a small cow. The general expense included chiefly the
permanent elements of board, rum, and fees for instruction.2

The expenditures of a student at the New were unlike those
of one at the Old Cambridge. Gowns, silver pots, silk stock-
ings, garters, boots, spurs, and the service of a barber are ele-

iSibley's "Harvard Graduates/' vol. i, pp. 229-232.

2 "8, 10, 54. Commones and sizinges £2 8s. 9d. 2qr. Tuition 8s. study
rente and beed 4s. fyer and candell 2s. fower loode of wood 17s. 4d.

"9, 1, 54-5. Commones and sizinges £2 16s. lOd. Tuition study rente
and beed 12s. wood on load on Jagge 6s. 6d.

"8, 4, 55. Commones and sizinges £2 9s. lid. Tuition 8s. study rente
2s. beedmakinge is. 9d.

"7, 7, 55. Commones and sizinges £1 12s. 7d. 2qr. Tuition 8s. study
rente and beed lis. 7d."—Sibley, " Harvard Graduates/' in various places.THE FIRST COLLEGE

41

ments quite as significant as in some instances more costly
than the room and the tuition. Undergraduate life was a life of
athletic and of other sports, although they had not assumed the
large place which they now fill. Football had been a sport at
Cambridge and Oxford long before the first Puritan came to
America. Archery, quoits, tennis, handball, and football were
the most popular. In the second year of his reign James I.
issued an injunction against bear-baiting, bull-baiting, skittles,
and nine-holes. Few of these sports were introduced in a formal
way into the early college. The members engaging in such fun
were few. College spirit must have been slight.

These men, young in years and few in numbers, and serious
in purpose, were men of the same general character as those
who now come to, and go forth from, the American college.
That quips and pranks had at so early a day a delight, there can
be no doubt. The freshman regulations and class customs tell
the same story told to-day. And the petty offenses show the
same spirit of fun, and were punishable by proper fines and
restrictions.

The position of the Freshman in the college of the seventeenth
century was less desirable than that which he now occupies, and
some would say that the position he now occupies is not at all
desirable. The newcomer was depreciated. The depreciation
was a transfer of a similar feeling from the English colleges.
" Salting " and " tucking " were popular methods of initiation
into the academic body. In the process of salting, the Freshmen
of the older Cambridge were summoned to the hall to make the
acquaintance of their seniors. Each was called upon for a senti-
ment. Those, bold of heart and quick of wit, able to delight the
company, were rewarded for their pains by drinks of liquor.
Rut the dull, the slow, the bashful, unable to respond, were
given a drink of salt and water, which they were compelled to
swallow. Tucking seems to have been a little bit less merciful.
It consisted in the Senior making an incision with his fingernail
in the lip of the Freshman, or in making a cut from the chin to
the lip. As a final part of the process the Senior company re-
quired the newcomers to take an oath, which was sworn upon an
old shoe, which in turn they were required to kiss. After this42 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

initiation the Freshman was allowed to take his place among the
Seniors. Barbarous though these proceedings seem to be, yet
they were sanctioned by the College officers.1 In the American
Cambridge is evidence of similar hazings, but the general spirit
of subordination of the Freshman seems to show itself in specific
and formal rules. The Ancient Customs of Harvard College
declare that:

"1. No Freshman shall wear his hat in the College yard, unless it rains,
hails, or snows; provided he be on foot, and have not both hands full.

"2. No Undergraduate shall wear his hat in the College yard, when
any of the Governors of the College are there; and no Bachelor shall wear
his hat when the President is there.

"3. Freshmen are to consider all the other classes as their Seniors.

"4. No Freshman shall speak to a Senior with his hat on; or have it on
in a Senior's chamber, or in his own if a Senior be there.

"5. All Undergraduates shall treat those in the Government of the
College with respect and deference; particularly they shall not be seated
without leave in their presence; they shall be uncovered when speaking to
them or are spoken to by them.

"6. All Freshmen (except those employed by the Immediate Govern-
ment of the College) shall be obliged to go on any errand (except such as
shall be judged improper by some one in the Government of the College)
for any of his seniors, Graduates or Undergraduates, at any time, except
in studying hours or after nine o'clock in the evening.

"7. A Senior Sophister has authority to take a Freshman from a
Sophomore, a Middle Bachelor from a Junior Sophister, a Master from a
Senior Sophister, and any Governor of the College from a Master.

"8. Every Freshman before he goes for the person who takes him
away (unless it be one in the Government of the College), shall return and
inform the person from whom he is taken.

"9. No Freshman, when sent on an errand, shall make any unneces-
sary delay, neglect to make due return, or go away till dismissed by the
person who sent him.

" 10. No Freshman shall be detained by a Senior, when not actually
employed on some suitable errand.

"11. No Freshman shall be obliged to serve any order of a Senior to
come to him, or go on any errand for him, unless he be wanted im-
mediately.

} Miillinger's "The University of Cambridge/' vol. ii, pp. 400, 401.THE FIRST COLLEGE

43

" 12. No Freshman, when sent on an errand, shall tell who he is going
for, unless he be asked; nor be obliged to tell what he is going for, unless
asked by a Governor of the College.

" 13. When any person knocks at a Freshman's door, except in study-
ing time, he shall immediately open the door, without inquiring who is
there.

" 14. No scholar shall call up or down, to or from, any chamber in the
college.

" 15. No scholar shall play football or any other game in the college
yard, or throw anything across the yard.

" 16. The Freshmen shall furnish bats, balls, and footballs for the use
of the students, to be kept at the Buttery."

The hardship of the life of the student was not, however,
limited to his first year. After his novitiate he was still subject
to many limitations. Rules surrounded him, and rules in the
early time, as in the later, were made for college men's breaking.
Corporal punishment for almost a hundred years following the
foundation of the College was a not uncommon method of chas-
tisement. Thomas Sargeant, of the Class of 1674, being con-
victed of speaking blasphemous words against the Holy Ghost
was sentenced to be publicly whipped before all the students.
The granting of his degree was deferred. He was obliged to sit
alone by himself in the Hall, and to do whatever exercises the
President should put upon him. Before and after flogging the
President offered prayer.1 Pecuniary fines also represented a
method of punishment. It may appear that there was some rela-
tion between flogging and money. For by a vote passed in 1656
by the Overseers it is declared that punishment shall be admin-
istered by the President and Fellows, either by fine or public
whipping, as the nature of the offense may require, but in amount
not to exceed ten shillings or ten stripes for one offense. Down
to about the middle of the eighteenth century a system of
pecuniary mulcts was in vogue.

The mere list of offenses is on the whole alluring. It repre-
sents the possibilities of college fun. The sum which the college
authorities exacted from the offenders suggests the degree of
seriousness which the academic and public mind associated with

* Sibley's "Harvard Graduates/' vol. ii, pp. 443, 444.44

HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

the offense. Absence from or tardiness at college exercises is
punished as the most common dereliction. But also going too
early, before bell-ringing, is considered an offense. Leaving
town or staying out of town demands a heavy penalty. Stay-
ing out of town for a week represents ten shillings, and for a
month fifty. Going out of the college without proper garb is
charged at sixpence, and profane cursing at two and six.
Graduates cannot play cards under a charge of less than five
shillings, but undergraduates may indulge in the sport at half
this sum. The charge for lying or for drunkenness does not
exceed one shilling six. " Tumultuous noises " are assessed at
the same price as lying or drunkenness. Keeping guns, going
out skating, represent one shilling, whereas firing guns or pistols
in the college yard represents a cost of twice this amount.

The whole system is a strange mixture of offenses essentially
immoral and of offenses arbitrarily assessed as immoral.

The college, however, was not alone concerned with the
punishment of academic offenses. The town watch was author-
ized to exercise his power within the precincts of the college,
but he was forbidden to lay violent hands on any of the
students other than so far as was necessary to hold them until
the president or some other officer could be informed.

Among the earliest records of all college disorders are those
of the conflicts between the civil authority and the academic.
In many mediaeval universities students were subject not to the
law of the municipality in which their university was placed, but
to the law of the nation of which they were sons and citizens.
This condition promoted constant conflict. Collisions, therefore,
between the town and the gown were inherited by the first
American college. Students were everywhere inclined to regard
themselves as first the subjects of the university or college, and
that they were immune against civil authority. Within twenty
years of the establishment of Harvard differences broke out
between the students and the townspeople; and for the disorder
at least three Harvard students were censured by the General
Court. It is yet to be said that at times the academic authorities
were inclined to call upon the civil to enforce their commands.
Toward the close of the century, in 1682, the Corporation di-THE FIRST COLLEGE

45

rected that a student who had been expelled from the college,
if he should appear within the college walls, should be carried
before the civil authority.

Commencement was the great day of the academic year. It
was the great day of the Colony, and, one might add, of New
England. It united personal and scholastic, civil and academic,
official and student interests. It brought together the largest
audience. It represented the high-water mark of the colonial
interest in things of the mind. In it centered festivities which
now cluster about Class Day, as well as formal scholastic doings.
Discussions regarding questions in ethics, philosophy, theology,
and linguistics, orations in Latin, Greek, Hebrew, represented
the more scholastic parts. Eating, drinking, and singing psalms
were also essential elements. In the early part of the eighteenth
century the crowds in attendance became so great that the date
of the day was kept, so long as possible, a secret. From the
early times the government lent prestige and splendor to the
function. The day was a type: a union of the Church and of
the State, of civil and of academic authority. It represented
the flowering forth of the highest and noblest purpose of the
colonists and their sons.

Down to the time of the founding of the second college, Har-
vard had been in existence over half a century, and to the time
of the founding of the third, only two years less than two-thirds
of a century. In the progress of a nation fifty years may repre-
sent a short period. In the progress of a college the first fifty
years represent a long, and usually a pregnant, period. In this
time Harvard had done much, very much, to justify its founda-
tion.

Founded largely as a theological seminary, it had, in the
first sixty-five years, from the graduation of its first class in
1642 down to the beginning of President Leverett's administra-
tion, educated five hundred and thirty-one men. In three of
these years no Commencement was held. Of the whole num-
ber of graduates about half had become clergymen. Among
the one hundred towns scattered along the Atlantic coast, and
stretching as far inland as Springfield and Northampton, about
two hundred and fifty graduates had been installed as pastors.46 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

Their predecessors in the pastorate were graduates of Cambridge
and Oxford, and included such men as Cotton, Shepard, and
Davenport. The second generation of the settlers of a new com-
munity is not usually so able, so refined, so civilized, as the
first. The struggle with the elements of soil and sea to get a
simple living narrows the opportunity for holding the larger
interpretation of truth and of duty, and for securing the
graces of gentleness, courtesy, and noble manners. The peril
of the second generation of a community is the peril of barbar-
ism. One, however, looks in vain for evidence necessitating such
a conclusion regarding the sons of the Puritan immigrants. In ,
this population of farmers and lumbermen, seamen, merchants,
and ministers, honor as well as honesty, intellectuality as well as
intelligence, high public spirit as well as strong individualisms,
pecuniary competency without either poverty or wealth, pre-
vailed. The clergymen of the second generation were as able
as those of the first. Increase Mather, graduate of Harvard
College, was an abler minister than his father Richard, graduate
of Cambridge. Cotton Mather, also a graduate of Harvard, was
a still abler minister than his father Increase. Although the first
newspaper, Public Occurrences, was not published until 1690,
and then for only one issue, and although the second newspaper
was not published until fourteen years after, yet books were
common. Boston began early to lead in the purchase and
sale of books. All of the books of American authorship were
written by graduates of the College. Samuel Sewall, who wrote
a description of the new heaven, of which the new Jerusalem was
to be in America; John Wise, eloquent, logical, whose writings
helped to make the Declaration of Independence; Jeremiah
Dummer, author of a defense of the New England churches;
William Hubbard, the historian; John Norton and Michael Wig-
glesworth, who wrote poetry but were not poets, received their
degrees at Harvard in the seventeenth century. The graduates,
too, either as clergymen or as teachers, had charge of private and
of public education. They were also, in respect to social and
other relations, leaders of the community. The clergymen shared
with the magistrates the honor and the responsibilities of the
prosperity of the individual town and of the general community.THE FIRST COLLEGE

47

A community in which the clergyman is the chief citizen is a
community in which attention is paid to the highest and most
abstruse subjects. For the clergyman ministers to the intellect,
appeals to the refined taste, and seeks to lift the ethical standards
of society. lie may or he may not be a teacher of politics, but
it is his constant endeavor to enrich the spiritual nature of his
constituency. The vigor of intellect, the refinement of taste,
the appreciation of great truths, the determination to live
worthily, qualities that characterized the people of New England
m the seventeenth century, were in a large degree the work of the
clergymen of the age, and these clergymen were graduates of
Harvard College.

The College also had trained no small number of physicians
and of lawyers. Physicians were the more numerous. In the first
ten classes appeared no less than five members who had the right
to practice medicine. One of the five was Leonard Hoar, who
became president. The demands for the service of lawyers were
less numerous and usually less urgent. Nevertheless, thirteen of
the graduates of the earlier decades came to occupy high judi-
ciary positions in the Colony. In the three great professions
therefore, as well as in literature and teaching, the College had
made rich contributions for the enlargement, enrichment, and
security of the new commonwealth.

But apart from specific results the College stood in the com-
munity as a monument to the worth of mind. Its seal set forth
the ultimate value of truth, a value which a new and a democratic
community is in grave peril of forgetting. Its seal also declared
" Christo et ecclesiae," an ideal which a society obliged daily
to toil for daily bread is liable to lose. The college, therefore
represented the continuity of learning and the preciousness of
the scholastic and educational tradition. It embodied the su-
premacy of character as the purpose of spiritual idealism. It
stood for life and not for living. It embodied the old cardinal
virtues of justice, temperance, and fortitude, and the new cardinal
virtues of hope, faith, and charity. It represented what the
mother of Increase Mather said to her son when he was an in-
fant, that she desired God to give him grace and learning.
" Child,'7 she said, " if God make thee a Good Christian and48

HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

a Good Scholar, thou hast all that ever thy Mother Asked for
thee." 1 The college sought to represent good scholarship and a
noble type of piety in the community.

It is also not to be forgotten that the influence of the College
through its graduates upon the mother country was not slight.
Out of the first twenty graduates, twelve went to England, and
eleven of the twelve there remained. Those who went to England
were largely those who had been born there. The opportunity
open in the Commonwealth to the graduate of the Puritan
college of the New World was certainly less attractive to noblest
souls than that which the New World itself could offer. The
attractiveness of the new life was indeed strong for hardy, self-
denying souls. A new world was to be conquered, a new civili-
zation formed, an old race under new conditions to be set
forward in its progress. But most men are not hardy and are
not self-denying. The sons of the immigrants had come to
America under the direction and tutelage of their parents. On
reaching manhood's estate not a few of them seemed to be will-
ing to return. A fellowship at one of the English universities
was worth forty pounds, a tutorship at Harvard four pounds.
One member of the Class of 1650 obtained an> Oxford fellowship
of the value of sixty pounds. The most famous of all the men
who returned to England was Sir George Downing. Ilis mother
was a sister of the first governor of Massachusetts. A member of
the Class of 1642, he was one of the two men first appointed as
tutors. Within four years after his graduation he returned to
England. He became a confidential adviser of Cromwell, and
filled important offices at home and abroad for the Great Pro-
tector. On the Restoration he came into relations quite as inti-
mate with Charles II. The king well rewarded him in money
and place. His whole career is as interesting as a romance. In
early New England, apparently, his name was synonymous with
that of Judas. His name in England lives in Downing Street,
occupying land given to him by the king, and also in Downing
College, which was founded in 1800 under the will, after long
litigation, of his grandson.

Sibley's "Harvard Graduates," vol. i, p. 410.THE FIRST COLLEGE

49

So strong was the movement in the first years of the college
for graduates to return to England that the* Commissioners of
the United Colonies recommended that the General Court of
Massachusetts should influence parents to cause their sons to
improve their abilities in the service of the Colonies, and not
to remove into other countries. But as the number of students
who had been born in England diminished, and the number
of those who had been bom in the New World increased, the
tendency to return lessened. Political antagonisms, moreover,
arising between the old country and the new proved to be a
better preventive than personal counsel.CHAPTER II

the second college: william and mary

The first attempt to establish the higher education in New
England was native in its origin and early progress. The first
attempt to establish the higher education in Virginia was for-
eign. Both attempts were made alike by the people and by the
government.

Twelve years after the settlement of Jamestown, and one
year before the May flower came to Plymouth, the Virginia Com-
pany in old England made a grant of ten thousand acres of
land for the foundation of a university at Ilenrico. Nine
thousand aeres were to be used as the endowment of a seminary
for the English, and a thousand acres for the education of the
Indians. In the same year the English bishops raised fifteen
hundred pounds to aid Indian education. Two years later a
subscription of one hundred and fifty pounds, and a grant of
one thousand acres of land, were made for the preparatory
school at Charles City. About the same time Sir Thomas Dale,
who was twice governor of the colony, and who during his life-
time served with honor in three-quarters of the globe, started
a subscription in India, where he was at the time in service, for
the founding of a school in Virginia. The sum of seventy
pounds was raised for the purpose. The Court was ready to
promote so good a work, and ordered the money to be paid over
to the Virginia Company. There is evidence of the making of
other small contributions. The good will and generosity of the
government were evident. Settlers came over to occupy the
university lands. George Thorpe, of the Privy Chamber, was
sent to be a director of the University.

These philanthropic endeavors for education were made in
the teeth of fearful conditions. From the fourteen thousand
immigrants who came to Virginia in the fifteen years following

60THE SECOND COLLEGE

51

the first landing in 1607, less than thirteen hundred were
surviving in 1622. The wealth of vegetation that attracted the
settler became the cause of malaria which killed him. Of the rem-
nant of less than thirteen hundred, more than a quarter lost
their lives in the Indian massacre of 1622. The decimation was
more terrible than that which Plymouth suffered in its first
winter.

But within two years after the Indian massacre a still further
attempt was made to found a college. -On an island of the Sus-
quehanna (now included in the State of Maryland), remote from
the danger of assault by the Indian, it was proposed to found
a university which should bear the name " Academia Virginiensis
et Oxoniensis." The association of the name Oxford with the
attempt is pleasantly significant, for the first attempt to estab-
lish a university in New England is associated with the name of
the University of Cambridge. As if to emphasize the quixotic
character of the movement, it was specially proposed to include
in the university a school of art. But this further attempt
failed. Its chief advocate, Edward Palmer, was not unlike some
other founders, more distinguished by energy than by wisdom.

Although as early as 1619 petitions were read in the General
Assembly, convened at James City, respecting the erecting of a
university ,or college, yet, despite the aid of the mother country,
no result followed. It was not till fifty-three years after the
landing that the colony itself became deeply and generally in-
terested. In the year 1660 the colonial Assembly of Virginia
voted that " for the advance of learning, education of youth,
supply of the ministry, and promotion of piety, there be land
taken upon purchases for a Colledge and free schoole, and that
there be, with as much speede as may be convenient, housing
erected thereon for the entertainment of students and schol-
ars. ''1 It was also voted at the same time that the Com-
missioners of County Courts should take subscriptions for the
proposed college, and that the Commissioners should cooperate
with the vestrymen of parishes for the raising of money. A
petition was also made to the Governor, Sir "William Berkeley,

1 Hening's " Statutes of Virginia," ii, xxv, quoted Adams' College of William
and Mary, p. 12.

552 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

asking that the king be requested to authorize collections from
people in England for the aid of colleges and schools in Virginia.
These votes are intimations of a more general and hearty in-
terest in behalf of education than common opinion has usually
given to the colonists. Sir William Berkeley's oft-quoted remark,
'' I thank God that there are no free schools nor printing, and I
hope we shall not have these hundred years," has been usually
interpreted as evidence of the prevalence of either commercial-
ism or barbarism. It is probable that Sir William wished to
promote an education of the English type through the household
tutor rather than through the public school. He apparently
believed that elementary instruction should be given in the
home. The higher education he was not opposed to in any such
sense as his remark indicates, for he was among those who made
subscriptions to found a college for students of the liberal arts
and sciences.

Yet it is not to be denied that the indifference of the Vir-
ginians to the cause of education of any grade was in lamentable
contrast with the interest of the Massachusetts men. The general
social standing of the people who came to Virginia was superior
to that of the settlers of Massachusetts Bay. The difference was
not so great as is usually interpreted, but there was a difference.
The difference is indicated in the words Cavalier and Puritan.
The Wests, the Fairfaxes, the Wyatts, and the Ilumes are names
of noble English families. Knights, sons of knights and knights-
baronets, are found in the number. In a far greater majority
among the Virginians than among the Massachusetts settlers are
found representatives of the country gentry of England and of
Scotland. But also came to the Southern colony in greater pro-
portion blacklegs, scoundrels, criminals, and political prisoners
of families of position.

A large part of these people came from London. Of those
who were not of the metropolis, the middle-eastern counties fur-
nished the larger share to Virginia. The strictly eastern counties
of Norfolk, Suffolk, and Essex were largely represented in those
who came to Massachusetts. In fact from the same general south-
eastern part of England the settlers of both Massachusetts and
Virginia came. The cause, therefore, of the lack of interest inTHE SECOND COLLEGE

53

Virginia in the higher education is to be sought in other con-
ditions than the general character of the people. The cause is
largely twofold: lirst, the population of Massachusetts was com-
pact; it was centered in a few towns along the coast, each of
which was a political individual. The population of Virginia
was spread over a large territory. The chief business of the
people was the raising of tobacco. For the raising of this crop
a large plantation was necessary. The people were therefore
scattered. The only two settlements of size were at James City
and Elizabeth City; the rest were found in small groups or on
isolated farms. In such a condition, in which famine and pesti-
lence, homesickness, strife, and massacre were not uncommon, the
cause of education found few elements of prosperity. ,

But furthermore, the Virginia settlers contained few clergy-
men, and these few not worthy shepherds of the people. Between
the landing in 1607 and the coming of James Blair in 1685,
some twelve ministers settled in Virginia. Of these twelve,
eight were graduates of Oxford. The whole number itself was
small, and the number having a liberal education was relatively
smaller. In these seventy-eight years Massachusetts had several
times twelve clergymen. These clergymen were genuine shep-
herds of the people. To think of Massachusetts without Norton
and Shepard, without John Cotton and the Mathers, or to think
of the Connecticut colonies without Thomas Hooker and John
Davenport, is to picture the actual condition of Virginia. A
new community, unorganized, depressed, beset by hard condi-
tions, needs wise, inspiring leadership. Such leadership New
England found in her clergy. Such leadership Virginia lacked.
The result is seen, in the one case, in the foundation of Harvard
College six years after the foundation of Boston, and in the other
case in a college waiting for its formal establishment almost
a century after the landing at Jamestown.

When, however, a worthy clergyman did appear in the south-
ern colony intimations of the founding of a college became
more frequent and more significant. The Rev. Dr. James
Blair came to Virginia in 1685. lie was born in Scotland in
1656. lie had taken his degree of Master of Arts at Edinburgh
at the early age of seventeen. Of his history, as of John54

HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

Harvard's, little is known. He married Sarah Harrison, of
Surrey, who was born in 1670, and who died in 1713. He him-
self lived until 1743. Coming to Henrico as a minister, the
association of the place with an early attempt to found a uni-
versity quickened his natural interest in the cause of educa-
tion. His interest was the mother of interest on the part of
the clergy and of the magistrates. In 1692 he was sent by the
General Assembly to England to solicit money and to secure a
charter. William and Mary granted the charter, and also gave
of their influence and of their revenue. The attorney-general
Seymour was ordered to issue the formal documents, but
Seymour demurred. The war that the country was engaged in
was expensive. Blair persisted that the proposed college was
to prepare men for the ministry. " Virginians have souls to
be saved as well as Englishmen/' " Damn their souls,'' said
Seymour, " leathern make tobacco." But the charter was issued.
Blair brought back with him not only the charter, but also
liberal grants of money and promises of the proceeds of taxes
of far larger worth than the grants already made. The King
and Queen subscribed two thousand pounds. Twenty thou-
sand acres of land were also given. A tax of one penny on
every pound of tobacco exported from Maryland and Vir-
ginia was promised. The important office of surveyor-general
was put into the control of the president and faculty, and
all the fees and profits arising from it were to be used toward
the college endowment. This privilege was of great signifi-
cance. It put the entire land system of the colony into the
care of the college. Down to the year 1819, one-sixth of the
fees of the public surveyors was paid into the treasury of
the college. .

The liberality of the mother country was supplemented by
the generosity of the colony. An export duty on all skins and
furs was levied for the support of the college. Forty-one years
after the foundation a tax was placed upon all liquors brought
into the country. A part of this revenue was to be used for the
purchase of books. A similar tax was put on rum in the first
years of Yale College. Direct gifts were also made. In 1718
the House of Burgesses gave one thousand pounds. ScholarshipsTHE SECOND COLLEGE

55

were established, some by the Commonwealth, others, and more,
by citizens.

The education of the Indian as well as of the white settlers
was a purpose constantly sought. There died in England, in
1691, Robert Boyle, who in his will directed his executors to apply
his personal estate to such charitable and pious uses as they saw
fit. Six years after it was decided to pay over the revenue to
the College of William and Mary. This revenue, however, was
to be made subject to an annual draft payable by the College in
Virginia to the College in Massachusetts. The records of Harvard
College show that for several years the sum of ninety pounds
was annually received. In the interest from endowments and
m the revenue derived from taxation William and Mary en-
joyed, in the middle of the eighteenth century, an annual income
of about twenty-three hundred pounds. This sum was larger
than the revenue of any other of the nine colleges founded before
the Revolutionary War. In the year 1780, President Stiles, of
Yale, wrote to President Madison, of William and Mary, saying
that " the opulence of your college will enable you immediately
to equal the European universities; . . . you collect men greatly
learned in every profession, together with a voluminous library
and a complete philosophical apparatus.'91

The man to whom Virginia and America was indebted for
the foundation of William and Mary College represents the
worthiest type of the educational and ecclesiastical pioneer. The
character of James Blair was forceful and simple. He com-
bined positiveness and patience. He had the characteristic wit
of his race. His purposes were of the highest. His appreciation
of educational and other human values was sound. . His admin-
istration of the College was not only the first and the longest in
its history, but was the greatest. With only two or three excep-
tions it is the longest found in the history of .American colleges.
Throughout this period of service he was vigorous, eager, hope-
ful, enthusiastic. The indifference of the people could not quench
his enthusiasm. The difficulty of obtaining subscriptions, and
the greater difficulty of collecting subscriptions for the College

1 "The Literary Diary of Ezra Stiles," vol. ii, p. 445.56

HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

did not stop, although it might retard, his efforts. His mind
was catholic and judicial. Without the extreme metaphysical
tendencies of his race, he yet possessed its characteristic piety.
A Scotchman and Episcopalian, he seems to have had the best
qualities of both the race and the church. He constantly ad-
justed means to ends. A leader of church and education, yet
he was not so far in advance of those whom he led as to be lost
to them, neither was he so near to the hosts as to be regarded
as simply an equal. The slight association of John Harvard
with the college at Cambridge gave to him noblest memorial.
The association of James Blair with the Virginia college for half
a century, in labors abundant and diverse, still awaits a proper
commemoration.

As Harvard College represented the English traditions,
William and Mary represented the Scotch. The first president,
James Blair, was deeply influenced in the making of the course
of study by the University of Edinburgh. The seventeenth cen-
tury was a dark period for literature and science in Scotland.
But toward the close of this century the first gleams of a new
day appear. In this dawn for the University, for the city of
Edinburgh, as well as for Scotland itself, James Blair was edu-
cated. The University of his time enrolled professors of divinity,
mathematics, Latin, and Greek. The principal classical authors
were read, and no small share of their texts committed to
memory. As in the Massachusetts college, the Hebrew Grammar
was studied. Both Aristotle and Ramus were read. Mathe-
matics had a small place near the close of the second year, being
represented by arithmetic. Geography and anatomy were also
included.

The curriculum of the University in Scotland was, for the
seventeenth century, broad, definite, vital. The students were
alert. Athletic sports consumed neither strength nor time. The
supervision given by the officers was constant and minute. Ex-
aminations were frequent. Earnest endeavor was made that
each student should assimilate every text-book and lecture, and
gain command of himself in thought and speech.

The purpose of Dr. Blair was to found a college of three
grades or orders. The first grade embodied a grammar schoolTHE SECOND COLLEGE

57

such as the English public school, which was to instruct in Latin
and Greek. The second grade was to consist of two schools, one
devoted to moral philosophy and one to natural. In natural
philosophy was included mathematics. The third grade, also, was
to consist of two schools, one of divinity, to give professional
training to clergymen, and the other of Oriental languages. But
so elaborate and definite a plan could not, under the conditions,
be fully carried out. Yet the proposition submitted by the Presi-
dent is significant of the greatness of his conception regarding
education. Its Faculty consisted of seven persons, including the
president. The president was regarded rather as an executive
than as a teaching member of the Faculty. One who should
serve as chaplain and catechist taught divinity; one mathematics,
philosophy, languages, and history, each, and one humanity as em-
bodied in Latin. Such was the elaborate course provided by the
first president and by his associates of the early decades. It
represented a high scholastic ideal. In particular the emphasis
placed upon history is significant.

In association with the Faculty was a Board of eighteen
trustees. This Board was self-perpetuating. By this Board was
chosen each year a Director, and also in every period of seven
years a Chancellor. The first Chancellor was the Bishop of
London. The deputy of the Bishop in Virginia was Dr. Blair;
and down to the time of the Revolution the office of Episcopal-
Deputy and of the presidency of the College were united. The
head of the church in Virginia was also the head of the College.

Fire seems to be a special foe of colleges. No college has
suffered more severly from this enemy than William and Mary.
In 1705 the first college building was burned, and in following
years buildings and records have thus been lost. But the build-
ing which arose from the ashes in 1705 was like the one burned.
The architect of the first was Sir Christopher Wren. It was a
lofty pile of brick, no less than one hundred and thirty-six feet
in length. It seems to have had an impressiveness which did not
belong to the first wooden structures of the Massachusetts in-
stitution, or to the similar building soon to be erected at
New Haven.

The life of the community of Williamsburg in its first seven58

HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

decades was dignified, interesting, impressive. The colonial
capital brought to itself the best which the colony possessed.
One writer says that the buildings are justly reputed the best in
all English America, and are exceeded by few of their kind in
England.1

The first Commencement was held in the year 1700. The
occasion was full of meaning. The gathering of the people was
large and impressive. Visitors came from New York, Pennsyl-
vania, and Maryland. As in the first Commencement, of 1642,
of Harvard, the whole Colony was deeply interested. The gradu-
ates in the southern, as in the northern college, showed the re-
sults of their training by their orations. Indians were also in-
terested spectators and auditors.

For fourscore years the Virginia College was the most civil-
izing force in Virginia society. It embodied the best which
the community had attained or hoped for. The political and
educational forces acted and reacted upon each other, each en-
riching the other. Whatever, too, was noblest in the church,
became yet nobler through the fructifying power of the College.
Religion, government, and education have seldom found them-
selves in relations more intimate or more helpful than prevailed
in the first three-quarters of the century in Williamsburg. Will-
iamsburg was a microcosm of the noblest interests of civilization
of the time.

The number of students—some sixty usually found enrolled
at the College, a number somewhat in excess of that belong-
ing to Harvard in its first seventy-five years—contained great
names. Previous to the Revolution there are found Nelson,
Braxton, Harrison, Wythe, signers of the Declaration of Inde-
pendence; Peyton Randolph, first president of the Continental
Congress; John Tyler, first governor of Virginia; Edmund
Randolph, Attorney-general and Secretary of State; Marshall,
the Chief-Justice, and, above all others, Thomas Jefferson. The
great place which Virginia had in the councils of the nation, down
to the time of the founding of the University of Virginia, was
made by the men who were her graduates and sons. The College

1II. B. Adams's "College of William and Mary," p. 25THE SECOND COLLEGE

59

was a school for statesmen. The chief interests of the people were
politics and religion. It trained men for service in the church.
The best ministers were found among its graduates. The for-
eign clergymen were a scandal to the community. It also, and
more, trained men for service in the Commonwealth. It was
also a school of gentlemen. Through its environment and asso-
ciations it represented the graces and refinements of life.

The charter and method of government of William and Mary
were unique. It embodied the English tradition more fully and
definitely than any other college. It represented government
by the president and faculty; the president and faculty were
constituted the Corporation. The trustees did not transfer their
power to the president and the professors until the year 1729,
so slowly proceeded the legal processes. The second board of
government, however, was maintained. This Board was essen-
tially a Board of Visitation. The relative powers of these two
Boards represented the occasion of debate, more or less virulent,
for three-quarters of a century after the foundation was made.
The essential question under discussion was whether the au-
thority of the Visitors was an authority constantly superior to
the rights of the president and the professors. It was acknowl-
edged by the president and the professors that they derived what-
ever power they did possess from the Visitors, but they also con-
tended that, having received that power, they could exercise it
apart from the authority of the Visitors. The discussion was
of the sort which occurs in academic institutions, in which
the government is vested in two bodies. The history of civil
governments, too, of a similar duplex organization, has been
largely composed of similar debates. But so far as the records
of the Faculty1 allow an inference, it is clear that the president
and his associates had the better of the argument. It is certainly
evident that the legal as well as the academic control of the Col-
lege was, as a matter of fact, vested in the Corporation of the
president and his immediate associates.

The direct transplanting of the English academic method
has not found favor in America. The attempt made at Harvard,

1 William and Mary College Quarterly, vol. v, p. 183 et seq., 224 et seq.60

HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

in 1721, by two tutors to constitute themselves fellows of the Cor-
poration, was proved to be a violation of the Charter, as it was
unwise in respect to academic policy. It has usually seemed
wise to separate the government of the college touching instruc-
tion and the immediate relations of the students from the
financial administration. A Corporation composed of college
teachers is not the body best qualified to secure and to invest
funds; a Corporation composed of professional gentlemen and
of merchants and manufacturers is not, of course, qualified to
care for the supervision and instruction and the government of
students. The weakness of the usual body of trustees lies in its
failure to appreciate scholarly relationships. The weakness of
the faculty as a governing body lies in its failure to appreciate
pecuniary rights and duties. The model method, of course, is
a body of trustees which, able to supervise pecuniary concerns,
is also thoroughly sympathetic, without meddlesomeness, with
scholastic concerns. On the side of instruction the ideal plan
embodies a Corporation which, being in touch with the life of
students, is appreciative of the legal and pecuniary relations of
a Corporation established for scholastic purposes. The general
history of the Corporations of the individual colleges, which
constitute Oxford University and Cambridge, for the last five
hundred years does not give ground for the general introduction
into American institutions of the same method. The two methods
of government obtaining at Harvard and at Yale have proved
to be more popular than that which was framed at William and
Mary.

The president and professors of the Virginia college were,
at least down to the time of the outbreak of the Revolution,
obliged to subscribe to the Thirty-Nine Articles of the Church of
England. This subscription was made contemporaneously with
the subscription required of the president and tutors of Yale
College to the Saybrook Platform. If in the case of the Con-
necticut College the purpose of the subscription was to promote
orthodoxy, the purpose in William and Mary was rather to
promote loyalty to the home government.

The life of the students and professors in the college town,
which was also the capital of the Colony, was not wholly anTHE SECOND COLLEGE

61

academic one. Apparently the professors desired to make the
life more academic for the boys than the boys themselves wished.
Among the rules of the College of the middle of the eighteenth
century are found prohibitions against keeping race horses and
against backing horses in races. The keeping, also, of lighting
cocks represents a diversion against which special penalties are
laid. The playing of billiards, too, is forbidden. Even the
going out of the bounds of the College, especially toward " the
mill pond," without express leave, represents a severe offense.
The playing of cards or dice is expressly censured. One Mr.
Kemp is, in the year 1754, warned that the president and masters
are very uneasy at his encouraging the boys to engage in racing
and in other diversions contrary to the rules of the College, and
they threaten that if he do not desist for the future, they de-
termine to make a proper representation thereof to the Court.
Sauntering away time upon the College steps, in the year 1754,
represented an early beginning of a happy and unhappy aca-
demic custom. The presumption, too, of students going into
the College kitchen and causing disturbance is rebuked. Tardi-
ness at meals, and irregularity in taking food to rooms, receives
censure. Only sick-tea and wine-whey can be taken to the rooms.

That offenses were not confined to the students the records
of the faculty also prove. A certain usher is declared to behave
to the president and masters in a most scandalous, impudent,
and unheard-of manner, by breaking into a room where the
president and masters are consulting. One usher is also accused
of having treated a sub-usher too severely.1 The professor of
Moral Philosophy, too, headed the collegians in a fray with the
young men of Williamsburg, and for this and for other im-
proprieties was obliged by the Visitors to resign.2 College life
in the Virginia capital, in the middle of the eighteenth century,
must indeed have been full of fun and frolic.

But in the Virginia College, as in all others, the Commons
represented a troublesome element. In the year 1763 the woman
who had charge of the boarding hall received directions that
there is always to be a plenty of victuals, that at dinner both

1	William and Mary College Quarterly, vol. ii, p. 257.

2	Ibid., p. 258.62

HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

fresh and salt meat are to be served, that twice in the week,
as well as on Sunday in particular, there are to be either
puddings or pies in addition. It is also charged upon her to
serve breakfast, dinner, and supper in the cleanest and neatest
manner possible. She is prohibited from serving up "dif-
ferent scraps" at different tables. The demand is made for
fresh butter, and the boys are not to be forced to eat salt butter
in summer. It is further desired that a proper stocking-mender
be procured, to live in or near the College, whose duties in look-
ing after the linen of the students are to be carefully done.

While the professors were obliged to consider minute de-
tails of college administration, as they are still obliged to do
in the colleges in Oxford and Cambridge, they were not freed
from weightier matters. The income of the College was at
times insufficient to meet expenses. The revenue derived from
the State was not always paid with promptness. The professors
sometimes received their salaries in the form of hogsheads of
tobacco. Suits were brought against John Blair, Jr., and oth-
ers because of failure to pay board or to settle their debts. The
president and professors were a Corporation, financial as well
as scholastic.

The College of William and Mary is also preeminent by
reason of being the mother of great movements. The elective
system received distinct recognition in the period of the Revolu-
tionary War. Years before the opening of the University of
Virginia, its founder wrote that at William and Mary College
students are allowed to attend schools of their choice, and to pur-
sue those branches which they think will be useful in their follow-
ing life. The, honor system, too, in examinations first comes
into notice at the Revolutionary period. This honor system
was undoubtedly an outgrowth of that spirit of independ-
ence which had its origin in the rural and separated lives
of the people. The first chair of Law was founded at William
and Mary toward ther close of the eighteenth century. In the
year 1814 George Ticknor could not find a good teacher of
German in Boston, nor a German dictionary in the book shops,
or at Harvard College. As early as 1779 William and Mary
had a teacher in Bellini. It may be also added that Williams-THE SECOND COLLEGE

63

burg established a theater in 1716, and an asylum for the insane
in 1769.

Notwithstanding the high place which the college filled in
the society of Virginia in the eighteenth century, yet not a
few sons of Virginia families were educated abroad. England
was still called " home." The relations between England and
Virginia were more close than those between New England and
the old. The custom of sending sons to England began soon
after the Colony began, and continued until the War of
Independence. between the first year of the eighteenth
century and 1775, no less than twenty native-born Virginians
matriculated at either Oxford or Cambridge. At each of the
principal colleges are found their names; Oriel College, however,
seems to have been the most popular. Among the names of
such matriculants are found Fitz Hugh, Burwell, and Yates.1
While Oxford and Cambridge were influencing society in
Virginia through their graduates, other colleges of the South
were, in the last generation of the period, not without following.
What is now known as Washington and Lee University had its
origin in a school founded in 1749. For a generation this school
was taught by Princeton graduates. Among the Scotch and
the Scotch-Irish of Virginia the Presbyterian Church was the
most formative factor, and wherever was found a Presbyterian
there, as both cause and result, was found the influence of the
college at Princeton. The schools of Pennsylvania too, although
less strong than the college at Princeton, were not without in-
fluence.

The general society of Virginia, enriched by foreign and
by native influences, was undoubtedly quite as bookish and
literary as that of the northern colonies. The libraries .of
Virginia were as numerous and as large as those of Connecticut
and of Massachusetts in the eighteenth century. John Win-
throp, who died in 1678, had a library of two hundred and
sixty-nine books; and John Eliot, who is said to have had the
largest library in New England between 1713 and 1745, had
only two hundred and forty-three; Dr. Charles Brown, of Vir-

1 William and Mary College Quarterly, vol. vi, p. 173 et seq.G4> HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

ginia, wlio died in 1738, had six hundred and seventeen vol-
umes; William Byrd, who died six years after, had nearly four
thousand; and William Dunlop, who was living in 1765, had
also several thousand.1 In its isolation and separation of home
from home, Virginia society was yet a society; if it was less
ecclesiastical and less formally religious than the society of New
England, it was yet quite as literary.

In the influences which helped to make Virginia a great
State, the College of William and Mary, from its foundation
in 1693 to the outbreak of the Revolutionary War, filled a
noble place. The personalities which prepared for that war,
which carried it on, and which after the war helped to constitute
a great commonwealth, were largely the graduates of William
and Mary. Among the eleven members of the Committee of
Correspondence appointed in 1773, no less than seven had been
among her students; among other names were those of Peyton
Randolph and Thomas Jefferson. Of the eleven members of
the Committee of Safety appointed by the Virginia Convention
of 1775, six had been,' enrolled. Of the thirty-one members who
formed the committee which framed the Declaration of Rights
of the State Constitution, eleven were her sons. Of the seven
Virginia signers of the Declaration of Independence, four
attended William and Mary, and the author of the Declaration
was a member of its Class of 1758. Of the thirty-three mem-
bers of the Continental Congress of Virginia, fifteen received
their education at her college. Down to the Revolutionary War
the Virginia college was richer than any one of the other eight
colleges. That she had made good use of her revenue and of
her'opportunities is proved by the work of her graduates between
1770 and 1783.

1 William, and Mary College Quarterly, vol. vi, p. 66.CHAPTER III

the third college: yale

In the founding of Harvard College English influences, which
had become naturalized, were dominant; in the founding of
William and Mary College Scotch and English influences were
dominant; in the founding of Yale College American influences
were dominant. Each of the men, with one exception, who was
influential in the planting of Yale was a graduate of Harvard.
In the course of two generations the New World had fitted itself
to train its own leaders and educators.

At the opening of the eighteenth century what is now known
as Connecticut had a population of about fifteen thousand.
The number of townships was thirty-four; the taxable property
was a little over two hundred thousand pounds. In each of
the towns was a Congregational clergyman, who with other
graduates made up about fifty college men. High schools
were established in each of the four county seats: Hartford,
New Haven, New London, and Fairfield. A public school
was also set up in towns in which at least seventy families
were dwelling, and for the entire year. Towns of a smaller
population kept the requirements of the law by a public school
for a half of each year. The highest salary paid to any clergy-
man in the colony was a hundred pounds.

At this time the population of Massachusetts was four times
as large as that of Connecticut, and its wealth was also four
times as great.

The generation which lived in the New England colonies
between the restoration of Charles II. and the accession of
William and Mary experienced manifold anxieties and suffer-
ings. King Philip's War had devastated their farms and their
homes, killing every eleventh man in the militia and burning
down the homes in the same proportion. High taxes had piled

6566

HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

up debts, and debts had created high interest charges for colony,
town, individual. The usurpation of Andros had threatened to
rob the settlers of all personal property as well as of civil rights.
Religious declension had followed in the wake of material pov-
erty and governmental limitation. When the hearts of men
were failing them, the news came that William and Mary had
been declared sovereigns. The change in the thoughts and out-
look of men was a revolution. Confidence created prosperity,
and prosperity confirmed and strengthened confidence.

In the meagerness of its population and revenue, and in
the revival of public confidence,, Connecticut was preparing to
found a college. The time was the close of the seventeenth
century and the beginning of the eighteenth. The endeavor
was not new. It was the consummation of the thought of John
Davenport, pastor of the New Ilaven Church in the middle of
the seventeenth century. While Davenport was staying in
Boston, in the winter of 1637 and 1638, he was made a member
of the committee to execute the vote of the General Court of
Massachusetts regarding the placing of the college at Cam-
bridge. Ten years after, the General Court of New Haven
gave power to a committee " to consider and reserve what
lot they shall see meet and most commodious for a college, which
they desire may be set up so soon as their ability will reach
thereunto." For the next ten years the project of founding
a college was discussed at intervals. More than six hundred
pounds was promised—one-half of which had its origin in New
Ilaven—toward the foundation. The legacy of Edward Hopkins
was made over by Mr. Davenport, a trustee under his will,
for the proposed college. Litigation regarding the legacy fol-
lowed. In 1664 the proceeds of the bequest were used in the
foundation of the Hopkins Grammar School, which still con-
tinues its scholarly service for a scholarly community. Pres-
ently Mr. Davenport resigned his pastorate to accept another in
Boston. For a generation, therefore, the desire for the establish-
ment of a college was quiescent.

The last two decades of the seventeenth century in the
history of the province of Massachusetts were tumultuous. The
tumult centered more or less about Harvard College. In theseTHE THIRD COLLEGE: YALE

67

years no less than five charters were given to the College. Revo-
cation or discussion regarding the worth of each followed. The
date of the granting of the charter of 1692 was also the year of
the granting of the charter to Massachusetts. This charter was
revolutionary. It altered the principles and purpose of the gov-
ernment. It took away church membership as the basis of voting,
and put in its place freehold and property. Religion ceased to be
the chief end of the State. It was a step in that great process
of modern times in the transfer of power from religion to poli-
tics. It deprived the clergy of the civil power which they had
exercised from the beginning. To this controversy was added,
in the same time, the heat and rancor of the witchcraft trials
and convictions. Both the hearts and minds of thoughtful men
were deeply stirred. The times were remote from academic
quietness and decorum.

In these two decades, and in those preceding, about one-eighth
of the graduates of Harvard College had come from the southern
colonies of New Haven and Connecticut. One-third of this num-
ber, or about one-twentieth of all, were residents of New Haven.
For not a few years, too, the southern colonies had made annual
contributions for the support of needy students in Harvard.
During a score of years collectors of college corn were among
the town officers regularly elected in New Ilaven.

At the beginning, therefore, of the eighteenth century the
time was ripe for the establishment of a second college in New
England. The specific purpose of the foundation, as indicated
in the first charter, is to establish a school " wherein youth may
be instructed in the arts and sciences, who through the blessing
of Almighty God may be fitted for public employment, both
in church and civil state.'' Broad and democratic was the
purpose thus indicated. The arts and sciences, and not theology
only, were to be employed as instruments of instruction. Serv-
ice in the State, as well as service in the church, was to be inter-
preted as a primary purpose. Although fifty years after the
legislature declared that " one principal end proposed in erect-
ing the college was to supply the churches in this colony with
a learned, pious, and orthodox ministry," yet the first charter

indicated that another end proposed in erecting the college was
668

HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

just as principal—the supplying of the colony with citizens
learned and efficient.

The charter of 1701 was, in 1745, supplemented by another,
giving a more exact statement of powers and privileges. But the
general intent of the foundation suffered no change.

The first charter states that those who desired to make the
foundation were " well disposed and public spirited,'' and that
out " of their sincere regard to and zeal for upholding and
propagating of the Christian Protestant religion, by a succession
of learned and orthodox men," have expressed a desire to found
a " collegiate school." These founders were among the ablest
men of the commonwealth. They represented the noblest ele-
ments in personal character and the best forces of service in
the State. Among them was James Noyes, pastor at Stonington
for more than fifty years. Noyes was, with his brother, a gradu-
ate of Harvard College of the Class of 1659. lie seems, at
least in part, to have worked his way through college. Among
his credits on the Harvard College budgets are two pounds ten
shillings for waiting in the Hall a whole year; he served as
monitor, and also in the buttery. His subsequent career found a
prophecy in the multiplicity of his college duties. He was a
physician as well as a clergyman, and it is said that in certain
years he gave away in medicine more than the value of his
salary. He was a peacemaker among the churches, but he
also had the spirit of a warrior. In 1676, under his advice,
Manutteno, the chief sachem of the Narragansetts, was put to
death.

Israel Chauncy also represents the Harvard tradition. He
graduated two years after Noyes. He was the youngest of
President Chauncy's six sons. Coming to Connecticut as a
teacher, he presently entered upon the pastorate. His ordina-
tion, in 1666, became conspicuous in ecclesiastical annals by
reason of a singular lapse. On this occasion one of the brethren,
while assisting in the laying on of hands, neglected to take off
his mitten. The ordination therefore came to be known as
the " leather-mitten" ordination. The lapse occasioned much
ridicule among the Episcopalians. As long as fifty-six years
after it was referred to in a letter written by Joseph Webb toTHE THIRD COLLEGE: YALE

69

Cotton Mather. Chauncy was the first president of Yale Col-
lege chosen, but he declined the office.

Another of the founders bears the distinguished and honor-
able name of Samuel Mather. lie was a graduate of Harvard in
1671. Although a nephew of Increase, and the cousin of Cotton,
and although not approaching either the father or the son in
distinction, lie seems to have possessed patience, sound judg-
ment, and great tact. His work in laying the foundation was
apparently slight. He speaks of himself as '' little and feeble.''
His health became early broken, and for many years before he
died he was bedridden.

A more conspicuous member of the Board was Samuel
Andrew. Samuel Andrew was a Cambridge man both by birth
and graduation. He graduated in 1675, and four years after,
chosen tutor, he continued as a college officer for five years. He
was ordained as pastor in Milford in 1685. Ilis connection with
the college covered three decades. He was the last survivor of
the first board. After the death of the first rector he was chosen
rector pro tempore, and the Senior class was for a time under
his instruction. He seems to have been among the best scholars
of his time, and to have possessed the qualities of graciousness,
of tact, as well as of laboriousness and beneficence. Through
the marriage of his daughter to President Cutler, it may be said
that his influence in the affairs of Yale College did not cease
"until the beginning of the last third of the eighteenth century.

Timothy Woodbridge was a classmate of Samuel Andrew
at Harvard. He was born in England; and became pastor in
Hartford in 1683. Important commissions were intrusted to him
concerning the adjustment of colonial affairs with the home
government. For a time also he served as the temporary chief
executive of the College. In the rhetoric of the first decades
of the eighteenth century, it is said of him that 4 4 in reproving
of sin he was a Boanerges, and , in dealing with troubled con-
science a Barnabas." Although his publications number only
four, three sermons and a letter to Cotton Mather, yet he is the
most voluminous writer of all the trustees. It must be remem-
bered, however, that the first printing press was set up in Con-
necticut in 1709.70 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

Noadiali Russel was born in New Haven in 1659. He entered
Harvard College in 1677, and graduated four years after. His
father died when he was a year old. Soon after he entered
college the General Court of Connecticut took significant action
regarding his education " upon the motion of those be-trusted
in the management of the estate of Noadiali Ilussel, that was left
him by his grandfather and father, they having expended con-
siderable of his estate in bringing of him up in learning, and he
being now at the College and not in a capacity to proceed in
learning without his houseing and land in New Haven be sold
for his maintenance, ... do judge that it will be more advan-
tageous for the said Noadiali that his house and land be sold,
and the pay received be improved for the bringing of him up
in College learning, than to leave his learning and enjoy his
house and land, he be likely to prove a useful instrument in
the work of God; and therefore do . . . give the executors . . .
full power to make sale of his house and lands for the ends
aforesaid.7'1 Almost a year later the Court granted widow
Osborn liberty to transport to Boston thirty-two hides annually
for three years following, provided that the proceeds of the
sale of the hides may be used to pay for the house and land
which had belonged to Russel, the money being used to support
him at College. While in College he received a grant from the
Pennoyer fund, and also was made a scholar of the house, a
term frequently used in the history of Yale College, to stand
for a guardian of the .College property. Russel served as
teacher, of the Grammar School of Ipswich for several years
following his graduation. He was ordained at Middletown
in 1688.

Another founder was Joseph "Webb. His preparation for
this service seems to have been somewhat unique. While a
Harvard Sophomore he was expelled from the College. The
charges made against him were manifold. His " carriages were
abusive/' He did not use Freshmen well. His negligence of
duties which by the laws of the College he was bound to do was
scandalous, and>in these faults he persisted. lie also failed to

1 Sibley's "Harvard Graduates," vol. iii, pp. 216, 217.THE THIRD COLLEGE: YALE

71

recognize a special summons of the Corporation. lie was there-
fore expelled. In connection with this punishment, it is de-
clared that if he dares to appear within the college walls within
twenty-four hours, he shall be taken before the civil officers.
President Mather, in the presence of the assemblage, also tore his
name from a Bible in which it was written. Following these
proceedings "Webb presented a petition which may be regarded
as significant of the method of approach of a student to academic
authorities in the last years of the seventeenth century. It
reads as follows:

" To the Most Honoured Corporation:

" Whereas, I, Joseph Webb, late Student of Harvard Col-
lege, by my culpable negligence of College duties, and other mis-
demeanours in abusing and striking some freshmen, have in-
curred the penalty of expulsion justly imposed upon me by the
Honoured Corporation according to the Laws of the College,
therefore Honoured and Eeverend, being now made sensible, I
do, with grief and sorrow, humbly acknowledge those my great
offenses, and the Justice of your proceedings against me for
them, crave your pardon, and pray that I may be restored unto
my former standing in the College, promising utmost labour
and diligence in my study, and most dutiful observance of all
the College laws and orders for the time to come.

" Your most humble suppliant,

Joseph "Webb." 1

Webb's confession and petition were considered, and, be it
said, he was readmitted to the College. After graduation Webb
studied for the ministry; he was ordained at Fairfield in 1694.
It may be worthy of remark that he baptized no less than four-
teen hundred and ninety-two persons in the course of his long
pastorate. To such greatness of religious service do the college
scapegoats finally attain!

The only founder who was not a graduate of Harvard Col-
lege was Thomas Buckingham. For forty years he was minister

1 Sibley's " Harvard Graduates," vol. Hi, p. 303.72

HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

at Saybrook, where he died in 1709. lie shared with James Noyes
the moderatorship of the synod—which met the year before his
death—that framed the Saybrook platform.

The two most useful members of the first Board were with-
out doubt James Pierpont and Abraham Pierson. Of the two,
Pierpont was probably of the greater worth to the College. Pier-
pont's wisdom, prudence, activity, were preeminent. Although
he died in 1714, at the age of fifty-four, without seeing the
results of his labor, yet he has lived in the history of Yale Col-
lege in a special and peculiar way. His daughter Sarah, by
his third marriage, who was a granddaughter of Thomas Hooker,
became the wife of Jonathan Edwards; his grandson, Timothy
Dwight, became president of the College near the close of the
century. Another Timothy Dwight, also near the close of the
last century, became president, and between these two terms
falls the illustrious presidency of Theodore Dwight Woolsey,
who was a great-great-grandson.

The academic, personal, and family relations between the
men who founded Yale College were many and close. Mather
and Andrew married sisters; Webb and Chauncy also married
sisters; Pierpont was the nephew of Pierson by one marriage,
and the stepson by another; Noyes and Woodbridge were
cousins; Pierpont and Russel were classmates at Harvard; others,
if not classmates, were in college at the same time. Their ecclesi-
astical and professional relationships were also intimate.

The men, therefore, who founded Yale College represent the
highest results in character and service which the New World
had been able to effect. They were, apparently, not men of the
large type which John Cotton, Samuel Shepard, and John Daven-
port. embodied. Amiability is a common word used by their
contemporaries respecting them. They were- faithful, pious,
laborious country ministers. Their ideals were the highest.
Their methods for achieving these ideals were on the whole
wise, and under the limitations of narrow conditions they laid
a great and lasting foundation.

The powers intrusted by the General Court for the founda-
tion and management of the College were vested in a single
Board. The method of control was more simple than the doubleTHE THIRD COLLEGE: YALE

78

Board of Fellows and Overseers which obtained at Harvard.
The two methods thus established, in the very beginning of
these colleges, have been retained throughout their history,
ihe advantage of a single Board lies in the ease of effecting v
changes. This advantage becomes a disadvantage in' case the
changes proposed are not wise. The advantage of a double
Board consists in the greater assurance that the changes pro-
posed are wise. The disadvantage in turn consists in the greater
difficulty in making worthy improvements. In the history of
American colleges these two systems have obtained. The Yale
method has proved, on the whole, to be more popular. The ad-
vantage of investing authority and responsibility in a single
body has become more evident. In most colleges founded in the
last half century the Yale method has been adopted.

" The existence of a board with no power to originate, but with
the right to negative the measures of a smaller body, renders the govern-
ment,^ says the first President Dwight, of Yale, " uncertain, prolix, and
indecisive, furnishes room for the operation of multiplied personal inter-
ests, prejudices, intrigues, and unfortunate compromises; and generally
prevents the order, energy, and decision attendant upon a single board.
A body of Overseers, occasionally called together to meddle with the
affairs of a college, will usually feel so little interest in them, except at
the moment, as never to be in possession of the system intended to be
pursued; the wisdom, and expediency, of one part of which will often
depend more on its relation to the other parts, than on its own nature.
Often they will not come together, at all, in such numbers as to form a
quorum; and will thus prevent the accomplishment of the business, for
which they were summoned. The very numbers of which they consist,
will of course include many, who are incompetent judges of academical
concerns; and many more, who will never take pains to inquire into their
nature, or to possess themselves of that judgment which their capacity
would in better circumstances enable them to form. Their decisions,
therefore, will often be sudden; often crude; and not unfrequently hostile
to the very interests, which they would wish to promote. To secure the
prosperity of such an institution, it is indispensably necessary, that a
system, embracing all its interests for a considerable period at least,
should be carefully formed, and closely pursued. All, who are to vote,
should distinctly understand this system; and, whenever they come to
act, should have it fully in their minds; so as to comprehend readily the74

HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

relation, which every new measure has to the general scheme, and its
proper influence 011 measures already adopted. This can be done, only
by a long-continued, and minute acquaintance with the affairs of the
institution; and can never be done by men, who, occupied busily in
totally different concerns, come rarely and casually, to the consideration
of these. The votes of such men will be governed by the impulse of the
moment; by whim; by prejudice; by attachment to a friend, or a party;
and sometimes, not improbably, by the mere fact, that their duty requires
them to vote: when, perhaps, they are wholly at a loss whether the vote,
actually given, will be useful, or mischievous. If such a system be not so
pursued; the interests of a public seminary can never become prosperous,
unless by accident, or by the peculiarly meritorious labors of a wise and
vigorous Faculty; overcoming many disadvantages, and preventing with
uncommon prudence, and felicity, the mischievous effects of indigested,
desultory regulations/' 1

The rights of the Corporation of Yale, as given by the first
charter and that of 1745, suffered, at various times in the first
century of the college, serious attack. The essential question
at issue was whether the State, which had founded the College,
had the right of visitation. The same question has occurred
in the history of many institutions. It was the question which
emerged in the Oxford and Cambridge University Commission
of the sixth decade of the last century. But in the teeth of the
great attack made in the year 1763, it seems to have been proved
to the satisfaction of the General Court that the Corporation
was independent. The constitution and the management of
the College, it was made plain, are free from the varying will
of a public assembly.

For almost a score of years the Collegiate School, as the in-
stitution was known till the granting of the second charter,
was, as is said in one of the early papers, " ambulatory, like
the tabernacle in the wilderness.'' In no less than six places
instruction was given: Saybrook, Killingsworth, Milford, East
Cuilford, and Wethersfiekl, as well as New Haven. The rivalry
tof the towns for a permanent location, the difficulty of secur-
ing proper instruction, the willingness and comparative abil-
ity of members of the Corporation to serve as instructors in

1" Dwight's Travels in New England and New York," ii, pp. 212, 213,THE THIRD COLLEGE: YALE

75

certain subjects, represent the causes of these geographical
changes. But among the first towns which indicated a desire
for the College was New Haven, and after almost a score of
years of debate the College was finally located in the city of
Davenport, where it' belonged by historic and ecclesiastical
lineage.

Among the reasons for the selection of New Haven were, as
was said by President Clap,1 that it was looked upon as the most
convenient place on account of the commodiousness of its situa-
tion, the agreeableness of the air and soil, and the cheapness of
the commodities; and that very large donations had been made
toward the building in case New Haven were selected. The
same reasons influenced the founders of Yale College that in-
fluenced the Popes throughout the Middle Ages in granting
their bulls for the foundation of universities. In the preambles
it is usually said that the place in question is adapted for the
use of students " by reason of the amenity and salubrity of the
air, and the cheapness and abundance of victuals."2

Personality and instruction represent the chief values in
college administration. The course of studies which the founders
of Yale College established was, like themselves and their times,
plain, simple, limited, but fundamental. It was essentially the
carrying out of the course which they themselves had followed
in Harvard College. Latin, by a rule of the College, was the
language to be employed in ordinary conversation.. Greek and
Hebrew represented the chief studies of the Freshman year.
Logic was begun toward the end of that year. The same studies
were continued throughout the Sophomore year, with appar-
ently less emphasis on " the tongues" and more " on logic.
Physics emerged in the third year, and in the fourth year meta-
physics and mathematics. The linguistic studies were also car-
ried on to a certain extent. Throughout the four years, during
the last two days of the week, rhetoric, ethics, and theology occu-
pied the larger share of the time. Declamations in either Latin,
Greek, or Hebrew were also set for Friday.

1 "Annals of Yale College," p. 22.

"JRashdall's " Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages," vol. ii, p. 325.76 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

Such are the essential elements of the course of study for
at least three-quarters of the eighteenth century. A member of
the Class of 1714, Benjamin Lord, writing to President Stiles
sixty-five years after his graduation, says: " Books of the
languages and sciences recited in my day were Tuliy and Virgil,
but without any notes; Burgersdicius (an old Latin manual in
logic) and Ramus''s ' Logic,' also Ileerebord's ' Set Logic,'
Pierson's manuscript of Physics. ... We recited the Greek
Testament; knew not Homer; recited the Psalms in Hebrew. .
We recited Ames's ' Medullah' on Saturdays, also his ' Cashes
of Conscience' sometimes; the two upper classes used to dispute
syllogistically twice or thrice a week. ... As for the mathe-
matics, we recited and studied but little more than the rudiments
of it, some of the plainest things in it. Our advantages in that
day were too low for any to rise high in any branches of liter-
ature."1 The testimony of Benjamin Lord is made good by
a classmate, Dr. Johnson, who says: 44 The utmost as to classical
learning that was now generally aimed at, and indeed for twenty
or thirty years after, was no more than to construe five or six
of Tully's orations, and as many books of Virgil, poorly, and
most of the Greek Testament, with some chapters of the Hebrew
Psalter. . . . Common arithmetic and a little surveying were
the ne plus ultra of mathematical requirements." 2

The great changes in the curriculum, from the foundation to
the beginning of the Revolutionary War, are found in the field
of mathematics. As the decades pass, the facilities offered for
mathematical study increase. In the year 1719, when Jonathan
Edwards was a Junior, his tutor told him to get Alstead's
tc Geometry" and Gasundes's " Astronomy" for his Senior year.
Physics was taught at the beginning, but taught rather as a
metaphysical than a mathematical subject. The great impulse
for the study of mathematics at Yale came from Sir Isaac New-
ton. In 1715 Jeremiah Dummer, the colony's agent in England,
sent over about eight hundred volumes. They were, as tutor
Johnson records, " the liberal donation of diverse, well-spirited

1 Dexter's "Yale Biographies and Annals," vol. i, pp. 115, 116.

a" Life," by Chandler, p. 5.THE THIRD COLLEGE: YALE

77

gentlemen in Britain.''1 Among the contributors were gentlemen
as unlike as Richard Steele, Matthew Henry, Sir Francis Nichol-
son, the Governor of Virginia, Sir Edmund Andros, Sir Richard
Blackmore, the poet laureate, and Sir Isaac Newton. Sir Isaac
gave the second edition of his " Principia," a copy of his book on
" Optics," besides certain Greek books. The gift of Newton fell
into good hands. Among the tutors was Samuel Johnson, who,
thirty years after, became the president of Kings, or Columbia,
College. He seemed, as he himself says of himself, " like a
person suddenly emerging out of a glimmer of twilight into
the full sunshine of open day,'' so great was the revelation which
the books on mathematics and other volumes made to him. In
the four years in which he served as tutor he introduced the
principles of Newton's mathematics into the College, so far as
the students were able to receive them. In 1733 Euclid became
the text-book in geometry. In 1742 elementary mathematics
was removed from its place as a Senior study, and was put into
the beginning of the course. In 1763 Algebra was first intro-
duced.2 In the year 1777 the Freshman class studied Arithmetic,
the Sophomore, Algebra and Geometry, and the Junior, Trigo-
nometry. At a little earlier period it is also apparent that conic
sections and fluxions were for a time included. Throughout
the century Physics was ceasing to be taught as a metaphysical,
and was coming to be taught as a mathematical, subject. In
1734 an attempt was made to provide the College with a certain
amount of physical apparatus. Through the subscriptions,
amounting to thirty-seven pounds, made by trustees and others,
a reflecting telescope, a microscope, a barometer, and other in-
struments were purchased. About the same time a set of survey-
ing instruments was given by Joseph Thompson, of London,
and a number of globes was also presented by the Rev. Dr.
Isaac Watts.

In 1737 Dr. John Hubbard, who had in 1730 received the
unique honor of an honorary degree of Master of Arts, published
a poem on the Benefactors of Yale College. That mathematics

dexter, "Yale Biographies and Annals/' vol. i, p. 141.

2 Ibid., vol. iii, p. 2.78 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

had come to occupy a significant place in the curriculum is evi-
denced by his lines :

"The mathematicks too our tho'ts employ,

Which nobly elevate the Students' joy:

The little Euclids round the tables set
And at their rigid demonstrations sweat." 1

These studies were taught to a body of students of from
a hundred to a hundred and fifty. The chief teacher was the
president; to him usually belonged the duty of instructing the
Senior class. Commonly, although not invariably, the instruc-
tion of a single class in all branches fell to a single individual.
The president, however, gave lectures upon a variety of subjects
to all members. The tutors continued for a very brief time. In
the first sixty-two years no less than fifty-seven were employed.
The more common custom is seen in the life and career of Samuel
Johnson, who, after a service of four years, retired and entered
the ministry. It is apparent that the personal qualities of the
tutors, rather than their advanced intellectual attainments,
represented their claims to the opportunity of service. The
methods and conditions were more akin to those which have
for centuries obtained in Oxford and Cambridge than to those
which prevail elsewhere, although the number in a single class at
Yale was far larger than is generally accepted by an Oxford
tutor.

The intellectual results of such a course of training represent
steadiness and thoroughness of discipline. Training rather than
scholarship, or training through scholarship, was the supreme
end. The subjects were few and the interpretation made of
them was narrow. Religious zeal not infrequently supported
and in some eases may have atoned for the lack of intellectual
methods and attainments. The training made men rather than
gentlemen or scholars. It embodied both traditions and reason.
It stood rather for personality than for the learning of books.

The conditions of instruction and of the life of the College
were embodied in the annual budgets. These budgets for many

dexter, "Yale Biographies and Annals," vol. i, p. 473.THE THIRD COLLEGE: YALE

79

years exhibit tlie same items of income and of expense, and the
same somewhat alarming deficit. The budgets increase on
both sides in the succeeding years of the century. In the years of
1726 arid 1727 the exhibit shows that there is received from the
General Assembly the usual annual grant of a hundred pounds,
and from the rent of rooms and tuition a hundred and sixty-three
pounds. The total of two hundred and sixty-three pounds is
appropriated: to the salary of the rector, one hundred and
forty pounds; to the tutors' salary, sixty-five pounds; for
carpenter work, thirty-four pounds, and a small sum to the
monitor and the scholar of the house. (The scholar of the
house is an office held by a Senior, whose duty it is to take note
of all harm done to windows, doors, tables, locks, in college
buildings.) The treasurer receives eight pounds, and for in-
cidentals are appropriated sixty-three pounds; the total of three
hundred and fifteen pounds represents a deficit of somewhat over
fifty pounds. It must be remembered, however, that at this
time, and in other years, the actual value of the currency was
only about one-half of its nominal value. Three years after,
the salary paid to the rector is increased to three hundred pounds.
In 1734 the expenditures have increased to four hundred and
eighty-four pounds, and the income amounts to only three hun-
dred and seventy-three pounds. But in this year the colony
made an extra grant of a hundred pounds. Three years later
the budget shows a still further increase, the expense side
amounting to about seven hundred pounds. The increase has
largely risen from the salary paid the president, and for the
services of the tutors, the treasurer, the steward, and other
officers. But the income shows a yet larger increase; the dif-
ference between the two sides of income and expense being less
than ten pounds. The greatest increase in the income arises
from the increase in the amount of tuition fees and rent of
rooms. Three years later the amount of money received from
tuition fees and rent of rooms is increased to four hundred
and twenty-six pounds, and besides this sum students are charged
for the use of the library, a charge that brings in fifteen pounds.
-The rector's salary, however, has been advanced to three hundred
and twenty pounds, while each of the tutors receives ninety. It80

HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

may be noted that the dinner at Commencement costs fifty
pounds, and the trustees are paid, as mileage for their attendance
at meetings, four pounds. But these varying amounts are to be
judged somewhat in the varying value of the currency of each
year.

In no one of these early budgets emerges any item represent-
ing an income from endowment. That source of supply, which
for the modern college is of the largest worth, was unknown to
the Connecticut institution in its first half century. Gifts were
received, as I have already intimated, but these gifts were rather
of apparatus and of books than of money for permanent invest-
ment. But near the close of the first half century Yale did
receive what seems to be its first contribution to what would now
be called an endowment fund. The giver bore the name of
Philip Livingston, proprietor of the manor of Livingston, in
the province of New York, and one of his Majesty's counselors
in that province. In 1745 Colonel Livingston gave fifty pounds
as a u small acknowledgement of the sense I have for the favor
and education my sons have had there, to be put at interest
with good security, and the interest arising thereby to be em-
ployed towards repairing said College, or a college that may
hereafter be erected and built." Colonel Livingston graciously
adds, '' I wish it had been a larger sum.''1 Four sons of Colonel
Livingston were among the graduates. A year later a Hartford
citizen made a bequest of a hundred pounds, to be used toward
maintaining a native student preparing for the ministry—the
first bequest in money which the College had received for a
purpose which has since become popular among testators. In
1752 a bequest of five hundred pounds was made by Mr. Gershom
Clark, of the Class of 1743, toward the support of a professor
of divinity. In the same decade a general subscription was
made by a hundred and fifty-nine donors, of whom no less than
forty-nine were clergymen, for the building of a house for the
professor of divinity.

But gifts and bequests were not the only means for meeting
expenses of the annual administration and constant enlargement.

dexter, "Yale Biographies and Annals," vol. ii, p. 71.THE THIRD COLLEGE: YALE

81

For more than a hundred years preceding the middle of
the last century, the lottery had been regarded as a worthy
means for making money for worthiest purposes. Throughout
this period churches had been built, as well as public works
of the State constructed, and private citizens enriched. The
older American colleges built not a few of their buildings and
enlarged their libraries, through this appeal to the instinct for
sudden enrichment. The first lottery instituted by a college
was authorized by the Assembly of Connecticut in May, 1747,
and the proceeds were to be used for the building of a new
college building. The proceeds amounted to three thousand
seven hundred and fifty dollars, and with this money in hand,
although insufficient, the erection of the building was begun.
In each of the older States are found college buildings erected
from the proceeds of lotteries. Among the more important of
those standing is Hoi worthy Ilall, at Harvard, erected in the
second decade of the last century. The most conspicuous of all
lotteries was that instituted by President Nott of Union College.
Yale College probably received as small an advantage from lot-
teries as any college that has seen fit to adopt this method of
enrichment.

^ In the first two centuries of its history Yale College had
thirteen presidents. Of this number the first was Abraham
Pierson. He also was among those who are to be called its
founders. Born in Lynn, about 1645, he took his first degree
at Harvard College in 1668. After a pastorate in Newark, in
which he succeeded his father, he became pastor in Killings-
worth in 1694. He entered earnestly and early into the move-
ment for the foundation of the college, and in its first year he
was chosen rector. Until the granting of the second charter, in
1745, the term rector was used to represent the chief execu-
tive. The term Collegiate School was also used throughout this
period. The purpose of both designations was designed to repre-
sent the modest condition of the new institution. Pierson's
service as rector did not necessitate his retirement fronvhis pas-
torate, although, apparently, each office suffered by reason of the
demands made through the other. That the interest of Pierson
was not wholly theological is evidenced by the fact that he wrote82 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

a book on Physics, which continued to be for several years a text-
book, being passed in manuscript from class to class. Pierson,
President Clap says, was a hard student, a good scholar, a great
divine, and a wise, steady, judicious gentleman in all his conduct.
He instructed and governed the infant institution with general
approbation. Yale College has, in the course of its history, been,
on the whole, exceedingly fortunate in the personality and ef-
ficiency of its executives. But in no one of them were the quali-
ties of scholarship and efficiency, or courtesy and laboriousness,
more eminent than in its first.

Dr. Pierson was succeeded by a fellow founder, the Rev.
Samuel Andrew. His service was regarded as temporary. The
first formal president to follow Pierson was Timothy Cutler.
Timothy Cutler was born in the city of John Harvard, Charles-
town, in 1683, and he graduated at John Harvard's College in
the year of the foundation of Yale. Rector Cutler may be called
" the magnificent," with a fitness greater than belongs to any
other of the early presidents. His person was commanding;
his mien is described as i' high, lofty, and despotic."1 He
apparently embodied a higher type of scholarship than was
found among other presidents, excepting President Chauncy of
Cambridge. His reputation for eloquence was high, and he was
distinguished for his knowledge of Oriental languages. In com-
pensation to the people of Stratford for the loss of their minister,
the trustees bought his house and lot, and presented them to the
parish. He was beloved as a minister, and the beginning of his
administration gave abounding promise. This promise was,
however, soon darkened. Suspicions began to be current that
the splendor of prelacy had turned his head. These suspicions,
after investigation and conference, were more than confirmed.
The trustees at once voted that, in faithfulness to the trust im-
posed on them, they excuse Mr. Cutler from further service as
rector. Mr. Cutler soon after went to England, was reordained
by the Bishop of Norwich, received the degree of Doctor of
Divinity from both Oxford and Cambridge, and, returning,
settled in Boston as rector of Christ Church. While he was

1 "The Literary Diary of Ezra Stiles," vol. ii, p. 340.THE THIRD COLLEGE: YALE

83

abroad he was invited to meet a benefactor of Harvard College,
Ilollis, who hoped to convert him from his Episcopal way, but
the conference never took place. " I am resolved/' said Cutler
to Ilollis, " that I was never in judgment heartily with the dis-
senters, but bore it patiently until a favorable opportunity of-
fered. This has happened at Boston, and I now declare publicly
what I before believed privately." The settlement of Cutler
in Boston, which took place in 1724, came to have relation to
Harvard College, for Cutler claimed to have a right to a seat
on the Board of Overseers, on the ground of being a teaching
elder. For six years the agitation continued. The result upon
all sides was a negative to his petitions.

The unfortunate and brief administration of Cutler was
followed, after four years in which no permanent rector was
chosen, by the service of Elisha Williams. Without possessing
the greatness of character which belonged to Pierson, he yet had
those commanding qualities which characterized his successor,
Clap. Williams seemed to have been endowed with unusual
qualities as an administrator. To great personal magnetism,
he united the best elements of a teacher. A graduate, like his
predecessors, of Harvard College, he sought to cultivate a taste
for general literature in the college. He united prudence and
candor with gentleness. On the ground of ill health, in 1739 he
resigned. The resignation was accepted with reluctance, and the
gratitude for the service of thirteen years was hearty. His use-
fulness to the community, however, did not close with his resig-
nation. On his return to Wethersfield he was chosen a member
of the House of Representatives, and served as Speaker. He was
afterwards elected a judge of the Superior Court. In the expedi-
tion against Louisburg, in 1745, he volunteered to go as chap-
lain of the Connecticut troops. In the following year he was
appointed colonel of the regiment. A few years after he went to
England to secure the pay due his regiment. In England he
formed associations with many able men. He died in Wethers-
field in 1775, at the age of sixty-one.

The beginning of the fourth regular administration in the

headship of Yale College opens a new and a great period, both

lu college and in the affairs of the Commonwealth. In
784 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

Thomas Clap, Commonwealth and college found an executive
of unique efficiency. Like the preceding rectors, he had taken
his first degree at Harvard. For thirteen years he had been
minister of the church in Wyndham. At the time of his election,
in 1739, he was in his thirty-seventh year. The twenty-seven
years of his administration were troublous and eventful. The
most important act of his administration was the granting of
the new charter. The charter continued the powers conferred
in the first, but it gave a more liberal and definite statement of
these powers. The name Collegiate School was changed to the
name of Yale College; the title of Rector and Trustees to Presi-
dent and Fellows. Greater power was conferred upon the
president, lifting him to the headship of the Corporation. Under
this charter of 1745, as Harvard under the charter of 1650, the
College is still administered. President Clap also introduced
the professorial system, as an addition to the tutorial system,
which so far had prevailed. The first professorship founded
was that of divinity, and the second that of natural history,
although the natural-history chair was not actually established
until five years after his retirement. It would be hard to find
stronger evidence of the breadth of learning which it was de-
sired to promote than lies in the establishment of two chairs
which have so often been regarded as antagonistic in their
teaching and influence. President Clap also anticipated the
contest which emerged sixty years after, in what is known as
the Dartmouth College case. He proved that the Corporation
had the right to manage the College without subjection to visi-
tation by the Assembly. He withdrew the College congregation
from the New Haven church into a separate body within the
college walls. He broadened the course of study. Through his
endeavors, what was long known as South Middle was, in 1750
and 1752, built. In the earlier years of his administration he
was numbered with the old lights," but in the later years with
the " new lights."

The greatness of his administration arose from the strength
of his character. He lacked in the graces of manner and in
the art of conciliation. He seems to have possessed a determina-
tion and resolution approaching, as President Stiles says, absoluteTHE THIRD COLLEGE: YALE

85

despotism. Industrious as well as energetic, strenuous for ortho-
doxy, as well as learned, for his times, in mathematics and philoso-
phy, facile and earnest, patient as well as aggressive, he was
the first greatly efficient president. To him, as to President
Blair, of William and Mary, whose administration closed four
years after Clap's began, each college was indebted for unique
and precious services.

President Clap reaffirmed a condition and method which
was characteristic of the Colony, but which was not the result
of large wisdom. At the time of the adoption of the Saybrook
platform, in 1708, the president and tutors were obliged to
assent to it; such assent they were required to give for more
than a hundred years; the formal annulling of the requirement
occurring in 1818. But this general provision for the promo-
tion of orthodoxy President Clap believed was not sufficient.
A declaration of greater definiteness, touching the orthodox faith
of the officers of the College, he desired to be required of them at
the time of their induction. He also demanded that an especially
full examination of the doctrinal tenets of each occupant of the
professorship of divinity should be made. The provisions made
for the putting out of heretics were not merely formal. The
endeavor was made in 1757 to expel a member of the Corporation,
the Rev. Mr. Noyes, on the. ground of heterodoxy.1 The ortho-
doxy of the student body was also promoted by careful con-
ditions. Two years after the charges were brought against Mr.
Noyes for heterodoxy, a wealthy merchant of Newport, an ad-
herent of the Baptist faith, offered to present writings of the Rev.
Dr. James Poster, on the condition that the students should be
allowed to read them freely. The orthodoxy of Dr. James
Foster was open to question. The gift was refused. The com-
ment of Ezra Stiles, then a minister in Newport, who knew the
donor as well as the president, was to the effect that the refusal
justified the imputations of bigotry which had been made against
the president.

The strict Calvinism of the College is also evidenced in the
practice of obliging the sons of Episcopal parents to attend

1 Dexter, " Yale Biographies and Annals," vol. ii, pp. 442, 443.86

HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

the College church. In the year 1754 Samuel Johnson writes,
intimating that the President of Yale College has not the right
to exclude certain people holding certain beliefs from having
the benefit of education in the College. Such people should have
the advantage of education, and also the right to follow the dic-
tates of their conscience in reference to attending religious serv-
ices. The benefactions of certain friends of Yale would not have
been made, Dr. Johnson believes, had they known the strictness
of the requirements regarding church attendance. It is intimated
that both Governor Yale and Bishop Berkeley could not be other
than opposed to such unreasoning strictness. The policy of ex-
clusion is unjust and uncharitable as well as opposed to " poli-
tics.' '

In New England, excepting in Rhode Island, the members of
the Episcopal Church were dissenters, and their condition ap-
proached in severity and limitation the condition of the members
of the Non-Conforming body in England down to recent days.
Dissenters, however, had a much narrower lot in England up
to the middle of the last century, for they were absolutely ex-
cluded from Oxford and Cambridge.

The contrast between the endeavors of Yale College to pro-
mote the orthodoxy of its officers through subscription, and the
liberal spirit of Harvard College, is sharp. The clergymen of
the Massachusetts Colony were as truly the founders or the
graduates of its college, as were the clergymen of the Connecti-
cut the founders or the graduates of Yale. The desire also of
perpetuating sound doctrine was as ardent in the northern
as in the southern colony. But neither the first constitution
of Harvard College, of 1642, nor the charter of 1650, which
still is in force, suggest subscription. Not an expression is
found intimating the desire or purpose to take away the individ-
ual liberty of any officer. No attempt is made to lay bonds
aipon the conscience of president or tutors. Piety and godliness,
morality and learning, are the definite, comprehensive purposes
proposed.

The reason of the fundamental difference in the methods of
the two Colonies and of the two colleges in securing orthodoxy,
lies, I believe, in the more liberal character and spirit of theTHE THIRD COLLEGE: YALE

87

ministers of Massachusetts. Although from the first decade of
Harvard College down to the present there have been enthusiasts
who have seen fit to oppose the College on the ground of heresy,
yet such leaders as Thomas Sliepard and John Cotton in the
early time have helped to prove the falsity of such judgments.
Ihe influence of the spirit of John llobinson prevailed more
strongly and constantly in Plymouth and in the Bay Colony
than in the Connecticut and the New Ilaven. The parting
instruction he gave his church respecting the duty of individual
interpretation of the Scriptures, and respecting the right of
private judgment, has obtained in Massachusetts. The leaders
of the Massachusetts Colony were men of the large type, who
were more willing to trust the cause of orthodoxy and of re-
ligious doctrine to the individual conscience.

Ihe history of Yale College in the first three-quarters of the
century was determined in no small degree by general political
conditions. These conditions were almost as largely European
as American. For a century the relations between England and
France affected the citizen of New Haven or of Deerfield quite
as closely as the resident of Liverpool or of Paris. The coalition
which William III. formed against Louis XIV. resulted in cam-
paigns which cost Connecticut alone twelve thousand pounds.
The people of the colonies were obliged to defend themselves
against attacks made from Montreal and Quebec, as thoroughly
as the Prince of Waldeck was obliged to defend himself against
Luxembourg. The Peace of Ryswick, in 1697, helped forward
the foundation of the College, as the war, which this treaty
ended, had retarded the foundation. But the War of the Spanish
Succession began in the first year following the establishment of
the College. This war resulted in a French and Indian alliance
against England's colonies. Connecticut needed her sons to
defend her own frontier on the west. She was ordered to send
troops against the Indians in Maine. She was directed to provide
a coterie of troops to aid in the defense of the river which be-
longs at once to Massachusetts and to herself. Each year, for
several years, she was required to keep not less than five hundred
soldiers in actual service. Her sons were found on the frontier
rom the Hudson to the St. Lawrence. Money as well as human88

HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

service was required. At a time when the circulating medium
of the Colony was scarcely two thousand pounds, more than this
amount was paid out in three years on account of the war budget.
At the beginning of Rector Clap's administration war was break-
ing out between England and Spain. This war proved to be
the beginning of a more general contest. The death of Charles
VI. involved all the governments of Europe. New England
was invaded. Her seamen were driven from their fishing; her
ships were captured. The French Armada, as it was called,
of 1746 was as significant to New England as was the Spanish
Armada of one hundred fifty-eight years before to old England.
In one of the campaigns against the Spaniards, out of a thou-
sand New England men nine hundred perished. The treaty of
Aix-la-Chapelle, of 1748, closed one war. It was only seven
years after that England and France were again at war. Men
and treasure were demanded, and given. A thousand men, under
the command of a Yale graduate, were mobilized to drive the
French from Crown Point. In 1757, in the fear lest Montcalm
should attack the western frontier, Connecticut raised in a few
days five thousand men. Two years after, when on the Heights of
Abraham France was driven out of the northern territory, Con-
necticut again put five thousand men into the field. In the
following year seven regiments, to the number of at least seven
thousand, were raised. In the period of this long and costly
war the best blood of the Colony was freely given.

In times of war not only are the laws silent, but also academic
interests suffer. In a vote passed in 1757 the Yale Corporation
required that the next Commencement should be private, in order
to avoid expense. The Fellows describe the war as calamitous
and distressing, and also suggest that it calls for " the practice
of industry and frugality." They affirm that " all kinds of
luxury and extravagance" are, in a particular manner, " wrong
and undesirable."1

It was not until almost a score of years after its founding that
the College of Connecticut became known as Yale College. In
the year 1714 the college received, as a gift from England, eight

1" Yale College," vol. i, p. 87.THE THIRD COLLEGE: YALE

89

hundred books. Among the list of donors is found the name of
Elihu Yale. Elihu Yale was born in Boston, in or about 1648.
He was, however, of New Haven stock. His father, David Yale,
was the stepson of Gov. Theophilus Eaton. The father moved
to Boston, and thence the family returned to England. At
about the age of twenty-five Elihu Yale went to India. He
rose rapidly and was appointed governor of Fort St. George,
Madras. During his residence of some thirty years he made a
large fortune; in 1699 he returned to England.

Jeremiah Dummer, who was the agent of the College in Eng-
land, sought the acquaintance of Governor Yale, and succeeded
in interesting him in the new institution. His relationship with
the New World prepared him to be interested in any college in
America, and his relationship with the New Haven Colony pre-
pared him to be interested in particular in its college. Mr.
Dummer seems to have been an efficient representative. Gov-
ernor Yale, apparently, had a large, heart toward education. He
intimated to Mr. Dummer that it was his purpose to make a
gift to an Oxford college. Mr. Dummer persuaded him to trans-
fer his proposed generosity to America.

To the gift of forty books, of the year 1714, Governor Yale
presently added three hundred volumes; and in the year of
1718 goods to the value of five hundred and sixty-two pounds
were received in Boston for the benefit of the college. The
live hundred and sixty-two pounds thus secured, and other
gifts, permitted the finishing of the first college building. In
securing this result Cotton Mather was, without doubt, an
efficient help. In 1718 Cotton Mather wrote to Governor Yale,
saying: " Though you have your felicities in your family, which
I pray God to continue and multiply, yet certainly, if what is
forming at New Haven might wear the name of Yale College, it
would be better than a name of sons and daughters.''1 At the
Commencement of 1718 the Trustees voted to name the building
Yale College, as was stated in a contemporary account, 11 to per-
petuate the memory of the honourable governor, Elihu Yale,
Esquire, of London, who had granted so liberally a bountiful

1 Dexter, " Yale University," p. 18.90 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

donation for the perfecting and adorning it." 1 Governor Yale
died three years after. A short time before his death he made a
will in which he bequeathed to the College the sum of five hun-
dred pounds. He also, seeking to be his own executor, prepared
to send goods to the value of five hundred pounds to the College, '
but before they were shipped he died. Neither the proceeds of
the goods nor any advantage from the will was received by
the College.

Like John Harvard, from very small gifts, with most generous
intention, Elihu Yale raised for himself a great memorial. The
contrast and likeness between these two founders, in origin, con-
dition, career, are significant. The one was a clergyman born in
England and there was educated, who, soon after his arrival in
America, died. The other was born in America ten years after
the death of Harvard, went to England and there was educated;
served as governor in India, returned, died in England, and is
buried in Wrexham, Wales. jBut they were alike in giving books
and money to the foundation or promotion of the two Colleges
that bear their names, and both will live in the respect and grati-
tude of men.

Next to Governor Yale the most distinguished donor of the
early time was Bishop George Berkeley. Berkeley came to
America in 1728. Almost a score of years before he had pub-
lished his essay on the " New Theory of Vision," and also his
more celebrated " Theory of Idealism.'' Benevolent, and pos-
sessed of fortune, he desired to found a college in America for
the education of missionaries to the Indians. Here he wrote his
" The Minute Philosopher." Although he had designed to found
his college in the Bermudas, the conditions of a tedious voyage
had placed him in Rhode Island. Here he took up his residence,
awaiting the receipt of a grant promised by the Government.
The grant never came. The Bishop, therefore, with reluctance,
determined to give up his scheme of a college, and in 1731, after
a residence of three years, he returned to England. Through
his acquaintance with Samuel Johnson, who had served as tutor
at Yale College, Bishop Berkeley had become interested in Yale.

1 "Yale College," vol. i, p. 46.THE THIRD COLLEGE: YALE

91

Soon after his return lie sent over nearly a thousand volumes,
valued at five hundred pounds, which was, says President
Clap, the finest collection of books ever brought to America at
one time. Among the books were an early complete collection
of the Christian Fathers, copies of most of the Greek and
Latin classics, and the best books in theology, history, science,
and general literature. Soon after his return he conveyed to
the College the farm which he had occupied in Rhode Island,
and which is still known as the Dean's farm. The conditions
of the gift were to the effect that the income derived from the
farm should be appropriated to the advantage of the best
scholars of Latin and Greek. For more than a hundred and fifty
years some of the most distinguished sons of the College have en-
joyed the advantages of the Berkeley foundation.

The donations of Governor Yale and of Bishop Berkeley, al-
though the most conspicuous of the first seventy-five years, were
not the only ones that deserve notice. Throughout this, period
the General Assembly was appropriating a hundred pounds a
year, and in some years twice that amount. In certain years,
and for special reasons, the grant was omitted. In 1722 a sum
amounting to one hundred and fifteen pounds was given to build
the Rector's house. In three years, in the middle of the century,
the General Assembly gave more than eleven hundred pounds
toward a new building. About the same time forty pounds were
appropriated for a new kitchen and a fence for the Rector's
house. The three colonies which claimed the first three Ameri-
can colleges were, in view of their poverty and the scarcity of
money, exceedingly generous toward the three institutions. Gifts
of land were not unusual in the early time. The first gift which
Yale received, aside from the legendary gifts of books made at
the foundation, consisted of six hundred and thirty-seven acres
of land in Killingsly, made by James Fitch of Norwich. In 1717,
and the years following, several persons gave land, in amount
from two acres to forty. Gifts, too, of materials and labor toward
erecting the College building are noted. In almost each year
occur presentations of books. Physical apparatus was given
at various times, such as a telescope, a microscope, a barometer,
an air pump, and various mathematical and electrical instru-92

HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

ments. The amount of these and of all donations is usually
small. As one looks over the list published in President Clap's
" Annals/' he finds that the more common entries represent two
or three pounds each. The money in circulation was limited.
The people were poor.

The life of the undergraduates of this early period was a
transcript of the life of the Colony. After the College was set-
tled in New Haven the students largely lived in the building
which the donation of Governor Yale helped to build. This
building was of wood. Its length was one hundred and seventy
feet, its width twenty-two, its height three stories. Above the
third story was a steep-roofed attic. The entrances were on the
side, of which there were three. The building was used for
practically all the College purposes — chapel, dining room,
library, and as a hall of residence. Inclusive of the attic, there
were twenty-two rooms with attached bedrooms, which were first
made to accommodate two, but afterwards three, persons each.
To this building, it may be said, the name of Yale College 1 was
specifically applied, although, of course, also the name was ap-
plied to the institution. This building remained for more than
thirty years the only building. Until the college year of 1775-
76 it served well its purpose. The larger part of it was then
torn down because of its dilapidated condition. At this time
it had come to be known as Old College. Manasseh Cutler,
a graduate of the Class of 1765, going back to the College in
1787, a dozen years after its demolition, says that " it was by
far the most sightly building of any one that belonged to the
University. ... It gave an air of grandeur to the others."2

In this building and in " South Middle/' erected in the sixth

1	The first academic buildings built in America were called "colleges." All
the buildings at Harvard down to 1720 were known by this name. The build-
ing erected in 1720, Massachusetts, which still stands, was the first to be called
"hall." For the next sixty years the words "college" and "hall" applied to a
building were used indifferently; but with the passing of Stoughton College in
1780 the word "college" as an official name of a building disappeared. The
same usage obtained at Yale. The term "hall" was not fixed upon any
building until 1853, when the Graduates or Alumni Hall was built; and it was
as recent as 1887 that the frequent use of the term began.

2	Dexter's "Yale Biographies and Annals," vol. i, pp. 198, 199.THE THIRD COLLEGE: YALE

93

decade, the Yale students lived. The life was a life of laws. The
rules and regulations which concerned the students' daily and
hourly existence were many and minute. They were commanded,
in general, to " Live Religious, Godly and Blameless Lives ac-
cording to the Rules of God's Word, diligently Reading the
Holy Scriptures, the Fountain of Light and Truth; and con-
stantly attend upon all the Duties of Religion both in Publick
and Secret.''1 This general principle is reenforced by certain
definite requirements: 44 If any Scholar Shall deny the Holy
Scriptures or any Part of Them to be the Word of God: or be
guilty of Heresy or any Error directly Tending to Subvert the
i undamentals of Christianity, and continuing Obstinate therein
after the first and Second .Admonition, lie Shall be Expelled.

If any Scholar shall be Guilty of Profane Swearing, Curs-
ing, Vowing, any Petty or Implicit Oath, Profane or Irreverent
Use of the Names, Attributes, Ordinances or Word of God;
Disobedient or Contumacious or Refractory Carriage towards his
Superiours, Fighting, Striking, Quarrelling, Challenging, Turbu-
lent Words or Behaviour, Drunkenness, Uncleaness, Lacivious
Words or Actions, wearing woman's Aparrel, Defrauding, In-
justice, Idleness, Lying, Defamation, Tale bareing or any other
Such like Immoralities, He Shall be Punished by Fine, Confes-
sion, Admonition or Expulsion, as the Nature and Circumstances
of the Case may Require." 2 Attendance, too, upon the exercises
of the Church was required. 4 4 Every Student of the College
Shall diligently attend upon the Duties of Religious Worship,
both Private and Publick of the Sabbath Day, and Shall attend
upon the Said Public Worship of God in the Meeting-House with
the President and Tutors on the Lord's Day, and on Days of
Public Fasting and Thanksgiving appointed by Authority, and
all Public Lectures appointed by the Minister of the first Society
of New Haven, upon Penalty of Four Pence for absence (with-
out Sufficient reason) on either Part of the Sabbath or any Day
of Public Fasting or Thanksgiving and three Pence for Absence
on a Lecture, one Penny for comeing Tardy. And if any Student

1 Dexter's "Yale Biographies and Annals," vol. ii, p. 3.

s Ibid., p. 7.94 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

Shall be Detain'd by Sickness or a necessary Occasion lie Shall
signifie the Same to the President or any one of the Tutors on
the morning j or otherwise his Excuse Shall be judged as Ground-
less unless it otherwise manifestly appear to be Sufficient." 1

These positive requirements were supported by certain nega-
tive requisitions. The student whose presence is demanded at
certain regular church services is forbidden to attend services,
either public or private, on the Sabbath or on any other day,
which are appointed by other authorities than the public or which
are not approved by the president. He is also required not to
profane the Sabbath by unnecessary business, diversion, and
walking.

The personal manners of the student were also considered.
Respect for all superiors, such as parents, magistrates, and minis-
ters, the president, fellows, and tutors of the College, was de-
manded. Uncovering the head, rising up, bowing, keeping
silence in their presence, were required. It is also in particular
enjoined that " All Undergraduates Shall be uncovered in the
College Yard when the President or either of the Fellows or
Tutors are there: and when They are in their Sight and "View
in any other Place: and all the Bacchelors of Arts Shall be
uncovered in the College Yard when the President is there; and
all the Scholars shall Bow when he Goes in or out of the College
Hall, or into the Meeting-IIouse, provided that the Public Wor-
ship is not Begun. And Scholars Shall Shew due Respect and
Distance to those who are in Senior and Superiour Classes."2

Not only are the religion, the morals, and the manners of the
students to be fostered, but also their scholastic character is to
be disciplined by constant care. The order of each day was that
" Every Student Shall diligently apply himself to his Studies
in his Chamber as well as attend upon all Public Exercises ap-
pointed by the President or Tutors, and no Student Shall walk
abroad, or be absent from his Chamber, Except Half an hour
after breakfast, and an hour and an half after Dinner, and from
prayers at Night to Nine o' the Clock, without Leave, upon

1 Dexter's "Yale Biographies and Annals," vol. ii, p. 4.

* Ibid., pp. 4, 5.THE THIRD COLLEGE: YALE

95

Penalty of Two Pence or more to Sixpence, at the Discretion of
ye President and Tutors.

" To this End The President or Tutors Shall, by Turns, or
as They conveniently can visit Student's Chambers after Nine
o'Clock, to See whether They are at their Chambers, and apply
themselves to their Studies."1

ilie morals of the men in the new colleges of the New World
were at least somewhat superior to those of the men at Oxford
and Cambridge of the same and a later time. The literary and
social life of the Oxford student of the eighteenth century, imitat-
ing the customs of the metropolis, centered in the college clubs.
Among such bodies are preserved the names of the Amorous
Club, the I oetical Club, the Punning Club, the Witty Club, and
the Handsome Club. A rival of the latter was the Ugly Club,
immortalized by Steele. Of the purpose and character of these
clubs not much more is known than is indicated in the names
themselves; the names, however, are doubtless characteristic.
Diverse as one might infer their primary ends to have been,
common to them all seems to have been the habit of smoking
and drinking, and smoking and drinking, to excess. The pipe
had become fashionable,. and scholars and divines were among
those most addicted to it. The Dean of Christ Church himself
was such a constant smoker that a young gentleman wagered
with his friend that at the very moment the topic was mentioned
the Dean could be found smoking. They started off to prove
the point and found the Dean, not smoking, but filling his pipe
between smokes.

Even more characteristic of the eighteenth century than
smoking was the habit of excessive drinking, and especially
among the members of the Oxford colleges. A great theologian
of this time was accustomed to keep by his side while writing
a bottle of ale, brandy, or wine, and constantly would drink
of it. To the fellows of the University it was possible to refer
as "debauchees." An Oxford Doctor of Divinity not infre-
quently became so intoxicated that the help of his friends was
necessary to take him to his lodgings. A punch bowl bequeathed

1 Dexter's "Yale Biographies and Annals," vol. ii, p. 5.96 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

to Jesus College was considered a most fitting gift. In skating
season, we are told, Christ Church Meadow was crowded with
kegs of brandy and other cordials. As late as the beginning
of the nineteenth century Andrew Crosse wrote to his mother:
" Oxford is a perfect hell upon earth. What chance is there
for an unfortunate lad just come from school, with no one to
watch and care for him—no guide 1 I often saw my tutor carried
off, perfectly intoxicated." But the drinking of Crosse's time
was not to be compared with the excesses which were just passing
away. Of Lord Lovelace it was said by his Principal that " he
never knew him sober but twelve hours, and that he used every
morning to drink a quart of brandy, or something equivalent to
it, to his own share."1 Records show that in the University
men of all grades, from junior members to the professor of
Astronomy, brought to themselves an untimely death by hard
drinking.

The care of the authorities at Yale in the eighteenth century
was quite unlike that obtaining at Oxford. It extended into the
details of the personal life of the students. The rules made are
significant of pranks touching so academic and personal a matter
as clothing. Going out of the College Yard without a hat,
coat, or gown is an offense which subjects the offender to a
fine of threepence. The wearing of indecent apparel, although no
intimation is had wherein the indecency may consist, brings a
heavier punishment of two shillings. Such sports, too, as are
involved in keeping a gun, or firing a gun or pistol in the Col-
lege yard, or going gunning, fishing, or sailing, involve a similar
mulct. The misspending, too, of precious time, without first
obtaining liberty from the president or tutors, as may be em-
bodied in going to a court, election, town meeting, wedding, or
meeting of young people for diversion, is an equally serious
misdemeanor.

If at the present time in the twentieth century the Freshman
is compelled to perform certain acts designed to keep him in
a proper state of humility, the Freshman of the first century of
Yale College was subjected to certain permanent conditions ap-

lJ. R. Green's "Oxford Studies/' chapter v, p. 71.THE THIRD COLLEGE: YALE

97

parently far more humiliating than the performance of acts of
a temporary duration. Among the rules touching the first-year
men is, " That Every Freshman Shall be Obliged to Go any
reasonable and proper and reasonable Errand when he is Sent
by any Student in any Superior Class; and if he Shall refuse
So to do he may be punished: provided . . . that no undergraduate
Shall Send a Freshman anywhere in Studying Time, without
Liberty first had from ye President or Oone of the Tutors."1
That this rule embodied a very vital condition in the under-
graduate administration is evident from a vote passed in the
College year of 1761-62 to the effect that the Senior. Class, and
not the Sophomores, shall have the immediate c?re of instructing
the Freshmen in the rules of good manners and of going on
errands.2

1	Baxter's "Yale Biographies and Annals," vol. ii, p. 9.

2	ibid., p. 725.

Oliver Wollcot, Jr., of the Class of 1778, has left a description of a visit
which he made to New Haven in 1773. "I went up to College in the evening,
o observe the Scene of my future exploits, with emotions of awe and reverence.
ei* in black robes, white wigs, and high cocked hats; young men, dressed in
camblet gowns, passed,us in small groups. The men in Robes and Wigs, I
Was told, were Professors; the young men in Gowns were Students. There
^ere young men in black silk Gowns, some with Bands, and others without.
Ihese were either Tutors in the College, or resident Graduates, to whom the
e °f Sir was accorded. When we entered the College Yard, a new scene
Was Presented. There was a class who wore no Gowns, and who walked, but
never rar* or jumped, in the yard. They appeared much in awe, or looked
®llr*y, after they passed by the young men habited in Gowns and Staves.

ome of the young Gownsmen treated those who wore neither Hats nor Gowns
!vr . yarc*» with hardness, and what I thought indignity. I give an instance:
®vill, go to my room, middle story of old College, No. —, and take from it
a pitcher, fill it from the pump, place it in my room, and stay there till I return.'

0 such a mandate, delivered by a slender sprig to a sturdy Country Lad,
apparently much his superior in Age and Strength, the answer might be vari-
?Us' acc°rding to circumstances and the temper of the Parties, viz., ' I have
^en sent on an errand.' 'Who sent you?1 1 Tutor II.' Or the mandate might
e submitted to, pleasantly with a smile, or contemptuously with a sneer. The
0°^Ueering young men in Gowns, I was told by my conductors, were Scholars
r tudents of the Sophomore Class, and those without Hats and Gowns, and
? Walked in the yard, were Freshmen, who, out of the Hours of Study, were
^iters or servants to the Authority, President, Professors, Tutors, and
ndergraduates."—Dexter's "Yale Biographies and Annals," vol. iii, p. 467.98 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

The College Commons has, ever since the sad clays of Mrs.
Eaton at Cambridge, embodied an important part of academic
interest. Colleges have usually, in at least an unofficial way,
endeavored to provide food for their students. The arrange-
ments thus made have commonly represented a point of em-
barrassment for both the officer and the student. The rules
at Yale College, in the middle of the eighteenth century, touch-
ing the Commons are exact. Tutors or Senior scholars are re-
quired to make a blessing at the table or to return thanks, and
all the scholars are expected to attend to it decently and orderly,
and to abstain from all clamorous talk. The requirement, too,
that the tables shall be covered with decent linen cloths, and that
they shall be washed once a week, is somewhat significant. The
food was, in both amount and variety, well fitted to develop the
severer elements of intellectual and moral character. The bill
of fare, drawn up by the Corporation in the College year of
1740-41, is:

" For Breakfast: one loaf of bread for 4 (persons), which
(the dough) shall weigh one pound.

" For Dinner for 4: one loaf of bread, as aforesaid; 2l/>
pounds of beef, veal, or mutton, or 1% pounds of salt pork
about twice a week in the summer time; one quart of beer; two
pennyworth of sauce.

" For Supper for 4: two quarts of milk and one loaf of
bread, when milk can be conveniently had; and when it cannot,
then an apple-pie, which shall be made of 1% pounds of dough,
% pound of hog's fat, two ounces sugar, and one peck of
apples." 1

Six years later a similar bill of fare is reported, includ-
ing beef and apple pie of equal depth and fatness, but con-
taining the addition of beer for supper. Beer and wine early
emerge as points of difficulty. At the Commencement of 1749,
the Corporation voted to sell twenty barrels of strong beer in a
year, but not a bit more, and they also voted that if any under-
graduate shall buy any beer of any person in the town of New
Haven excepting the butler, without having first obtained per-

1 Dexter's "Yale Biographies and Annals," vol. i, p. 663.THE THIRD COLLEGE: YALE

99

mission from the president or tutor, he shall be fined a sum
not to exceed one shilling. In the year following, the Corpora-
tion requested the president to signify to the people of New
Haven that no one within three miles of the College shall sell
any of the students strong liquor without a written order from
one of the officers, and they also declared that any student who
is detected in bringing liquor into the College without permission
is to lose his social rank in the class. It is apparent, however,
that the Trustees are not unwilling that the students shall drink
beer, but are also eager that they shall drink good beer. In the
College year of 1732-33 it was agreed by the Trustees " That
every barrel of beer delivered to the butler at eight shillings per
barrel shall be made of half a bushel of good barley malt after
it is ground, or a bushel of good oat malt after it is ground,
or a peck of good barley malt and a quart of good molasses,
or half a bushel of good oat malt—after it is ground—and a
quart of good molasses, and be mashed and well brewed and
hopped."1

Other beverages beside beer, however, were the occasion of
disturbance. Even tea is the subject of a vote passed at the
Commencement of 1756. It is declared that " Whereas many
°f the Students have wasted much of their precious Time in
going in each others Chambers and Drinking Tea in the after-
noon: It is ordered that'if any student shall drink tea out of his
own Chamber in studying time in the afternoon, he shall be fined
one Shilling."* Connected with the Commons as an almost
integral part was what at both Yale and Harvard was known
as the Buttery. The one having charge of the buttery was the
utler. The butler was in the early time, and continued to be,
an important college functionary—until 1801 at Harvard, and at
ale for sixteen years longer. His duties were many. He seems
to have been a man of all work, but his chief duty, apparently,
was furnish food and drink to the students which they could
not easily get in the Commons Hall. It was an office of some
egree of serious significance. Stiles, who became President, held

1	Dexter's "Yale Biographies and Annals/' vol. i, p. 472.

2	Ibid., vol. ii, p. 402.

8100 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

it in the year 1748, and resigned from it on being- appointed tutor.
Among the buttery charges made against a student in one of the
last years of the eighteenth century are noted cider, walnuts,
pipes, biscuit, raisins, chestnuts, apples, ale, and black-ball
(black-ball was a composition of blacking for the boots, to make
them tight against snow and rain), tobacco, metheglin, cakes,
hazelnuts, beer, paper, eggs, chalk, prunes, corkscrews, almonds,
mead, pears, bowls, figs, watermelons, pomatum (a kind of white
black-ball for the hair), looking-glasses, pitchers, butternuts, gin,
and wine.1

The buttery, as an informal lunch counter, could not have
failed to be a place of great fun. Throughout the first hundred
years of Yale, and more than the first hundred and fifty years
of Harvard, both the man and the place embodied an interesting
and significant condition.

The undergraduate life was also affected by the social customs
of the community. Sons of clergymen and of the colonial of-
ficers were regarded as of superior social grade to the sons of
farmers, of merchants, and of mechanics. The higher social
rank shows itself in various privileges in the dining room and
in the recitation room, as well as in the college catalogue. It was
not until the democratic spirit of the middle decades of the
'eighteenth century was manifest that the alphabetical order of
placing the names in the catalogue was introduced. A member
of the Class of 1769 at Yale writes to the founder of Dartmouth
College, saying: " There appears a laudable ambition to excel
in knowledge. It is not he that has got the finest coat or largest
ruffles that is esteemed here at present. And as the class hence-
forward are to be placed alphabetically, the students may ex-
pect marks of distinction put upon the best scholars and
speakers/'2

Throughout this period the expenses of the ordinary student
were of an amount commensurate with the expense of living in
the ordinary home whence came the student. At the Commence-
ment of 1719 the Trustees voted that the annual charge for

1 "Yale College," vol. i, p. 449.

1 Dexter's "Yale Biographies and Annals," vol. iii, p. 264.THE THIRD COLLEGE: YALE

101

tuition should be fixed at thirty shillings, and for rent of room
at twenty. Each graduate was obliged to pay, as a fee for his
diploma, twenty shillings. The charge each week for diet, sweep-
ing, and making beds was fixed at four shillings, fourpence.
When one makes the adjustments for depreciation of the cur-
rency, it is apparently clear that the entire college expenses
were considerably less than a hundred dollars.

Some of the more general and specific elements of college life
are drawn from the diary of a Junior at Yale in the year 1762.
The writer is Ebenezer Baldwin, who served as tutor from 1766
to 1770, and who, after a brief pastorate at Danbury, became
chaplain in the Revolutionary Army in 1776. Among the records
covering the months of March, April, and May are:

"26th. Studied my recitation in Tully de Oratore.

"27th, Saturday. Attended Coll. Exs. Heard Mr. Daggett preach
two sermons on the trinity of ye Godhead, I John, v, 8. Read some in
Milton's Samp. Agon.

"29. Attended Coll. Exs. Studied Homer almost ye whole day.
Read a few pages in Tuscul. Disput. Had no recns to-day, our Tutor
being out of town.

"30. Attended prayers. Studied Homer in forenoon. Writ argu-
ment on our forensick question, wh. was WHETHER ADAM KNEW YT
ETERNAL DAMNATION WOULD BE HIS DOOM IF HE EAT THE
FORBIDDEN FRUIT? Had no recitation. Afternoon worked out a
question in Algebra and studied some in Septuagint.

'31. Studied Homer part of day, ye Septuagint part. Spent part
m making a declamation.

April 1. Studied Homer most of ye day. Some in Martin's Phi-
losophy.

"2d. Homer in the forenoon and Septuagint. Read some in Pope's *
Homer.

Thursday, 8. Attended Col. Exs. Studied my recitations. Re-
mainder of day studying Septuagint.

T	9. Attended Col. Exs. Studied Homer in the forenoon,

n. the afternoon read in Martin's Philosophy and in Whiston's Ast (Astro-
nomical) Principles of Religion. At night Nichols, Halliock, and Brewster
were publickly admonished for having a Dance at Milford, and for their
general conduct. Bull, for going to Milford without liberty and for his
general conduct, was ordered to depart from College and to live under the102 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

care of some minister at a distance till he should show signs of reformation
and be fit to take a degree. Hinman, Kellogg, Kingsbury, and Botsford
were fined 2s. 6d. for being at the dance at Milford.

"Wednesday, 14. The method in which I divide my time is as follows
nearly: Go to bed at 9 o'clock; rise about — [torn off; probably 6]; prayers
and recitation which last to about 7£; go to breakfast, and, if ye weather
is good, commonly take a small walk. This carries it to 8 or 8]. Com-
monly from this time till 11 pursue my studies, unless something special;
then attend recitation, which lasts to 12; then go to dinner; after, walk
or follow some other exercise till — [torn off]; then pursue my studies
again till near 6, when I attend on Prayers; after prayers go to supper,
and spend ye remainder of the evening commonly in conversation.

"21. N. B.—Got through 16th Book of Homer, where I shall stop
for ye present. Afternoon. In Pope's Homer. Spent remainder of ye
afternoon in drinking tea and conversation.

"Evening felt melancholy and dejected on thinking of ye difficulties
my DADDE must undergo to provide for me here at college." 1

The diary gives a picture of the life and work of a sober-
minded student. He attends properly to his sleep, exercise,
studies, and food. Apparently, he sleeps at least eight hours.
He exercises, through walking largely, for probably an hour.
Recitations and preparation for them occupy nine of the twenty-
four hours. Although he pays much attention to his studies,
he does not neglect good-fellowship. The evening is spent in
conversation. The hard work of the day is done in its early part.
Homer and the Septuagint represent his more important studies.
The preaching to which he listens on Sundays, and the exposi-
tion of the Scripture which he hears at college prayers twice a
day, represent great subjects. He is willing to interpret Homer
through Pope's paraphrases, and also reads " Mr. Milton's Par-
adise Regained." His writing syllogistic arguments on such
questions *4 "Whether Adam knew he would be eternally damned
if he ate the forbidden fruit," opens opportunity for all man-
ner of speculation. He is a good son as well as a good student.
He feels anxious on account of the difficulty which his father
meets in keeping him at college.

The college student is not a class, he is a race, and he is

1 "Yale College," vol. i, pp. 444, 445, 446.THE THIRD COLLEGE: YALE

103

a race which is the same, apparently, in all centuries as in all
climes.

A few years after the time Baldwin was keeping his diary,
John Trumbull was writing a poem. Trumbull became known
as the author of " Macfmgal"; but while he was a tutor at Yale
he wrote a poem called " The Progress of Dullness.'' The
poem is a satire, but the lines serve to give a picture of the
college coxcomb, and also to intimate certain changes in the
college curriculum which Trumbull desired. He makes demands
for the abolition of the ancient languages and for paying larger
attention to English as a modern language:

"Lo! ...

The coxcomb trips with sprightly haste;

In all the flush of modern taste;

Oft turning, if the day be fair,

To view his shadow's graceful air;

Well pleased, with eager eye runs o'er
The laced suit glittering gay before;

The ruffle, where, from open'd vest,

The rubied brooch adorns the breast;

The coat, with lengthening waist behind,

Whose short skirts dangle in the wind;

The modish hat, whose breadth contains
The measure of the owner's brains;

The stockings gay with various hues;

The little toe-encircling shoes;

The cane, on whose carv'd top is shown
An head, just emblem of his own;

While wrapp'd in self, with lofty stride,

His little heart elate with pride,

He struts in all the joys of show,

That tailors give or beaux can show. ..."

"And yet, how oft the studious gain
The dullness of a lettered brain;

Despising such low things the while,

As English grammar, phrase and style;

Despising ev'ry nicer art
That aids the tongue, or mends the heart;104 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

Read ancient authors o'er in vain,

Nor taste one beauty they contain;

Humbly on trust accept the sense,

But deal for words at vast expense;

Search well how every term must vary
From Lexicon to Dictionary;

And plodding on in one dull tone,

Gain ancient tongues and lose their own,

Bid every graceful charm defiance,

And woo the skeleton of science. . . ."

"Oh! might I live to see that day
When sense shall point to youths their way;

Through every maze of science guide;

O'er education's laws preside;

The good retain, with just discerning
Explode the quackeries of learning;

Give ancient arts their real due,

Explain their faults, and beauties too;

Teach where to imitate, and mend,

And point their uses and their end.

Then bright philosophy would shine,

And ethics teach the laws divine;

Our youths might learn each nobler art,

That shows a passage to the heart;

From ancient languages well known
Transfuse new beauties to our own;

With taste and fancy well refined,

Where moral rapture warms the mind,

From schools dismissal, with lib'ral hand,

Spread useful learning o'er the land;

And bid the eastern world admire
Our rising worth, and bright'ning fire." 1

Throughout the prerevolutionary period the number of
graduates at Yale and Harvard, and in the succeeding decades
of the eighteenth century, increased. In the decade closing in
1710 Yale had thirty-six graduates, Harvard a hundred and
twenty-three; in 1720 Yale had forty-seven, Harvard a liun-

»William L. Kingsley's "Yale College," vol. i, pp. 97, 98.THE THIRD COLLEGE: YALE

105

dred and forty-four; in 1730, Yale had increased to a hundred
and thirty-five, and Harvard to three hundred and fifty; in
1740, Yale had a hundred and seventy-seven, and Harvard three
hundred and twenty-six; in 1750, Yale had increased to two hun-
dred and twenty-two, and Harvard had fallen off to two hundred
and forty-two; in 1760, for the first time in their respective his-
tories, Yale showed a larger number; Yale had increased to two
hundred arid seventy-four, and Harvard had increased only to
two hundred and fifty-six; in 1770, Yale had three hundred and
thirty-eight, and Harvard four hundred and thirteen; in the
decade closing in 1780, both had suffered a slight diminution,
Yale having three hundred and sixteen, and Harvard four hun-
dred and six students. The call of arms was more persuasive
than the call of wisdom.1

The general result of the first sixty-five years of the history
°f Yale is well summed up by President Clap in an appendix
to his *' Annals,'J in which he says: '' The proficiency made by
the students is various, according to their different genius and
aPplication: a number in each class are generally finished
scholars in the languages and the liberal arts and sciences, and
were they dignified with some kind of peculiar laurel, it might
an additional stimulus; but their superior qualifications are
s°on known to the world; and they, in a little time, make a useful
%ure in the church or State. Most of our superior gentlemen
who have shined brightest at the Council Board, on the Bench,
at the Bar, or in the Army, have had their education in this
Society. And some of them of late years have applied the prin-
ciples of mechanical and experimental philosophy to the im-
provement of Agriculture; and have been able to instruct their
Neighbors in the science, for the publick Good."2

l"Diary" of Ezra Stiles, vol. ii, p. 393.

flap's "Annals of Yale College," p. 89.CHAPTER IV

princeton, pennsylvania, and columbia

Sixty-five years divide the foundation of Harvard from the
foundation of Yale, and forty-five years divide the founda-
tion of Yale from the foundation of the fourth college in the
New World. Within, however, the period covered by the last
half of the fifth decade of the eighteenth century and the first
half of the sixth decade are founded three colleges. In space,
Harvard and Yale are separated by about a hundred and
seventy-five miles, but the three colleges founded in the middle
of the century are situated within a hundred miles of one an-
other. These three colleges—Princeton, the University of Penn-
sylvania, and Columbia—represent, as a group, the beginning
of the movement of establishing institutions of the higher learn-
ing in nearness of both space and time, a movement charac-
teristic of the last hundred and fifty years of American life.
Geographical relationships henceforth have small value in de-
termining the foundation of colleges.

The remoteness of Harvard and Yale in respect to the time
of their foundation, and the contemporaneousness of the estab-
lishment of the three institutions in the middle colonies, are in
no greater contrast than is found in the conditions of the people
among whom the two sets of institutions existed. The New
England colleges were indeed New England institutions. The
people who constituted them were alike in origin, language,
civil and religious constitution, and environments. They were
all influenced by the same purposes in their crossing the sea.
Until after the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, in 1685, which
resulted in the addition to the New England population of a
small number of Huguenots, it would have been difficult to
have heard any other language than the English between
Popham on the Kennebec and the settlements on the lower Gon-

josPRINCETON, PENNSYLVANIA, AND COLUMBIA 107

necticut. But into New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania
came many peoples diverse in origin and unlike in language.
Ihey were foreigners in the new land and aliens to each other.
The Dutch, Scotch, Scotch-Irish, German, Waldensese from
Piedmont, Swedes, Huguenots from Prance, represent the more
important nationalities. Moravians, Jews, Presbyterians, Qua-
kers, Anabaptists, English Independents, English Episcopalians,
represent the more important ecclesiastical beliefs and affilia-
tions. The present cosmopolitan character of New York and its
neighborhood had an early origin.

In respect both to numbers and to influence, the most im-
portant of these diverse peoples were the Dutch, the Scotch-
Irish, and the Quakers. But to them should be added a num-
ber of Connecticut men who, although few, contributed a unique
clement to the educational and other history of the Jersey
colonies.

The Dutchmen, whose center was in New Amsterdam, at
an early date crossed the Hudson and formed settlements at
Hoboken and other points. Like the Puritan, the Hollander had
an affinity for education. The first Synod of Dort, of 1574,
Passed a resolution to the effect that the ministers of the church
should obtain permission from the magistrates of every place
^°r the appointment of schoolmasters. John of Nassau, the
eldest brother of William the Silent, in a letter written to his
s°n, declares that the States-General should establish free
schools where all children could be well educated. He affirms
that soldiers, and patriots who are well educated, together with
churches, libraries, books, and printing presses, are better than
armies, arsenals, alliances, and treaties.1 This people, coming
from a land in which almost every inhabitant could read or
write, and could usually speak two or more languages, did not
neglect education in their changed conditions. As early as
1633 a Collegiate Church School was set up, which is still
Maintained. From time to time, from place to place, as the
Population enlarged, new schools were established; these schools

Campbell's "The Purifcan in Holland, England and America/1 vol. ii,
P- 341,108 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

were placed in connection with the church. The church was
usually the schoolhouse, and the preacher in many cases the
teacher.

Akin in numbers and influence to the Dutchmen were the
Scotch and the Scotch-Irish people, who entered the central
colonies. It is probable that before the end of the seventeenth
century no less than two hundred thousand of these people had
taken up their homes in America. Those who followed them,
together with their children and grandchildren, embodied and
still represent a most vital force in American life and character.
Their respect for learning was deep. It was a part of the heri-
tage received from the Reformation. Calvin and Knox were
educationists as well as ecclesiastics, as was the Hollander, the
Scotchman, and the Scotch-Irishman, who put his education into
relation with his church. The kirk' and the schoolhouse each
supported the other. Without education piety would cease to
be intelligent, and without piety the desire for education would
be lessened. These people gave support both to the common
school and the college. The requirement of John Knox regard-
ing the establishment of common schools wTas quite akin to the
early Massachusetts law, and the youngest of the four Scotch
universities had been established one hundred and sixty-three
years before the first charter was granted, in 1746, to the first
college in New Jersey.

The followers of William Penn were probably as thoroughly
in favor of common education as were either the Hollanders
or the Scotchrlrishmen. They required that schools should be
established for reading and writing English, and for arithmetic
and bookkeeping. They intimated a willingness that Latin and
other foreign languages be taught, but they emphasized in par-
ticular the teaching of those branches which are now represented
in the phrase " a practical education." But the loyalty of the
Quaker to the higher education was not so great as that which
the Puritan or the Scotchman or the Hollander felt. The inner
light was regarded as more precious than any flame kindled
upon the academic altar. Pox declared that Oxford and
Cambridge could not make a minister.

There was applied early in American life the principle ofPRINCETON, PENNSYLVANIA, AND COLUMBIA 109

immigration. The southern New England colonies were peopled
by those who came from Massachusetts; the central colonies were
in turn peopled by those who came from southern New England.
The crisis in the affairs, of the New Haven and Connecticut
Colonies, in or about 1666, in respect to annexation, caused cer-
tain families from Branford and Guilford to come to New Jersey.
The name of Milford was soon changed to Newark, after the
English home of the pastor, Abraham Pierson, and Abraham
Pierson became the father of the first president of Yale College,
of the same name. He had taken his first degree at Trinity Col-
lege, Cambridge, in 1632. Thus in New Jersey as well as in
Massachusetts was early felt the influence of the Puritan founda-
tion.

Out, therefore, from these manifold and diverse popula-
tions—the Dutch, the Irish, the Scotch, and the colonial Eng-
lish—and also out of churches as diverse as the Presbyterian, the
Dutch Reformed, the Congregational, and the Quaker meeting,
came forth influences which created colleges, near the middle of
the eighteenth century, in New Jersey, in the metropolis of New
York and of Pennsylvania.

The first force in point of time, as well as in respect to effi-
ciency, making for the higher education, was religion, and re-
ligion took the form of Presbyterianism. The polity and doc-
trine of the Presbyterian Church was undoubtedly the strongest
bond uniting together considerable parts of the population of
Pennsylvania, New York, and New Jersey in the first half of
the eighteenth century. It was a unifying force far stronger
than the common political sovereignty. This sovereignty showed
itself in diverse forms in the three colonies. The loyalty given
to the sovereign was also diverse, but the Presbyterianism of
Ulster and of Glasgow, of Calvin and of Knox, was one. New
England Puritanism, moreover, easily allied itself with Penn-
sylvania or New Jersey Presbyterianism.

The Presbyterians, furthermore, were more widely spread
than the members of any other church. On reaching the Atlantic
coast-board they easily pushed on toward the Alleghenies, and
also moved southward into Virginia, or through Virginia into
the Carolinas.110 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

The union made between the different churches of the Pres-
byterian order, through Presbytery and Synod, was also a unity
more compact than that which existed among the -churches of
the Congregational order which obtained in New England. As
the Congregationalism of Connecticut, through what is known
as Consociation, was closer than that which obtained among the
churches of Plymouth or Massachusetts, through what is known
as Association, so also the union between the Presbyterian
churches of the middle Colonies was yet more compact. As early
as 1706 the Presbyterians of Maryland, Virginia, and the middle
Colonies were organized into a Presbytery, and as early as 1720
the Presbyterian Church joined together elements as diverse as
the Scotch, the Irish, the New England immigrant, the Dutch,
and the German.

At this time the question of the supply of ministers for these
churches became imperative. It was the same question which
had, in part, led to the establishment of Harvard .nearly a cen-
tury earlier. It was the same question which has led to the
establishment of scores of other colleges in the succeeding
decades of the following centuries in each of the new States
of the American Commonwealth. The method of the first
decades of the eighteenth century was not unlike the methods
which have since prevailed. Without waiting for the action of
the churches, individual, ministers opened schools for the train-
ing of ministers. The men who subsequently became the first
two presidents of Princeton opened such schools. Another min-
ister was the founder of a school more famous than the schools
of Dickinson and of Burr. The Log College, at the B'orks of
the Neshaminy, was one of the most unique of all the institu-
tions which may be said, by a liberality of interpretation, to be-
long to the higher education established before the middle of
the eighteenth century. Its founder, president, faculty, and
Board of Trustees was William Tennent. Borh in Ireland in
1673, an Episcopalian, married to the daughter of a Presby-
terian minister, he was, for some reason unknown to us, deprived
of his living, and, finding no satisfactory prospect of usefulness
in his native land, came to America. For about thirty years,
following his landing in Philadelphia in 1716, he was amongPRINCETON, PENNSYLVANIA, AND COLUMBIA 111

the most useful of all men and ministers. As an ecclesiastic he
was zealous, sympathizing with Whitfield in belief and method;
as a scholar he was among the most learned of the time. The
personal institution took its name from its building—a log house,
about twenty feet square. But from this simple and meager
condition went forth several of the ablest ministers of the
Presbyterian Church for the middle decades of the eighteenth
century.

fennent's college died when he died. Its usefulness, if not
its dissolution, proved the need of an education more adequate
for the advancement and for the demands of the church and
of the people. In the year 1739 the Synod took action in refer-
ence to the establishment of a college for the whole church. This
action was followed by debate, personal and ecclesiastical, in
which it was proved that the gospel of peace, when lodged in
churches, may become a condition, if not a cause, of war. After
six years of discussion there was granted a charter to what is
now known as Princeton University.

Although the founding of the college in New Jersey was
promoted by the Presbyterian bodies, it is yet to be said that
influences distinctly scholastic and human also prevailed. The
college was not put into official affiliation with the Presbyterian
Synod. Although controlled by men who were Presbyterians,
it was managed by them not so much as Presbyterians as large-
minded citizens. Two members of the Board of Trustees of
twenty-three belonged to the Society of Friends, and one was
a member of the Episcopal Church. Laymen as well as clergy-
men divided the membership between themselves in practically
equal parts. Of the older trustees one, Governor Baldwin, had
taken his degree at Harvard, and three at Yale. Of the twelve
ministers, all had received a liberal education—six at Yale, three
at Harvard, and three at the Log College of Tennent. The Cor-
poration was a close one, choosing its own members. The gov-
ernment thus constituted contained a far larger lay element than
bad obtained at Harvard, William and Mary, or Yale. Although
Presbyterian in origin and condition, the college was not subor-
dinated to the interests of that church. If in its more than a
century and a half of life it has been popularly regarded as an112 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

integral part of Presbyterianism, it lias never been in direct
affiliation with that church, and in many respects its scholastic
teachings and public influence have been much broader than
some members of that communion have approved.

The desire which resulted in the establishment of a college
in New Jersey was rendered efficient by that most powerful
motive in the promotion of the higher education—religious zeal.
While the efforts for the establishing of this college under a
more liberal standard of the Presbyterian polity were being made,
efforts of quite a different origin, and moving by quite different
methods, were being put forth in Philadelphia. These efforts
were in no small way, both directly and indirectly, the result of
the character and service of a single man. Among the many and
varied activities of Benjamin Franklin as a diplomatist, states-
man, author, physicist, none will prove to be more lasting than
his work which resulted in the establishment of the University
of Pennsylvania. If the colleges founded before the middle of
the eighteenth century were the creation of a church or of in-
dividual ministers, the College of Pennsylvania was the work
of one man, who was in many respects alien to the churches,
and who also had not received, at the time, the advantage of a
university or college training. Honorary degrees were given
1 to Benjamin Franklin by American and other colleges, and he
was for a short time a student at Gottingen, the first of that
long line of Americans who have been enrolled in the Hanover-
ian university. But although born within an hour's walk of
Harvard College he had received no direct academic advantage
therefrom. Benjamin Franklin, making his home in Philadel-
phia, became a leader in its higher life. In the first quarter
century of his residence in Philadelphia he proved himself to
be useful as a local citizen, as in the last quarter of the century
of his life he was useful to America and to the world. In the
year after the granting of the second and effective charter to
Princeton, in 1749, Franklin undertook measures which resulted
in the foundation of a university. The constitution which he
and the attorney-general were asked to draw up represent the
purposes and methods which Franklin at that time in his life
held dear. The absence of a direct religious motive is significant.PRINCETON, PENNSYLVANIA, AND COLUMBIA 113

The cultivation and improvement of a new country, wisdom,
riches and strength, virtue, piety, welfare, and happiness of a
people seem to be the ideals which he would set up, and which
embody the ultimate results of the education which he would
foster. The formation of manners, the training of youth in
the principles of rectitude, the giving instruction in dead lan-
guages and living, in particular in the mother tongue, and in
all useful branches of liberal arts and sciences, represent the
methods and means for securing the comprehensive and final
purposes. In this constitution is no mention of either religion
or the church or the ministry. The foundation is human. It
was the largest human foundation which was laid for any col-
lege of America up to the middle of the eighteenth century.

Seven years later, in 1756, were published the more formal
conditions and purposes. This statement is probably the writing
of Dr. William Smith, the first provost. But in its large human-
ity it is the elaboration of the statement made seven years be-
fore by Franklin and his associates. It embodies the ideals
which in the clearer light of a fuller understanding it is now
known Franklin held. Throughout the statement, too, is heard
the note of the modern spirit. The purpose is plainly to enrich
and to enlarge the mind, and also to give to it efficiency. It is
said that:

" Life itself being too short to obtain a perfect acquaintance with the
whole circle of the Sciences, nothing has ever been proposed by any
plan of University Education, but to lay such a general foundation in all
the branches of literature, as may enable youth to perfect themselves
in those particular parts, to which their business or genius, may after-
wards lead them. And scarce anything has more obstructed the advance-
ment of sound learning, than a vain imagination, that a few years, spent
at college, can render youth such absolute Masters of Science, as to ab-
solve them from all future study.

As far as our influence extends, we would wish to propagate a con-
trary doctrine; and tho' we flatter ourselves that, by a due execution

the foregoing plan, we shall enrich our country with many Minds
that are liberally accomplished, and send out none that may justly be
denominated barren or unimproved; yet we hope that the youth com-
mitted to our tuition, will neither at college, nor afterwards, rest satisfied114 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

with such a general knowledge, as is to be acquired from the public lectures
and exercises. We rather trust that those whose taste is once formed
for the acquisition of solid Wisdom, will think it their duty and most
rational satisfaction, to accomplish themselves still farther, by manly
perseverance in private study and meditation." 1

The particular means which are recommended for the secur-
ing of the high, broad, and special purposes so well indicated,
represent the Latin and Greek authors, mathematics, including
trigonometry, conic sections, and fluxions, logic, metaphysics,
ethics and rhetoric. Among the sciences are astronomy, botany
(Natural History of vegetables), zoology (Natural History of
animals), and physics. The course of study is the most complete
ever presented in an American college up to this time. The
French language is also offered for each of the years. Through-
out this scheme much attention is paid to both correct writing and
correct speaking. It is said that as a variety of languages and
of dialects are spoken by this mixture of people from almost all
corners of the world, the English language might be lost with-
out proper care in its use. Among the books named as texts
is the Holy Bible, " to be read daily from the beginning, to
supply the deficiencies of the whole."2 Of this Book it is
further said " when human Science has done its utmost, and
when we have thought the youth worthy of the honors of the
Seminary, yet still we must recommend them to the Scriptures of
God, in order to complete their Wisdom, to regulate their con-
duct thro' life, and guide them to happiness forever."3

The philosophy underlying this course of study is rational.
It is said:

"In the disposition of the parts of this Scheme, a principal regard has
been paid to the connexion and subserviency of the Sciences, as well as
to the gradual openings of young minds. Those parts are placed first,
which are suited to strengthen the inventive Faculties, and are instru-

1	Montgomery's "A History of the University of Pennsylvania," 1749-70,
p. 240.

2	Ibid., p. 239.

* Ibid., pp. 240-1.PRINCETON, PENNSYLVANIA, AND COLUMBIA U3

mental to what follows. Those are placed last which require riper judg-
ment, and are more immediately connected with the main business of life.

" In the meantime, it is proposed that they shall never drop their ac-
quaintance with the classic sages. They are every day called to converse
with some one of the ancients, who, at the same time that he charms with
all the beauties of language, is generally illustrating that particular
branch of philosophy or science, to which the other hours of the day are
devoted. Thus, by continually drawing something from the most ad-
mired masters of Sentiment and expression, the taste of youth will be
gradually formed, to just Criticism and masterly Composition" 1

The time allowed for the execution of this plan is three
years. It is suggested that some may think three years are too
scanty. The author says:

We would not be tenacious of our opinion; but, from an attentive
consideration of the business proposed for each term, we are inclined to
think the time will be sufficient for a middling genius, with ordinary
application. And where both genius and application are wanting, we
conceive no time will be found sufficient. Experience, however, being the
best guide in matters of this kind, we only propose that a fair trial of three
years may be made, before anything farther is determined upon a subject
of such high concern." 2

Sports or play are not forgotten in this eighteenth-century
educational scheme. At the end of every term, it is said, there
is some time allowed for recreation, or bringing up slower
geniuses!

The comparison of this first course of study, in what some
have said should have been known as the University of Franklin,
with the first course of study in Princeton is impressive. The
Freshman class at Princeton was studying Cicero and the He-
brew Grammar, Xenophon, Geography, and Astronomy. The
Sophomore class was studying the ancient classics together
with rhetoric, mathematics, physics, and astronomy. In the two
remaining years the classics were continued, and courses in
ethics, mathematics, natural sciences, were offered.. At the same

1 Montgomery's "A History of the University of Pennsylvania," p. 241.
/ 2 Idem.	• "

V . 9116 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

time Columbia College was seeking, as was announced by its first
president in an advertisement made in 1754:

"To instruct and perfect the Youth in the Learned Languages, and
in the Arts of reasoning exactly, of writing correctly, and speaking elo-
quently; and in the Arts of numbering and measuring; of Surveying and
Navigation, of Geography and History, of Husbandry, Commerce and Gov-
ernment, and in the Knowledge of all Nature in the Heavens above us, and
in the Air, Water and Earth around us, and the various kinds of Meteors,
Stones, Mines and Minerals, Plants and Animals, and of every Thing useful
for the Comfort, the Convenience and Elegance of Life, in the chief Manu-
factures relating to any of these Things: And, finally, to lead them from
the Study of Nature to the Knowledge of themselves, and of the God of
Nature, and their Duty to him, themselves, and one another, and every
Thing that can contribute to their true Happiness, both here and here-
after." 1

The human and humanistic character of the foundation laid
through Franklin in Philadelphia is also made evident by the
purposes indicated in the advertisement of the first president
of Columbia, who says:

"The chief Thing that is aimed at in this College is, to teach and
engage the Children to know God in Jesus Christ, and to love and serve
him, in all Sobriety, Godliness, and Righteousness of Life, with a perfect
Heart, and a willing Mind; and to train them up in all virtuous Habits,
and all such useful Knowledge as may render them creditable to their
Families and Friends, Ornaments to their Country and useful to the
public Weal in their Generations."

It is declared that" it is to be understood that as to Religion, there is no
Intention to impose on the Scholars, the peculiar Tenets of any particular
Sect of Christians; but to inculcate upon their tender Minds, the great
Principles of Christianity and Morality, in which true Christians of each
Denomination are generally agreed. And as to the daily Worship in the
College Morning and Evening, it is proposed that it should, ordinarily,
consist of such a Collection of Lessons, Prayers and Praises of the Liturgy
of the Church, as are, for the most Part, taken out of the Holy Scriptures,
and such as are agreed on by the Trustees, to be in the best Manner ex-
pressive of our common Christianity; and, as to any peculiar Tenets,
everyone is left to judge freely for himself, and to be required to attend

1 "Universities and Their Sons," vol. i, p. 582.PRINCETON, PENNSYLVANIA, AND COLUMBIA 117

constantly at such Places of Worship, on the Lord's Day, as their Parents
or Guardians shall think fit to order or permit." 1

The purpose, however, of the first president of the New York
College, although apparently more narrow than the purpose
intimated in the Philadelphia foundation, might be interpreted,
by some as being coincident and identical. For Dr. Smith in-
cludes the Bible as the chief book among the texts to be studied.
The purpose of both foundations was to train the student into
the largest, richest, and noblest manhood. Eeligion, whether
founded upon a book or a personality, was employed by each
as a method and means for securing this ultimate result.

The result embodied in the opening of King's College repre-
sents a long historic process. Although George II. gave a char-
ter to King's College for the instruction and education of youth
lr* the learned languages, and in the liberal arts and sciences, in
1754, yet the suggestion of the intention to found a college ap-
pears as early as the second year of the eighteenth century.
. At that time land was deeded to Trinity Church for the use
the college that was to be founded. In 1746 the General
Assembly of New York passed an act authorizing a lottery for
the advancement of learning and for the founding of a college.
Similar laws followed. As a result, in the year 1751 the Legis-
lature paid over to the Trustees of the college between three
thousand and four thousand pounds for the erection and use
°f the college. To this legal body of Trustees Trinity Church
also deeded the Queen's farm, of about thirty-two acres, which
had received about a half century earlier. In 1753 the General
Assembly authorized the Colonial Treasurer to pay to the
trustees for each of the following seven years five hundred
Pounds, to be used in the payment of salaries.

King's College, in its first Board of Trustees, was con-
stituted as a civil institution. Among the Trustees were the
counselor of the colony, the Speaker of the General Assem-
jy, the judges of the Supreme Court, the Mayor of the city
0 New York, and the treasurer of the colony; only three
Ier members of the Board are chosen simply upon per-

1 " Universities and Their Sons," vol. i, p. 582.118 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

sonai grounds. But the fact that about two-thirds of the mem-
bers were communicants of the Church of England was suf-
ficient reason, despite their choice upon official grounds, to
awaken violent opposition on the part of members of other
churches, especially of the Presbyterian. The chief or only
•connection, however, of the college with the Church of England
lay in the fact that the president of the college should be a
communicant of that Church, and that the morning and evening
service of the college should be performed out of the liturgy
of the Church. This condition was exacted by Trinity Church
in consideration of the conveyance of land now lying in the
vicinity of Barclay and Murray streets. It is intimated that the
purpose of laying down such a condition was not to keep the
college in a special association with a single church, but to
prevent it from having no religious character at all.

The College of New Jersey was more akin to Yale and to
King's in its happiness in its first presidents than to Harvard.
Dickinson, Burr, and Edwards, measured by the standards of
their own time, and one of them at least measured by the
standards of any time, were great men. Dickinson was the
most eminent minister of the Presbyterian Church of his era.
At the age of twenty-one he became the pastor of a leading Pres-
byterian church, and soon attained a rank as minister equivalent
to the rank of the individual church which he served. Having
some acquaintance with medicine and with law, he served as an
advisor to individuals and to the community in other than cleri-
cal relations. He wrote several volumes on theological and ec-
clesiastical subjects. Active in all relationships, his activity was
recognized as constantly wise and beneficent. In personal char-
acter he was large of mind and large of heart. Like Samuel
Johnson, he was serene and calm. Although he has been com-
pared to Edwards as a defender of Calvinism, he yet held all his
abilities in a fitting unity of large character. The first students
of the College he received into his own house in May, 1747.
But within six months he died.

Aaron Burr followed Dickinson in the presidency. Aaron
Burr was among the youngest of all the college presidents of the
eighteenth century, always excepting Manning, the first presi-PRINCETON, PENNSYLVANIA, AND COLUMBIA 119

dent of the College in Rhode Island. Born in 1716, he took his
first degree at Yale in 1735, and three years after was ordained
pastor in Newark. In 1747, at the age of thirty-one, he became
president. Ilis success as president was immediate and conspicu-
ous. lie established the curriculum and made the laws. He
was for a decade the College. But at the age of forty-one he, too,
died. Gentleness and courtesy, frankness as well as enthusiasm,
breadth and efficiency, characterized him.

The successor of Aaron Burr was Jonathan Edwards. Jona-
than Edwards was the father-in-law of Aaron Burr the Prince-
ton president, and the grandfather of Aaron Burr the slayer of
Hamilton. What Edwards would have been as a college presi-
dent can only be conjectured. His administration was cut short
by his death within a few weeks of his accession; but the ac-
ceptance of the office by Edwards gave luster to the name of
the college. In the greatest philosopher of the New World one
college adds to its celebrity by enrolling him as its most dis-
tinguished graduate, and another by enrolling him as its most
distinguished president.

In both the College of New Jersey and King's of New York
emerges in the first years of their establishment the need of
adequate buildings. The first students at Princeton were
essentially private students of the first two presidents. Instruc-
tion was given at Elizabethtown in 1746-47, and at Newark for
almost a decade. But the location of the college at Princeton,
^ 1756, determined the trustees to proceed with the erection of a
college hall and a president's house. The College Hall was the
largest stone building erected in America before the Revolution.
Its length was a hundred and seventy feet and width fifty-four.
At the center were projections in both the front and the rear.
^ still stands as Nassau Hall, symbol of the regard that the
People of New Jersey felt for William III.—and a monument

the thoroughness of the architectural construction of the
^ddle of the eighteenth century. The building was designed
to serve all college purposes.

The first, building erected by the College of New York was
a)So ^rge and impressive. It was planned to be built on three
Sl<les of a quadrangle facing the Hudson River. It was said120 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

to be the most beautifully situated of any college building in the
world,1 a remark which has been not infrequently made regard-
ing many college structures, but one which is still more true
of the buildings of Columbia than of most institutions.

The first two college buildings at Princeton and in New
York represent the same communistic life which was established
at Harvard and at Yale. The name college had been applied to
both the legal organization or corporation of the institution and
also to the academic structure. In the common life has been
found not only education, but also fun. The life of the students
often proves that college laws were made only to promote the
fun of breaking them. The rules at King's were somewhat less
definite and strict than obtained in the early generations at
Yale and at Harvard. They were sufficiently strict to prove to
be temptations to mirth-loving Sophomores.

Certain charms of the undergraduate life are well set forth
in the following illustrations:

S. "reprimanded publicly at a visitation for having come thro' a Hole
in the College fence, at 12 o'clock at Night." S. "suspended by the
President for coming over the College fence at J past 11 o'clock last Night."
V., I)., and N. "who had gone over the College fence the preceding Tuesday
between the Hours of 3 and 4 p.m.', to bathe . . . after being reprimanded,
were ordered by the Committee to be confined to College untill the
next Saturday Evening—each of them was also directed to translate into
Latin 4 pages of Dr. Chandler's Charity Sermon, besides attending the
usual Collegiate exercises." D. "to be represented to the Committee,
ye next visitation, for refusing to open his Door when repeatedly called
upon by the President (being sent for also from home, where he had not
been for some days), and causing four Doors to be broke open before he
could be laid hold of—N. B. found, at last, in the Room opposite to his
own, where he had hid himself, having opened the Door with a false key,
and hid himself in one of the studies." "Students going without their
Caps and Gowns to be presented to the next Board of Governors." "Or-
dered that B-and D-, for being deficient each in two exercises,

and also for frequently absenting themselves from Recitations, be con-
fined within the College walls from next Monday till the Friday following;
and also, besides their usual academical exercises, translate No. 316 of

"Universities and Their Sons," vol. i, p. 589.PRINCETON, PENNSYLVANIA, AND COLUMBIA 121

the Spectator into Latin, and get by Heart 40 lines from the Beginning
of Book 1, Sat. 1 of Horace. In case of Failure or Neglect in any of these
Particulars to be immediately presented to the Board of Governors for
Degradation or Expulsion." D., "for stealing 8 sheets of Paper and a
Penknife, was reprimanded in the College Hall before all the students,
and after having his Gown stripped off by the Porter, he was ordered to
kneel down and read a paper containing an Acknowledgment of his Crime,
expressing much sorrow for it, and promising Amendment for the future
He was then forbidden to wear his Cap or Gown for one Week." 1

The identity of interests of the colleges of the central colonies
at the middle of the eighteenth century, though existing under
different conditions, is further seen in a petition that was made
in common by Dr. "William Smith, of the University of Pennsyl-
vania, and by James Jay, representative of the College in New
York, to King George III. In 1762 Dr. James Jay, who was
going to England, offered to solicit subscriptions for the college
m New York. On reaching England he found that the provost
of the University of Pennsylvania was also engaged in gather-
ing funds for his institution. The Archbishop of Canterbury
and others were friendly to both colleges. The effort to secure
separate subscriptions, it was thought, might prove disadvan-
tageous to each endeavor. Therefore permission was obtained
from the sovereign authorizing the collecting of funds. In the
formal permission it is said that the purpose of the institu-
tions is:

"Not so much to aim at any high Improvement in Knowledge, as to
guard against total Ignorance; to instil into the Minds of Youth just
nnciples of Religion, Loyalty and a love of our excellent Constitution;
0 lnsteuct them in such Branches of Knowledge and useful Arts as are
necessary to Trade, Agriculture, and a due Improvement of Our Valuable
onies; and to assist in raising up a Succession of faithful Instructors,
0 be sent forth not only among our Subjects there, but also among the
ftdians in alliance with us." 2

^ne large purpose, therefore, was held by each college, and
s Purpose was to he reached by a similarity of method.

1 "Universities and Their Sons," vol. i, pp. 603, 604.

* Ibid., p. 593.m HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

Eight years earlier the College of New Jersey had also gone
abroad for support. It went, however, not to the sovereign,
but to the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland. In
the petition made by the Synod of New York, in 1753, it is
declared that in the Colonies of New York, New Jersey, Penn-
sylvania, Maryland, Virginia, are a great number of Presby-
terian congregations which are in need of pastors. It is also
declared that there are many people who lack only a minister
in order to form themselves into churches. In the scarcity of
ministers, the petitioners are unable to fill these urgent needs.
It is affirmed that the churches must continue to be shepherd-
less, and the children of God hungry and unfed, and that the
rising age will grow up in a state little better than that of
heathenism unless ministers are supplied. It is further in-
timated that it is difficult, sometimes impossible, to send young
men two or five hundred miles to the colleges of New England.
It is therefore only to the College of New Jersey that one can
look for remedy:

"It is that your petitioners look for the increase of their numbers;
it is on that the Presbyterian churches through the six colonies above
mentioned principally depend for a supply of accomplished ministers;
from that has been obtained considerable relief already, notwithstanding
the many disadvantages that unavoidably attend it in its present infant
state; and from that may be expected a sufficient supply when brought
to maturity." 1

The prayer which is offered for aid is most urgent.

"The young daughter of the Church of Scotland, helpless and exposed
in this foreign land, cries to her tender and powerful mother for relief.
The cries of ministers oppressed with labours, and of congregations fam-
ishing for want of the sincere milk of the word, implore assistance. And
were the poor Indian savages sensible of their own case they would join
in the cry, and beg for more missionaries to be sent to propagate the re-
ligion of Jesus among them." 1

The general educational condition for the larger part of
the eighteenth century was embodied in important respects in
the character and work of Samuel Johnson. For in him were

1 Maclean's "History of the College of New Jersey," vol. i, p. 151.PRINCETON, PENNSYLVANIA, AND COLUMBIA 123

united several significant elements. A graduate of Yale in
1714, he served as tutor for several years. Born into the
Puritan faith, he early found himself turning from the more
barren parts of its creed. He was one of that little company,
of which President Cutler was the most conspicuous member,
who sought ordination at the hands of an English bishop. Soon
after his return to America he became, and continued to be for
more than three decades, the rector of the Episcopal church
in Stratford. Throughout this period he was one of the leaders
of his church in the colonies. At the time of Bishop Berkeley's
sojourn in Newport he came into intimate relationship with
him—a relationship which continued in spirit throughout their
lives. In the fifth decade he was asked by Benjamin Franklin
to become the head of the new institution in Philadelphia. The
invitation he declined. But a short time after he did accept
the presidency of the new college in New York. Samuel John-
son represented the scholastic rather than the executive type
°f the president. Throughout his life, both in the ministry
an(l in the presidency, he wrote much. In philosophy he was
a follower of his friend Bishop Berkeley. One of his volumes
^as dedicated to Berkeley and was printed by Benjamin Frank-
lin. He a conspicuous figure in educational and clerical
We for more than a half century, and he forever unites in one
career an official relation to Yale College, and a service as the
first president of what is now known as Columbia, together
^ith an opportunity to become the first president of the Uni-
versity of Pennsylvania.

In character Samuel Johnson seems to have embodied the
Aristotelian principle of the golden mean. His character was
symmetrical. The manly and aesthetic elements of his nature
were quite as superior as his intellectual. lie had firmness with-
out obstinacy, aggressiveness without audacity; he united respect
or °tbers with a proper regard for his own character and judg-
ment. Patience without dilatoriness, courage without any hint
boldness, contributed to the worth and success of his long
career. He embodied a phrase which Gladstone1 once applied

Morley's "Life of Gladstone," vol. ii, p. 640.124 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

to the mind of the first Lord Aberdeen: " chartered tran-
quillity." His worth lay rather in the combination of elements
and abilities than in the greatness of any one part. In the New
World and age he showed a rare appreciation of the refinements
of life and gentleness of manners. Seven years after his death,
which occurred in 1772, President Stiles wrote of him as fol-
lows: " Dr. Johnson was an excellent Classical Scholar—he had
few equals in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew. He was the Gentle-
man and the Scholar and of amiable manners. Not of the
deepest penetration and Judgment, but of multiform and ex-
tensive Reading. He did not figure greatly as a president, but
it does not seem to have been for want of Learning. He was
good at the Sciences, easy and communicative, was eminent in
Moral Philosophy." 1 It may be added that President Stiles
suggests that Dr. Cutler and Dr. Johnson were " men of sobriety
and of good morals." Such testimony, in view of the difference
in ecclesiastical relationships of Dr. Cutler and of Dr. Johnson
and those of Dr. Stiles, may be regarded as strong commendation.

A comparison between the colleges of the New World and of
old England of the eighteenth century is not a comparison, it
is a contrast. This contrast, it may as well be said at once,
is to the advantage of the new institutions of the New World.
The eighteenth century has been compared to a valley between
the mountains of the seventeenth and of the nineteenth century.
Never had the colleges of Oxford and Cambridge sunk to a
lower level.	4

The commonplace character of the age was reflected in
the life of the universities. The colleges were without discipline,
as their members were without scholarship. Idleness prevailed.
Tutors offered few or no lectures, and students were not
students. There were scholars, but scholarship was not a pre-
vailing force. The lofty traditions of Oxford and Cambridge
had fallen. The scholastic and moral unfaithfulness of the
times was universally, as it was painfully, common. Routh, the
president of Magdalen, born in 1755 and dying in 1854, was one
of the greatest men for many years at Oxford. When he was at

1 Dexter's "Yale Biographies and Annals," vol. i, p. 126.PRINCETON, PENNSYLVANIA, AND COLUMBIA 125

the age of ninety Faber, '' the chief college officer in the matter
of discipline, called upon him one morning, evidently preparing
to break some sad news. ' Stop, I know what you're going to
tell me,' lie said. ' One of the Fellows has died drunk in the
night.' ' It is indeed so,' said Faber. But before he could give
the name the President exclaimed, ' Stay, let me guess.' He
guessed right. ' There, you see I knew the men well. He's
just the sort of fellow to die drunk.' "1

Numbers are no certain test of the worth of an academic in-
stitution, but they are a mark of either prosperity or of decline.
In the middle of the eighteenth century the number of students
at the University of Cambridge had fallen to the lowest point
which they had touched since the Civil War. Between 1750
and 1755 the number of B.A. degrees granted in one year was
°nly once as large as one hundred. In 1676 the number of B.A.
degrees granted for Jesus College was sixty-nine; in 1702 and
1703 it was sixty-seven; in 1747 and 1748 it was only fourteen.

The scholarship and morals of the men were apparently quite
as mean as the numbers were small. The greatest man of the
century, measured by the larger standards, was Adam Smith.
A(lam Smith has left on record his opinion of Oxford. In a
chapter of his great book, dealing with the expense of educational
institutions, he says: " The endowments of schools and colleges
have necessarily diminished more or less the necessity of ap-
plication in the teachers. Their subsistence, so far as it arises
from their salaries, is evidently derived from a fund altogether
independent of their success and reputation in their particular
Professions. ..." Speaking of the leniency and laxity of the
Methods and of the overindulgence and indifference of the
teachers of his time, he says that " in the University of Oxford,
ttle greater part of the public professors have, for these many
years, given up altogether even the pretense of teaching. . . ."

" Whatever forces a certain number of students to any col-
kge or university, independent of the merit or reputation of the
teachers, tends more or less to diminish the necessity of that
merit or reputation. . . .

1 Mozley's "Reminiscences," vol. i, p. 320.126 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

" The discipline of colleges and universities is in general
contrived, not for the benefit of the students, but for the interest,
or, more properly speaking, for the ease of the masters. Its
object is, in all cases, to maintain the authority of the master,
and, whether he neglects or performs his duty, to oblige the
students in all cases to behave to him as if he performed it
with the greatest diligence and ability. It seems to presume
perfect wisdom and virtue in the one order, and the greatest
weakness and folly in the other. Where the masters, however,
really perform their duty, there are no examples, I believe, that
the greater part of the students ever neglect theirs. No dis-
cipline is ever requisite to force attendance upon lectures which
are really worth the attending, as is well known wherever any
such lectures are given. . . . Such is the generosity of the
greater part of young men, that, so far from being disposed
to neglect or despise the instructions of their master, provided
he shows some serious intention of being of use to them, they
are generally inclined to pardon a great deal of incorrectness
in the performance of his duty, and sometimes even to conceal
from the public a good deal of gross negligence." 1

The opinion of Edward Gibbon is more familiar, and, if
possible, more impressive: " To the University of Oxford I
acknowledge no obligation; and she will as cheerfully renounce
me for a son, as I am willing to disclaim her for a mother. I
spent fourteen months at Magdalen College; they proved the
fourteen months the most idle and unprofitable of my whole life.
The reader will pronounce between the school and the scholar;
but I cannot affect to believe that Nature had disqualified me
for all literary pursuits. The specious and ready excuse of my
tender age, imperfect preparation, and hasty departure may
doubtless be alleged; nor do I wish to defraud such excuses of
their proper weight. Yet in my sixteenth year I was not devoid
of capacity or application: even my childish reading had dis-
played an early though blind propensity for books; and the
shallow flood might have been taught to flow in a deep channel
and a clear stream. In the discipline of a well-constituted

1 Adam Smith's "The Wealth of Nations," Book V, chapter i, art. 2.PRINCETON, PENNSYLVANIA, AND COLUMBIA 127

academy, under the guidance of skillful and vigilant professors,
I should gradually have risen from translations to originals,
from the Latin to the Greek classics, from dead languages to
living science: my hours would have been occupied by useful
and agreeable studies, the wanderings of fancy would have
been restrained, and I should have escaped the temptations
°f idleness, which finally precipitated my departure from
Oxford. . . . The schools of Oxford and Cambridge were
founded in a dark age of false and barbarous science;
and they are still tainted with the vices of their origin. . . .

uring the iirst weeks I constantly attended these lessons in my
tutor's room; but as they appeared equally devoid of profit
pleasure, I was once tempted to try the experiment of a
ormal apology. The apology was accepted with a smile. I
repeated the offense with less ceremony; the excuse was admitted
with the same indulgence: the slightest motive of laziness or
indisposition, the most trilling avocation at home or abroad, was
allowed as a worthy impediment; nor did my tutor appear con-
scious of my absence or neglect. Had the hour of lecture been
constantly filled, a single hour was a small portion of my
academic leisure. No plan of study was recommended for my
Use; no exercises were prescribed for his inspection; and at
le most precious season of youth whole days and weeks were
suffered to elapse without labor or amusement, without advice

0r account.''1

. The historian of the Roman Empire may not be quite a fair
interpreter of undergraduate conditions at Oxford, but, when
every abatement has been made, it is clear that Magdalen Col-
ege, one of the most conspicuous of the colleges at Oxford, was
not an agency of either scholarship or of education.

The relation of the Church of England and of Oxford and
abridge has always been a close relation. Both as cause
effect, the colleges have prospered with the prosperity of the
lurch, and the colleges have suffered in times of ecclesiastical
ePression. This intimacy of relationship was at once com-
meruled and condemned in the age of Elizabeth. It was then

Autobiography of Edward Gibbon," edited by Ilowells, p. 79 el seq.128 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

said that the universities were becoming too largely seminaries
for the training of the clergy. In the eighteenth century the
Church of England sank to its lowest level. Though there were
great scholars among her ministers, yet the secularizing policy
of the State was fatal to religious efficiency. The University
suffered with the Church. Thackeray somewhere remarks that
the theologian in liquor is not a respectable object. The college
professor is hardly more respectable. The wine cup for the
bishop and for the master was a greater stimulus than were the
flames which burned upon the altar of either piety or scholarship.

In the Universities the whole century was, with a few not-
able exceptions, such as John Henderson of Pembroke, an age
of intellectual stagnation. The influences which should have
ruled in the University did not rule, and the influences which
should not have ruled did control. Lord Chesterfield said that
he would not send his son to Oxford for he had been there him-
self. • Never had politics influenced academic appointments and
preferences with greater power or more lamentable disaster.
Never was teaching more indifferent, academic government more
sluggish, or collegiate conditions more deadening. Never were
fellowships in their appointments more completely dominated
by personal prejudice, or, in the person of their incumbents,
more untrained in efficiency and intelligence. Never were under-
graduates more careless of great aims or of academic discipline,
more submissive to the solicitations of appetite, or less obedient
to academic authority. Never, too, was academic authority less
worthy of being obeyed.

In the face of such English conditions the colleges of the
New World in the eighteenth century exhibited not the cardinal
graces of good manners but the cardinal virtues of temperance
and of hard work. They had no history. They were with-
out prestige. Their revenues were small. Their scholarly tests
and forces were few and slight. But they yet offered to hu-
manity such founders as Franklin and Samuel Johnson, and they
trained scholars and thinkers, of whom Jonathan Edwards was
one. They educated for American life clergymen who worthily
led the church; and they contributed citizens to the Common-
wealth who were soon to create a new world power.CHAPTER Y

later prerevolutionary developments

The foundation of most colleges is the result of the operation
°f loeal causes. Harvard is primarily the child of Boston,
Columbia of New York, Pennsylvania of Philadelphia. But the
college in Rhode Island represents the cooperation of causes
extending from Massachusetts to South Carolina. Like the
University of Chicago in the last decades of the nineteenth cen-
tury, it sprang from the devotion of members to a Church having
organizations in every State; in its origin local conditions had
Httle or no influence.

The decades following " The Great Awakening " were
Periods of growth of the Baptist Church in both New England
and the central colonies. In 1740 in Massachusetts were six
baptist churches, in Rhode Island eleven, in Connecticut
four. Jn i70g the number in Massachusetts had increased
^irty, in Rhode Island to thirty-six, in Connecticut to
twelve. The Philadelphia Association of churches, having
representatives in no less than six States, had come in 1762
t° number thirty organizations. The beginnings of a more
rapid growth were already in evidence. The Church was
^°t> like the Congregational, a New England institution, nor,
ike the Dutch Reformed, one of New York. If it failed
lu any one Commonwealth to be the standing order, it yet
respected in each. It was therefore natural that the desire
.° establish a college for the training of its ministry should
^crease as the opportunities for the work of the ministry en-
arged. These churches and their ministry found themselves
^rnewhat at variance with other ecclesiastical organizations,
ey believed in the separation of the State and the Church. In
assachusetts the State and the Church were one. They held,
^th Edwards, that only those who had met with a change of

m130 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

heart should become members of the Church. They followed
Roger Williams in accepting that freer teaching of liberty of
conscience which was promoted in certain decades in the Puritan
colonies. They clung to their own interpretation of the form
of baptism, and of the rite of the Lord's Supper. In Massa-
chusetts and Connecticut their resistance to certain ecclesiastical
laws was met with fines, and in Virginia with imprisonment.

In the year 1762 the Baptist Association of Philadelphia
took definite and formal action looking to the establishment of
a college. Behind this result lay much observation, reflection,
discussion. The place chosen was Rhode Island. Some one
of the southern colonies was supposed by many to be a more
fit place for laying such a foundation. South of the James no
college existed. But the prevalence of influences favorable to
the Baptist Church in the Colony of Roger Williams promoted
its establishment there. The establishment of a college in Rhode
Island did not necessitate the reconciliation of different de-
nominations of the Church as did the foundation of King's. It
did not embody any appeal to the State for special donations or
for annual grants, as was the case in Yale and Harvard. Its
constituency, if widely scattered, was yet devoted and single-
minded. Its field of support was, if large, clearly marked.

Out of debate less in amount and less virulent than ob-
tained in the granting of not a few charters, a charter was
granted to the college in Rhode Island. Its simple reading
proves its liberality. It represents human and humanistic pur-
poses. It declares that " institutions for liberal education are
highly beneficial to society, by forming the rising generation
to virtue, knowledge, and useful literature; and thus preserving
in the community a succession of men duly qualified for dis-
charging the offices of life with usefulness and reputation.''1
It also prohibits the use of any religious tests, and expressly
asserts that the members shall ever enjoy free, full, absolute,
and uninterrupted liberty of conscience. It opens its doors
with equal freedom to all denominations of Protestants, and
affirms that sectarian differences of opinion shall not form any

Guild's "History of Brown University/' p. 132.LATER PREREVOLUTIONARY DEVELOPMENTS 131

part of the public and classical instruction.1 But while the
charter is thus broad, the association of the College with the
Baptist Church is affirmed and promoted. Of thirty-six mem-
bers of the Board of Trust, twenty-two are to be Baptists, five
Friends, four Congregationalists, and five Episcopalians. Of
the Board of Fellows of twelve members, eight are to be Bap-
tists, and the other four may be members of any denomina-
tion. It is declared expressly that the President shall be a mem-
ber of the Baptist Church, as was the president of King's to
be a member of the Church of England.

Although it has been declared that one motive for the founda-
tion of a college in Rhode Island was to secure an institution
more free from denominational restrictions and sectarian tests
than obtained in the case of the five colleges already established,
yet the control of the College in Rhode Island by members
of the Baptist Church was made full and definite. The associa-
tion of the College with the Baptist Church was made more
intimate than the College of New Jersey with the Presbyterian.
But without doubt the government of the College, in respect
to students of other than Baptist beliefs, was more free than
obtained in the case of Yale, in respect to students of Epis-
copal faith.

The time of the laying of the foundation was the year of
1?62. It was the year of the graduation at Princeton of the first
President of the new college. Manning's residence at Princeton
covered the last years of the presidency of Davis and the first of
the term of Finley. Among his fellow-students were David
Caldwell, who, 011 account of old age, declined an offer of the
Presidency of the University of North Carolina; Edwards, who
became president of Union College; Henderson, Sergant, and
•Patterson, who became members of the Continental Congress,
ai*d Reeves, founder of the first Law School at Litchfield, and
Chief Justice of Connecticut. Three years later, at the age of
twenty-five, Manning was formally chosen president. In addi-
tion to the office of president, he was also made professor of lan-
guages and of other subjects. The confidence of the trustees in

1 Guild's "History of Brown University," pp. 137-138.
10132 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

his character was hardly inferior to their respect for what they
thought to be his encyclopaedic learning. Seldom has the confi-
dence of a body of trustees been more rightly bestowed. The
early maturity of Manning was no sign of a premature decline
of power. He seems to have united the dexterity of a modern
athlete with gracefulness of manner and graciousness of spirit.
Ilis graciousness was held in proper restraint by good sense.
Every acquaintance was a friend, and every cause promotive of
the public welfare found in him a fitting supporter. He was for
a short time a member of the Congress of Confederation, being,
with Witherspoon and, in his time, with Seelye of Amherst,
among the few presidents who have taken active and formal part
in national legislation. For more than a quarter of a century
he served as president, his term being the longest of the first
presidents of any institution founded before the Revolution,
with the exception of James Blair of William and Mary.

The pecuniary foundation of the College was laid in the offer-
ings of Baptists of both old England and the new. The College
in Rhode Island, like every other, turned to what was still called
" home" for endowment. In 1767 and 1768 the Rev. Morgan
Edwards—born in Wales, ordained in Ireland, serving as pastor
in England, coming to Pennsylvania—who had been efficient in
stirring up the Philadelphia churches in behalf of education,
was sent abroad to secure subscriptions for the College. He
bore with himself a letter from the trustees, addressed to the
General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, asking for as-
sistance and encouragement. The letter contained no intimations,
however, of either Presbyterian or Baptist doctrines; it based
its appeal for aid upon the " great utility of a good education."
But Mr. Edwards did not see fit to go north of the Tweed;
his work of solicitation was confined to Ireland and to Eng-
land. In Ireland about two hundred, and in England no less
than three hundred, subscriptions were secured. The amounts
were usually small, seldom exceeding ten pounds, and in some
cases being less than a pound. Among the Irish towns he
visited were Cork, Dublin, Belfast, Waterford, Antrim, Coler-
aine, Londonderry, and Ormond; and in England—besides
London—Bristol, Exeter, Taunton, Rye, and Oxford. TheLater rREIlEVOLUTIONARY DEVELOPMENTS 133

whole amount secured was almost nine hundred pounds, which
Was put aside as a foundation for the salary of the president.
His experience in gathering up this relatively small sum of
money, in relation to large amounts that were at the same time
being collected by the representatives of Dartmouth College,
be relates in a letter to President Manning:

" If I were to stay in London ever so long I believe I should
Set money, but it comes so slowly and by such small sums that
I cannot spare the time. ITowevcr, I may depend on the friend-
ship of two or three when I leave the kingdom, who have prom-
ised to solicit for us, and do not doubt but they will do more
than I shall be able to accomplish, as they may watch con-
venient seasons. There have been no less than six cases of
charity pushed about town this winter, viz.: two from Germany,
two from the country of England, and two from America. The
unwearied beneficence of the city of London is amazing.

" Your newspapers, and letters from your government, pub-
lished in other papers, have hurt me much. You boast of the
^any yards of cloth you manufacture, etc. This raises the in-
dignation of the merchants and manufacturers. I have been
n«t only denied by hundreds, but also abused on that score. My
Patience, my feet, my assurance, are much impaired. I took
a cold in November which stuck to me all winter, owing to
my trampoosing the streets in all weathers."1

Soon after Edwards brought his offerings of foreign money,
it was determined to seek further aid in the south. South Caro-
lina and Georgia were the fields selected. Ilezekiah Smith, a
classmate of Manning at Princeton, was chosen agent. In the
two hundred and fifty days which Smith spent in the south he
secured an equal number of subscriptions, which aggregated
about twenty-live hundred dollars. The list of names of sub-
scribers residing in Charleston includes Gadsden, Laurens, and
Members of other historic families. The comments of Mr.
Smith, as still recorded in his formal papers, upon the names
those whom he hoped to make benefactors, are significant.
"No money," " doubtful," " probable," " call again," "out

1 Guild's "History of Brown University," p. 153.134 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

of town," " go thy way for this time." They illustrate the
truth that the heart of both the solicitor and the solicited has not
changed in the course of a century.

The financial history of the College for its first half century
and more is a very simple one. In the five years from 1766
to 1771 subscriptions were made in an amount slightly in excess
of a thousand dollars. The money obtained in England and
Ireland, in South Carolina and Georgia, aggregated seven thou-
sand dollars. Soon after, for the erection of college buildings,
was secured a sum slightly less than ten thousand dollars. Dur-
ing the remainder of the century the whole amount received was
less than five thousand dollars, and in the first quarter of the
nineteenth century less than half this sum was added. There-
fore, from the foundation of the College up to the year 1825
less than twenty-five thousand dollars were given for the en-
dowment or the support of the college in Rhode Island.

The growth of the College in students was not as slow as its
progress in endowment. In 1765 there was but one student;
in the year following, six; in 1767, ten; in 1770, twenty-one; in
1773, thirty-five, and in 1775, forty-one. That the college was
succeeding in its purpose of serving the people in every Colony
is evident. Among the seven members of the class which took
their degrees at the first Commencement in 1769 were represent-
atives of no less than five Colonies—Pennsylvania, Connecticut,
New Jersey, as well as Massachusetts and Rhode Island. The
service which these men in subsequent life rendered the new
nation is significant and impressive. Rogers, the first student,
became the pastor of the First Baptist Church at Philadelphia
and a professor in the University of Pennsylvania. Williams
was president of an academy of wide usefulness, which fitted
no less than eighty students for his college. Thompson was
a chaplain in the American army and pastor of a Baptist Church
in Rhode Island. Varnum became a brigadier general in the
army, and subsequently a lawyer and writer of distinction.

In the middle decades of the eighteenth century two col-
leges were founded, each of denominational origin and fateful
with diverse results for the fifty years following their origin.
One was founded in Rhode Island and bore the name of itsLATER PREREVOLUTIONARY DEVELOPMENTS 135

province, whose lawmaking body gave it a charter. The other
was founded in New Jersey and bore the name of Queens, in
honor of Queen Charlotte, the wife of the king who granted to it
a charter. After a few years each of these colleges took on the
flame of a benefactor which it has since borne—Brown and
Rutgers. ,j

It was a century and a half after the first Hollanders came
to America that a college was founded by and for them. The
Hollanders came, in part at least, as temporary residents, and
they came for trade. Their aim and method were commercial.
In this condition lies one of the reasons that New Amsterdam
and its neighborhood had to wait for almost a hundred and fifty
years for the establishment of a college. Those who came to
New England as religious or ecclesiastical exiles embodied a type
°f humanity more akin to academic traditions and ideals than
those who came to buy and sell pelts.

But it is to be said that the Hollanders were churchmen;
they were adherents of the reform faith. They came like the
Puritan and the Pilgrim, bearing a church. About the sarcoph-
agus of William the Silent, at Delft, stand four figures—Liberty,
with her scepter and cap; Justice, with her scales; Prudence,
with a twig, and Religion, having in one hand a Bible and in
the other a miniature church. The spirit of religion which the
great staatholder embodied belonged to each of his subjects.
But the churches in New Amsterdam and neighboring parts
did not grow. Their ministers were few, not sufficient to fill
the vacant pastorates.

The ideals of academic culture and of clerical service were,
80 far as they were announced by the Hollanders who came to
the New World, high. The University of Leyden and of Utrecht
they held before themselves as embodiments of learning and
°f piety. At this time, in the middle of the seventeenth cen-
tury, no universities were more famous than those of Holland.
The men, therefore, who came to the New World felt that no
institution which they could found in the wilderness could be
worthy. They therefore looked back to Holland for education,
aud for clergymen to fill their pulpits.

But as the generations passed it was found that the adminis-136 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

tration of a church by ecclesiastical bodies three thousand miles
away was not feasible. The process was expensive in money,
in life, and in administrative efficiency. It is estimated that for
certain decades, of all those who went from the New World
to the Old "World for ecclesiastical ordination, one-fifth lost their
lives either by shipwreck or by disease. Endeavors, therefore,
for a college in America emerged about the middle of the eigh-
teenth century. The diminishing of ecclesiastical loyalty to
the governing powers of Holland and the growth of the sense
of duty of training clergymen for service under American con-
ditions were contemporaneous. Therefore, in the seventh decade
of the eighteenth century appear distinct and forceful endeavors
to establish a college for the Hollanders. The charter given by
George III., in 1770, which was in fact the second (no copy of
the first having been preserved), indicates the purpose of the
foundation. The providing of the churches with an able, learned,
and well-qualified ministry is the ultimate purpose. But also a
more general purpose is indicated. The promotion of learning
for the benefit of the community is included, and the advance-
ment of the Protestant religion of all denominations receives
specific mention.

• But the college thus launched at New Brunswick did not
enter into smooth waters. Its course was stormy, and its ad-,
vancement slow. The traditional division of the church into two
parties, the conservative and the progressive, was accentuated.
The strength which should have gone into the promotion of the
cause which both parties held dear was wasted in mutual con-
tention. No president was chosen until the year 1786, and when
one was chosen he served only four years. For the next score
of years the college was without an executive head. From the
granting of the charter in 1770, for the period of forty years,
to 1810, the college had the service of a president only four,
and when one was chosen in 1810 his service was only formal.

The lack of a strong administration in Queen's, as in the case
of every college, was the prevailing cause of its slow progress.
A strong administration, such as that of Manning in Rhode
Island or of Wheelock in Dartmouth, is usually the efficient cause
of growth and development. It was not until after long andLATER PREREVOLUTIONARY DEVELOPMENTS 137

frequent periods of executive inefficiency, resulting, in the
second decade of the century, in the temporary suspension of
the college, that, in the year 1825, the college entered into its
modern age of vigorous life.

The influence of Yale as the mother of colleges was felt
early. The first president of the college in New York and of the
college in New Jersey were sons of Yale, and the founder of
Dartmouth, Eleazar Wheelock, was a member of its Class of
1^33. The year following Wheelock's graduation he spent in
studying for the ministry, a calling to which eight of his class
°f sixteen members devoted themselves. Wheelock, with a class-
mate, was the first to share in the income of the foundation
°f Dean Berkeley. In the year 1735 he became pastor in
Lebanon, now Columbia, Conn. His zeal was soon mani-
fest. It found an early opportunity for exercise, both in cause
and in result, in " The Great Awakening," of the fifth decade.
The energy, enthusiasm, and earnestness of the man were thus
early proved. But zeal failed to make up a salary, which, al-
though nominally of one hundred and forty pounds, was in
actual purchasing power hardly more than a hundred and forty
dollars. lie therefore, in his enthusiasm and poverty, deter-
mined to take a few students into his family. Among the boys
thus received was Samson Occum, a Mohegan Indian, who had
become a Christian, and who desired to go as a missionary to
his tribe. So happy was the experience with Occum that
Wheelock determined to found a school for the training of
Indians as missionaries to their tribes. The school was founded,
and the school grew. In 1757 it had four students, in .1760
seven, in the next year eleven, and in the next year of 1762 it
showed a yet larger increase. In carrying it on Wheelock was
aided by Colonel Joshua Moor (Moore), after whom it was called
Moor's Indian Charity School. Grants were received from the
society in Scotland for Propagating Christian Knowledge,
from the Legislatures &f Massachusetts and of Connecticut, and
from individuals.

The purpose of Christianizing the Indian was constantly
and early held by the people of both sides of the Atlantic.
The great missionary societies of Edinburgh and of London138

HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

had sent out their representatives in the prosecution of this
pious aim. The English society maintained for a long time a
Board of Commissioners in Boston, and the Scotch established
a Board of Correspondence in New York in 1741. The early col-
leges and schools, no less than the churches, were eager to civil-
ize the Indian and to make him Christian.

The attempt of "Wheelock was more prolonged, more earnest,
and of larger relations than obtained in the case of any school
which had a close relation to a college, or of any college itself.
But it may as well be at once confessed that the attempt of
Wheelock was hardly more successful than that made at Harvard
College a hundred years before. Woolley, one of the three of
his Indian boys who had by 1758 apparently shaken off the
Indian nature with his blanket, was sent the next year to com-
plete his education at Princeton College. In his Senior year, in
1762, he was returned in disgrace. Presently he made a confes-
sion of drunkenness and various incivilities. lie went back to
Princeton after a time, but from Princeton he ran away in
the last month of 1763. But Woolley, be it said, so far re-
formed as to establish a school of no less than twenty pupils
among his own people. But that scourge consumption, which
smote the Harvard Indian of the long name a hundred years
before, and which still smites Indian youth confined in school
or college, ended his life in less than three years after leaving
Princeton.

But in no small degree Wheelock succeeded in carrying out
his purpose of preaching the Gospel and of establishing schools
among the Indians by educating members of their own tribes.
In the year 1765 the attendance at such schools numbered no less
than one hundred and twenty-seven. In fact these schools had
assumed so important a place that, later in this year, it was
determined to make a special appeal in their behalf to the people
of Great Britain. Occum, who had entered Wheelock\s family
twenty or more years before, was, with the Rev. Nathaniel
Whitaker, appointed representative. Occum and Whitaker spent
about two and a half years in England and Scotland collecting
no less than twelve thousand pounds. The exact purpose of
these gifts given was *4 toward building and endowing anLATER PRERE VOLUTION ARY DEVELOPMENTS 139

Indian academy for clothing, boarding, maintaining, and edu-
cating such Indians as are designed for missionaries and school-
masters, and for maintaining those who are, or hereafter
shall be, employed on this glorious errand.''1 The purpose
thus stated is significant. If on the one side it was declared,
as it was declared, that these funds were given to educate
Indians and Indians only, on the other side it was affirmed that
they could be properly used to educate white men as well.

Hardly had Occum and Whitaker returned when unhappy
conditions in the education of the Indian youth emerged. In
1768 occurred the defection of the Oneidas and Mohawks. The
number of Indians in the school was reduced. With the reduc-
tion of the number of Indians an attempt was made to increase
the number of white boys in attendance. Their number soon
amounted to a score. The need of the higher education for men
who desired to enter missionary work was evident enough.
Wheelock supported boys, whom he had fitted for college, at
either Princeton or Yale. In 1767 he was maintaining at least
pupils, including his son John, in the New Haven Col-
lege. For the purpose of lessening expenses, and keeping
students under his own immediate charge, in the next year he
organized what might be called a collegiate branch of his
school. Students, therefore, whom he had supported at Yale
°r at Princeton were brought back home. No power to confer
degrees was possessed, but collegiate studies were pursued. Out
°f such conditions and through the action of such causes Dart-
mouth College was founded.	- y

As early as the year 1764 Wheelock had asked for a charter
from the Colony of Connecticut. His request had been refused.
Two years before Governor Wentworth had offered a tract of
land in the western part of New Hampshire for the use of the
school. In 1769 the offer was accepted. In the last month
°f the same year the governor of New Hampshire granted a
charter for Dartmouth College, naming it after Lord Dart-
mouth, who had been most helpful to Occum and Whitaker in
making their collections. Wheelock was made president, and

> Cease's "History of Dartmouth College/' etc., p. 59.140 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

Hanover was selected as the place. Midway between the grant-
ing of the charter and the fixing of the site at Hanover Wheelock
was dismissed from his pastorate in Lebanon, and in the fall
of 1770 he took up his residence in Hanover.

Every college is, for at least a time, the lengthened shadow
of one man. The most forceful president who had, up to the
beginning of the middle decades of the eighteenth century, ap-
peared, was Eleazar Wheelock. Dartmouth College was for a
decade his exterior personality. What may be called the
predecessor of Dartmouth College was, for more than a decade,
not only his exterior personality, but almost his personality it-
self; and Dartmouth College, for decades subsequent to his
death, may be called the prolongation of his personality or of the
influence of his family. Certain elements of his own character
have, moreover, for almost a hundred and fifty years been
among its characteristics.

The history of Dartmouth College for its first decade is a
biography of Eleazar Wheelock, and a biography of Eleazar
Wheelock is a history of Dartmouth College. The colleges al-
ready established had been placed in or near a metropolis.
Cambridge, Williamsburg, New York, Philadelphia, and Prince-
ton were political, social, or commercial centers. Dartmouth
College was put down in the wilderness. Those who came to
Hanover in 1770 were indeed inspired by a vision seen in the
mount. The present picturesque and impressive scenes- were
then a prophecy. In all the college towns of the Colonies the
settlement of the people preceded, by years few as at Cambridge,
or by years many as at New Haven and Philadelphia, the founda-
tion of an academic community. But in New .Hampshire the
foundation of the College and of the village was contempora-
neous. The pine logs were alike converted into the home and the
dormitory. Wild beasts were as numerous as the domestic
animals. The first houses were built of logs, and without stone,
glass, or nails. All the rigors and sufferings of an early settle-
ment touched alike the college and the village community.
Clothing was scarce, food high, and the money both scarce
and depreciated in purchasing power. The first seal of
the College, containing the words " Vox clamantis in deserto,"LATER PREREVOLUTIONARY DEVELOPMENTS 141

represents the condition, and the figures of the Indians
standing beneath the growing pines help to complete the other
elements of the desolate and dreary scene. But be it also
s&id that on the right of the shield is a figure of Religion and
°n the left a figure of Justice, and that above appears a triangle
on which are written in Hebrew the words " God Almighty.99
Thus was again repeated the Anglo-Saxon story of faith in God
and of faith in man as the cause and result of the progressive
Movement of humanity.1

In this condition Wheelock was at once the man of destiny
and of service. All functions were performed by him. He
Was the universal executive—scholastic, civil, educational, do-
mestic. In one of the college buildings was kept a store. Upon
him the care of it fell. He was the farmer, the miller, and the
lumberman at the sawmill. The commons was a branch of
his family kitchen; of it he was steward. He was treasurer,
Professor of divinity, and pastor of the church. He essentially
was the Board of Trustees and the faculty. If any student was
to be reprimanded, he was the one to deal the blow; if the gates
°f the college property were out of order, he was the one to mend
them; and if the pigs did damage, to the neighbors, he was the
one to put the pigs back in their pens, to settle damages, and
t(> Pour balm on injured feelings.2 These and similar works,

1	u In connection with these and the blackened stumps that long adorned
the college green, the following anecdote, of a few years' later date, is handed
d°wn to us. It is said that Professor Smith, who was a timid man, and
Perhaps a little nearsighted, in passing across the green early one foggy
horning encountered, as he supposed, a she-bear with her family. Badly
scared, he rushed to the chapel, with gown streaming in the wind, shouting,

A bear and three cubs! A bear and three cubs I' The students, hastening
PeUmell to the rescue, found but a large black stump and three small ones
**ear it. It happened soon after that the professor, in the course of a
rhetorical exercise, called for an example of the gesture of fright, which the
student rendered with great effect by striking an attitude and shouting, * A
hear and three cubs! A bear and three cubs! ' "—Chase's " History of Dart-
m°uth College/' p. 230'

2	Doctr Wheelock : Sir, I should take it as a grait Favour if you would
Put up your small pigs, for they Daly Do me Damage; and as you are know-
lng to it, I shall take it unkind if you don't take care of them.

From your humble Servt., George Eager.

' Chase's "History of Dartmouth College," p. 545.142 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

with necessary changes of emphasis, were the works of Wheelock
until his death in 1779.

The significance of Wheelock's diverse energy becomes more
significant in view of the social and civil conditions. The times
were troublous. Hanover was in constant danger of attack
from the dreaded Indian and his white ally. Settlements
were remote. Transportation of person and of goods was slow.
The need of life's simpler provisions was pressing and con-
stant. The tempests and anxieties of the community were the
expositions of the mind and heart of Wheelock. Although in
temper cheerful and in deportment urbane, yet he was not
free from quarrelsome discussion with fellow-trustee and with
neighbor. For harsh words spoken or written about him, he
was not averse to bringing suits for libel. He disputed with
the town in reference to academic concerns. At one time he
thought of removing the College to the State of New York.
John Phillips and Samuel Phillips, uncle and nephew, whose
beneficences live in Andover and Exeter, wise and conciliatory
men as well as generous, found cooperation with him difficult.
But early and late he labored, every day of the week and every
week of the year, without other compensation than the satisfac-
tion that belongs to those who lift up their eyes unto the hills
and who find their help coming from the Lord.

Wheelock remains the type of the aggressive president under
pioneer conditions of the first century and a half of the history
of the higher education in America. Courage, persistence, self-
reliance, initiative, are the fundamental notes in his character.
He trusted himself, he also trusted Providence. His talents
were versatile and diverse. Shrewd in business, he commanded
attention as a preacher. Having executive power of a high
order, he yet was superior to many presidents as a scholar.
He possessed the persistence of his contemporary, Clap, at Yale,
together with the desire of managing things, characteristic of
Increase Mather of Harvard, and his heart was filled with a love
for his family, which reminds one of President Johnson of
Columbia. He is one of the men of the type who give evi-
dence of possessing capacity for preeminence in any calling
which they might have selected.later piieiievolutionaiiy developments 148

The life of the students in the first decades of Dartmouth Col-
lege was determined by its environment. It was a life indeed
of the wilderness. The making of proper material conditions in-
terfered with scholastic pursuits. The first elements in a civiliza-
tion are physical. In the academic, as in the general community,
the amount and the quality of food form one of the primary prob-
lems. This problem was early presented to Dartmouth men, as it
had been to Harvard men more than a hundred years before.
The distress caused by the lack of proper provisions spread
far beyond the limits of the college community. Governor
Went worth—than whom Dartmouth College or its president had
Do wiser or no truer friend—wrote, in the summer of 1774,
to Dr. Wheelock, saying: "It is therefore with the utmost
grief that I perform the strict duty of friendship to both in
telling you that it is reported and rapidly gains belief that
your provision for the students is extremely bad, their enter-
tainment neither clean, plentiful, nor wholesome, though the
Price and expense exceeds for comfortabie living; that the youth
are thereby unhealthy and debilitated, their constitutions im-
paired, and their friends and parents highly disgusted. These
Sports assail me on all sides from those who have and those
who have not children under your care. Serious and respectable
men in church and State mention it to me with charitable and
affectionate concern. I have answered them in your favor and
vindication, and suspend credit to their information. But I do,
my dear sir, adjure you, by the most sacred cause that has thus
been blessed in your hands, to prevent all cause of complaint
0r triumph to those who envy our College. At this time to
disgust the province is to ruin Dartmouth College. If you wish
kindly to yourself, to that promising plant, or to me, I entreat
you'll enter into an examination of this matter. I wish it may
now and ever be groundless."1

But the admonition of Governor Wentworth does not seem
to have resulted in proper improvement. A little later Governor
"Wentworth repeats his warning: "Wholesome, sound, and
Plentiful food must be provided. The very name of putrefied,

«Chase's "History of Dartmouth College," p. 292.144 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

stinking provisions in a College alarms parents, who wish to
secure health to their sons. Twenty oxen badly saved had better
be cast into the river and perish, than one month's improper
diet be given to the students. I would not wish to see profusion
or delicacy enter our walls. Cleanliness, plenty, and plainness
should never be absent.A week after, the charity students
made a public declaration to the effect that, " Whereas diverse
Reports respecting the badness of the Board at Dartmouth
College are credited through the country, we, the subscribers,
being students of said College and Moor's School, desirous that
the world may be rightly informed in this regard, beg leave
to assure the public that we look upon the greatest part of these
Rumors as false, unreasonable, and defamatory, and that we
have had a plenty of good provisions the year past; that our
food in general has been cooked, neat, and wholesome; and
wherein we had had a Grievance of this nature through provi-
dential and unforeseen accidents, we have never failed of all
possible Redress when proper application has been made for
that purpose. We also beg leave to contradict the Reports that
have been made, viz., that the Students have been very unhealthy
on account of the Badness and slovenly Dressing of their Pro-
visions, etc. Directly the reverse is true. Through divine good-
ness we have been remarkably healthy."2 But whereas the
charity students may have been remarkably healthy, it is appar-
ent that those who were not charity students felt as though
they had some ground for dissatisfaction. The independent
students reported that breakfast in the Hall " was mostly the
leaves of wintergreen made into a tea, and even that often
sweetened with molasses; many times only broth for supper and
breakfast, then coffee or chocolate, usually sweetened with
molasses, and beef unfit to eat," though they claimed that they
paid a price for commons " sufficient to provide wholesome and
comfortable food."3

But whether the food was good or bad, the Dartmouth men
in the first decades of the College history had many unique

1 Chase's " History of Dartmouth College/1 p. 293.

a Ibid., p. 294.	3 Ibid., p. 294.LATER PREREVOLUTIONARY DEVELOPMENTS 145

labors and sports. Dartmouth represents one of the first sys-
tematic attempts in the uniting of education and self-support.
In the intervals of study all students were expected to work on
the land or in the mills or shops. It was forbidden " at any
time to speak diminutively of the practice of labor, or by any
means cast contempt upon it, or by word or action endeavor to
discredit or discourage the same, on penalty of being obliged,
at the direction of the President or tutor, to perform the same
or its equivalent, or else (if he be not a charity scholar) to hire
the same done by others; or in case of refusal that he be dis-
missed from College."1 Men came from Litchfield, Conn., to
enter the College, paying their college bills by working in the
sawmills. One of them says, " After my admission to College
I tended the sawmill about six weeks in the spring, which was
chiefly vacation; and in the summer, besides going to College
twice or three times a day, I made it my rule to labor about
three hours in the field or garden, or some other kind of manual
labor; I had scarcely a moment's leisure from one day, week, or
month to another."2 It may be added that the one who thus
labored lived until the age of eighty-eight years, fifty-eight of
which he spent as a pastor in Connecticut.	i

But sports as well as labor belonged to this pioneer academic
immunity. Two years after the College was opened we find
Members of the Sophomore and Freshman Class petitioning to be
flowed to spend a portion of their leisure hours in " stepping
minuet, and learning the sword." We also find a party of
of a winter's night in 1772-73, with the president's con-
ser,t, camping out on beds of evergreen boughs with snowbanks
as their warmest blankets. College students are not a class, they
are a race.

But in the informalities of this pioneer condition the aca-
eruic ceremonies and observances were still respected. An early
c°de indicates the prevalence of the same essential methods and
Principles which obtained in the colleges of such capitals as
Ilaven and Cambridge. " The students . . . were required

1	Chase's "History of Dartmouth College," p. 298.

2	Ibid., p. 305.146 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

to uncover their heads at the distance of four rods from a profes-
sor, and six rods from the President; also when they enter his
dooryard (when the weather don't render it inconvenient, and
when their hands are not necessarily otherwise employed), and
never to speak of him or to him but in a manner savoring of
deference and respect.'' Freshmen were moreover required '4 to
have their heads uncovered when in the College or in the hall,
and when they speak to Senior and the Seniors themselves
were enjoined to " inspect the manners of the Freshmen, . . .
especially to a due observance of these rules."1

Behind these rules and also behind all sports, pastimes, and
manual labor of the students lay a simple and genuine respect
for scholarship. The first Commencement was held in 1771.
The four graduates had left their classes at Yale to complete
their education at Dartmouth. Two of the orations at this
. Commencement were in Latin. The disputation had for its
subject, " Whether the Knowledge of God Can be Acquired By
The Light Of Nature." In 1778 was formally created the first
professorship. The chair was broad; it covered Latin, Greek,
Hebrew, and " other learned languages." The four tutors who
had at various times aided the president represented the simplest
elements of genuine learning, inspired by a zeal for human
service. Height of purpose and intensity of earnestness helped
to make up for breadth of learning and for scholastic equip-
ment.

Both after as well as before the death of Wheelock the Col-
lege was poor. The chief endowment of the College was in land;
and land was cheap, and hard to sell at any price. The proceeds,
whenever they were secured, were usually used, not as a fund
of which the interest should be used, but as a fund for imme-
diate expenditure. The attempts made by the son of Wheelock,
his successor, to secure endowments abroad, were only partially
successful. • In the year 1783 England was not inclined to be
as generous toward the United States of America as she was
fifteen years before to her Colonies. The small results secured
by the solicitation of the president and his brother were lost, on

1 Chase's "History of Dartmouth College," p. 569.later piiere volution All y developments 147

their return, by shipwreck. In 1791 application was made to
the State for as small a loan as six hundred dollars to save the
college from bankruptcy. Resort was had to lotteries, and the
Proceeds of one of them, of nearly four thousand dollars, gave
great relief.

In the beginning of the last century, in the year 1806, after
an existence of thirty-six years, the property of the College
represented thirteen thousand five hundred dollars, which was
the result of the sale of lands. There were still unsold lands
which were estimated to be worth nine thousand five hundred
dollars. The capital value of leased land was estimated at
twenty thousand dollars more. The sum, therefore, of forty-
three thousand dollars was the entire endowment fund of the
College. The buildings, the simple apparatus, and the library
embodied the more material equipments.

But while the college was thus poor in money, it was be-
coming rich in students. In the second year after it was opened
fifty were enrolled. In the year 1773 the number had increased
to eighty; in the year 1780, when the depressing influence of
the War was greatest, the number had fallen to thirty; but at the
exclusion of the "War the attendance rapidly increased, being
a hundred in 1786, and a hundred and sixty in 1790. In
*798 it had fallen to a hundred and sixteen, but in 1810 it had
risen to a hundred and seventy-four. Compared to other col-
le&es early Dartmouth had its largest number of students in
tt*e last decade of the eighteenth century. In these ten years
Princeton conferred two hundred and forty degrees, Yale two
hundred and ninety-five, Harvard three hundred and ninety-
f°ur, and Dartmouth three hundred and sixty-three. In thirty
years the college of Eleazar Wheelock, beginning few in num-
bers, always meager in equipment, remote from the centers of
Population, had secured a great place in the life of the com-
munity. The result was largely the prolongation of the influence
the great soul of Eleazar Wheelock.

The first two-thirds of the eighteenth century form a stormy
Period in Massachusetts. As the century was in Europe re-
markable for the wars of succession, the Spanish and Austrian,
the Polish and Bavarian, so in the New England colonies the
H148 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

first six decades were conspicuous for contentions—political and
ecclesiastical. The civil condition was unsettled. A time of
transition, touching the basis of civil rights so fundamental as
the transfer from church membership to property, could not be
other than a time of struggle. Power was indeed changing. The
people were usually jealous of the governor, who was commonly
a king's policeman. The governor was willing to take advan-
tage of every opportunity for benefiting himself or enriching
his royal master. The legislative and executive authorities were,
therefore, quarrelsome.

Into this civil and political condition ecclesiastical and re-
ligious questions were thrust. In a community in which the
church is the state, or in which is occurring the separation of
these two institutions, all questions of public government hold
relations to religion and the church, and all religious and ecclesi-
astical questions hold relations to the state. The creed and its
amendment touch the civil constitution, and laws and public
statutes hold relations to the formal creed. The clergyman and
the legislator represent similar and dissimilar functions.

Such a duplex condition obtained in Massachusetts. It was
fraught with all manner of personal, constitutional, religious,
and ecclesiastical perils. The church,party was trying to keep
what the no-church party was seeking to gain, and the no-church
party was seeking to supplant the church party in rights which
they had held for several generations.

To these ills should be added the fact that moral declension
was already manifesting itself. The Governor of Connecticut,
in a proclamation for a fast in the year 1743, declared:
" Neglect and. contempt of the Gospel and its ministers, a pre-
vailing and abounding spirit of error, disorder, unpeaceableness,
pride, bitterness, uncharitableness, censoriousness, disobedience,
calumniating and reviling of authority, divisions, contentions,
separations and confusions in churches, injustice, idleness, evil
speaking, lasciviousness, and all other vices and impieties
abounded.'91 Although one does not go to a fast-day proclama-
tion for optimistic interpretations of social and civil life, yet

VQuincy's "History of Harvard University," vol. ii, pp. 47-48.LATER FREREVOLUTIONARY DEVELOPMENTS 149

there is reason to believe that the picture thus outlined was in
a large degree true as well as graphic.

The religious declension of the century was not confined to
America. It is indicated in what Bishop Butler wrote in 1736
and repeated in 1751. In a charge delivered to the clergy of
the diocese of Durham, in 1751, he observes that the decay of
religion is general; that this decay is seen by everyone, and has
been made the subject of complaint by serious persons.

The general condition of disorganization and disintegration
extended into the oldest college. Harvard was obliged to de-
pend on the General Court for grants for carrying on its
Work. Its relation therefore to the general government was
necessary and vital. Into the College came the doctrinal dis-
putes and ecclesiastical bickerings of the general community.
Congregationalists conservative and Congregationalists liberal
contended for mastery in its administration. Both wings of
this church were jealous of the increasing power of the Episco-
palians. The College officers themselves were quite as belligerent
With each other as each of the official bodies were at times with
the civil authorities. The Fellows, usually called " The Cor-
poration," as it was.the only corporation in Massachusetts in
the eighteenth century, were usually liberal in their theology
and progressive in their plans for the College. The Overseers,
a board composed of neighboring clergy and magistrates, were
conservative in both doctrine and practice. The supposition
that the college charter was repealed with the charter of the
Colony in 1684 left the college without a formal foundation
"Until, in 1707, the charter of 1650 was reaffirmed. Such a con-
dition tended to create discussion, division, and constitutional
disintegration. For more than fifty years personal, ecclesiasti-
cal, and administrative forces which should have entered into
the advancement of the College were wasted in what now seem
to be petty antagonisms and trivial jealousies. The College was
throughout this period a football which ecclesiastic and civilian,
heretic and religionist, conservative and liberal, felt free to kick
to and fro.

From the involuntary close of Increase Mather's presidency
in 1701.—a term rather more stormy than any that followed it—150 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

down to the eve of the Revolution in 1769, occurred four ad-
ministrations. They bear the name of Willard, Leverett, Wads-
worth, and Holyoke.

The college president of any age represents a type. The
Harvard president of the first two-thirds of the eighteenth cen-
tury was of large and symmetrical character. He was not, what
Plutarch says was true of Themistocles in his youth, a man of
extremes. In opinion deliberate, in action moderate, in feeling
calm, he embodied the qualities of the safe man. He was
of a type opposite to that which the Mathers embodied. Ap-
parently the community, general and academic, had come to
desire that the college should, as far as possible, be free from
entangling, self-seeking personalities and acrimonious debates.
Willard, of the Class of 1659, after a pastorate at Groton, was
in 1678 installed minister of the Old South Church. In this
ministry he continued until his death in 1707. The last six
years of the period he served as president, though the title he
bore was that of vice-president. With understanding, judgment,
and piety, " furnished with learning and solid notion/' indus-
trious, brave, patient, are the characterizations given to him by
his contemporaries.

Willard's successor was a greater man than he, and among
the greatest in many respects of all the presidents of the century.
John Leverett took his first degree in 1680. lie studied divinity
and preached, he studied law and practiced. Four years after
graduation he became a tutor, and upon him and a classmate,
William Brattle, for some ten years of Mather's term, rested
the chief duties of administration and instruction. His services
were demanded beyond the college walls. He was made repre-
sentative to the Legislature; he was elected Speaker of the House;
he became a member of the Governor's Council; he was appointed
a judge of the Superior Court, and also of the Probate Court.
In 1704 he was made a commissioner to the Five Nations; he also
served as lieutenant of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery,
In the year 1707 he was elected president of Harvard College.
The nomination by the Fellows was accompanied by a vote to
the effect that he " Lay aside and Decline all Interfering Offices
& Imploymts and Devote himself to sd worke, And by theLATER PRERE VOLUTION ARY DEVELOPMENTS 151

Divine help be A Very able and faithful Instrum't to promote
the holy Religion here practiced and established, by Instructing
and fitting for Our Pulpits, and Churchs, and Other publick
and usefull Services, Such as Shal in this School of the Prophets
be Committed to his Care & charge."1

In his term of seventeen years several important questions
were presented. In the year 1721 two tutors submitted to the
Overseers a memorial claiming to be Fellows of the Corpora-
tion on the ground of being fellows or tutors, residents of
Cambridge. The claim was based upon the failure to discrimi-
nate between a fellow as a legal, and a fellow as a scholastic
person. In the Oxford and the Cambridge colleges the distinc-
tion does not obtain. The fellow, or the holder of a fellowship,
*s also the governor or trustee. This serious question was met
with firmness. It resulted in a decision affirming the distinction
between the two functions. The fellow of the house, or tutor,
was declared to be a separate personality from the Fellow of
the Corporation. Inquiries, troublesome, as they were in a large
Part unnecessary, regarding the religious, the moral condition
°f the College, were set on foot. The purpose was not so much
to discover the truth as to embarrass the president and his
friends. In the administration of Leverett the bounty of the
Mollis family began to flow, enlarging the funds to aid needy
students, contributing to the library, founding the two professor-
ships, of divinity, and of mathematics and physics. Leverett
Possessed far greater power of initiative than belonged to most
of bis predecessors and of his successors. His knowledge, too,
was broad, his labors were diverse, his diligence was constant.
Greatness of character constituted in no small measure the great-
ness of his service. Under him, despite jealousy and embarrass-
ment, the College prospered. The average number of students
Was more than doubled; it reached a number which was not ex-
ceeded for fifty years. The Classes of 1708, of 1709, of 1710,
and of 1711 had respectively thirteen, ten, fourteen, and twelve
^embers. The last four classes with which he had association
111 bis administration numbered respectively thirty-one, forty-

1 Sibley's "Harvard Graduates," vol. iii, p. 185.152 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

three, forty, and forty-five members. He was quite as free from
the love of money as are most college presidents; but he
suffered for the lack of it to a degree to which most col-
lege presidents are not obliged. After years of noble service,
on a salary of one hundred and fifty pounds, exclusive of a
few grants, he died in debt up to the amount of about two
thousand pounds, for the payment of which his daughters were
compelled to sell their house which they had received from their
great-grandfather.

In Wadsworth the College returned to the type of modera-
tion embodied in Willard. Graduating in 1690, becoming pastor
of the First Church of Boston in 1696, he continued in this
office until chosen president in 1725. Solid, strong, practical,
are the epithets applied to his character. In his time emerged
the first intimations of what is called the Faculty. Free from
ostentation, prudent, self-possessed, he represents the dignity
of the executive office as well as embodies the more solid parts
of personal character. The successor of "Wadsworth was Edward
Holyoke. A Boston boy, graduating in 1705, made tutor in
1712, Fellow of the Corporation in 1713, and president in 1737—•
such is the simple record of preparation for the longest presi-
dency in the history of the College until the present generation.
The happiness of his administration was intimated in the
unanimity of his election, for neither Willard nor Leverett nor
Wadsworth had been the unanimous choice of both the Fellows
and the Overseers. In Holyoke the qualities of the gentleman
seem to be superior to those of the scholar, and the elements
of the heart stronger than those of -the intellect. In character
catholic, in general understanding sound, faithful to duty, he
was loved by his students. The fatherly relation toward the
college boys was embodied in him. Of him President Stiles
says: " Mr. Holyoke was the polite Gentleman, of a noble com-
manding presence, & moderated at Commencements with great
Dignity. He was perfectly acquainted with academic Matters.
Of a good degree of Literature both in Languages & Sciences,
particularly in mathematical-mechanic Philosophy. Yet was not
of great Erudition. Qualified, however, exceedingly well for
the Presidency of a College, especially as he had a good spiritLATER THERE VOLUTION ARY DEVELOPMENTS 158

of Government; which was partly natural to him, partly ac-
quired from President Leverett, who ruled and governed with
great Dignity."1

In Ilolyoke's term many and great improvements were made
in the general order of college life and in the enlargement of the
course of study.

Of the four presidents who occupied the first sixty-nine
years of the eighteenth century Leverett was without doubt
by far the ablest, and Ilolyoke represented the greatest achieve-
ments for the College. Leverett should be placed among the
most efficient of all the officers, and the worth of the service of
Holyoke was in many respects the richest rendered to the Col-
lege for two centuries.

Prom the foundation of the College in 1636, down to 1766,
the course of study had remained essentially untouched. Latin,
Greek, Hebrew, mathematics, logic, and metaphysics embodied
the great subjects. The noble literary movements of any genera-
tion had scarcely affected the academic curriculum. Although
the first part of the eighteenth century was a time of fundamental
changes in the civilization of Europe, changes far greater on
the Continent than in Great Britain, yet these changes had not
Penetrated within college walls. The first part of the eighteenth
century covered the working period of the life of Montesquieu,
ai*d in the middle of the century Rousseau was approaching the
beginning of his unique career, In the first fifty years is in-
cluded the larger share of the life of Voltaire. In England it
the half century of Swift, Pope, Goldsmith, of Richardson,
Yielding, and Smollett. But the literary impulse of the reign
°f Queen Anne did not reach Massachusetts or its college for
more than a quarter of a century.

Every improvement in a course of study usually arises either
from a condition lying in a general demand of the community
asking for a better education, or from the progressive spirit of
a college officer. The improvement of the curriculum of Har-
vard College, beginning with the last third of the century, had
its origin in the mood of the community.

1" Literary Diary of Ezra Stiles," vol. ii, p. 336.154 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

That vital spirit out of which sprang the War of the Revolu-
tion had academic as well as civil relations. But the special
cause of the improvement in the course of study lay in the
Board of Overseers. In that Board were three or four men
of wide influence, of rare intelligence, and of a desire to serve
the people. Among them were Thomas Hutchinson, Jonathan
Mayhew, Samuel Cooper, and Charles Chauncy. These men
and their associates, on investigation, were convinced that no
improvement in the value of the training given by the College
had occurred in many years. A respectable degree of scholarship
obtained. The humdrum of academic leisure prevailed. They
at once set themselves about the business of improvement.

The most significant change made for increasing the value of
the education was a transfer of the duties of the tutor from col-
lege class to subject taught. It had been the custom of each of
the four tutors to teach one class in all subjects. Hereafter each
tutor taught one subject to all classes. The basis of instruction
was changed from personality to topic. The change is among the
most serious changes ever made in the college curriculum. The
division was made upon the basis (1) of Latin, (2) of Greek, (3)
of logic, metaphysics, and ethics, and in the fourth group were
included mathematics, physics, geography, and astronomy. This
change was most significant. It was an intimation of the subordi-
nation of personality to scholarship, and of the elevation of schol-
arship. It was the beginning of a change which has, for almost
a century and a half, been progressing in the American college.

The vital association of the college with the community was at
the same time indicated by the introduction of special instruc-
tion in elocution. The connection between eloquent speech and
the War of the Revolution was intimate. The relations between
the provincial and the home government had already become
strained. Through public speech the sentiments and feelings of
the community in a time of excitement and distress are fittingly
expressed. As the Board of Overseers indicated, in a vote passed
in 1756, good public speech makes the speaker " an honor to
his country."1

1 Quincy's "History of Harvard University," vol. ii, p. 125.LATER P11E11E"VOLUTIONAHY DEVELOPMENTS 155

The changes introduced into the course of study resulted in
an enhancement of its value to the students of the next half cen-
tury. The evidence of such increase in value abounds. The asso-
ciate in the pastorate of the First Church of Boston of Charles
Chauncy, an efficient member of the Board of Overseers, was
John Clarke. John Clarke took his first degree in 1774.
Twenty-two years after his graduation he published a little vol-
ume called, " Letters to a Student in the University of Cam-
bridge, Massachusetts." The chasteness of the style, the wisdom
°f counsel, and the breadth of vision which characterize the book
are evidences of the broad humanity of the curriculum of the last
quarter of the eighteenth century.

The comments which are made upon the different subjects
°f study are sympathetic with the modern spirit. In writing
°f the value of Latin and Greek it is remarked:

"You will remember, that a mere etymplogist is the very lowest
character in the republiek of letters. Such a person may understand the
derivation of a word, without knowing its precise meaning. And though
he

assume the name, he must want the essentials of the scholar. It
is therefore, injustice to classical studies, to represent the pendantick
qualifications of an etymologist as the principal end for which those
studies are pursued.

" You will ask then, why so much time is devoted to them; and why a
Persevering application to the Classicks is so warmly recommended? I
answer, for the very important purpose of improving your understanding,
and cultivating your taste. The Roman and Grecian writers of established
reputation will assist you in thinking, writing, and speaking well. In
their works you will find the most liberal and elegant sentiments. Many

their productions may be considered as finished models of good sense,
ar*d good language. To borrow an expression from one, who was qualified
to discern their beauties, and to estimate their value, you must look to
those writers for ' all that belongs to original genius, to a spirited, masterly,
and high execution.' These reasons are sufficient to justify the earnest-
ness, with which I recommend Classical Studies. It is my wish to see you
instructed and delighted; to see your genius acquire strength, and your
taste a high polish." 1

1 Clarke's "Letters to a Student in the University of Cambridge, Massa-
chusetts," pp. 46 et seq.156 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

'Such, in essence, are the reasons which have, by numberless
writers and for several centuries, been urged in a great variety
of forms in behalf of classical studies. But the value of the dead
languages is not to be suffered to obscure the worth of one's own/

"To write your own language with grammatical correctness; to
read and speak it with propriety; to discern its beauties; and to be able
to distinguish those beauties by their proper names, are objects highly
deserving the attention of a scholar. . . ." 1

"It is mortifying to observe, how few, after all the expenses of a
publick education, are masters of their own language. Errours in point
of grammar are not uncommon. Still more numerous are the faults
arising from the impertinence and confusion of Rhetorical figures. The
incumberance of superfluous words is a general evil. And many com-
positions, in which the rules of grammar are strictly observed, and which
are not deficient in ornament, are disgusting for want of that smoothness
which is produced by a judicious arrangement of words, particularly of
those which terminate a sentence. . . 1

"You will not therefore, think it beneath you to avail yourself of
everything which is esteemed an excellence in good writing. Endeavour
first, to be grammatically correct. . . 1

"The professor of languages will cheerfully afford his assistance. He
will point out redundances and defects. He will show when figures are
improperly introduced; and when they are pertinent and ornamental.
He will convince you how much a style may be improved, merely
by a transposition of words. The principles of harmony, he will explain
to your satisfaction. He will refer you to compositions at once clear,
rich, and flowing. And with the most weighty arguments he will support
the assertion, that you must write agreeably, if you would write well." 1

The study of history too is well interpreted and justly com-
mended.

" When master of these elements, a youth is qualified to study larger
works with success. He is able to connect events with a precision, which
otherwise would not have been in his power. And whilst he observes
things with the eye of a philosopher, like a philosopher he will endeavour
to refer them to their proper causes. Must not such a study be highly
gratifying to an inquisitive mind? Must not historical knowledge be an

1 Clarke's "Letters to a Student in the University of Cambridge, Massa-
chusetts," pp. 54, 55, 56, 58.LATER PRERE VOLUTION All Y DEVELOPMENTS 157

inexhaustible source of mental attainment? Is it not one of the truly
elegant accomplishments of the scholar? " 1

Equally just interpretations and directions for the study of
French and Hebrew, of mathematics and of theology, are of-
fered. The counsel of Dr. Clarke is evidence that a high type
°f literary scholarship was beginning to prevail in the oldest
college in the last quarter of the eighteenth century. Every
letter of the collection is filled with a vital human spirit.

Improvements of a single sort in a college do not occur
alone. The causes out of which spring increasing values of
one type produce an increase of values of a different type. The
laws and customs of Harvard College in the last decades of the
eighteenth century, which had been in force from its beginning,
were altered. Although pecuniary mulcts were continued as
Punishments, yet physical chastisement was no longer formally
authorized, as it had been for some time practically discontinued,
l^he lot of the Freshman also became more endurable. The
value of social distinctions was lessened. Beginning with the
class of 1773 the names of the members were arranged in alpha-
betical order. The spirit of individual liberty existed apart from
family and social differences. The changes in the laws and cus-
toms represent simply the change in the sentiment and prac-
tices of the general community. College laws and customs, like
the laws and customs of the community itself, are to be kept
i** vital touch with the spirit of the community whose members
are supposed to obey them. If this vitality of relationship cease,
the laws themselves lose their power. The larger liberty of the
times was showing itself, as it usually does in its first applica-
tion, in eccentricities and excesses. In the middle of the century
drunkenness, both within and without the college walls, had
greatly increased. Wealthy students, despite the pecuniary dif-
ficulties of the time, were profuse in expenditure. The regard
shown to college officers, as well as the respect paid to college
^ws, had fallen. In such a condition the remedy lies not in the
Passing of severer laws and in the making of greater restrictions.

Clarke's " Letters to a Student in the University of Cambridge, Massa-
chusetts," pp. 62,63.158 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

The remedy lies in a thorough change in the basis of control
and of government. The granting of liberty tends to promote
worthiness of enjoying liberty. The authorities, therefore, of
the College were wise in the abolition of many formal, petty,
and annoying restrictions, and in increasing the force of the
appeal made to each individual student for propriety in con-
duct. But with the presence of the anarchistical spirit which is
always prevailing in every college to a greater or less extent,
was presently united the spirit of rebellion in the province itself.
From the year 1776 to the year 1783 the pursuit of academic
objects in every college was disturbed, and in the case of several
colleges instruction itself was absolutely suspended.

The elements of the life of the undergraduate were few, and
these few simple. The number and variety of clubs, of soci-
eties and organizations were not to begin for three-quarters
of a century. The diaries and letters of students illustrate the
simplicity of the life. The diary of Nathaniel Ames, son of
Dr. Nathaniel Ames, the publisher of almanacs, is preserved. It
covers the calendar year of 1758. The record is occupied with
such facts as specially interest the college man, as the beginning
and the close of the period of vacation, the attendance at, or
failure to attend, recitations, the beginning and the close of
the study of subjects. The entries are also not without refer-
ence to concerns more or less public. The second of May is
" Training Day," and the thirty-first is an election day, " on
which rain fell." The surrender of Louisburg on the seven-
teenth of June is noted. It is not beneath the notice of the writer
to include some very personal matters, such as on the fourteenth
of December he " had some cold pig, catch'd cold." On the
twenty-first of the same month there was a dance at Bradford's
Chamber, and it is noted that" my chum at Boston all night." 1

The frolicsomeness of college life was not absent. Francis
Ilopkinson, a member of the first class of the University of Penn-
sylvania, who contributed to the more serious literature of the
Revolution, has left a paper in which he makes fun of college

^edhamV Historical Register/' 1890, No. 1, pp. 10-16, quoted in Hart's
" American History Told by Contemporaries," vol. ii, pp. 226 et seq.LATEll PllEREVOLUTIONAIIY DEVELOPMENTS 159

laminations in a thoroughly modern spirit. Under the head
°f Mathematics, logic, and natural philosophy he asks many a
question regarding a salt box. Under the metaphysical divis-
ion he inquires, " What are certain of the distinctions of salt
boxes? " and the answer is " possible/' " probable/' and " posi-
tive." Under the head of logic is asked, " How many parts
are there in a salt box? " and the answer is " bottom, " top/'
an<l side." IIow many modes are there in salt boxes? " For-
^al," " substantial/' " accidental," and the " topsy-turvy."1
■The first degrees given in the oldest American college were
given in the year 1642. From that year down to the outbreak of
the Revolutionary War a hundred and twenty-nine classes had
graduated. In the years 1644, 1648, 1672, 1682, and 1688
degrees were conferred. At the outbreak of the Revolution
William and Mary and Yale had been in existence about three-
quarters of a century each, Princeton for about a third of a
century, and Columbia, Pennsylvania, and Dartmouth had edu-
cated a few score of men. The question therefore arises what
contribution for the betterment of the community, or for the
strengthening of the State, had these colleges made. The worth
the contribution of the higher education down to the begin-
ning of the War of the Revolution lies in the training of men.

colleges had not become the nurses of scholarship; they
Were obliged to be content with trying to achieve the human
Purpose of the formation of character.

The most comprehensive answer to be given to the question
ls that about one-half of the clergymen of the New England
and the central Colonies had been trained in their colleges. The
order of character and of native ability of those who became
clefrgyIrien was	and this ability had received as good a

training in the essential elements of discipline as was received
t y the students of Oxford or of Cambridge. What it lacked
111 breadth it gained, and more than gained, in intensity. Al-
though the sons and grandsons of Cotton and Shepard and
looker might not possess the prestige of their ancestors, yet

1 Francis Ilopkinson's "Miscellaneous Essays," i, pp. 343-349, quoted in
rt's "American History Told by Contemporaries," vol. ii, pp. 272 et seq.160 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

in respect to scholarship as well as piety, in respect to faithful-
ness as well as earnestness, they were apparently the equals
of the older generation. The character of the clergy of New
England and of the Middle Colonies was of the highest. Har-
vard had trained ministers for neighboring churches and also
for those of remote parts. In turn, these ministers became
guardians and protectors of the College which had given them
an intellectual birthright. Yale College had hardly become
fixed in New Haven when it graduated a student who has
come to be recognized as one of the greatest philosophic
thinkers which this country has produced, and who has been
called the ablest metaphysician of the period between Leibnitz
and Kant. Entering college at the age of thirteen, and spending
three years of his course at "Wethersfield, he yet graduated with
the highest rank in his class. For two years following his grad-
uation he pursued theological studies in the college. The genius
of Jonathan Edwards would have survived the badness of any
college course, but his long continuation at Yale is evidence of
his appreciation of the advantages which he received. Following
Edwards, Samuel Hopkins, whom President Stiles calls a great
reasoner, and Nathaniel Emmons, of the Class of 1767, represent
a noble clerical triumvirate. In her short period of thirty years
Princeton, too, had helped to educate ministers for churches in
each of the colonies and principal towns. Columbia and Penn-
sylvania numbered in their classes which graduated in the score
of years before the Revolution such names as Provoost and Van
Dyck, Benjamin Moore, Thomas Hopkinson, and Richard Lee.

In the calling of the law the contribution was quite as effect-
ive as, even if the members of the profession were less numerous
than, obtained in the ministry. As one traces the lists of starred
names in the catalogues one recognizes that only a small share
of these names possesses longer any other than family or very
personal interest. Nine of every ten of them has become
for humanity a name and nothing else. A star has been made
a substitute for what was once fame. But out of these lists,
taking only one college for more than a century, it is not dif-
ficult to choose names which represent the worth of the offering
made by all the colleges for the enrichment of the State throughLATER PREltE VOLUTION ARY DEVELOPMENTS 161

the legal as well as the clerical and other vocations. Joseph
Dudley, of Harvard, of the Class of 1665, who came to oc-
cupy the highest civil and judicial positions in the Colony;
Samuel Sewall, of the Class of 1671; Benjamin Lynde, of the
Class of 1686; Paul Dudley, of the Class of 1690; Jonathan
Remington, of the Class of 1696; Jonathan Belcher, of the Class
of 1699; George Jaffrey, of the Class of 1702, and Stephen
Sewall, of the Class of 1721; Thomas Hutchinson and Jonathan
Trumbull, of the Class of 1727; Peter Oliver, of 1730; Samuel
Adams, of 1740; Thomas Cushing, of 1744; James Bowdoin,
°f 1745; Robert Treat Paine, of 1749; William Cushing, of
^51; David Sewall, of 1755; Theophilus Bradbury, of 1757;
John Lowell, of 1760; John Pickering, of 1761; Francis Dana
and Elbridge Gerry, of. 1762, represent in all cases personal and
professional forces which helped to constitute the new State.
Some of these names, too, represent absolutely great service and
lasting fame. The first Yale graduate who chose the law was
William Smith, of the Class of 1719, who became a leader of the
bar of New York. Two years later graduated Thomas Pitch,
the codifier of the laws of the Colony of Connecticut, who served
as chief justice, and who was called by the first President Dwight
" as probably the most learned lawyer who had ever been an in-
habitant of the Colony." 1 Joshua Babcock was the chief justice
°f Rhode Island, and David Ogden was the first college-bred
lawyer of New Jersey who became a judge of the Supreme Court.
In the Class of 1740, or immediately following, Dyer, chief
justice of Connecticut, Livingston, of New York and of New
Jersey, "William Samuel Johnson, Richard Moiris, chief justice
°* the Supreme Court of New York, were graduated. In the
classes of the following decades also appear equally great names.
In other colleges founded before the Revolution, as in Yale
and Harvard, professional service as lawyers frequently re-
sulted in public service in the legislature or in administration.
Princeton and King's, through their first classes, furnished
statesmen for the making of the new republic. From practically
each of the first classes of the New Jersey college went one

»Dexter's "Yale Biographies and Annals," vol. i, p. 248.162 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

man to be a member of the Continental Congress. Among the
great names which appear in legislative or executive relation-
ships are Ebenezer Hazard and William Bell Patterson, Pier-
pont Edwards and Oliver Ellsworth. The first classes, too, of
King's contain such significant names as those of John Jay,
Robert R. Livingston, Gouverneur Morris, and Alexander Ham-
ilton.

The contribution made to the profession of medicine is not so
conspicuous, but it is no less deserving. The profession of the
physician is the most personal of all professions. The medical
profession, until toward the close of the eighteenth century, had
hardly been organized. Of the three types of the medical prac-
titioners—the empiric, the regular, and the priest—the priest had
a large place.. Of the seven graduates of Yale of the first two
decades of the eighteenth century who became physicians all
with one exception were clergymen, and of the seventy-two physi-
cians who graduated in the first half century, nearly one-fourth
were clergymen. Jared Eliot, grandson of the apostle to the
Indians, John Griswold, of the Class of 1721, of Norwich, gradu-
ates who gave themselves entirely to the medical profession, are
especially significant. After 1750 the place of the priest-phy-
sician narrows. In the eighteenth century about two hundred
graduates of Yale found in medicine their chief or only work.
Alexander Wolcott, Benjamin Gale, Leverett Hubbard, Eneas
Munson, Jared Potter, represent those who through theoretical
learning or through active practice made rich contributions for
the betterment of the study. Such names at Harvard as Oliver
Prescott, Cotton Tufts, Samuel Danforth, are great names.

Through the more public professions or through direct chan-
nels of influence the colleges were also making rich offerings
of service to the new Commonwealth. The administration of
Witherspoon of Princeton began eight years before the out-
break of the Revolution and continued eleven years after its
close. Of four hundred and sixty-nine graduates of the Col-
lege in this period, one hundred and fourteen became clergy-
men ; of the remaining three hundred and fifty-five one was for
eight years President of the United States, one was for four years
Vice-President, six were members of the Continental Congress,LATER PRERE VOLUTION ARY DEVELOPMENTS 163

twenty became senators; twenty-three, representatives; thirteen,
governors of individual States, three Judges of the Supreme
Court of their different States, and at least twenty officers in
the army of the Revolution. At the same time Harvard Col-
lege had as fellow-students John Hancock, of the Class of 1754,
and John Adams of the following year. Artemus Ward was a
member of the Class of 1748, who was made a delegate to the
Continental Congress, and became a general of the American
Army.

The enrichment, too, which the colleges made to the life of
the Colonies through the training of writers should not be
omitted. For better or for worse, but always for strength, the
oldest college had trained the Mathers. The next to the oldest
New England college had also, through training Jonathan Ed-
Wards for the ministry, trained one who became, as has already
been intimated, among the greatest of thinkers and the most
influential of authors. Such names as Urian Oakes, Michael
Wigglesworth, Roger Wolcott, and John Adams have little
significance for us as poets, but for their own age they embodied
great thoughts and moving emotions. John Wise, the great ex-
ponent of democracy in State and church; Jeremiah Dummer,
defending the New England charters; William Hubbard and
Thomas Prince, the historians of New England; William Smith,
writer as well as minister and college president, represent, to-
gether with other names equally significant, the offerings which
the colleges were directly or indirectly making for the elevation,
enriching, and better ordering of the life of the new Common-
Wealth.

Although the American college has stood for larger relation-
ships since the close of the War of Independence, yet the col-
leges founded before that time embodied relationships which,
less large, were no less significant or impressive. A new na-
tion is in peril of materialism, of sensualism, and, in certain
cases, of absolute brutalism. The Colonial colleges embodied
and declared a gospel of and for the intellect and the heart of
man. A new nation is in peril of alienating itself from the
past; the ancient classics were the chief studies of the student
and of the professor. A new nation is in grave danger of allow-
12164 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

ing itself to be ruled by the ideals of the market-place. Har-
vard, William and Mary, Yale, and the colleges founded in tlie
middle of the century represented a high ideal of scholarship
and of moral character. The colleges united the Colonies. They
embodied a common respect for the things unseen and eternal.
They instructed the present out of the past, and through the
inculcation of knowledge made men wise for practical affairs.
If they lacked the refinements and breadth of scholarship to
which their grandchildren arid great-grandchildren are accus-
tomed, they did not lack intellectual enthusiasm. Though poor
themselves, they made many rich in lasting wealth. Without
them the Revolution would have been put off a generation; and
through them the results of the Revolution were conserved.CHAPTER VI

THE COLLEGES IN TIIE REVOLUTION

The war of the American Revolution had special relations to
the graduates of the American college. This war was, in point
of time and of logic, a rational contest. Its issues were first
fought out in public debate, oral and written. The conclusion
of such debate prepared the way for the contest of the sword.
The questions considered were constitutional; they had no rela-
tion to a stretch of territory or to a royal succession. They
Were national, international, human. They touched the essential
ai*d fundamental elements of civil and political existence. The
cause was too great, the issues at stake were too momentous, to
allow other than the use of the highest principles, or the in-
dulgence of other than the noblest emotions. The conditions
touched the relations of personal and national destiny in ways
which suggested the presence of the Greek chorus or of the
Hebrew prophet.

In the year 1775 were living not far from twenty-live hun-
dred graduates of the nine colleges. About one-quarter of the
dumber entered the service. But for more than a decade before
the year of Lexington and of Concord the war was carried on
by the voice and by the pen. The leaders in the rational form
°f the struggle were largely college men.

At the age of eighty-three, reviewing the Revolutionary con-
test, John Adams said: 6i The characters the most conspicuous,
the most ardent and influential in this revival, from 1760 to
1766, were, first and foremost, before all and above all, James
Otis; next to him was Oxenbridge Thacher; next to him, Samuel
Adams; next to him, John Hancock; then Dr. Mayhew."1 To
this quintette should of course be added the name of John

*"The Life and Works of John Adams," by Charles Francis Adams,
V<>1. x, p. 284.

165166 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

Adams himself; in addition also should be included the name
of Josiah Quincy. If one should pass beyond the capital of
northern New England, and include in his survey the period up
to and including the Declaration of Independence, he will meet
with the names of Stephen Johnson, Francis Ilopkinson, John
Trumbull, John Jay, Alexander Hamilton, Thomas Jefferson,
and the Lees of Virginia.

These men, together with the few of their less conspicuous
contemporaries, were the aggressive forces that determined the
Revolution. Without them, apparently, the great contest would
have been deferred. In different ways, through fiery oratory
or constitutional argument or poem, they made the Revolution.
But what is profoundly significant is that each of these men
was the graduate of a colonial college. The Lees of Virginia
are to be alone excepted, who, in common with a larger propor-
tion of the men of the southern colonies than of the northern,
had received their education in England.

James Otis took his first degree at Harvard College in the
year 1743 at the age of eighteen.

"He was a gentleman of general science and extensive literature.
He had been an indefatigable student during the whole course of his
education in college and at the bar. He was well versed in Greek
and Roman history, philosophy, oratory, poetry, and mythology. His
classical studies had been unusually ardent, and his acquisitions un-
commonly great. . . This classic scholar was also a^ great master of
the laws of nature and nations. ..."

Thus writes John Adams of the scholarship of Otis, and he
also says of his influence in the promotion of the great contest:

"I shall only say, and I do say in the most solemn manner, that Mr.
Otis's oration against writs of assistance breathed into this nation the
breath of life." 1

Next to James Otis, and as conspicuous in the movement,
John Adams puts Oxenbridge Thacher. An associate of Otis at
the Boston bar, taking his degree at Harvard five years before

1 "The Life and Works of John Adams/' by Charles Francis Adams, vol. x,
pp. 275, 276.THE COLLEGES IN THE REVOLUTION 167

Otis, abandoning the vocation of the ministry by reason of a
weak voice, he, in and through the profession of the law, proved
his intellectual alertness, sound sense, and zeal. His writings
are a consistent, consecutive, and direct argument against the
new measures of the English government. Ilis statement lacks
the fire and force of Otis's declaration; it is utterly free from
the frenzy of Patrick Henry; it breathes a spirit of love and
reverence for England.

Following Thacher in John Adams's category is placed
Samuel Adams. Samuel Adams was also a graduate of Harvard
College, midway between Thacher and Otis; and each he must
have known in their undergraduate days. Adams has been
known by various names: the man of the town meeting, the father
of democracy, the man of the Revolution, the grand incendiary,
and the Cromwell of New England. In the years 1765 and
1766 Samuel Adams was undoubtedly the most influential in
urging the cause of American rights, and it has been said that
in the history of the great movement his name is second only
to Washington's.

The relation of John Hancock to the College was more in-
timate than that possessed by any one of the other men already
named. By reason of family connections or of wealth he was
chosen treasurer of the College, an office to the duties of which
ho was at least careless, and the administration of which he
shamelessly abused. The fifth name in John Adams's list is that
of Mayhew. Jonathan Mayhew was perhaps the most conspicu-
ous of all the ministers who spoke and wrote in behalf of the free-
dom of the Colonies. A graduate of Harvard in 1744, he was
three years later made pastor of the West Church in Boston,
and in the pastorate he died twenty-two years after, at the age
of forty-five. Mayhew seems to have been a real tribune of the
People, who used his pulpit as an observatory for seeing the
whole horizon of what he esteemed to be truth, and also as a
nostrum for the affirmation, not only of theological, but of civil,
Political, and economic doctrines. Wit and humor seasoned his
discourse. Ilis genius has been called transcendent. Ilis char-
acter was noble, and seems to have been constituted of all the
virtues and all the graces except that of humility.168 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

In this list of able men who promoted the movement for free-
dom the name of John Adams himself should not be omitted.
Adams took his first degree at Harvard in 1755, following the
year in which John Hancoek graduated. Adams may be called
the constitutional lawyer of the movement. Ilis learning was
more affluent, his intellect more acute .and more active, his
theories of society, religion, education, government, more per-
suasive, his courage more prompt than is found in other states-
men of the period. No one is to be compared with him in all
the period excepting his great rival of Virginia.

If the college in Cambridge made such a contribution toward
the promotion of the great movement, the offerings made by
other colleges, if not so numerous, were also as worthy.

The First Continental Congress, in its session of September
and October, 1774, caused the writing of a series of state papers,
which were in January of the next year laid before the House
of Lords. One of these papers bore the name of " An Address
to the People of Great Britain.'' This paper was written by
John Jay. It was of these papers that Lord Chatham said:
" When your lordships look at the papers transmitted us from
America, when you consider their decency, firmness, and wis-
dom, you cannot but respect their cause, and wish to make
it your own. For myself, I must declare and avow that in all
my reading and observation — and it has been my favorite
study; I have read Thucydides, and have studied and admired
the master-states of the world—that for solidity of reasoning,
force of sagacity, and wisdom of conclusion, under such a com-
plication of difficult circumstances, no nation, or body of men,
can stand in preference to the general Congress at Phila-
delphia.' '1

John Jay was a graduate of King's College, in its seventh
Class (a class of only two members) of 1764. A short time be-
fore the battles of Lexington and of Concord, two pamphlets ap-
peared in New York vindicating the measures of the Congress,
of moral acumen, cleverness, and fullness of learning. It was
proved that these pamphlets were the work of a boy of seven-

1 Cobbett's "The Parliamentary History of England," vol. xviii, p. 155.THE COLLEGES IN THE REVOLUTION 169

teen, born in the West Indies, of Scotch and French parentage,
whose name was Alexander Hamilton. They were written by
lnm about the time of his leaving King's College. In these
pamphlets all the qualities which distinguished Hamilton's more
mature, but certainly not more wonderful, writings are found.
Gouverneur Morris was also a graduate of King's College of
the Class of 1768.

Of Yale, Princeton, and Pennsylvania—perhaps the most
conspicuous representative of the first-named college was John
Trumbull, the poet; of the second, Philip Freneau, and of the
third, Francis Ilopkinson. Ilopkinson was the first student to
enter the Philadelphia College, where he took his degree in
1757. Trumbull took his first degree at Yale in 1767, at the
age of seventeen, although it is said that he was prepared for
college at the age of seven; and Philip Freneau, of Huguenot
stock, at the Commencement of 1771. Ilopkinson, Trumbull, and
Freneau are the three great satirists of the Revolution.

The author of the Declaration of Independence was a grad-
uate of William and Mary College of the Cla&s of 1759. But at
or about this year are found the names of Benjamin Harrison,
Carter Braxton, and George Wythe, all signers of the Declara-
tion. There also are 4 4 Peyton Randolph, first president of the
Continental Congress, and John Tyler, governor of Virginia;
Edmund Randolph, Attorney-General and Secretary of State;
Beverley Randolph, governor of Virginia; John Mercer, gov-
ernor of Maryland; James Innes, Attorney-General of Virginia;
James Monroe, President of the United States; John Blair,
Judge of the Supreme Court of the United States, and John
Marshall, the great chief justice."1

But the student of the American Revolution knows that not
all of the college graduates, as not all of the people, were in
favor of the Declaration of Independence. A large and im-
pressive minority were opposed to the whole movement. Among
the three hundred and ten men of Massachusetts who were ban-
ished in 1778 from that province were found sixty graduates of
Harvard College. It is probable that not far from one-third of

1 Herbert B. Adams's "College of William and Mary," pp. 18, 19.170 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

the people were loyal to King George. One of the most con-
spicuous of all the men was one who is now known as Bishop
Seabury. Samuel Seabury was the author of the pamphlets
called " The West Chester Farmer,'' which Hamilton had
answered, and who at the time of their issue, in 1774 and 1775,
was rector of a parish in West Chester. He was a graduate of
Yale and a descendant of the earliest colonists of New Eng-
land, including John Alden. The head of King's College, who
followed Samuel Johnson, was Myles Cooper, who was driven
from his home by a mob and escaped to England. But Cooper
was alone among the presidents in his warm adherence to the
loyalist cause. Although Provost William Smith, of Penn-
sylvania, seems to have become lukewarm in his enthusiasm
in the latter part of the contest, yet in the main his voice was
clear and strong.

Stiles became president of Yale in the midst of the contest,
and he has left on record, in diary and sermon, proof of his
foresight and allegiance respecting the independence of the new
nation. Langdon, of Harvard, of brief administration, and not
conspicuous, was also a devoted friend of the Revolutionary
cause. The most conspicuous and worthy, however, of all the
college presidents of the time was Witherspoon of Princeton.
He was chosen president of Princeton in 1768. Presently his
reputation as an interpreter of civil conditions became greater
than his reputation as an academic executive. In the year 1776
he was made a member of the body which framed the first con-
stitution of New Jersey. Later in the same year he was chosen
a member of the Continental Congress and signed the Declara-
tion. He remained in the service of the government until the
close of the Revolution. He had an influence in the Congress
which was exceeded by few, if any, of his associates. In him
were united most valuable qualities for the great legislative and
executive crises. Vigorous in character without severity, great
in personal influence without ostentation, his place was among
the foremost. His mind was virile and well trained; his emotions
were under the control of a vigorous will. Impressive in speech,
he yet did not suffer the instinct of eloquence to interfere with
Jiis work as a legislator and a committeeman. Although histhe colleges in the revolution 171

relations were clerical and academic, the human end was potent
in all his work.

With the exception of Thomas Paine, the American Revo-
lution as a rational movement was largely conducted by men
who were liberally educated. The great majority of them were
educated in the colleges of the Colonies which sought freedom,
i'here never was a war in which the college men had larger in-
fluence in determining its grounds and principles. Without
their insight the interpretation of the civil and political con-
ditions could not have been made, and without the inspiration
ai*d hope of victory which they breathed into the minds of their
fellow-patriots, the war could not have been entered upon, or,
*f entered upon, been fought to a successful issue.

But the constant, large, and vigilant service of those who
Were graduates of the colleges, or who were their officers, did not
exceed the enthusiastic interest of the students themselves. Col-
lege students as a body are patriotic; they are moved by the
spirit of the times. Their emotions are easily fired. With the
Patriotic movement of the period they were in the keenest sym-
pathy. Students who spoke in the college debates and dialogues
against the Americans were hissed or laughed at. In 1768, when
the purchase of American goods was a test of patriotism, the
Members of the Senior class at Harvard voted unanimously to
take their degrees in cloth manufactured in this country. The
greatness of the British empire at the college Commencements
previous to the seventh decade of the seventeenth century had
been a common subject for the orators. After the passage of
the Stamp Act the blessings of political liberty became a theme
even more popular.

The colleges were, in a peculiar sense, in the midst of the
struggle. With the exception of Dartmouth, which was remote
from the field of contest, the work of each was somewhat inter-
rupted. In Cambridge, within a few rods of the College Yard,
Washington took command of the American forces. Men went
from the College Yard or neighboring field to Bunker Hill. The
scientific apparatus and the library of the College were removed
for a time to Andover, and for some months instruction was
given in Concord. In the dormitories troops were quartered.172 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

In 1779 the British troops marched into New Haven. President
Daggett, in attempting to harass them, became the victim of
rather severe indignities. College work was frequently inter-
rupted. The classes were dismissed in April, 1775, for weeks.
In August of the next year they were again disbanded. The
difficulty of procuring food in December, 1776, and the following
January, and later, in 1777, compelled a vacation beginning
about the first of April and continuing until the next fall. In
February, 1779, President Stiles appealed to Governor Trum-
bull for flour, and from this time on until the close of the
war it became more and more difficult to obtain supplies of
any kind, either for the army or for the population, academic or
general. One of the most critical battles of the war was fought
in Princeton, and its Nassau Hall still bears marks of the con-
flict. Two cannon (which were used in the war, and were left
after battle near the College) still stand on the campus. Prince-
ton, on the highway between New York and Philadelphia, was
naturally a place of peril. The surrender of Cornwallis's army
was made near the campus of "William and Mary, and the build-
ings of the College were used by Washington as a hospital.
In King's College no Commencement was held between 1777
and 1786.

But the relation of the colonial college to the contest was not
only one of debate or of geographical nearness. The colonial
college sent its men, graduate and undergraduate, into the field.
More than one-fourth of the nine hundred graduates of Yale Col-
lege living at the time of the war entered the service. To call
the names of those who served as generals or colonels or as
other officers is to call the names of some of the worthiest of
Yale's sons. Among them are David Wooster, Oliver Wollcott,
Saltonstall, and many others of the best families of the southern
New England colonies. Colonel Webb's Continental regiment
has been referred to as a Yale corps. Graduates of every col-
lege were in the service as privates and as major generals. Some
of them were shot, like Nathan Ilale of Yale, 1773, as spies;
some of them fell,, like Joseph Warren of Harvard's Class of
1759, at Bunker Hill. But in whatever grade they served they
usually bore themselves in ways worthy of their alma mater.THE COLLEGES IN THE REVOLUTION 173

Within the college, however, as without, we find a few loyal-
ists. The proportion, however, among the students was smaller
than obtained in the general, community. A Yale student who
showed loyalist tendencies was dealt with by his class, and de-
nounced as an enemy to his country. Some of the Tory students
at Harvard were accustomed to bring India tea into the Com-
mons and to show their loyalty by drinking it. The disturbance
which resulted caused the authorities to give advice to the effect
that India tea should not be carried into the Commons, " as
it was a source of grief and uneasiness to many of the students,
and as the use of it is disagreeable to the people of the country
in general," and wishing'44 that harmony and peace might be
preserved within the College walls, whatever convulsions un-
happily disturb the state abroad." 1

Not only in ways significant and impressive, but also in
ways which, if obscure, were no less useful, the colonial college
niade itself of great worth in the great struggle for political
freedom. The twenty-five hundred graduates living iat the time
°f the outbreak of the war were serving the community not only
as ministers, but also as merchants, small manufacturers, sur-
veyors, justices of the peace, and in other forms of public or semi-
public employment, for the professions of law and of medicine
had not taken their present conspicuous place in the community.
The work of the teacher and of the journalist attracted few
adherents. Not far from one-half of the graduates were en-
gaged in non-professional employments. Such men were able
to give, and did give, no small share of their time and strength
to the affairs of their town, county, and state. In 1775 the
House of Assistance of New Ilaven, consisting of twelve cit-
izens chosen at large, had eight graduates of Yale. All the
County Court, and many of the Probate judges were also grad-
uates. About one-half of the field officers of the militia in 1774
and .1775, a majority of the Revolutionary Council of Safety,
had also been educated at Yale. Throughout Massachusetts and
Connecticut graduates of the two colleges were the leaders and
promoters in their chief towns of the movement for liberty. The

1 Quincy's "History of Harvard Universityvol. ii, p. 164.174 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

larger share of those who from time to time attended the sessions
of the Continental Congress at Philadelphia were graduates.
About four-fifths of all the signers of the Declaration of Inde-
pendence were liberally educated. *

The nine colleges founded previous to the war, and especially
the three oldest of them, made contributions to that war, and
through that war, in its preparation and in its results, for the
foundation and perpetuity of the American state, of incalculable
value.CHAPTER VII

beginnings of the national movement

Tiie War of Independence marked a revival of the national
spirit. The score of years immediately following the treaty of
peace represented the development of a new life, not only gov-
ernmental, but also one comprehending all the elements of civili-
zation. The growth of the collegiate spirit was quite as great
as the development of the governmental, industrial, and social
forces.

The collegiate spirit manifested itself in at least three forms:
first, the desire of the individual states to found and to promote
the higher education within their own borders; second, the de-
sire of the national government to found and to promote the
higher education independently of the divisions of states; and
thirdly, the desire of the national government to found and pro-
mote the higher education by granting aid to the individual
states. From the time of the foundation of Harvard the first
form had been more or less in force. It now took on a more
popular relation, eliminating religious and denominational limi-
tations. The second form became especially progressive and
forceful, but without effecting institutional results. The third
form was new. From its beginning this form has increased in
power, growing in impressiveness, energy, and breadth through-
out the last century. The nine colleges which had been founded
up to the time of the making of the Declaration of Independence
Were established in eight States, New Jersey alone having two
institutions. But, with the exception of Delaware, each of the
other four States presently began movements for the promotion
of the higher education.

No one of these states preceded North Carolina in time or
excelled it in the wisdom of offering facilities for the higher
academic training.

175176 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

In the constitution of North Carolina, bearing date of Decem-
ber 8, 1776, it is declared that all useful learning shall be duly
encouraged or promoted in one or more universities. This clause
is identical with the clause found in the constitution of Pennsyl-
vania, adopted September 28th of the same year. The adoption
of the North Carolina constitution was made in one of the dark
periods of the great conflict. But the Scotch-Irish Presbyterians,
who had already established academies in the province, were
not easily turned aside from their highest educational and ec-
clesiastical purposes. Throughout the time of the war the clause
in the constitution regarding education was not put in force.
But in the last month of the year 1789, following by a few days
the adoption of the Constitution of the United States, the Uni-
versity of North Carolina was chartered. Those who were offi-
cially and personally concerned in the launching of the Uni-
versity represented the great men of the state. They included
senators and representatives in Congress, governors, and judges.

Gifts from individuals and grants from the state presently
followed. Colonel Benjamin Smith, who had been an aide to
General Washington, and became subsequently Governor of the
state, gave twenty thousand acres of land, which were in the
year 1835 sold for fourteen thousand dollars; and Major Charles
Gerrard gave thirteen hundred acres of land, which realized
about forty thousand dollars. The General Assembly in 1791
made a loan of ten thousand dollars, which subsequently became
an outright gift. Early in the following century two lotteries
were established, which resulted in a profit of about five thou-
sand dollars.

Slow was the progress, however. It was not until 1795 that
the University was actually opened to students. The scholastic
character impressed upon the University at its beginning was
high. The curriculum was practically that prevailing in the
older colleges of the North. It is significant that in 1801 French
was made an alternative with Greek for admission.

The work of instruction was committed to two teachers. The
Rev. David Curr, a graduate of Trinity College, Dublin, who had
conducted a classical school at Fayetteville, North Carolina, was
chosen professor of Humanity, and had the general charge.beginnings of the national movement 177

He was teacher of Latin and Greek. A graduate of Princeton,
Mr. Charles W. Harris, was made professor of mathematics.
Side by side with the university itself was established a prepar-
atory department.

The processes underlying the education given in the first dec-
ides of the University embodied a worthy educational theory.
Professor Harris writes in 1795, saying, 4 4 The notion that true
learning consists rather in exercising the reasoning faculties and
^ying.up a store of useful knowledge than in overloading the
memory with words of the dead languages, is becoming daily
more prevalent."1

The interest and enthusiasm of the teachers were well sup-
Ported by the trustees. The first books bought consisted prin-
cipally of Latin and Greek classics, together with lexicons. Later
in the same year of 1795 some simple physical apparatus was
Purchased, together with a set of surveying instruments. At
this time, too, individuals began to make contributions, inaugu-
rating a custom which has prevailed more fully in the University
°f North Carolina than in most state institutions.

The University, however, began its large and most significant
Work with the coming in 1796 of Joseph Caldwell. Joseph
Caldwell was a graduate of Princeton in 1791. After serving
the University of North Carolina for eight years as teacher
he became president. Through him, as through Witherspoon at
Princeton, the University came to occupy a significant place. A
good mathematical scholar, his efforts were ftot confined to the
classroom. His work was manifold and ceaseless. By personal
solicitation lie secured money for the completion of one of the
early college buildings. In the year 1827 lie built what was the
first astronomical observatory in the United States. An execu-
tive, his greatest service to the state was of the type which
the first President Dwight rendered to and through Yale Col-
lege. He beat back that tide of atheistic influences which, in the
opening years of the century, threatened to devastate colleges
both north and south. Under his headship the University not
only prospered but was the cause of educational and other pros-

} Smith's "History of Education in North Carolina," p. 65.178 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

perity throughout the Commonwealth. In zeal for the establish-
ment of schools and academies North Carolina was not in his
time surpassed by a single state.1

Although the constitution of South Carolina, neither in
1776, 1778, nor 1790, made mention of education, yet the people
themselves of the state early set about providing the facilities
of a college training. As early as the year 1723 proposals were
made in the legislature for establishing a college, but no result
emerged. In 1769 a bill was drawn providing for the founda-
tion of an institution which was called the. College of South
Carolina; but of this bill, too, nothing came. Two years after
the treaty of peace the legislature passed an act for establishing
three colleges, of which one was the college at Charleston. The
college at Charleston was, as it still is, largely a local institution.

In 1801 was founded South Carolina College at Columbia.
It represented the beginning of a noble academic influence. It
was in its inception the result of the wisdom, energy, economic
foresight, and public spirit of Paul Hamilton.

If the people of South Carolina have at various times been
inclined to separate themselves from the Union, they were in the
last decades of the eighteenth century inclined to separate them-
selves from each other. Between the years 1670 and 1750 the
lower country was settled, but it was not until the middle of the
century that the country above Columbia began to attract immi-
grants. The lower section of the country was in the middle
of the century wealthy, and its people numbered many men of
education. From the year 1750 to the year 1780 more than a
hundred Americans were members of the Inns of Courts of
London. These men came from all the colonies; but a greater
number of them came from South Carolina than from any other
province. But the upper section of the state had a greater
number of people, even if less wealthy and less distinguished.

One purpose, therefore, of Paul Hamilton and his associates
was to establish a college which might tend to unite the sections
of the state, so separate in origin and in spirit. An act there-
fore was passed establishing the college at Columbia, and among

1 North American Review, January, 1821, pp. 33, 34.beginnings of the national movement 179

the purposes noted in the act are that it will " highly promote
the instruction, the good order, and the harmony of the whole
community.'11 The generous sum of fifty thousand dollars was
appropriated for a building, and for the expenses of each year
six thousand dollars were granted. The salary of the president
was placed at the large sum of twenty-five hundred dollars,
and that of the professors of mathematics and of physics at fif-
teen hundred, while the other professors were to receive only one
hundred dollars each.

The first president was Jonathan Maxcy. In Maxcy many
and diverse conditions and elements seem united. Born in Massa-
chusetts in 1768, he entered at the age of fifteen the college in
Rhode Island, and graduated in 1787 with the highest honors
°f his class. Immediately made tutor, he held the place for
four years. In 1792 he was chosen president of the college pro
tempore, and six years after was elected to the permanent office.
He served the college well until 1802. In 1802 he was chosen
president of Union College, where he continued two years. The
lack of a vigorous body gave to the invitation to become the
first president of South Carolina College in 1804 a responsive
hearing. Until his death in 1820 he continued in this place
" with almost unprecedented popularity."2 The presidency
of three institutions, such as the college in Ilhode Island, Union,
and South Carolina, is absolutely unique.' Dr. Maxcy was among
the best metaphysical scholars of his time; he was one of the
ablest of instructors, and, it may be added, that his reputation as
a preacher was high. Ilis ability as an executive, moreover,
seems to have exceeded his ability in any other respect. To
him, as to Caldwell of North Carolina, the college is vastly in-
debted. lie was a man of unusual energy and progressiveness.
In 1810 he urged that a professor of chemistry be appointed,
and five years after he recommended that a professorship of
political economy be established—so early was the endeavor made
to offer instruction in new and great departments of learning.

Two years after the treaty of peace the Assembly of the

1	Meriwether's "Higher Education in South Carolina," p. 134.

2	Guild's " History of Brown University," pp. 24, 25.

13180 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

State of Georgia gave a charter to the University of Georgia.
The charter breathes an especially free spirit. It was not the
result of the deliberations of a body of ecclesiastics; nor was its
purpose to unite different sections of the state; it was not the
outcome of the energy of one man, even if that man be as able as
Paul Hamilton; it had no relation to partisan politics. Forty
thousand acres of wild land were appropriated to its endowment
and support, but this endowment was of small value. It prob-
ably was not worth one thousand dollars. The gift, through the
generosity of Governor John Milledge, of about six hundred
acres of land determined its location. The land originally given
by the state was sold; but payment not being made, the state, in
the year 1815, came to the relief of the university. It was
agreed that interest should be paid upon a hundred thousand
dollars, at . the rate of eight per cent, by the state to the uni-
versity. In obedience to this arrangement the sum of eight thou-
sand dollars has been each year paid to the university.

The progress of the University in its first decades was, in
sympathy with the progress of the Commonwealth itself, slow.
In the year of 1819 it is said " there were neither funds, profes-
sors, nor students." 1 But despite its occasional misfortunes the
University in the first third of the nineteenth century alone and
steadfastly held aloft the lamp of truth on the Southern frontier.

The attempt of Edward Palmer to found a university on an
island in the Susquehanna, in the year 1624, was the first im-
pulse given to the higher education in the territory now repre-
sented by Maryland. This attempt could not but fail. It was
more than a century and a half before another attempt at all
worthy was made. From time to time, in the hundred and fifty
and more years, among the lonely and widely separated planta-
tions was heard the voice of some one crying the evangel of edu-
cation, but it was the voice of one crying in the wilderness. It
aroused very little if any response. The widely dispersed popu-
lation, the commercial interests of the settlers, the division into
the Catholic and Protestant churches, united to prevent con-
certed and lasting action. The causes which prevented the es-

1 Jones's "Education in Georgia," p. 47.BEGINNINGS OF THE NATIONAL MOVEMENT 181

tablishment of colleges also prevented the establishment of
academies; and the lack of academies in turn contributed to
the failure to found colleges. The whole educational condition
was bad. An exception is to be made of the few schools which
Were taught by clergymen. In point of intellectual power as
well as moral character they were worthy educational leaders.
But not a few of the schools were taught by servants, who
Were either convicts or under contract. In the year 1774, near
Annapolis, there was offered at public sale a schoolmaster, an
indented servant, who " is sold for no fault, any more than we
have done with him." In the year .1777 a reward was offered
for two runaways, one of whom is " a schoolmaster, of a pale
complexion, with short hair." He is also described as suffer-
lng from a noisesome disease.1 The larger share of all the edu-
cation which the people of Maryland received up to nearly the
outbreak of the Revolution was given by indented or convict
servants.

But the close of the Revolution marked the beginning of the
time for the establishment of institutions of the higher education.
In .1784 was chartered the University of Maryland. The Uni-
versity of Maryland, the first of three institutions or combination
institutions to bear the name, was composed of "Washington Col-
lege and of St. John's College. Washington College, the out-
growth of an academy, was established on the eastern shore of
Chesapeake Bay, and two years after, to secure an equality of
educational opportunity, was established on the western shore
at Annapolis St. John's. The governing board was known as
the Convocation of the University of Maryland. The board was
large and its proposed methods of government clumsy. To each
of the two institutions small grants were made by the state.
The jealousy of the two colleges, the difficulty of travel, and
the more important element of the lack of real interest in edu-
cation soon caused the disintegration of the first university of
Maryland. But though the university idea perished, each of
the two constituting colleges continued. The progress which each
made, however, was slow and the life that each lived feeble.

^Steiner's "History of Education in Maryland," p. 34.188 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

In the history" of the colleges in the decades following the
Revolution the association of one president at different times
with more than one institution is worthy of note. William
Smith, who was the chief officer in the university at Philadel-
phia, was the founder and first president of Washington Col-
lege. Coming to Chestertown, the future site of the college,
in 1780 as a clergyman, he presently undertook educational
work. The crown of this work was the establishment of Wash-
ington College. The association of his name with the college
seems to have been grateful to Washington. At the Commence-
ment of 1784 Washington was present, and letters testify to his
continued interest in the institution. On the restoration of its
charter to the college in Philadelphia, Dr. Smith retired from
the presidency and returned to Philadelphia. The history of
the college for the first decades of the nineteenth century is a
history of penury and disintegration.

The other constituent factor of the University of Maryland,
St. John's, named, it has been suggested, from St. John's of
Oxford, where some of its founders were students, has had a
history more impressive than the college situated on the eastern
shore. Placed at Annapolis, it has by good fortune had the
advantage of closer relationship with human movements. Al-
though these movements carried along in their turn the disad-
vantage of the charge of the costliness of the education given
in St. John's, yet the advantage has proved greater than the
disadvantage. The contribution which the College made to the
affairs of the state and of the nation in its first years was im-
pressive. On the programmes of the thirteen Commencements,
from the first in 1793 to that of 1806, are found the names
of four graduates who became governors of the state, of three
who became United States senators and of five who became
representatives, of four who became judges of the Court of
Appeals, of one who became United States Attorney-General,
and of not a few others who rendered conspicuous service
to the nation. The author of u The Star-Spangled Banner,"
Francis Scott Key, here took his degree in 1796.

The state of Maryland, midway between the north and the
south, gathered students from both regions. Louisiana, Georgia,BEGINNINGS OF THE NATIONAL MOVEMENT 183

the Carolinas, and Virginia, as well as Pennsylvania and Dela-
ware, were represented.

The second form in which the collegiate spirit manifested it-
self at the conclusion of the great war had its origin in the desire
to found and to promote the higher education through a uni-
versity of and for the new nation. This form embodied a dis-
tinctly national spirit. It represented the endeavor of the nation
as a nation, without reference to the rights or duties of the in-
dividual states, to promote the cause of the higher education.
The special form which this desire assumed was a plan to estab-
lish a national university.

In the Federal Convention of 1787 an attempt was made to
give Congress powers over public education. Charles Pinckney,
of the state which has not been inclined to subtract from its own
rights in order to make an addition to the rights of the national
government, especially promoted the endeavor to provide for a
national university at the seat of government. But his en-
deavors, together with the endeavors of the president of the
Convention, were without result. Constitutional objections ap-
parently weighed with some of the members, and indifference to
the whole subject prevailed with others.

But for the next thirty years the cause of a national uni-
versity appears under diverse forms, although with one un-
varying result. No one of the statesmen of the period following
the Revolution held the purpose of founding and providing for
a national university more close to his heart than Washington.
In conversation, message, and other documents he insisted upon
the importance of the plan. His insistence was that of the
statesman, not of the politician desiring to win great results
through temporary expediency. In a paragraph, which he had
thought of inserting in his farewell address, but which was not
included, he says: " I mean education generally, as one of the
surest means of enlightening and giving just ways of thinking
to our citizens, but particularly the establishment of a uni-
versity, where the youth from all parts of the United States
might receive the polish of erudition in the arts, sciences, and
belles-lettres; and where those who were disposed to run a politi-
cal course might not only be instructed in the theory and prin-184 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

ciples, but (this seminary being at the seat of the General Gov-
ernment) where the Legislature would be in session half the
year, and the interests and politics of the nation of course
would be discussed, they would lay the surest foundation for
the practical part also.

" But that which would render it of the highest importance,
in my opinion, is that during the juvenal period of life, when
friendships are formed and habits established that stick by one,
the youth or young men from different parts of the United States
would be assembled together, and would by degrees discover
that there was not that cause for those jealousies and prejudices
which one part of the Union had imbibed against another part—
of course, sentiments of more liberality in the general policy
of the country would result from it." 1 In his will, also, Wash-
ington made a bequest toward the endowment of a university.

But Washington was not alone in his purpose. Jefferson
desired that an amendment should be made to the Constitution in
order that money might be appropriated to the establishment of
a university. It was his belief that his suggestion for the amend-
ment would meet with favorable and immediate response. Madi-
son, too, in his second Annual Message, and seventh, as well as
his last, urged its foundation. John Quincy Adams, a man
whose life and work embodied as thoroughly as any president's
the purposes and methods of a university, urged upon Congress
its establishment. Directly or indirectly, the first six presidents
seem to have favored, with a greater or less degree of earnest-
ness, the foundation of a national university.

But the endeavors of the government were not confined to
the executive. In the year 1811 a committee was appointed by
Congress upon the question. The report of the committee was
unfavorable on the ground of its unconstitutionality. Five years
after another committee was appointed, and a similar result fol-
lowed.

But the attempts were not limited to the government. Gentle-
men as diverse in character and relationship as Dr. Benjamin
Rush and Joel Barlow wrote and spoke in favor of the establish-

1 "Report of the Commissioner of Education," 1892-93, vol. ii, p. 1302,BEGINNINGS OF THE NATIONAL MOVEMENT 185

ment of the university. Dr. Rush indicated that to create a
government which should exercise functions of public credit,
regulate the militia, build a navy, and revive commerce, was
hopeless without education. The kind of education most neces-
sary for the carrying on of the government was the kind which
could be secured by men meeting and spending two or three
years together in a university, and afterwards carrying their
knowledge and their principles to every part of the country.
To make a foundation in any other way would be making a rope
of sand. Joel Barlow, best known as a poet, although he was
also a speculator and a politician, issued, in 1805, a prospectus
for a national institution. The prospectus seems to have met
with much favor. But when the consequent bill was introduced
into the Senate of the United States, it soon passed into silent
forgetfulness.

For a generation, therefore, the American people at different
times, under diverse conditions, through the executive, through
members of the national. Legislature, and through citizens,
sought to establish a national university. By not a few of tire
wisest the force of the truth of a sentence in Washington's fare-
Well address was recognized: " In proportion as the structure of
government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that
public opinion should be enlightened." Many people believed
that a university established at the seat of government, en-
dowed and conducted by the government, would enlighten public
opinion. But every attempt, even at its best estate, was remote
from success. From the close of the administration of the second
President Adams until the end of the Paris Exposition, in 1873,
the idea of the establishment of a national university was not
generally discussed. The results of that World's Fair revealed
to America that its best universities did not compare favorably
with the universities of Europe. The American spirit was
quickened. The quickening of the American spirit resulted in
an endeavor to found a national university. But these en-
deavors have also proved resultless. It may now be added that
the purpose of the whole scheme, for at least apparently some
years, was in part gained by the establishment in Washington, in
the year of 1902, by Andrew Carnegie, of the Institution which186 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

bears his great name. In the preamble of the articles of incor-
poration of that body it is said that the incorporators desire to
establish and to maintain " in the spirit of Washington, an in-
stitution for promoting original research in science, literature,
and art." This comprehensive purpose, which moved the
founders of the Republic, including Washington himself, may
be now in the way of accomplishment through an expenditure
which a hundred years ago it was thought could be made only
by the government itself. Yet the project of establishing a
national university will from time to time emerge until an actual
foundation be made.

The third form in which the national interest in education
has manifested itself consists in the aid given to the individual
states for its promotion. This form represents the most im-
portant of all the national endeavors. This method declared it-
self at the very beginning of the nation, and was again made
evident in a most impressive way at a time, about two genera-
tions after, when the greatest of civil questions was submitted
to the decision of battle. The value of this one form of the
national interest in the higher education still continues, and will
continue so long as the nation is a nation.

The physical embodiment of this method of national aid was
found in land. Down to the beginning of the last century land
had been the chief form in which large property had been in-
vested. Land, therefore, has necessarily represented the prin-
cipal endowment of colleges and universities. The colleges of
Oxford and Cambridge illustrate this method and form of en-
dowment. The University of Upsala received its greatest endow-
ment fromGustavus Adolphus, in the form of the lands or income
thus derived, an advantage which the historic institution still
enjoys. The legislatures of Massachusetts and of Connecticut
have at various times granted tracts of land to their various col-
leges. It was therefore natural for the general government to
use land as a means of the promotion of the higher education in
the individual states.

Seven of the thirteen original states, Massachusetts, Con-
necticut, New York, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina,
and Georgia, near the beginning of the Revolutionary War,BEGINNINGS OF THE NATIONAL MOVEMENT 187

advanced claims to the whole west extending as far as the Mis-
sissippi and the Great Lakes, north of parallel thirty-one. The
other states resisted these claims. It was affirmed that the west-
ern territory was to be won by a united effort from a common
enemy; the results of victory therefore should belong to all.
From time to time the claims thus made were surrendered, and
the territory came under the control of the nation. The with-
drawal of these claims laid upon Congress the duty of the settle-
ment and control of the territory. From such control the public
domains of Kentucky and Tennessee were especially excepted.
In April, 1783, propositions were drawn up by Colonel Thomas
Pickering in reference to the creation of a new state in the
Northwest Territory by officers and soldiers of the Revolution-
ary army.

In the year 1776, and also in the year 1780, Congress offered
bounties in land to those who might enlist. A colonel, was to
receive five hundred acres, a lieutenant colonel four hundred and
fifty, a major four hundred, a captain three hundred, a lieu-
tenant two hundred, an ensign one hundred and fifty, and a
private one hundred. The amounts promised to a major general
and to a brigadier general were respectively eleven hundred and
fifty and eleven hundred. The promises thus made, Congress
desired to keep. Not a few, too, of the soldiers had not received
their pay for service. The desire, therefore, that the government
should maintain its covenants, and the desire also for the de-
velopment of the nation, were closely related.

The proposition, therefore, of Colonel Pickering was to the
effect that Congress should purchase of the Indians a certain
tract of the Northwest Territory, and that from this tract grants
should be made to the officers and soldiers who had served in the
federal army. The proposition thus made by Colonel Picker-
ing contains the first suggestion regarding the use of land for
public educational endowment. The suggestion offered in 1783
did not become a law until two years later. In the ordinance
passed in 1785 it is declared that Lot Number Sixteen of every
township shall be reserved for the maintenance of public schools
within that township. Two years later, on the 13th of July,
1787, Congress passed an ordinance for the government of the188 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

territory northwest of the Iliver Ohio. This ordinance has be-
come known as the Ordinance of 1787. This Ordinance was per-
haps the most important piece of fundamental legislation ever
made for or by the American people. The territory covered
what is now embraced in the states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois,
Michigan, and Wisconsin. It prohibited slavery. It declared
for freedom of religion. It affirmed the writ of habeas corpus,
the right of jury trial, of proportional representation, and
it provided for the maintenance of the obligation of contracts.
But it also included above all else the enactment ' 4 that religion,
morals, and knowledge, being necessary to good government and
the happiness of mankind, schools, and the means of education
shall forever be encouraged.'' Ten days after its passage Con-
gress also declared that Lot Sixteen in each township should be
given for purposes of education, and Lot Number Twenty-nine
for purposes of religion. It also affirmed that no more than two
complete townships are to be given for the purpose of a uni-
versity. Thus was inaugurated the national policy for the
endowment of the higher educational institutions, and the lower,
through the granting of land.

Under the rights thus given, a million and a half of acres
on the north side of the Ohio River were presently sold to the
Ohio Company of Associates. The educational provisions of this
ordinance and the powers granted had a specific territorial ap-
plication. But the principles which underlay the geographical
grant have had a much wider and a more fundamental relation-
ship. The action thus taken has proved to be both an example
and an inspiration for the making of similar grants to and for
the states as they have entered into the Union.

Following the purchase made by the Ohio Company of Asso-
ciates, a purchase was made by John Cleves Symmes, in which
one township was reserved for a university, and not two, as in
the case of the Ohio Company; but the grants made for the
schools and the church remained the same. Since the year 1800,
each state admitted into the Union, with the exception of Maine,
Texas, and "West Virginia, has received at least two townships
of land for the purpose of. founding a university.

Under the laws thus passed, there had been granted to theBEGINNINGS OF THE NATIONAL MOVEMENT 189

states or reserved to territories, for universities or seminaries of
higher learning, from the beginning to the middle of the year
1900, somewhat more than a million acres of land. The number
of grants and reservations made for common-school purposes
has been more than sixty-seven millions, and for agricultural and
mechanical colleges about ten millions.

For the use for purposes of education, common and higher,
of so large a part of its domain, the nation is indebted to
Manasseh Cutler. The authorship of the Ordinance of 1787 is
still a matter of doubt; but that Manasseh Cutler was the author
of the more significant part of this great document is evident.

Manasseh Cutler was born in Connecticut in 1742, and grad-
uated at Yale College in 1765. The son of a farmer, he seems
to have embodied the strongest and best elements that belong
to the simple life of the early New England community. He
possessed broad intellectual interests. He was a minister, a
lawyer, and a physician. He was best known, however, as a
scientist. As a scientist he was most deeply interested in as-
tronomy and botany. It may also be said that he was a states-
man. Washington appointed him a judge of the Supreme
Court of the Northwest Territory, an appointment which he de-
clined. For four years he was a member of the lower house of
Congress. lie served also as a chaplain in the Revolutionary
army. By reason of his service as a chaplain, and his consequent
interest in the soldiers, and by reason of his larger interest in
the government and its development, he was efficient in the
formation of the Ohio Company of Associates. lie was eager
that the Ordinance of 1787 should become a fundamental law,
and he also desired that the purchase of land in Ohio should
be made from his company. Both ordinance and the purchase
were parts of the same movement. If the ordinance had not
been passed by Congress there would have been no prospect for
the sale of land; and the Ohio Company would not have bought
land unless they were assured that those who should buy it and
live upon it should be under a proper constitutional and legal
jurisdiction. The motive that led to the passing of the law
helped to the securing of the purchasers, and the motive that led
to the securing of purchasers promoted the passing of the Ordi-190 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

nance. In securing this double aim Manasseh Cutler was most
influential. To him above all other men belongs the priceless
honor of the introduction of the land system of educational en-
dowment.

The system which was thus inaugurated has been ordinarily
used by each state as it has been admitted to the Union. Ohio
was the first to apply the method and to receive the benefits of
its operation. In 1802 the legislature of the Northwest Territory
passed an act establishing a university, and giving to it in trust
the grant of two townships of land. The charter was prepared
by Dr. Cutler, although he himself was never a permanent resi-
dent of Ohio. In the proposed charter Dr. Cutler recognized
that institutions for the liberal education of youth are essential to
the progress of the arts and sciences, important to morals and
religion, and friendly to the best order and prosperity of society.
He also proposed that the law-making body should establish a
university to be known as the American University. It should
be governed by a Board of Trustees, which Board should have
power to appoint all teachers in the University, and to make all
proper rules for its government. This Board should be a close
corporation, choosing its own members. The establishing of the
course of instruction should be committed, together with the
president and vice-president, to the actual teachers. To the
Board also was given authority to manage the two townships
set aside for the purposes of the University. It also had au-
thority for holding real estate, provided that the annual income
should not exceed forty thousand dollars, or the' income of
their property fifty thousand. Such are the main provisions
which Dr. Cutler included in the fundamental act chartering the
American University.

The lawmaking body, however, altered one fundamental ele-
ment in the proposed charter. The legislature determined that
the corporation should not be a close one, and that the successors
of the first incumbents should be chosen by the legislature, and
also decreed that no limit was to be placed upon the amount of
property which the corporation might hold. The first of these
two alterations is profoundly significant. It transferred the rela-
tion of what came to be known as Ohio University, and locatedbeginnings of the national movement 191

at the spot significantly known as Athens, from belonging to
the class of private colleges into an institution having direct
relation to the state. The change thus embodied the beginning
of a movement which has proved to be of the utmost value and
of pregnant significance.

For the forty years from 1820 to 1860 appeals were fre-
quently made to Congress from many states asking for aid for
educational purposes; but these appeals'were met with refusal.
Congress made to each state at the time of its admission a liberal
donation from the public domain. It has therefore declined to
grant further aid for educational purposes more or less hetero-
geneous. It has declared that each state should provide for its
educational needs from its own resources. Such has been the
policy maintained with only infrequent and insignificant ex-
ceptions, and based upon what have seemed to be sufficient
grounds. It should be added, however, that the Federal Gov-
ernment has from time to time made grants for general pur-
poses to the individual states, as in the Swamp Land Act of
1849, and in the several acts giving three, five, and ten per cent
of the land sales. Many of the states have devoted these reve-
nues to educational purposes.

In the score of years, therefore, following the treaty of peace
of 1783, the interest of the people in the higher education was
manifest in at least three significant forms. The individual
states were concerned with the establishment and endowment of
their own colleges. The national government was interested in
the promotion of the higher education as a concern for and of the
people. This interest was largely manifest in the desire to estab-
lish a national university. The government also showed its re-
gard for the endeavor through the granting of aid to the individ-
ual states for the promotion of education of every sort, espe-
cially for the endowment of universities. In these three forms
and under these diverse conditions the American college and uni-
versity came to occupy a large and impressive place. Its relation
to the church became less intimate, its relation to the people far
more intimate and important. It came to represent and to em-
body the democratic spirit of a democratic nation. It ceased to be
the organ of a class; it became an institution of the republic.CHAPTER VIII

the french period

The English and the native forces making for the higher
education were not the only forces at work; cooperating with
them were other foreign influences. These influences were
largely, in their origin, movement, and condition, French. For
the second time in the history of America forces other than
English moved upon its educational policy. Paris continued
the work previously done by the graduates of Leyden and of
Utrecht.

The aid which France gave to the colonies in and after the
year 1778 was not simply of men and of ships. Whatever was
her motive in aiding in the establishment of the American Com-
monwealth, the result was an increase of her influence. This
influence was rather of ideas, forms of government and of edu-
cation, than of military prestige or of commercial advantage.
For the projection of intellectual forces into the new world she
was better fitted than for the transplanting of material potencies.
France was, at the beginning of the last quarter of the eighteenth
century, standing midway between the fading light of the
careers of Voltaire and Rousseau, and the rising day of the
Encyclopaedists. She was moved at once by the pen of the his-
torian and by the voice of the prophet. These intellectual influ-
ences were preeminently concerned with education. For France,
overturning the church and its allied interests, seeking to make
all things new, increased the attention paid to education. Edu-
cation came to be recognized as the one comprehensive force
which could create, nourish, and perpetuate the new Republic.
Men of reasonableness, who could not accept extreme theories,
who abhorred the excesses into which the Revolution with each
turn was rapidly moving, found in education as a theory a
subject for worthy contemplation, and in education as a move-

192THE FRENCH PERIOD

193

inent a resource and power for the restraining of men's
thought and actions. Such men as Condorcet, among the ablest
of all the promoters of the Revolution, who himself became a
victim of its excesses, Sieyes, and others were appointed as com-
mittees on public instruction. They and many other citizens
published papers upon education—primary, secondary, and uni-
versity. Each of these papers gave rise to other papers. Litera-
ture concerning education from 1789 to 1795 is most voluminous
as well as impressive.1 The education which was under diverse
forms proposed was invariably an education by, of, and for the
state. It represented the whole body of the people concerned
with this most serious endeavor and form of life. No subject
was considered more important, no method demanded the wis-
dom of the people more constantly, and no force was regarded
as so powerful for securing the richest results in the individual
and in the community.

Such a conception of education united easily and naturally
with the national conception maintained in the new American
Commonwealth. The new American Commonwealth was con-
cerned with its own existence, development, and perpetuity. It
had come to know that no form of ecclesiasticism, however broad
or forceful, was of breadth or power sufficient to secure the
richest results. It therefore turned to education as the one
human condition and force which was sufficiently ample in re-
source, wise in method, and high in aim to save and to enrich the
state. An education of suqIi a character was naturally an edu-
cation of, for, and by the whole people.

The method, purpose, and power, therefore, of the French
nation were one with the method, purpose, and power of the
new American nation.

It is impossible to estimate with justice the influence of the
French condition over the American. The evidence indicates,
however, that the influence for the last decades of the eighteenth
and the first decade of the nineteenth centuries was vital, and in
many respects formative.

1 "Proces-Verbaux du Cornitd destruction Publique de la Convention
Nationale," publics et annot6s par M. J. Guillaume, Paris, 1891, tome *194 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

French books were read somewhat in the states, and these
books put into English were read largely. The Encyclopaedia
of Diderot and his associates was read more than other volumes.
Both as cause and result of the presence of French books, in-
struction in the French language began to be offered in three
or four colleges. As early as 1735, for a brief time French was
taught at Harvard, but it was not till 1780 that the language
secured a place of comparative permanence in the curriculum.
In that year, the year that marked the adoption of the con-
stitution of Massachusetts and the establishment of the Academy
of Arts and Sciences, Simon Poulin was authorized to teach
French. The fee for the tuition was a special charge in the term
bills. Two years after, Albert Gallatin was authorized also to
teach the language. In 1797 students who were excused from
the study of Hebrew were required to study French; but pres-
ently the courses offered were withdrawn, and it was not until
the establishment of the Smith chair in 1815 that the. instruction
was renewed. A chair of French was established at Columbia in
1779, at William and Mary in 1793, and at Union in 1806.

In the midst of the Revolution, Silas Deane, who in 1776
had been sent to Paris in behalf of the new nation, proposed to
President Stiles the establishment of a professorship of French
in Yale and indicated his willingness to make a collection of
French books. But the offer was without result. The corpora-
tion of the Rhode Island College, in 1784, made an endeavor
to secure the establishment of a chair by Louis XVI. In the
application, which is signed by the chancellor and the president
of the College, it is said: " Ignorant of the French language,
and separated as we were by more than mere distance of coun-
tries, we too imbibed the prejudices of the English—prejudices
which we have renounced since we have had a nearer view of
the brave army of France, who actually inhabited this College
edifice; since which time our youth seek with avidity whatever
can give them information respecting the character, genius, and
influence of a people they have such reason to admire; a nation
so eminently distinguished for polished humanity.

" To satisfy this laudable thirst for knowledge nothing was
wanting but to encourage and diffuse the French language; andTHE FRENCH PERIOD

195

that not merely as the principal means of rendering an inter-
course with our brethren of France more easy and beneficial,
but also for spreading far and wide the history of the so cele-
brated race of kings, statesmen, philosophers, poets, and bene-
factors of mankind which France has produced.

" As no king will be held by us in so lasting and so dear
a remembrance, so there is no name we are more desirous of
repeating as the founder of the French language and history in
this country than your Majesty's, and that, too, as much from
gratitude to your Majesty as profit to ourselves.9 91 This ap-
plication, which was transmitted through the delegates of Rhode
Island in Congress, came, in the year 1787, into the hands of
Jefferson. But Jefferson in his reply made it very clear that
the formal presentation of the petition would have been un-
availing.

But French influence was conveyed with greater force and
to a larger constituency by personalities than by books. The
presence of Frenchmen, either as military officers or as travelers,
embodied this influence. Not a few of the soldiers who came
simply to figlit against England, remained after the conclusion of
the war. To-day their descendants form a most honorable part
of the complex population. Not a few travelers, too, visited the
country for the purpose of observation. The most famous of
these was Rochefoucauld, and the most valuable possibly of all
the books which resulted was that written by Dupont de Mours,
published in Paris in 1800, on national education in the United
States. This book was written at the request of Thomas Jeffer-
son. It undoubtedly served to impress the idea of a compre-
hensive and state-controlled system of education upon the people
of the new nation.

But the Americans who were for a time living in France
represented an influence yet more potent than Frenchmen who
traveled in or wrote about America. Benjamin Franklin, John
Adams, and Thomas Jefferson were the most conspicuous of
such men. Without doubt Franklin was more impressive to
Frenchmen than Frenchmen were to him; but Adams and Jeffer-

1 "Brown University and Manning/' Guild, p. 351.196 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

son were profoundly affected by French influence, and that in-
fluence they bore to the new world. The American Philosophi-
cal Society was founded at Philadelphia in the year 1769; it
embodied the English tradition. The American Academy of
Arts and Sciences was incorporated by the legislature of Massa-
chusetts; it represented the French type. The founders of the
Academy have put on record their intention to give to the
Academy the air of France rather than that of England. John
Adams has said that it was conversations which he held with
Frenchmen in Paris that gave to him the idea of the Academy,
and he also lias declared that through the same conversations he
gained aid for the framing of the provisions in relation to
literature and education which he incorporated into the con-
stitution of Massachusetts. The Academy was founded in the
year in which the constitution of Massachusetts was adopted.1

Yet Thomas Jefferson embodied the French tradition more
thoroughly than the Massachusetts statesman. The University
of Virginia which he founded, as well as other institutions, for
a time at least, preeminently bore the French likeness. It was
in institutions representing great personalities that the French
influence was most permanently and significantly represented.

In the year 1794 the Faculty of the University of Geneva,
becoming discontented with certain political movements, indi-
cated their willingness to come to America. The proposition
made a strong appeal to the mind of Jefferson. Jefferson sub-
mitted the question to Washington. Washington, who had also
heard of the project through John Adams, opposed the immi-
gration. In the mind of Washington the project had relation
to his own scheme for the formation of a national university. On
the ground, therefore, that the plan for a national university was
not so well matured as to justify hope of cooperation with the
Swiss faculty, he opposed the movement. But, in addition,
Washington believed that the transplanting of a whole faculty
was not wise. For its members might not all be of a character,
or have an acquaintance with the English language, suitable for
doing the duties owed to the new Republic. lie also intimated

1 "Works of John Adams/' vol. iv, pp. 259, 260.THE FRENCH PERIOD

197

that the Swiss professors had been opposed by the popular party,
and that their coming to America might be interpreted as an
aristocratic movement. lie further declared that the coming of
the Geneva faculty might prevent the election of teachers from
other countries who might be superior. The common sense of
"Washington in regard to an academic question was as conspicu-
ous as in respect to governmental. The project was dropped
from the minds of all men excepting that of Jelferson, with
whom the thought of bringing teachers from the universities of
the old world to the new lingered till his death.

It cannot be doubted, too, that French influence pervaded
the formation of what is known as the University of the State of
New York. The University of the State of New York is not a
local institution; it is a method for the administration of the
schools and colleges in the state of New York. It represents the
centralization of control which characterized the French move-
ment. Although its special father was Alexander Hamilton, it
yet embodies the spirit and motive of his rival, the great Vir-
ginian. It has little or no relation to the English or Dutch forces
which had prevailed in the state. It stands for the educational
revolution which passed over the state near the close of the Revo-
lutionary period. If John Adams bore the French influence to
Massachusetts and Thomas Jefferson to Virginia, it was John
Jay who, returning from Paris to New York in 1784, carried that
same influence to his state and caused it to j)revail in the organi-
zation of the higher education.

But the institution which for a time most directly and
vividly embodied the French influence was the Academy of
Sciences and Arts of the United States of America. Of this in-
stitution little is now known, except as this little is embodied
in a slight volume of which only three copies are supposed to
exist in America. Among the scholarly Frenchmen who came to
America in the year 1778 was one Chevalier Quesnay de Beaure-
paire. Chevalier Quesnay was of distinguished lineage. lie was
the grandson of the French philosopher and economist who also
served as physician to Louis XIV. Through illness he was com-
pelled to retire from the army. In the new country which he
came to know lie saw an opportunity of building up a national198 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

and international institution of the highest order. The point at
which he decided to plant his institution was Virginia, but
branch organizations were to be placed at Baltimore, Philadel-
phia, and New York. It was also to have affiliations with soci-
eties in Paris, London, and Brussels. It was to be a body of
scholars organized for purposes of research and also for purposes
of teaching. The research was apparently to be largely of a
scientific character touching the physical world of North America.
Collections were to be gathered, and a part of these collections
were to be sent to the museums and capitals of Europe. The
publication of the results of scientific research was to be made
and widely distributed. Experts were to be brought from
Europe, and in particular from Paris, who should serve at
once as teachers, and also as investigators and as members of
scientific commissions. The budget was in its first instance made
■ up of subscriptions of Virginia families. Much eclat, appar-
ently, attended Quesnay ?s project. In the year 1786, in Rich-
mond, the corner stone of its building was laid. Six counselors
were chosen to act, with Quesnay as president. Among them
were Thomas Jefferson and Thomas Randolph. Soon after mak-
ing the formal organization Quesnay returned to Paris in order
to promote the interests of the new foundation. Among those
whom he succeeded in interesting in his project were Beaumar-
chais, the King's secretary, Condorcet, Lafayette, Malesherbes,
Vernet, Rochefoucauld. In London he secured the cooperation
of two men who had relation to both England and America,
Thomas Paine and Benjamin West.

But as the scheme of Quesnay advanced, another movement
also, of yet larger relationship, was in progress. In the year 1788
Prance was not in a condition to promote an educational founda-
tion in Virginia. The arrangements which Quesnay made for
instituting no less than sixteen schools, covering as many fields of
knowledge, proved to be only provisional. One professor was ap-
pointed, and only one. lie bore the name of Dr. Jean Rouelle.
At this point Quesnay's splendid endeavor began to fall into ob-
livion. It was arranged for Rouelle to sail for America early in
October, 1788, but it is doubtful if he ever departed. The build-
ing, the corner stone of which was laid in 1786, was finished, butTHE FRENCH PERIOD

199

it never served as a place for the assembling of French scholars.
It was however used two years after its foundation as a place
of meeting of the Virginia Convention which ratified the Con-
stitution of the United States. Thus began and thus ended
the most brilliant and daring project of the higher education
ever put forth by a foreigner, or possibly a native, in the new
world.

On the tombstone of Thomas Jefferson at Monticello it is
declared that he was the author of the Declaration of Independ-
ence, of the statute of Virginia for religious freedom, and father
of the University of Virginia. The University of Virginia repre-
sents, in a way as permanent as Quesnay's scheme was brilliant,
the force of the French influence. It also represents the lasting
personality of one who was more deeply touched by French

influence than any other of the earlier men of the Republic_

Thomas Jefferson. For the half century covering the period
from the writing of the Declaration of Independence to the
close of his life, the thought of founding a university controlled
by the state was not for a long time absent from the mind and
heart of Thomas Jefferson. Himself trained under exceptionally
favorable influences by a Scotch mathematician and scientist,
who was a professor at William and Mary College, by a lawyer
to whom John Marshall was a student, and by the governor of
the Colony, the ablest politician of the time, he desired to found
an institution which should incorporate the best influences of
science, of Constitutional law, of diplomacy. He desired that a
system of general instruction should be established which should
be open to all the people. Toward the close of his career he
declared that as the interest in education was the earliest, so it
should be the latest of all the public concerns in which he allowed
himself to participate. lie also defines the purposes of the
higher education with a breadth becoming the writer of the
Declaration of Independence:

"(1) To form the statesmen, legislators, and judges, on whom public
prosperity and individual happiness are so much to depend;

" (2) To expound the principles and structure of government, the laws
which regulate the intercourse of nations, those formed municipally for
our own government, and a sound spirit of legislation, which, banishing200 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

all unnecessary restraint on individual action, shall leave us free to do
whatever does not violate the equal rights of another;

" (3) To harmonize and promote the interests of agriculture, manu-
factures, and commerce; and by well-informed views of political economy
to give a free scope to the public industry;

"(4) To develop the reasoning faculties of our youth, enlarge their
minds, cultivate their morals, and instil into them the precepts of virtue
and order;

"(5) To enlighten them with mathematical and physical sciences,
which advance the arts, and administer to the health, the subsistence, and
comforts of human life;

" (6) And, generally, to form them to habits of reflection and correct
action, rendering them examples of virtue to others, and of happiness
within themselves." 1

For the realization of these great aims Jefferson labored for
the almost score of years following his retirement from the
presidency. The history of his propaganda is in its assidu-
ity and length quite as unique as the brilliant project of
Quesnay.

In an age when colleges were usually founded by and under
the control of a church, Jefferson, himself a man of free notions
in religion, founded a university absolutely free from sectarian
or similar conditions. In a time when what is now known as
the required system of studies usually prevailed, he established
a university in which the elective system ruled. In a new world
free from architectural traditions, the buildings of his university
embodied varying types of classical architecture. In a country
and nation which was seeking to build itself up apart from
European models, he called into the service no less than four
professors from England. Scholarly prestige, an advantage
which the New England colleges had long enjoyed, he sought
to transfer by the election of George Ticknor, of Harvard
College, and of Nathaniel Bowditch. The great result manifest
in the University of Virginia, which Jefferson himself saw as in
a dream, was secured by manifold labors. The breadth of the
diplomatist, the vision and prevision of the statesman, the en-

1 Herbert B. Adams's "Thomas Jefferson and the University of Virginia,"
p. 89.THE FRENCH PERIOD

201

thusiasm of the scholar, and the love of humanity of the public
servant, were united in his endeavor to lay the foundation. Op-
position, persistent and varied, he overcame. Those who felt that
the ruin of Jefferson's alma mater was threatened by the estab-
lishment of the University of Virginia, and by the antagonism,
too, of those who opposed the favoring of one part of the state
above another, were met by recondite or by open argument., The
argument of the advantages of the higher education as a form of
individual enterprise, an argument supported by Adam Smith
and Dugald Stewart, was opposed by the presentation of liberal
views concerning the function of the people. Into his service
as a constant and great helper came Joseph Carrington Cabell.
To Cabell, trained at William and Mary, in French and Italian
universities, in certain relations quite as thoroughly as Jefferson,
belongs the honor of the great establishment. Through the
energy and wisdom of these two men sectional and personal
rivalries were vanquished, indifference was quickened to enthu-
siasm, intolerance silenced, and the lethargy of the people
aroused to action. The endeavor was the labor of patriots; the
cause was the quest of crusaders. At last, in the year 1825, was
consummated the long process of the establishing of the Univer-
sity of Virginia. It embodied the life work of one of the
greatest of Americans, and also the influence of the French na-
tion over the higher education in America. From the time of
its foundation until the present, it has represented a unique and
precious influence in all America, and especially in the Southern
States. It embodies with special significance the union of two
influences which have prevailed in the foundation of many col-
leges, the personal and the civil. It was the child of Thomas
Jefferson, and it bears the name of Virginia.

The French influence was also quite as manifest in the first
beginnings of the University of Michigan as in the foundation
of the University of Virginia. Michigan, in its origin and social
relationships, was French as well as English. The first number
of the Detroit Gazette, published in 1817, was printed partly in
French and partly in English. In the number of August 8th,
there was published in French an appeal to the Frenchmen of
the territory, as follows:202 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

"You ought to begin immediately to give an education to your chil-
dren. In a little time there will be in this Territory as many Yankees as
French, and if you do not have your children educated the situations will
all be given to the Yankees. No man is capable of serving as a civil and
military officer unless he can at least read and write. There are many
young people of from eighteen to twenty years who have not yet learned
to read, but they are not yet too old to learn. I have known those who
have learned to read at the age of forty years."

In the same month of August it was enacted that there should
be established a Catholepistemiad, or University. The name
itself is mongrel, but significant; the name covered an insti-
tution still more mongrel and significant. The institution was
to be composed of thirteen Didaxiim, or professorships. But the
most impressive part of the whole undertaking was that this
method of educational organization was simply a transfer of the
organization of state instruction which Napoleon gave to France
in 1806 and 1808. The name of Napoleon was still a name to
conjure with. Although he was in the second year of his exile at
St. Helena, his career still seemed to be brilliant and1 impressive.
The memory of the two wars fought with England served to
deepen the sympathy with Napoleon and to promote an apprecia-
tion and application of the educational methods of the nation
which had been conquered by our own political enemy and his
allies. Governor Cass and Judge Woodward of Michigan were
influenced, although not so completely or so impressively, by
French ideas as was the sage of Monticello.

But the scheme in Michigan, like the scheme of Quesnay of a
generation earlier, was weakened by over-ambitious elements.
The real beginning of the higher education in the territory had
to wait for a score of years.CHAPTER IX

colleges of and for an advanging people

At the time that the French influence was touching the
higher education in respect to the content of instruction and in
particular in respect to a centralized method of organization and
administration, at the time too that the national movement for
education was emphasizing itself in several ways, the cause of
individual or local education was advancing. The field of ad-
vance was found on the constantly changing frontier of the
constantly enlarging population. The new settlements of the
last generation of the eighteenth and of the first of the nine-
teenth century were quite as eager for the establishment of col-
leges to minister to their special needs as were the people of
Massachusetts Bay in the year of 1636.

Several colleges which sprang up at this time' were the out-
growth of local needs, commonly qualified by religious or de-
nominational conditions. But in the laying of these founda-
tions it is commonly found that a vigorous personality emerges.
The force of such a personality was necessary for the uniting
and projecting of the educational cause into a definite and per-
manent result. The colleges thus founded were usually, al-
though not always, the outgrowth of schools already established.
Williams, Union, Ilampden-Sidney, Hamilton, Jefferson, and
Washington represent conditions which were first ministered
unto by free schools or academies. In the case of education, as
of most human affairs, the filling of certain needs, it was found,
resulted in the creation of further needs also awaiting satisfac-
tion. The increase of population, moreover, and the enlarge-
ment of the facilities for intercourse and of means for good
living, made educational opportunities possible which were denied
to a scattered and indigent people.

Williams College was the successor of a free school estab-

203204 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

lished through the bequest of Colonel Ephraim Williams. Colo-
nel Williams, who fell fighting the French and the Indians in
1755, bequeathed his little fortune to found a school. Its trus-
tees nursed the few thousand dollars for thirty years. The suc-
cess of the school, opened in 1791, was so great that its governors
asked for a charter for a college. Among the reasons adduced
for the right to lay a collegiate foundation are: " Your memorial-
ists further show, that there are several circumstances attending
the Free School in Williamstown that are peculiarly favorable
to a seminary of a more public and important nature. It is in
a part of the country that abounds with a variety of the most
substantial articles of provision, and, being remote from any
public market, such articles of provision may always be afforded
at a low price. This will naturally tend to lessen the expenses
of instruction, and to render the means of a liberal education
more easy, and bring them more within the power of the mid-
dling and lower classes of citizens. Williamstown, being an
inclosed place, will not be exposed to those temptations and
allurements which are peculiarly incident to seaport towns;
a rational hope may therefore be indulged that it will prove
favorable to the morals and literary improvement of youth who
may reside there.''1

It is also significant that within a dozen years of the adop-
tion of the constitution of 1780, the prosperity of the state of
Massachusetts was adduced as a reason for the establishment of
the College. Therefore, " Your memorialists ask leave further
to observe, that Yale and Dartmouth Colleges are both of them
nearer to the county of Berkshire than Cambridge. Most of the
youths in the counties of Hampshire and Berkshire who obtain
a liberal education are sent to one or the other of these colleges,
by means of which large sums of money are sent out of this
Commonwealth for the purposes of education. The southerly
part of Berkshire is contiguous to Connecticut. The town of
Williamstown is bordering upon the most fertile parts of the
States of New York and Vermont. If, therefore, a college was
instituted in that town, such is its local position that great num-

1 Durfee's, "History of Williams College," pp. 62, 63.COLLEGES FOR AN ADVANCING PEOPLE 205

bers of youth would probably resort there from the adjacent
States, for the purpose of obtaining a liberal education. This
would furnish an opportunity of diffusing our best habits and
manners among the citizens of our sister States. It would,
at the same time, be a resource of wealth, and add to the influ-
ence and wealth of Massachusetts. There being already two
colleges within the Commonwealth, cannot, as we humbly con-
ceive, be a reasonable objection against the addition of a third,
especially as the interest of the last, from its local situation, can-
not interfere with either of the former. The interests of the
whole will perfectly coincide, and, like a threefold cord, mutually
confirm and strengthen each other.''1

The petitioners were also willing to do what they could, not
only toward giving to Massachusetts an intellectual supremacy,
but they further declare: " We hope that it is a laudable wish
we indulge of seeing Massachusetts the Athens of the United
States of America, to which young gentlemen, from any part
of the Union, may resort for instruction in all the branches of
useful and polite literature; and we cannot entertain the least
doubt but that the object of our present memorial perfectly coin-
cides with the object of such a wish."2

The reasons thus urged with such discrimination and per-
suasiveness prevailed, and a charter was given to the college in
Williamstown.

The establishment of a second institution in the state of Wil-
liam and Mary College was contemporaneous with the establish-
ment of the second and third colleges in the state of Harvard.
Hampden-Sidney was, like Williams, the outgrowth of a school.
As Prince Edward Academy it formed one of the series of log
colleges which had rendered good service to the sparse frontier
population of Virginia and Pennsylvania. In 1783 the Academy
became a college, and took on the name of two great patriots.
The patriotic spirit was, in 1783, more aggressive than the
Presbyterian, but behind the College lay the consecration and
devotion to higher learning of the Scotch-Irish race. Hampden-

- Durfee's "History of Williams College," p. 63.
3 Ibid., p. 64.206 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

Sidney was in a sense the child of Princeton. Its first presi-
dents were, graduates of the New Jersey college, and its first
body of trustees represented the ecclesiastical affiliation of
Princeton.

The regents of the University of the State of New York have
proved themselves more solicitous to provide the proper financial
and other support for a college before granting to it the right to
be, than the governors of the educational interests of any other
Commonwealth. Their solicitude has been wise. Seven years
before the creation of the Board of Regents in 1779, an attempt
was made to establish a college in or near Schenectady. The
petitioners declare that the call is loud for men of learning to
fill office in church and state. They also declare that i i the town
of Schenectady [is] in every respect the most suitable and com-
modious site for a seminary of learning in this state, or perhaps
in America,"1 but the petition was without result. A second
attempt was made in the year 1782. Poverty and war could not
destroy the enthusiasm of the people for the higher education.
Three years later a private academy was established. In the
year 1794 a petition was made which did result in the foundation
of Union College. This foundation was significant in its name.
It represented the intention of joining together all the sects in
a common interest for the common good.

In the constant westward movement of population, Hamilton
College in turn sprang into being. It also was the successor of
Ilamilton-Oneida Academy. In its establishment, as in the es-
tablishment of almost every institution, appears a great personal-
ity. Samuel Kirkland was, like Wheelock of Lebanon and of
Dartmouth, an educational pioneer and hero. Burning with
enthusiasm to convert the Indians, he went from Princeton Col-
lege, at about the age of twenty-four, to bear the gospel to
the Six Nations. But this purpose broadened into a work of
the higher education for all men. The College, when finally
founded, in 1812, bore the name not of Kirkland but of Hamil-
ton, but into it had passed the life of the great founder.

1 "History of the Higher Education in the State of New York,1' by Sidney
Sherwood, p. 199.COLLEGES FOR AN ADVANCING PEOPLE 207

On a frontier yet more remote Jefferson College and Wash-
ington College were founded. From log-cabin schools to acad-
emies, from academies to colleges, and, in the case of Washington
and Jefferson, from colleges to a union of colleges represent
the succession. The Presbyterians who came to western Penn-
sylvania, like those who were pastors of the churches in eastern
Pennsylvania and New York, believed that the higher education
and religion should go hand in hand. If the institutions of the
higher education were not established the churches would be
without pastors, and pastorless churches could not flourish.
They therefore built the dormitory as well as the meeting-house.
Out of such conditions, near the close of the Revolutionary War,
sprang Jefferson College and also Washington. They were sit-
uated within seven miles of each other. Rivalry helped to over-
come the disadvantages of extreme poverty. Toward the sup-
port of the colleges men contributed wheat, rye, and corn, from
one to five bushels each, and women cloth, from one to six yards
each. One subscription was made in whisky. In the year 1802
Jefferson College, and in 1806 Washington College, were char-
tered. For a half century they existed side by side, each min-
istering to its constituency.

Another similar interpretation belongs to the establishment of
two colleges in the state of Vermont. As early as the year 1777,
in the original constitution of the state, it was declared that'' one
university ought to be established.'' The clause was omitted
from the constitution of 1786 and of 1793. It has been supposed
that the reason of the omission was the thought that Dartmouth
College might be able to serve the Vermont constituency. In
fact for a time Dartmouth College, by reason of the changing
boundaries of the two Northern States, did serve this popula-
tion. From Vermont the College received the grant of a town-
ship of land. But in the last two decades of the century the in-
terest in the establishment of a foundation within the limits of
Vermont suffered no diminution. Although in the year 1784,
excepting clergymen, there were not more than nine persons in
the state who had received a liberal education, yet these few
were determined to establish a college. Six of the nine were
members of a committee in the year 1791, which was specially208 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

concerned with securing the act of incorporation. Small gifts,
largely of land, were presently made. Burlington was selected
as the site. The president's house was begun, was nearly finished
in 1794, but not completed until 1799. For five years the prog-
ress of the enterprise was slight. The cause of the delay lay
in the fact that Ira Allen, who, above all others, might be
called the founder of the College, spent this time in England.
Allen desired to secure the authority of the English government
and its financial aid for the building of a ship canal from the
St. Lawrence to Lake Champlain, and he also desired to secure
arms for the equipment of the Vermont militia. He returned in
1800 to find himself a political and financial bankrupt. But the
College which he helped to found previous to his departure was
organized for instruction in the year of his return.

The delay in the organization of the University of the State
of Vermont permitted the people of Middlebury, thirty-three
miles from Burlington, to transform their grammar school into
a college. Although their petition for a college charter was twice
denied, yet on the very opening of instruction at the University
it was finally granted. The Middlebury foundation was rather
personal and denominational. For a century the two colleges,
ministering to the same constituency by diverse methods have
together labored through the church and through the State to
promote the highest interests of the community and the advance-
ment of humanity.

But two colleges so remote in place and condition as Dickin-
son and Bowdoin did not have their origin, like Williams and
Hampden-Sidney and Hamilton and Union, in a school. At the
close of the eighteenth century the District of Maine and what
is now central Pennsylvania were remote from the central
points of population, and also from great human movements.
The census of 1790 showed about one hundred thousand people
living in that part of Massachusetts known as the District of
Maine. Many of these persons were natives of central parts
of Massachusetts, and were accustomed to the better educational
advantages of those parts. They desired to establish a college
which should minister more directly to themselves than could
institutions which were a hundred and fifty miles distant—forCOLLEGES FOR AN ADVANCING PEOPLE 209

the distance of a hundred and fifty miles in the year 1800 took
as long to traverse as the distance of nine hundred miles in the
year 1900. As many days were then required to travel the two
hundred and forty miles between Boston and New York as are
now hours. Therefore a college was established in Brunswick,
and it took on the name of a Huguenot family which had been
in America for more than a century, and which, during no small
share of this time, embodied the highest elements of character,
culture, and of public service.

A purpose no less large and human controlled the establish-
ment of Dickinson College in central Pennsylvania. One of the
first public works which quickened the interest of the people of
Pennsylvania at the close of the Revolutionary War was the es-
tablishment of a college at some point west of the Susquehanna.
It is declared in formal instruments that the happiness and
prosperity of a community depend upon the right education of
youth. The people affirm that they desire to educate their chil-
dren at home rather than in English schools. They assert that
liberty is made safe both by piety and learning. The college
thus established received the name of Dickinson. John Dick-
inson was one of the few who ventured to vote against the
Declaration of Independence, not on the ground of his failure
to approve of the principles of the Declaration, but on the
ground of its untimeliness. After its adoption he nobly
argued in its behalf. Ilis patriotism was never questioned.
But while the name of the College was Dickinson, it was to Dr.
Benjamin Rush that the College owed more and most. Dr.
Benjamin Rush was one of the great men of the Revolutionary
period and of the generation following. A graduate of Prince-
ton, a student of medicine in Edinburgh, London, and Paris, in-
cumbent in medical schools of chairs as diverse as chemistry and
the theory and practice of medicine, a signer of the Declaration
of Independence, a surgeon general in the Revolution, establish-
ing the first dispensary in this country, a constant writer upon
many subjects, a physician of large and diverse practice, a public
servant devoted to institutions like the Bible Society and Ameri-
can Philosophical Society, Benjamin Rush shared with Dickin-
son in the work of the foundation of the college at Carlisle.no HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

These colleges that thus sprang up in the last years of the
eighteenth and the first of the nineteenth century, in places as re-
mote as the valley of the Susquehanna and of the Androscoggin,
and as Vermont and Virginia, had several elements in common.
In the number of their students they were small. They were
alike distressingly poor in endowment. Their equipment was
of the slightest sort. Union College had at the close of its
second year a faculty consisting of the president and one tutor,
and the number of students was thirty-seven. The first three
presidencies of the College are a history of crushing anxiety aris-
ing from financial embarrassment. The life of the students was
of the simplest and barest sort. In 1815 a graduate, writing
of the dormitory at Williams College, says, not a room was pa-
pered or even had a carpet; he adds: " And I do not believe the
entire furniture of any one room, excepting perhaps the bed,
could have cost, or would have sold for, five dollars. I have
before me a .bill of the furniture of the Senior recitation room
in 1816, including the lochs upon the doors, and find it amounts
to $7.26. And from the best sources to which I can refer, I do
not think the expenses of a student in the College could have
ordinarily exceeded two hundred dollars a year, all told."1

But these colleges, if they were alike in their limitations and
disadvantages, were also alike in their more important elements.

The colleges established as local or denominational founda-
tions in the years following the Revolution represented and
continued the classical tradition. This tradition had, and still
has, several limitations; among them are narrowness and re-
moteness from present vital problems. But this tradition did,
and does, embody the experience of two great races at important
periods: it is historical. This tradition also represents a noble
body of literature: it is a3sthetic. It sets forth languages which
are themselves models and examples of logical thoughtfulness
and exact discriminations: it unites philosophy and archaeology.
Whoever, therefore, accepts this appreciation of the ancient
past, accepts forces which are among the most precious which
the past can offer. Furthermore, these colleges were alike in

1 Durfee's " History of Williams College," p. 22.COLLEGES FOR AN ADVANCING PEOPLE 211

possessing personalities in their chairs of instruction who were
vigorous in thought, single in mind, pure in heart, of high pur-
pose, and devoted to the opportunity of training men. These
men were not themselves primarily scholars; they were primarily
men. Their chief purpose was to train a large manhood in
their students. They had been ministers and preachers, and
they had hardly changed their profession in becoming teachers;
they substituted a desk for a pulpit. They belonged to the
Albrecht Diirer type of men. They sacrificed grace to truth.
To them religion was a chief concern, and the church its chief
representative and organ. They were vigorous and rigorous, the
descendants of the Puritans of the Bay Colony and of the early
Irish-Scotch immigrants.

The colleges were also similar in attracting students of high
purpose, of seriousness and of soberness. The boys went to col-
lege, and were not sent. They were, like the community, poor.
Education was to them not a luxury to be enjoyed; it was an op-
portunity won by hard labor, and it embodied a result which be-
came an agent for the enriching of the world. They were earnest
in character as they were strong in body. Sons of the soil, they
were hardy, simple, ambitious. What they knew—and the field
was not large—they knew well. What they thought—though the
range was not broad—they thought clearly, and what they felt
—although their experiences were narrow—they felt strongly.

The undergraduate life, too, in all these individual colleges,
was essentially the same. It was plain, orderly, studious,
thoughtful. It was free from distractions. An early graduate
of Williams College says: " The amusements of the students, a
subject fraught with so many difficulties and dangers in most
colleges, were simple and few. There was always a pleasant
social relation and intercourse between them and many of the
families of the town. And a ball once or twice a year, Com-
mencement Ball being one, and an occasional ride to Pownal, or
* The Cave ' in Adams, or * The South Part,' constituted the
principal portion of the fashionable dissipation of time in which
they indulged." 1

1 Durfee's "History of Williams College," pp. 23, 24.
15212 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

The elaborateness of modern college life was fifty years in
the future. The system of numberless clubs and fraternities was
not to be begun for at least a generation. The first boat race
was not to be rowed for forty years, and the first baseball game
to be played for thirty. The college life, like the life beyond
college walls, was a serious business. The men lived ever in their
" great Taskmaster's eye."

The influence of such personalities, placed in such environ-
ment, could not fail in every college to eventuate in noble, sound,
and serious character. Such influence made neither athletes nor
aesthetes. It did not create scholarship, it could not promote
culture. It embodied the cardinal virtues and the cardinal veri-
ties. It stood for strength. It made men who had an aim to
serve their fellow-men, and of a type of the Christian faith which
sent these men as missionaries to the new west and the Asiatic
east. It represented that profoundest and most lasting of all
forms of power, the power of a person. Its prevailing at*
mosphere was manliness, and its consummate, comprehensive re-
sult was manhood.

The contributions, too, which such colleges made to the life
of the new Republic were largely a contribution of strong and
vigorous personality. The value of such an offering was, and
is, priceless.CHAPTER X

the laying of newer foundations

The significance of the development of the higher education
in America in the fourscore years that have passed since the
foundation of the University of Virginia is no less great than
the significance of the development of the American people oc-
curring in the same period. The enlargement of territory, the
growth of wealth, and the increase in the complexity and elab-
orateness of the art of living are no greater, great as they are,
than is the development of the American college and university.

In the last eighty years, covering the principal time of the
westward movement of civilization, twenty-two states have been
established. In this period no less than five hundred institutions
for the higher education have been founded. As the movement
of this population represents the most important immigration
of modern history, so the installation of the forces of education
embodies the most impressive illustration of the advancement of
a free people. The civil and political establishments of a new
state have proved to be the precursor, by only brief intervals,
of the laying of foundations of the higher education. Indiana
was admitted to the Union in 1816. Its population was about
150,000. Its first college was founded four years after, Hanover
and Wabash in 1832, and Franklin in 1834. Illinois became a
state in 1818 having a population of less than 60,000. Shurtleff
College was founded in 1827, McKendree in 1828, Illinois in
1829, and Knox in 1837. Alabama became a state in 1819, and
the university bearing its name was founded in 1831. Missouri
became a state in 1821, its people numbering only 66,000, and its
first institution of the higher education, St. Louis University, be-
gan its existence in 1829. Michigan was admitted to the Union
in 1837, having a population of 212,000, and in the very same
year its university dates its actual existence. Iowa became a

213214/ HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

state in 1846. Its people numbered almost 200,000, and Iowa
Western University had already established itself by two years;
and two years after, in 1848, Iowa College was founded. Wis-
consin was admitted to the Union in 1848, and Beloit College
was founded only a year later. California became a part of the
Union in 1850, with less than 100,000 inhabitants, but before this
time had occurred much discussion regarding the establish-
ment of a university. Minnesota became a state in 1858, and
its university was founded ten years after. But for years pre-
vious to the formal establishing of a university in Minnesota,
Indiana, and many other commonwealths, foundations of the
higher education had been laid or projected.

The westward movement of the wave of population was
interrupted temporarily by the great war. Immediately after
the cessation of hostilities the movement again commenced and
progressed with accelerated speed. In the four years, how-
ever, of the war, efforts made in-the establishment of colleges
suffered, but were by no means suspended. The number of col-
leges to which charters were granted from 1861 to 1865 was about
one-half of the number which were founded in the four years
either preceding or following the great conflict.

Kansas was admitted as a state in 1861; its people numbered
a few thousand more than 100,000. In the year of the close of
the war three colleges were there established. Nebraska was
made a state in 1867, and Doane College was established five
years after. Colorado had founded a college two years before
the date of its admission to the Union in the Centennial year,
when its population was less than 200,000. Washington, Mon-
tana, and South Dakota became states in the year 1889. In the
year following Washington and Montana founded colleges, and
South Dakota had established its university seven years before.

It is well, however, for Americans to remind themselves that
sacrifices for the higher education are not confined to America.
The canton of Zurich, Switzerland, having a population of about
three hundred and fifty thousand and an area of less than seven
hundred square miles, supports a famous university; and Basel,
with a population of less than a hundred thousand, maintains
a university founded before the discovery of America.THE LAYING OF NEWER FOUNDATIONS 215

The motives which have throughout this period proved of
largest influence in the cause of the higher education are either
largely human or religious. These two motives, however, have
influenced each other. The human motive has frequently in its
realization taken upon itself the religious and ecclesiastical
method or means, and the motive religious has found its incen-
tive in a love for humanity. The enrichment of scholarship, the
enlargement of the boundaries of knowledge, the increase of the
essential worth and of the refinements of civilized life, the pro-
motion of efficiency, the growth of culture, and the augmentation
of the power of thinking represent the primary elements of
the human and humanistic purpose. This purpose is akin to
the purposes which have controlled the progress of civilization
from the time of Plato to the present year. The two words which
are most common on the shields of American colleges are
" Veritas 99 and " Lux," and the two symbols which are most
common are an open book and the rising sun. The diffusion of
truth and the increasing power of knowledge are the two great
motives which have controlled in the foundation and in the
enlargement of the higher education.

The difficulties in the way of establishing the higher insti-
tutions of learning in the newer parts of what is now the central
West were manifold; chief among them was the poverty of the
people. In 1800 it is estimated that the total valuation of. the
whole country was slightly in excess of one billion. In 1820 these
values were less than two billions of dollars; and in 1840 they
had become three billions eight hundred millions. In the follow-
ing score of years the proportional rate of increase was much
more rapid. The larger share of this property belonged to the
states of the Atlantic seaboard. The Western states were
poor. The endowment of a college represented the severest econ-
omies. In one instance a pair of gold earrings worth $1.20, and
in another a string of gold beads, appraised at $7, were ac-
cepted as offerings to the cause.1 Even as late as the year 1850
California felt her poverty in the endeavor to establish a college.

1" Historical Sketch of Eighty-five Years of the Congregational Educational
Society/' p. 3.216 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

Although California was sending a large amount of gold to the
east, she had only a small amount to keep for her own higher
institutions. Until the opening of the Erie Canal in the year
1825 there was no adequate market for the grain and the wheat
which the Central West was producing.

The second difficulty was found in the climatic conditions,
which resulted in the sickness of many settlers. The prairies
reeked with malaria. Swamps which are now fruitful fields
fed tuberculosis and other diseases. The summers were hot; the
winters bitterly cold. In the year 1820 the Blue River settle-
ments of Indiana were so afflicted that the sick people outnum-
bered the well. Two years later an epidemic of fever carried off
an eighth of the population of Indianapolis. The county seat of
Lawrence County was nearly depopulated. In January, 1834,
one-tenth of the population of Quincy, 111., died of cholera. The
lack of proper medical attendance united with the deadly miasma
in promoting sickness and in filling graveyards.

A further difficulty in establishing the institutions of the
higher education was found in the lack of institutions of the
lower education. Not a few of the so-called colleges were essen-
tially academies. If the college students were numbered by the
dozen, or in some cases by the half dozen, the number of those
enrolled in the affiliated fitting schools and preparatory depart-
ments was several times greater. The public high school was not
to assume a place of commanding importance until the middle
of the century. The common schools were usually established
under permissive, not mandatory, laws. It was not, for instance,
until the first year of the second half of the last century that
the public school system of Indiana had secured a permanent
place in either the laws or the affections of its people.

A fourth element of the hardship of establishing the colleges
lay in the diversity of elements of the population. Into the cen-
tral states flowed people from the South as well as from the
East. Of the forty-seven members of the Convention that
framed the constitution of Ohio, sixteen came from Pennsyl-
vania, Virginia, and Kentucky, nine from New York and New
Jersey, and eight from New England. Into Ohio moved at
least six different groups of people. The President of KnoxvilleTHE LAYING OF NEWER FOUNDATIONS 217

College, writing in 1829, said : " Our population in the Western
States and Territories is gathered, not only from all parts of
the American Union, but from different nations of the earth;
and, I had almost said, from all religious denominations in
Christendom, with innumerable varieties and much strength of
character. Their degrees of knowledge, their prepossessions, at-
tachments and prejudices, are endlessly diversified." 1

A further cause of difficulty was found in the constant fear of
attack from hostile Indians. One of the reasons given for the
sale of land to the Ohio Company was the advantage of creating
a colony of Revolutionary soldiers as a defense against the red
man. Doubtless, moreover, the South was more easily reconciled
to the prohibition of slavery in the Northwest Territory through
the hope that settlements of white men would render their west-
ern borders less exposed to attacks. The fear of Indian out-
breaks was not a good atmosphere for the growth of educational
ideals.

A sixth and last element of difficulty in the establishing of
the institutions of the higher education rested in the relatively
small number of the population. In the decade of 1820 to 1830
there were only eight hundred thousand people in th<* entire
Northwest Territory; more than half of this number were found
in southern Ohio. In 1815 Cincinnati had only three thousand
people, and Cleveland was a small frontier village.

Yet these considerations, together with such other reasons as
the lack of good roads, and the constant peril that the Northwest
Territory might become ultimately slave states, although ob-
structing, did not prevent, the progress of the cause of the
higher education. For, the enthusiastic purpose of personal and
of social betterment, and the sublime consciousness of the lead-
ing of divine Providence—a consciousness as deeply felt by many
of these Pilgrims as by the Mayflower Company—were more than
sufficient to overcome these manifold and material obstacles. In
any immigration are gathered the worst and the best elements of
a community. The worst are here found consisting of those who
have nothing to lose through a change; the best are also found,

i Quarterly Register, vol. ii, p. 75.218" HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

consisting of those of clear vision, of high ideals, and of brave
hearts. Among the peoples that came into the central parts of
the Mississippi valley the better elements predominated. In such
a movement material and spiritual motives were mingled. Near
the close of the first quarter of the last century New England
school boys were singing:

"Come, all ye Yankee farmers who wish to change your lot,

Who've spunk enough to travel beyond your native spot,

And leave behind the village where pa and ma do stay,

Come follow me and settle in Michigania." 1

But also the people of New England were being urged upon
religious grounds to populate the West. One writing in the
year 1828 says: " Now we put the question seriously to Chris-
tians, whether they will neglect the opportunity here offered
them, of using their utmost exertions to plant the institutions of
learning and religion in the Western States?"2 The purpose
and motives which prevailed in the settlement of Massachusetts
Bay, personal, social, religious, were also the motives which influ-
enced many of the families of New England and the Middle
States to go into the Central West.

These higher purposes were soon embodied in the constitu-
tions of the several states. The constitution of the state of
Indiana declares that:

"It shall be the duty of the general assembly, as soon as circumstances
will permit, to provide by law for a general system of education, ascending
in regular gradation from township schools to a State University, wherfein
tuition shall be gratis and equally open to all." 3

In the constitution of the state of Illinois it is said:

"That 5 per cent, of the net proceeds of the land lying within such
State, and which shall be sold by Congress from and after the 1st day of
January, 1819, after deducting all expense incident to the same, shall be

1	"Report of Commissioner of Education, 1894-95/' vol. ii, p. 1545.

2	Quarterly Register, vol. i, p. 64.

Documents Illustrative of American Educational History/' compiled
by B. A. Hindsdale, and included in " Report of Commissioner of Education,
1892-93." Part iii, p. 1319.THE LAYING OF NEWER FOUNDATIONS 219

reserved for the purposes following, viz.: Two-fifths to be disbursed under
the direction of Congress, in making roads leading to the State; the residue
to be appropriated by the Legislature of the State for the encouragement
of learning, of which one-sixth part shall be exclusively bestowed on a
college or university.

"That thirty-six sections, or one entire township, which shall be
designated by the President of the United States, together with the one
heretofore reserved for that purpose, shall be reserved for the use of a
seminary of learning, and vested in the legislature of the said State, to be
appropriated solely to the use of such seminary by said legislature." 1

The constitution of the state of Alabama declares that:

"Schools, and the means of education, shall forever be encouraged
in this State; and the general assembly shall take measures to preserve,
from unnecessary waste or damage, such lands as are or hereafter may
be, granted by the United States for the use of schools within each
township in this State, and apply the funds, which may be raised from
such lands, in strict conformity to the object of such grant. The general
assembly shall take like measures for the improvement of such lands as
have been or may be hereafter granted by the United States to this
State, for the support of a seminary of learning, and the moneys which
may be raised from such lands, by rent, lease, or sale, or from any other
quarter, for the purpose aforesaid, shall be and remain a fund for the
exclusive support of a State university, for the promotion of the arts,
literature, and the sciences; and it shall be the duty of the general assem-
bly, as early as may be, to provide effectual means for the improve-
ment and permanent security of the funds and endowments of such
institution." 2

The constitution of the state of Missouri affirms important
clauses of the Illinois constitution.

Michigan, in its state constitution, says that:

"The seventy-two sections of land set apart and reserved for the use
and support of a university, by an act of Congress approved on the 20th
day of May, 1826, entitled 'An act concerning a seminary of learning in
the Territory of Michigan,' shall, together with such further quantities

Documents Illustrative of American Educational History," compiled
by B. A. Hindsdale, and included in " Report of Commissioner of Education,
1892-93." Part iii, pp. 1320, 1321.

2 Ibid., p. 1321.220 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

as may be agreed upon by Congress, be conveyed to the State and shall
be appropriated solely to the use and support of such university, in such
manner as the legislature may prescribe." 1

The constitution of the state of Iowa declares that:

"The university lands, and the proceeds thereof, and all moneys
belonging to said fund, shall be a permanent fund for the sole use of the
State university. The interest arising from the same shall be annually
appropriated for the support and benefit of said university." 2

Further we read that :

ie The general assembly shall take measures for the protection, improve-
ment, or other disposition of such lands as have been, or may hereafter be,
reserved or granted by the United States, or any person or persons, to
this State, for the use of the university, and the funds accruing from the
rents or sale of such lands, or from any other source for the purpose afore-
said, shall be and remain a permanent fund, the interest of which shall
be applied to the support of the university, for the promotion of literature,
the arts and sciences, as may be authorized by the terms of such grant.
And it shall be the duty of the general assembly, as soon as may be, to
provide eifectual means for the improvement and permanent security
of the funds of said university." 3

And the state of Wisconsin in its constitution affirms that:

" Provision shall be made by law for the establishment of a State-
university, at or near the seat of the State-government, and for the con-
necting with the same from time to time such colleges in different parts
of the State as the interests of education may require. The proceeds
of all lands that have been or may hereafter be granted by the United
States to the State for the support of a university shall be and remain a
perpetual fund, to be called the 'university-fund/ the interest of which
shall be appropriated to the support of the State-university, and no
sectarian instruction shall be allowed in such university.

"The secretary of state, treasurer, and attorney-general shall constitute
a board of commissioners for the sale of the school- and university-lands, •

1	"Documents Illustrative of American Educational History," compiled
by B. A. Hindsdale, and included in " Report of Commissioner of Education,
1892-93." Part iii, p. 1327.

2	Ibid., p. 1331.	3 Ibid., p. 1332.THE LAYING OF NEWER FOUNDATIONS 221

•

and for the investment of the funds arising therefrom. Any two of said
commissioners shall be a quorum for the transaction of all business per-
taining to the duties of their office/'1

As the constitution embodied the formal purpose of the peo-
ple of a state to promote the higher education and as it rep-
resented the popular force of a high ideal, so also the con-
stitution itself promoted the realization of this ideal. In the
states of the Northwest Territory and in the neighboring com-
monwealths the progress of the higher education has been pro-
moted both under the formal guidance of the commonwealth, and
also through the energy and wisdom of the people in their un-
organized capacity. The endeavor of the people in their un-
organized capacity has usually taken on religious or denomina-
tional forms. In certain cases these forms have preceded the
action of the people in an organized relationship. But in Indi-
ana and in Michigan, as well as in Ohio, the formal action of the
state was first taken.

While the state of Ohio was founding and developing her
universities at Athens and at Oxford, the Territory of Indiana
was trying to establish the higher education according to the
terms of the Ordinance of 1787. The Indiana Territory was
organized in the year 1800, and comprised all of the Northwest
Territory except that which had been separated into the Terri-
tory of Ohio. The first general assembly of the Territory passed
an act to incorporate a university. It was approved by Gov-
ernor William Henry Harrison in 1806. The enthusiasm out of
which, in such a primitive condition, was ordained the establish-
ment of Vincennes University is well indicated in the preamble,
the hifalutin of the style not hiding the purpose or the energy
of the writing:

"Whereas, the independence, happiness, and energy of every republic
depend (under the influence of the destinies of Heaven) upon the wisdom,
effort, talents, and energy of its citizens and rulers; and

1" Documents Illustrative of American Educational History," compiled
by B. A. Hindsdale, and included in " Report of Commissioner of Education,
1892-93." Part iii, p. 1333.222 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

"Whereas science, literature, and the liberal arts contribute in an
eminent degree to improve these qualities and requirements; and,

" Whereas learning hath ever been found the ablest advocate of genuine
liberty, the best supporter of rational religion, and the source of the only
solid and imperishable glory which nations can acquire;

"And if such as literature and philosophy furnish the most useful and
pleasing of the occupations, improving and varying the enjoyments of
prosperity, affording relief under the pressure of misfortune, and hope
and consolation in the hours of death;

"And considering that in a commonwealth where the humblest citizen
may be elected to the highest public offices, and where the Heaven-born
prerogative of the right to elect and to reject and retain it is secured to the
citizens, the knowledge which is requisite for a magistrate and elector
should be widely diffused." 1

This statement is chiefly valuable as showing the eagerness
of the people in the cause of the higher education. The laying
of this foundation at Vincennes was followed by another founda-
tion at Bloomington. This institution, established in the year
1820 as Indiana Seminary, became known eight years after as
Indiana College, and in 1838 was formally recognized as In-
diana University. From a faculty of one and a student body
numbering only ten it grew, through the energetic and wise
administrations of Maxwell, Hall, and "Wylie, to hold near
the close of the, fourth decade of the century a conspicuous
place.

The higher education in Indiana was promoted by the whole
people in their organized capacity as a commonwealth. The
higher education was more popular than the common. In the
year 1840 one man out of seven could not read. In the dec-
ade between 1840 and 1850, while the population increased
fifty per cent, illiteracy increased a hundred. But many of the
new inhabitants came from states in which the higher relations
of learning were regarded as belonging to the aristocratic classes,
and university education progressed more rapidly than the com-
mon school. Class prejudices prevailed. The idea of liberty,
equality, fraternity, was not fully developed. The higher edu-

1 Bureau of Education, "Circular of Information, No. 5, 1891"; "History
of Higher Education in Indiana," p. 30.THE LAYING OF NEWER FOUNDATIONS 223

cation for the higher classes, and little or none of the lower edu-
cation for the lower classes, represented the prevailing educa-
tional principles and methods.

A similar movement of the whole population for the higher
education characterized the early history of education in the ter-
ritory of Michigan. With the passing away of the attempt to
form the University of Michigania, or the Catholepistemiad,
began an endeavor, sane and rational, for securing the genuine
elements of an enlarged and higher education. The vanishing of
the mongrel name and of what it stood for did not cause the
elimination of a general interest in the cause of the higher educa-
tion. The enthusiasm of the people in the cause was promoted
by one who was to Michigan what Horace Mann was to Massa-
chusetts and Henry Barnard to Rhode Island. The general
efficiency of the first superintendent of public instruction, John
D. Pierce, a Presbyterian missionary, was coordinate with the
legislative efficiency of Isaac Edwin Crary. Crary was the first
scholar in the first class of what is now Trinity College, Hart-
ford. Coming to Michigan in 1832, serving as delegate to Con-
gress from the Territory and as the first representative in
Congress from the State, and also being a member of the con-
vention which drafted the first constitution, he laid well the
educational foundations. lie was the author of the article on
education which was incorporated into the first constitution. No
state has been more fortunate in the beginning of its educational
history than was Michigan in the presence and service of Crary
and of Pierce. The conception of Pierce for the University grew
out not only of his own mind, but it was influenced also by
conferences held with President Day of Yale, and with Edward
Everett, who was soon to become president of Harvard. The
Act which, in 1837, established the university, was drawn
with an unusual sense of educational comprehensiveness. The
university was to consist of three departments: one of literature,
science, and art; one of law; and one of medicine. Its govern-
ment was vested in a Board of Regents, to consist of twelve
members and a Chancellor, who was to be the President of the
Board. The members of this body were to be appointed by
the Governor with the advice and consent of the Senate. The224 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

interpretation, too, of the nature of the field represented in each
of the three departments was large. The whole plan was wise
and comprehensive.

The plan included the establishment of various branches of
the University throughout the state. * These branches were to
serve both as preparatory schools for the University and as
training schools for teachers. The danger, however, of dissi-
pation of educational forces through the establishment of such
branches was after a few years removed. But these branches
were not useless. They were valuable in arousing interest in
education in each of the towns and the immediate neighborhood
in which they were placed.

Upon the broad foundation thus laid by Pierce and by Crary
the University of Michigan began its work. The actual giving
of instruction did not begin, however, until the autumn of 1841.
At that time a Faculty of two members received the students,
who numbered six.

As the State of Wisconsin was once a part of the State of
Michigan, so also the formal beginning of the higher education
in Wisconsin was modeled upon the University of Michigan.
Like the University of the older state, that of the newer was
divided into three departments. Wisconsin, however, sought to
adopt the method of New York in making the University the
executive head of the public school system. Its power was,
as in Michigan, vested in a Board of thirteen regents, but,
unlike Michigan, they were chosen by the Legislature and they
were authorized to elect a president. The difference between the
method of securing the governing board, as obtaining in Michi-
gan and Wisconsin, rex>resents the two different methods which
are now in use. To these methods, however, is to be added a
third, that of popular election.

The first department organized in the University of Wis-
consin was one not laid down in its comprehensive plan. No
students were ready to enter the department of science, litera-
ture, and arts. The state had neither academies nor high schools.
Therefore a preparatory school was organized. Despite this un-
toward condition the public spirit of the state was optimistic.
That education was a primary interest of the state had becomeTHE LAYING OF NEWER FOUNDATIONS 225

the feeling and belief of the people; it had also received recog-
nition as a formal principle in the constitution.

Although Missouri was quite as remote in certain social and
intellectual relationships from the principles embodied in the
settlement of the Northwest Territory as it was geographically
remote from that territory itself, yet in one essential respect, at
least, Missouri in its beginning was quite akin to its great neigh-
bors on the east and north. In the Act of Congress of 1812 or-
ganizing the Territory of Missouri, the most famous article of the
Ordinance of 1787 was carried across the Mississippi. This
article was somewhat enlarged so that it came, to read: " Religion,
morality, and knowledge being necessary to good government
and the happiness of mankind, schools, and the means of educa-
tion shall be encouraged and provided for from the public lands
of the United States in said Territory in such manner as Con-
gress may deem expedient."1 When, in the year 1821, the State
of Missouri was admitted to the Union, two townships of land
were given to the University as well as one-tliirty-sixth of the
entire public domain, together with salt and swamp lands
granted to township schools. The idea of a university for Mis-
souri was intimated in Acts of Congress of 1818 and 1820. In
the Ordinance of July of 1830, passed prior to the constitutional
organization of the state, as well as in the Constitution itself,
the establishment of a university was made. The two townships
of forty-six thousand and eighty acres of land selected in 1827
were sold in the middle of the fourth decade, but the price
realized was only about seventy-eight thousand dollars. The
progress in the location and instituting of a university was
slow. Provision was made for the location upon the basis of
bids which might be offered by counties or by towns. Five
counties bid for the location in sums running from a hundred
and seventeen thousand nine hundred dollars, to thirty thou-
sand dollars. The large bonus offered by the citizens of Boone
County indicated much interest in the cause of the higher edu-
cation. Boone County had less than fourteen thousand people.

1 United States Bureau of Education, "Circular of Information No. 2,1898,>}
" Higher Education in Missouri," p. 12.226 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

The population was poor. Not a few men subscribed, too, for
the establishment of the University a larger amount than they
were actually worth at the time of making their subscriptions.
Citizens sold their farms in order to enrich the cause of the
higher- education. One man, who could neither read nor write,
gave three thousand dollars. Five young men, students in an
academy, subscribed a hundred dollars each, and afterwards
earned the money and paid their subscriptions. It is to be said
that this whole amount of almost a hundred and twenty thou-
sand dollars was paid in full.

In 1839 an act was passed providing for the details of the
administration. As the Territory of Missouri carried across the
Mississippi, in the Act of Congress of 1812, the great principle of
the Ordinance of 1787, so also in the plan for the administration
of the University was incorporated the educational system of
Thomas Jefferson. In 1779 Thomas Jefferson urged upon Vir-
ginia a general system of public education, which should com-
prehend the three classes of schools—elementary, secondary, and
the university, Missouri inaugurated Jefferson's plan so far as
it concerned the elementary schools and the University. The
people declined to incorporate that part which had relation to
the secondary education in the form of academies and colleges
of the University. The relation of the University to Jefferson
is at the present day symbolized by the placing upon the campus
the original tombstone of the great Virginian, bearing the his-
torical statement of his unique threefold service to his Common-
wealth.

Following the formal act of institution and of organization,
instruction was first offered to the students on the third day of
the year 1844.

The educational beginnings of Illinois were quite unlike those
of the other four states carved out of the Northwest Territory.
If in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Wisconsin the whole people
were concerned with the foundation and progress of the higher
education, in Illinois the interest was confined to certain social
groups, showing itself in individual or denominational colleges.
The early population of Illinois represented individualistic con-
ceptions of the Commonwealth more completely than the popu-THE LAYING OF NEWER FOUNDATIONS m

lations of either Michigan or Wisconsin. There was no general
attempt to form a common school system until the year 1825.
The first school law was only permissive. The feeling against
general taxation for school purposes was strong. There was no
general movement for either the lower or the higher education.
Groups of settlers, however, were deeply interested in the es-
tablishing of colleges. In 1818 Murray, a Baptist missionary of
Connecticut, founded what became a school of theology. Peter
Cartwright, ten years later, laid a similar foundation for the
Methodist church. Illinois College was founded under Congre-
gational influences in .1832. The institution was the result of
the faith of a band of Yale men who came to Illinois for the
purpose of preempting that great state for the cause of religion
and of good morals. A member of this band said:

"This organization among the Yale theological students was, in the
hands of Divine Providence, the principal agency in founding Illinois
College. Mr. Grosvenor's plan was to form an association of theological
students, known to each other and bound by mutual ties, for the purpose
of co-operating in the work of home missions. A frontier state, or terri-
tory likely soon to become a state, was to be selected as a common field
of labor. It was proposed to establish there an institution of learning, and
by the united efforts of the association to foster its growth and efficiency,
while the members strengthened each other's hands in the use of all
evangelical instrumentalities. By this means they hoped to secure co-
operation, which is often so difficult to obtain among the scattered popu-
lation of the frontier, and to avoid that peculiar isolation which is among
the greatest disadvantages of a home missionary on the borders of the
wilderness. The conception was certainly felicitous. It awakened great
interest in the minds of my two friends, and led not only to the organiza-
tion of the Illinois band, but to the formation of other bands of theological
students destined for the West." 1

Similar associations went to Iowa, Kansas, and at "a much
later time to Dakota and to Washington. The foundations that
were thus laid were not only religious, but also in a marked de-
gree denominational. The denominational forms under which
Christianity has usually developed have also been applied to

1 Julian M. Sturtevant, "An Autobiography," pp. 135-6.
16228 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

Christian education. These forms have in many ways been too
strongly denominational. While they have promoted the gen-
eral cause of the higher education under the specific form of
sectarian aggrandizement, yet education itself, in all its higher
relations, has not infrequently been sacrificed to the sectarian
interest and counsel. Thus Dr. Sturtevant, writing near the
close of his life, said:

"Public opinion in this region was then almost unanimous in favor
of intrusting the higher education to institutions established and con-
trolled by religious people, rather than to those found and governed by
the state, or by any other political body. In this respect, the principle
upon which our institution was based met almost universal approbation.
Had the Christian people of Illinois then united to sustain it, or any other
college established on like principles, they could easily have given it so
much of strength and public confidence that it would have been above
the competition of all non-Christian institutions. It was, then, these
ecclesiastical and sectarian rivalries which prevented the religious part of
the community from acquiring a controlling influence on the higher edu-
cation. After a time intelligent and patriotic men, seeing the denomi-
nations entirely incapable of uniting for a great undertaking, and even
weakened by internal dissensions, began to despair of colleges founded
on the voluntary principle, and to turn toward the state as the only
hope for great and well-equipped seats of learning."1

The religious impulse for the higher education, uniquely
felt in Illinois, was also manifest in other states of the Northwest
Territory. In Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Wisconsin, the im-
pulse that was derived from ecclesiastical and religious forces
showed itself at the time when forces derived from the Common-
wealth were silent. It is difficult to emphasize too strongly the
prevalence of the religious and ecclesiastical motive. This mo-
tive was supplied mainly by what an officer of one of the earliest
colleges affirms were the " spiritual necessities of the western
country."2 These necessities had relation largely to the supply
of a well-qualified ministry. The purpose which moved in the
establishment of Harvard College was also of influence in the

1 Julian M. Sturtevant, "An Autobiography," pp. 188-189,

* Quarterly Register, vol. v, p. 331THE LAYING OF NEWER FOUNDATIONS 2°29

establishment of the larger share of all the colleges from the
foundation of Kenyon and of Western Reserve in the middle of
the third decade to the beginning of the Civil War. In the year
1816 an Andover professor affirmed that in the nine western
states and territories, in a population of slightly over a million,
there were only a hundred and sixteen ministers.1 But the pur-
pose o£ training a ministry was only a part of a more compre-
hensive one. The passion for humanity moved the older popula-
tions of the east to give of their comparative wealth and the new
populations of the west of their comparative poverty for the es-
tablishing and endowing of colleges. The peril of a new coun-
try is the peril of materialism and of sensualism. The struggle
for living is necessarily so intense that it may overcome the en-
deavor for life in higher and larger relations. The peril is as
constant as it is keen that the absorption of physical and intel-
lectual energy in the forms of endeavor which appeal to the
senses may leave little or no force to be expended upon the pri-
mary elements of a higher civilization.

The people who settled the Northwest Territory were keenly
alive to these dangers. For meeting these perils the church was
the readiest weapon. The church as a society affirmed the high-
est spiritual purposes. This association could easily be mobilized
for spiritual and intellectual activities of many sorts. It was
therefore natural that these churches, either in their individual
or associated capacity of Presbytery or of Conference, should
speedily interest themselves in the establishment of colleges. Not
only for the sake of training a learned ministry, but also for the
sake of the promotion of the higher civilization did the mem-
bers of these ecclesiastical organizations devote themselves to the
foundations of the institutions of the higher learning. Benevo-
lence, faith, prayer, philanthropy, were all joined together in
these noble undertakings.

The distinctively religious motive has in a progressive social
group often been earlier and more vigorous in its manifesta-
tion than the human. The constitution of not a few churches
has given and gives to members the privilege of moving more

1" Historical Sketch of the Congregational Educational Society," p. 3.230 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

easily in the establishing of the higher education than was possi-
ble for the Commonwealth in its formal capacity. The incentives
which led to the foundation of the first colleges in Cambridge,
"Williamsburg, and New Haven, have been felt often and strongly
by the people of the prairie states. The religious purpose has
usually taken on an ecclesiastical form, and not infrequently has
received a special professional emphasis. The aim of training
clergymen has often been a structural element in the building
of colleges. The citizens of a state and members of a church in
the newer parts of America have often based themselves in their
conception of education upon'the belief of Francis Lieber:

"Christianity, considered as a branch of knowledge, constituted an
indispensable element in the liberal education, but that Christianity taken
solely as an historical fact is incomparably the mightiest factor in the
annals of the human society; that it has tinctured and penetrated all
systems of knowledge, all institutions both civil and exclusively social,
the laws, the languages, the literature of the civilized nations, their ethics,
rights, tastes and wants." 1

The founders, therefore, of a college in the name of a church
have not felt themselves apart from the human motive. They
have believed and declared that the highest and largest purpose
in the higher education, for the enrichment and improvement of
mankind, was most directly and effectively gained through the
establishment of the Christian college. They also have not in-
frequently affirmed that so far as the progress of humanity was
dependent upon the cause of Christianity, and so far as the cause
of Christianity was dependent upon the church, the progress of
mankind was, in certain instances, most powerfully affected by
the establishment of colleges which should train and equip col-
lege men for service through their church to the race. The
founder of Kenyon College, the first bishop of Ohio and Illinois,
declared that the college was endowed, not for the spread of
mere secular knowledge or even of general Christianity, but
with the object of raising up college men to minister to the flock
of Christ in the remote west.992

1" History of Education in Indiana," p. 138.

2 "Life of Philander Chase," p. 216.THE LAYING OF NEWER FOUNDATIONS 231

The great majority of all the colleges founded in the last
eighty years have been founded with the religious motive; the
larger share, too, of this great number have been endowed and
their prosperity promoted through denominational zeal. They
represent an agency created, not only for the members of their
own church for its prosperity, but also they represent the offering
which that church makes to general humanity for its develop-
ment. In certain cases the motive has been narrowly interpreted
and applied, but in most the interpretation has been broad and
general. Western Reserve was founded through the energy of
the Presbyteries of Ohio. Oberlin had its origin in a movement
which lamented the " degeneracy of the church and the deplor-
able condition of our perishing world.''1 In southern Ohio, and
at the same time that Oberlin was founded in northern Ohio,
emerged Marietta College with a similar ecclesiastical purpose.
In 1830 was established at Marietta an Institute of Education,
embracing four departments, the two higher being a high school
and a ladies' seminary. Two years later the institution became
known as the Marietta Collegiate Institute. Presently the in-
stitution became a corporation under the name of the Mari-
etta Collegiate Institute and Western Teachers' Seminary.
Three years after, a new charter, giving the power to confer
degrees, was secured, and the name was changed to Marietta Col-
lege. Although the origin of the institution was largely humanis-
tic, yet in their first published statement the trustees declared
the religious character and origin of their institution:

"The Board wish it to be distinctly understood that the essential
doctrines and duties of the Christian religion will be assiduously inculcated,
but no sectarian peculiarities of belief will be taught."

In their annual report of 1835 they say: " The honor of origi-
nating Marietta College is not claimed by the board of trustees;
its existence cannot properly be ascribed to them or to any com-
bination of individuals, but to the leadings of Divine Provi-
dence. ''2

1 The Oberlin Covenant: Leonard's "The Story of Oberlin," p. 85.

2United States Bureau of Education, "Circular of Information, No. 5,
1891," "The History of Higher Education in Ohio," p. 104.232 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

The foundation of Wabash, DePauw and Franklin, of Indi-
ana, wap also of religious and ecclesiastical origin. The Presby-
terian church was instrumental in the foundation of Wabash.
Its site was solemnly dedicated to the Father, and to the Son, and
to the Holy Ghost for a Christian College. The zeal and the
piety of the Wesleys were present in the beginnings of DePauw.
Franklin College was the result of the wisdom and enthusiasm
of Baptist ministers and laymen.

Hillsdale College, in Michigan, was the result of the concerted
action of lay members of the Free Baptist Church. The first
annual catalogue of another Michigan college (Olivet) of 1846
declares:

"We wish to have it distinctly understood that the whole object of
this institution is, has been, and we hope ever will be, the education of
young men and women—especially such as are not rich in this world's
goods, but heirs of the Kingdom of God—for the glory of God and the
salvation of a dying world." 1

At a little later period similar conditions emerged in Iowa.
The college bearing the name of the state was the child of
eleven graduates of Andover Seminary, who, in 1843, came to
the great Territory intending to found churches and a college.
The realization of their purpose was aided by . the similar pur-
pose which Turner and Gay lord, who had preceded them, had
already conceived. As early as 1844 the members of the Bap-
tist Church too, in their third annual Territorial Association,
voted:

"That the establishment of an institution of learning at some eligible
point in the Territory by the Baptist denomination is a subject of vast
importance, and that it is the duty of this convention to take immediate
and vigorous measures toward the consummation of this object." 2

The founders of these colleges believed with fervor that edu-
cation not based on religion was vain. They were convinced that

iUnited States Bureau of Education, "Circular of Information, No. 5,
1891," "History of Higher Education in Michigan," p. 139. -

2 Ibid., "Higher Education in Iowa," p. 131.THE LAYING OF NEWER FOUNDATIONS 233

" Veritas " should be written across the open book of their col-
lege shield, that the book itself should be surrounded by the
words " Christo et Ecclesite," and they would declare, if any
declaration were made necessary, that this book was none other
than the Bible.

The endeavors for the higher education in these states in the
early and middle decades of the last century were not confined
to the members of the Protestant church. The devotion of the
missionaries of the Presbyterian, Congregational and Baptist
churches, and of the bishops of the Episcopal, was the same love
for humanity which inspired the bishops and priests of the Cath-
olic faith. Of the confessors of this faith none have been more
enthusiastic or persistent than the members of the Society of
Jesus. Not long after the establishment of the first college in
Georgetown in 1791 multiplication began. From. this college
came, in the third decade of the last century, twelve members,
lay and clerical, who, at St. Louis, established a school bearing
the name of the state. The education of both Indian and white
children was their purpose as it was a purpose of the founder
of Dartmouth College. The members of the Faculty were largely
natives of Belgium. The motive which led them across the sea
was also the motive which led them across the prairie.

But in these early decades of the last century, the origin and
progress of the higher education were not confined either to the
ecclesiastical or to the formal constitutional conditions of the
commonwealth. The people in their unorganized capacities as
communities showed their interest in the great cause. At the
very time tliat Ohio University at Athens was being established
as a State University, a few people on the Western Reserve were
petitioning for the establishment of a college. In the first year
of the century, when the population of northern Ohio could not
have exceeded fifteen hundred, a petition was made to the Terri-
torial Legislature for the granting of a charter for the college.
The petitioners in large comprehension of great human relation-
ships say:

"We consider our present national character abroad and our civil
and religious liberties at home to have their foundation laid (under God)234 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

by the early institution of public schools and Colleges for the education
of youth." 1

The petitioners go on to affirm that " The numerous able
statesmen, the excellent constitutions and codes of laws for the
government of our nation show the superior advantages derived to
a people by education." They also declare that the future of
their country rests upon the conditions which belong to educa-
tion. They say:

"We apprehend that the continuation of the rights and liberties of
our country does depend under Divine Providence on the continued
exertion of our political Fathers and the people of information in general,
to devise and promote ways and means for education." 2

In various parts1 of the west and in other decades have
similarly broad purposes of the higher education emerged. Al-
though it has been acknowledged that religion in America has
vastly promoted civilization, and although civilization has aided
in the creation of a large type of the Christian faith, yet it has
been argued that the higher education might have been founded
and been made to prosper without the distinctively religious
basis. The creation of literature, the elevation of good taste, the
development of art, the promotion of a wise and vigorous public
opinion, the enhancement of intellectual pleasures, and the satis-
faction of the primary ethical wants of the community, are essen-
tial and necessary purposes of the higher education. Out of such
a condition was founded in the middle of the century Washing-
ton University, St. Louis. But the number of such institutions
which had no relation to religion in either a personal or organized
capacity, founded at any time in the nineteenth century, has been
few. Either the state in its formal relation, or the people,
through their religious and ecclesiastical, has represented the
normal and, apparently, necessary, method.

The establishment under the religious motive of colleges in
the newer parts of America has not been accomplished by local

*" A History of Western Reserve College During Its First Half Century,"
by President Carroll Cutler, Appendix A,

2 Ibiderrj,THE LAYING OF NEWER FOUNDATIONS 235

forces only. The older part of the country has constantly min-
istered to the newer. As the colleges of New England, in their
first decades turned to old England for aid, so the colleges of
the west have constantly turned for help, financial and personal,
to New England and the Middle States. The churches of New
England and the Middle States early organized themselves into
societies for the purpose of the promotion of the higher education
in the newer Commonwealths. The most efficient of all such
associations was called the American Education Society, which,
formed in the second decade of the last century, aided in the
establishment of colleges and in giving pecuniary help to students
who were preparing to become ministers.CHAPTER XI

in the southern states

While education was developing west of the Alleghanies and
north of the Ohio, it was in the south impassive.

The birth of the University of Virginia was almost contempo-
raneous with the death of its father. Jefferson died with the
belief that he had done a great work for his native state and for
America, in the foundation of the University, but also with the
assurance that this foundation was not appreciated by many
people of the state. Less than six months before he died Jeffer-
son wrote to his friend Cabell:

"I have been long sensible that while I was endeavoring to render our
country the greatest of all services, that of regenerating the public educa-
tion, and placing our rising generation on the level of our sister States
(which they have proudly held heretofore), I was discharging the odious
function of a physician pouring medicine down the throat of a patient
insensible of needing it. I am so sure of the future approbation of pos-
terity, and of the inestimable effect we shall have produced in the elevation
of our country by what we have done, as that I cannot repent of the part
I have borne in cooperation with my colleagues." 1

The co-worker of Jefferson in the long and perplexing labor
of the establishing of the University, helped to make good the
hope of Jefferson that the University would prove of value in
the uplifting and liberalizing of men. As legislator, visitor, and
friend Cabell wrought well. "Whatever truth there may lie in
the words of Emerson that an institution is the lengthened
shadow of one man, it is also true that the impression made by
the University was rendered much larger and deeper by the
devotion and self-sacrifice of Cabell. In the generation which

* Jefferson and Cabell, "University of Virginia," p. 366.
236IN THE SOUTHERN STATES

237

divides the death of Jefferson from the death of his friend, the
University gained in power and in genuine eminence. It came
to possess a dominant educational force throughout the South.
Its influence became so thoroughly interwoven with all the insti-
tutions of the southern states that it would be difficult to differ-
entiate its elements. Its system of independent schools has been
adopted in not a few institutions. In this period it has enrolled
not far from seven thousand students, who, departing from the
University with or without a degree, have entered into all the
relations of the life of the South. The teachers in not a few
colleges have been its graduates.

The causes of the influence of the University of Virginia are
manifold. The first cause is undoubtedly the high character of
the members of the teaching staff. The purpose of Jefferson,
that the professors should be the ablest that he could secure,
Was more adequately gained than is usual in the case of the
founders of colleges. A majority of his teachers came from
Europe. George Long was without doubt the most famous.
The brevity of his career, however (of only three years), was not
sufficient to prevent his influence upon his fellow-teachers and
students becoming great, and it has proved even to be lasting.
He fixed high standards. With him there came from over the
sea, Blaettermann as a professor of modern languages; Key, like
Long a Master of Arts of the Cambridge Trinity, and Charles
Bonnycastle, who was educated at the military academy at Wool-
wich. Among their associates or successors were George Tucker,
Dunglison, Gessner Harrison, and William B. Rogers. The value
°f the scholastic character and of the influence of the teachers
of the University of Virginia was great.

United with this primary cause and, in a degree, springing
forth from it as a reason of the high place of the University, are
the elective system of studies, the high conditions for securing a
degree, and the honor system of discipline. The height of the
attainment necessary to secure a degree is evidenced by the fact
that only about thirteen per cent of the matriculates have in its
entire history come up for graduation, and more than half have
been content with remaining as students one year only. The
decimation of a class as it passes through a course has been large.2C68 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

Whether the standards have been held too high might be open
to question; but it should be said that the height of the standard
necessary for receiving a degree has vastly aided in upholding
all the better conditions of the higher education throughout the
South. It also might be said that the conditions for admission
had been kept too low.

The application of the elective system of studies has proved to
be a great benefit. The application has been somewhat more gen-
erous than has been suffered in most institutions in later years,
for the student has been permitted to pursue one study or one
group of studies. Through poverty, or through the desire to
become proficient in a single subject, he has been allowed to
devote himself to a single one of the schools which constitute the
University curriculum. The influence of this opportunity upon
the elevation of the people of the South who have not been able
to give themselves the advantage of a complete education has been
very great.1

It is also evident that the honor system of discipline main-
tained at the University has been of great worth. The type of
southern manhood has easily lent itself to this system, and it has
in turn tended to make this system the more vigorous and noble.

Through these causes there obtained a high and thorough sys-
tem of intellectual training. One of the more eminent, able, and
useful of American educators, writing in 1845 to the Legislature
of Virginia, affirmed that the system of the University of Vir-
ginia was higher and more thorough as a scientific and literary
training than had previously been accessible in the United
States.2

In this same period there were at least two other universities
which were making worthy contributions toward human enlight-
enment and betterment. They were the two universities of the
two Carolinas. Both of these universities were, like every insti-
tution, prosperous by reason of the ability and energy, skill and
character of their teaching staff. Caldwell, the first president

* Trent's "Influence of the University of Virginia upon Southern Life and
Thought," p. 156.

3 William Barton Rogers, "Life and Letters," vol. i, p. 400.IN THE SOUTHERN STATES

239

of the University at Chapel Ilill, a graduate of, Princeton, able,
alert, zealous in labors, was aided by Mitchell, Olmsted, and
Andrews. Mitchell for forty years devoted himself to astronom-
ical and similar investigations. His service touched the imagina-
tion of the people. He lies buried in an humble mound at the
highest point of a mountain of the Blue Ridge which bears his
name. Olmsted's career was brief, injected between two periods
of service at Yale, but it added to the luster of the institution.
The term of Andrews was more brief than even that of Olm-
sted, covering only the six years from 1822 to 1828. But the
service of one whose text-books and lexicon have become familiar
to every schoolboy and schoolgirl represents a most useful period
in the history of the University.

Through this quartette of notable scholars and teachers and
their associates a high scholastic character was maintained. This
character was in a large degree the transplanting of the influ-
ence of Yale College, which, throughout this period, was becom-
ing the mother of colleges as well as their nurse.

The higher education was quite as well maintained in South
Carolina as in the state directly to the north. These institutions
are well represented in the college at Columbia. Fortunate in
the personalities which prevailed in its founding and first offi-
cial relationships, such as Paul Hamilton, and Jonathan Maxcy,
it was also at once fortunate and unfortunate in their successors.
Thomas Cooper was president from 1820 to 1834. Born in
London in 1759, educated at Oxford, possessed of a tempestuous
nature, he went to France in the midst of the Revolution. For
bis visit to France, Edmund Burke thought it worth while to
attack him in the House of Commons. Coming to America, he
practiced law in Pennsylvania. Entering political life he was
made a commissioner and a judge. Removed in 1811 for arbi-
trary or petty conduct, he applied himself to the study of chem-
istry. lie was successively professor of the subject in Dickinson
College and the University of Pennsylvania. Selected by Jeffer-
son for a place in the Faculty of the University of Virginia, and
retiring because his Unitarian views were not satisfactory to the
orthodox party, he was, in 1819, chosen professor of chemistry in
South Carolina College. A year later he was made president proMO HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

tempore, and in 1821 was chosen to the permanent office. For
almost the next score of years until his death, in 1839, he was one
of the great personalities of the state as well as of the University.
His mind was acute, alert, and independent. His acquisitions in
the new subject of chemistry were large. Ilis capacity for ac-
quiring and imparting knowledge was great, and his self-confi-
dence was nothing less than colossal. lie seems to have been at
home in the elements of most subjects, and had that sense of pride
which is a characteristic of superficial scholarship. Ilis mind was
facile. It easily turned to diverse subjects. His acquaintance
with Pitt and Fox, Sheridan, Erskine, Burke, Robespierre, and
Priestley, he made the most of both as a person and teacher.
Ilis will was dogmatic and tenacious. lie loved excitement.
Partisanship was natural to him. His years in South Carolina
covered a great crisis in the history of that state. He preferred
the discussions of the Nullification period to the teaching of the
sober truths of chemistry.

It should also be said that Dr. Cooper was regarded as an
infidel. The strongest feelings of his strong nature were those
directed against Christianity. He believed the Christian system
to be a system of fraud and imposture. This belief he felt it
his duty to declare. Ilis nature was free from concealment.
He treated the beliefs and doctrines of Christianity with con-
tempt. In society as well as in college he felt free to express
his opinions.

The influence of a man of such ability, character, strength,
and beliefs was great. It was an influence which aroused
worthy opposition. Enemies, personal and official, he made.
The House of Representatives of South Carolina requested an
investigation of his official doings. The charges made against
him were dismissed, but their dismissal was regarded as an act of
charity. The people demanded his resignation, and after four-
teen years of service he was removed.1

1 In his autobiography, Dr. J. Marion Sims, who entered South Carolina
College in 1830, says:

"Dr. Cooper was president of the college. He was a man considerably
over seventy years old, a remarkable looking man. He was never called Dr.
Cooper, but 'Old Coot.' 'Coot' is the short for 'cooter/ a name generallyIN THE SOUTHERN STATES

241

In the year following the retirement of Thomas Cooper as
president, Francis Lieber became a professor of history and
Political economy in South Carolina College. Francis Lieber
did not desire to go south after eight years spent in the north in
& struggle for a living and for a place, but he went south, he
affirms, simply to secure a support for his family. In 1835
he wrote:

" I feel, now, far removed from active, progressive and intellectual life."1
A little later in the same year he wrote to Charles Sumner,

"How do I like the South? Why, if you promise to keep strictly to
yourself what I write on such subjects, I will tell you that, as a scientific
European feels when he arrives in the United States, so does a man feel
when he goes from the North to the South. The people seem to be fine,
open-hearted; in fact, I have become acquainted with some who made a
fciost excellent impression." 2

In 1841 he wrote:

"You can scarcely imagine with what longing I look for the arrival
of a vessel which is to bring me new publications from Europe, for you

app!ied South to the terrapin, and the name suited him exactly. He was less
than five feet high, and his head was the biggest part of the whole man. He
w&s a perfect taper from the side of his head down to his feet; he looked like a
wedge with a head on it. He was a man of great intellect and remarkable learn-
lnS« • . . Dr. Cooper exerted a very bad influence on the interests of the college.
He was a pronounced infidel, and every year lectured on the 'Authenticity of
the Pentateuch' to the senior class, generally six or eight weeks before their
graduation.

" There was no necessity for his delivering this lecture. It did not belong
to his chair of political economy. Nor was it necessary as president. I have
always wondered why the trustees of the college permitted him to go out of
the routine of the duties of his office and deliver a lecture of this sort to a set of
young men just starting out in the world. I am amazed, at this late day, that
a country as full of Presbyterianism and bigotry as that was at that time should
have tolerated a man in his position, especially when advocating and lecturing
upon such an unnecessary subject. Dr. Cooper lived before his day. If he
had flourished now, in the days of Darwin and Tyndall and Huxley, he would
have been a greater infidel than any or all three of them put together."-—
" Story of My Life," pp. 82, 83.

1 Harley's "Life of Francis Lieber/' p. 71.

3 Ibid.242 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

can have no conception how a man in my situation feels. I live at the
South, it is true, but with respect to culture and intellectual life, and all
a man requires who takes part in the stirring movements of our times,
I might as well be in Siberia." 1

Yet for twenty-one years Lieber continued. They were not
happy years. He opposed the Calvinist notions of the Pres-
byterian church. He wished to be taken away from a land where
the skies were so blue and the negro so black. Nominated for the
presidency of the College, he was defeated upon the ground of
his utterances against secession and against his belief in a certain
type of Christian doctrine. His writings had made him one of
the most famous of American scholars. Faithful as a teacher,
his leisure time he devoted to the preparation of his three great
works. "While he was a member of the Faculty he received two
invitations to return to Germany. He was asked to become a lec-
turer in the University of Berlin, but he preferred the service in
a college of a state which was a part of the American Union.

The method of teaching which Lieber embodied was as signifi-
cant as the truth which he presented. He was an expositor. His
subject he presented in language vigorous and compact, and he
illustrated it by fitting examples. He brought to the illumina-
tion of his themes, poetry and fiction, as well as fact. Geog-
raphy and chronology were not, however, dissipated in declama-
tion. Blackboards and maps and tests of collateral reading were
constantly in use. The spirit of his own mighty personality
caused, however, the whole subject to warm the heart, as well as
to enlighten the mind, of the student. In the earlier time, he
stood forth as one of the few great teachers touched by the mod-
ern spirit. But the service he rendered in and to America was
soon to be transferred from a college in South Carolina to Co-
lumbia College.

A third personality of conspicuous relations in the South
Carolina college was William C. Preston. Preston remains
among the most prominent of all men who have for a time
served as college president. Born in Philadelphia in 1794, while
the Congress, of which his father was a member, was in session,

1 Harley's " Life of Francis Lieber," p. 72.IN THE SOUTHERN STATES

243

he inherited noblest traditions. Ilis mother was a sister of
Patrick Henry. Matriculating at Washington College, he was
obliged by weakness of lungs to seek a milder climate than Lex-
ington offered. In 1809 he was admitted into the Sophomore
class of South Carolina College. He graduated in the class of
1812 and with distinction. He traveled extensively in the West,
and resided for some time in Europe. In 1822 he took up his
residence in Columbia, and began the practice of law. He pres-
ently secured a great place as a lawyer. In 1828 he entered the
State Legislature. In 1836 he became a senator of the United
States. When the state concluded in the presidential contest to
give its support to Van Buren and his party, he resigned, and in
1842 returned to the practice of the law. In 1845 he was made
president of the College. In this office he continued until 1851.

An excellent classical scholar for his time and the most elo-
quent orator that the South, ever conspicuous for its sons of
eloquent speech, has had, his brief career as president was most
brilliant. His health was infirm. The six years of his term
were marked by several riots and rebellions of students. But his
own reputation added to the fame of the College. It is probable
that in the half-dozen years of his presidency South Carolina
College was the most famous institution of the South.

In the first half of the last century the University of North
Carolina embodied the scholastic ideal of education. The type of
the ideal was largely scientific. Mitchell and Olmsted were dis-
tinguished scholars and teachers. The classical element, how-
ever, was not lacking. In the same period the college of the
state immediately to the south was embodying the ideal of edu-
cation for public service. Lieber was the scholastic exposition of
political doctrine, theory and duty. Preston embodied the pur-
pose of the devotion of great talent to the service of the state.
These two institutions in two commonwealths bearing the same
name represented two permanent ideals and methods of the
higher education.

The history of the higher education in the two central states
lying immediately to the west of the Carolinas down to the year
1860 was also unique and diverse. It was a record of high hopes,
and of large plans interpreted in terms of the emotions and
17£44 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

of consequent failure. In Kentucky, a state university system,
which had its origin as early as the Act of the Virginia Legisla-
ture of 1780, began also early to disintegrate. The forty-seven
county academies which were a part of the scheme failed by
reason of a lack of literary and of pecuniary support. The
academy system was far in advance of the demands of public
opinion. The endowment of lands was inadequate; the manage-
ment was inefficient. The University itself, founded two years
before the close of the eighteenth century, struggled for exist-
ence. It was by turns prosperous and in distress. Its endow-
ment was small; its number of students was at times large. In
its most prosperous period of 1821 it had two hundred and eighty-
two, which was more than those enrolled at either Princeton,
Dartmouth, or Union, and was only four less than those enrolled
at Harvard, and thirty-seven less than those enrolled at Yale.
Its president in its most significant epoch was Alva Woods, who,
in 1828, resigned a professorship in Brown University to accept
its chief office. The time of its prosperity was short. It passed
largely into the management of a local board of trustees of the
city of Lexington. Denominational influences presently laid
hold of it. The Presbyterian church and the Methodist church
in turn became responsible for its administration. Late in the
sixth decade it returned to the control of the state, but it had
lost largely its university character, becoming an agency for the
training of teachers. The history, therefore, of the higher edu-
cation in Kentucky as embodied in its chief historic university
has been a history of high hopes, of large plans conceived in
terms of the emotions, of varying conditions of poverty and of
incompetency. The result, up to the year of 1860, was nothing
less than comparative inefficiency and failure.

The failure of the university which is known as Transyl-
vania sprang from several conditions. Among them were the
failure of the state to commit itself to the policy of the support
of the higher education. The people of the state were not suf-
ficiently interested in this great cause to tax themselves for its
promotion. The higher education as also embodied in Transyl-
vania University suffered by reason of the University being the
subject of double control. It was in part an enterprise of theIN THE SOUTHERN STATES

245

state; it was also in part subject to management by a church.
Either force, the civil or the religious, might have fostered unto
& large success the institution, but both could not work together
in efficient harmony.

A condition not dissimilar prevailed in Tennessee for the first
half of the nineteenth century. The University of Nashville and
the University of Tennessee represented the two foci whence
could be drawn the ellipse of the history of the higher education
which was controlled in a formal way by the state. The Uni-
versity of Nashville was chartered in 1826. The University of
Tennessee, having its beginnings as far back as the Territorial
Legislature of 1794, began its career as an agency of the higher
education also in that year. The beginnings of both institutions
were small; progress was slow; endowments were inadequate; the
service was inefficient, and the scholastic results w;ere slight. The
institutions at Nashville and at Knoxville, like so many other in-
stitutions in the newer parts of the country, were far in advance
°f public opinion regarding the necessity of the higher education.
These institutions sought to become leaders of the people unto
the best life. The simple fact was that the people had no desire
for such leadership. Scholarly ideals possessed no attractiveness.
The original settlers of these states were distinguished more for
their hardihood and bravery than for their sympathy with learn-
ing and culture. The most that could be done for the advance-
ment of scholarship was embodied in a system of secondary
schools and in private academies. The public schools were inef-
ficiently supported, and the academies were few.

But while in these four states of the Carolinas, Kentucky,
and Tennessee the higher education, as a part of the system of
Public education, was passing through its diverse stages of pros-
perity or adversity, several denominational colleges were advanc-
ing. The denominational college in these states was advantaged
by the condition of public opinion respecting religion. Orthodoxy
was the prevailing atmosphere. The Scotch and-the Scotch-Irish,
who came cither directly into the central south or by way of the
northern states, brought with them their Calvinistic tenets.
Throughout the first decades of the century, however, the French
influence in these as in other commonwealths was strong. The246 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

writings of Voltaire, Volney, and of the Encyclopaedists were
widely read. By no part of the community were they more con-
stantly read than by the academic. Professors as well as stu-
dents were led to surrender their belief in Christianity as a
divine system. Several professors of the University of North
Carolina abandoned their Christian faith in the first decades of
the century.

Out of this condition arose an appreciation of the need of the
establishment of the Christian college. Such a college, in the ex-
isting organization of the Christian system and of the church, was
a denominational one. In these four states, therefore, the denom-
inational college sprang up and flourished. Among the repre-
sentative colleges of the denominational type was Center College
of Kentucky. Beginning its history in 1819, it has now become
the oldest college in the state with a continuous name and corpo-
rate existence. A noble conception of the function of the higher
education, administrative and scholastic needs far exceeding the
means of supply, executive efficiency mingling with execu-
tive inefficiency, enterprise, constant perseverance, few students
increasing to many and many falling to few, the struggle for
endowment through ecclesiastical methods and personal solicita-
tion, a constant enlargement of the curriculum and of the in-
crease of scientific and other facilities—represent the essential
elements in its history as they do represent the essential elements
of most institutions in a new country. The denominational col-
lege in these central commonwealths has given to the church not
only a learned ministry, but also to the state well-trained citizens.
Both the denominational and the state colleges of the states of
the south, with the exception of the University of Virginia, have
trained a larger proportion of their citizens for public service
than obtains in most colleges of the northern states. In the Uni-
versity of Virginia a larger share of graduates are found in the
medical and the legal professions. In the excellence of the char-
acter of its medical school lies a part of the cause of this
condition.

Center College, however, is only* a type. It represents col-
leges of the Baptist, of the Disciple, of the Methodist, and of
other faiths which have rendered to and through their churchesIN THE SOUTHERN STATES

247

services characterized by great sacrifice and by results no less
precious, both for the state and for the whole community.

The general difficulties attending the progress of the higher
education in the southern states have been felt the more keenly
the farther south were found the institutions of this education.
The nature of these difficulties was well expressed in the last
report of Dr. Manly, for eighteen years President of the Uni-
versity of Alabama, in saying: " the paucity and insufficiency of
schools, the indulgent spirit of wealthy parents, and the alleged
indisposition of Southern youth to severe application.''1 When
to these special difficulties have been added those which belong
to every condition of man—the lust of the flesh, the lust of the
eyes and the pride of life—the struggle for the establishment
and support of colleges and universities in the extreme south
has inevitably been long and hard. In no states have these diffi-
culties been greater than in Louisiana, Alabama, and Mississippi.

In Louisiana, under the Spanish or French government, the
appreciation of the higher education was not, however, entirely
lacking, for in 1805, two years after the territory was trans-
ferred to the United States, an act was passed instituting the
University of Orleans. The preamble of the act in inflated
phrase declares that:

" Whereas, learning hath ever been found the ablest advocate of
genuine liberty, the best supporter of rational religion, and the source of
the only solid and imperishable glory which nations can acquire;

"And forasmuch as literature and philosophy furnish the most useful
and pleasing occupations, improving and varying the enjoyments of
prosperity, affording relief under the pressure of misfortune, and hope and
consolation in the hour of death." 2

The ornateness of these phrases is quite unlike the soberness
of the style of the great article of the Ordinance of 1787. But,
as a result of these high-spun notions a large board of Regents
was constituted, which established a college of liberal learning

History of Education in Alabama, 1702-1889," by Willis G. Clark,

p. 77.

2 "The History of Education in Louisiana," by Edwin Whitfield Fay, p. 27.M8 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

in New Orleans, and an academy and public library in each
county. The income necessary for these ambitious undertakings
was to be secured by annual lotteries of an aggregate annual
value not to exceed fifty thousand dollars. For nearly a score of
years the institution offered instruction. Among the graduates
was the most famous of Louisiana authors, Gayarre. But the
endeavor was found to be in advance of the educational senti-
ments of the people. Success was transient. The population of
the state in 1810 was only seventy-six thousand; and in 1820
it had no more than doubled. It was insufficient to provide a
number of students large enough even with the endowment to
meet the cost of administration. The pupils seem never to have
exceeded one hundred. The regents apparently were not able to
secure the allegiance of the people of the commonwealth. The
college was largely a local institution.

In part at least as an act of opposition to the college of New
Orleans was established the College of Louisiana. The institu-
tion in New Orleans was pervaded with French influences. The
college bearing the name of the state was established in the coun-
try village of Jackson, and its environment was English. It too,
like the older institution, was found to be in advance of the
demand of the people for the higher education. After a period
of adversity quite similar to that of the college at New Orleans,
it also declined. Colleges bearing the names of Jefferson and
of Franklin were also established in the fourth decade of the
century. They too perished.

The history of these and other colleges was characterized
by a process of subsidizing. The state adopted these insti-
tutions and made them her beneficiaries. The amount given
to the College at New Orleans, between 1811 and 1836, was
almost $250,000; and to the College of Louisiana, • from 1832
to 1844, was about $200,000; to the College of Jefferson, from
1831 to 1846, it was almost $250,000, and to the College of
Franklin, from 1831 to 1843, $66,000. Such largesses were
indeed extravagant benevolences for a state which in 1830
had a population of only two hundred and fifteen thousand and
in 1840 of only three hundred and fifty-two thousand. It was
the age of beneficiarism. So far forth did this tendency go thatIN THE SOUTHERN STATES

249

in the Legislature of 1836 and 1837 a bill was passed authorizing
the governor to provide the free students of Jefferson College
'with clothing and other articles necessary for their admission,
and to cause these personal furnishings to be renewed when nec-
essary. Be it said, however, that the governor vetoed the bill.
It was a fine example of rank educational socialism.

Although seventeen years divide the beginning of the Uni-
versity of Alabama from the beginning of the University of
Mississippi, yet the similarity of their origins and immediately
subsequent history is great. Their common record begins in
large grants of land made for the purpose of endowment, and
proceeds by similar methods into a not dissimilar crisis. In the
sale of their land at low, too low, prices, in inefficiency in the
collection of notes given in payment, and also m'a lamentable
lack of wisdom in the investment of funds secured by the sale
of land, they embody an identical educational history. The
first president of the University of Alabama was Alva Woods.
His acceptance was preceded by the declination of the office by
Patterson of the University of Virginia and by Lindsley, presi-
dent of the University of Nashville. A member of a family of
distinguished scholars and of educational administrators, a grad-
uate of Phillips Andover and of Harvard, Woods was among the
earlier American students who went to Europe for purposes of
study. In the years 1822 and 1823 he was a student in Ox-
ford and Cambridge, Edinburgh and Glasgow, and he was also a
visitor, if not a student, at the principal schools of France and
of Italy. In 1824 he was chosen to a professorship of mathe-
matics and of natural philosophy in Brown University. On the
conclusion of the fourth year of his service he was, as already
indicated, chosen president of Transylvania University of Ken-
tucky. In this place he continued until 1831, when he was
made the first president of the University of Alabama. His brief
career of six years, like the term of his successor Manly, was
chiefly characterized by disorders and disturbances prevailing
among the students. Southern students have always claimed a
greater degree of personal liberty than those of the North have
asked. In the University of Alabama and of Mississippi this lib-
erty became not infrequently an individual and riotous license.250 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

A special cause of constant rebelliousness among the Alabama stu-
dents was a code of laws which was itself designed to put an end
to disorder. The most obnoxious part of this code was known
as the Exculpation Article. This article was introduced from
South Carolina College. It was itself not unlike a law which
prevailed for some time at Yale College. In this article it was
declared that:

" In ordinary cases for mere college misdemeanors no student will be
called upon to give information against another, but when several are
known to contain among themselves the guilty person or persons, that
the innocent may not suffer equally with the guilty, they are all liable to
be severally called up and each to be put upon his own exculpation, unless
the magnanimity of the guilty shall relieve the Faculty from the neces-
sity of this expedient by an ingenuous confession of his or their own
fault. If any student, when thus permitted to declare his own innocence,
shall decline to exculpate himself, he shall be regarded as taking the
guilt of the offense upon himself, encountering all the consequences.

" If a student shall deny that he is guilty, that shall be taken as prima
facie proof of his innocence; but, if it shall afterwards appear, from satis-
factory, competent evidence, that he was really guilty, he shall be con-
sidered as unworthy to remain at the University.

" Should the author or authors of any misdemeanor, by concealment
of his or their own guilt, permit an innocent fellow-student to suffer
punishment for an offense which he or they, and not the other, was guilty,
for such dishonorable conduct he or they shall be immediately dismissed
from the University, and the case reported to the board of trustees." 1

Never were college rules and regulations better qualified to
quicken disorder. These rules and regulations succeeded con-
stantly and conspicuously in promoting outbreaks. Suspensions,
not of one, but of many students resulted from the application
of such methods. In the year 1843 every student except a single
senior and two freshmen were under suspension. The whole
scholastic life and work of the University were often interrupted
by the refusing of students either to divulge the names of fellow-
students guilty of offenses, or to acknowledge their own guilt, or
to declare their own innocence.

i " History of Education in Alabama, 1702-1889," by Willis G. Clark.IN THE SOUTHERN STATES

251

Although many conditions obtaining in the first years of the
University of Alabama were unfavorable to the establishment of
a school of the higher learning, yet out of those conditions came
forth a band of students of large ability and usefulness. Such
men as Jeremiah Clements, writer and Senator; Oran M. Rob-
erts, Governor of Texas; Alexander B. Meek, poet and historian;
Clement Claiborne Clay, Federal and Confederate Senator; Will-
iam Russell Smith, member of Congress, and scores of others who
were leading citizens in the first half-century of Alabama's state-
hood were among the graduates of the first six years. The cause
of such results lies, without doubt, in the teaching and influence
of Henry Tutwiler and Henry W. Hilliard. Although Hilliard
filled the Chair of English Literature for only two years, and
although Tutwiler's professorship was limited to six, yet they
inspired scholastic work and formed noble manhood.

In respect to the general character of students, too, a marked
similarity prevailed between the University of Alabama and the
University of Mississippi. Twenty-five years after the opening
of the younger University, in 1848, it was said by one who was
himself present in its first years that " very rarely, if ever, was
an institution attended by a body of students so disorderly and
turbulent as the first students of the university, in mass, proved
to be. It is true that among those early students there were
some of the first young men of the country; but in point of
morals and intellectual advancement, the large body of the stu-
dents were idle, uncultivated, and ungovernable." 1

Such a condition was the result of the union of personal
liberty with the remoteness of the state from the centers of civ-
ilized orderliness. This remoteness was a matter of preference.
The people who settled the rich lands of Mississippi were pos-
sessed of comparative wealth and of culture. They came from
many parts, from states as remote as those of New England,
Maryland, Virginia, the Carolinas, Georgia, and Kentucky. Not
a few of them bore diplomas from the three oldest colleges, as
well as from the colleges of North Carolina and Kentucky. In
the generation from 1810 to 1840 the sons of these immigrants to

1 "History of Education in Mississippi,"p. 138, by Edward Mayes.252' HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

Mississippi were sent to the older states of the east and of the
north for their education. But not far from the year 1840 arose
a strong sentiment for the education of the sons of these families
in their own institutions. The chief cause of the origin of this
feeling lay in the growth and increasing dominance of the
demand for the abolition of slavery. In 1833 the American
Anti-Slavery Society was organized. Six years after was formed
the American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society. These organ-
izations and other movements designed to promote immediate
abolition swept aside the theory of gradual abolition which had
for many years prevailed. A feeling of resentment was aroused.
The aggressiveness of the abolition movement was regarded as
an insult to the South and a menace to the perpetuity of the
Union. A sentiment of bitterness against all northern states was
created and quickened. As a result the expediency of sending
the sons of southern families into northern colleges for their
education was questioned. Governor McNutt said in 1839:'' Pa-
triotism, no less than economy, urges upon us the duty of educat-
ing our children at home. In early life the strongest impressions
are made. Those opposed to us in principle, and alienated in
interest, cannot safely be entrusted with the education of our
sons and daughters/'1 In the same year a debating society
discussed the question whether " It is more advisable to have the
youth of Mississippi educated at the literary institutions within
the State than to send them abroad/'1 In 1844 Governor
Brown, in a message which dealt with the incorporation of the
State University, said:4 i The practice of sending the youth of the
country abroad to be educated ought to be discouraged. Instead
of sending, our youth abroad to be educated, where they some-
times contract unfortunate habits, and grow up with false preju-
dices against home institutions and laws, they may be kept at
home comparatively under the advisory care of their parents, sur-
rounded by those institutions and protected by those laws which
it is proper they should be early brought to love and reverence." 1
A feeling of alarm and indignation prevailed. The fear of
the danger of the propagandism of immediate abolition was re-

1 History of Education in Mississippi," by Edward Mayes, p. 127.IN THE SOUTHERN STATES

253

garded as an argument sufficient for the state- itself to educate
its sons. Notwithstanding these growing sentiments many fami-
lies continued to send their children to the colleges of the north.

But the statistics of attendance at the three colleges of the
North, best known in Southern states, in the middle and preced-
ing decades of the century fail to indicate that argument and
oration served their purpose in keeping Southern students at
home. In the year 1830 three students were enrolled at Prince-
ton as coming from Mississippi; a similar number was also found
in attendance in 1840 • but in 1850 the number had increased to
seventeen, and even in 1860 to nineteen. In Yale the number in
attendance upon the last year of the second, third, fourth, fifth
and sixth decades from Mississippi were respectively four, six,
two, five, and two. At Harvard the numbers were in 1820 three,
in 1830 nine, in 1840 two, in 1850 four, and in 1860 six. The
chief time which shows a marked change in the number of stu-
dents coming to the Northern colleges from the South is found
in the third decade of the century. The number of students at
Harvard College from Southern states in 1820 was fifty; the
number in 1830 had fallen to sixteen; in 1820 Princeton had
forty-two students from the South, in 1830 only seventeen. But
the number at Yale, meantime, had increased from forty-seven
to sixty-nine. Though at Harvard the number from South
Carolina fell off from twenty-two to two, and in Princeton from
three to none, yet in Yale College the number increased from
nine to sixteen.

The facts in detail are stated on the following pages.

Out of the condition of state rights arose the University
of Mississippi. It was incorporated in February, 1844. The first
meeting of the Board of Trustees was held in the first month of
1845, the first appropriation for buildings was made in 1846,
and in the autumn of 1848 the formal work of instruction began.

The history of the dozen years of the University of Alabama
up to the outbreak of the Civil War was a record of prosperity
and enlargement. Its prosperity was due in a large degree to
one man in whom the history of the University of Alabama and
the history of the University of Mississippi are united. Fred-
erick Augustus Porter Barnard was professor of several sciences254 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

Number of Students at Harvard from the Southern States.

1820

22
*9

50

1830

16

1840

34

1850 1860

11
1
9
10
4
2
4
10
1
10

65

Alabama.......

Arkansas.......

Florida........

Georgia........

Kentucky......

Louisiana......

Maryland......

Mississippi.....

Missouri.......

North Carolina.
South Carolina.

Tennessee......

Virginia........

Total.

	1820	1830	1840	1850	1860
The total number of Students at Har- vard .............................	387	412	442	596	896
					

Number of Students at Yale College from the Southern States.

states.	1820	1830	1840	1850	1860	Total.
	1	2	13	7		23
Florida..... ......................				2	3	5
Georgia.................................	9	*5	12	16	1	43
	2	3	5	7	2	19
Louisiana...............................	3	3	8	11	2	27
Mississippi..............................	4	6	2	5	2	19
North Carolina..........................	9	3	6	1	2	21
South Carolina...........................	9	16	6	6	# #	37
Tennessee...............................			3	3	6	12
Texas..................................					1	1
Virginia.................................	8	ii	*8	9	1	37
Maryland...............................	2	20	3	3	10	38
Missouri................................			1	2	3	6
						
Totals............................	47	69	67	72	33	288

Number of Students at Yale College from the Southern States.IN THE SOUTHERN STATES

255

	1820	1830	1840	1850	1860
Total number of students at Yale Col- lege .............................	421	502	574	555	521
					

IN THE SOUTHERN STATES

255

Number of Students at Cot,lege of New Jersey (Princeton) from the
Southern States.

states.	1820	1830	1840	1850	1860	Total.
Virginia......... ...............	11	1	26 2	16  2	6	60 12 86 30 38 15 20 25 25 42 25  3
	4				4	
Maryland.. ...............	8	6	16 8	29  5	27 14  5	
South Carolina... . ...............	3					
	7	*4	10	12 4		
Tennessee.. ......*»....	3		2		6 2	
	5	2	9	2		
Georgia...... ...............	1		5	8 9 17 8 3	11 8 19  7	
		i	7			
Mississippi.... ...................		3	3			
			10			
						
					2	2
Florida..............................					2	2
						
	42	17	98	115	113	385
						

Number of Students at Cot,lege of New Jersey (Princeton) from the
Southern States.

	1820	1830	1840	1850	1860
Total number of students at College of New Jersey (Princeton)............	121	87	227	236	312

and of mathematics for seventeen years, from 1837 to 1854 in
the University of Alabama, and from 1854 to 1861 he served the
University of Mississippi, either as professor or as its chief execu-
tive. Barnard's career in Alabama succeeded his retirement
from a tutorship at Yale, and his retirement from the chancellor-
ship of the University of Mississippi was, after three years, fol-
lowed by the beginning of a service of about a quarter century
as President of Columbia College in the city of New York. Bar-256 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

nard was among the great scholars and teachers of the two dec-
ades previous to the beginning of the Civil War. He was also
for the last third of this period an efficient executive. His
scholarship was broad, his industry unflagging, his heart warm,
and his judgment sound. In the years immediately previous to
the beginning of the war he had succeeded in making the new
University of Mississippi of commanding importance and wide
usefulness. The scientific equipment was unusually adequate
both in apparatus and in collections. The people had begun to
take great pride in their State University. Despite the lack of
the feeling of " peace, tranquility, permanence " which Barnard
expressed himself as realizing in 1859,1 yet the University of
the State represented the elements of the highest worth in and
for the commonwealth. But this prosperity and the hopeful-
ness of increasing power and enlarging opportunity, were pres-
ently and suddenly brought to an end.2

Each of the great churches was administering its colleges in

1	"Memoirs of Frederick A. P. Barnard," p. 240.

2	"With the accession to the presidency of Barnard in 1864, there came to
the service of the University one of the greatest figures, in many ways the
greatest figure, in the whole history of our American education. His active
and restless mind, which grew neither old nor tired, planned unceasingly and
saw with astounding clearness of vision. Barnard is the greatest prophetic
figure in the history of modern education. He first saw that the traditional
college course was no longer adequate to meet the needs of modern youth; that
it must be supplemented, extended, readjusted, and made more elastic, if it
would serve under new conditions the same ends that it had served so well in
the past. He exalted science and scientific research to their place of honor, and
he swept with his keen vision the whole field of education and called upon the
university to enter upon it as a subject of study and to treat teaching as a
serious profession and not merely as an occupation. He gave his powerful
influence to the movement for the opening of educational opportunities to
women, and he felt keenly the limitations under which they suffered in his day.
He looked out into new fields of inquiry and saw the significance of those studies
in language, in archaeology, in history and political science, in the physical and
mathematical sciences, in experimental medicine, and in the science of life that
are now gladly included in the wide circle of our University's care. What
this generation has done Barnard planned and urged. Much of what remains
for the next generation to accomplish he foresaw and exhibited."—Nicholas
Murray Butler, "From King's College to Columbia University 1754-1904."
Educational Review, vol. xxviii, No. 5, pp. 515, 516.IN THE SOUTHERN STATES

257

each of the great Southern states in the first half of the century.
Without doubt the strongest of these colleges were those of the
Presbyterian faith. Among them were: in Virginia, Hampden-
Sidney; in North Carolina, Davidson; in South Carolina, Erskine;
in Georgia, Oglethorpe; and in Kentucky, Center. The Baptists
bad in Virginia, Richmond; in North Carolina, Wake Forest;
in South Carolina, Furman; in Georgia, Mercer University; in
Alabama, Howard, and in Tennessee, Union University. The
Methodists controlled in Virginia, Randolph-Macon, Emory and
Henry; in North Carolina, Trinity; in Georgia, Emory, and in
Alabama, LeG range. Other churches, too, were carrying on col-
leges, which, however, had not attained the strength and perma-
nence that belonged to those of the three great denominations of
the Presbyterian, Baptist, and Methodist faiths.

In the first half-century, the number of students enrolled in
all the colleges of the South was greater, in proportion to the
Population, than the number found in northern institutions. In
the year 1840, the South had one student for every 376 of the
population, while the rest of the country had one for 550. The
proportional increase, too, of the attendance upon the colleges for
the twenty years previous to the beginning of the great war was
larger in the southern than in the northern states. But it must
be remembered that the standards of education in the South were
not so high as those of the northern community. Yet despite
the separation of the communities of the southern states, these
states were, for a generation previous to 1861, making rapid and
great advance in giving the advantages of the higher education
to their sons.CHAPTER XII

college conditions in new england

At the time tliat new colleges and universities were being
founded in the South and the West, the older colleges in the
New England and Middle States were getting strength for a
richer life and larger influence. New colleges were also arising
in these older states. The time was favorable to such enrichment
and enlargement. The successive decades of the century from
1820 to 1860 were, with brief intervals, periods of intellectual
and ethical quickening. The decade beginning with 1831 and
the following years were the era of the seer and the prophet. The
time was one of beginnings: it was a period of newness. The
westward movement of population was slowly pressing its way
between the mountains and the great river and passing beyond.
Mighty anticipations of mighty powers were filling the hearts
and minds of men. In the middle year of the fourth decade,
Morse set up his telegraphic instruments in his room in the Uni-
versity of the City of New York. Visions of wealth were filling
the public eye. Values in certain lands reached a figure
which they have never since touched. Reforms were in the air.
Apostles of newness abounded. The Fifth Monarchy was indeed
to be reestablished. It was the age of the transcendentalists;
Redeunt Saturnia regna; it was the age of anti-slavery, of tem-
perance, of nonresistance, and " come-outism." Everbody had
a mission; and, as Lowell says, his mission was spelled with a
capital M.

These influences were pregnant within as well as without col-
lege walls. Within academic walls they were manifest, however,
rather in general atmospheres and conditions than in specific
movements or forces.

Throughout the first two generations of the century the power
prevailing in the colleges was the power of personality. The

258COLLEGE CONDITIONS IN NEW ENGLAND 259

presidents and the professors of the time were great characters.
They were not great scholars. They were not distinguished for
contributions made to either scientific, linguistic, or philosophic
scholarship; but they were great men. They constituted the col-
leges; their biography formed academic history.

For the first half of the nineteenth century Yale College, at
the time the most national of all colleges, was largely constituted
by three men: Jeremiah Day, Benjamin Silliman, and James L.
Kingsley. They were called into academic service in the first
years of the great administration of the great Dwight. Dwight
Was himself, if not the greatest of all the presidents of the first
two generations of the century, among the greatest. He illus-
trated the worth of personality in college teaching and govern-
ment. Ilis administration covered the last five years of the
eighteenth and the first seventeen of the nineteenth century.
The grandson of Jonathan Edwards, he was superior to the
most illustrious graduate of Tale in executive efficiency as he
was inferior in philosophic acumen and discrimination. He
came to the college as president when its teaching staff consisted
of a single professor and three tutors. He discredited the system
of calling into the service of the institution those who had in
other vocations than that of teaching, usually the ministry,
proved their ability. lie introduced the system of selecting as
tutors and professors those who were willing to devote their lives
to the work of college teaching. Under this method he invited to
be his associates Jeremiah Day, Benjamin Silliman, and James
L. Kingsley. Like Whewell of Oxford, he aimed at universal
knowledge. Under this impulse he was, like all men of the type,
inclined to sacrifice thoroughness to extent of acquisition. His
service as teacher and executive was as tireless as his scholarship
was broad. He was the sole instructor of the Senior class; he
served as professor of English literature and rhetoric, and also
of divinity. lie preached two sermons each Sunday. He also
gave instruction in theology to graduates. To these labors of
teaching he added the work of writing. Although the five vol-
umes of his theology represent sermons, yet they do form a
treatise which, despite its verbosity and obviousness, has much
value for those who propose to become clergymen. The four
18m HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

volumes of his Travels are an interpretation of the character and
conditions of American life near the beginning of the century, as
were DeTocqueville's at the middle and Bryce's at the close.
Witnesses agree that Dwight was not only a good type of the
scholar of his time, but also a great teacher. A dignity that
commanded respect, an accuracy that inspired confidence, an
ardor that kindled interest, and, at the same time, a kindness
that won love, were embodied in the man.1 lie was the paternal
type of the teacher and college officer. In administering dis-
cipline and preserving order, he depended far more upon his
power of persuasion and personal influence than upon rule and
regulation. He entered into the heart of the students; under-
standing their feelings, appreciating their passions, sympathetic
with their problems.

In general it should be said that President Dwight was recog-
nized by his contemporaries, both within and without college
walls, as possessed of a mind of the creative type, of a heart
large, generous, appreciative, of a will vigorous, firm, command-
ing, and of a moral nature which embodied the highest elements.
Of the college presidents of his time and of the decades immedi-
ately preceding and succeeding, he, in his face and bearing, most
easily suggests his contemporary the first Napoleon. In a cer-
tain prophetic quality too, as well as in the power of inspiration,
he reminds one of the great Corsican.

As Eleazar Wheelock ruled for more than a generation after
his death in the history of Dartmouth College, so Timothy
Dwight, by his preference in the choice of his successor and
associates, by kinship, vitally influenced the history of Yale Col-
lege for almost a century. It is told that President Dwight, not
long before his death, said to Jeremiah Day, " You must be my
successor.'9 The remark thus made illustrates the wisdom of the
executive as does the earlier selection of Day to be his profes-
sional colleague prove the foresight of the scholar. If Dwight
was a personality vigorous, large, intense, Day was also a per-
sonality great enough to lay aside many of the personal elements

1 Letter of Professor Olmsted, of October 27, 1849, published in Sprague'.*

"Annals of the American Pulpit," vol. ii, p. 160.COLLEGE CONDITIONS IN NEW ENGLAND 261

of power. Day was in disposition gentle, serene, moderate, kind,
reserved; in administration deliberate, prudent, wise, and cau-
tious. Under him the merely personal relation of a single col-
lege officer, the president, to the student was largely eliminated.
The administration of the college was committed largely to all its
officers. The Faculty came to possess new powers. Its councils
increased in importance, and its recommendations came to have
a new value in the judgment of the Board of Trustees. By its
members recommendations for appointment to the teaching staff
were made, and through them the daily administration of affairs
was conducted. Under the government by the Faculty each
member of the body came to feel a certain independence in the
conduct of his own department. A sense of responsibility with-
out interference came into being. It should also be said that in
the administration of Dwight there sprang up some of the
strongest manifestations of college spirit. The esprit de corps
of the whole academic community was strong. Never had the
love of men for a college been warmer. The pride of students
in their teachers was great. Olmsted in astronomy, Stanley in
mathematics, Larned in English, as well as Hitchcock in the Law
School, Knight in the Medical School, and Taylor in the The-
ological School, were quickening the enthusiasm of students.

These results, which in turn became formative forces, had
their origin in no small degree in the wisdom and conservative
efficiency of President Day. In 1846 he resigned. He had con-
ferred degrees on thirty successive classes. Ilis term was and
still is the longest of any Yale presidency. But his term of
president was only a part of the entire period in which he served
the college, a period which, in all relationships, covered sixty-
nine years. His successor said of him at his funeral:

" I suppose that if the nearly twenty-five hundred graduates who were
educated in Yale College between 1817 and 1846 were asked who was the
best man they knew, they would, with a very general agreement, assign
that high place to Jeremiah Day." 1

If Dwight was aided in making his term of twenty-two years

» "Yale College," vol. i, p. 146.262 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

illustrious by the cooperation of Day, Silliman, and Kingsley,
Day, in turn, was also helped and helped even more efficiently by
the two other members of the triumvirate. Benjamin Silliman
gave his first lecture as professor of chemistry on the fourth of
April, 1804, and for more than fifty years he labored continu-
ously in and for the college. His entrance upon his professor-
ship was the introduction of the sciences into the college course.
He made his department so efficient that it threatened to injure
the worth of other departments. His instruction was given
largely by lectures. As a lecturer he was among the most at-
tractive. His style was oratorical. His success in experimenting
was constant. He was a speaker of eloquence as well as a teacher
and expounder. In his use of language he was facile and fe-
licitous. lie was to his students an example as a gentleman as
he was an inspiring force to them as a teacher. He founded
the Journal bearing his name, which may justly be called the
most important scientific publication of the century. The lines
of Cowper, which his biographer, Prof. George P. Fisher, puts
at the beginning of his first volume, most fittingly interpret his
character:

"Peace to the memory of a man of worth;

A man of letters, and of manners too!

Of manners sweet as virtue always wears,

When gay good-nature dresses her in smiles.

He graced a college, in which order yet
Was sacred; and was honoured, loved and wept,

By more than one, themselves conspicuous there."

Of the three men to whom Yale College was entrusted for
some fifty years, after the death of the elder Dwight, James L.
Kingsley was the youngest in academic appointment and the
least known. Silliman was the father of natural science in Yale
College, Kingsley continued the pursuit of studies established
at and followed from the beginning. Kingsley was an academi-
cian; he loved the cloister walls. He was a conservative by
nature and training. The head of the institution in Latin, and,
for a time, also in Greek and Hebrew, the qualities which the
study of the classical languages and literatures are supposedCOLLEGE CONDITIONS IN NEW ENGLAND 263

to form he embodied. He was simple, direct, accurate, sincere.
He hated pretense and blaster. He lived in and for the college.
His writings were vigorous and clear; his criticism was marked
by unique intelligence and penetration. His humor was fre-
quent and kindly. Not unlike, in the qualities of conscientious-
ness and reverence, to his contemporary at Harvard, the famous
Popkin, his service to the college, and through the college to the
cause of scholarship, was great. Although he was not touched
by the German influence as those who followed him, yet when
one compares the condition of classical training at the close of
his career in the middle of the century with its condition at its
beginning, the progress is evident.

From the beginning of the nineteenth century, therefore,
down to the period of the civil war the interests of Yale College
were at the same or different times committed largely to four
men, Dwight, Day, Silliman, and Kingsley. They succeeded in
making Yale a college of national significance and relations.
The causes cooperating in securing these results were several.
One cause lay in the length of professorial and executive service.
Day was connected with Yale as tutor, professor, president, and
fellow sixty-nine years, probably a longer period than belongs
to any other person in the history of any American college.
Silliman and Kingsley each served Yale for fifty-one years. The
period of the combined service of these four men was about two
hundred years. Such length and continuity represent consist-
ency of administration as well as efficiency and acceptableness.
A further cause was found in the harmony and cooperation with
which these men labored and in the mutually supplementary
service which they gave. Dwight was a man of vision, of pro-
phetic insight; Day, of detail and of moderation; Silliman, a pol-
ished gentleman of public relations; Kingsley, the quiet scholar
of the library and the teacher of the classroom. Free from jeal-
ousy, inspired by high ideals, they worked for, as well as in,
their beloved Yale. They were, furthermore, men of great and
well-trained power. In the members of the quartet, and in the
quartet itself, great elements of character and of services were
happily and efficiently joined.

In the accession of Theodore Dwight Woolsey to the presi-264 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

dency appeared the modern scholar as executive. For fifteen
years Woolsey had held the chair of Greek. This chair he was
reluctant to surrender. The elements which made his pro-
fessorship great were the elements which contributed to the
eminence and usefulness of his presidency. He embodied, illus-
trated, and inspired a high type of scholarship, and his character
also represented a virile type of manhood. Superficiality in either
knowledge or principles he scorned. In him honesty, thorough-
ness, accuracy, were virtues at once intellectual and ethical.
Throughout his administration the hard labor of his students
brought forth fruitage both in the realm of personal morals and
of mental power. In particular the members of the twenty-five
Senior classes which he as president taught remember with special
gratitude the severe studies in history, political science, and
philosophy through which and to which he led them. The course
of study was in his term enlarged as well as strengthened. Great
men were added to the teaching staff. In the year in which
Woolsey became president Noah Porter entered into the profes-
sorship of moral philosophy and metaphysics. Two years later
James Iladley was chosen professor of Greek. Two years later
still Dana became professor of geology and mineralogy. In
1854 George P. Fisher was chosen Professor of Divinity, and in
the following year Hubert A. Newton of mathematics. Later
Loomis was elected professor of natural philosophy and astron-
omy; in 1863 and the following years Northrop, Packard, Coe,
and Wheeler were selected to fill leading chairs. The ideals of
scholarship were raised. The beginnings of a department of
graduate study were made.

Although Woolsey was a classicist, yet in the year 1847 was
founded a school of science, which in 1860 became known as
the Sheffield Scientific School. The professional schools, too,
of long existence, were strengthened. The government of the
college, moreover, was so altered through a change in the char-
ter as to substitute for ex-officio members of the Corporation
men, themselves graduates of the college, who were chosen by
other graduates. Vital and filial interest took the place of official
formalism.

The year 1871, therefore, closed the third of three greatCOLLEGE CONDITIONS IN NEW ENGLAND 265

administrations of the college, covering more than three-quarters
of a century.

While the history of Yale College for the last years of the
eighteenth, and into the last third of the nineteenth century was
covered by three great administrations, the history of Harvard,
after the brief and uneventful service of Weber, was, from 1810
down to the last third of the last century, represented by no
less than seven administrations. The Yale officers were greater
presidents, the Harvard officers were greater men. The greatest
of the seven as president, who also were great in character, were
the first two: John Thornton Kirkland and Josiah Quincy.
Kirkland was the friend of the students; Quincy, the organizer
of the University; Edward Everett was the scholar and the gen-
tleman; Sparks, the author, the scholar, the teacher; Walker,
the preacher; Felton, the Hellenist; and Hill, the philosophic
scientist.

In Kirkland lived and wrought the traditions of two colleges.
His father was the essential founder of Hamilton, and his mother
the niece and foster child of Eleazar Wheelock. He embodied
the personal characteristics of his father. The elder Kirkland
was for many years a missionary to the Oneida Indians, and
was so much beloved by the tribe of which he had charge that
their chief, at his death, asked to be buried by the side of his
pastor. The request was granted, and the two graves remain
side by side to this day. This spirit of love the son manifested
throughout the eighteen years of his service as president. He
embodied the fatherly, possibly the grandfatherly, type of the
executive. lie knew and loved the students. He ever sought to
be of help to them. lie was an almoner of charity as well as a
counselor, wise and apt. With this principle of love was united
a constitutional indolence. Yet in his term great results were
accomplished and significant tendencies and movements begun.
The college blossomed into the university. The place of the
Medical School was enlarged. The Divinity School was founded
in 1815, and the Law School two years later. No less than four
hundred thousand dollars were received in gifts and bequests,
a sum larger than had been received in any similar period of
years from the foundation of the college to the beginning of the266 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

administration of Eliot The standard o£ exact scholarship was
raised, and the standard of general scholarship began to take on
noble and refined relations. These results were secured not by
executive ability and progressiveness, but, so far as the president
was concerned, through the beauty and elevation of his character.

In the administration of Kirkland the term " Faculty " came
into use. The term superseded the phrase, the " Immediate Gov-
ernment."1 The powers remained unchanged. The president
was made the head of the Faculty, as he had been the head of the
Immediate Government.

The peril of the administration of a president like Kirkland,
urbane, affectionate, indolent, is that details of executive service
will suffer neglect. This peril becomes actual at times in the
history of many colleges. For the details of administration are
naturally and largely committed to the president. This danger
is always enhanced in case the treasurer of a college fails to in-
terpret and to perform his duties with fullness and accuracy. To
the peril arising from his constitutional limitations, Kirkland
suffered the disadvantage of having in association with himself
as treasurer one illy fitted to do the duties with fullness and accu-
racy. The treasurer was Judge John Davis, of the United States
District Court, a man of great learning and one commanding
respect. The learning of Davis and the character of Kirkland
did not prevent the finances of the College from falling into dire
confusion. But the confusion was not so dire and the evidence
of moral negligence not so great as existed in the case of the
treasurership of John Hancock thirty years before.

In their selection of presidents, colleges are and ought to be
guided by the special demands which should be met in the per-
sonality and service of the chief executive. Among the candi-
dates presented upon the retirement of Kirkland were George
Ticknor, Edward Everett, and Jared Sparks. But, under the
conditions of the time, the choice fell, and fell most fittingly,
upon Josiah Quincy. For the performance of the special duties
of the great office the traditions and training of Josiah Quincy

1 In the te Remarks on Changes lately proposed or adopted in Harvard Uni-
versity " by George Ticknor, in 1825, both terms are used.COLLEGE CONDITIONS IN NEW ENGLAND 267

gave him peculiar preparation; A son of the father whose name
he bore—the associate of Otis and of Warren—entering upon
public life soon after his graduation in 1790, becoming a state
senator and a member of the National House of Eepresentatives
for eight years, a judge of the Municipal Court of Boston, mayor
of Boston for five years, he embodied a noble type of diverse and
public service. This service sprang out of a character distin-
guished by uprightness of purpose, intense strength of will, as
well as active strenuousness. He was born to rule. Success
was with him instinctive and inevitable. Opposition he con-
stantly met and almost as constantly overcame. His moral
character was as stainless as his intellectual was high and his
executive efficient. The service which he rendered to Harvard
College was of distinguished excellence and worth. Ilis admin-
istration concerned academic details as well as the larger public
relations. lie reformed the methods of determining the scho-
lastic rank of students. He introduced an elective system which
the College was not able to retain permanently, for it embodied
principles which it was not, at the time, prepared to adopt and
to use. He brought satisfaction to students in that department
of college life in which it is most difficult to give satisfaction—
the Commons. He caused students to appreciate the fact—for
the time being to their great annoyance—that membership in a
student body does not and should not defend' them from being
subject to public law. " His heart's desire was to make the
College a nursery of high-minded, high-principled, well-taught,
well-conducted, well-bred gentlemen, fit to take their share grace-
fully and honorably in the public life."1 Of him one of his
successors, President Walker, said, in the year 1866:

"Sixteen years of more devoted, unremitting, unwearied work in the
service of a public institution were never spent by mortal man. And when
we call to mind the state of things at the time of his appointment, it
seems to me that he will be forever remembered as THE GREAT OR-
GANIZER OF TIIE UNIVERSITY." 2

With the retirement of Quincy there ended, for more than a

1	Edmund Quincy's ''Life of Josiah Quincy," p. 438.

2	Ibid., p. 482,268 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

score of years, the efficient administration of Harvard College.
Those who followed him in the next five administrations were
great men, great gentlemen, great scholars; they were not great
executives. The first of the five was Edward Everett. Edward
Everett was at the time of his election probably the most distin-
guished and scholarly graduate of the college. Ilis academic
biography is significant. lie entered college when he was less
than fourteen years old. He graduated with the first honors of
his class. Before he was of the age of twenty he had become
pastor of the Brattle Street Church, and had written a book en-
titled " A Defense of Christianity,'' which was received with
much approval. Retiring from the brief pastorate, he was,
before the age of twenty-one, made the first incumbent of the
new Eliot professorship of Greek. In the year 1815 he went
abroad, where he remained four years, engaged in study at Got-
tingen (at that time the most famous University of Germany),
at Paris, at Oxford and Cambridge, and in Greece. lie returned
to America in 1819 possessing a unique equipment for efficient
service through his professorship. His accession to his chair was
an era in the history of the College. In 1824, on the occasion
of the annual Phi Beta Kappa meeting, he proved himself to
possess, in addition to other great elements, the graces of elo-
quent speech. It was the beginning of a service which he ren-
dered through oration and addresses for forty years. In this
year, too, he was elected to the National House of Representa-
tives. For ten years he served. Presently he was made governor
of Massachusetts, and received four reflections. He was finally
defeated by a majority of one. In his administration as gover-
nor he established the Board of Education and the State Normal
Schools; he appointed Horace Mann to the place of Secretary
of Education. After leaving the office of the governor he lived
in Europe about four years. President Harrison appointed him
minister at the court of St. James, and there he remained until
1845. lie returned to Boston at the time that President Quincy
was retiring from the office of president. The voice of the
people naming him as the new president of the College, the in-
formal nomination was confirmed by the Corporation and the
Board of Overseers. He served three years.COLLEGE CONDITIONS IN NEW ENGLAND 269

Everett was succeeded by Sparks, Sparks by Walker, Walker
by Felton, and Felton by Hill. Administrations so brief, be their
incumbents never so great, cannot represent great worth. Time
is necessary for even the forming, and more for the carrying out,
of a consistent policy in college affairs. Felton died in office.
The others retired by reason of ill health. But the conditions of
the office promoted the ill health of the incumbent and rendered
the enjoyment of the service impossible. The executive office
was congested with petty details, the doing of which by a worthy
executive was not a wise assignment of labor, and the neglect
of which resulted in disorderliness or disaster. The weekly or
daily inspections of lists of absences from college exercises, of
monitor's bills, of petitions for excuse of various sorts, of all
reports of marks and all delinquencies, represent a necessary
and important part of college administration, but they are not
works which should be committed to men of the type of Everett,
of Sparks, or of Walker. The large and proper relations of the
office of president were thus disturbed and its duties painfully
done. These conditions Everett keenly realized. Everett once
wrote to his successor saying that he was returning a " valuable
letter from Fisher Ames declining the offer of the presidency.
A wise man was Fisher Ames." 1 President Wayland once said
that a college president's time was " nibbled away by ducks." 2
Under such conditions it is not surprising that the administra-
tions which divided the great term of Quincy from the greater
one of Eliot were brief and in certain respects inefficient.

Undoubtedly the most valuable of these brief presidencies
and the one which was the least brief, continuing seven years,
was that of James Walker. The whole official association of
James Walker with Harvard College is among the longest of
its entire history. With the exception of a period of four years,
it continued from 1825 to his death in 1874. As overseer, fellow
of the corporation, professor of natural theology, moral philoso-
phy, and civil polity, as well as President, he was efficient. lie
was peculiarly free from certain intellectual limitations which

1 Adams' "Life and Writings of Jared Sparks," vol. ii, p. 438, note.

a Ibid., p. 472.270 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

characterize the members of his profession of the ministry. To
an intellect large and commanding he joined tender sympathies,
a cheerful temper, and a happy wit. Prudence, firmness, and a
conservatism which was essentially progressive were among the
great elements of his great character. Of the worth of the con-
tribution which he made to the higher education one of his suc-
cessors has said:

" Again James Walker devoted his life to the service of durable and
beneficent institutions,—a church and a college. He helped to make them
what they are, and in their continued life he still lives and will live. . . .
The intelligence and will of the counselor bear fruit in the well-directed
activity of the counselled. I speak on this point from personal experience.
Dr. Walker first drew me into the service of Harvard University, and there-
after gave me the inestimable benefit of his advice at every difficult step
of my way. In the twenty-eight years since I have been able to do many
things which he wished to have done, and to promote objects which he
had greatly at heart. Beginnings have been made; seed has been sown,
and the harvest is not yet; but when God shall give the increase, and the
harvest shall be gathered in, it will be partly the fruit of the life of James
Walker." 1

The College was, throughout the two-thirds of a century, a
great agent and condition of education. There were great
teachers and great men in the office of instruction. Among
them were Benjamin Peirce, Henry W. Longfellow, Francis J.
Child, George M. Lane, Josiah P. Cooke the chemist, Francis
Bowen, Goodwin, and James Russell Lowell; these men occupied
chairs in the middle of the century and its later decades. They
were preceded by George Ticknor, Henry Ware, Levi Hedge,
Edward Tyrrell Channing. Under the instruction and inspira-
tion of such teachers great results in character and scholarship
were accomplished.

Witherspoori retired from the presidency of Princeton in the
year before Dwight entered upon his presidency at Yale. From
Witherspoon's resignation, in 1794, down to the inaugura-

JThe address of Charles W. Eliot at the service at the dedication of a
mural monument to James Walker, D.D., LL.D., in the Harvard Church in
Charlestown, in the City of Boston, January 14, 1883.COLLEGE CONDITIONS IN NEW ENGLAND 271

tion of McCosli, in 1868, Princeton had no president so command-
ing in character, so efficient in service as either Witherspoon or
McCosh. The administrations of Stanhope Smith, Green, Car-
nahan, and Maclean covered the seventy-four years that inter-
vened. Smith was the first president of Ilampden-Sidney, and
had served as professor of Moral Philosophy at Princeton. In
the Middle and Southern States he was regarded as the most
eloquent and learned minister of his time. He was also esteemed
as a wise counselor in the affairs of his church. Green, too, was
influential in the administrative concerns of his church, as he
was also a distinguished member. But the greatest administra-
tion of the four men was found in Carnalian. It began in 1823
and closed in 1853. Carnahan's term of office, commencing in
a time of great difficulty, was rendered illustrious through his
wisdom, courage, prudence, and persistence. Ilis administration,
like that of his predecessor, was a time of poverty. After an
existence of a hundred and seven years Princeton possessed only
fifteen thousand dollars of endowment. The great work which
the College did for the nation and for the church was done on
an income largely drawn from the fees of students. Up to the
beginning of Carnahan's term only fourteen elections to profes-
sorships had been made; in his term the number of elections was
no less than thirty. In 1830 the trustees appointed six new pro-
fessors. Among them were Dod to the chair of mathematics,
Vethake to the chair of natural philosophy, Torrey to the chair
of chemistry and natural history (chiefly known because of his
work on the flora of North America), Howell to the chair of physi-
ology, Ilargous to the chair of modern languages, and Joseph
Addison Alexander to the adjunct professorship of ancient lan-
guages and literature. This step, taken in the enlargement of
the teaching staff, was one of the boldest ever taken in the history
of an American college. Among the other great teachers of the
period was Philip Lindsley. Lindsley is to-day chiefly known
as having received a larger number of invitations to become the
president of a college than any other man. lie was Vice-Presi-
dent for some six years and for a brief time acting president
He was twice chosen president of Transylvania College, and also
once of Transylvania University. He was chosen president of272 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

Princeton in 1823, an offer which he declined, and thrice elected
president of Cumberland College before he accepted the invi-
tation. He was also asked, either formally or informally, to
become president of Ohio University at Athens, of Washington
College at Lexington, Virginia, of Dickinson College, Pennsyl-
vania, of the College of Louisiana at Jackson, and of the South
Alabama College at Marion. In 1824 he resigned his professor-
ship to accept the presidency of Cumberland College in Nash-
ville.

The results of the long administration of Carnahan were sig-
nificant. The average number of graduates of each year rose
to fifty-four. Of the total number of sixteen hundred and
seventy-seven many became great leaders in the community. No
less than seventy-three were chosen presidents or other officers of
colleges. Eight became senators of the United States; twenty-six,
members of the lower House; and four, members of the Cabinet.
The record, too, of those who entered the several professions is
impressive. One cannot read the lists of graduates of Princeton
during the administration of Carnahan or of his predecessors
without the conviction of the greatness of the contribution which
Princeton in this period made to the enrichment of American
life. To the profession of the ministry and of medicine as well
as of teaching, of law and jurisprudence as well as of public
service, the college gave its sons in large and impressive num-
bers. This service touched every part of the country with great
power excepting the New England states. The Presbyterian
affiliations of the College, its intimate relations with New York
and Philadelphia, seemed to close the doors of the Congregational
communities to its influence.

In the earlier decades of the nineteenth century Columbia
College was beset by many difficulties. Its community was, on
the whole, indifferent to its welfare, as urban communities are
liable to be to their local academic institutions. Its students were
few and their increase slow. In 1821 the number of students
was one hundred thirty-five, and thirty-six years after, in 1857,
it had increased to only one hundred fifty-four. Its endowment
was small, and its enlargement in successive decades slight. Its
presidents, the two Moores, Harris, and Duer, were not efficient.COLLEGE CONDITIONS IN NEW ENGLAND 273

Dr. John M. Mason, the most distinguished minister of his time,
served as provost from 1811 to 1816, being prevented from elec-
tion as president by reason of his not being a communicant of
the Protestant Episcopal Church. He served for five years in co-
operation with Dr. Harris as president. Under such a double-
headed arrangement, antagonisms and inefficiencies were inev-
itable. The attempts of the trustees to secure aid from the state
were only partially successful. The efforts made for the re-
moval of the College to sites farther up town in each instance
diverted attention from its scholastic business and proved to be
the occasion of divisive judgments. The founding of the Uni-
versity of the City of New York in 1832 was the cause of great
anxiety to the governing boards. The endeavors to put the col-
lege into closer relations with the community through lessening
the fees for tuition proved to be abortive. These fees, in 1821,
were eighty dollars, and in 1857 had fallen to fifty. Expendi-
tures were constantly in danger of exceeding the income, and
frequently the peril was actually incurred. In the year 1842 the
income did slightly exceed the expenditures, but the debt became
fifty-eight thousand dollars. In the seventeen years previous to
President King's accession, in 1849, the average annual deficit
was twenty-two hundred dollars.

But throughout this period the College was seeking its way
to higher things and more efficient methods. The correct in-
terpretation of the function of a college as a minister of educa-
tion and not a means of professional training was maintained,
and, at different epochs, strongly emphasized. The Alumni be-
came more and more interested in their college and organized
a society in 1825. The endowment was increased, though slowly
and by small increments. Great professors were gradually
added to the teaching staff. Among them were Charles Anthon,
Henry Drisler, and Francis Lieber. It was not until the years
following the great war that Columbia, like certain other colleges,
was to enter into its great era of enlargement and prosperity.

If the history of most colleges is like the annals of a nation
,at peace, of leisurely professors, dwelling in quiet happiness and
relations of dignified learning and instruction, the record of one
of the New England colleges, for the first quarter of the nine-274 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

teenth century, was a story of discord and rebellion. Dartmouth
was at this period the scene of strife and" controversy, unique
bitter, personal, institutional. The quarrel became the most
historic ever carried on in an American college. John Wheelock,
the second president, was elected by the trustees on the nomina-
tion of his great father. The right to name his successor was,
by the charter, given to the founder and the first president.
Of this right the eider Wheelock did not fully avail himself. In
his will Eleazar Wheelock nominated three persons as his pos-
sible successor. One of the three was his son. The energy and
enterprise of John Wheelock were great, though not so great as
were the enterprise and energy of his father. But the self-
confidence, egoism, the lack of sane and consistent judgment were
greater than were the same qualities as possessed by the elder.
The son was not eager for the office; but having once accepted it,
he exercised its functions with a large degree of arbitrariness,
not, however, untempered by wisdom.

In the midst of the administration of the younger man, in
the last years of the eighteenth and the first of the nineteenth
century, serious disagreements emerged between the members of
the Faculty and the Board of Trustees. The members of the
Faculty were men of large knowledge. Adams was an able
scholar in mathematics; Smith was a distinguished linguist;
Shurtleff was possessed of keen intellect as well as of brightness
of wit. The Board of Trustees was also able. The charge was
made that John Wheelock desired to perpetuate a family
dynasty. The divisions which resulted were largely personal.
John Wheelock was not a man either to brook opposition or to
disarm criticism. He had served in the Continental Army. His
interpretation of the rights and duties of the chief executive was
of the military order. The breach between the members of the
official bodies widened and deepened. In the year 1814 a motion
was passed by the Board of Trustees relieving the president from
certain recitations in philosophy of the Senior class. In the
following June, Wheelock presented to the Legislature of the
state one of the most remarkable petitions ever offered by the
president of a college to a law-making body. He, the president
of Dartmouth College, requested the Legislature to appoint aCOLLEGE CONDITIONS IN NEW ENGLAND 275

committee to look into the affairs and the management of the
institution, internal and external, and if it were judged expedi-
ent, to make such improvements and reforms in its system and
movements as would guard against disorders. The reasons for
such an extraordinary request were found in the alienation by
the Board of Trustees of the property of the College from its
proper uses, in the religious partisanship of the members of the
Board, in the annulling of the rights of the president, and in
adopting measures that proved oppressive to the president him-
self.1

The petition of John Wheeloek was granted. A committee
of investigation was appointed. But no less than two months
after he himself was removed from office by a vote of the Trus-
tees. The reason for such a summary procedure lay in his pub-
lishing a pamphlet which the Trustees regarded as a libel on
the College, and also in such general considerations as his arro-
gance as an executive, and his seeking by unworthy means to
render himself popular with the students.

The official retirement of Wheeloek, however, rather promoted
than silenced the controversy. The committee of the Legislature
reported that there was no ground for the Legislature to inter-
fere in the affairs of the College. But, notwithstanding this
conclusion, the Governor, at the opening of the Legislature in
June, 1816, asked the special consideration of the body to the
condition of the institution. He declared that the College re-
ceived its charter from the British king; that it embodied princi-
ples that were " congenial to monarchy," and that its character
as a close corporation was (t hostile to the spirit and genius of a
free government.'' As the government had become a democracy,
the monarchical principle should be eliminated. The Governor
declared that the Trustees should be elected, not by themselves,
but by some other body. The facts proved, in the judgment of
the Governor, that the Legislature should interfere in the affairs
of Dartmouth College. The antagonism and excitement were in-
creased by the political changes occurring in the state. The gov-
ernment had been in the control of the Federalists; and the col-

1 Smith's "The History of Dartmouth College," p. 91.
19276 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

lege was supposed to favor this party. The Democrats had now
come into power. As a conclusion the Legislature proceeded to
create a Board of Overseers to be appointed by the Governor and
Council, and it increased the number of Trustees from twelve to
twenty. It changed the name of the College to University. The
University was organized by the appointment' of the Rev. Will-
iam Allen 1 as president, and of two professors. For three years
the university and the college existed side by side. The larger
share of the students, of course, remained with the college. The
condition was fraught with all manner of personal and institu-
tional difficulties.

Upon the taking of the action by the Legislature, the majority
of the old College Board commenced an action to recover certain
properties which the University Board had seized. By agree-
ment the case was carried directly to the Superior Court of New
Hampshire. Among the lawyers for the college were -Jeremiah
Mason—whom Webster regarded as the greatest lawyer who
ever practiced at the New England bar—Jeremiah Smith, and
Daniel Webster. The decision was against the college. The
case was carried next to the Supreme Court of the United States
by writ of error. The case was heard by the full Court of seven
members. Marshall was Chief Justice; the associates were Story,
Washington, Johnson, Livingston, Todd, and Duvall. Webster
and Hopkinson appeared for the college, and the Attorney-
General Wirt and Holmes against it.

1 Soon after the termination of his relation to Dartmouth, Allen was chosen
president of Bowdoin. In March, 1831, a law was passed in Maine providing
that " no person now holding the office of president in any college in this State
shall hold said office beyond the day of the next commencement unless he shall
be reelected. No person shall be elected or reelected to the office of president
unless he shall receive in each board two-thirds of all the votes given on the
question of his election." The advocates of this law did not conceal their
purpose of securing the removal of President Allen from his office. In order to
test the legality of the law in the Federal Court, President Allen removed his
family out of the State (to Newburyport, Mass.). The case was argued before
Judge Story in 1833. The decision restored the president to his office. The
decision was based upon the same elements which had caused his removal
from the presidency of Dartmouth University.—Little's Bowdoin College,
pp. lxix, lxx.COLLEGE CONDITIONS IN NEW ENGLAND 277

The speech which Daniel Webster made on the tenth of
March, 1818, was the first of his great legal arguments. The
occasion was pregnant. The case concerned the existence of
every college as well as of Dartmouth. Mr. Webster said:

"Nor has Harvard College any surer title than Dartmouth College.
It may, to-day, have more friends; but to-morrow it may have more
enemies. Its legal rights are the same. So also of Yale College; and
indeed of all the others." 1

Mr. Webster sought to show " that the trustees possessed
vested liberties, privileges, and immunities under this charter;
and that such liberties, privileges and immunities, being once
lawfully obtained and vested, are as inviolable as any vested
rights of property whatever."2 Mr. Webster declared that:

"The property was private property. The trustees were visitors;
and their right to hold the charter, administer the funds, and visit and
govern the college was a franchise and privilege, solemnly granted to
them. The use being public, in no way diminishes their legal estate
in the property, or their title to the franchise." 3

It was further argued by Mr. Webster that the act impaired
the obligation of contracts. In this case, Mr. Webster held, lay
all the essential parts of a contract, mutual considerations and
inducements. In the legal interpretation no difference exists be-
tween the grant of corporate franchises and the grant of tangible
property. The proposed acts impaired, repealed and abrogated
the essential parts of contract.

The decision of the Court, made almost a year after the pres-
entation of the arguments, is known. Daniel Webster refounded
Dartmouth College, and helped to confirm the foundation of
every college.

It is significant that the greatest case touching academic
rights which ever came before the Supreme Court helped to
determine principles which have had great value in the develop-
ment of the industries and corporate concerns of the country.

Speeches and Forensic Arguments/' by Daniel Webster, Boston, 1830,
p. 121.

2 Ibid., p. 125.	• Ibid., p. 131.278 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

Since the decision of the case, a large part of the wealth of the
country has come to consist in rights acquired under corporate
charters. The Dartmouth College Case proved that such rights
are not to be affected by legislation, except as expressed reserva-
tions have been made in the act granting charters. Dissatisfac-
tion has, in various ways, been expressed with this conclusion,
but the decision made by the Supreme Court has been regarded
as a bulwark of the rights of private and of corporate property.
The case has been cited in judicial opinions more often than any
other case, the number being almost one thousand.

The result thus won was a triumph not only of what has
come to be regarded as principle and just law, but it was a great
personal triumph of Webster himself. Ilis speech lasted five
hours. The clearness of statement, the nobility of the reasoning,
were surpassed—if at all surpassed—only by the heat of passion
of the orator. It is said that the Chief Justice, Marshall, was
moved as he. seldom had been moved, and that Story, who had
been counted upon as being opposed to the college position, for-
got to take notes. The occasion was the first great manifestation
of the tremendous power of Webster as a jurist, and also was
the birth of a constitutional principle of law and government.

In the four years covering this legal controversy, and in the
years immediately following, the presidency of the College was
more fortunate in at least two of the three incumbents than the
trustees had a right to demand. Francis Brown, who came into
office immediately on the removal of Wheelock, was worthy of an
administration less stormy. *It is to be noted that the two most
distinguished graduates of Dartmouth College had relation to
it in this period of storm and stress. While Daniel Webster
was engaged in refounding the College, Rufus Choate was get-
ting an education within its walls. The four years of Choate's
studentship coincided with the period of President Brown's ad-
ministration. Of him Rufus Choate wrote: " TJiere can be 110
doubt that he had very eminent intellectual ability, true love of
the beautiful in all things, and a taste trained to discover, enjoy,
and judge it, and that his acquirements were competent and in-
creasing. It was the ' keenness ' of his mind of which Mr.
Mason always spoke to me as remarkable in any man of any pro-COLLEGE CONDITIONS IN NEW ENGLAND 279

f ession. He met him only in consultation as a dient; but others,
students, all nearer his age, and admitted to his fuller intimacy,
must have been struck rather with the sobriety and soundness of
his thoughts, the solidity and large grasp of his understanding,
and the harmonized culture of all its parts.''1

The successor of Dr. Brown was Daniel Dana, of Newbury-
port. Ilis term was brief. Apparently, simple homesickness,
a condition to which college presidents do not frequently suc-
cumb, contributed to its brevity. Ilis successor in turn was Ben-
net Tyler. Ilis administration was also brief. Dr. Tyler came
from the pastorate, felt its claims while he was serving as presi-
dent, and after a term of five years returned to the pastorate.
After serving as minister in the historic church of Payson in
Portland, he became the head of an " old-School " Congrega-
tional seminary of theology in Connecticut.

These three brief terms were followed by an administration
of thirty-five years. This administration was full of rich advan-
tages to the College, and through the College to the highest inter-
ests of the community. In the almost century and a half of
Dartmouth College, the greatest administration—and it was es-
sentially great—has been that of Nathan Lord.

If an institution is the lengthened shadow of a man, a man /
is often the lengthened shadow of an institution; in certain cases
the institution is greater, in other cases the man. In a quintette
of colleges in the early and middle decades of the nineteenth
century appeared as presidents five men who were greater than
their colleges. Through these colleges they made rich gifts to
humanity. They present the significant union of many similari-'
ties in condition and character, and also they offer a multitude
of contrasts. Their work is a microcosm of the history of the
institutions which they served.

Eliphalet Nott was president of Union for sixty-two years,
from 1804 to 1866; Mark Hopkins was president of Williams
for thirty-six years, from 1836 to 1872; Francis Wayland was
president of Brown for twenty-eight years, from 1827 to 1855;
Nathan Lord was president of Dartmouth for thirty-five years,

1 "The History of Dartmouth College," Smith, p. 125.280 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

from 1828 to 1863; and Leonard Woods was president of Bow-
doin for twenty-seven years, from 1839 to 1866. As the history
of each of these colleges is embodied in the biography of its
president, it is a record of noble sacrifices, of constant labors, of
unrelenting faithfulness, of energy, and of faith. These endeav-
ors were, in the case of each, crowned with a triumphant result.

Each of these executives came into his office at a critical time
in the history of his college. When Nott entered upon the presi-
dency* of Union the number of students was not more than forty.
The financial condition was melancholy. In the administrations
of the first three presidents, Smith, Edwards, and Maxcy, the
increase of funds had been slight. The lack of money to meet
even current expenses was urgent. One cause of the retirement
of Dr. Smith was the failure of his expectations of endowment.
The administration of Dr. Edwards was made short, possibly
also his term of life, by reason of pecuniary embarrassment. In
the term of Dr. Maxcy the hope for relief from the embarrass-
ment became quite dead. In the year of the accession of Nott,
the whole expense of carrying on the college was a little less than
four thousand dollars, but the income was even smaller than
this small sum. Edward Dorr Griffin became president of Will-
iams in 1821 in the midst of a great crisis. " If this college lives,
I live; if it dies, I die," he declared. After a noble adminis-
tration of fifteen years, there was created a crisis into which came
Mark Hopkins. The physical and other weaknesses of Griffin
constituted a fear that the good results of his earlier years would,
at least in part, be wiped out. This peril was removed by the
election of Hopkins immediately upon the formal retirement of
Griffin. . The period when Wayland came to Brown was yet far
more critical. The Faculty was rent by internal dissensions; the
number of students had declined. The discipline was loose, the
requirements for admission were lax. The reputation of
the college in its community was either evil or indifferent.
Lord, in turn, came into the presidency of Dartmouth when the
dissensions and losses consequent upon the great litigation were
still pregnant. The average length of the three preceding presi-
dencies of Brown, of Dana, and of Tyler was less than four years.
The condition was critical. If an executive inefficient in service,COLLEGE CONDITIONS IN NEW ENGLAND 281

weak in character, were to be installed, the peril was dire that
the scholastic and personal standards of efficiency set by the three
preceding presidents would decline and that a general disin-
tegration would result. At Bowdoin, too, in the year 1837, the
condition was similar. The financial panic of the time had
seriously affected the college income. The annual deficit was
about two thousand dollars. The two boards were not in agree-
ment respecting the first two elections made of a president. The
Overseers had vetoed the choice of the Trustees. It was not until
the third selection was made that both boards were in agreement.

These five presidents, moreover, were alike in respect to their
age. They were all young men. Nott, "Woods, and "Wayland
were thirty-one years of age; Hopkins thirty-four; Lord thirty-
six. The advantage of the beginning of a career as college presi-
dent at an early age is very great, for the later years in such a
service are the more valuable. Wise efficiency and general ac-
ceptableness should increase as the term of office lengthens.

Further, each of these presidents was a clergyman. If two
of the number did not come directly from the pulpit, each had
taken the vows of ordination. Nott came from a great pastor-
ate of six years in Albany, and during his presidency he was
frequently asked to return to- clerical service. Hopkins was a
graduate in medicine, and had been licensed to preach. In the
year 1844 he was asked to become minister of what afterwards
became the most famous church in the United States, Plymouth
in Brooklyn. Wayland had filled for a brief period the pastor-
ate of the First Baptist Church in Boston, though he was at the
time of his election to the presidency of Brown a professor in
Union. Lord had, at the time of his inauguration, filled for
twelve years the leading pastorate in the principal town of south-
ern New Hampshire. Woods had not served as a formal minister,
but he had been ordained by the presbytery, was the translator
and editor of a popular book on theology, and had been a be-
loved arid satisfactory teacher in the theological seminary at
Andover, and at Bangor. At the time of his inauguration at
Bowdoin, his fame as a preacher was both wide and great.

Each of these presidents offered to his college unique gifts,
and each accomplished for his college noble results, and through282 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

the college results yet. nobler for humanity. It was an age of
plain college studying. The period of athletics had not arrived.
The time of the breaking of professional purposes into the col-
lege curriculum was remote. The advantages and disadvantages
of an elective system were still far in the future. The lack of
interest in scholastic concerns, arising from social conditions or
from wealth, had not become felt. From homes of competency
or of poverty men came to college. They were inspired usually
by the simple purpose of getting intellectual discipline and
power through learning. At the time of the semicentennial of
Dr. Nott's presidency more than two thousand graduates of
Union were representing her in almost every part of the world.
The College had given more than two thousand members to the
legal, six hundred to the clerical, four hundred to the medical,
and two hundred to the teacher's profession. The first twenty-
three classes which graduated at Williams under Dr. Hopkins
averaged thirty-nine in number, and later classes fifty. The
number who took their degrees under President Wayland some-
what exceeded eight hundred. Lord taught more than two thou-
sand pupils, and more than nine hundred received their degrees
from Woods at Bowdoin. The more than seven thousand men
who were taught at these five colleges in these great presidencies
represent a most significant contribution to the higher interests
of civilization of America and of the world.

In a most comprehensive element, too, these five presidents
were alike: they each loved their students. The College of Nott
was open to the charge of being an academic Botany Bay by
reason of the indulgence which its president was inclined to
give to some students. Students whom other colleges would not
suffer not infrequently found a welcome at Union. To his own
students as well as to those coming from other institutions he was
always willing to give the advantage of the doubt. 4 4 Give him
another chance," was his motto and his practice. " I cannot
bear to give up that boy," was an expression frequently upon his
lips. Dr. Nott embodied the paternal character of the college
president. If his primary purpose in his training of students
was to make men of action, his primary method was found in
the predominance of love as a motive. A similar affection,COLLEGE CONDITIONS IN NEW ENGLAND 283

although not so strongly manifest, was felt by President Hop-
kins. As was said by Bishop Lawrence, of Massachusetts, a mem-
ber of a family numbered among the constant benefactors of
Williams College, Mark Hopkins was " strong, sagacious, sturdy,
and yet with a heart so tender that, though strong as an oak,
gave inspiration to words and thoughts and emotions as tender
as the tenderest oak leaf that shimmers on these mountain
sides." 1 If his aim was, in the training of character, to secure
breadth and to make the college years, years of rapid and exten-
sive acquisitions,2 this aim lie secured, at least in part, through
the method which Cardinal Newman intimates:

"Love is his bond,

He knows no other fetter."»

Love as an intellectual rather than as an emotional force pre-
vailed in the character and service of President Wayland. In
his formal farewell address to the graduates of the college he
spoke of the principles which had guided his administration.
They were a resolute and honest consecration to the work to
be done; a dogged instinct to do his duty; never to act for to-
morrow or for next month instead of to-day; adherence to gen-
eral principles, reliance on the " word of God. ' Whatever
knowledge," he declares, " I have of men or mind, I have gained
from the New Testament of our Lord Jesus Christ." 4 A great
college president still living, himself educated under Dr. Way-
land, has said:

" His greatness and his influence were more conspicuously moral than
intellectual. Ilis imperial will, his ardent love of the simple truth, his
tender sympathy for the oppressed and the suffering, his generosity to the
poor, his unconquerable love of soul liberty, his hatred of spiritual des-
potisms, his unflinching devotion to duty, his sublime unselfishness, his
spirit of unquestioning filial obedience to God, his abiding faith in Jesus
Christ and Him crucified, these were the great elements of his character,

• "Williams College Centennial Anniversary, 1793-1893," p. 271.
' Hopkins' "Teachings and Counsels," p. 391.

•Cardinal Newman, "St. Philip in His School."

•"Francis Wayland," by James Murray, p. 112.284 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

the impelling forces of that splendid intellect, and the sources of his
mighty power. He believed with all his soul that life is made up of
duties, duties to man and to God. This idea he was ever holding up in
all possible lights, and impressing on his hearers with all his power. It
lent shape and coloring to all his instructions as professor, and to all his
acts as president, lifted the college to a lofty plane, and gave earnestness
and purpose to the lives of his pupils." 1

In Lord, of Dartmouth, the intellectual and emotional ele-
ments were in a more just balance than was manifest in the
character of President Wayland. A graduate of Dartmouth Col-
lege has written of him:

"He deserved, and commanded, the warm affection and respect of a
very great majority of the undergraduates, as well as of the Alumni of
the College. While in a large measure he dwelt apart, he had a warm;
magnanimous and forgiving heart, and abounded in sympathy for the
discouraged and heroic few." 2

Also:

"I think his most striking characteristic was his sublime faith in Jesus
Christ as the Saviour of men. He was in constant communion with the
God of his fathers; and his public prayers lifted all the worshipers out of
the sordid atmosphere of materialistic surroundings into the bright
shining light of the eternal verities." 3

Dr. Lord's conception of the function of the college, as
well as intimations of his personal character, is conveyed in
a significant and moving passage of the address given at his
inauguration:

"The relations also of the whole body of students to their country
and the world demand, and the admonition is sounded out from every
corner of our land, from the city, and the field, and even from the desert,
that there should be laid the foundation of those virtuous habits, of that
reverence for God, and practical regard for His ordinances, without which
the influence of our educated men will gradually undermine the fair
fabric of our national freedom and the ruins of our country will be heaped

l" Francis Wayland," by James Murray, p. 191.

1 Private letter of Edwin R. Perkins, of Cleveland.

■Ibid.COLLEGE CONDITIONS IN NEW ENGLAND 285

Up for an everlasting memorial, that neither liberty, nor learning, nor
wealth, nor arts, nor arms, can stay the decline of that people among
whom the redeeming spirit of Christianity has no permanent abode." 1

In the early years of his administration President Woods
was distinguished as a friend of the student The courtesies
he showed them were most gracious. The talks which he had
with them in liis study, the walks which he took with them
among the pines of the sandy plains of Brunswick, were occa-
sions of inspiration. To him, as to Nott, the ordinary methods
of college discipline were of slight value. The appeal to honor
and to love embodied the highest motive and the wisest method
for the transformation, elevation, or enrichment of character.

In the midst of these great and comprehensive similarities
of method and purpose, these presidents also manifested unlike
characteristics. Nott was distinguished by a certain executive
greatness. In him was a unique masterful force. He both gov-
erned and ruled. Hopkins left a larger impress upon his stu-
dents and the college by means of his services as a teacher than
as an administrator. lie was a Socrates in the classroom. For
more than a third of a century he helped to train the graduates
of Williams College to become thinkers, and he so impressed
himself and his methods upon them that there was during his
administration a greater resemblance among the graduates of
Williams College than obtained among the graduates of any
other institution. Wayland was an educator, theoretical as
well as practical. lie did a great work in the anticipation of the
more modern systems and content of education. Lord impressed
his students as the greatest of all men. As a graduate of the
College has said:

"He was certainly a very great man, the greatest I had ever known;
I thought as I left the sphere of his immediate influence nearly half a
century ago. After so long a period of time I find myself unable to modify
very materially that early formed opinion. Dr. Lord was a model execu-
tive officer, as superior in character as in rank to the other members of a
quite distinguished faculty." 3

1" Dartmouth College," Smith, p. 155.

2 Private letter of Edwin II. Perkins, of Cleveland.286 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

Woods, in turn, was a man of culture, of elegant scholarship,
of a keen appreciation of the beautiful, and of unique power in
conversation.

Each of these men, also, was subjected to criticism, one or
two of them to criticism of a most vexatious sort. From such
a trial Hopkins was more free than any other.- Nott was sub-
jected to long and vexatious lawsuits arising from the charge
of the perversion of funds. The charge arose from his use
of funds derived from lotteries authorized by the State for
the advantage of the College. But from the charges he was,
about the time of the semicentennial of his administration,
absolutely acquitted. "Wayland was obliged to face a decline,
in the numbers of the students at a time when the numbers
should have been, by reason of his worth and fame as an edu-
cator, greatly increasing. A decline of the number of students
attending a college, whatever may be the cause, is in peril of
becoming a ground for criticism, either worthy or unworthy, of
an administration. Lord resigned his office in the midst of the
Civil War on the ground that his views touching slavery and
the War 44 were not such as the Board of Trustees or the constit-
uency of the College approved."1

In several years of his career President Woods was almost as

1 "'In making this communication to the Hon. and Rev. Board of Trustees

I take the liberty respectfully to protest against their right to impose any
religious, ethical, or political test upon any member of their own body or any
member of the College Faculty, beyond what is recognized by the charter
of the institution, or express statutes or stipulations confirmed to that in-
strument, however urged or suggested, directly or indirectly, by individuals
or public bodies assuming to be as visitors of the college, or advisers of the
Trustees.'

"'The action of the Trustees, on certain resolutions of the Merrimack
County Conference of Churches, virtually imposes such a test, inasmuch as it
implicitly represents and censures me as having become injurious to the col-
lege, not on account of any official malfeasance or delinquency, for, on the
contrary, its commendations of my personal and official character and con-
duct during my long term of service far exceed my merits; but, for my opin-
ions and publications on questions of Biblical ethics and interpretations,
which are supposed by the Trustees to bear unfavorably upon one branch of
the policy pursued by the present administration of the government of the
country.'"—"Dartmouth College," Smith, pp. 174, 175.COLLEGE CONDITIONS IN NEW ENGLAND 287

completely out of sympathy with the alumni and constituency
of Bowdoin College as was President Lord with the men of
Dartmouth. The ground of the alienation was the same—re-
puted lack of sympathy with the North in the great contest. It
was also intimated that he was too much of a recluse. In fact,
certain elements in the character and career of President Woods
have long proved enigmatical to many. It is certainly true
that the close of the career did not bear out the promise of its
beginning.

The five colleges of Union, Williams, Brown, Dartmouth,
and Bowdoin, as well as their presidents, throughout the early
and middle decades of the last century, held before themselves
as their chief end the upbuilding of character in the student.
They sought to train men of large scholarship, and not specialists.
Their purpose was to make men of intellect, able to think strongly,
comprehensively, clearly, adequately; to make men of a large and
Pure moral nature, out of whose hearts should come the issues
of life; to make men of vigorous wills, able to decide in accord-
ance with sound judgment. Their purpose was to create and
to nourish personalities who, after proper professional training,
should prove to be worthy agents, through their liberal edu-
cation, for serving the people. The income of these colleges,
like their endowment, in this period was small; their equipment
was slight; -their libraries contained few books, and these few
not of great value; their laboratories either did not exist at all,
or, if existing, were lacking in most elements of a proper furnish-
ing. These presidents themselves, and many of their associates,
Were not scholars. But through the force and worth of personal
character, through their love for and interest in the students,
great results were accomplished in the realm of mind, of heart,
and of personal manhood. The interest of the teacher was cen-
tered more in the student and was not placed upon truth.

In the first thirty years of the nineteenth century four col-
leges were established in New England: Bowdoin, Waterville
(Colby), Amherst, and Washington (Trinity). In the follow-
ing years, down to the close of the Civil War, five more were
founded: Wesleyan, established in 1831; Holy Cross in 1843;
Tufts in 1852, and Bates and Boston in 1862. The number of288 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

such colleges, nine, is the number which had been founded pre-
vious to the war of the Revolution in the whole country.

Each of these colleges owed its origin to either religious zeal
or denominational propagandism.

For almost a decade before collegiate instruction was offered
in the District of Maine, several Associations of the Baptist
Church had been urging the establishment of a college. In 1815
a petition for aid from the Commonwealth in the laying of the
foundation was presented to the Massachusetts Legislature. The
request is one of the most unique ever offered by a college for a
grant from public funds. The denominational basis of the re-
quest is expressed with the utmost frankness. '' The undersigned
members of the institution consider it their duty to state that
this institution was established at the request and in compliance
with a petition from those persons denominated Baptists within
this Commonwealth; and their object was, and now is, to have
an institution at which their children may be educated, over
which they may have some influence and control. At the present
time we believe it may be truly asserted that not a single indi-
vidual denominated a Baptist is now a member of the corpora-
tion of either of the colleges within the Commonwealth, and from
that within this district they have been very pointedly excluded.
As the people denominated Baptists may be considered as com-
prising nearly one-third of the population of the State, they
will not, we conclude, be considered as asking too much when
they request from the legislature about the same aid that has
been afforded to "Williamstown and Bowdoin colleges as relates
to grants of land." 1 The request thus made was partially suc-
cessful. The aid granted allowed the incorporators, all of whom
were members of the Baptist churches of Maine, to offer in-
struction; and the collegiate beginning was made in the year
1818. In Waterville College, as in many colleges, were at first
united two courses, a literary and a theological. In the first
colleges of America, the literary course was generally theological,
directly fitting graduates to enter the ministry. Later, differen-
tiation occurred, and two courses, though more or less parallel

1 "History of Higher Education in Maine," by Edward C. Hall, p. 100.COLLEGE CONDITIONS IN NEW ENGLAND 289

and distinct, were established. .Yet later still, a further division
was made: the theological course became a professional course
succeeding the literary or undergraduate.

Waterville College thus had its origin in denominational
zeal. Such zeal was for decades its chief endowment. It was
not until the period of the civil war that the institution began to
attain a place in the affections of its church or in the regard of
the people, worthy of either its immediate or larger constituency.

Near the beginning of the century the settlers in central Mas-
sachusetts felt a strong desire for securing more accessible facili-
ties of the higher education. One hundred miles divided the
People living on the banks of the Connecticut from the Atlantic
coast. The Rhode Island college and Yale were quite as hard
to reach as was the college in Cambridge. "Williams was in the
extreme northwest corner of the State; it served the people of
New York and of Vermont quite as well as those of Massachu-
setts. Central Massachusetts early attracted, and held, a body
°f devout, intelligent, and intellectual people. In Northampton
and Stockbridge lived and wrought Jonathan Edwards; in Am-
herst, Noah Webster labored on his great work for ten years. In
the year 1815 Congregational ministers of one county frankly
expressed their judgment that a literary institution of a high
order should be established in the neighboring County of Hamp-
shire. In the previous year an academy had been founded in
Amherst; the academy was prosperous. Its very prosperity
Proved its insufficiency to meet the growing needs of the com-
munity. The trustees believed that one chief lack of the
community was a school for the training of ministers. They
therefore determined to secure a fund to aid in the education of
those entering this profession. Fifty thousand dollars were se-
cured. This fund proved to be, in certain respects, the founda-
tion of Amherst College. In the lean and hard years following
the foundation this fund was a resource which saved the college
from bankruptcy and probable extinction.

Prolonged, serious, and diverse were the difficulties which
beset the laying of the formal foundation of Amherst. In the
plans for the higher education were included the purpose of
the removal of Williams College to a more central location. The290 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

legislature of the state decided that the college could not be
removed. The endeavor to secure a charter with the right to
confer degrees was opposed by ^influences territorial, political,
and educational. The friends of "Williams maintained that that
college was able to fill the educational needs of the field to which
Amherst sought to minister. The friends of Brown University
were also antagonistic because of the fear that its interests would
suffer. Many sons of Massachusetts were students at the Rhode
Island college. The friends of Harvard were opposed to the
granting of the charter, not only because of the new college with-
drawing students, but also because of its orthodox character.
In the third decade of the last century the Unitarian controversy
was at its height. The Unitarian was the principal church of
Boston and its neighborhood; its members represented the intel-
lectual force of the Massachusetts and New England metropolis.
Their influence with the legislature, for a time, succeeded in
preventing the granting of a charter. It was not until the second
month of the year 1825 that a legislature was secured which
was inclined to confer upon the college the right to grant de-
grees. It is seldom that opposition so prolonged, so pugnacious,
so persistent, and urged on grounds so diverse, has been offered
to the giving of a charter to a college.

Although "Williams College, as an institution, was not in-
corporated with the new college at Amherst, yet as a personality
it was, in no small degree, made a part of it. The president of
Williams was elected the first president of Amherst, and several
students followed their president in the migration. The founda-
tion represented the method of Henry VI. in establishing Eton:
he copied the statutes of Winchester and transported half the
college, including the head-master,'to his new sehoo] at Windsor.

The year 1818 marks the annulling of the colonial charter
of Connecticut. This action disestablished the Congregational
Church in that Commonwealth. The freedom thus given to the
Protestant Episcopal Church quickened its members for the
founding of a college. The petition presented to the legislature
in 1823, for the incorporation of the proposed institution, was
not set aside by the vote of the Yale Corporation repealing the
old law requiring assent of all instructors to the Saybrook plat-COLLEGE CONDITIONS IN NEW ENGLAND 291

form. But opposition on the part of the Congregationalists was
not confined to the members of the Yale Corporation. It was
declared, in an anonymous pamphlet, that the proposed Wash-
ington College was an " instrument of sectarian aggrandize-
ment," a " scheme fraught with the seed of discord"; and a
fear was expressed that it would " entail on distant generations
a source of implacable feuds and jealousies/' It was affirmed
that a second college was unnecessary, and furthermore that it
would be injurious to the first; it could rise into distinction and
usefulness only by depressing Yale to the same extent.1 But
the college not only received its charter, but, under the name
of Washington, began its career. The name of Washington was
chosen, not only because of its general significance, but also
possibly, in part, by reason of the desire to dissipate the impres-
sion that the college was distinctively an institution of the
Protestant Episcopal Church. About one-third of the first trus-
tees were not members of that body. In 1845, by the desire of
the Corporation, the name was changed from Washington to
Trinity. There were at least three colleges bearing the name of
Washington, and confusion resulted. The new name was chosen
for both dogmatic and academic reasons. In the middle of the
century, as at the present time, Trinity College, Cambridge, was
among the most influential of the colleges of either of the Eng-
lish universities. The establishment of a college by and for the
Protestant Episcopal church of Connecticut, one may well think,
gave peculiar satisfaction to the spirits of Rector Cutler and of
President Samuel Johnson.

A longer period of time divides the coming to America of
Francis Asbury, in 1771, and the foundation of the first perma-
nent college of the Methodist Church, than separates the found-
ing of Harvard from thd founding of William and Mary. The
discontinuance of Cokesbury College, of Maryland (named after
the two bishops, Coke and Asbury), as a result, in part, of the
burning of its buildings, and the decline of Asbury College,
founded at Baltimore in 1816, are indicative of the lack of in-

History of Education in Connecticut," by Bernard C. Steiner, pp.
242, 243.

20292 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

terest on the part of the early Methodists in the higher education.
The members of this elmrch were, in the last decades of the
eighteenth and the first of the nineteenth century, more concerned
with the presentation of the pressing motives to immediate con-
version and sanctification than to the fostering of those forces
which make for the symmetrical development of character. A
prejudice, too, prevailed against the colleges as being seed-plots
of infidelity and vice. In his inaugural address as principal of
Wesley an Academy at Wilbraham, Wilbur Fisk voiced this com-
mon opinion in saying:

"There the student meets the filthy conversation of the wicked, arid
learns to blaspheme. He meets the debauchee, and learns incontinency;
he meets the jovial companion, and indulges the social glass; he meets
with the caviling infidel, and learns to sneer at religion. In short, he
leaves the university more learned, but frequently more corrupted, if not
wholly ruined." 1

But, as was also said by Wilbur Fisk in the report made on
education to the General Conference of the Methodist Church
in 1828, a cultivated church will have a cultivated ministry.
The Methodist Church, in the first third of the century, was
coming, with each passing year, to deserve the epithet. The
demand for a ministry, also cultivated, was becoming more
urgent. Out of such growing conditions was born what is known
as Wesleyan University. Its name was significant as a prophecy
as well as a memorial. It was the first of at least ten institutions
bearing, in some part of their corporate title, the name Wesleyan.
This name shares with the first name of Trinity College, Wash-
ington, the honor of having been adopted by more colleges than
any other. The location of Wesleyan, the beautiful terrace on
the western bank of the Connecticut, at Middletown, was charm-
ing ; and the date of its charter was the first year of that fourth
decade of the century so great in the annals of education. Its
first president, and one who deserves to be called founder more
than many other first presidents, was Wilbur Fisk.

Fisk should in many respects be placed with the great presi-

■" Wilbur Fisk," by George Prentice, pp. 78,79.COLLEGE CONDITIONS IN NEW ENGLAND 898

dents of the New England colleges of the middle decades of
the century. Though his term of office was brief, of only eight
years, it was pregnant with great results and permanent tenderi-
zes. He gave to the Methodist Church a noble example of the
dignity of learning and of the worth of the slow, growing
processes of intellectual discipline. lie established high stand-
ards of scholarship and of instruction. He gathered an able
faculty. lie united opposing and most precious qualities of char-
acter and elements of administration. Strength and sweetness,
energy and sympathy, comprehensiveness of plan and patience
°f detail, were in him joined together. A theologian, he yet
gave a large place to modern languages and to modern sciences.
Ilis last words were an epitome of his struggle for his beloved
institution:

"I give it as my dying request that they nurse the Wesleyan Univer-
sity, that they must exert themselves to sustain and carry it forward/' 1

Whether Wilbur Fisk would have felt greater antagonism to
a college founded by the Roman Catholic church or one founded
by the Universalists, it is impossible to say. But in each of the
three decades following the foundation of. Wesleyan, a college
of either the lloman Catholic or Universalist church was founded
in New England. In 1843 Iloly Cross College in Worcester, and
twenty years after the college bearing the name of Boston, in
that city, were founded. In 1852 a Universalist college was
established in Medford by and, in a sense, for, the Universalist
church. Fisk would have been obliged to acknowledge that the
origin of the Universalist college was quite as ecclesiastical as the
origin of Wesleyan. In the year 1847 Ilosea Ballou, 2d, preach-
ing a sermon before the General Convention of Universalists in
New York, urged the importance of the denomination having
at least one college. So persuasive was his utterance that at
once a movement began which resulted in the founding of a
college by this church. A hundred thousand dollars were raised
in the next four years as endowment. Massachusetts was se-
lected as the most favorable Commonwealth. A charter was

1 "History of Education in Connecticut," by Bernard C. Steiner, p. 261.294 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

granted in 1852. In 1853 the corner stone of the college hall
was laid upon a commanding hill in Somerville and Medford.

In the eight colleges, therefore, established in New England
between 1818 and 1863, seven different faiths were represented:
the Roman Catholic in two, the Baptist in Waterville, the Free-
will Baptist in Bates, the Congregational in Amherst, the Meth-
odist in Wesleyan, the Protestant Episcopal in Washington, or
Trinity, and the Universalist in Tufts. Beginning in a denom-
inational loyalty, each of these, in its service for humanity,
broadened its conception of academic training. If usually the
endowment has been derived from denominational sources, the
service has not been limited to denominational circles. In the
choice, too, of teachers the denominational element has exercised
slight influence. Each of these colleges has, with passing dec-
ades, come to represent an offering which the church that founded
the college desires to make to humanity.

In the sixth decade of the century was founded, outside of
New England, a New England college. In the year 1854 Theo-
dore Parker wrote from Boston to Horace Mann, at Yellow
Springs, Ohio, saying: " I think New England had no seed in
her granary which the West needed so much as yourself. Now
God has sown you in Ohio, I look for a great harvest which
mankind shall one day reap therefrom."1 Horace Mann was
emphatically a product of New England. But his last work was
done in founding and nurturing a college in the oldest of the
western states.

In the year 1850 that denomination called Christians took
steps for the establishment of a college. It was later decided
to establish the college in Ohio, and yet later in Yellow Springs
of that state. The choice of this place was largely due to the gift
of twenty acres of land and of thirty thousand dollars in money.
Horace Mann was made its first president. His great work of
twelve years in the reforming of the schools of Massachusetts
had been completed four years before. lie had served two com-
plete. terms and a partial term in Congress, having been first
chosen to fill the vacancy caused by the death of John Quincy

^'Life of Horace Mann." pp. 458,459.COLLEGE CONDITIONS IN NEW ENGLAND 295

Adams. lie had been defeated in his candidacy for governor of
Massachusetts. He accepted, with very incomplete knowledge
of the conditions, the election to the presidency of Antioch. The
conditions which to the ordinary mind would constitute reasons
against his acceptance were to his own, undoubtedly, reasons
for acceptance. If the Christians were lacking in the facilities
of the higher education, there was the greater urgency for his
seeking to provide facilities. If Ohio and the West were new,
uncivilized, prosperous, there was the greater demand for cultiva-
tion. As he said in his inaugural address:

"This youthful Western world is a gigantic youth, and therefore its
education must be such as befits a giant. It is born to such powers as.
no heir to an earthly throne ever inherited, and it must be trained to
make that power a blessing and not a curse to mankind. With its mighty
frame stretching from the Alleghanies to the Rocky Mountains, and with
great rivers for arteries to circulate its blood, it must have a sensorium
in which all the mighty interests of mankind can be mapped out; and,
in its colossal and Briarean form, there must be a heart large enough for
worlds to swim in. Wherever the capital of the United States may be,
this valley will be its seat of empire. No other valley,—the Danube,
the Ganges, the Nile, or the Amazon,—is ever to exert so formative an
influence as this, upon the destinies of men; and therefore, in civil polity,
in ethics, in studying and obeying the laws of God, it must ascend to the
contemplation of a future and enduring reign of beneficence and peace.1
. . . Here, then, is a place to sow something better than dragons' teeth,
and to reap something better than armed men; a place to cultivate the
arts of peace; to establish a polity that shall protect civil and religious
liberty, until the necessity for such protection shall dwindle to a tradition;
& place where man shall be trained upon God's plan of development and
growth, until to say that he is created in the. image of his Maker shall no
longer seem, as it now does, like a ridiculous and scoffing falsehood."

These hopes, so eloquently expressed, were doomed to dis-
appointment, grave and, in no small sense, bitter. A thorough,
unprejudiced examination of the facts in the very beginning
would have proved that the college was at its foundation essen-
tially bankrupt. It was founded upon an endowment of scholar-
ships, so called. By this method a person paying one hundred

i "Life and Works of Horace Mann," vol. v, pp. 315, 316.296 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

dollara to the college had the right forever to nominate one as
a student without payment of further fees. Such a low rate for
instruction was a simple tempting of fate. The principles which
Mann himself held dear, and to promote which he was willing
to become president, were, in part at least, of temporary and o£
limited application. In November, 1852, he wrote of a meeting
of the Faculty held at his house in which he refers to a " remark-
able " incident:

" . . . a most remarkable coincidencc of opinion and sentiment among
the persons present, not only as to theory, but in practical matters. . . .
We were all teetotalers; all anti-tobacco men; all antislavery men; a
majority of us believers in phrenology; all anti-emulation men,—that
is, all against any system of rewards and prizes designed to withdraw the
mind from a comparison of itself with a standard of excellence, and to
substitute a rival for the standard.''1

It would now be confessed that phrenology, anti-emulation
and the disuse of tobacco, not to speak of other things, are not
the soundest and the most fundamental elements on which to
found and to foster an institution of learning. Horace Mann
came to Ohio hoping to find associates and coadjutors burning
with his own enthusiasm; he encountered jealousies and personal
hostilities. He came hoping to find honesty, courtesy, gracious-
ness, cooperation; he met dishonesty, trickery, unreasoning ob-
stinacy, and narrow selfishness. The conditions, personal, scho-
lastic, denominational, pecuniary, contributed to failure and
collapse.

Yet to this presidency, the last office which Horace Mann
held, he brought great elements of character and of efficiency.
He embodied the highest type of moral enthusiasm. His loyalty
to truth and to duty was more intense than his conception of
truth was profound. In the diploma which was given to the
graduates of the college he caused a passage to be inserted to the
effect that the character of the recipient was reputable, and
that the life he had lived in the college was exemplary.2 The

*"Life and Works of Horace Mann," vol. i, p. 386.

2 Ibid., vol. v, p. 499.COLLEGE CONDITIONS IN NEW ENGLAND 297

diploma also expressed the hope that." you,so comport your-
selves on the great mission of life on which you are now about
to enter, that you may be ornaments to your country, blessings
to mankind, and faithful servants of Almighty God.''1 Horace
Mann also brought rare ability as a fine and inspiring executive.
The history of his twelve years of service as secretary of the
newly created Board of Education of Massachusetts is evidence
of this unique power. Furthermore, Horace Mann was a speaker
°f great force and effectiveness. His addresses were the ex-
ponent of a heart great in its love for humanity and warm with
a desire to promote humanity's welfare. He was moreover,
as a college president, a lover of the individual student. In his
personal relation with the faithless ones he was often in his
earnestness moved to tears. On his deathbed he called the stu-
dents to him and gave to individuals, as well as to the body,
religious and ethical counsel.

But, despite these great qualities, which under ordinary
conditions would have insured success, failure was inevitable.
For there were serious deficiencies in his intellectual character.
He was not a philosopher in education, and he was not a scholar.
He was a man of action. Beyond the practical value of the dif-
ferent studies he had little appreciation of their worth. The
type of his mind was discursive, not critical. His inaugural
address comprised more than twenty thousand words, and his
first baccalaureate more than twelve thousand. His heart con-
stantly overflowed into the intellect, and at times seemed to con-
gest it. In his tremendous earnestness was found little or no
place for humor.

In the six years in which he served as president he frequently,
in his letters to Theodore Parker, to Thomas Star King, and to
other friends, refers to his work as the planting of a seed. In
.1853 he writes:

" I am well aware that the seed which I hope to sow will hardly come
up in my day." 3

1	"Life and Works of Horace Mann," vol. v, p. 499.

2	Ibid., vol. i, p. 446.298 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

In 1856 he wrote to Charles Sumner:

" Principles are the seeds to be sown in this field of time. The order of
Nature, which is God's providence, will mature the fruit." 1

His phrases remind one of the speech of Sir Walter Mildmay
made to Queen Elizabeth about the foundation of Emmanuel.

Almost fifty years have passed since Horace Mann finished
his work at Antioch College. "Was he a true prophet in inter-
preting his work as the sowing of seed? As one thinks of the
great purposes one is obliged to come to the conclusion that
the interpretation was not so true as he believed. lie had, in-
deed, uttered a protest against sectarianism, although it was sec-
tarianism that, in no small share, caused the collapse of the
College. He also, and with the utmost emphasis, made a declara-
tion in favor of coeducation. The declaration was not needless,
although Oberlin was embodying this method of training. The
spirit of the times has, on the whole, aided in the recognition
of this method as one of the primary methods of the higher edu-
cation. The principle of antislavery, which was dear to his
heart, and which as a Congressman he had done much to pro-
mote, was to be fought out on the fields of blood, and not to be
decided in lecture rooms. Phrenology, to which he clung to the
last, has been proved to be largely irrational. The principle of
anti-emulation has also been proved to have a far narrower appli-
cation than he believed. The war against tobacco was not, as
has been intimated, important enough to represent and to com-
mand his great ability. The principle, moreover, of teetotalism
was and is, like the principle of antislavery, one belonging rather
to practical ethics than to the discussions of the college.

The work in and for the institution which he did has largely
vanished. But the work which he did for the students of his
brief administration lasts as long as character endures.

In the address introducing Horace Mann at the time of his
inauguration it was said by the presiding officer:

"Under your administration, may this Institution flourish and grow
as the cedars of Lebanon, and as the clouds send forth rain to fertilize the

* " Life and Works of Horace Mann," vol. i, p. 496.COLLEGE CONDITIONS IN NEW ENGLAND 299

earth, may the streams of knowledge which go forth from this fountain,
enrich the minds of rising generations for ages to come." 1

As one to-day visits Antioch College at Yellow Springs, and
as one thinks of the collapse of the College soon following his
own death, the conclusion is inevitable that the prayer uttered
at the inauguration has been answered only in part.

1 "Life and Works of Horace Mann/' vol. v, p. 312.CHAPTER XIII

the course of study

For almost two hundred years after the foundation of Har-
vard College its course of study remained, in essential elements,
unchanged. The great-great-grandchildren of Saltonstall, Wil-
son and Hubbard, of its first Class of 1642, were pursuing the
same studies which their elders had pursued. But beginning
with the first decades of the nineteenth century the course re-
ceived significant enlargement. From that time to the present
the development has been constant. The law of the growth of
the course of study is the law of adaptation to environment. It
is the law that as knowledge has grown the course itself has
grown. Every enlargement of the domain of knowledge has ulti-
mately resulted in the enlargement of the academic field. In the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the growth of knowledge was
slow and slight; the change in the academic course was also slow
and slight. In the nineteenth century the growth of knowledge
has been rapid and great and the enlargement of the academic
course has been consequently great and rapid.

In the first quarter of the nineteenth century all students of
all the colleges were pursuing practically the same course. The
common branches were Latin, Greek and Mathematics, including,
in some colleges, on the one side arithmetic, and in some, on
the other side, Calculus.1 Of the classical authors a larger part
• was read than is now usually read except by those who special-
ize in this department. The two chief ancient languages and
mathematics represented the leading pursuits of the first three
years. In the Senior year philosophy became dominant. But-
ler's " Analogy," Paley's " Evidences," Stewart's or Brown's

1 In 1816 at Harvard College arithmetic became a requirement for admis-
sion.

300THE COURSE OF STUDY

301

44 Philosophy," and Locke's "Essay on Human Understanding "
were the more common books read. In most institutions natural
philospphy was required in at least a single year. Logic still
held a place, but the place was not so large as in the former
time. In a few colleges Hebrew was yet retained, although in
most colleges it had been dropped. French, Spanish, Political
Economy, Chemistry, Geology and Botany had begun to appear.

The most conspicuous and impressive addition made to the
course of study in the first decades of the last century we find
m the field of science. Chemistry was the first to secure a more
worthy place. The vast discoveries made in chemistry in the
last decades of the eighteenth and the first decades of the nine-
teenth century were presently incorporated into the course of
academic instruction. Priestley's electro-chemical experiments
upon ammonia gas made in 1775, Lavoisier's contributions to
the logic of the science, the investigations of Nicholson and Car-
lisle made in 1800 upon the decomposition of water, represent
significant methods and results. Sir Humphry Davy, Berzelius,
and others in the first years of the first decade were making
investigations which led, either immediately or remotely, to the
vast increase of knowledge of the constitution of matter.

The first teaching of chemistry in American institutions was
professional: it formed a part of the instruction in Materia
Medica in medical schools. The Medical School of the Univer-
sity of Pennsylvania, in 1768, the Medical School of Harvard
and the Medical School of Dartmouth College, in 1783 and 1798
respectively, introduced the subject. At William and Mary there
was a professor of chemistry and natural philosophy as early
as 1774, and Princeton, in 1795, appointed a professor of the
subject. Within the first years of the new century at least five
colleges introduced instruction: Columbia in 1802, Yale in 1803,
Bowdoin in 1805, South Carolina, and Dickinson College in 1811.
The struggle which the science had to secure an adequate place
for itself is illustrated in the endeavors of the first Professor
Silliman of Yale and of Professor Cooke at Harvard. The
laboratory which was built for Silliman was, if not the .first,
among the first specially constructed in an American college.
It was some fifteen or sixteen feet below the surface of the302 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

ground. The descent was made by a ladder. Be it said that
such a construction was not the result of Professor Silliman's
wisdom. The architect, who was not without reputation in his
profession, apparently had some vague impression that chemistry
was a branch of alchemy, and that its black arts and explosions
deserved a subterranean room. The place was damp and dark.
After changes were made, Professor Silliman declares that his
head was still six feet below the surface. For fifteen years, from
the age of twenty-five to forty, Professor Silliman here worked.

At Harvard, a generation later, Josiah P. Cooke, enthusiastic,
laborious, having some knowledge of Liebig's methods and meet-
ing the cost of his apparatus from his own purse, taught the
subject for seven years before his laboratory course was formally
admitted to the regular curriculum. College Faculties were, and
rightly, conservative. They knew there was a vast difference
between a subject as a subject of knowledge and the same sub-
ject as one for teaching. From 1800 to 1845 chemical studies
grew slowly, but firmly. The best scholars were making re-
searches. Robert Hare, Page, as well as Silliman, Jackson in
Boston, and Booth in Philadelphia, in their private laboratories,
were extending the field of knowledge and were also training
chemists.

The enlargement of the place which chemistry came to occupy
in the curriculum of the undergraduate college was promoted
through the establishment of technical schools. Although the first
technical school, the Rensselaer Polytechnic, was founded in 1824,
it was not until the middle of the century that these schools were
able to secure an important place. Special scientific instruction
was offered in New Haven, and the Lawrence Scientific School
at Harvard was opened in the year of 1846-47. In the middle
of the century the Smithsonian Institution began its great work
of research, and there was organized at the same time the
American Association for the Advancement of Science. Instruc-
tion passed over from that offered by the text-book to that of
the laboratory in which the professor himself performed experi-
ments in the presence of the students; and from such profes-
sorial experimentation advance was made to the experimenting
of the student himself at his own place in the laboratory. TheTHE COURSE OP STUDY

303

enlargement of the field and the improvement, of the method of
instruction in chemistry form an illustration of the principle
of the growth of the course of study as being the transplanting
to the academic field of truths which had been previously dis-
covered in the more general domain.

The chemical laboratory represented the origin of the scien-
tific departments of the college. In this laboratory physics had
its place. Physics was in many senses regarded as a part of chem-
istry. In the older text-books heat and electricity were consid-
ered as agents of chemical change. At the time that Liebig was
drawing his great career as a chemist to a close, Friedrich Kohl-
rausch, son and brother of physicists, was beginning his equally
great career in physics. His books rather than his laboratory
facilities influenced American scholarship. The first laboratory
in physics of the United States was built at the Institute of
Technology in Boston, through the suggestion of Prof. W. B.
Rogers. Slowly the subject found its way into the colleges. Its
worth as an applied science was first recognized. Its value as a
liberal study soon became appreciated.

The enlargement of the course of instruction in mathematics
has likewise been progressive. The improvements in text-books
and in methods of instruction have in this period been largely
due to French influences. The place which English mathematics
held from the foundation of the first college down to the begin-
ning of the last century was complete. Upon general grounds
the superiority of French to English mathematics came to be
recognized near the beginning of the nineteenth century. Eng-
lish authors gave way to French in many of the best colleges.
The translation of Laplace by Bowditch, begun in 1829, quick-
ened the study of French mathematics in America. This pub-
lication was the morning star of a new day in the history of
American science. Important translations preceded as well as
followed the great work of Bowditch. In 1820 Farrar published
translations of LaCroie's Trigonometry; in 1832 Benjamin
Peirce became Professor of Mathematics and Natural Philosophy
in Harvard College. Professor Peirce has been called by Sir
William Thomson the founder of higher mathematics in Amer-
ica. lie was both an algebraist and an astronomer. Professor304 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

Peirce represented one type of the American professor of mathe-
matics—the great scholar. He was not, for ordinary students, a
great teacher. He was, in fact, a very poor teacher by reason
of his being so great a scholar. As Dr. Peabody said of him:
4 4 His intuition of the whole ground was so keen and comprehen-
sive, that he could not take cognizance of the slow and tentative
processes of mind by which an ordinary learner was compelled to
make his step-by-step progress."1 The head of the mathemat-
ical department of Yale College, for many years while Professor
Peirce was at Harvard, was Loomis. Loomis was as superior to
Peirce as a teacher of the ordinary student as he was inferior
to him as a scholar. Yet his work as a meteorologist was of
much significance. His text books were clear and simple, well
adapted to use in the classroom. In both Peirce and Loomis one
finds an illustration of the great advance in importance which
mathematics has come to occupy in the curriculum of the college.
Research has enlarged its field and magnified its importance.
Its relations to other departments have been increased and
quickened.

The teaching of history from the beginning formed at least
a small part of the course of study. But down to the close of
the first third of the nineteenth century this teaching was usually
an adjunct of either the classical or the theological chair. The
amount of history that was thus afforded was slight. There
were instances of teaching which were founded quite on the
classical tradition. General history, both ancient and modern,
in the first decades found a small place for itself. From the
classical and ecclesiastical tradition history came to occupy a
place in the department of philosophy. In this same time also
history came to be associated with the department of political
science. In South Carolina College, under Francis Lieber, and
later in Columbia, in Yale in the middle of the century under
Woolsey, history was interpreted both as politics and as philos-
ophy. In the year 1822 at William and Mary was established
the first chair of history. In the year 1839 at Harvard was
established the second chair of history, and Jared Sparks was

*A. P. Peabody's "Harvard Reminiscences," p. 183.THE COURSE OF STUDY

305

made its first incumbent. Sparks was an American and was
undoubtedly the most conspicuous scholar in the field of Ameri-
can history. His appointment seemed to make distinct the im-
pression, not only of the value of history itself as a subject in
the course of study, but also of the value of American, history.
In 1865 a professorship of history was established at Yale. The
simple fact seems to be that the teaching of history remained
dormant in American colleges until America itself was engaged
in making history. The history of people in general, as well as
ni America, was quickened by the civil war. That political event
was followed by consequences far other than political. It touched
the life of the university as well as the life of the state. It quick-
ened our sense of humanity as well as our national conscience.

The origin and progress of the subject of economics, political
science and government also illustrate the general law of the
growth of a course of study. It was not until the American
people were obliged to consider their economic condition with
largeness and detail did the subject obtain recognition. At an
early date certain colleges introduced the subject for at least a
small amount of instruction.1

As early as 1779 a chair of municipal law was established
at William and Mary; and among the students of its incumbent,
Wythe, were John Marshall and William C. Rives. Six years
earlier at King's College was founded a professorship of natural
law, but it became extinct at the disruption of the college in 1776.

In the year 1825 McYicar, of Columbia, published his '4 Out-
lines of Political Economy." This book was followed by many
other writings in the general field. He taught the subject for
more than half a century. In the development of the subject
in the American college economics has frequently been taught
by itself; it has not infrequently been taught in association with
political science and also with government. It has furthermore
been yoked with history, where, in case it is not to stand upon its
own feet, it properly belongs.

As early as 1820 economics was taught at Harvard; in 1824
it was introduced at Yale; in 1827 at Columbia; the next year

* Nation, vol. Ixiii, p. 494.306 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

at Dartmouth; in 1830 at Princeton; and in Williams in 1835.
The almost simultaneous introduction of the subject at these col-
leges again illustrates the law of the enlargement of the course
of study. The industrial revolution caused by Arkwright, Ilar-
greaves, and Fulton represents the primary reason. America,
too, at this time was, through the expansion of commerce and the
growth of population, awakening to a new life. It is also to be
said that in the year 1821 appeared an American edition of Say's
" Political Economy,'' which was the usual text-book of these
colleges.1

The third decade of the century seems to have been a most
prolific period in the introduction of instruction in the Romance
Languages. The most significant action taken regarding it was
that taken at Bowdoin in September, 1825, establishing a pro-
fessorship in the modern languages of Europe, particularly
in French and Spanish. It was soon arranged that Henry W.
Longfellow, after three or four years of study abroad, should fill
the Chair. In his inaugural address, delivered in 1830, Mr.
Longfellow indicated his interpretation of the teaching of mod-
ern languages, an interpretation which is still most worthy:

"The mere acquisition of a language then is not the ultimate object,
it is a means to be employed in the acquisition of something which lies
beyond. I should therefore deem my duty but half performed were I
to limit my exertions to the narrow bounds of grammatical rules, nay,
that I had done little for the intellectual culture of a pupil, when I had
merely put an instrument into his hands without explaining to him its
most important uses. It is little to point one to the portals of the magic
gardens and enchanted halls of learning and to teach him certain cabalistic
words at whose utterance the golden hinges of its gates shall turn:—he
must be led through the glittering halls and fragrant bowers and shown
where the richest treasures lie and where the clearest fountains spring.
And it will be my aim not only to teach the turns and idioms of a language,
but according to my ability and as soon as time and circumstances shall
permit, to direct the student into the literature of those nations whose
languages he is studying."2

Longfellow applied his interpretation to the classroom. One

1	Letter of James F. Colby, Nation, vol. lxiii, p. 494.»

2	Little's " Bowdoin College," Historical Sketch, p. lxi.TIIE COURSE OF STUDY

307

of his students, who afterwards became President of the College,
Samuel Harris, writes of his instruction:

"He had secured a large place for his department in the curriculum
and he awakened great enthusiasm among the students. In studying
French we used a grammar which he had himself prepared. In studying
Italian we used a grammar in the French language also prepared by the
professor. His painstaking in preparing these grammars was one of many
indications of his enthusiasm in his teaching. But he did not confine
himself to linguistic teaching. He aimed to open to us the literature of
these languages, especially the French, and to arouse us to interest in it.
In addition to the recitations already mentioned he gave a course of
lectures on French literature. They were given in the chapel to the
students of all the classes who chose to attend. I remember these lectures
as highly elaborated and in their style highly finished and polished. Under
his teaching we were able to gain a knowledge of these languages which it
was easy to retain and complete after graduation so as to use them through
life in the study of their respective literatures. But he did not attempt
to teach us to converse in them. His literary attainments, spirit, and
enthusiasm did not fail to exert an inspiring and refining influence on those
thus associated with him through four years." 1

Before the time that Longfellow was chosen to the chair at
Bowdoin, Jefferson, in his scheme for the University of Virginia,
was planning to give a large place to the modern languages. Jef-
ferson speaks out of his heart as well as his intellect in saying:

" French is the language of general intercourse among nations, and as
a depository of human science is unsurpassed by any other language,
living or dead. Spanish is highly interesting to us as the language spoken
by so great a portion of the inhabitants of our continents, with whom
we shall probably have great intercourse ere long, and is that also in which
is written the greater part of the early history of America. The Italian
abounds with works of very superior order, valuable for their matter, and
still more distinguished as models of the finest taste in style and com-
position. And the German now stands in a line with that of the most
learned nations in richness of erudition and advance in the sciences.
It is, too, of common descent with the language of our own country,
a branch of the same original Gothic stock, and furnishes valuable illus-
trations for us." 2

1 Little's " Bowdoin College," Historical Sketch, p. lx.

2" Thomas Jefferson and the University of Virginia," p. 92.
21308 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

Near the year that Jefferson wrote these words .Harvard
University received from the estate of Abdiel Smith, of Boston,
the sum of twenty thousand dollars, of which the income was
to be appropriated to the support of a teacher of French and
Spanish. This foundation was the first specific gift or bequest
made for the teaching of a modern language. Although the
teaching of French at Harvard College is associated with the
name of Gallatin, yet until the establishment of the Smith pro-
fessorship the teachers of modern languages were not regarded
as college officers. The tuition was extramural. Tutors taught
such students as might come to them, and with the students they
made their own arrangements without reference to college studies
or regulations. Even after the establishment of the Smith chair
it was difficult to secure a proper respect for the French language
or literature among the students. Francis Sales, who was in-
structor in French and Spanish from 1816 to his death, in 1854,
was a peculiar sufferer. Of his work Dr. A. P. Peabody says:

"His French classes were large, but were composed mainly of students
who sought amusement rather than instruction, and whose chief aim was
to impose on his long-suffering good-nature, and to put him to his wit's end
in the vain endeavor to preserve some show of discipline. When I was
tutor, my room in Hollis was adjacent to his classroom; and I never
found his recitation hours propitious for quiet study. Two or three times
he invited my aid in restoring, or, to speak more correctly, in establishing,
order, which lasted while I staid; and the few moments during which I sat
while he proceeded with his class-work gave me my only personal knowl-
edge of it."

At Columbia, French was an extramural study for which a
special fee was charged. At Amherst in 1827 and 1828, in
Princeton at the same time and later, French was still found to
be an outside subject. The simple fact was that French was re-
garded as either a social accomplishment or a commercial sub-
sidiary. The teachers were usually natives. If they failed to
teach the language well they had the opportunity of becoming
dancing-masters, an opportunity which they not infrequently
embraced.

* "Harvard Reminiscences," by A. P. Peabody, p. 49.THE COURSE OF STUDY

309

German was not open to the charge of being a social accom-
plishment. The first German taught in America was taught in
the Ecclesiastical Schools of the German colonists. Pennsyl-
vania, Virginia, and North Carolina were the chief states of their
establishment. The German language and literature came into
the college in part from such ecclesiastical origin. Other in-
fluences also were moving. In the midst of the Revolutionary
War an endeavor was made in Philadelphia to establish a Ger-
man Institute as a part of the University of Pennsylvania.
Under its auspices German was studied as well as other academic
branches. In 1787 there was opened, in Lancaster, Franklin
College. It was named after the great Pennsylvanian out of
respect not only to his character, but also because he was a
contributor of the sum of one thousand dollars to its funds and
because he was a special friend of the Germans. Although these
two institutions in Philadelphia and in Lancaster for the pro-
motion of the knowledge of the German language did not win
lasting success in their fields, yet their establishment was signifi-
cant. Franklin College was founded in the interest of the Ger-
mans, but it was not exclusively designed for them or to promote
exclusively the study of their language.

The introduction of the German language into the more reg-
ular course of study was the result of two general influences: one
literary and one personal. The literary forces that promoted the
knowledge of German literature in America were slight, sporadic,
and in certain relationships remote. Their origin was in part
at least English. In the winter of 1798 Wordsworth, his sister
Dorothy, and Coleridge went to Germany. The advantage
which the Wordsworths received was slight. Coleridge, however,
through his residence at Gottingeii and elsewhere, was pro-
foundly affected. To him above all others are England and
America indebted for the introduction of German philosophy.
German books were scarce in both old and New England. In
1819 Goethe gave thirty volumes of his works to Harvard Col-
lege, which represented no small share of the German books to
be found in Cambridge and Boston. Every German book intro-
duced prepared the way for the introduction of other books.
From the time that German was introduced into the course of310 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

study at Harvard in 1825, the recognition of the subject was
appreciative. As early as 1838 Longfellow began his lectures
on Faust. The whole Transcendental movement found its origin
in the greatest of all German philosophers. In the year 1840
Emerson wrote to Carlyle:

" I have contrived to read almost every volume of Goethe, and I have
fifty-five, but I have read nothing else." 1

Six years before, Emerson had written to Carlyle expressing a
qualified admiration for the great German.

But the incoming of German into American life and the
academic course was due more to personal than to literary in-
fluences. The Americans who went to Germany for purposes
of study, and the Germans who came to America as exiles from
their native land, were apostles of the great language. IIow
deep was the effect wrought in Franklin by his brief residence
in Gottingen, in 1776, it is now impossible to say. But the resi-
dence in the same town of George Ticknor, of Edward Everett,
of George Bancroft, and of Frederick Henry Hedge, created a
profound and what proved to be a lasting influence. The most
direct effect of this residence is seen in the changes wrought in
the Harvard curriculum through George Ticknor. But these
changes had a far larger relation than is embodied in the study
of the German language. An effect more immediately signifi-
cant for the introduction of the German language lay in the
presence and work of the native Germans who sought refuge,
under political disability, in the United States. Among the
more conspicuous of these men were Charles Follen and Charles
Beck. Beck had been an instructor in the University of Basle
and Follen a lecturer in the University of Giessen. Beck taught
Latin at Harvard College for eighteen years, from 1832 to 1850.
Follen received, in 1825, an appointment as instructor of Ger-
man, which he held for ten years. At the same time that German
was introduced into Harvard, it was also finding a large place
in Jefferson's university. In both the Massachusetts and the
Virginia institution its place was greater than was elsewhere
accorded to it.

1" Carly le-Emerson Correspondence," vol. i, p. 311.THE COURSE OF STUDY

311

The enlargement of the course of study in economies, history,
modern languages, and other subjects is an application of the
law of the growth of the general knowledge of a subject. As
the knowledge of the material world has enlarged, the sciences
thus resulting have become a part of the academic course. As
a knowledge of the languages and affairs of man has increased,
the resulting literature or language has been included in the cur-
riculum. The growth of the curriculum has kept pace with the
growth of human learning. The curriculum has become more
manifold as human life has become more elaborate. The num-
ber and variety of topics of study and of teaching are simply the
reflection of the more numerous institutions of life itself. Time
has been required to transform a subject of knowledge into a
tool or agent of scholarly discipline; but from decade to decade
the transformation of knowledge into discipline has gone for-
ward.

The vast enlargement of the field of knowledge has had one
most significant academic consequence. It has resulted in the
establishment of what is commonly known as the elective system
of studies. The elective system of studies represents the appli-
cation of the right of the student to choose such studies as he
wills: it embodies the voluntary principle. As the student, in
the vast increase of subjects of study, could not be asked to
pursue all subjects, he has been set free to determine what studies
he should pursue. In the early years of the American college
one tutor taught a single class in all subjects. In the beginning
of the last third of the eighteenth century (in the year 1766), in
Harvard College, the transfer was made from the teaching of
classes by one tutor to the teaching of each subject by a single
tutor. As the number of students increased in a college it be-
came inevitable that one professor, unaided, could not teach
at one time the same subject to all classes. The student, there-
fore, was not able to receive in each year instruction by every
member of the teaching staff. Such a state of affairs promoted
a condition favorable to the elective system of studies. But the
essential factor lying behind the introduction and progress of
the elective system was the vast increase of the subjects of knowl-
edge arid of the knowledge in each subject.812 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

The institutions most directly and intimately associated with
the development of the voluntary system were William and Mary
College, the University of Virginia, Harvard, and Brown; and
the men most vitally connected with this development were
Thomas Jefferson, George Ticknor, Francis "Wayland, and Charles
W. Eliot. These institutions and personalities represented a
powerful quartette.

It is not difficult, however, to trace a certain origin of the
elective system back to the year 1779 and to the College of William
and Mary. The period was a time of freedom. Individuality was
dominant. In this year a certain reorganization of William and
Mary was accomplished. Jefferson was at the time the Gov-
ernor of Virginia and a visitor of the College. He abolished the
grammar school. lie also abolished the chairs of divinity and of
oriental languages. He established a chair of law and politics,
a chair of anatomy and medicine, a chair of modern languages.
To the duties of the professor of moral philosophy he added a
requirement of instruction touching the law of nature and of na-
tions and of the fine arts, and to the duties of the professor of
mathematics and of natural philosophy he added the requirement
of the duty of instruction in natural history. The faculty also
voted that a student on certain payment (one thousand pounds
of tobacco) might be entitled to attend the instruction of any two
of three professors. Thus, before Jefferson went to France, the
principle of the elective system seems to have been conceived
and somewhat appreciated by him.

The link uniting the earliest college in Virginia with its
greatest was Thomas Jefferson. The University of Virginia was
based on what is now known as the elective system. Its system
of schools was and is an elaborate and distinct application of this
system. Jefferson's conception of the elective principle breathes
the spirit of the Declaration of Independence; but this concej)-
tion was reenforced by his later knowledge of educational con-
ditions obtaining in Germany and France. In 1823 Jefferson
wrote to George Ticknor saying:

"I am not fully informed of the practices at Harvard, but there is
one from which we shall certainly vary, although it has been copied, I
believe, by nearly every college and academy in the United States, ThatTHE COURSE OF STUDY

313

the holding the students all to one prescribed course of reading, and
disallowing the exclusive application to those branches only which are to
qualify them for the particular vocations to which they are destined.
We shall, on the contrary, allow them uncontrolled choice in the lectures
they shall choose to attend, and require elementary qualification only
and sufficient age. Our institution will proceed on the principle of doing
all the good it can, without consulting its own pride or ambition; of
letting every one come and listen to whatever he thinks may improve
the condition of his mind." 1

Jefferson was a friend of that fine, unique personality,
George Ticknor. Ticknor went from Boston to Monticello in
1815, at the age of twenty-three, to visit Jefferson; and he also
paid a visit to him in the very winter in which the University was
opened. In the nine years that divide these two visits the cor-
respondence between the old and famous man and the most
promising youth was frequent. Jefferson wished to make Tick-
nor a professor in his University. In 1817 Jefferson wrote to
him saying:

"Would to God we could have two or three duplicates of yourself,
the original being above our means or hopes. If then we fail in doing
all the good we wish, we will do, at least, all we can. This is the law of
duty in every society of free agents, where every one has equal right to
judge for himself. God bless you, and give to the means of benefiting
mankind which you will bring home with you, all the success your high
qualifications ought to insure." 2

The next year he also wrote:

"You will come home fraught with great means of promoting the
science, and consequently the happiness of your country; the only ob-
stacle to which will be, that your circumstances will not compel you to
sacrifice your own ease to the good of others. Many are the places which
would court your choice; and none more fervently than the college I
have heretofore mentioned to you, now expected to be adopted by the
State and liberally endowed under the name of 'the University of Virginia.'
. . . I pass over our professorship of Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, and

1 "Thomas Jefferson and the University of Virginia/' by H, B.Adams,

pp. 123,124.

3 "Life, Letters, and Journals of George Ticknor," vol. i, p. 302.314 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

that of modern languages, French, Italian, Spanish, German, and Anglo-
Saxon, which, although the most lucrative, would be the most laborious,
and notice that which you would splendidly fill, of Ideology, Ethics,
Belles-Lettres, and Fine Arts. I have some belief, too, that our genial
climate would be more friendly to your constitution than the rigors of that
of Massachusetts; but all this may possibly yield to the hoc codumy sub
quo natus educatusque essem1

Ticknor was certainly greatly impressed. Writing from
Monticello, in 1824, to his friend Prescott, Ticknor says:

"Of the details of the system I shall discourse much when I see you.
It is more practical than I feared, but not so practical that I feel satisfied
of its success. It is, however, an experiment worth trying, to which I
earnestly desire the happiest results; and they have, to begin it, a mass
of buildings more beautiful than anything architectural in New England,
and more appropriate to an university than can be found, perhaps, in the
world." 2

That Jefferson's experiment may have had some influence
upon Ticknor 's conception of the methods of education is prob-
able. But it is also probable that the residence of Ticknor at
Gottingen had an influence at least as potent. George Ticknor
arrived at Gottingen in 1815. It was at this time the leading
university. To it Ticknor, as well as other Americans going to
Germany, naturally found his way. Not only its.fame, but also
its location in Ilanover, which was at the time a possession of
the English crown, caused it to attract English-speaking students.
Among its teachers and scholars in the time of Ticknor were Kast-
ner, Benecke, Schultze, and Eichhorn in mathematics; Gauss and
Blumenbach in natural history. That Ticknor was profoundly
impressed by his years spent at Gottingen is evident. lie was
a hard worker. Each day he labored twelve hours. His chief
subjects were Greek and German, and the subsidiary ones Italian
and French. lie was especially impressed with the principle of
individualism obtaining in the University. lie wrote his friend
Edward T. Channing, in 1816, saying that each philosopher
seemed to have a system of his own collected from the separated

*	" Life, Letters, and Journals of George Ticknor," vol. i, p. 303.

*	Ibid., p. 348.THE COURSE OF STUDY

315

parts of the systems of Kant, Fichte, and Schelling. Each pro-
fessor and student became, therefore, an eclectic. Through lis-
tening to such individual interpretations each student was able
to find his own intellectual freedom.

Before he returned to America Ticknor was elected to the
Smith professorship. It was not long after he assumed his
duties that he found himself hampered by the general conditions
of instruction. Success in his department was limited by reason
of general deficiencies. Both in respect to learning and to dis-
cipline, Harvard college was not satisfactory either to its wiser
and warmer friends or to the general community. The discipline
was lax; the scholastic standards low. Writing to Sir Charles
Lyell, in 1859, Ticknor said:

" I had a vision of such an establishment forty years ago, when I came
fresh from the two-years' residence at Gottingen; but that was too soon.
Nobody listened to me." 1

Among the most important changes which George Ticknor
thought ought to be made in Harvard College was the substitu-
tion of the elective for the required system of studies. In the
year 1825 he published a pamphlet bearing the title '' Remarks
on Changes Lately Proposed or Adopted in Harvard University.''
The change to the elective system was among the most important
which he considers. He declares that the branches of knowl-
edge have grown to be so numerous and important that the old
principle of requiring every student to pass through the hands of
every instructor can no longer be wisely applied. He affirms that
the instruction given should be divided into separate departments,
lie believes that the teacher at the head of each department
should be responsible for its management and success. He
should feel special responsibility for the character and faithful-
ness of the instructors who are his associates, and for the progress
of the students. He also believes that this division would pro-
mote the acquiring of a knowledge of subjects, and not cause a
contentment with simply learning certain books. Such a condi-
tion would increase the interest of the students in their work,

1 "Life, Letters, and Journals of George Ticknor," vol. ii, p. 422. '17316 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

and would further tend to make the knowledge they acquired
more valuable for their future vocation. lie contends that the
choice of studies would connect college years more intimately
with the after-life, and would render these years more directly
useful to that life. He expresses the hope that this system, which
is now in use in the University of Virginia, will be considered
indispensable in all the more advanced colleges.1

Under the influence of George Ticknor and more progressive
members of the Corporation and Board of Overseers a large lati-
tude of choice was allowed students. Election began early. The
modern languages, however, were almost the only subjects that
could be used in effecting substitutions. The small number of
teachers imposed a narrow limit upon the application of the
elective principle. In the twenty years from 1826 to 1846 the
system, on the whole, grew in favor. In September, 1846, in
answer to the request of President Everett made to the members
of the Faculty for their opinion regarding the advantages and
disadvantages of the system, it was found that the Faculty was
evenly divided upon its merits. It was also found that those
teachers who had had in their own departments the larger experi-
ence of the system were the more favorable. President Everett
was opposed. The successor of Everett, Sparks, was more op-
posed than Everett had been. lie attacked the system with
energy both through the Faculty and the Corporation. In the
following twenty years, down to the year 1866, the Faculty also
showed a decided distrust of the elective principle. It was not
until the college year of 1869-70 that the principle had secured
a firm place, a place which received constant enlargement the
following years.2

Another element in the promotion of the elective system was
the influence of President Wayland.

The presidents and professors in the American colleges in
the first half of the nineteenth century were more concerned with
questions of knowledge than of administration; and were also

1" Remarks on Changes Lately Proposed or Adopted in Harvard Univer-
sity/' pp. 38-40.

2 a Annual Reports of the President and Treasurer of Harvard College,"
1883-84, pp. 6-24.THE COURSE OF STUDY

317

more concerned with rendering effective certain departments of
study than they were with the whole question of education. In
some respects they were not educators. The science of educa-
tion, in its administrative or psychological relations, was still
to be developed. But among the few presidents who were edu-
cators was Wayland, of Brown. His interpretation of education
Was set forth in two works, one published in 1842 bearing the
title " Thoughts on the Present Collegiate System in the United
States," and the other " A Report to the Corporation of Brown
University on Changes in the System of Collegiate Education,"
made by a committee of which he was chairman, and read in
1850. In the first President Wayland lays down a principle
Which naturally would result in the elective system. lie says:

" Instead of fixing upon a period of four or five or six years, I would
designate the amount of knowledge and discipline which could be attained
by ordinary talent and persevering diligence during that time. But
supposing this time to be fixed, the question is how shall it be occupied;
m thorough or in superficial study; in full and manly development of the
powers of the mind or in merely running over elements? That is to say,
shall we so arrange the course that every subject taught can be so far
pursued as to render the student a proficient in it, and thus impart to his
mind the character of manliness and original power; or shall we oppress
the time by the multitude of particulars crowded into it, so that neither
pupil nor teacher can either communicate or receive any thing more than
an outline of science? It seems to me that the proper course is marked
out by plain common sense. Let the requirements for a degree be high,
but let them be high in attainment of knowledge and not in the number
of things to be properly learned. Or, if it be thought that every thing
at present taught should be required of the candidate, then let the period
of study be extended. What we do let us do well, and then our system
will recommend itself." 1

In the course of the following eight years the ideas of Presi-
dent Wayland became crystallized in definite forms. In his later
address, made to the Corporation of Brown University, he lays
down the following revolutionary principles:

1" Thoughts on the Present Collegiate System in the United States," by
Francis Wayland, p. 103318 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

"1. The present system of adjusting collegiate study to a fixed term
of four years, or to any other term, must be abandoned, and every student
be allowed, within limits to be determined by statute, to carry on, at the
same time, a greater or less number of courses as he may choose.

"2. The time allotted to each particular course of instruction would
be determined by the nature of the course itself, and not by its supposed
relation to the wants of any particular profession.

"3. The various courses should be so arranged, that, in so far as it is
practicable, every student might study what he chose, all that he chose,
and nothing but what he chose. The Faculty, however, at the request
of a parent or guardian, should have authority to assign to any student,
such courses as they might deem for his advantage.

"4. Every course of instruction, after it has been commenced, should
be continued without interruption until it is completed.

"5. In addition to the present courses of instruction, such should
be established as the wants of the various classes of the community
require.

"6. Every student attending any particular course, should be at
liberty to attend any other that he may desire..

"7. It would be required that no student be admitted as a candidate
for a degree, unless he had honorably sustained his examination in such
studies as may be ordained by the corporation; but no student would be
under any obligation to proceed to a degree, unless he chose." 1

The recommendations which were thus made were, to a de-
gree, incorporated in the course of study in Brown University;
but the incorporation was not lasting. At Brown, as at Harvard,
the time was not ripe for the permanent adoption of the elective
principle. The enlargement of the field of knowledge was to
become yet broader, the life of the American people yet more
manifold, scholastic enthusiasm greater, before the application
of this principle was to prove to be permanently effective. But
the endeavors put forth by Thomas Jefferson, George Ticknor,
and Francis Way land were not ultimately to be without result.
Jefferson's experiment contained in itself the elements of a tri-
umph which were to occupy a field very much broader than that
which his university immediately served.

In the whole movement for the enlargement and enrichment

^'Report to the Corporation of Brown University, on Changes in the
System of Collegiate Education," read March 28, 1850, pp. 51, 52.THE COURSE OF STUDY

319

of the higher education through either the elective or other
system, the German influence has been dominant. This influence
has been much broader than has been indicated in the introduc-
tion of the German language and literature into the academic
course. It has had relation to every study and to every depart-
ment of research. Greek and biology, philosophy and mathe-
matics, economics, archa3ology, have been alike touched by it.
The great scholars in each department have usually been of Ger-
man origin and training.1 The literary and scholastic influences,
moreover, which have promoted the study of German literature
itself, have also contributed to the pursuit of all those subjects of
which great books have been the interpretation and the exponent.
German philosophy, for instance, has wrought a noble work in
human thinking through the study of the writings of German

1 In the first volume of The Dial, Theodore Parker in an article on German
literature wrote:

" But from what country do we get editions of the classics, that are worth
the reading, in which modern science and art are brought to bear on the ancient
text? What country nurtures the men that illustrate Homer, Herodotus, the
Anthology of Planudes, and the dramatic poets? Who explain for us the an-
tiquities of Athens, and write minute treatises on the law of inheritance,the
castes, tribes, and manners of the men of Attica? Who collect all the neces-
sary facts, and reproduce the ideas lived out, consciously or unconsciously,
on the banks of the Eurotas, the Nile, or the Alpheus? Why, the Germans.
We do not hesitate to say, that in the present century not a Greek or a Roman
classic has been tolerably edited in England, except through the aid of some
German scholar. The costly editions of Greek authors that come to us from
Oxford and London, beautiful reprints of Plato, Aristotle, Aristophanes,
Euripides, Sophocles, yEschylus, Herodotus, the Attic orators, and Plotinus;
all these are the work of German erudition, German toil, German genius some-
times. . . . Whence come even the grammars and lexicons, of almost universal
use in studying the ancient authors? The names of Reimer, and Damm, and
Schneider, and Biittmann, and Passow, give the answer. Where are the
English classical scholars in this country, who take rank with Wolf, Heyne,
Schweighauser, Wyttenbach, Boeckh, Herrmann, Jacobs, Siebelis, Hoffmann,
Siebenkis, Miiller, Creutzer, Wellauer, and Ast? Nay, where shall we find the
rivals of Dindorf, Shafer, Stallbaum, Spitzner, Bothe, and Bekker, and a host
more, for we have only written down those which rush into our mind? What
English name of the present century can be mentioned with the least of these?
Not one. They labor, and we may enter into their labors, if we are not too
foolish. Who write ancient history like Niehbuhr, and Miiller, and Schlosser?"
(The Dial, January, 1841, pp. 321, 322.)320 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

philosophers. " The Critique of Pure Reason/' and each of the
greatest works of the several successors of Kant, as professors of
the absolute in philosophy, have profoundly influenced the aca-
demic and the general community of the New World.

But the higher education, in its content and movement, has
been deeply moved by the personality of those who, in the
nineteenth century, completed their academic education in Ger-
many, as well as by the works of the Germans themselves. The
number of such Americans who studied at Gottingen, Berlin,
Leipzig, and Ilalle, previous to .1850, was about one hundred; the
number who have matriculated at these and other universities in
the last fifty years represents several thousand men. The list of
the later time includes the names of most American scholars.
The list of the earlier period contains such names as Edward
Everett, George Ticknor, George Bancroft, Henry W. Longfel-
low, J. Lothrop Motley, Benjamin Apthorp Gould, George M.
Lane, Francis J. Child, Henry Boynton Smith, George L.
Prentiss, Horatio B. Ilackett, John L. Lincoln, Roswell D. Hitch-
cock, William Dwight Whitney, and Theodore Dwight Woolsey.1
The increase of students, too, from American States has been
great and swift. In 1835-36, four Americans were enrolled; in
1860-61, the number had increased to seventy-seven; twenty years
later (1880-81), one hundred and seventy-three were reported;
and in 1891-92 the enrollment sprang up to four hundred and
forty-six. The percentage, too, of students from America in com-
parison with students from other foreign countries increased
from one to twenty-two and a half.2

In association with Americans who studied abroad and who,
by reason of their education in Germany, exerted on their
return a strong German influence upon American education,
should be specially named Frederick Henry Hedge. Hedge, in
the year 1817, at the age of twelve, was fitted to enter Harvard
College. He was, however, sent to Germany in the care of

1	" Notes on the History of Foreign Influences upon Education in the United
States/' by Dr. B. A. Hinsdale, Report of the Commissioner of Education,
1897-98, vol. i, pp. 592, 629.

2	W. Lexis, "Die deutschen Universitiiten," p. 128.THE COURSE OF STUDY

321

George Bancroft. In several gymnasia of Germany lie spent
Ave years. Although he himself came to feel that he would have
wade better progress if he had stayed at home, yet he acquired
not only a thorough knowledge of the German language, but
also became deeply interested in German poetry and philosophy.
He thus qualified himself, in a way more efficient than belonged
to his contemporary students who were studying in the universi-
ties, for his great work as a pioneer in introducing German poetry
a^d philosophy into his native country.1

The men, therefore, who went from American colleges to Ger-
man universities in the threescore years and ten from 1815 to
1885, returning to their native land profoundly influenced Ameri-
can education. They brought back with them a spirit of freedom

learning and of freedom in teaching, together with a keen and
large appreciation of scholarship. The university inspired each
of these men to engage in independent research and thought; it
quickened the instinct of creation; it aroused a sense of scholar-
ship ; it gave an appreciation of the value of scholastic tools, such
as libraries and laboratories. Furthermore, it gave to each man a
sense of liberty both as a student and as a teacher. It taught him
that the ideal of truth was alone, on the scholastic side, worthy of
his following, and that on the personal side, the making of men,
worthy to enjoy and to use liberty, men of highest purpose, of
broadest thinking, of keenest discrimination, and of appreciation
of responsibility, was and is the noblest human result of schol-
arship and of training. The university emancipated the human
spirit. It brought men under the influence of the law of faith
and of love. It showed the value of the influence of character
over character. Wissenschaft, Lernfreiheit, and LeJirfreiheit:
were the rallying cry which inspired American students trained
in Germany for doing their great work as teachers and as leaders
in their native country.2 German influence is now passing, as

1	See illuminating article by Dr. J. W. Chadwick, in Nation for August 28,
1890, No. 1313.

2	Between the years 1816 and 1818, George Ticknor, Joseph Green Gogs-
well, and Edward Everett were studying together at Gottingen. Their letters
prove that they all were profoundly impressed by the superiority of German
education. The superiority of both German and American education to Eng-322 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

have passed the French and the English. But for the three-
quarters of the century in which it was dominant its worth in
the development of America was great.

Yet one should not omit to say that men whose studies, though
not carried on in Germany, were yet carried on in German, have
had a large influence in developing the higher education. This
influence has at times been professional and theological, as it
was in the case of Moses Stuart. For a decade in the beginning
of the century, Professor Stuart at Andover did the work of a
pioneer. The opposition to him, on the ground of heresy, was
bitter. But he endured, and late in life he entered into
the promised land of large scholarship and hearty appreciation.1
Another man at Andover as a student was fitting himself in the
same period for a large service in the introduction of the German
language and literature. In the first year of the third decade
James Marsh had made himself an excellent student of German,
was writing German books, and was, in the light of the training,
criticising English literature. Soon after leaving Andover, he
entered upon his scholastic career, covering the three colleges of
Dartmouth, Ilampden-Sidney, and the University of Vermont.
While president and professor at the University of Vermont he
came to be recognized as the head of the school of Coleridge in
the United States. To Marsh and to Stuart, who were Germans
without ever having been in Germany, scholarship is vastly in
debt, as it is to the men who went to Gottingen in the second dec-
ade of the century and to the hundreds of men who followed
them in the succeeding years.

lish is indicated in a letter which Edward Everett wrote from Oxford in the
year 1818. "I have been over two months in England, and am now visiting
Oxford, having passed a Week in Cambridge. There is more teaching and
more learning in our American Cambridge than there is in both the English
Universities together, tho' between them they have four times Our number of
Students."—Article by Thomas Wentworth Iligginson, "Gottingen and Har-
vard Eighty Years Ago," Harvard Graduates' Magazine, September, 1897,
pp. 6-18.

1 Address on Moses Stuart, by Prof. Edwards A. Park, "Memorial Collec-
tion of Sermons," p. 199.CHAPTER XIV

FINANCIAL HISTORY

The financial history of the higher education is akin at least
one significant respect to the scholastic: it represents respon-
siveness to the conditions obtaining in the community. The
Property possessed by the colleges and the amount of benefactions
deceived by them represent the pecuniary condition of the coun-
try. In the poverty of the community the colleges were poor;
and in the enlargement of the people in their basket and their
store the college chest also enlarged.

In their financial, relations all colleges are so similar that
the record seems to be rather a history of a movement than a
history of several different institutions. The financial history
°f the single New England college of the seventeenth century is
like the history of a college in the Mississippi Valley in the
middle of the nineteenth century, or of a college on the northern
Pacific Coast in the last decades of the same century. As the
infant child passes through, in its development, all the phases
of the development of the race, so every college seems to begin
in poverty and to grow through penury unto competency or even
affluence. Their history is a story of small beginnings made in
poverty; of hard struggles to secure funds for either endowment
or immediate expenditure; of a success usually moderate in such
endeavors; of expenses frequently exceeding income; of economies
at times foolish in method, at times wise, but usually necessary;
of constant anxieties borne by officers—anxieties at times which
crush; of inability to keep covenants, either expressed or implied;
and of consequent suffering of teachers—sufferings under which
teachers find the support in the value of the high commissions
entrusted to them. Such is the outline of the financial history
of the American college.

The early benefactions of the first college included such offer-
22	3238U HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

ings as sheep, cotton cloth worth nine shillings, a pewter flagon
worth ten, and such silver goods as fruit dishes, silver spoons
and jugs. The gifts or legacies were measured by shillings as
well as by pounds.

The early history of .Harvard is repeated in the history of
almost every college founded in the Mississippi Valley in the
middle decades of the last century. It is a record of great sacri-
fices nobly rendered, joyously endured. In the year 1849, the
Congregational ministers of Iowa gave $452.65 to the college
which bears the name of the State. The wives of the ministers
resolved to raise $100 out of their own resources, and at one
meeting fourteen persons subscribed $70. In the year 1852,
$153 were raised; in the next year $711.

One of the later colleges founded on or near the banks of the
Mississippi was Carleton of Minnesota. The history of Carleton
College is in essence the history of the first decades of Harvard,
of Yale, and of Princeton. Ministers, missionaries, of small sal-
aries, in part unpaid, gave, year by year, no small share of their
stipends. Indians contributed their offerings. One missionary
who had no money gave a colt which was entered as having a
value of forty dollars. Such records are found in the history
of hundreds of colleges from Pomona and Pacific Grove to Colby
on the Kennebec. They represent the noblest type of human and
humane patriotism and of Christian idealism.

The increase in the funds of the American colleges until the
middle of the nineteenth century was slow, and the resulting
amount was small. On the fourth of July, 1776, when Massa-
chusetts ceased to be a province, the total amount of the funds
of Harvard College was between sixteen thousand and seven-
teen thousand pounds. This sum represented the gifts and
legacies of one hundred and forty years. In the year 1840, the
funds amounted to six hundred and forty-six thousand dollars.
This sum, however, did not include many college buildings to
which no value was attached in the college accounts.

At the beginning of the nineteenth century the whole amount
of the productive funds of all the colleges was probably less than
five hundred thousand dollars. Their property, in buildings,
apparatus, and endowment, was the result of more than a hun-FINANCIAL HISTORY

325

dred and fifty years' accumulation. The increment of each dec-
ade was small. Throughout the seventeenth century Harvard
received in money about seven thousand pounds, and during the
eighteenth century, down to 1780, about thirty thousand pounds.
Up to the beginning, therefore, of the last century, the amount
received in money, both for capital account and for immediate
expenditure, was hardly in excess of two hundred thousand
dollars. In the great administration of Kirkland about four
hundred thousand dollars were received. But even as late
as the year 1840 the productive property of the oldest and
the wealthiest college which could be used for college pur-
poses was only a hundred and fifty-six thousand dollars. It
should be added that the University possessed almost four hun-
dred thousand dollars for use in departments outside of the
collegiate.

At the beginning of the fourth decade the total productive
funds of Yale College were less than thirty thousand dollars.
Against this sum were to be charged debts of about thirteen thou-
sand. The total income of the funds of the year 1830 did not
amount to three thousand dollars.

The entire receipts from all sources, including tuition, in
the year 1831 were slightly less than twenty thousand dollars,
and the expenses were slightly more. These conditions embodied
the result of a hundred and thirty years of private beneficence,
of public grant, and of constant and careful economy. Between
its foundation and the year 1792 Yale received from the State
of Connecticut twenty-four thousand dollars; in that year it re-
ceived a grant of taxes which yielded forty thousand dollars. In
1816 and 1831 fifteen thousand dollars was paid by the State.
The donations of individuals had not in their amount approached
the sums given by the Commonwealth. In addition to books,
Governor Yale had given goods which yielded four hundred
pounds sterling; Dr. Daniel Lathrop, who died in 1782, made a
bequest of five hundred pounds. Oliver Wolcott, who had been
governor of the State, as well as hi$ father and grandfather, gave
two thousand dollars in 1807. A graduate of the Class of 1791
gave three thousand dollars at his death in 1814 through his will
for the library, and Whitney, the inventor of the cotton gin,8%6

HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

of the Class of 1792, gave in 1822 five hundred dollars for pur-
chasing books in mechanical and physical science. These and
smaller sums given by Governor Saltonstall and Philip Livings-
ton, represent the chief donations received by the College down
to the year 1830.

At the same period, near the close of the third decade, the
annual income of the permanent funds of Princeton was less
than two thousand dollars; and the total resources of the College
for the year were less than seven thousand.

Columbia College began its great career under hopeful pe-
cuniary conditions, which presently, however, became clouded.
After almost a century of existence its annual income from all
sources was less than two thousand dollars, and its annual ex-
penses more. Deficits were constant, and although absolutely
small, were relatively large and always annoying. As late as
the year 1850 its debt had grown to be sixty-eight thousand
dollars.

Brown University had been in existence more than fifty years
when its permanent funds amounted to thirty-one thousand dol-
lars. The progress in the next thirty years was more significant.
In that period the College added about a hundred and seventy
thousand dollars to its productive assets.

At the beginning of the decade in 1831 large additions were
made to the productive funds of most colleges. The fourth dec-
ade was in its first years a period of great financial as well as
of educational and ecclesiastical enthusiasm. The effect of the
opening of the Erie Canal in 1825 in the development of material
resources was becoming manifest. The value of the Mississippi
Yalley to the nation was beginning to be largely appreciated.
The belief that steam could be used in navigation was passing
into an assured conviction. The colleges were quick to take
advantage of these inspiring conditions. At this time a hundred
thousand dollars were raised through the labor and sacrifice on
the part of many donors to the funds of Yale College. Prince-
ton also made a large addition. Harvard received as a bequest
from Christopher Gore, who died in 1829, a hundred thousand
dollars. His beneficence to Harvard was the greatest of any
benefactor up to the close of the first third of the nineteenth cen-FINANCIAL HISTORY

327

tury.1 The amount, too, that lie gave, either in his life or
through his will, was greater than that given by any American to
any institution of the higher learning. In fact, the gift of fifty
thousand dollars of Abbott Lawrence, in the year 1847, to found
the Scientific School bearing his name, was the largest gift made
by one man during his lifetime to a public institution of
education.

The benefactors to the cause of the higher education in Amer-
ica in its first two centuries were among the noblest men of two
continents. Their benefactions represent the income of landed
estates, of ship-owning and of ship-sailing, and of commercial
ventures. Among the more distinguished and the more numer-
ous, as well as the earliest, members of any family bestowing
significant gifts upon the oldest college were the members of the
Ilollis family. No less than six individuals bearing the name
are found in the list of benefactors. The first and the greatest
Was Thomas Ilollis, who was born in 1659 and died in 1731. For
about a century the donations of members of this family con-
tinued to fall into the Harvard chest. Among other great names
is that of James Bowdoin, a member of a family who, on the
revocation of the Edict of Nantes, came to America. He him-
self was born in Boston in 1727, and graduated at Harvard in
1745.

The University in Providence is indebted to members of
one family in the same significant way as Harvard was indebted
to the Ilollis family. In the year 1803 the Corporation of the
College of Rhode Island passed a vote to the effect " that the
donation of five thousand dollars, if made to this College within
one year from the late Commencement, shall entitle the donor to
name the College."2 By the wishes of his friends, Mr. Nicholas
Brown responded to this vote, giving the sum specified as a fund

1 It is to be remembered that the bequest of Stephen Girard, who died
in 1831, of eight millions of dollars to found the college which now bears his
name, was not a bequest to establish a college of liberal learning. Girard
College is essentially an orphanage. Boys are admitted between the ages of
six and ten, and are to be apprenticed between the ages of fourteen and eighteen
to some occupation.

2Guild's "History of Brown University," p. 323.328 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

for the establishment of a professorship. The benefactions of
the family in successive generations have increased with the in-
crease of years.

To the middle of the nineteenth century the sums given to
the American college were small. Small, too, for the larger part
of the more than two centuries of the history of the higher educa-
tion was the property of the community. Manufactures were
largely domestic. Agriculture was the chief occupation. Money
was always scarce and was often depreciated. The apparently
necessary evil of a paper currency at many periods worked havoc
with all relationships. Country pay could give the means of com-
fort to a simple people, but it could not provide resources for
great enterprises. The day of the corporation was remote. The
whole colonial era produced only six business corporations. The
thirteen years of statehood confederation brought forth twenty,
and the confederation itself produced one. In the last eleven
years of the eighteenth century only two hundred business cor-
porations were formed. The wealth, of the community was slight
and insecure, and the share of it that could be given to the col-
lege was also small.

Down to the beginning of the fourth decade of the century
nearly all colleges were enriched to a degree through lotteries.
The first American lottery was drawn in Philadelphia in the year
1720. For more than a century lotteries were established in
every colony and state. They were the most popular method of
securing certain public benefits. They were held in general
favor, or at least with toleration. Seldom did they, exist for
private gain. They were organized for public improvements of
every sort. Lotteries were looked upon as a sort of voluntary
tax for building canals, paving streets, repairing bridges, mend-
ing roads, erecting churches, and furnishing colleges with build-
ings or endowments. The foundation of Washington as the
capital of the nation has some association with a lottery; Fan-
euil Hall of Boston is, in part at least, the result of a drawing
which came to its close in 1764. The last year of the life of Jef-
ferson was brightened and also saddened by an endeavor to
extricate his estate from its financial difficulties through a lottery.

Colleges were also allowed to adopt this method for theirFINANCIAL HISTORY

329

enrichment. In the year 1750 Yale College was authorized to
raise a building fund through a lottery. In 1772 a similar per-
mission was granted to Harvard College, which finally resulted
in the erection of Stoughton Ilall. In 1806 the College received
twenty-nine thousand dollars as the proceeds of a lottery, money
which was used in repairing Massachusetts Ilall and in building
Holwortliy. The first fifty years of the history of Princeton Col-
lege were characterized by various drawings. The last endeavor
for a lottery was made in 1814. The application was denied,
but the refusal was not founded on conscientious scruples;
for at this very time the trustees of [Queen's or Rutgers College
Were allowed the right of using a lottery as a means for the
reestablishing of that institution. For about a score of years
at the close of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nine-
teenth century Brown University sought for the right to estab-
lish a drawing for its benefit.

The most significant lottery ever drawn was that established
by vote of the Legislature of New York in 1814 for the benefit
of Union. Hamilton College and the College of Physicians and
Surgeons were also its beneficiaries. The amount appropriated to
Hamilton was forty thousand dollars, and to the Medical School
thirty thousand. The sum secured for Union was no less than two
hundred thousand dollars. The drawing resulted not only in im-
mediate benefit—in the increase of facilities and enlargement of
endowment of Union College—but also was the beginning of a
prolonged and delicate litigation. Of the sum of two hundred
thousand dollars granted, one hundred thousand was appropri-
ated to buildings, twenty thousand to the library and apparatus,
fifty thousand as a fund for the aid of indigent students, and the
balance of thirty thousand dollars was assigned to the payment
of debts. But from the third decade of the nineteenth century,
colleges have seldom, or never, received any advantage from lot-
teries. Colleges, like the general community, have learned that
lotteries organized for the public service and utilities have pro-
duced pecuniary results of a trifling value. These results have
proved to be no compensation for the vast amounts drawn from
the people. The necessary evils connected with the system, even
when it has been administered under the sanction of the law, have330 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

served to disturb unduly the public mind. The experience of
the past proves that the lottery is among the most pregnant and
perilous causes of misery. No form of speculation is more se-
ductive to many minds, and few, if any, bring greater pain.1 In
the fourth decade began a public agitation for their abolition.
In 1833 they were formally prohibited in Massachusetts and
Pennsylvania, and in Connecticut in the following year.

The money that was secured from lotteries was, in the case
of most colleges, used for the specific purpose of the erection of
buildings. The income of the small endowment funds and also
the income received from the fees of students have usually been
used in meeting the costs of the ordinary administration. The
chief item of expense in the college budget was, as it still is, the
payment of salaries. Although throughout the first two centuries
salaries were small, yet they were large in proportion to income.
This item of expense was one which trustees were constantly in-
clined to cut down. In the year 1828 it was proposed at Princeton
to reduce the salary of the president to sixteen hundred dollars,
and of professors to a thousand. In Columbia at about the same
period the salary of the president was two hundred dollars less
than the salary of the president at Princeton, and the salaries of
the professors two hundred dollars more than that received by
the Princeton teachers. Henry Drisler, of the Class of 1779 of
Columbia, began his prolonged and distinguished association with
the College on a salary as instructor that did not exceed two
hundred dollars. In the year 1836 the salaries of the professors
of Amherst College were increased from eight hundred to one
thousand dollars, and the salaries of tutors were continued at
four hundred and fifty.

The financial history of the newer colleges, however, founded
in the western states in the nineteenth century, represents a
constant and prolonged endeavor for securing great results in
moral and intellectual character through small pecuniary forces.
The scarcity of money—characteristic of every new community
—has been felt by those who would give for the endowment of

1"Lotteries in American History," by A. R. Spofforcl. "Annual Report of
£he American Historical Association for 1892," pp. 173-195.FINANCIAL HISTORY

SSI

a college, and also by those, who as teachers have labored in
and through the college. Country pay has been a not unusual
method in which professors received their compensation.1 The
poverty of the community was reflected in the penury of the
college, as in later times the wealth of the community has con-
tributed to the wealth of the college.

The forms of credit in which the college has invested its
funds have also varied with the similar forms of credit obtaining
m the community. In the year 1825 thirty-one thousand dollars
(the entire permanent funds of Brown University) were, with the
exception of eight thousand dollars, invested in the stock of five
banks. In the year 1850 the two hundred thousand dollars of
its endowment were invested largely in either railroad bonds
or in the notes of manufacturing corporations. These forms
of investment are significant of the enlarging industrial and
commercial relationships of the community. Trustees have for
the last hundred years invested their funds in the more secure
forms of credit which the community has been able to offer.
The losses which have occurred have,-on the whole, been slight.
The panic of 1837 affected the property and the income of col-
leges as it did of other corporations or individuals. Bowdoin
College, in its early history, lost several thousand dollars through
the depreciation of bank stock. But the evil wrought in the
colleges by commercial panics has been less serious than that
wrought in the general community. No form of property has,
on the whole, been so secure both in its principal and interest,
and in securing as well the purposes to which its income is
assigned, as the productive funds of the college.

The chief expenditure of the colleges throughout their history
has been in the support of instruction. Academic salaries have
always been small. They have, on the whole, been of the same
general amount as the salaries of clergymen. At the time of the
Revolution, each professor at Harvard College was receiving an
annual stipend of two hundred pounds; the President, about
three hundred pounds; the Treasurer, eighty pounds; and the
Librarian, sixty pounds. Two generations after, at the close

i From Western Reserve College Records,332 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

of the fourth decade of the nineteenth century, the President
was receiving two thousand two hundred and thirty-five dollars,
and the usual professional salary was from eighteen to fifteen
hundred dollars, although there was at least one salary of two
thousand dollars and others of one thousand dollars.

Attempts have been made in most colleges to equalize all
salaries without regard to the value of the service rendered. But
such attempts have usually failed. The stipend received by a
member of the teaching staff has depended upon the income that
might be attached to the specific chair he filled, as well as upon
the annual determination made by a Board of Trust. In certain
colleges, and especially in their beginning, salaries have fre-
quently been dependent upon the amount of money which a col-
lege might possess after having paid what might be called its
necessary bills. This method, which was popular among many
proprietary medical schools, has obtained among some colleges,
but the custom is now fast passing.

In the last decades of the last century, the necessary and
customary method of small beginnings and constant poverty,
but of slow enlargement, approached its end. The foundation
of the University of Chicago, and of the Leland Stanford, Jr.,
University, represented the devotion of many millions to the
cause of the higher education. In the great increase of the
property of the American nation, and in the great increase of
the amount given in beneficence, the colleges in the last decades
have been among the most favored objects of good-will. The
amount of money bestowed upon the colleges each year represents
a beneficence the like of which the world has never known. At
the present time, there are no less than sixty-five colleges having
an endowment of over five hundred thousand dollars. Twenty-
nine have an endowment between this sum and one million;
fifteen have an endowment between one million and one million
and a half; ten an endowment between this sum and three
millions; four between three millions and five; four between five
millions and eight and a half; and three an endowment of over
twelve and a half millions.1

Report of Commissioner of Education," 1903, vol. i, p. 1143.FINANCIAL HISTORY

333

After two hundred and seventy years, the property of Ameri-
can colleges lias come to amount to about four hundred million
dollars. This sum is divided, with comparative equality, be-
tween interest-bearing funds, and buildings, libraries and scien-
tific apparatus. The additions made to this sum have been
especially rapid in the last years of the nineteenth and the
first years of the twentieth century. In each of the years of
the last decade of the last century, the annual increment was
about seven million dollars. The annual increment in the middle
years of the first decade of the twentieth century is about fif-
teen millions. The larger share of these additions is made in
colleges in the North Atlantic and the North Central states.
About three-quarters of the amount is to be credited to this
territory and is to be divided almost equally between the two
sections. The Southern states receive the smallest benefactions.CHAPTER XV

the education of women,

The progress of the higher education of women illustrates
the truth of the remark made by one of the most famous of social
philosophers, Sir Henry Sumner Maine, to the effect that the
progress of modern societies is a movement from status to
contract.1

The education of women for two centuries had relation to their
condition as wives and as mothers. Their education was, like
that life, simple, prosaic, narrow. The first President Dwight,
said: " The employments of the women of New England are
wholly domestic.''2 Education, therefore, hardly extended be-
yond reading, writing, and arithmetic. In Boston, girls were not
allowed to attend the public schools until the year 1790, and then
their attendance was limited to the months of summer. Two years
before, the town of Northampton voted not to be at any expense
for " schooling girls." Four years after, in 1792, they were ad-
mitted, but it was not until 1802 that all restrictions were with-
drawn. In the education of women, as in education of every
form, the opportunities offered are seldom far in advance of the
needs recognized by the people. Beyond the three elementary
subjects, education included in its content the Bible and the
Catechism. The demand for education in order that women
might become teachers had, at the beginning of the last century,
hardly been created. At this time, as well as in the preceding
one hundred and fifty years, teachers were largely 44 masters,"
among whom were included clergymen and college students.

Pew were the women of the period, either colonial or na-
tional, of the type of Mary Moody Emerson. Of her, Ralph
"Waldo Emerson says:

> "Ancient Law," p. 164.	2 "Dwight's Travels," vol. iv, p. 474.

334THE EDUCATION OF WOMEN

335

"Her early reading was Milton, Young, Akenside, Samuel Clarke,
Jonathan Edwards, and always the Bible. Later, Plato, Plotinus,
Marcus Antoninus, Stewart, Coleridge, Cousin, Herder, Locke, Madame
De Stael, Channing, Mackintosh, Byron. Nobody can read in her manu-
script, or recall the conversation of old-school people, without seeing that
Milton and Young had a religious authority in their mind, and nowise
the slight, merely entertaining quality of' modern bards. And Plato,
Aristotle, Plotinus,—how venerable and organic as Nature they are in her

mind!"1

Most women had neither the desire nor strength to go beyond
the domestic duties of washing, carding, cleaning, and baking-.
Of their work in these important respects, President Dwight says:

" The business, which is abroad, is all performed by men, even in the
humblest spheres of life. That of the house is usually left entirely to the
direction of the women, and is certainly managed by them with skill and
propriety. Domestic concerns admit of improvement, and even of science;
and it must, I believe, be acknowledged, that we might learn in this par-
ticular several useful things from you. Our economy is less systematical,
and less perfect, than yours; and our activity sometimes less skillfully
directed. I am apprehensive, however, that we approach nearer to you
in the house, than either in the shop or the field. The houses in this
country are, with their furniture, almost all kept in good order; and a
general neatness prevails, even among those who are in humble circum-
stances. Indeed, a great part of the women in this country exert quite
as much industry as is consistent with the preservation of health." 2

But as society progressed, the education of women enlarged.
From a state in which rights and duties arose from a personal
condition, women advanced into a life in which they were active
agents. The first significant element of advancing personality
and increasing power was manifested in an extreme opposite
to their former condition. From a simplicity and plainness
of education, sympathetic with their state as servants, women
passed into a type of education symbolized by the butterfly.
From being regarded as drudges, they came to be admired as

1 "Lectures and Biographical Sketches," by Ralph Waldo Emerson, vol.
x, p. 402.

2" Dwight's Travels," vol. iv, p. 474.336 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

dolls. The first decades of tlie nineteenth century record this
transformation. President Dwight is still a wise interpreter
when he says:

" Miss, the darling of her father and the pride of her mother, is taught
from the beginning to regard her dress as a momentous concern. She
is instructed in embroidery merely that she may finish a piece of work,
which from time to time is to be brought out, to be seen, admired, and
praised, by visitors; or framed, and hung up in the room, to be still more
frequently seen, admired and praised. She is taught music, only that
she may perform a few times, to excite the same admiration, and applause,
for her skill on the forte piano. She is taught to draw, merely to finish
a picture, which, when richly framed and ornamented, is hung up, to
become an altar for the same incense. Do not misunderstand me. I
have no quarrel with these accomplishments. So far as they contribute
to make the subject of them more amiable, useful, or happy, I admit
their value. It is the employment of them which I censure; the sacrifice,
made by the parent of his property, and his child at the shrine of vanity.

" The Reading of girls is regularly lighter than that of boys. When
the standard of reading for boys is set too low, that for girls will be propor-
tionally lowered. Where boys investigate books of sound philosophy,
and labour in mathematical and logical pursuits; girls read history, the
higher poetry, and judicious discourses in morality, and religion. When
the utmost labour of boys is bounded by history, biography, and the
pamphlets of the day; girls sink down to songs, novels, and plays."1

Out of this condition of intellectual insipidity and emotional
intensity, the education of women has, for almost one hundred
years, been rising. The first step in the progress was the estab-
lishment of academies. The academies organized near the close
of the eighteenth and in the first decades of the nineteenth cen-
tury in New England were open to girls. Leicester Academy
was incorporated in 1784, and one at Westford in 1793. Brad-
ford received its first students in 1803. A department for girls
was not opened till 1828; after 1836, only girls were received.
The first academy designed for girls only was founded in Derry,
New Hampshire, in 1823. The first in Massachusetts was Ips-
wich, which received its act of incorporation in 1828. The next
year Abbot Academy at Andover received its charter. Before

1" Dwight's Travels/' vol. i, pp. 514, 515.THE EDUCATION OF WOMEN

337

she began lier great work in Troy, Mrs. Willard had conducted
& school for girls at Middlebury, Vermont.

These schools represent the intimations of a growing public
sentiment in favor of the higher education of women. The edu-
cation which they gave was remote from the college atmosphere
and condition, but they were preparing the mind of the people

yet further progress.

In the third and fourth decades of the century, emerge sev-
eral personalities of conspicuous and permanent significance.
Among them were Emma Willard, Catherine Beecher, Joseph
Emerson, and Mary Lyon. As an associate with Miss Lyon should
he named Zilpah P. Grant, who was the principal of the Adams
Academy at Derry, and also of the seminary at Ipswich. Mrs.
Willard opened her seminary at Troy in 1821, and continued in
the great service for seventeen years. Catherine Beecher began
her work at Hartford in the year 1822, and labored for a decade.
Rev. Joseph Emerson, who had been a tutor in Harvard Col-
lege, was the head of the school in Byfield for six years—from
1818 to 1824. Mary Lyon secured the charter of Mount Holyoke
in 1836, and in November, 1837, the seminary was opened. Her
service ended with her life, in 1849.

These schools derived their chief value from two sources,
sources which, notwithstanding all the worth that is to be cred-
ited to equipment and elaborate curriculum, are the most last-
ing—personality and religion. These two elements were united
in the members of the teaching and governing staffs. The per-
sonalities which controlled were vigorous, earnest and devoted to
their high mission of teaching. Such consecration had its springs
in religion.

The name of Joseph Emerson has survived largely by reason
of his relation to Mary Lyon. The testimony of Miss Lyon re-
garding her teacher is evidence at once of the personal character
and religious principles of both the teacher and the student.
Miss Lyon, in 1821, wrote of the atmosphere of piety which is
mingled with all Mr. Emerson's instructions. She declares that
from scientific pursuits he draws practical and religious instruc-
tion. She says: " Mr. Emerson is very solicitous for our spir-
itual, as well as temporal, welfare." Not long before her death,338 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

Miss Lyon declared that she owed more to Mr. Emerson than to
any other teacher.1

The instruction which Mr. Emerson gave Mary Lyon, both
in respect to religious and intellectual training, was bettered
in her own character and work. She was abundantly endowed
by nature. Iler body was robust, and all the powers of her
body were well developed. Iler mind embodied a similar type
of vigor and of proportion. She was fond of abstract truth.
She was a moral idealist. Iler moral idealism aided in her com-
prehension, appreciation, and expression of the philosophic prin-
ciples of education and of life. With the intellectual and ethical
idealism was united practical wisdom. She was a good execu-
tive. She liked to do things. She herself laid the practical,
as well as the scholastic, foundation of her Seminary. She quick-
ened others unto activity. Her words, as well as her personality,
inspired to action. Her example aroused strenuous exertions in
all her associates.

The central motive and principle in Miss Lyon 's character
and career was religious. She interpreted duty in terms of relig-
ion. She brought every power into the service of man for the
glory of God. Upon her tombstone were inscribed the words
which she uttered near the close of her career: " There is noth-
ing in the universe that I fear, but that I shall not know all my
duty, or shall fail to do it." Her nature was intense. If she
lived in herself, she also lived out of herself. She had the keen-
est sense of her own personal responsibility. This sense, which
would have crushed one less strong, was united with a trust in
an overruling and beneficent providence.

Through these qualities of heart and of mind, Miss Lyon was
able to make a large and distinct contribution to the education
of women, and through their education, to human betterment.
She trained women who went to all parts of the world as mis-
sionaries. Her seminary was in fact a normal school: many of
its graduates became teachers in all forms of education. The
influence which she exerted during the dozen years of her service
was great at the time and has remained.

* "Life of Mary Lyon/' pp. 31-35.THE EDUCATION OF WOMEN

339

The more public career of Mrs. Emma Willard began at an
earlier date, lasted almost a score of years longer, and was much
broader in its relations, although no higher in its purpose. Mrs.
Willard established her seminary at Troy in the year 1821 and
continued as its principal until the year 1838. Her conception
°f education for women embraced not only religious and moral
elements, but also literary and domestic, and what she denomi-
nates ornamental. In the branches which she calls ornamental
she included dancing.1

Among the advantages, urged by Mrs. Willard, which would
he given to women by their education are such primary values
as the development and strengthening of the reasoning powers,
leading women to act more from the dictates of reason and less
from those of fashion and caprice; an enlarged conception of
duty and the securing of stronger and better motives in doing
ft J the lessening of contempt of useful labor; an enhancement of

1" The grace of motion must be learned chiefly from instruction in dancing,
Other advantages besides that of a graceful carriage might be derived from
such instruction, if the lessons were judiciously timed. Exercise is needful
to the health, and recreation to the cheerfulness and contentment of youth.
Female youth could not be allowed to range unrestrained to seek amusement
for themselves. If it were entirely prohibited, they would be driven to seek
*t by stealth, which would lead them to many improprieties of conduct, and
would have a pernicious effect upon their general character, by inducing a
habit of treading forbidden paths. The alternative that remains is to provide
them with proper recreation, which, after the confinement of the day, they
flight enjoy under the eye of their instructors. Dancing is exactly suited to
this purpose, as also to that of exercise; for perhaps in no way can so much
healthy exercise be taken in so short a time. It has, besides, this advantage
over other amusements, that it affords nothing to excite the bad passions;
but, on the contrary, its effects are to soften the mind, to banish its animosities,
and to open it to social impressions.

" It may be said that dancing would dissipate the attention and estrange it
from study. Balls would doubtless have this effect; but, let dancing be prac-
tised every day by youth of the same sex, without change of place, dress, or
company, and under the eye of those whom they are accustomed to obey, and
it would excite no more emotion than any other exercise or amusement, but
in degree, as it is of itself more pleasant. But it must ever be a grateful exer-
cise to youth, as it is one to which Nature herself prompts them at the sound
of animating music." "The Life of Emma Willard," pp. 72, 73.

23340 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

moral and of intellectual pleasures; and a higher appreciation
of the value of the mind in the training of children.

To the school at Troy which Mrs. Willard founded came
students from all parts of the country. But the value of her
life and work was not confined to her service in this school.
For more than thirty years after her retirement she was able to
labor. She wrote many books—text-books and poems—of which
a million copies were printed. She prepared books upon top-
ics as diverse as astronomy, physiology, ethics, history, and
education. She published a volume of poems. She was deeply
interested in the enrichment and improvement of the public
schools. She pursued investigations in physiology. She sought
by public address and memorial, as well as by private conference,
to avert the great civil conflict of 1861. She was, in a large
measure, the representative woman of the generation from 1835
to 1865.

It is not a little significant that near the beginning of the
period of enlargement of the higher education and greater oppor-
tunity for women stood two women embodying noble and diverse
characteristics, movements and methods. The one embodied in-
tensity, and the other largeness. Mary Lyon stood for an inter-
pretation of life which is still denominated puritanism, and
Emma Willard for an interpretation optimistic and free. One
declared that to do her duty was her great purpose, and the other
regarded freedom of development as her great desire for hu-
manity and herself. The one interpreted religion as life, and
the other sought to make life religious. One poured all of life
into religion and caused its conceptions and principles to become
dominant. The other poured all of religion into life, seeking to
give to life a symmetry more complete, a nobler sympathy, a
finer enrichment, and a higher and holier aspiration.

Each of these two types embodies advantages and disadvan-
tages. Each is subjected to perils. Intensity is in peril of
narrowness; liberality and largeness, of vagueness and looseness.
Religion may be so impressed on a school or seminary that the
eye of the student is fastened rather upon the next world than
upon the present. The school of liberal culture, too, is in peril
of not offering to itself the inspiration of the education of theTHE EDUCATION OF WOMEN

341

highest ideals and of religious atmospheres. But both Miss Lyon
and Miss Willard were largely saved from falling into the evils
arid weaknesses of their respective methods. Each made a noble
contribution to the education of women, important in itself and
for the periods of their service, and which also bore the seeds
of yet greater development.

At the time of the laying of these foundations on the banks
of the Connecticut and the banks of the Hudson, an historic
beginning was also being made in the State of Ohio. The insti-
tution now known as Oberlin College, chartered in 1834, was
the result of the missionary and philanthropic movement of the
first decades of the century. The community was not only an
academic one, it also represented certain humane and religious
purposes and principles. The town and the Institute, as the
college was called for about a score of years, were closely allied.
One clause of the covenant which the founders made was:

"We will feel that the interests of the Oberlin Institute are identified
with ours, and do what we can to extend its influence to our fallen race.'

Perhaps the most important of the contributions which the
community offered was the impulse it gave to the education of
women. The movement for this education began in a simple
way. In the first circular, among the great objects which are
noted as embodied in the Institute are the extending the benefits
of the most useful education to " both sexes.'' In the first
report of the founders it is said that one object is the " eleva-
tion of female character.'' The method of giving a college edu-
cation to women and men together was not a primary thought.
The primary thought was to give an education to women of the
sort which they were fitted to receive. The conditions allowed,
or rather necessitated, the giving of the education to both women
and to men upon equal terms. The practice had been followed
in several academies and it helped to make such an education
seem not unnatural. The education of girls was, moreover, pro-
moted by the fact that two of the women who came to Oberlin at
the beginning had been trained at the Ipswich school, which had
educated Mary Lyon and Zilpah P. Grant. As a result of these
general conditions, women came to the institution and came in342 . HIGHER EDUCATION. IN AMERICA

relatively large numbers. Nearly forty were enrolled the first
year. Into the so-called Female Department were received
" young ladies of good minds, unblemished morals, and respect-
able attainments.'' Most of those who came were not fitted to
pursue college studies. A so-called preparatory department was
therefore established. But the college ideal and method soon
emerged and enlarged. In 1837 four women presented themselves
as fitted for college work. The course opened to them represented
largely a system of personal electives: they pursued those studies
which they were fitted to pursue. Their classification was more
or less irregular. The Oberlin Institute, like the general com-
munity, was, with a certain progressive conservatism, feeling its
way toward formulating a method for the giving to women the
same educational advantages and opportunities which it wished
to give to men. At the commencement of 1841, three women
received a degree—the first women to receive a degree in Arts in
the United States. Though for many years few women com-
pleted the course leading to a degree, yet the opportunity was
open, and the number who for a time pursued college courses was
nearly equal to the number of men. For about a score of years,
Oberlin alone received women into its classes on substantially
the same terms at it received men.

The life of women who were students at Oberlin in its first
generation was plain, earnest, industrious, pervaded and guided
by highest ideals. In its material side it possessed most of the
elements of a frontier settlement, but in its spiritual and intel-
lectual relations it had many of the highest elements of charac-
ter. The earnestness of students and teachers helped to atone
for the meagerness of the formal intellectual provision. One
who lived it and was one of its noblest representatives, Lucy
Stone, said:

"Oberlin, at that time, was an experiment station. The results which
it reached were significant for the progress not only of women but also
of humanity."1

1 Personal letter to the writer, dated Boston, February 2, 1893. "I was a
student four years at Oberlin. I never lost a day from ill health. I took the
college course with the men and held a fair mark as a student. The same wasTHE EDUCATION OF WOMEN

At Oberlin coeducation grew as from a seed. Its supporters
were not quite conscious of the significance of what they were
doing. The beginning and method which prevailed twenty
years later at Antioch were different. In his Inaugural Ad-
dress, Horace Mann took up the question of the education of
women with his usual intellectual vigor and moral enthusiasm.
He sought to answer objections to what has come to be known
as coeducation. lie declares that coeducation is the only method
to be pursued, for at least many years, on the ground that sep-
arate education would nearly double all primary outlays and
current expenditures. He believes that a certain degree of
social intercourse should exist between those who have ceased to
be children but have not yet become men and women. Such
intercourse prevents manners from becoming rude and awkward,
and sentiments coarse and impure. He believes that the peril
of forming undesirable intimacies or attachments is less under
academic than under ordinary social conditions. lie affirms that
the daily meetings of women and men will result in moral re-
straint and intellectual excitement.

Under such an interpretation and inspiration, Antioch Col-
lege began and continued its education for women on the same
terms as for men.

At least one comprehensive reason may easily be found urging
a state university to receive women as well as men which does
not exist in the case of a private college. This reason lies in the
simple fact that a university supported by public taxation should
hold its advantages open and free to all citizens. The ex-
periment tried in Ohio had, to say the least, not wrought harm.
The citizens, therefore, of the states which founded universities
after the beginning of the sixth decade usually saw fit to ad-
mit both women and men on equal terms. In 1856 Iowa—
ten years later, Kansas,—in 1868, Minnesota,— and in 1871,
Nebraska, established universities for both women and men.

true of the other girls in college. But nearly every one of us worked. We were
poor. We earned our way through college. We did our own cooking (most
of the time) and our washing and ironing all the time. Some of the girls paid
their way by washing for the male students. It was the work, the exercise
that kept us with good muscles and with quiet nerves."344 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

The University of Indiana, opened in 1820, became free to women
in the year in which the University of Minnesota was founded.
Michigan, Illinois, California, and Missouri opened their
universities to women in 1870, and three years after, the
University of Ohio at Columbus received them. The following
year, Wisconsin adopted a full coeducational policy. At the
present time, every state university with the exception of three
—Virginia, Georgia, and Louisiana—are as free to women
as to men.

The method by which the older parts of the country ap-
proached the question of the education of their women was not
the method of coeducation. It was easier to provide for the edu-
cation of girls through the organization of new colleges than
to adjust colleges already organized for boys, and whose con-
ditions were established, for the admission of girls. The older
communities of New England and the Middle States, in their
first endeavors to give a college education to girls, preferred to
establish separate colleges.

The founders of four conspicuous colleges for women in the
seventh and eighth decades of the nineteenth century were moved
by the same purpose. They wished to establish institutions
which should give to women an education as good as the older
colleges were giving to men. Matthew Yassar said: '4 It is my
hope to be the instrument, in the hands of Providence, of found-
ing and perpetuating an institution which shall accomplish for
young women what our colleges are accomplishing for young
men."1

The pastor of Sophia Smith, and her counselor in the or-
ganization of Smith College, said that the four cardinal prin-
ciples that her college should embody were: " First, the educa-
tional advantages given in it would be equal to those afforded
young men in their colleges. Second, Biblical study and Chris-
tian religious culture would be prominent. Third, the cottage
system of buildings, or homes for the students, instead of one
mammoth central building, would prevail. Fourth, men would
have a part in the government and instruction in it as well as

1" Vassar College and Its Founder," by Benson J. Lossing, p. 92.THE EDUCATION OF WOMEN

345

women, for it is a misfortune for young women or young men
to be educated wholly by their own kind." 1

The founder, Dr. Joseph W. Taylor, of Bryn Mawr College,
decided to provide '' an institution of learning for the advanced
education of women which should afford them all the advantages
°f a college education which are so freely offered to young
men.''2 The standard, therefore, for the education of women
was set by the colleges established for the education of men.
Their purpose was the purpose of Tennyson, when he sings:

"0, I wish

That I were some great Princess: I would build

Far off from men a college like a man's,

And I would teach them all that men are taught."

The founders of these four colleges were also alike in the
slow fruition of the idea and the purpose of laying a foundation.
In the year 1845, at the age of fifty-three, Matthew Yassar, when
visiting Guy's Hospital in London, founded by his kinsman,
decided to devote a large portion of his own fortune, in his
lifetime, to some benevolent purpose. The first form of this pur-
pose was the founding of a hospital. But the purpose took
other forms in the course of the following fifteen years. "Will-
iam Chambers, of Edinburgh, in 1858, intimated to him that a
safer investment than a college for girls would be a seminary
for the blind, the deaf and dumb, or the weak in intellect. It
was not until the year 1860 that the plan of establishing a higher
institution for women was adopted. This plan was adopted, not
only upon general grounds, but also upon grounds in part per-
sonal and domestic. Early in the year of 1865, the college was
opened for giving instruction.

In the year that Yassar received its act of incorporation,
Sophia Smith began to think of the establishment of a college
for women. Seven years after she made her will, devoting the
bulk of her property to its foundation. The college was incor-
porated in 1871, and four years after was opened to students.

Smith College Quarter Centennial Anniversary/' p. 91.

'''Education in the United States," by Nicholas Murray Butler, p. 337.

8 "The Princess."346 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

In the year 1864 Henry II. Durant lost by death an only son.
Soon after, he apparently formed a plan of using a part of his
estate for some philanthropic work. Later, seeing clearly that
the education of the youth of the country was entrusted largely
to women, he determined that his purpose should take the form
of an institution for their education. In the year 1870 the
institution was incorporated as the Wellesley Female Seminary.
Three years after, the name was changed to Wellesley College,
and in 1877 the college was authorized to grant degrees. Jo-
seph W. Taylor, the founder of Bryn Mawr, finding his offer of
marriage declined by the woman he loved, decided to use his
property in the building of a college for women. lie kept his
own counsels. He was in no small degree the administrator of
his own estate. lie bought land and began the erection of col-
lege buildings.

In each of these four institutions, therefore, the purpose of
the founder, from its inception to its completion, covered a
period of about a score of years.

The purposes which influenced each of these founders were
the purposes which Matthew Vassar expressed in the form of a
statement read on the 26th of February, 1861. He said:

" It having pleased God that I should have no descendants to inherit
my property, it has long been my desire, after suitably providing for those
of my kindred who have claims on me, to make such a disposition of my
means as should best honor God and benefit my fellow-men. At different
periods I have regarded various plans with favor, but these have all been
dismissed one after another, until the Subject of Erecting and Endowing
a College for the Education of Young Women was presented for my
consideration. The novelty, grandeur, and benignity of the idea arrested
my attention. The more carefully I examined it, the more strongly it
commended itself to my judgment and interested my feelings.

" It occurred to me, that woman, having received from her Creator
the same intellectual constitution as man, has the same right as man to
intellectual culture and development.

"I considered that the Mothers of a country mold the character of its
citizens, determine its institutions, and shape its destiny.

"Next to the influence of the mother, is that of the Female Teachers,
who is employed to train young children , at a period when impressions
are most vivid and lasting.THE EDUCATION OF WOMEN

347

"It also seemed to me, that if woman were properly educated, some
new avenues to useful and honorable employment, in entire harmony
with the gentleness and modesty of her sex, might be opened to her.

" It further appeared, there is not in our country, there is not in the
world, so far as is known, a single fully endowed institution for the educa-
tion of women.

"It was also in evidence that, for the last thirty years, the standard
of education for the sex has been constantly rising in the United States;
and the great, felt, pressing want has been ample endowments, to secure
to Female Seminaries the elevated character, the stability and permanency
of our best Colleges.

" And now, gentlemen, influenced by these and similar considerations,
after devoting my best powers to the study of the subject for a number
of years past; after duly weighing the objections against it, and the ar-
guments that preponderate in its favor; and the project having received
the warmest commendations of many prominent literary men and practical
educators, as well as the universal approval of the public press, I have
come to the conclusion that the establishment and endowment of a College
for the education of young women is a work which will satisfy my highest
aspirations, and will be, under God, a rich blessing to this city and State,
to our country and the world."1

More than three years after, in June, 1864, at the time when
the question of the appointment of professors was discussed by
the Board of Trustees, Mr. Yassar said:

"It is my hope—it was my only hope and desire—indeed, it has been
the main incentive to all I have already done, or may hereafter do, or hope
to do, to inaugurate a new era in the history and life of woman. The
attempt you are to aid me in making fails wholly of its point if it be not
an advance, and a decided advance. I wish to give one sex all the ad-
vantages too long monopolized by the other. Ours is, and is to be, an
institution for women—not men. In all its labors, positions, rewards,
and hopes, the idea is the development and exposition, and the marshaling
to the front and the preferment of women—of their powers on every side,
demonstrative of their equality with men demonstrative, indeed, of such
capacities as in certain fixed directions surpass those of men. This, I
conceive, may be fully accomplished within the rational limits of true
womanliness, and without the slightest hazard to the attractiveness of
her character. We are indeed already defeated before we commence, if

*" Vassar College and Its Founder," p. 97.348 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

such development be in the least dangerous to the dearest attributes of
her sex. We are not the less defeated, if it be hazardous for her to avail
herself of her highest educated powers when that point is gained. We are
defeated if we start upon the assumption that she has no powers save those
she may derive, or imitate, from the other sex. We are defeated if we
recognize the idea that she may not, with every propriety, contribute
to the* world the benefits of matured faculties which education evokes.
We are especially defeated if we fail to express, by our acts, our practical
belief in her preeminent powers as an instructor of her own sex."1

The purpose which influenced Mr. Durant in the founding
of Wellesley College was more conspicuously religious than ob-
tained in the case of certain other colleges. Mr. Durant's own
type of religion developed an almost ascetic form. In the first
days, the college seemed to be, in certain respects, a convent.
Self-examination and prayer were a part of the academic rou-
tine. He desired especially to educate the daughters of min-
isters and of missionaries and for the service which their parents
had rendered. In other colleges, the religious purpose was not
less fundamental, but it was less conspicuous.

In the establishment of these colleges, the leadership, in time
at least, belonged to Yassar. The difficult problems which
emerge in the education of women appeared with special sig-
nificance in the beginning of the college at Poughkeepsie. The
problems were complex and imperative. Indeed, in the middle
of the seventh decade, the kind of an education which a man
should receive was beginning to be debated. The physical sci-
ences were coming into the field of education as well as into the
field of knowledge. Educational theories were beginning to
abound. Opinions were divided. Some believed that the physi-
cal strength of women would not allow them to undertake severe
study. Education should therefore be ornamental or elementary.
Others held that in mind there is no sex; therefore women should
receive the same education which men receive. Between these
two extremes, others held that as the intellectual nature of
woman is akin to that of man, she should receive essentially
the same intellectual culture and the opportunity of develop-

1 "Vassar College and Its Founder," p. 108.THE EDUCATION OF WOMEN

349

nient. But it was also held that as women were women, intel-
lectual culture and training should be adjusted to their consti-
tution. It was believed that education should be for men human
and manly; for women also human and womanly. For both
it should be liberal and liberalizing.

It was a happy circumstance that the first great college for wo-
*nen had as its president one nobly fitted to undertake the duties
of the great office. A student at Columbia, at Union, and at
Hamilton Theological Seminary, a professor at the new Univer-
sity of Rochester and the president of the Brooklyn Polytechnic,
John Howard Raymond brought to the office a lengthy and
somewhat diverse experience. He had been a trustee of Vassar
from the organization of the corporation. His mind was large,
comprehensive, judicial. His heart was warm, yet without excess
of emotion. He united strength and sweetness. His purposes
were of the highest, and untouched by conscious prejudice. He
had a capacity for growth. Maria Mitchell said of him that he
Was not broad when he became president, but the women who
were about him made him broad. He felt his way in the new
course like a steamer in a fog, and his instinct seldom misled
him. His standards of education were of the highest, his inter-
pretations sound. He avoided many pitfalls which were spread
before him. The college was made neither a convent nor a huge
boarding school; neither an industrial establishment nor a semi-
nary of professional training. It was a college for the liberal
education of women.

Dr. Raymond died in the year 1878. His term of thirteen
years was shorter by a single year than that of another pioneer
—Arnold of Rugby. The impression he made on the .people
regarding the sanity and desirableness of the higher education
for women is to be compared to the influence of the Master of
Rugby on the public-school education of England.

The opening of Vassar College was significant in at least
two general respects. It proved the poverty and superficiality
of the education given in the ordinary school for girls. The
examinations for admission made clear that the preliminary edu-
cation, though high in aim and earnest in effort, was confused,
wasteful, and barren. The content of learning was small, the350 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

methods were without discipline, and the result was inefficient.
The opening of the college also resulted in the establishment of a
system of preparatory education. The mission of Yassar College
in its first years was of the highest consequence in impressing the
importance of orderliness upon secondary schools. It was made
plain that the preparation for college, like the institution itself,
was based upon certain principles which were to be followed with-
out regard to the crude opinions of parents or the fancies of
students.

In addition to the education of women through coeducation
and through separate colleges, the community has, in a few of
its older institutions, determined to make use of these institu-
tions for the giving of an education to women* Such a method
is a normal result of the desire to promote the efficiency of each
educational agency. It also represents the transit of the Eng-
lish tradition. Girton and Newnham at Cambridge, and Som-
merville Hall, Lady Margaret Hall, and St. Hugh's Hall at
Oxford, represent the origin of coordination and affiliation in
American institutions. Girton College had been in existence
nine years before the foundation of the Society for the Col-
legiate Instruction of Women was organized in Cambridge in
1879. This third method is usually known by the name of co-
ordination or affiliation. It represents usually the affiliation of
a college for women with a college for men in the same univer-
sity. These affiliations differ somewhat. Among, the more sig-
nificant of these institutions are: Iladcliffe College, affiliated with
Harvard, which was opened in the year 1879; Barnard, affiliated
with Columbia; the Woman's College of Brown University, of
Providence; the College for Women of Western Reserve Uni-
versity, of Cleveland; and the II. Sophia Newcomb College, affili-
ated with Tulane University, of New Orleans. In certain of these
colleges, like Radeliffe, Barnard, and Brown, the larger part of
the instruction is given by members of the Faculty of the older
college for men. In the College for Women of Western Re-
serve University, the Faculty is coordinate with the Faculty of
the Adelbert College for men in the same University.

Each of these three methods—the coeducational, the separate,
and the coordinate—has advantages, and is subject to disadvan-THE EDUCATION OF WOMEN

851

tages. The discussions of the, last years of the seventh and the
first years of the eight decade regarding the worthiness or the
unworthiness of coeducation and of separate education have
largely ceased. It has come to be acknowledged that each method
has its own special mission for the community.

After more than a generation of the higher education of
women, many questions which were asked at the beginning of
the period have either been answered or have ceased to be asked.
Many of the perils which were prophesied have ceased to be
dangerous, or time has proved that they were no perils at all.

It was at the beginning feared that the physical health of
women would suffer. It was thought that the conscientiousness
of students would lead to overwork and to worry. It was
believed that the endeavor to do men's work with what a woman
has called the handicap of sex, that functional disturbances, that
the traditional dislike of exercise, combined with hard scholas-
tic labor, might result in physical breakdown. Experience of
ftiore than forty years has proved, however, that in case a
woman enter college in good health and in case she use ordinary
wisdom, she should leave college with health not only unimpaired
but made more vigorous. The increasing athletic spirit and a
greater wisdom on the part of college authorities in the matter
of regulations and of diet have vastly contributed to the increase
of health.

The fear was also current that the intellectual capacity of
women would depreciate scholarship. It has been proved that,
in the coeducational institutions, women maintain a scholastic
rank slightly higher than that of men. A higher moral standard,
a greater diligence, the refusal to be absorbed in athletic sports,
contribute to this result. The result in America of the relatively
higher standing of women over men is similar to that proved
by the class lists of the honor examinations of Oxford and
Cambridge.

It has also become apparent that the great interests of the
family have not been made to suffer by reason of the education
of women. The college has not diverted women from marriage.
Education has, of course, helped to prepare women for many
vocations besides matrimony. They have become teachers, phy-352 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

sicians, librarians, secretaries, missionaries, but a larger part have
married. Not far from fifty per cent of women who are grad-
uates of American colleges marry.

The following table is significant:

Oberl in College........

University of Wisconsin.
University of Michigan.,

Boston University......

University of Minnesota
Total Coeducational .
Mt. Holyoke graduates.,

Vassar................

Wellesley.............

Smith................

Total Separate......

Total graduates......

Grand Total.	Classes Graduated.	Per cent Married.
1,486	62	61 .0
785	37	39.0
1,186	30	27.6
696	26	26.9
493	26	26.1
4,646	36.2»	39.1
2,614	62	51.5
1,986	36	32.4
1,942	23	25.0
2,177	23	21.1
8,724	36	33.5
13,370		

1 Average.

To my associate, Dr. George "W. Moorehouse, I am indebted
for the table. I have also received aid from him in making cer-
tain general judgments on this subject.

The significance, however, of this table relates in large meas-
ure to the percentage of women who are not graduates who marry.
This percentage is extremely difficult to determine. Certain facts
are, however, evident. College graduates marry, on the whole,
about two years later than those who are not graduates. There
is also some reason to believe that a smaller relative number of
college women marry than of those who are not college women.
If this conclusion be true, there are certain reasons in explana-
tion. A college education increases earning power. Education
also enriches the intellectual life. In consequence, a higher ideal
of the marriage state is gained. A consequent unwillingness to
enter this state is evident. It is also worthy of question whether
the women who enter college have not, in advance of their enter-
ing, more or less provisionally determined that they are not to
marry. Yet, be it said, that the question of matrimony liasTHE EDUCATION OF WOMEN

353

probably made no distinct appeal to most girls who are passing
their entrance examinations.

The statistics which have been collected seem to prove that
a larger proportion of the college women of the western states
than of the eastern are married. The reason of this fact is that
the drift of population is westward. Men are more mobile
than women. As a consequence, women who are married are
more mobile than women who are unmarried. Therefore a
larger proportion of married graduates are found in the west.

Out of his long and rich experience II. Clarke Seelye, the
president of Smith College, bears testimony to the fact that
women who " are graduates are better qualified both for wife-
hood and for motherhood. They are as ready to wed as other
women when the right man wooes them; but many causes now
lead men in active life to postpone marriage, and the longer it
is postponed, the less inclined they are to assume its responsi-
bilities. Women cannot take the initiative and seek a husband,
and daughters, in this country at least, are no longer contracted
in marriage by their parents.

Marriages of convenience are not made so often by college
graduates, for they do not feel obliged to marry in order to
escape poverty or dependence, and they marry more frequently
educated men who desire congenial companionship. There are
accordingly fewer divorces among them. Their children are lim-
ited by the same causes which are dominant in the society to
which they belong. Excessive mentality may interfere with
fecundity, but the fact is, there is very little excessive mentality
at present, either in colleges for men or for women." 1

1 "Annual Report of the President of Smith College," 1904-5, p. 12.CHAPTER XVI

the colleges in the civil war

The higher, the larger, the finer the motive, the greater is
the appeal which it makes to the heart of the college man.
The universities have always been the nurseries of the richest
spirit of humanity. In feudal times they were a protest against
feudalism, and in modern times and all over the modern world
they have embodied the ; aggressive spirit. Liberty, largeness,
humanity, have been the rallying cries of college students. The
universities were on the side of the people in the struggles for
democracy in Prance. They fought for national unity in Italy.
And at the present time in Russia and in America they represent
the spirit not only of enlightened freedom but also of the most
serious and exultant endeavor for securing national progress. It
was a very moving spectacle which was furnished by the great
Fichte in the University of Berlin, of which he was the first
rector and in a sense the founder, eager to lead forth his stu-
dents to repel the invasion by Napoleon in the year 1813; and
prevented only by the command of his king.

The nobility of the motive which has characterized the appeal
that humanity has made to the universities of the old world in
former times received its highest illustration in the great civil
war of the United States. The motive appealing to the North
and to the South was of the highest character. The North fought
for the preservation of the Union, the South for the freedom of
its individual States. This war, therefore, made an appeal of tre-
mendous force to the students of the colleges of both the North
and the South. To the student in Yale and Harvard and Dart-
mouth, in Hamilton and in Michigan, the war was a call for the
defense of the Union, for the protection of the government, for
the freedom of native land. To the student in the Universities
of Virginia, of North Carolina, and of Georgia the war was a

354,THE COLLEGES IN THE CIVIL WAR 355

call for the upholding of one's own commonwealth and for the
honor and peace of one's own fireside. The call was made and
the call was heard with all the seriousness of sentiment and depth
of feeling which so thoroughly fills the heart of the student while
he is in college and in the years immediately following his grad-
uation. The call was for both sides a call of and for life. It was
borne to the student in all the glory of death nobly died, in all
the glory of the life which might be lived under conditions set for
noblest ends. One of these students, graduating at a Northern
college at the Commencement of 1862, wrote on a June midnight
what hundreds of college men were feeling at that very hour.
He wrote:

" One by one the lights went out in the windows, till the buildings
were dark about us, as we sat there sad and thoughtful; and then we went
silently to our rooms, feeling that soon we were to be scattered and turned
adrift in the world, each man to enter the valley alone and fight for himself,
■—no, not for himself, but for truth, justice, right,—and so for God, as
his soldiers." 1

Another student, who lost his life in the great struggle and who
bore the name of Charles Russell Lowell, wrote:

"I cannot say that I take any great pleasure in the contemplation of
the future. I fancy you feel much as I do about the profitableness of a
soldier's life, and would not think of trying it, were it not for a muddled
and twisted idea that somehow or other this fight was going to be one in
which decent men ought to engage for the sake of humanity,—I use the
word in its ordinary sense." 2

Another, too, affirms:

" It is not congenial to my tastes to go to war, but it seems now that
all who love their country ought to be willing to take up arms in its
defense." 3

And likewise, another writes:

"For a long time previous to enlisting I had felt it a duty to be doing
something to save my country in this terrible war,"1

1 "Harvard Memorial Biographies," pp. 11, 321.

«Ibid., i, p. 287. 3 Ibid., ii, p. 352. * Ibid., ii, 391.

24356 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

Another writes to his father in 1862, just as his regiment is
leaving Boston for North Carolina:

" I assure you, my dear father, that I know of nothing in the course
of my whole life which has caused me such deep and serious thought as
this trying crisis in the history of our nation. What is the worth of this
man's life or of that man's education, if this great and glorious fabric
of our Union, raised with such toil and labor by our forefathers, and trans-
mitted to us in value increased ten-fold, is to be shattered to pieces by
traitorous hands, and allowed to fall crumbling into the dust? If our
country and our nationality is to perish, better that we should all perish
with it, and not survive to see it a laughing stock for all posterity to be
pointed at as the unsuccessful trial of republicanism. It seems to me
the part of a coward to stay at home and allow others to fight my battles
and incur dangers for me. What shame, what mortification would it
cause me years hence to be obliged to confess that, in the great struggle
for national existence, I stood aloof, an idle spectator, without any peculiar
ties to retain me at home, and yet not caring or not daring to do anything
in the defense of my country. It was impossible for me to carry on my
studies with any degree of interest or of profit to myself. I would read
in Tacitus of the destruction and dismemberment of the mighty empire
of Rome by internal feuds and civil dissensions, and my mind would be
brought to the thought of another nation, equal in magnitude and power
to that which issued its decree from the seven-hilled city, which was to be
saved from a like fate only by the timely aid and support of every one
of its sons. I felt that, if I remained at College, I could derive no benefit
whatever while my mind was so entirely interested in another quarter."

And again:

"I have tried as well as I can, and I find that it is but poorly, to give
you some idea of my feelings on this subject. I feel well satisfied that I
have done what, upon careful deliberation, has seemed to me most in accord
with all my duties. I have looked at the matter from every point of view;
and if I shall seem to you to have arrived at a wrong conclusion, believe
me, it is not from any hasty impulse of the moment, but from the sober
dictates of my best judgment. If I have unwittingly made the wrong
choice, God forgive me; I did what I thought was for the best." 1

Be it said that the question of slavery usually had a very
small place in the mind of the college student as he thought of

'"Harvard Memorial Biographies," ii, pp. 441-443.THE COLLEGES IN THE CIVIL WAR 357

the great war in its earlier years. Tlie Northern student usually
found himself in favor of the abolition of slavery, and possibly
the Southern student gave very small heed to the question of
slavery in any form, but each thought of the war and entered
the service moved by the highest motives of either patriotism
or humanity. One student said that " if slavery should come
athwart the mark of the Northern arms, it must come down; if
it should become a mark of wisdom or of benefit to the Northern
cause to do away with slavery, then of course also it must go
down." And this man was not a reformer, and he was very far
from being an abolitionist. Another writes:

"I am first for supporting the government and prosecuting the war by
every constitutional means, without regard to prejudices of color or race,
and with the destruction of slavery in view as an aid in restoring the
Union." 1

It was not love for the negro but love for the nation that
fired the Northern student. It was not at all a determination to
continue the negro in slavery but the love for his fireside that
fired the heart of the Southern student. A graduate of the Uni-
versity of Virginia wrote on June 5, 1861, as follows:

"I leave for Harper's Ferry next Saturday, to take my stand in the
ranks of the Southern army. If it had been my good fortune to go there
in a different capacity, I should be better satisfied, as it is but natural to
wish to excel, and to feel that when we die we shall live in the hearts of our
countrymen. But as circumstances have ordered it otherwise, I go freely
and willingly in the humble capacity of a private, determined to do, and
die, if Providence so wills it, in the sacred and righteous cause of the
South, Virginia, and freedom. May God so help me." 1

This call to the great conflict was made to professors as well
as to students. The teachers were stirred quite as strongly as
the undergraduates. Professor Gammell of Brown University
in a recitation of the Senior Class, alluding to the attack on Fort
Sumter, said: " It looks as if our flag there must go down; but,

' " Harvard Memorial Biographies," ii, p. 298.

'"The University Memorial: Biographical Sketches of Alumni of the
University of Virginia who Fell in the Confederate War," p. 261.358 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

gentlemen, if it does go down/' he added, " it must go up again,
and that, too, at whatever cost." 1

On Wednesday, April 17th of the year 1861, the Senior
Class of Brown University raised the stars and stripes over
the University Hall. After the flag had been unfurled and the
band played " The Star-Spangled Banner," President Sears,
standing on the steps of Manning Hall, delivered a brief ad-
dress. He said he deprecated civil war. He regretted the ne-
cessity which it imposed upon us as a people. But, he continued,
the time for deliberation is past. Every man is now called upon
to show himself worthy of the country of his birth. It is fitting,
then, that to-day the young men who have come to this University
to learn—to learn to be patriots he would hope—and who have
everything at stake in this crisis, should show that they appre-
ciate the inestimable blessings which they have inherited from a
brave and noble ancestry.2

Not a few college professors were not content with speeches,
but themselves went forth with their students or with recent
graduates. Conspicuous among the commanders of the North
was Prof. Joshua L. Chamberlain of Bowdoiri College. But
many teachers who were as "eager for the cause as those who
went forth at the head of regiments or brigades, stayed at home
and by their presence, speeches, and enthusiasm did much for
the preservation of the Union and for the promotion of the war.
Among them Professor Child of Harvard was eminent. The
ballads which Professor Child wrote for the soldiers, although
they never came into general use, are still significant. Of his
ballad " The Lass of the Pamunky " I quote the last stanza:

"Fair hands! but not too nice or coy
To soothe my pangs with service tender;

Soft eyes! that watched a wasted boy,

All loving, as your land's defender,—

Oh, I was then a wretched shade,

But now I'm strong, and growing chunky;

So Forward! and God bless the maid
That saved my life on the Pamunky!"

ili Brown University in the Civil War: A Memorial/' p. 4. 3 Ibid., p. 6.TIIE COLLEGES IN TIIE CIVIL WAR 359

Of course no one can ever forget the greatest ode ever written
in this New World, written by a college professor in memory of
college boys who fell.

But the participation of the college officers of the South in
the war was far more general than of those of the North, not
because the love of commonwealth was greater in the heart of
the Southern teacher than was the love of country in the heart
of his Northern brother, but because the war made a far deeper
and a far more general appeal to the South than it could make
in the North. As conspicuous as any teacher in the Southern
armies was " Stonewall " Jackson, who, at the time that the
war broke out, was a professor in the Virginia Military Insti-
tute. What was true of the University of North Carolina, too,
was true also in a sense of all the colleges of the South: five
teachers of that institution volunteered for the war, and the
other nine, with one exception, were either clergymen or too old
for the service. Of the five tutors in the University in 1860-61,
all entered the army, and four of them fell.1

It is not to be denied that a few of the conspicuous teachers
and heads of Northern colleges were indifferent, and even op-
posed, to entering into the war, and were apparently careless
as to its issue. Conspicuous in the public eye as men of this

1 The following record very well represents the force of the argument which
the war made to the liberally educated men of the South. "The first of these
tutors to seal his faith with his blood was Captain George Burgwyn Johnston,
who died at Chapel Hill in 1863, of a decline brought on by prison hardships
at Sandusky, Ohio. The next was Lieutenant Iowa Michigan Royster, who
fell with the song of Dixie on his lips, while leading his company to the charge
at Gettysburg. He was one of eight in the class of 1860 who received first
distinction; within four years, four of these filled soldiers' graves. Another
of these first honor men, and the youngest, was Captain George Pettigrew
Bryan. He was to have entered the ministry; but his country called and he
surrendered his young life at Charles City Road in 1864. His promotion as
Lieutenant Colonel arrived just after his death. The fourth tutor to fall was
Robert W. Anderson, who had been a candidate for Orders in the Episcopal
Church. He was a brother of General George Burgwyn Anderson and, like
him, offered his sword and his life to his state. He fell at the Wilderness in
1864."—"The University of North Carolina in the Civil War," an address
delivered at the Centennial Celebration of that institution in 1895. By
Stephen Beauregard Weeks, Ph.D.360 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

reputed character were President Lord of Dartmouth and Presi-
dent Woods of Bowdoin, but it is possible that the people have
been unjust to them. In a little book called " The College Cav-
aliers, " which describes a company of soldiers composed mainly
of Dartmouth men who entered the Union army in 1862, it is
said that President Lord

"counselled the students against enlistment, as did other members of
the faculty. But his disposition did not give those who sought his advice
the impression that he was opposed to the prosecution of the war. He
presented the same view of the student's duty as was given by John Adams,
when he counselled Jonathan Mason, a young student in his law office
in Boston, to continue at his books, notwithstanding the commotion of
the opening Revolution." 1

It is also said that:

" President Lord thought it would be a very serious detriment to the
college, especially to those students who enlisted, to have any considerable
number of'them detached from their course of study for even so brief a
period as three months. In this opinion the members of the faculty con-
curred. But beyond-these counsels no attempt was made to restrain
the patriotic ardor of the students." 2

It was, a serious question which the officers of the colleges
had presented to them in those early years, respecting the enlist-
ment of their students. A college professor or president could
truly say that these young men were entrusted to him for train-
ing and for guidance. In young manhood the enthusiasms have
and ought to have free play. The motives urging the college
boys to enlist were many, urgent, constant, and persistent. The
country, too, was in need of the services of trained men. Yet
every college officer knew that not a few of the men who were
going forth from college walls to martial camp would die. The
college officer stands in the place of parents and he also stands,
in a sense, as sponsor for the nation's welfare. Serious was the
conflict between parental duty and patriotism. Such questions in

1 "The College Cavaliers: A Sketch of the Service of a Company of College
Students in the Union Arm.y in 1862,'! by S. B. Pettingill, p. 9.

' Ibid., p. 10.THE COLLEGES IN THE CIVIL WAR 361

many cases the college officer was not obliged to decide, for the
students decided them for themselves. And when men had en-
listed with at least the consent of their parents, the college officer
was the last to interpose academic barriers to their entrance into
service.

But, whether the student went forth to war or remained, the
war profoundly affected the life o&the college student and the
college teacher. For the war was an embodiment of illustrations
of truth and daring which the college man had been studying
for years. More moving than the orations of Demosthenes and
more enlightening than the history of Thucydides were the
stories of every well-fought field. The speeches of Sumner and
the few, ah! too few, addresses of Lincoln meant more than
either Roman or Greek orations to the American college man.
A graduate of Harvard in the class of 1861 wrote in the first
month of 1863:

"The question sometimes comes to me very seriously, especially when
the American cause has met with reverses, or when I hear of friends and
acquaintances who have laid their lives on the altar of patriotism, whether
I ought to be here." 1

And this feeling was not confined to graduates but on the whole
was more prevalent and pervasive among the students, whose
life was more free from domestic ties.

In the Southern colleges the influence of the war was far
stronger; for the war resulted in the closing of almost every
college south of Mason and Dixon's line. A few, remote from
the scene of conflict, struggled to continue their work for a
year or two, but with ever lessening numbers and diminishing
interest on the part of both students and teachers. Battles were
fought in or near many college towns. Hardly had the first
battle of Bull Run been won by the South before half of the
students of the University of Virginia were in the service. Com-
panies were formed in not a few of the colleges to enter the
service under the name of the college with which as students the
men had been associated. The following facts are representa-

i" Harvard Memorial Biographies," vol. ii, p. 209,362 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

tive of many of the colleges of the South: The University of
North Carolina in the college year 1859-60 had eighty fresh-
men ; only one remained to complete his course and he was unfit
for military service by reason of feeble health. The class of
1860 had eighty-four members, two of whom died in 1860, and
of the remaining eighty-two men, eighty entered the service, of
whom twenty-three were killed. In 1861 there were few gradu-
ates: five members of the faculty had already gone to the war.
Conscription, too, presently entered to oblige men to enlist.
Studies, quite as truly as laws, are silent in times of war.

Colleges in the North were as a whole not very seriously
affected by the war in respect to the number of their students.
The freshman classes of certain institutions during 1862-63 were
as large as usual. The Freshman classes, for instance, in Brown
University, for the four years covered by the war, were respect-
ively 51, 58, 56, and 52; and the total number of students in
the same years were respectively 214, 199, 292, and 185. The
sympathy between the people and the colleges was warm. The
feeling was general that the college is the nursery of patriotism
and that the parent was possibly doing as much for his country
in sending a boy to college as in sending him to the front. Cer-
tain colleges, however, suffered seriously and for a long time.
From 1860 to 1864 several colleges showed a steady diminution
in the number of their students, in one case the number in
attendance in 1864 being only about two-thirds of that in the
year 1860. Amherst was sadly depleted. Oberlin diminished
from an attendance of 1,313 in 1860 to 859 in 1862. Not only
did college men go forth from the colleges to the war but also
men who would have entered college were diverted through
patriotic motives.

It is also to be said and it will never be forgotten that,
when the Northern cause was in its darkest midnight it was re-
solved by Congress to devote no small share of the public domain
for the promotion of the development of the higher education.
That act—which bears the name of Senator Morrill of Vermont,
passed in 1862 and which resulted directly or indirectly in the
foundation of at least a score of universities in the principal
states of the middle or the farther West—was passed at a timeTHE COLLEGES IN THE CIVIL WAIl 363

When many were questioning whether we should have a country
at all worth living for or studying in. This is an event which
deserves to be placed side by side with the boldness of the Ger-
man people in founding the University of Berlin in the depths
of their Napoleonic distress.

The effect of the war upon the students in college was a lib-
eral education. It was an education more enlarging and more
enriching of the whole character of the man than any college
could have given. The war transformed boys into men, and men
into men of the manliest type. Responsibilities developed seri-
ousness and seriousness developed maturity. Lads who in their
later teens had taken no thought for themselves, being obliged
to care for themselves and for others, found stores of undevel-
oped strength awaiting the call of duty or of necessity. A
friend seeing two photographs of a man, the one taken before
and the other after his decision to enlist, asked, as he saw the
first, " Who is that young gentleman?" and, as he saw the sec-
ond, '' Who is that man next to him V9 Of another it was said
that " he has played a man's part and lived a man's life." Of
a third a teacher wrote:

"I could hardly realize that the noble and beautiful (no other word
will do) man before me was the slender boy I had known at school. I
do not know how to express the deep and singular impression his face made
Upon me; an expression pure and almost saintly was blended with that
of a true knight and heroic soldier." 1

Concerning another man, a friend wrote while he was home on
a furlough of ten days:

" We found the somewhat slight physique which he had a year before
changed into a robust and almost perfect form, full of the elasticity and
freshness of perfect health and vigor. His character had ripened, too.
The light-heartedness of youth seemed to be giving place to the responsible,
serious air of manhood, yet his manner was as gentle and affectionate as
ever."3

Men, too, who graduated in the fifties found that the four
years in the field in the seventh decade of the century were

1" Harvard Memorial Biographies," ii, p. 130. a Ibid., ii, p. 326.364 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

quite as useful as the four years spent in college in the sixth dec-
ade. One of them wrote:

"I wonder if my theories about self-culture, etc.; would ever have
been modified so much, whether I should ever have seen what a necessary
failure they lead to, had it not been for this war. Now I feel every day,
more and more, that a man has no right to himself at all; that, indeed, he
can do nothing useful unless he recognizes this clearly. We were counting
over the ' satisfactory' people of our acquaintance the other day, and very
few they were. It seems to me that this change in public affairs has
entirely changed my standard, and that men whom, ten years ago, I
should have accepted as satisfactory now show lamentably deficient.
Men do not yet seem to have risen with the occasion; and the perpetual
perception of this is uncomfortable. It is painful here to see how sadly
personal motives interfere with most of our officers' usefulness. After
the war how much there will be to do, and how little opportunity a fellow
in the field has to prepare himself for the sort of doing that will be required.
It makes me quite sad sometimes; but then I reflect that the great secret
of doing, after all, is in seeing what is to be done. I wish I could feel
as sure of doing my duty elsewhere as I am of doing it on the field of battle;
that is so little of an officer's and patriot's duty now." 1

And the same man at another time, writing to a friend, said:

" Don't grow rich; if you once begin, you will find it much more difficult
to be a useful citizen. Don't seek office, but don't ' disremember' that
the useful citizen always holds his time, his troubles, his money, and his
life ready at the hint of his country. The useful citizen is a mighty un-
pretending hero; but we are not going to have any country very long,
unless such heroism is developed!" 2

The number of graduates and the number of students who
entered the Northern army it is impossible to learn exactly, but
the facts as to the numbers that certain colleges furnished are
not difficult to secure. In general it is to be said that of the
New England colleges, twenty-three per cent of their graduates
entered the army. The number furnished by different colleges
is significant.

In Colby out of four hundred graduates and undergraduates

1 "Harvard Memorial Biographies," i, pp. 292,293.

a Ibid., i, p. 300.THE COLLEGES IN THE CIVIL WAR 365

who were subject to military duty at the close of the war a hun-
dred and forty-two actually entered the service of their country;
that is, more than one-third of its graduates or students were
Under arms, the most conspicuous graduate being General Ben-
jamin P. Butler.

Bowdoin College sent two hundred and sixty-seven men to
the war, among whom were General Oliver 0. Howard and Gen-
eral Joshua L. Chamberlain.

Dartmouth College sent four hundred and sixty-four men
from the Academic departments and a hundred and forty-eight
from the Medical College. Of the four hundred and sixty-four,
two hundred and ninety-two held commissioned offices; and of the
hundred and forty-eight medical students, all but nineteen held
commissioned offices, nearly all being surgeons or assistant
surgeons.

At the time of the war Williams College had a thousand four
hundred and forty-six living graduates, of whom three hundred
and eight entered the Northern army, among them being three
Major Generals, twelve Brigadier Generals, and thirty-seven Col-
onels and Lieutenant Colonels.

The University of Vermont furnished a hundred and forty
graduates and twenty-eight students, although the whole number
of students at that time was only sixty-five. Of the seventeen
members of the Senior class of 1863, six entered the service; of
the class of 1864, eleven out of the twenty-two members; and of
the class of 1865 eight out of sixteen members.

Harvard College furnished about twelve hundred of its stu-
dents and graduates from all departments to the great war.
The number from each of the classes of the College itself is as fol-
follows: Class of 1825, 1; 1827, 1; 1828, 2; 1829, 1; 1832, 2;
1833, 1; 1834, 1; 1835, 2; 1837, 4; 1838, 5; 1839, 3; 1840, 5;
1841, 5; 1842, 3; 1843, 8; 1844, 6; 1845, 9; 1846, 6; 1847, 7;
1848, 8; 1849, 7; 1850, 9; 1851, 14; .1852, 23; 1853, 16; 1854,
19; 1855, 22; 1856, 32; 1857, 24; 1858, 32; 1859, 36; 1860, 56;
1861, 54; 1862, 38; 1863, 49; 1864, 41; 1865, 18; 1866, 8; 1867,
10; and 1868, 1.

The record of Amherst College shows that 195 graduates and
78 undergraduates entered the service. Among the graduates366 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

were 6 who had been tutors in the college, 2 of whom laid
down their lives. About 39 per cent of all these men enlisted
as privates but of these 35 were chaplains and there were 30
or more who served as surgeons. Among the number, 3 were
brigadier generals, 9 were colonels, 12 lieutenant colonels, 9 were
majors, 25 captains, 17 first lieutenants, 17 also second lieuten-
ants, and 19 were sergeants. It is probable that there has never
been a war fought in which so large a proportion of the officers
were men of liberal training. As was found to be true in most
colleges, those classes which graduated at Amherst about the time
of the war furnished the larger part of the number who en-
listed. For there were 30 of the class of 1862 and 20 each of
the classes of 1861 and 1863; 15 went from the class of 1864
and 21 from the class of 1865. The class of 1865 lost the lar-
gest number, for 6 men died in the service, 4 as a result of
wounds received on the field of battle. Four men of the class
of 1864 did not live to return, 3 of them being killed in battle.
Two of the professors went from the classroom into the service,
and of the 3 sons of Professor Adams who enlisted 2 lost their
lives.

Columbia College contributed, for its quota 395 men, as fol-
lows: 1824, 1; 1826, 1; 1827, 2; 1828, 1; 1833, 1; 1834, 1; 1838,
3; 1839, 1; 1840, 3; 1841, 4; 1842, 6; 1843, 1; 1844, 1; 1845,
1; 1846, 1; 1847, 1; 1848, 4; 1849, 4; 1850, 2; 1851, 5; 1852,
6; 1854, 6; 1855, 5; 1856, 12; 1857, 6; 1860, 42; 1861, 57; 1862,
50; 1863, 38; 1864, 36; 1865, 25; 1866, 23; 1867, 13; 1868, 9;
1869, 6; 1870, 1; 1872, 1; 1874, 2; 1880, 1.

Wesleyan University at Middletown furnished 279 graduates
or undergraduates to the service, which number represents about
eleven per cent of all the graduates living at the beginning of
the war and thirty per cent of all who were connected with the
institution during the war. Of these the Wesleyan University
Guards, Company G of the Fourth (afterwards the First) Con-
necticut Artillery, was composed of students, and drilled on the
College campus.

A Union College professor drilled a company of the students
and went with them to the war, the professor and many of his men
never returning. Nearly fifty per cent of the students of UnionTHE COLLEGES IN THE CIVIL WAR 367

at that time were Southern men, many of whom left for service
m the Confederate army.

Rutgers also furnished men as follows: From the classes of
1829, 1834, 1835, 1838, 1839, 1840, and 1844, one each; class of
1847, 2; 1848, 3; 1849, 4; 1850, 1; 1851, 3; 1852, 1; 1853, 2;
1854, 3; 1855, 4; 1856, 7; 1857, 2; 1858, 3; 1859, 3; 1860, 2;
1861, 2; .1862, 6; 1863, 2; 1864, 7; 1865, 4; and one each from
1866 and 1868, making a total of 70.

Princeton's roll of honor shows a hundred and fifty names
of men in the service of the United States, and it includes four
Major Generals (Boyle, Blair, Belknap, and Van Cleve), a Brig-
adier General, three Colonels and four Lieutenant Colonels.
About twenty-five of the hundred and fifty men died in the
service.

Yale, beginning with the class of 1804 in a chaplaincy, was
represented through the greater number of its classes of the next
sixty years. The sons of Yale fell on every battlefield from
New Orleans to Gettysburg. Of her graduates, four hundred
and ninety-four of the academic department (six hundred and
seven of all departments) entered the Northern service. Of
those who were not graduates a hundred and ninety-three of the
academic department also entered the army. Including gradu-
ates and undergraduates no less than eight hundred and thirty-
six enlisted, of whom at least a hundred died in the service or as
the direct result of the service.

Lafayette College sent no less than two hundred and twenty-
six graduates and undergraduates to the war.

Western Reserve College—at Hudson, Ohio, and since re-
moved to Cleveland and enlarged into Western Reserve Univer-
sity—practically closed its doors for the time, and nearly all
its students entered the service, and had as their officers Prof.
Charles A. Young and the late Dr. Carroll Cutler.

The war record of Colgate, formerly Madison University,
shows that at least 110 men entered the service.

Of the graduates and undergraduates of Oberlin College it
is estimated that not less than 850 served at least for a time in
the army. Of these one in ten never returned.

Michigan also furnished about eight hundred of her grad-368 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

uates or undergraduates, and the enthusiasm in favor of the war
on the part of certain of the professors was very great.

But it is needless to pursue the roll of the colleges of the
North. The enlistments among the graduates and the students of
the colleges of the South was yet more impressive. If twenty-three
per cent of the graduates and the students of the Northern Col-
leges entered the service, the percentage of Southern students
who entered the service was very much greater, as the significance
of the war was greater to the South than it was to the North.
The Chaplain General of the United Confederate Veterans, the
Rev. J. William Jones, writes in-a personal letter that the first
time he saw the famous Rockbridge Artillery it contained as
private soldiers seven Masters of Arts of the University of Vir-
ginia, twenty-seven graduates of other colleges, and twenty-four
theological students.

I have been able to learn of but one Southern college whose
work was not either seriously interrupted or entirely suspended
during the war. This one college was Guilford College in North
Carolina, an institution under the charge of the Society of
Friends. The funds of the institution were largely invested in
Philadelphia and did not suffer that impairment or absolute de-
struction which the endowment of most institutions suffered.
Nearly every Southern college suspended all exercises during
the war; in certain cases the sites of the colleges represented
the field of action, and their buildings were occupied and reoccu-
pied in turn by both armies. No college, possibly, suffered more
than William and Mary at Williamsburg. Its buildings were
so damaged or destroyed that, after a long delay, Congress in
1893 voted the institution $64,000. The buildings, also, of the
University of Alabama were destroyed by the Federal troops in
April, 1865. Congress, some twenty years later, made restitu-
tion for the injury thus wrought by the gift of an additional
land grant, and through the proceeds additional buildings have
been erected and new equipment has been supplied.

The endowment of nearly all the state and private and de-
nominational colleges was almost invariably invested in securi-
ties which had their basis in the property of the Confederate
States, and these securities usually became worthless. TheseTHE COLLEGES IN THE CIVIL WAR 369

securities were largely the bonds of railroads or the stock of
banks, and the destruction of such property was quite absolute.

The simple narration of the facts regarding the students who
enlisted is moving.

One hundred and ninety-eight students of the University of
Virginia were killed defending their State, and of the students
in the Virginia Military Institute no less than a hundred and
seventy-one were reported as killed. In the University of North
Carolina three hundred and twelve of the students and graduates
lost their lives in the great contest, and about forty per cent of
the enrollment of the University for the preceding forty years
served in the Confederate army. Out of thirteen hundred and
thirty-one matriculates in the ten years before the war, seven
hundred and fifty-nine, or fifty-six and two-thirds per cent, en-
listed, and of this number two hundred and thirty-six, or thirty
Per cent, sealed their faith with their blood. And, be it said,
the sacrifice which the graduates and students of the University
of North Carolina made was of the sort that nearly every college
of the South willingly offered.

Of the students and graduates of the University of Miss-
issippi, about ninety per cent of those living at the outbreak
of the war entered the Confederate service. In the spring of
1861 a strong company,—the University Greys,—was organized
composed of students, and it was soon formally enlisted. The
spring term of the year 1861 closed prematurely, and the entire
work of the university was suspended till the fall of 1865.
Nearly one-half of those who entered the service died and almost
every survivor bore the marks of wounds.

About three-quarters of the graduates of Emory College of
Georgia entered the Confederate service. General Edward L.
Thomas was a member of the class of 1846; General James P.
Simms of the class of 1855; General James S. Izlar also of the
class of 1855; General Reuben W. Carswell of the class of 1856.
Colonel L. Q. C. Lamar, subsequently Senator and Secretary
of the Interior, was a colonel in the army and was graduated
in the class of 1845. His classmates, Colonel Robert G. Harper
and Thomas Hardeman, commanded regiments in the Confed-
erate army, as did also Colonel Ilenry R. Harris, Colonel James370

HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

C. Longstreet and Colonel C. A. Mitchell of other classes. Cap-
tain James M. Pace, of the class of 1854, was a member of the
staff of General John B. Gordon, and Homer Emmett Dixon
was secretary of the Confederate Senate.

In Davidson College, North Carolina, as in most of the South-
ern colleges, nearly all the graduates living at the outbreak of
the war entered the service of the Confederate States excepting
such as were disqualified by professional or personal reasons.
Of the professors, Lieutenant General Harvey Hill served
through the war; Fishbirn served as a private in the Rockbridge
Artillery and then as First Lieutenant of Ordnance; Leland
was first Captain, then Major; Kerr was assigned to service as
chemist and superintendent of the Mecklenberg Salt "Works, at
Charleston; Barringer was Major, and no less than seven other
members of the small Faculty enlisted. The statement indicates
the extent to which the educated men of the South were swept
into the Confederate States Army. The first president of this
College, Robert Hall Morrison, although too frail to serve in
the army himself, had four sons-in-law who rendered distin-
guished service.

One should not neglect to say that not a few of the graduates
of Northern colleges were found in the service of the Confed-
eracy. These were men whose homes were in the South. Com-
ing to Northern colleges from their Southern homes, they re-
turned to the South after graduation and affiliated themselves
with the interests of their states. Perhaps the one Northern
College which was most vitally and deeply affected by the war
was Princeton, for Princeton, previous to the war, had been
very popular throughout the South. Secession sentiments were
strong in Princeton in February, March, and April, 1861, and
rumors are still current of a rebellion that was made by some
students in an attempt to raise the Stars and Stripes over one
of the college buildings. Of one of the classes of Princeton
graduating near the outbreak of the war it is said that thirteen
entered the Federal service and twelve the Confederate.

A diligent search of the class records of Harvard College gives
the following record of those who entered the Southern army:
One man each from the classes of 1833, 1834, 1835, 1839, 1840,THE COLLEGES IN THE CIVIL WAR 371

1841; three from 1837; nine from 1854; one from 1855; four
from 1856; seven from 1857; four from 1858; three from 1859;
eight from I860; five from 1861; one from 1862; four from
1863; and five from 1865; making a total of sixty men.

Among the graduates of Yale who held high place in the
Confederate service were: Lieutenant General Richard Taylor
(only son of President Zachary Taylor); George E. Badger,
Senator from North Carolina and Secretary of the Navy; Judge
A. B. Longstreet, uncle of the general of the same name; Allen
T. Caperton, Confederate Senator; Frederick W. M. Holliday,
who became governor of Virginia in 1877; Colonel William
Preston Johnston, aid-de-camp to Jefferson Davis; and Prof.
Elisha Mitchell of North Carolina. About forty graduates also
entered the service in the field. From the class of 1813 came
one, and one also from the classes of 1814, 1816, 1820, and 1832,
"with two from the class of 1841; the class of 1845 sent seven
men; 1847, two; 1849, four; 1851, one; 1852, three; 1853, five;
1854, four; 1856, one, as did also the classes of 1857 and 1859.
The list does not include students of partial courses, as there
seems to have been but few Southern students after 1856.

For three decades previous to the beginning of the war,
Southern colleges and schools had secured not a few of their
best teachers from the colleges of the North. Many of those who
had thus become residents of the South returned to their homes.
Others remained in the land of their adoption and fought with
their fellow-citizens. Among those who went to the North were
Prof. William F. Stearns, Prof. E. C. Boynton, Prof. Henry
Whitehorne, and Prof. William Moore, who had been asso-
ciated with the University of Mississippi. Prof. F. A. P. Bar-
nard, also, who had held positions in the educational institutions
of the South and rendered exceedingly able service, went north
at the outbreak of the war.

At least three colleges of the North have erected memorials
to their sons who fell in the great war, Harvard, Bowdoin, and
Colby. The most conspicuous is of course Memorial Hall at
Cambridge. In the college church at Amherst is a chime of bells
which is designed to be of a memorial character. Beyond one
or two colleges of the South no very special recognition has been
25872 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

made of the heroes who fell fighting for their fatherland. The
University of North Carolina, however, has been able to erect a
chapel which is of special value as indicating the preeminence of
its graduates in the Confederate service. Its walls are covered
with memorial tablets.

No class of men in either the W&r with Spain or the Civil
War was so eager to enter the service as the students of the Amer-
ican colleges. The difficulty was not that they were not eager
to enter, but how to restrain them from entering. It is also
proved that when these men had entered the service no one was
more diligent in doing the duties of camp or more faithful in
the humdrum of discipline, and certainly none more brave on the
field of strife, than the American college man. Professor Diman,
speaking at the dedication of a Memorial Tablet of Brown Uni-
versity, said:

"Such exclusive devotion, it has been claimed, to abstract studies,
but poorly fits the understanding to deal with practical concerns; such
prolonged contact with the past is ill adapted to awaken sympathy with
the living present. Thus we purchase a puny intellectualism at the
price of those manly qualities which are the conditions of all real suc-
cess. How far these reproaches were well founded let the experience
of this, and of kindred institutions, show. When the call of the President
revealed the public peril, who sprang to arms? Where all professions, all
ranks, all conditions showed such alacrity, it might seem invidious to
claim special praise for any single class; but let it never be forgotten
that among those who hurried earliest to the strife, in those shameful
days when one and another of the men who had been trained at West
Point was proving faithless to his trust, was a large proportion of the
students of our colleges; a proportion, in some instances, so large as
seriously to interfere with the routine of academic duties. It is safe to
affirm that no one class of the American people was represented in so liberal
a ratio as the very class whose training had been decried as tending to keep
them at a distance from the questions of the day. And in this respect our
experience has been the experience of those before us. In that matchless
eulogy which Pericles pronounced at the beginning of the Peloponnesian
War, he proudly claimed that Athens had lost nothing in the cultivation
of those arts to which she owed her highest fame; and we too, looking back
on our record, remembering the readiness with which so many of our edu-
cated youth made sacrifice of the hopes of years, recognizing the conspicu-THE COLLEGES IN THE CIVIL WAR 373

ous ability so often shown in the novel and arduous positions to which they
were summoned, bewailing, alas, what may not even now be mentioned
without renewing in the hearts of some here present, a grief too sacred and
too recent to be disturbed, may repeat with added emphasis the words of
the great Athenian orator, 'We have not been enfeebled by Philosophy.'"1

A soldier, writing from the field of conflict, says, speaking of
one who had won renown as a member of the crew:

"All unite in praising his gallant conduct on the field of battlej and
old Harvard has good reason to be proud of the courage and ability shown
by her representatives." 2

Robert Shaw wrote after the battle of Cedar Mountain:

" All our officers behaved nobly. Those who ought to have stayed
away didn't. It was splendid to see those sick fellows walk straight up
into the shower of bullets as if it were so much rain; men who, until this
year, had lived lives of perfect ease and luxury." 5

Another soldier said: " We are in for the war though it la&ts
twenty years." A Brigadier General, writing of a college man
who fell, says:

" I was pleased with him at once, and can say that in all my experience
I never saw a new and young officer take hold of his work so well. In
my own mind I selected him at once for the place which I afterwards
asked him to accept. lie became eminently popular in this brigade;
and not until after I had lost him did I fully realize of how much actual
service he was to myself and to my command. Let me offer to yourself
and family my deep feeling of sympathy in this loss to ourselves and to.
our country."4

The lesson, therefore, to be derived from this survey is the
general lesson of the patriotism of the American college. In
the Revolutionary War the American colleges were on the side
of the colonists. The most distinguished college president at
that time was one of the great defenders of the young nation's
interests: Witherspoon of Princeton. College dormitories were

i "Brown University in the Civil War," pp. 322,323.

2" Harvard Memorial Biographies," i, p. 338.

a Ibid., i, p. 355.	4 Ibid., vol. ii, p. 449.874 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

often turned into camps for the soldiers. Washington took com-
mand of the American forces underneath a tree within hailing
distance of Harvard's halls. The same love for country was more
largely manifested in the Civil War. There is no antagonism be-
tween culture and patriotism. Thus believing, the college student
adds to patriotism a divine—and the largest human—relation-
ships and he enforces his allegiance to the right by the warmth
of his love for his country. Colonel Thomas Wentworth Ilig-
ginson, in the Preface to his Memorial Biographies, says:

" There is no class of men in this republic from whom the response of
patriotism comes more promptly and surely than from its most highly
educated class. All those delusions which pass current in Europe, dating
back to De Tocqueville, in regard to some supposed torpor or alienation
prevailing among cultivated Americans, should be swept away forever by
this one book. The lives here narrated undoubtedly represent on the
whole those classes, favored in worldly fortune, which would elsewhere
form an aristocracy—with only an admixture, such as all aristocracies
now show, of what are called self-made men. It is surprising to notice
how large is the proportion of Puritan and Revolutionary descent. Yet
these young men threw themselves promptly and heartily into the war;
and that not in recklessness or bravado—not merely won by the dazzle
of a uniform, or allured by the charm of personal power, or controlled
even by 'that last infirmity/ ambition—but evidently governed, above
all things else, by solid conviction and the absolute law of conscience.
To have established incontestably this one point, is worth the costly sacri-
fice which completed the demonstration."1

The American college is the nursery of patriotism. It sprang
out of the devotion of self-sacrificing founders to the interests
of the commonwealth, and it, in turn, has done much to minister
to the highest being of the commonwealth and of humanity. It
was a college professor, speaking to a college audience upon a
college occasion, who sang of our country:

"What were our lives without thee?

What all our lives to save thee?

We reck not what we gave thee;

We will not dare to doubt thee,

But ask whatever else, and we will dare!"

^'Harvard Memorial Biographies," i, p. v.CHAPTER XVII

undergraduate affairs and undertakings

The development of undergraduate interests has become
great in the last one hundred years. The development belongs
both to the individual college and also to the association of col-
leges. The individual academic development has promoted the
development of the intercollegiate system, and the intercollegiate
system the interests of the individual college.

The most significant, and among the earliest forms of the
development of undergraduate life, was what is now usually
known as the society system. The students of the American col-
lege came as a body into a sense of self-consciousness at the time
the nation was coming to itself. The debates which preceded,
accompanied, and followed the struggle for political independence
belonged quite as much to the college as to the people.1 The
society system had apparently its birth in the oratorical instinct
■—an instinct which was strong in the college man of the Revo-
lutionary period. The " Speaking Club " of Harvard College,
organized in the year 1771, was among the earliest of such organi-
zations. Among its members were John Quiney Adams, Rufus
King, and Christopher Gore. Other clubs followed. The debates
in such organizations were at once academic and public. " The
pernicious habit of drinking tea "—a subject discussed in one
of the meetings of one of the first years of the eighth decade,
indicates that public concerns had invaded the academic yard.

The spirit from which such debates sprang, and the debates
themselves, helped to form the most important associations of
students. Strong societies for debate were established in all
colleges.

The interest in these societies, established in the last decades

* "Harvard Book," vol. ii, p. 341.
375376 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

of the eighteenth and the first decades of the nineteenth century,
was intense. A graduate of Amherst, writing of the societies
of that College in the four years from 1827 to 1831, says:

"Each student at that time became earnestly enlisted as champion
for the preeminence of his own society. The literary societies were the
chief centers of interest outside of the regular exerciscs of the college.
Each had its own esprit de corps very distinct and well understood. We
eagerly anticipated the weekly meetings of the old Athenian Society,
and prepared ourselves for its exercises with diligence. Nearly all the
members attended regularly, filling up a recitation room of the Chapel.
Debates, Orations, Poems, and the 'Anonymous department' constituted
our principal exercises—which were always performed with life and
vigor/'1

These societies were concerned with other interests than the
training of members in debates. They collected libraries. The
Linonia library of Yale had, in the year 1770, nearly one hun-
dred volumes, which increased by gradual increment until in
1846 it had more than ten thousand. The Brothers Society had,
in 1781, one hundred and sixty-three books; in 1835, more than
four thousand; and in 1846, more than nine thousand.2 The
societies also promoted the undergraduate undertakings. The
forum which each presented was an exceedingly free one for
action as well as for debate. These societies for almost one hun-
dred years promoted unity of spirit among the members, as well
as loyalty to the College.

With the decline of political interest and excitement on the
part of the community, these organizations suffered also a de-
cline. As the life of the community became more complex, un-
dergraduate interests increased also in number and elaborateness.
The attention of students became divided among many causes.
The increasing refinement of the community, both general and
academic, lessened the attention paid to the more strenuous forms
of public speech; and academic public speaking is usually and
naturally rather strenuous. The college authorities so recog-
nized the importance of writing good English that they felt

1 "Student Life at Amherst," by George R. Cutting, pp. 21, 22.

'"Four Years at Yale," p. 208.UNDERGRADUATE AFFAIRS

377

obliged formally to accept the responsibility of its teaching.
The college also, in many instances, took upon itself the training
of men in public speaking. The students' papers presently, too,
became a means for the expressing of undergraduate sentiment.
The number of college students was also enlarging, and the
increasing sense of camaraderie contributed to the beginning of
the fraternity system. The consequent growth of this system in
turn contributed to the decline of the system of open societies.
The fifth decade of the last century saw the dissolution of many
of these associations. With them passed away a form of under-
graduate life which the older men believed was of unique worth.

Out of this system grew what is known as the fraternity.
The term fraternity is usually applied to an organization inter-
collegiate, having chapters or lodges in several colleges. Its
name is also embodied, as a rule, in certain Greek letters, which
not unusually stand for some sentiment expressive of the purpose
of the organization. The first of such societies was the Phi Beta
Kappa. Phi Beta Kappa was founded at William and Mary
in the year 1776. It arose in the common friendship of its
founders. Its purpose was patriotic and literary, and its meet-
ings, on the whole, were of a literary character. The society
spread, in the remaining years of the century, to three colleges:
Yale, Harvard, and Dartmouth. In the first half of the nine-
teenth century seven more chapters were established, and in the
second half thirty-nine, covering states from Maine to California.

In the year 1821—almost fifty years after the first chapter of
the Phi Beta Kappa was founded at William and Mary—was
organized a fraternity at Yale called Chi Delta Theta. Its mem-
bership was limited to the Senior class. In the years 1825 and
1827 were organized at Union College three fraternities which
have since become known as the Union Triad. They were the
Kappa Alpha, the Sigma Phi, and the Delta Phi. These three
societies may be called the foundation of the present system.
The Sigma Phi was the first to establish a branch chapter, which
it did in the year 1831 at the neighboring college of Hamilton.
At Hamilton also, in the year 1832, was formed the first chapter
of the Alpha Delta Phi. Union College and Hamilton are more
directly and immediately associated with the beginning of the378 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

fraternity system than any other college. In the year 1844, the
first chapter of the Delta Kappa Epsilon was established at Yale,
and branch chapters were presently formed in other colleges.
The beginning thus made with the establishment, of a few chap-
ters of leading fraternities has proved to be significant. Each
leading fraternity has grown and many fraternities which are
not large have arisen, of which many have perished, but of which,
also, many continue unto this day.

This system has become an integral part of college life. At
the present time there are about thirty fraternities of national
significance, which, in their entire membership, represent about
two hundred thousand members. These fraternities have about
one thousand chapters. As I have intimated, the history of fra-
ternities is in part a history of organizations which have dis-
banded. The fraternities of a national character, having at pres-
ent one thousand chapters, are linked with a history representing
the death of about four hundred chapters.

The wide extent through which these fraternities are organ-
ized is set forth in the fact that the Alpha Delta Phi has chap-
ters in twelve states, the Alpha Tau Omega in seventeen, the
Beta Theta Pi in twenty-eight, the Chi Phi in twelve, the Chi
Psi in thirteen, the Delta Kappa Epsilon and Delta Tau Delta
in twenty each, the Kappa Sigma and Sigma Alpha Epsilon in
twenty-three each, Sigma Chi in twenty-two, and the Phi Delta
Theta in twenty-eight.

The fraternity system has thus secured a large place in under-
graduate life and sentiment. It represents one of the most im-
portant undertakings of the students. Each chapter has usually
been more or less of a secret nature, although this element of
secrecy plays a less important part with each passing decade.
These organizations have become largely social, membership in
them being based on the same elements which, under all con-
ditions, make people agreeable to one another and which unite
them together. The various chapters usually own or lease the
houses they occupy. These houses are essentially club houses.
The life is the life of a club. The life is simple or elaborate,
according as the members determine. In certain cases, the
houses are expensive, costing fifty thousand dollars or more;UNDERGRADUATE AFFAIRS

379

in others, they are leased at forty dollars a month. In respect
to the general collegiate condition, they may be called cross-
sections in the academic life. The classes from Freshman to
Senior are a series of successive and coordinate communities.
The fraternity cuts into all these classes, and at one and the same
time enrolls new men and forthcoming graduates.

The fraternities have been received, in the last three-quarters
of a century, both by the general community and by the academic,
'with diverse sentiments. They have been warmly commended,
and quite as warmly opposed. They have been attacked upon
social, personal, and legal grounds. Attempts have been made
in California and Indiana to forbid their formation in the state
universities. The supreme courts of these commonwealths have
decided against such attempts, on the ground that the proposed
prohibition is unconstitutional, discriminating against a class of
citizens. In the anti-masonic agitation of the middle of the cen-
tury fraternities suffered in common with all secret associa-
tions. They were opposed on the ground of being undemocratic,
as promoting college politics, as selfish, as narrowing the ideas
of members, as expensive, and as emphasizing social rather than
scholastic conditions. Of them President McCosh, of Princeton,
has said:

"They foster in youth, when character is forming, a habit of under-
hand action and underhand procedure which is apt to go through life.
It should be one of our aims to rear open and manly character. There is
always a tendency in these secret organizations to meddle with college
management, to check certain plans of the college authorities, and in-
fluence elections to college honours. They often tempt young men to
drink and dissipation. Nearly every professor acknowledges them to be
an evil, but is afraid of them." 1

Fraternities have been commended quite as enthusiastically as
they have been condemned. The principle of the advantage of
union and of close fellowship has been the chief ground of com-
mendation. College faculties have not infrequently worked with
their members in carrying forward the proper government of the

1 "Student Life and Customs," Sheldon, pp. 186,187.380 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

students. A beloved and efficient professor of Amherst College,
Prof. W. S. Tyler, says:

"A band of brothers feeling a lively interest in the reputation of their
chapter and in the character and conduct of all its members, by their
social gatherings, their literary exercises, their mutual personal influence,
and above all by the watch and care of the older and wiser over the
younger, less mature, and perhaps less studious members, they guard
the morals, correct the faults, stimulate the ambition, cultivate the
manners and the taste, elevate the scholarship—in a word form the
character and fashion the life of the membership, and thus contribute
no unimportant element to the order, decorum, scholarship, and culture
of the whole college. In fact, they act an important part in that system
of self-government and training for the duties of citizenship in a free
country in which Amherst is taking the lead among American colleges." 1

Any attempt to suppress such societies would probably prove
to be unavailing, for they have secured a large place in the
hearts of graduates. It would not be difficult for boards of Trus-
tees and Faculties to suppress them if only the students were
to be dealt with. But a great body of alumni far outnumber-
ing the immediate undergraduate membership would strongly
oppose any such abolition.

In the earlier period of the history of the American college,
the interpretation of the religious interests did not belong to
the field of undergraduate activities and conditions, for the
college was primarily a theological school. Most students be-
came clergymen. Personal piety was even a matter of official
enforcement. Among the first " laws, liberties, and orders "
of Harvard College was the requirement that everyone should
consider the main end of his life and studies to know God and
Jesus Christ. Prayer in secret and the reading of the Scrip-
tures twice a day were also commanded.

From such a period, necessarily working its own failure,
the colleges passed into a stage in which the religion of the
students became primarily a matter of their own concern. Piety
was regarded as a matter of individual liberty. The official
boards, however, were not indifferent to the religious affairs of

1 "A History of Amherst College," by W. S. Tyler, p. 263.UNDERGRADUATE AFFAIRS

381

the students. From the period of the beginning of the Revo-
lutionary War, the students came to enjoy great liberty in
matters of religion. The condition of the colonies was reflected
m the colleges and reflected in their religious as well as in other
conditions. It was a time of universal independence. This inde-
pendence showed itself in two ways as regards religion. On one
side independence became infidelity, and on the other side, a
greater assurance of belief. In the former relation, the French
influence was dominant. In the year 1785 only fifteen per cent
°f the students of the colleges called themselves Christians; ten
years later the percentage had fallen to ten, and in the year
1799 it had fallen still lower, to five. In the next year, how-
ever, a rise occurred to eight, which increased to ten in the year
1810, and had doubled to twenty in the year 1820.

But the freedom of the students in matters of religion, which
on the one side showed itself in infidelity, on the other was
manifest in rigorous piety. In the year 1797 there was founded
in Yale College what has been called the Moral Society. Each
member was compelled to give his assent to these four questions:

" (1) Will you endeavor to regulate your conduct by the
rules of morality contained in the Bible?

" (2) Will you endeavor by all prudent means to suppress
vice and promote the interests of morality in this Seminary?

" (3) Will you as long as you continue a member of this
society wholly refrain from every kind of profane language?

" (4) Will you never be guilty of playing any game in which
property is concerned: and will you also refrain entirely from
playing cards whilst you continue a member of this society ? 771

This Society represented a noble type of undergraduate
activity.

From the beginning of the last century until its close, the
interest of the students in religion has increased in intensity as
well as in sanity. In the earlier part of the period, this interest
was indicated in individual organizations, such as the Society
of Christian Brethren at Harvard, and in the latter part, in what
is known as the Young Men's Christian Association. The rise

1 "Two Centuries of Christian Activity at Yale,", p. 58.382 HIGHEll .EDUCATION IN AMERICA

of this form of activity in the community has deeply influenced
the colleges. In practically every college is found such an asso-
ciation. The membership is not far from fifty thousand. The
unity of these associations in the colleges has promoted the devel-
opment of each individual organization.

The change in the type of individual piety prevailing in the
college has been quite as marked as the change in the relation
which the officers of a college bear to the development of its
religious concerns. The religion of the college student has
become less introspective, less emotional, and less inclined to
express itself in formal speech. It has, however, gained in will-
ingness to declare itself in Christian service. Missions are car-
ried on, by either individual colleges or by a combination of
colleges, in India, China, and other parts. The conception of
Christian truth has gained in simplicity. The emphasis placed
on the moral virtues has increased. Skepticism has ceased to
relate itself to certain doctrines and has, so far as it exists, come
to concern itself with fundamental verities. It has passed over
from being Christian to being philosophic.

In the development of the American college, a change in
religion has occurred similar to that which has occurred at
Oxford. A great churchman has said: 4' The plain truth is that
henceforth Oxford will belong to the Church of England just as
much and just as little as does the House of Commons. It is
still a center of social and intellectual interests; but as a center
of religious force it is no longer what it was, and is unlikely in its
future to be what it still is."1 The Christianity has become less
formal and more human; it has lost intensity and it has gained
in breadth; it has become less unique and has taken upon itself
certain characteristics of the great forces of nature.

An interest of the undergraduates which approaches in im-
portance, in certain respects, the society and the fraternity
system, is the athletic. The rise of this form of academic activ-
ity is contemporaneous with its progress in the general com-
munity. The interest of the community in athletic sports has

* "Life and Letters of Henry Parry Liddon," by the Rev. J. O. Johnston,
M.A., p. 254.UNDERGRADUATE AFFAIRS

383

quickened the academic activity, and indeed the interest of the
community in this form of academic activity is more manifest
and insistent than in any other form. The newspaper press is
both the symbol and the cause of no small share of this interest.

The regard paid by the American community to athletic
sports followed, by a brief interval, the beginning and the prog-
ress of the European interest. The interest had its origin, in
both cases, in the desire for a more complete physical training.
Physical training, from the Renaissance down to the first decades
°f the nineteenth century, received much attention in the writings
°f the educational reformers. Before the establishment of gym-
nasiums, military drill was employed in not a few colleges. In
certain colleges, as at Harvard in the first quarter of the nine-
teenth century, dancing schools were attended by many men.
Lessons in fencing also were given. The Immediate Government
of Harvard College, in reply to questions of a Committee of the
Board of Overseers in the year 1824, declared that: " Individuals
make a point of brisk walking daily; but a large number, as is
too common with persons of sedentary pursuits, are negligent in
this respect."1

In the last quarter of the eighteenth and the first quarter of
the nineteenth century, various experiments were made in respect
to physical education. The European experiments quickened the
interest in America, The first college to establish a gymnasium
was Harvard. In the year 1826 one of the dining halls served
as the place of beginning. Dr. Follen, instructor in German,
was also instructor in this art. At the time that Harvard opened
its simple gymnasium, Yale offered a similar advantage. In the
next year three other New England colleges—Brown, Williams,
and Amherst—also set up apparatus. But the work thus begun
in the third decade did not develop in the following decades of the
century. For its development the community lacked proper
physiological knowledge and interest.

In this period, and especially in the first years of the fourth
decade, occurred the endeavor to unite the physical exercise

» "College Reports/' etc., by George Ticknor, "Answers of the Immediate
Government," p. 47.384 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

which manual labor gives with intellectual employment. In
many colleges, in all parts, attempts were made to give to stu-
dents through labor on the farm, or at the bench, money, recrea-
tion, and sport. The endeavor was honest and sincere. It was
believed by many people that pushing a plane was quite as remu-
nerative in fun and health as pushing a football. At Oberlin
College, in a circular issued in 1834, it was said that the

"Manual labor department is considered indispensable to a complete
education. It is designed first to preserve the student's health. .For
this purpose, all of both sexes, rich and poor, are required to labor four
hours daily. There being an intimate sympathy between soul and body,
their labor promotes, as a second object, clear and strong thought, with
a happy moral temperament. A third object of this system is its pecuni-
ary advantage; for while taking that exercise necessary to health, a consid-
erable portion of the student's expenses may be defrayed. This system, as
a fourth object, aids essentially in forming habits of industry and economy,
and secures, as a fifth desideratum, an acquaintance with common things.
In a word, it meets the wants of man as a compound being, and prevents
the common and amazing waste of money, time, health, and life."1

But the attempt made at Oberlin, Marietta, Western Reserve,
Lane Theological Seminary, and other colleges, south and east as
well as west, failed. It was not based upon physiological laws.
Exercise to be of proper advantage to the student is to be en-
joyed. Most students, like other people, are so made that work
is not enjoyed.

In the last half of the century, the development of the gym-
nastic system was rapid. Almost every college provided itself
with a building and equipped it with apparatus and employed a
teacher. In most cases, attendance upon the exercises was re-
quired as a regular college exercise. In this endeavor to make
the education of the body a worthy part of the education of
the man, Amherst, through Prof. Edward Hitchcock, Jr., was a
leader and an inspiring example.

Out of the work of the gymnasium grew, as a natural con-
dition and cause, the vast athletic interest of undergraduates.

lttOberlin: The Colony and the College," James II. Fairchild, p. 186.UNDERGRADUATE AFFAIRS

385

This interest had also an independent origin. It took on largely,
although not entirely, three forms—rowing, baseball, and foot-
ball.

The first rowing club in any American college was formed at
Yale in 1843. In the following ten years so great had become
its popularity that in 1853 no less than fifteen boats were owned
by the class clubs. In 1852 the first intercollegiate race was
rowed, Harvard defeating Yale on Lake Winnepesaukee. The
course was two miles, and the race was rowed in eight-oared
barges. The character of this first contest may be inferred from
a remark made by one of the Harvard crew that they had only
rowed a few times for fear of blistering their hands. The chief
idea of training was avoiding sweets on the actual day of the
race.1 In 1858 an attempt was made to establish an intercol-
legiate regatta in which four colleges should unite, but the drown-
ing of one of the Yale crew prevented the contest. In 1859
Yale won the first of her many victories over Harvard, and in
the same year built her first boathouse. In 1860 Harvard,
Brown, and Yale competed in the third intercollegiate regatta.
The civil war interfered with further contests, and none was
attempted until the year 1864. The following year, in the race
between Yale and Harvard, Yale won—in the fastest time ever
made in America—in a three-mile race and return. In 1869
a Harvard crew went abroad and rowed Oxford, from Putney
to Mortlake, and Oxford won by only six seconds.

By this time rowing had become firmly established in the
two most historic American colleges. This form of sport was
at once intercollegiate and individual, colleges having facilities
for rowing organized crews for competitive contests as well as
for individual sport. Throughout the last half-century, various
associations, some large and some small, have been formed of
colleges which have promoted intercollegiate regattas.

Baseball was introduced into the American college from the
general community. The first regular nine was formed at
Princeton in 1858. Yale and Amherst organized teams in the
following year. Princeton was most vigorous, in advancing the

*"Yale Athletics," by Richard M. Ilurd, p. 7.386 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

new sport. Harvard and Yale played their first regular series
of games in 1868. From that time to the present in all colleges,
as in the general community, the game has held an important
place. The rise of baseball in the favor of the community, how-
ever, has been greater than its advancement in undergraduate
opinion. It has become the great American game, as football,
in turn, has become the great game of the college.

From time immemorial, kicking or catching ball has been
recognized as one of the happiest sports. As early as the year
1840, an annual game of football was played by the Sophomores
and Freshmen of Yale. This game was, on the whole, rather a
rush than an articulated campaign. It was a contest of individ-
ual skill. The rise of the formal game, however, is found in the
first years of the eighth decade. In 1872, at Yale, was formed
a football association, and in the following year, an intercol-
legiate association was organized. From that time to the present,
the game has been increasing in popularity at the colleges and
also in the attention which it commands from the general com-
munity. It has become the great American academic game. It
has, in these last years, received the severest condemnation, as
well as equally warm commendation. The condemnation visited
upon it is expressed in a report of the president of Harvard
College, who says:

" Some of the lesser objections to the game are its extreme publicity,
the large proportion of injuries among the players, the absorption of the
undergraduate mind in the subject for two months, and the dispropor-
tionate exaltation of the football hero in the college world. The crude
and vociferous criticism, blame, and praise which fall to the lot of the
football player can be of no possible advantage to any young man at
the opening of his active life; on the contrary, they keep before him
an untrustworthy and unwholesome standard of public approval or dis-
approval. Some danger attends almost all of the manly sports, and
taking their risks makes part of the interest in them; but the risks of
football are exaggerated and unreasonable. In a well-managed college,
where men physically unfit for football are prevented from playing the
game, the risk of death on the football field within four years is not so
great as the risk in riding horseback, driving an automobile, or boating
and yachting, if these sports are followed for years. Nevertheless, many
serious injuries occur which are apparently recovered from in goodUNDERGRADUATE AFFAIRS

387

pleasure, but which are likely to prove a handicap to the victim in later
Hfe. Sprains, strains, concussions of the brain, and injuries to bones
are apt to leave behind them permanent weaknesses, which in later life
become troublesome. The distraction from proper collegiate pursuits
°f multitudes of undergraduates during the football season has become
a familiar phenomenon; but it is, nevertheless, a mortifying one. The
ootball hero is useful in a society of young men, if he illustrates generous
strength and leads a clean life; but his merits of body and mind are not

the most promising sort for future service out in the world. The alert,
mmble, wiry, tough body is, for professional or business purposes in
future life, a better one than his; and the mental qualities of the big,
brawny athlete are almost certain to be inferior to those of slighter,
quicker-witted men whose moral ideals are at least as high as his. The state
°f mutual distrust and hostility between colleges which all too frequently
football creates is another of these lesser evils. This distrust is publicly
manifested in humiliating ways, as when a member of the opposing team,
or an official of the game, puts his ear close to the mouth of the trainer
who has run out from the side-lines to wash the face of a prostrate player.
The precautions taken against trickery, like the armor and padding against
hurts, show what the game has come to be. The carrying into elaborate
and highly artificial practice the enfeebling theory that no team can do
its best except in the presence of hosts of applauding friends is still
another of the lesser evils of football. Worse preparation for the real
struggles and contests of life can hardly be imagined. The orator, advo-
cate, preacher, surgeon, engineer, banker, tradesman, craftsman, admiral,
general, or statesman who cannot do his best except in the presence of
a sympathetic crowd is distinctly a second-class man.

"None of these things, however, enter into the main objection to
the game, for the main objection lies against its moral quality." 1

"To surprise, ambuscade, and deceive the enemy, and invariably to
overwhelm a smaller force by a greater one, are the expected methods
of war. But there is no justification for such methods in a manly game
or sport between friends. They are essentially ungenerous, and no sport
is wholesome in which ungenerous and mean acts, which easily escape
detection, contribute to victory, whether such acts be occasional and
incidental, or habitual." 3

President Eliot continues by saying:

»" Reports of the President and the Treasurer of Harvard College, 1903-
1904," pp. 18-20.

2 Ibid., p. 21

26388 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

" The sources of the grave evils in this sport are: First, the immoderate
desire to win intercollegiate games; Second, the frequent collisions m
masses which make foul play invisible; Third, the profit from violations
of rules; Fourth, the misleading assimilation of the game to war as re-
gards its strategy and its ethics." 1

But the commendations of other college presidents are quite
as warm, although expressed with less of definiteness. Certain
presidents, in particular, indicate their belief in the advantage
of the game in the giving of an intellectual training. President
Northrop of the University of Minnesota says:

"The effect on the real intellectual work and relations of the players
themselves concerning which you inquire is decidedly beneficial. Men
trained under a competent and wise leader, taught the habit of obedience;
self-control, quickness of decision and action, and made capable of being
a part of an effective machine and at the same time retaining their in-
dividuality, doing intellectual work outside of books, indeed, but not
the less important or disciplining, get something of value that they never
could get from books, and if they are all right morally, become specimens
of manliness delightful to see. The effect on the intellectual tone and
scholarship of the whole college is, as far as I can see, not perceptible
in any way, except that a genuine college spirit is cultivated and an
enthusiasm for the institution itself which binds students to their Alma
Mater, and is valuable both to the student and to the college."

President Merrill of Colgate University says:

" I cannot see that football is detrimental to the intellectual tone and
scholarship of the whole college. Probably it is distinctively helpful.
The athletic spirit is quickened in the whole body of students, and undoubt-
edly the general attention to healthful exercise and even to the severe
work in track athletics, baseball, and basketball is beneficial to mental
work."

Among the evils of the game which have come to be recognized
are: (1) Danger to life and exposure to injury; (2) temptation
to fraud in making up teams; (3) temptation to betting; (4)
temptation to roughness; (5) enthusiasm becoming so great as

1" Reports of the President and the Treasurer of Harvard College, 1903-
1904," p. 22.UNDERGRADUATE AFFAIRS

389

*n certain conditions to approach a form of hysterics; (6) dis-
advantages, though slight usually, to the scholarship of certain
players; (7) too great frequency of games; (8) the inability of
athletic associations to handle properly large sums of money;
(®) the public exposition of young men who are primarily stu-
dents; (10) reports in newspapers giving false interpretations
and false impressions of collegiate values.

The most recent of the forms of athletic sports is known as
track athletics. In the last third of a century has occurred a
vast development in field sports. In the year 1872 was formed
the Yale Athletic Association. Field days have come to be recog-
nized in almost every college. Sports of running, walking, pole-
vaulting, bicycle riding have become objects of constant train-
ing. Tennis, too, has taken its place in the college as in the com-
munity.

These four forms of college sports are usually under the
control of special athletic organizations. These organizations
represent several origins and forms. In some cases they are
composed of the students, headed by a committee of the Faculty;
in other cases they are made up of students, who are aided by
graduates; in other cases still, they are composed both of stu-
dents, of graduates, and of representatives of the Faculty. The
history of these organizations proves that the management of
such affairs is fraught with the peculiar difficulty of misunder-
standing and of inefficiency. Management by a body so change-
able as the undergraduate cannot be other than inefficient, and
management by the Faculty does not quicken the enthusiasm of
students, and enthusiasm of students is an essential part in all
athletic undertakings.

Another form of undergraduate activity, which in its actual
performance is limited to a small number, is journalism. For
nearly one hundred years what by a large interpretation of the
word may be called journalism has had a place in the American
college.

The tradition that the first college paper was established in
Dartmouth near the beginning of the last century, and that Dan-
iel Webster was editor, is without evidence. The Dartmouth
Gazette was not a college, but a general, paper. It was pub-390 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

lished at Ilanover. In his Junior year, Mr. Webster wrote for
it under the signature of " Icarus " or without any signature
at all. This paper had, like indeed most early college papers,
a brief career. Its first number was issued in August, 1799,
and its last in July, 1806. But it may be said once and for all
that, despite the tradition, the Dartmouth Gazette was not
a college paper.1

The journals next published have genuine associations with
great names, at Harvard with Edward Everett, and at Yale
with Thomas S. Grimke. At these three colleges of New Hamp-
shire, Massachusetts, and Connecticut, as well as others, college
magazines have from time to time sprung into existence. At
Harvard, their number, previous to the publication of the Har-
vard Advocate, in 1866, was half a dozen, and at Yale, even
before the foundation of the Yale Literary Magazine, in
1837, the number was seven. At Amherst, in 1831, appeared its
first periodical, The Sprite. This was presently succeeded by
The Shrine. The Shrine soon found a rival in the form
of The Guest. In 1837 appeared the Ilorce Collegiance, but
the class of 1841 voted to discontinue its publication. It was
not until 1848 that there was published The Indicator. After
three years of life The Indicator also ceased. The Experiment
followed in 1850, but, true to its name, it lasted only a year.
In 1853 the first number of the Amherst Collegiate Magazine
was printed. The history of publications at Amherst College
is an example of the ordinary history of college journals.
Their career is brief. They represent the work of a few indi-
viduals. They are born of an enthusiasm which is ephemeral.
Their influence also is slight. The honor which they give to
their promoters soon ceases to remunerate. The pecuniary bur-
den becomes too heavy.

Throughout the century college journalism has, in its broad-
est relation, sought to represent three purposes. It has offered
a means for the presentation of essays upon subjects of gen-
eral importance. These essays have considered general rather

1 The Webster Centennial. Chapter, "Mr. Webster's College Life," by
Prof. C. F. Richardson, p. 32.UNDERGRADUATE AFFAIRS

891

than academic questions. They have thus served as a type of
the literary culture of the undergraduate. Occasionally, one
finds such subjects as the " Misery of College Life " treated,
but more often such topics as ' 4 On the Cultivation of a Taste
for the Beauties of Nature," " The Power and Mission of
Genius," " The Love of the Supernatural," have prevailed.
They have thus served as an excellent intellectual gymnastic.

A literary purpose embodied in the journals is seen in poetry.
The poetry of the college man has, on the whole, been somewhat
superior to his prose. These poems have usually taken the form
of either love, sentiment, or comedy. The college youth has
lisped equally in both sentimental and humorous verse. The
most famous of college verses are those of Oliver Wendell
Holmes, which were published in The Collegian under the
name of Frank Hock. In one volume of this magazine are found
no less than seven pieces which have gained a place in permanent
editions: " The Dorchester Giant," " The Spectre Pig," " The
Reflections of a Proud Pedestrian," " The Mysterious Visitor,"
€t Evening," "By a Tailor," and " The Height of the Ridicu-
lous."1 College verse seems to incline toward French forms,
especially the rondeau, ballad, and triolet.2 There also seems to
be a great liking for the sonnet, and an equally great want of
success in making it. As a type of college verse, one may quote
from a poem, a parody of Joel Barlow's " Columbiad," written
by Edward Everett, and also present a mathematical love song
of Yale of threescore years ago:

"And while he dances in vivacious glee,

He feels his stockings loosening from his knee;

The slippery silk in mind-benumbing rounds
Descends in folds, at all his nimble bounds.

Unhappy man, thy curdling blood in vain
Flows through the channel of each shutting vein.

A pallid hue thy ghastly face overspreads,

Thy forehead glistens with fear's anxious beads.

The fatal truth thine active muscles cramps,

Thine ardour freezes, and thy spirit damps.

*	''The Harvard Book," vol. ii, p. 179.

*	Knowles's "Cap and Gown," Second Series, p. 8.392

HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

With cautious step thy timid feet advance,
And weave with curious care the dreadful dance.
Thy partner wonders at the change. No more
She sees thee bound elastic from the floor;
No more she sees thine easy graceful air:

Each jump is measured with exactest care." 1

"The cone of my affections, love,

Hath found its base in thee;

The square of joy if thou'dst complete,

Add but thy smiles to me.

If I were skilled in figures, love,

Or could use symbols well,

I'd raise a pyramid of praise

Where all thy charms should dwell.

The total sum of happiness

Is equal, dear, to thee;

But if I/m minus thy sweet smiles

The world is nought to me.

Let not the line of all my life

Run parallel to thine;

But in that blissful angle meet

Where Hymen is the sine.

Let endless circles represent

My constancy to you,

And series infinite of years

Shall prove my love is true.

The cube of happiness, whose root

I see in thee alone,

Equals the highest power of love

Divided among one.2
Oh, I am that divisor, love,

The quotient is for thee;

And we'll together, multiplied,

Love to infinity.

Would, would that I of boundless love
The logarithm knew!

1 "The Harvard Book," vol. ii, pp. 174,175.

3 (Happiness)3 - —p-UNDERGRADUATE AFFAIRS

393

For natural numbers can't express

The half I feel for you.

If thou'It approximate to me,

I'll leap not to despair,

Describing a parabola

Through boundless fields of air.

But troubles shall in tangents fly

Beyond the farthest pole—

Oh, thou perimeter of hope,

And segment of my soul!

« N. B.—Should'st thou my proposition scorn,

« With hempen line I'll dangle,

And howling winds shall waft the sighs
Of thine own

George Triangle, Q. E. D." 1

The college papers have also served as a means of presenting
college news. They give reports of all undergraduate undertak-
ings; they also offer some account of the doings of graduates.
The alumni department has usually had a significant place.

The first papers published were magazines of a monthly issue,
and these were followed by journals, rather of news, issued each
week. The weekly journals have, in turn, been succeeded by
the daily journals, of which there are about a score published in
as many colleges. The daily journals are usually devoted strictly
to news, being direct expositions of the undergraduate interests
of the day or of the hour.

The century which covers the history of college journalism
also represents the history of students' music and students' songs.
The college song stands for the happiness of college life quite as
well as any expression made by the undergraduates. It embodies
the freedom, the gleefulness, the thoughtlessness touched by
pathos, the camaraderie of the four years. The songs written by
the students are the outpouring of a heart moved by life's finer
emotions, and these songs when sung by undergraduates, or
other songs sung by them, are the bubbling forth of noble emo-
tions.

1 " Yal$ College," vol. i, pp. 354< 355. By Frederick J. Kingsbury.394 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

The songs of the students of the Middle Ages were devoted to
such themes as their wanderings, the relations of students and
women, drinking and gambling, spring and the pleasures of
country life, society,—especially ecclesiastical,—and the brevity
of life.

The songs of the modern students have, like the songs of the
Middle Ages, grown out of the environment and conditions of
their life. The first in time and also, possibly, the first in impor-
tance, are songs expressing love for one's own college. Such
songs are hymns of praise for Alma Mater. " Dear Old Yale "
is typical. Akin to general songs are verses in praise of single
classes. These songs rise and vanish with the coming and the
going of the class itself whose praises are thus sung. The rollick-
ing side of college life is also frequently presented. The praise
of Bacchus is specially dear. Among the best of such songs is
one written by a graduate of Hamilton College of the class of
1851. The first stanza is:

"Had Bacchus lived with me and mine
He would have drunk no wine, no wine;

But said his prayers with conscience clear
And tasted nought but Psi U beer.

Poor Bacchus!

He did lack us:

In all Olympus far and near,

He found 110 drop of Psi U beer."

Among the more popular of college songs are those which
concern women. The college age is the age of fancy. The fancy
has gone out in such lines as " Nut-brown Maid " or 44 Rosalie."
Tenderness, as well as purity of sentiment, characterize such
verses. In recent years, too, football games have been the occa-
sion of a large number of songs. Among the best of such lines
is a song written in 1895, at Yale, devoted to Princeton:

"The Princeton tiger's stripes they say are orange and coal black,
They run in fancy diagrams all up and down his back,

But when he strikes old Eli's team he'll find it's sad but true
That the only stripes upon his back are black and blue."UNDERGRADUATE AFFAIRS

395

Songs, also, which have been devoted to the social organiza-
tions of college life have secured a large place. The fraternity
system, embodying the more characteristic relations of the under-
graduate years, forms a center of such rhymes and notes.

In the last years, songs which are in part dramatic, or which
are accompanied by dramatic action, have become popular. Peter
Gray is perhaps the best example:

"Once on a time there was a man,

His name was Peter Gray.

He lived way down in that 'ere town
Called Pennsylvania.

Chorus.

" Blow, ye winds of the morning,

Blow, ye winds, heigho,

Blow, ye winds of the morning,

Blow, blow, blow.

" Now Peter Gray he fell in love
All with a nice young girl,

The first three letters of her name
Were L. U. C. Anna Quirl.

" But just as they were going to wed,

Her papa he said 'No/

And consequently she was sent
Way off to Ohio.

"And Peter Gray he went to trade
For furs and other skins
Till he was caught and scalp-y-ed
By the bloody Indians.

"When Lucy Anna heard the news
She straightway took to bed,

And never did get up again,

Until she di-i-ed."

Yet songs of pure jollification, embodying the happiness and
frivolity of college life in its largest relationships, have been, and396 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

are, as popular as any. Their absolute foolishness and nonsensi-
calness constitute their charm. One such song runs:

"Oh, I saw an old chipmunk a-settin' on a limb,

Sing polly-wolly-doodle all the day.

He winked at me and I winked at him,

Sing polly-wolly-doodle all the day."

All these songs of American college boys are simply the con-
tinuation of the happiness, the frivolousness, the sentimentality,
of the wandering students of the Middle Ages. They still repre-
sent a part of college life which is significant and impressive.

As early as the year 1786 a singing club existed at Harvard
College, and continued to exist until as late as 1803. The oldest
club which still survives, " The Pierian Sodality/' was founded
in 1808. This organization was simply an instrumental band.
For many years it had what its historian, the late John S. Dwight,
calls its " fluting serenading.''1 At Yale College the history of
music has been not unlike its history at Harvard. A few mem-
bers of the class of 1813, in their Junior year, formed a musical
society. It took upon itself not only social but also devotional
duties. It furnished music twice a day at the chapel services.
It continued thus to serve until 1855, when it resigned its place
in the chapel. Continuing its organization thirteen years longer,
it was aborbed in, or supplanted by, the University Glee Club.

The first movement for the organization of a musical society
in Amherst College was made in 1824. It bore the name of the
Paean Band. After three years of enthusiastic service it dis-
solved in order to make some changes in its organization, and
presently it was succeeded by what was known as the College
Band. About the same time was also organized a singing society
bearing the name of Beethoven, which continued to exist for
forty years. As at Yale, in the last third of the century the
musical interests of the students were centered in glee clubs.

The glee club at the present time in nearly all colleges rep-
resents the chief musical interests of the students. It also em-
bodies a bond of relationship between the community and the

*"Tfre Harvard Book/' vol, ii, p. 366,UNDERGRADUATE AFFAIRS

397

institution, for the annual tour of the glee club has become
popular both with those taking it and with the graduates and
friends of the college living in those places to which the club
goes to give the annual concert.

College life has come to possess, moreover, even a language of
its own. It is not the language simply of a vocation or a trade;
it has taken on even larger linguistic relations, according as
academic life is other than a vocation or a trade. Its words
grow out of the actual and diverse conditions of undergraduate
life. Undergraduate life in many colleges centers in the dormi-
tory. The dormitory has given rise to numerous phrases:
" stack " means to put a room in disorder by overturning and
piling up furniture; " goody," is a woman employed to make
the beds in college dormitories; " Yenus " and " Amazon " also
stand for a woman who takes care of college buildings.1

Fraternities, also, embodying an important phase of college
life, are liberal in providing a vocabulary: i' Deke '' represents
a member of Delta Kappa Epsilon; " Barb," a nonfraternity
man; " Frat," a member of a fraternity; 44 Neutral," a student
not belonging to any fraternity or other college society; " Rush,"
is to entertain a Freshman preparatory to taking him into a
society; and " Cultivate," to make a considerable effort toward
securing a man for a fraternity or society.2

Of course, too, the curriculum itself is prolific in phrases.
Such words as " pony," " horse," " stable," " bicycle," " race-
track, '' carry along their own meaning, as do also the words
" crib" and " skin." " Panorama " and " winder," however,
are new words, standing for somewhat new forms of helping
oneself in an examination.

It is further noticeable that the American student, like the
German, derives many words from biology. Especially in coedu-
cational colleges is biology a popular source for epithets and for
terms: " baby " or " fairy " means a pretty girl; " birdie "
and " canary " are terms for a young woman; " hens " stand

1 "College Words and Phrases," by E. II. Babbitt, "Dialect Notes,"
vol. ii, Part I.

* Ibid., p. 12,398 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

for women students; " hen-coop,'7 " hen-ranch,'' " hen-roost,"
" bird-cage " are terms used in designating a dormitory for
women. The student mind, also, does not scruple to call the
sausage the " bow-wow,'' or the lunch-wagon of the night the
" dog-wagon." A Welsh rabbit, in its substitution for " Welsh
rarebit," becomes a " bunny," and the " fish " is a Freshman,
or one who is easily beguiled.1

College words and phrases represent a language in its actual
making. Words which are to-day popular, to-morrow will have
ceased to be used, and on the following day new phrases will
emerge. The language embodies the limitations and the force
of a living speech. It lacks elegance, but it has life. It stands
for the separateness and the vitality of the college.

In the history of undergraduate affairs and movements the
government of students by themselves, furthermore, represents
an important part. Of such government several types appear:
Student courts; committees advisory to the Faculty; committees
having a certain amount of power of discipline; and committees
having charge of some phase or form of college life.

The first and perhaps the most important endeavor toward
self-government had its beginning in 1868 at the University of
Illinois, and the one of longest duration is that which was in-
augurated in Amherst in the year 1883. In other institutions,
too, such as two colleges of Maine—its University at Orono and
Bowdoin—in the University of South Carolina and of Indiana,
and in Cornell, various forms of this endeavor have been intro-
duced. Any form of self-government has grown out of the desire
to lessen the antagonism which, to a certain degree, naturally
arises between Faculty and students, and also out of the consid-
eration that, as a body, students are mature, possessed of the
highest purposes, and eager to adjust themselves properly to all
conditions. The system recognizes that the old theory of the
college standing in loco parentis to the student has passed away.
Regarding the merits of the general system, Professor Tyler, of
Amherst College, has written:

College Worda and Phrases," by E. H. Babbitt,Dialect Notes,"
vol. ii, Part I, p. 15.UNDERGRADUATE AFFAIRS

399

" I have never yet seen the teacher or the student who would wish to
return to the old system. The new system is imperfect, of course, like all
the works of men. It admits of, and doubtless will receive, modification
and improvement as the result of longer experience. It needs careful
watching and wisdom in its execution. But the old system of permits
and penalties, of excuses and evasions, of government without representa-
tion, of stepmotherly prohibitions and stepfatherly punishments, of
mutual distrust and suspicion, of separate interests and hostile plans
and purposes, has gone in Amherst, and has gone or is going in other
colleges, never to return."1

But it must be said that this form of college control has largely
passed away. Students like novelties, and when the self-govern-
ment has ceased to be novel it has lost a share of its interest.
Many Faculties have found it quite as difficult to do the duties
assigned to them by the constitution of their self-governing
society as directly to govern the students themselves. The
machinery has, in certain cases, been heavy and cumbersome,
and the process of its working laborious. Where self-govern-
ment by students seems to be wise and easy, the process is gained
quite as readily by the efforts of the Faculty, and in colleges in
which governing is complicated the difficulty does not seem to be
removed through its transfer to the students.

One general effect, however, of the presence of self-governing
societies for a generation is seen in the better atmospheres which
prevail in the relationship of the official bodies to the stu-
dents. The college has, on the whole, become a brotherhood
rather than a community of the controlling and the controlled.
The increasing age and responsibility of college men and the
increasing sense of companionship on the part of members of
the teaching staff represent the condition which renders govern-
ment of any sort less necessary.

The class is still, however, the central element in all college
affairs. It is probably the most compact and firm of any organ-
ization. It springs from the identity of time and from the simi-
larity of associations of a body of men. The members of a class

»"A History of Amherst College," by W. S. Tyler, p. 244.400 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

come to college together. They pursue the new life with the same
feelings and under identical conditions. They enter together
into all struggles, victories, and defeats. Together they pass from
the mood of the bashful novice into the consciousness of grow-
ing ambition and of increasing strength and into a larger sense
of humanity. Out of the class relation grow various customs
of the college. The general custom of hazing had its origin
in the relation of the Sophomore and the Freshman classes.
Certain prohibitions were laid upon Freshmen as Freshmen—as
the carrying of canes, the wearing of silk hats. The cane-spree
at Princeton, the bowl-fight at Pennsylvania, and the banner-rush
at Yale represent contests between the Freshmen and the Sopho-
mores. The class, despite the growth of the elective system—
which tends to form a cross division among all college organiza-
tions—still represents the most important community. Of it
the late President Porter said: " Indeed we do not see how an
American college without fixed classes could have an efficient
common life. . . . In the American college the class is the
charmed circle, within which the individual student contracts the
most of his friendships and finds his fondest and most cherished
associations. The sentiment of his class is that which influences
him most efficiently, and is to him often the only atmosphere of
his social life. . . . Each college year carries this community
through its appointed cycle. As the youthful excitements of
the beginning are gradually sobered into the more thoughtful
anticipations that gather around the close, the fervor of its
friendships increase rather than abate, till at the hour of part-
ing the class feeling becomes more intense and the ties of its
union are welded into links of iron."1

In the last century the increase of expenses of the student
has been constant and great. In the first decades of the nine-
teenth century at Harvard College the expenses, including the
rent of room, the cost of board, instruction, and a few other inci-
dentals, were, at the lowest, One Hundred and Twenty-eight
Dollars, and at the highest, Two Hundred and Fifty-nine Dol-

1 "The American Colleges and. the American Public," by Noah Porter,
pp. 191, 192, 193.UNDERGRADUATE AFFAIRS

401

lars. In the college year of 1805-6 the smaller figure was the esti-
mate, and in the year 1816-17, the larger.1

The following is noted as expenses for a year:

" Steward and Commons, including board for thirty-eight weeks, at

$2.50per week.........................................................................$105.00

Instruction, two first years $46, third year $64, fourth $74, average	57.50

Boom rent................................................................................................12.00

Library........................................................................................................4.00

Textbooks..................................................................................................15.00

Wood...............................................................20.00

Fuel for lecture rooms, repairs, catalogues, etc....................................15.00

Patron...................................................................6.00

$234.50

Amount of charges in College Quarter Bills............$234

Clothes, including every article of dress............... 120 to 200

Laundress........................................ 12 " 24

Candles or oil..................................... 10 " 10

Servant.......................................... 6 " 20

Pocket money.................................... 26" 52 306.00

$408 to $540.50

Vacations (board)................................. 35 " 50.00

Vacations (wood)................................. 10 " 10.00

$453	$600.50

"Besides these expenses, Students purchase or hire their own beds and a
few necessary articles of furniture, when they are first admitted to College;
they cost $40 to $60."

The increase in the expenses of the student in the course of
one hundred years has kept pace with the increase of living
in the general community. In pecuniary as well as in other
relations academic is in sympathy with general life. The Har-
vard catalogue of 1904-5 presents four scales of annual expendi-
ture, which are described as " low," " moderate," " liberal,"
and *' very liberal.'9 In each of these estimates no special men-
tion is included for books, stationery, clothing, washing, various
subscriptions, and other incidental expenses. In each of the
four scales the tuition is One Hundred and Fifty Dollars; the

1 "College Reports/' etc., by George Ticknor, "Answersof the Immediate

Government/' p. 50.402 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

rent for one-half of a room runs from Thirty, through Fifty
and One Hundred, to Two Hundred Dollars, and the cost of
board from One Hundred and Seventeen, through One Hun-
dred and Sixty, to Three Hundred and Ninety Dollars, and the
expenses for sundries from Forty, through Sixty and One Hun-
dred, to Two Hundred Dollars. The whole expense is, under
the scale of Low, Three Hundred and Sixty-two Dollars; of
Moderate, Four Hundred and Fifty-four Dollars; of Liberal,
Five Hundred and Sixty-nine Dollars, and of Very Liberal, One
Thousand and Thirty-nine Dollars.1 The college student, and
more especially his parents, through all generations, apparently
has been unconsciously eager not to allow the increase in the
cost of living in the general community to exceed by too many
degrees the increasing cost of living within academic walls.

In this sketch of undergraduate undertakings mention should
be made of an organization which is not undergraduate, but
which grows out of this life. Every college has its Alumni Asso-
ciation. It represents one of the more recent and important of
the organizations. It is a society of the graduates based sim-
ply upon the element of graduation. It is designed to promote
good fellowship of the members and the prosperity of their Alma
Mater. One of the first associations of this sort was formed at
Yale in 1827. The Alumni Association of Harvard was formed
in the year 1842 and the Alumni Association of "Williams College
in the year 1843.

It should also be said that associations of the graduates of
individual colleges are found in all parts where a sufficient num-
ber reside. Princeton has no less than thirty-four such associa-
tions. In the list are Associations of South Africa and of Syria,
as well as of Trenton and " The Oranges.'' The local associa-
tions of each college represent in their localities the graduate
constituency of each college. They are a rallying point of
memory, of personal relationship, and form a force serving for
the college.

The education, therefore, which the college has given has not
been an education of books or of formal teaching only. It has

1 "Harvard Catalogue," 1904-5, p. 568.UNDERGRADUATE AFFAIRS

403

been an education derived in part from the administration of
undergraduate activities: the education of efficiency. It has
also been an education formed from associations u steeped in
sentiment/' and " which whisper the last enchantment " of a
former time: it has been an education of good fellowship. It has
heen an education which comes from men mingling with men.
The failure which some college men have suffered in their careers
has been a failure born largely of inability to get along with their
fellows. Such failures are indeed pathetic. But the number of
such failures arising among college men is relatively small. The
qualities of courage, patience, judgment, tolerance, courtesy, and
honor are qualities which belong quite as much to association of
college men with each other as to any other formative cause of
the college.CHAPTER XVIII

architecture

The individualism which has characterized the development
of the American spirit has also characterized the development
of the architecture of American colleges. The colleges of Ox-
ford and Cambridge represent the community. The quadrangle
stands for a communal life. It is exclusive and inclusive. The
quadrangle contains the dormitory, the dining hall, the chapel,
the library, and the common rooms. The life of the individual
and the life of the community are lived within these cloisters.
The early colleges in America were at first obliged usually to be
content with a single building. It was used for, and was suffi-
cient for, all academic purposes. But when, with the increase
of students, one building no longer sufficed, the succeeding ones
were built without distinct organic relation to each other. Each
was an individual.

The buildings of the American college have usually avoided
the form of the quadrangle, and have been arranged in a straight
line. The Tale buildings stood in a row. In the first two years
of the sixth decade of the eighteenth century was built the hall
known as South Middle, and for almost one hundred years there-
after all buildings were put in a straight line. A similar form
was adopted at Bowdoin, Williams, Amherst, Brown, and other
New England colleges. This form also was adopted in the
earlier colleges of what is now the older "West. It was intro-
duced in the old Western Eeserve College in its first habitation
at Hudson, and also in Marietta, on the banks of the Ohio.

The type of architecture of these buildings was that which
prevailed in the colonies. Its general description is embodied
in the word " colonial," though " Georgian " might be a more
exact epithet. These buildings were largely rectangular in
shape, which was the form commonly employed for nearly all

404ARCHITECTURE

405

public structures, for not a few warehouses, and for many of
the more impressive private houses. Massachusetts Ilall, built
m 1720, still standing in the Harvard yard, represents a man-
sion of the neighboring town of Medford. The original design
for the buildings of William and Mary was that of a square,
it is said, but the design was never carried out. Sir Christopher
Wren planned the iirst building, which was built in 1705. In
the middle of the nineteenth century fire twice damaged this
structure, but on each of these two occasions and on one other,
reconstruction had been made within the original walls. The
first buildings, too, of King's (Columbia) College and of Prince-
ton embodied the same square type. These buildings differed
chiefly in respect to the form of the roof.

The colonial type maintained itself until the first decades of
the nineteenth century, when the increasing knowledge of Greek
life and art came in to influence academic construction. The most
conspicuous and earliest illustration of the introduction of the
classical type is found in the University of Virginia. Jefferson
was filled with the classical spirit above most of his contem-
poraries. He made an imitation of the Pantheon the chief
part of the building of his University, and from it, on either side
of its lawn, he built low colonnades, of one story, as dormitories
for students, breaking up their lengths by porticoes, which were
houses for members of the teaching staff. The lines of these
colonnades were, and are, beautiful and impressive, but the cheap
bricks of which they are constructed hurt the impressiveness of
form and design. '

A more notable example of the influence of the classical idea
is seen in the building of Girard College in Philadelphia. Its
erection was begun less than a decade after Jefferson's Uni-
versity was opened to students, and was completed in four-
teen years. Excepting that the columns are Corinthian and
not Doric, the building is modeled after the Parthenon. This
building, built at a cost of almost Two Million Dollars with
unexampled thoroughness of construction, seems destined to stand
as long as the Parthenon itself.

For a score of years, between 1820 and 1840, the Greek type
prevailed. The first two buildings of Trinity at Hartford, bear-406 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

ing the name of Jarvis and Seabury, were of the classical design.
The colleges built their halls—as did all well-to-do villages their
imposing mansions—with wide columns and low pediments. Both
the domestic and the academic type were restful and impressive.
^ The long dominance of the Colonial type was succeeded by a
brief term of the Greek, and the Greek was in turn succeeded
by the Gothic. The Gothic type has had its chief field of appli-
cation in academic and ecclesiastical buildings. The most im-
pressive structures from the year 1840 to the present time have
been of the Mediaeval form. The Gore Library, Cambridge, the
Library at Yale, and the Chapel at Bowdoin are among the finest
examples. In fact, the Gothic has come largely to dominate.
Nearly all of the buildings built at Yale in the last fifty years
are of this form. In this period the architectural type of the
Connecticut college has absolutely changed. At Williamstown
the noble chapel, and at Vassar the equally noble library—bear-
ing the same name as a memorial—represent the Gothic type in
its noblest efflorescence.

/ In theory the Gothic is the ideal architecture for college
buildings, for it represents the aspiration of the human spirit.
It suggests the purpose and the method of the struggle for a
noble life. It stands for the search for perfection, and although
the search may never be fully gratified, yet it embodies the con-
stancy of the endeavor. Historically, too, the association of the
Gothic with Oxford and Cambridge enriches and ennobles the
American use of the type. But it should be said that Gothic
construction is expensive in money, and that its buildings are
liable to fail to admit light sufficient for academic uses.

In the more recent years college architecture has assumed
a vast variety of forms. It has become noted for a diversity,
and even an incongruity, which distinguishes much of American
architecture. The nobility and impressiveness of the Roman-
esque forms seen in the Leland Stanford, Jr., University, in the
building of which is felt the influence of the great Richardson,
do not cause one to forget that the individuality of the taste or
the eccentricity of donors of buildings has been suffered too con-
stantly and too largely to rule. Architectural crimes and sins
have been committed in places where of all places they shouldARCHITECTURE

407

have been spurned. Buildings have in recent years been erected
"which represent a triumph of individualism even more intense
than did the first buildings erected in the early colleges. They
have, moreover, been erected with small reference to the relation-
ship which they bear to each other. The campus of many a
college contains in library, laboratory, and chapel notes of dis-
cord.

From this earlier period, when the first buildings were de-
signed to serve all academic purposes, the process of differentia-
tion in structure has gone on. Among the first differentiations
made was that of the separation of the dormitory from the
teaching function. In one academic building were for a time
found the recitation rooms, the library, and the chapel. The
first Yale chapel was built in the year 1763. Ilolden Chapel,
the first chapel built at Harvard, was erected in the year 1744.
The introduction of instruction in the physical and natural sci-
ences, beginning with simple apparatus and enlarging by slow
degrees, compelled the erection of separate laboratories for, in
the first place, Chemistry, for Physics, and afterwards for Biol-
ogy. The type which these scientific laboratories has assumed
is most diverse, and the proper form is still undetermined.

The architecture of the American college began with a note
of individualism; buildings were erected independent and unre-
lated. They were usually built in a row. After more than two
and a half centuries of history college architecture is coming
to represent the communal type. The form of the quadrangle
is being introduced. The English tradition has returned. The
dormitories of the University of Pennsylvania and all the build-
ings of the University of Chicago and of Leland Stanford repre-
sent the tendency. The individual note of independence is still
held, but it is less insistent and less discordant. College Boards
are interpreting the problem of their buildings and of their
campus in a historic and aesthetic spirit.

The bareness of college buildings has in recent times by
an enriching touch been made less bare, and their inconsistencies
and incongruities less insistent. The stain of the weather has
blurred and softened the boldness of red-brick walls. The ivy
and other vines have helped to obscure architectural offenses.408 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

The elms in Harvard's yard and the Yale campus and many
other historic colleges have contributed dignity and majesty.
Aisles of maples, of chestnuts, of elms, making vistas such as the
French delight in, have given aesthetic and sacred associations to
colleges as rempte as Kenyon and Bowdoin. The college lawns
have taken on in their tufts of grass the secret of softness and of
greenness which remind one of the quadrangles of Oxford and
of Cambridge. The work of the landscape architect has given
a noble impressiveness to the outward setting of the American
college which the architect in stone and brick has too frequently
failed to offer.CHAPTER XIX

libraries

The enlargement of the library of the college synchronizes
with the enlargement of the public library, as the growth of the
public library has occurred simultaneously with the enrichment
of the higher life of the community. The first library founded
in America was the library of Harvard College. It is signifi-
cant of the permanent association of a library and of the higher
education that a part of the endowment made by John Harvard
consisted of his books. The college has been the nursery of
scholarship and of learning, and books have in every age since
the invention of Gutenberg been at once the treasure house and
the tools of scholarship.

The history of college libraries is a history of small begin-
nings and of slow enlargements. It is a history significant of the
origin and progress of the forces making for human culture.
The college library has constantly been the recipient of the
higher literary and scholastic materials which the community has
gathered, and it has, in its turn, ministered to the worth of these
collections. The value of the library to the education of youth
has in every age received noble illustration in the contribution
of books made by the best men. Sir Isaac Newton, Sir Richard

Steele, Matthew Henry, Charles Sumner, and Thomas Carlyle_

to select names standing for a vast variety in condition and cir-
cumstance as well as for a long period—represent those who
have directly given books to the library of the American college
Slow has been the growth of the library of the American col-
lege, as slow has been the growth of the library, public an(j
private. Almost one hundred and fifty years after 'its founding
in the year 1781, the library of Harvard College contained W
than 11,000 volumes.' Sixty years after the number had in
creased to 41,000. In the year 1791 the catalogue of the library410 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

of Yale College showed less than 3,000 titles. In 1808 the num-
ber had increased to about 5,000; in 1823, to 6,500; in 1835, to
10,000; in 1850, to 21,000; in 1860, to 25,000; and in 1870, to
55,000. In the fourth presidency of Princeton College, at the
beginning of the seventh decade of the eighteenth century, its
library contained 1,200 volumes. Bowdoin at its opening had 600
volumes, and Dartmouth, at the beginning of the century, only
4,000. Amherst in its first year, in both its college and society
libraries, possessed 1,300 volumes. In the year 1843 the library
of Brown University had 10,000 volumes, and Williams College,
as late as the year 1860, had about 8,000.

But in the last decades of the nineteenth century the growth of
college libraries has been rapid and great. The increase has been
contemporaneous with the growth of the number and size of pub-
lic libraries. In the year 1875 the number of libraries in the
United States was 2,039. Ten years later it was 2,988; in 1891
it had increased to 3,503; in 1900 it had become 5,383, and in
1903 it had increased to 6,869. In the year 1875 the number
of people for each library was 21,432, and in 1903 it was 11,632.
The size of the libraries have also shown an even greater increase.
In the earlier date of 1875 there were less than 12,000,000 vol-
umes in all libraries. In the year 1903 there were more than
54,000,000.*

The growth of college libraries has also been great. The
number of volumes found in the libraries of the colleges is now
more than 10,000,000, and they have a value exceeding $13,000,-
000. The value of these books approaches the value of all the
scientific apparatus of the institutions.

The largest of the libraries is that of Harvard, which repre-
sents about 700,000 volumes and about 400,000 pamphlets; the
library of Yale, the University of Chicago, and Columbia Uni-
versity each has about 400,000Volumes; Cornell about 300,000;
the University of Pennsylvania about 250,000; Princeton and
the University of Michigan about 200,000; Brown University
about 150,000 volumes; the University of California, Leland
Stanford, Jr., University, the University of Minnesota, the Uni-

i "Report of the Commissioner of Education,'" 1903, vol. i, pp. 775, 776.LIBRARIES

411

versity of Illinois, Johns Hopkins University, Dartmouth, and
the University of Wisconsin possess about 100,000 volumes each.

The growth of all libraries in the last decades of the nine-
teenth century is well illustrated in the growth of the library
of Harvard College. In the five years from 1880 to 1885 the
average annual growth was about 9,100 volumes; from 1885
to 1890 it was 9,800 volumes; in the following five years it was
10,400 volumes, and in the five years from 1895 to 1900 it was
12,800 volumes. What is true of the Harvard library is true of
most libraries of progressive colleges. Their size has doubled since
1881, and has quadrupled since 1861. This growth, however, is
less rapid than that which is found in Cornell. Cornell's vol-
umes have doubled since 1892 and quadrupled since 1886. The
increase of the books of the college has indeed been synchronous
with the increase of all books.

The improvement in the matter of classification and of cata-
loguing of the college library has been as great as has been the
enlargement of the library itself. From the written to the
printed catalogue, and from the printed catalogue to the card,
represents the general method. The card catalogue has included
the list of both authors and subjects. The subject catalogue,
in its growth and use, is largely American. The objections to it
are numerous, but they are slight in comparison with the advan-
tages which it affords both to the student and to the specialist.

The books which are found in a college library have in all
the centuries been primarily academic. They represent the tools
of scholars. In the year 1743 the collection at Yale contained
only about 2,600 volumes, but these few were fairly com-
prehensive of scholastic relationships. The titles were relatively
numerous. History, Theology, Biblical Literature, Medicine,
Natural Philosophy were well represented. In the last one hun-
dred and fifty years the American college library has sought to
offer to undergraduate, to graduate, and to professor the proper
tools of scholarship. The increase of such tools has kept pace
with the general increase of knowledge. The number of volumes
found in the different departments of scholarship in Columbia,
for instance, represent the larger amplitude of books which are
offered to students. The Department of Biology has a special412 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

collection of some 4,000 volumes, of Geology, one of more than
2,000, and the Oriental Library contains some 14,000. Although
the libraries of most colleges do have many books which are use-
less, yet the proportion of useful and vital books in the college
library is probably larger than obtains in collections of any other
type. The proportion of dead books is small.

An impressive element of the college, as of the general
library, is the inclusion of certain special collections. In the last
score of years several collections of great value have been placed
in several libraries. The larger share of such books has come
from Germany. German scholars lament the loss to German
scholarship of many of their libraries; they believe that the
loss is irreparable and that it cannot be counterbalanced by a
corresponding advantage to American scholars. Among such
collections are the library of Professor Bluntschli, of Heidel-
burg, which was presented to the Johns Hopkins University in
1882 by German citizens of Baltimore. The Dante collections
at Cornell and at Harvard represent rich treasures. At Har-
vard, also, are found the Riant collection on the Crusades and
and on the Ottoman Empire, comprising about 15,000 volumes.
In Syracuse University the library of von Ranke, consisting of
about 18,000 volumes, besides many pamphlets and manuscripts,
is treasured. This collection is especially rich in German and in
Italian history and in works relating to the French Revolution.
At Cornell and at Western Reserve are respectively found the
libraries of Professor Zarncke and of Wilhelm Scherer. At Har-
vard, also, has been placed the von Maurer library, which repre-
sents two generations. of careful collecting. The Avery collec-
tion of books in Architecture at Columbia embody a most
efficient historical and professional equipment. Such tools are
of the highest usefulness; and such collections represent the
noblest symbols of scholarship. It also may be not unfitting to
add that college libraries contain books which are precious by
reason of their former owners. The Harvard Library, for in-
stance, has books that belonged to Louis XIV, Queen Elizabeth,
Charles II, and to Napoleon, as well as to Ben Jonson, Milton,
Melanchthon, Holbein, and Rubens.

The history of the library of the college is a history not onlyLIBRARIES

413

of enlargement and of enrichment, but it is also a record of
increasing availability. In the earlier decades the library was
regarded as a treasure-house to be guarded; in the later it has
been regarded as a treasure-house whose treasures are to be
used. As late as the year 1868 the library of Columbia was open
only two hours, from one to three o 'clock each day. In the year
1877 one in seven of the college libraries was not open daily.
Twenty years after the proportion was only one in forty. At
the present time the libraries of all colleges are open throughout
each working day. This increase is only a type of the increas-
ing use which students make of the collections. At the begin-
ning of the eighth decade of the nineteenth century only fifty-
seven per cent of the students of Harvard College used the
library. At the present time it is used practically by everyone.

The causes of the growth of the library of the college are
comprehended in a single movement. It is the movement toward
research. The college has come to stand for scholarship. Schol-
arship is at once the cause and the result of the book. The con-
tinuity of learning is embodied in the library. The library
gathers up the wealth of the past. It represents all that man
has struggled for or achieved. The library is therefore the
treasure-house of the linguist, the philologist, the philosopher,
the historian. Even the scientist finds in the library the records
of experiments, be they successful or of failures. Such records
are to him a guide for his own studies and experimentation. If
the first step in the growth of a college library is the collection
of books, and the second step making them easily accessible, the
third step is the use of books in the enlargement of the field of
knowledge. The scientific temper has come to prevail.1

i"As an illustration of the temper of the earlier day may be quoted the
remark of a college president of distinction, to a gentleman who had been
asked to consider a call to a position in his Faculty. After a prolonged con-
ference, the younger man said: 'Now, I would like to know something about
my lecture room, which I hope has my study immediately adjoining, in order^
that I may be in close contact with my students; and also about what are the
chances for a department library, and for developing the interest of my students
by required courses of reading, and so forth.' To him the president replied:
'My dear young friend, you have been called here as a teacher of history, not
as a revolutionist.'"—"What Are College Students Reading?" by James
H. Canfield, The Outlook for May 9, 1903.414 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

In the spirit of research the college library is made imme-
diately available for the student through the setting aside by
members of the teaching staff of leading books upon great sub-
jects. In many colleges hundreds of such books are reserved
for the use of students, and in certain colleges, like Columbia,
Yale, Cornell, Harvard, and others, the number is of thousands.
The student is thus brought, under wise guidance, into the closest
possible relationship with the masters of his subject. The read-
ing of students has ceased to be general, and has become limited
largely to the topics which they elect. If it has lost a certain
degree of literary interest, it has gained in directness, force,
insight, and intellectual fitness to scholastic needs.

The headship of the college library has passed from being
represented in a subordinate duty of a member of the teaching
staff to the comprehensive work of the librarian himself. He
has become the chief of a most important department of college
administration. Said the greatest of college librarians, Justin
Winsor: " Books may be accumulated and guarded, and the
result is sometimes called a library: but if books are made to
help and spur men on in their own daily work, the library be-
comes a vital influence; the prison is turned into a workshop.''1
The man who turns the prison into a workshop is the librarian,
and his duties are mainly those of transformation. For the old
conception of the librarian was that of the man who kept the
library from being in any way injured; the new conception is
that of the man who keeps the books in the most active circula-
tion and use. His duties are, therefore, manifold. In certain
respects his duties are as complex as those of the college presi-
dent, but like the president he has a multitude of counselors,
and in them not only finds security but also inspiration. He is
simply to get all the best books he can and to make them most
accessible to the largest number of persons. He is so far forth
a teacher of teachers as well as of students. In buying books
he acts usually as an agent of the faculty or of a library com-
mittee. In putting books into circulation he is both an agent
and a primary factor. His most important function is not,

l<< Annual Report of Harvard College, 1876-77," p. 109.LIBRARIES

415

indeed, one which a few years ago was supposed to be the most
important. About twenty years ago it was argued that colleges
should have a professorship of books and reading. It has now
become evident that no man can perform these manifold func-
tions : the librarian cannot be a professor of books and of read-
ing par excellence. He simply does not know enough and cannot
know enough in all departments. For each professorship is a
professorship of books and of reading. So increased is the litera-
ture of every department of college study that it is only those
who are associated with a department who do or can know enough
to name its books. As education proceeds, differentiation becomes
greater.

The growth of special funds for the support of libraries has,
like the libraries themselves until recent years, been slow. In
the year 1841 Harvard College received from William Gray for
the benefit of the library the sum of $25,000. It was the largest
gift of the kind which up to that time the college had received.
The income from the funds given to buy books for the Harvard
library has increased in the last sixty years, however, from a
few hundred dollars to about $20,000. Among the funds given
to the college for the purchase of books are found those bearing
the names of Bowditch, Hollis, Lowell, Sumner, and James
Walker. The support of the library of the college has always
been dear to those citizens of the community who appreciate large
relations. In the year 1874-75 Harvard College received four
gifts amounting to a little over $54,000. Charles Sumner gave
one-half of the residue of his estate—$29,005. A bequest of
$15,000 was received from James Walker. Of these gifts, the
President, in his Report, said:1

"The philanthropist and orator whose life was spent in a fierce struggle
with a monstrous public wrong, the strong preacher and philosophic
student whose lengthened days were passed in academic retirement, the
venerable women full of years and of graces, all with a touching consent
come bringing the same gift,—good books for the use of successive gen-
erations of students." 1

*" Fiftieth Annual Report of the President of Harvard College," 1874-75,
p. 37.416 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

The enlarging number, greater usefulness of, and more ad-
equate support given to, libraries find their proper symbol in the
enlarged and more fitting building. If, in the earlier time, the
more conspicuous building was the chapel or the recitation hall,
the more conspicuous building of recent decades has been the
library itself. The Low building at Columbia, and the building
erected in memory of Mrs. Fiske at Cornell, the worthy structure
built by a son of Bowdoin, as well as the library at Princeton,
represent the most beautiful and impressive types of academic
architecture. In them and in other buildings the advantages of
light, quietness, freedom from dirt, dampness and overheating,
and security are embodied. The most serious loss which Har-
vard College ever suffered was the burning of Harvard Hall and
its library in 1764. The fire destroyed books, apparatus, and
other treasures which had been accumulating for a century
and a quarter. The building of the college library, as well as
the library itself, represents one of the noblest results of aca-
demic administration.

The library, in all relations, stands for the intimate associa-
tion of the college with the work of the world. It embodies the
purest thought, and conserves the richest achievement. Above
all other collections of books it should keep out all dross. Most
books as they fall from the press fall into the ocean of forget-
fulness, and sink by their own weight. The college receives the
books which have life, the books which, as Lowell says of Gray,
" may have little fuel but real fire." It wishes to possess all the
books which are as unquenchable flame. Ex-President Low (from
manuscript) has defined the university as 44 the highest organ-
ized exponent of the intellectual needs of man." The library
may be called the highest organized exponent of the supply of
these organized needs of man. lie also says that the university
" is an organized exponent of the questioning spirit in man."
We may still further define the library as an organized exponent
of the answer to the questioning spirit in man.

It is through the library that the college comes into relations
with life universal, vital, and human. The library appeals to
humanity of every range. The chemical laboratory is for too
many only a condition which appeals to the exterior senses only.LIBRARIES

417

Laboratories of other departments are likewise as meaningless.
But a great collection of books awakens in the most stupid won-
der, and in all other persons emotions higher than wonder, accord-
ing as the intellectual receptivities are nobler. Most vital, too,
are these relations. Into the library has come the blood of
humanity, and the college man. drinks deep of this inflowing
life and gives himself in deeper devotion to humanity. It is
not too much to say that whatever of the universal may belong
to the university belongs more to the library than to any other
part.

In respect to availability for the use of both members of the
teaching staff and of students, the library of the American col-
lege is superior to the libraries at either Oxford or Cambridge,
or to those of the German universities. The accessibility of books
is as much superior in the American institution as the European
collections themselves are superior to those of the American.
Frequently as many days are required for drawing a book in the
library of a German university as are minutes in drawing one
in the American college.CHAPTER XX

graduate and professional instruction and degrees

The development of the American college has resulted in the
establishment of instruction for graduates and for those prepar-
ing for the chief professions. The spirit of the American peo-
ple,—eager for advancement,—has been most clearly indicated in
this development. The colleges have, from the beginning, offered
a certain amount of instruction for graduates. The offerings
have usually been informal, and the teaching, in no small degree,
personal. It has represented an individual service, given on the
part of the teacher and received on the part of the student.

The first important endeavor made to offer instruction to
graduates occurred at Yale in the fifth decade of the last century.
Woolsey was Professor of Greek, and the Sillimans, father and
son, were glad to receive advanced students. In the first two
years of Woolsey's presidency a formal beginning was made.
Among the reasons assigned for the establishment of the new
department were chiefly the demand, and allied with this the
advantages which would thus accrue to the men who received the
instruction, as well as to the cause of scholarship. The Depart-
ment was organized upon more or less of a personal basis. The
payment of instruction was to be made to the teachers them-
selves " as they may think proper." Instruction was offered by
President Woolsey twice a week in Thucydides or Pindar. This
plan continued for several years. The number of students
was small and did not increase. Neither was the Department
enlarged until the year 1872. The number of students in the
eighth decade remained substantially, as for the larger period, at
fifty.

In the year 1872, when Yale was reorganizing its Depart-
ment of Graduate Instruction, Harvard was making also a for-
mal beginning. This beginning was the result, in part at least,

418PROFESSIONAL INSTRUCTION AND DEGREES 419

of the enlargement of the elective system of studies. The elective
system necessitated at Harvard, as it always necessitates, an in-
crease in the number of teachers. The system also encouraged,
if it did not oblige, students to pursue their work to an extent
which had not formerly been possible. The system created a
scholastic atmosphere; it gave birth to scholarly aspirations. Out
of such conditions arose the movement for graduate instruction.
It represented the culmination of the German influence in the
higher education of America. The Graduate School stood and
stands for the Philosophical Faculty of the German university.

The movement for graduate instruction was built upon col-
legiate foundations. Its great significance was, and is, as a sym-
bol of the vitality of the education given by the American col-
lege. Out of the discipline of the college arose the inspiration
of and for scholarship. If, as says President Oilman :

"The lessons to be inculcated during a college course include obedience
to recognized authority, the performance of appointed tasks, punctuality
in meeting all engagements, and attention to physical development. To
acquire knowledge, to master the arts of clear reasoning and fit expression,
to test the capacity for different kinds of intellectual exertion, to develop
a desire to master difficulties, and to form intellectual friendships and
associations, are among the ends to be sought in a college life." 1

It is also true that graduate work represents freedom, the
patient and prolonged cultivation of a small field of knowledge,
a nobler appreciation of the worth of knowledge itself, and the
endeavor to make good the hope of offering some contribution,
however small, to its accumulated treasures. The relationship
between undergraduate and graduate instruction is the relation
between general and special culture. As President Ilall of Clark
University has said:

" One makes broad men, the other sharpens them to a point. The
college digests and impresses second-hand knowledge as highly vitalized
as good pedagogy can make it, while the university, as one of its choicest
functions, creates new knowledge by research and discovery." 2

Seventh Annual Report Johns Hopkins University/' by President
Gilman, p. 7.

»''Clark University," 1889-99, pp. 53, 54.

28420 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

The progress of graduate instruction received a great impulse
in the establishment of Johns Hopkins University in the year
1876. The prudent guidance and conservative inspirations of
its President, Daniel Coit Gilman, made largely for the spread
and worthy popularity of the higher instruction. Clark Uni-
versity at "Worcester, established in 1889, continued the tradi-
tion established at Baltimore. The Catholic university at Wash-
ington, for a less broad constituency, promoted the general
movement. Historic colleges also introduced higher instruction.
Several of them were moved rather by hope of what they might
do than by reasoned assurances of their ability to serve graduate
students. State universities were able to persuade legislatures
that it was the duty of the community to provide facilities for
research. The work of research in not a few state universities
began with the Department of Agriculture. From this Depart-
ment—on its face most remote from the higher scholastic rela-
tions—the endeavor for scholarly research extended into the De-
partment of Liberal Arts and Sciences. The scholarly endeavor
has awakened, in a generation, a constantly increasing response
on the part of American youth. Prom a few score of students
in the year 1872, the number has increased to more than seven
thousand. 1 The increase has been gradual, representing a devel-
opment of interest and of facilities. The number of graduate
students has now become so large that the special purpose of
fitting themselves as teachers in college no longer controls. Not
a few such students become teachers in high schools and
academies; and also not a few enter other callings than that of
the teacher.

It also should be confessed that this growth in the graduate
school has occurred notwithstanding the fact that the academic
career has, to many able men, lost a certain degree of attractive-
ness. It is also the testimony of those who are most immediately
concerned that the ablest men are not seeking academic careers.
The reasons of this condition are to be found in the industrial,
financial, and social relations of American life.

Graduate instruction follows collegiate. Either by the side
of the college, or as a part of its more regular instruction, or as
an independent foundation, has grown up the school of appliedPROFESSIONAL INSTRUCTION AND DEGREES 421

science, or, the technical college. Like graduate instruction, its
roots go back three-quarters of a century. Like graduate instruc-
tion it represents a twofold purpose, although as a matter of
fact one purpose—the professional—has largely dominated.

The first school of science and the first school of civil engi-
neering established in any English-speaking country was estab-
lished in Troy, N. Y., in 1824. It was called the Rensselaer
Polytechnic Institute. Its founder was Stephen Van Rensse-
laer, and in association with him in its early history was Amos
Eaton. Rensselaer desired to establish a school to teach those
who may wish to apply " science to the common purposes of
life."1

"My principal object is," he further said, "to qualify teachers for in-
structing tlie sons and daughters of farmers and mechanics, by lectures
or otherwise, in the application of experimental chemistry, philosophy,
and natural history to agriculture, domestic economy, the arts, and
manufactures. From the trials which have been made by persons in my
employment at Utica, Whitesborough, Rome, Auburn, and Geneva during
the last summer, I am inclined to believe that competent instructors may
be produced in the school at Troy, who will be highly useful to the com-
munity in the diffusion of a very useful kind of knowledge, with its applica-
tion to the business of living."3

Such was the beginning of the technical instruction. The
course was far more practical than is now usually offered. A
large amount of work was performed in the field. Perhaps the
most distinctive element in the plan was in giving to the pupil the
place of the teacher. Students themselves delivered experimental
and demonstrative lectures.

For a score of years after the foundation was laid at Troy no
development of special significance occurred. But in the year
1847 Abbott Lawrence, of Boston, gave to Harvard College $50,-
000 to fill a want which Edward Everett, the President, declared,

"Is more and more felt in the community, that of a place of systematic
instruction in those branches of science which are more immediately

i" History of the Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute," by Palmer C. Rick-

etts, p. 6.

a Ibid.422 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

connected with the great industrial interests of the country; such as
Chemistry in its various applications to the arts of life; Engineering in its
several departments;Zoology and Geology,with the other kindred branches
of Natural History." 1

This gift, it may be added, was said by the Treasurer of the Col-
lege, Samuel A. Eliot, to be,

"The largest amount ever given at one time, during the lifetime of the
donor, to any public institution in this country; and it would be difficult
to imagine in what way Fifty Thousand Dollars could probably be made
productive of greater good than in the cultivation of a kind of knowledge,
the want of which is beginning to be strongly felt in this country, and the
possession of which will develop our resources, both intellectual and phys-
ical, with a rapidity, a certainty, and an advantage which will, perhaps,
surprise the most sanguine." 2

At Yale the development of scientific instruction was rather
a growth than an act of immediate foundation. In the year 1846
the corporation voted to establish two new professorships, one
of agricultural chemistry and of animal and vegetable physiol-
ogy, and the other of practical chemistry. Prom the beginning
thus made, and by slow degrees of advancement in the face of
indifference rather than of active opposition, the opportunities
for giving scientific instruction advanced until the year 1859,
when James B. Sheffield founded the school which bears his name.

In the decade in which occurred the Great War the move-
ment for scientific instruction made special progress. In that
decade about twenty-five institutions were founded and many
older institutions opened scientific departments. The quickening
of the life of the nation through the great contest resulted in
the laying of these and other educational foundations. The great
Morrill Act was passed in the darkest hour of the nation's his-
tory. Furthermore, the development of scientific observation and
the progress of scientific thought, as well as the growth in the
importance of industrial conditions, demanded the establishment
of schools of applied science. From the seventh decade of the
last century the movement has progressed in ever enlarging rela-

1 "The Harvard Book," vol. i, p. 280L	3 Ibid.PROFESSIONAL INSTRUCTION AND DEGREES 4X8

tionships until no less than one hundred and fifty institutions
offer formal technical tuition. About one hundred of these
departments are connected with universities.

The history of technical instruction represents the history of
the development of two ideas—the idea of training and the idea
of education. One purpose controlling the methods of instruction
has been to make engineers; the other has been to enlarge the
intellectual power of the student through the pursuit of science.
The one purpose, in its narrower application, is embodied in the
trade school; the other represents, through liberal learning, a
liberal education. The higher purpose is expressed by one who
was himself the eminent president of the greatest technical school
in saying:

"The student thoroughly trained in exact science has acquired (first
and foremost) intellectual honesty, that is, complete satisfaction in resting
upon the truth, whatever that may prove to be; then, the power of dis-
crimination in all things concrete and objective; next, the ability to con-
centrate attention, and to pursue investigation unfalteringly and relent-
lessly to exact results; finally, the mastery, in a high degree, of his own
powers and faculties."1

President Walker also says:

"The earnestness of study, the directness and continuity of attention)
the zeal and enthusiasm of work, which arise from the immediate contem-
plation and pursuit of useful arts, do not merely secure a more perfect
mastery of the principles of science; they of themselves constitute an educa-
tional force which every teacher in such a school recognizes with delight,
but which, in colleges of the old type, generally characterizes only the
gifted scholar. To the sincerity of purpose and the intellectual honesty
which are bred in the laboratory of chemistry, physics, and mechanics, in
marked contrast to the dangerous tendencies to plausibility, sophistry,
and self-delusion which insidiously beset the pursuit of philosophy,
dialectics, and rhetoric, is added, in the school of technology, a strong
and almost overpowering impulse toward study and research, which
has already, in spite of traditional prejudices, caused these institutions
to be recognized as of the highest educational character by many of the
best thinkers and teachers of our land." 2

*" Discussions in Education," Francis A. Walker, pp. 33, 34.

1 Ibid., pp. 93, 94.424 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

The worth of these technical schools in both the narrower
and the broader relation is of inestimable value. Every indus-
try has been benefited. Untold wealth has been added to the
treasures of the world. Products that were formerly wasted
have been utilized. Results that are material, of the highest
worth, have been created. The happiness of the race has been
increased; and its comfort vastly augmented. In the broader
relation, too, a new instrument of education has been provided.
Men who rebelled against an education of the linguistic and
philosophic type have willingly given themselves to the education
of the laboratory. In the later time, however, the consistency and
coworking of the scientific and philosophic form has emerged.
The interrelationship and mutual advantages belonging to such
copartnership have been well set forth also by President "Walker.
He has fittingly said:

" There is no incompatibility between the two sets of qualities especially
developed by the two sorts of training. A man may be liberal and broad
in spirit, and yet exact and strong in his thinking. He may have the
keenest possible sense of what is incomplete in form, yet be tolerant in
dealing with the unavoidable imperfections of his material, or of his
human agents or assistants. He may hold in view the perfect instrument,
the perfect end, not less strongly because his economic sense instructs him
that it is necessary to stop short at a certain point in order to secure a
return for labor and capital to be invested."1

Technical education may be regarded either as liberal or as
professional. But education which is strictly professional has re-
lated primarily to the older callings of the clergyman, the lawyer,
the physician. Education of this character has in the United
States been conducted in both independent schools and in
schools allied with colleges of liberal learning. The theological
school has more usually been independent in its organization,
although admission has represented a college degree more con-
stantly than admission to the schools of either law or of medi-
cine. The fact is that the doorway to the schools of law and of
medicine has not usually been set in the academic wall. Students
in these schools have usually passed directly from the secondary

1" Discussions in Education," Francis A. Walker, p. 34.PROFESSIONAL INSTRUCTION AND DEGREES 425

school. Exceptions, however, to this method have always ob-
tained.

The last score of years, however, has seen a great change
in the preparation required for admission to the schools of law
and of medicine. These schools have in a few instances become
strictly graduate schools, and the tendency of requiring a liberal
education of those seeking professional training has become
strong. The causes lie in the increasing elaborateness of civiliza-
tion, creating new problems of health and of personal and prop-
erty rights; in the enlarging wealth of the community, allow-
ing more liberal compensation for service; and, in the case of
medicine, in the progress of physical and natural science. At
the present time, even if a professional school do not require a
liberal education of those seeking to become its matriculants, not
a small share of such candidates are men of liberal learning.
For the pursuit of professional studies the graduate bears quali-
ties which insure to him a larger professional equipment and
richer professional results.

In the increased length of the course in schools of law and of
medicine, and in the higher requirements for admission to the
colleges of liberal learning, has arisen a desire for the shorten-
ing of the united collegiate and professional course. This desire
has been met by colleges and professional schools in diverse, ways.
One method has been found in the proposed shortening of the
collegiate period to three years. Harvard represents this method
more thoroughly than any other college. Of this method its
great President has said:

"The argument in favor of a three years' course for the degree of
Bachelor of Arts rests on three assumptions. It assumes (1) that a boy
who has had good opportunities may best leave his secondary school at the
age of eighteen, because the average boy is then ready for the liberty of a
college or technical school; (2) that a young man who expects to follow a
profession ought to enter on the practice of that profession by the time
he is twenty-five, or at least twenty-six years of age; and (3) that a young
man who is going into business after obtaining a college training may
most advantageously enter on that business at twenty-one or twenty-two
years of age. If these assumptions can be denied, the argument for the
three years'degree falls." 1

' "letter of President Eliot to the Associated Harvard Clubs," May 13,1905.m

HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

Other methods, which under certain limitations might be con-
sidered a modification of the regular shortening of the college
course to three years, obtain. One of them consists in regarding
the first year of a professional course as also the last year of the
undergraduate. Another method lies in allowing the undergrad-
uate Senior to take a part, and a part only, of his work in the
medical or law school, which work is counted toward both the
Bachelor's and the professional degree. A further method also
lies, in case a college contain no professional school, in permit-
ting the undergraduate Senior to enter a professional school
under the general direction of his college, and to count the first
year thus begun as the last year in his undergraduate course.
The whole question represents a long and serious educational
process which is still incomplete. All of these methods and the
general conditions prove the increasing influence of the college
of liberal learning, and also the increasing oneness of American
education.

A certain significance for both the undergraduate education
and the graduate and professional training is seen in degrees.
The first degree in the present academic order, and probably the
first in historic relationship, is that of Bachelor. After more
than three centuries of use, and at the time of the founding
of the first American college, the term Bachelor had come,
both in England and on the Continent, to represent a definite
educational process and result. Having probably its origin in
ridicule, like many other great names, it stood, at the close of
the thirteenth century, for one who is authorized to teach, and
to teach in preparation for a mastership. The license of the
university rector to give a course of lectures constituted a man
a Bachelor. For this degree a certain proficiency in at least
Logic and Psychology was necessary, and for the degree of
Master of Arts, in addition, some knowledge of Moral Philoso-
phy was required. The time requisite for securing either degree
differed in different Continental universities. The period ex-
tended from six years in the thirteenth century to three and
one-half years in the sixteenth. Finally, in the Continental uni-
versities the first degree disappeared, becoming identical with
matriculation.PROFESSIONAL INSTRUCTION AND DEGREES 427

The founders of the first college were moved by the English
tradition in respect to giving degrees, as in respect to many other
symbols and methods. From the beginning the two degrees were
conferred. The first degree is given to " every schollar, that on
proofe is found able to read the Originalls of the Old and New
Testament in to the Latine tongue, and to resolve them Logically;
withall being of godly life and conversation; And at any publick
Act hath the Approbation of the Overseers, and Master of the
Colledge, is fit to be dignified with his first Degree."1 The sec-
ond degree was given for further attainments in Logic, Philoso-
phy, Natural and Moral, and in Mathematics. For the securing
of the second degree the candidate was obliged to be ready to
defend his theses, and also the Continental tradition was embod-
ied in the fact that at the time of receiving his first degree he was
regarded as having qualified to read lectures in public. The inti-
mation of the significance of the two degrees in the first years
of Harvard College is to the effect that they stood for the quali-
fications of the teacher.

It is also apparent that the second degree was in certain
cases conferred at or near the time of the granting of the first
degree. But the usage soon began of conferring the second degree
a year after the granting of the first. For more than two hun-
dred years after the founding of the first college the second de-
gree of Master was usually conferred upon each graduate who
had received the degree of Bachelor, and often the length of time
was gradually lengthened till it became three years. In certain
cases the payment of a small fee was the only necessary condition.

It was more than fifty years after the foundation of the
first college that an honorary degree was given. In the year
1692 Harvard conferred upon Increase Mather the degree of
Sacra Theologiffi Doctor (S.T.D.), which has usually been inter-
preted as the degree of Doctor of Divinity. For the follow-
ing three-quarters of a century no honorary degree was conferred
by Harvard except the degree of Master of Arts. In the year
1771 a second degree in Divinity was conferred upon Nathaniel
Appleton, and two years after the same degree was given Sam-

1 Sibley's " Harvard Graduates," vol. i, p. 14.428 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

uel Locke and Samuel Mather. In 1773 also the first degree of
Doctor of Laws was given, being conferred upon John Winthrop.
The second degree of Doctor of Laws was given to George Wash-
ington,1 upon whom also Yale five years after, the University of
Pennsylvania seven years after, and Brown University in 1790
also conferred the degree. In 1779 Harvard conferred the de-
gree of Doctor of Laws upon Horatio Gates, major general of the
American army. In the same year also emerges an intimation of
the French influence in the giving of the degree of Doctor of
Laws to Joseph De Yalnais. Evidences of the French influence
continue also in the degree being conferred upon Frenchmen in
1783 and 1784. Lafayette received the degree in the latter year.
The present custom of conferring this most significant honor
upon statesmen is seen in the fact that in the years 1787, 1790,
and 1792 Harvard conferred the degree upon Thomas Jefferson,
John Jay, and Alexander Hamilton.

Proof is not lacking that Yale College also was influenced by
the French movement, for in 1779 and 1783 the degree of Doc-
tor of Laws was conferred upon the French minister Gerard,
and in 1783 upon Joseph Philippe Letombe.

In this same period similar degrees were conferred by Co-
lumbia and Dartmouth. The first honorary degrees given by
Dartmouth included both the degrees of Doctor of Divinity and
Doctor of Laws, which were conferred in 1773. Nine years
after John Adams received the degree of Doctor of Laws. Be-
tween these two dates members of the Phillips family, Samuel
and John, as well as President Stiles, of Yale, were the recipients
of one of the degrees.

The present American tendency, therefore, of using degrees
freely as evidences of public service had an early origin.

Down to the middle of the nineteenth century the two de-
grees of Bachelor of Arts and of Master of Arts were the only
ones conferred as standing for specific intellectual attainments.
The degrees of Doctor of Divinity and of Doctor of Laws were
also the only honorary degrees. But with the enlargement of
the field of knowledge, and with the increasing specialization

1 "History of Harvard University," vol. ii, p. 167.PROFESSIONAL INSTRUCTION AND DEGREES 429

in the cultivation of this field, began the creation of new degrees
to represent these diverse and special attainments. The first
degree of Bachelor of Science was conferred by Harvard in 1851.
The growth in the study of modern languages, as well as the
enlargement of the field of science, prompted the creation of a
literary degree, which has taken the form usually of Bachelor
of Literature or of Bachelor of Philosophy. The specialization
in degrees has proceeded to a high degree of detail. At the
present time no less than two hundred and thirty-eight degrees
are conferred. Among the more trivial of new degrees—and
most of them are trivial—are many which contain the Bachelor-
ship as applied to specific arts—Bachelor of Accounts, B.Acct.;
Bachelor of Business Science, B.B.S.; Bachelor of Elements,
B.E.; Bachelor of Elementary Didactics, B.E.D.; Bachelor of
Finance, B.F., which was conferred upon five students by the
Wharton School of Finance of the University of Pennsylvania in
1884; Master of Domestic Economy, M.D.E., and many others
equally, or, if possible, more unworthy of having a place with
great historic symbols.

The most important of all degrees of recent creation is the
degree of Doctor of Philosophy. This degree, introduced from
the German university, was first conferred in the United States
in the beginning of the seventh decade. It has in twenty-five and
more years come to be regarded as almost exclusively a profes-
sional degree. Although it represents in some cases a course
of study undertaken for general reasons, yet in most instances
it represents special attainments made in order to become a
teacher. Historically it has come to represent what the degree
of Bachelor stood for in the continental universities six hundred
years ago. General learning, proficiency in a certain part of the
whole field of scholarship, ability for teaching subjects in their
higher relations are embodied in the symbol. It represents the
most serious endeavor of the higher scholarship in America,
as a symbol of research, of training, and of efficiency.CHAPTER XXI

the course op study of the last third op the nineteenth

century

The improvement which in the first two-thirds of the nine-
teenth century was made in the course of study was slight. The
ancient languages were taught in the first years of Cornell Uni-
versity, in the seventh decade, in much the same way, and with
a similar degree of advancement, in which they were taught in
the first years of the University of Virginia in the third decade.
The learning of their grammars and the translation of their litera-
tures into English represented the chief material and method of
instruction. The other primary discipline—Mathematics—had
progressed. Arithmetic had been thrust back into the fitting
school, and some new subjects, such as Analytic Mechanics, had
become included in the course. The modern languages had also
advanced, having gained a regular, though slight, place. Eng-
lish, after a long period of obscure neglect from the beginning,
except in Rhetoric, had near the close of the period begun to
assert its rights both as Philology, History, and Literature. The
sciences were in most colleges still objects of either indifference
or contempt. Chemistry was presented largely, though by no
means entirely, in lectures and in a few simple experiments per-
formed by the teacher in the presence of the class. In Physics
only elementary courses were offered. Botany, Astronomy, and
Zoology were taught in their elements, and largely in a descrip-
tive way. Geology had, next to Chemistry, secured a proper
place. As early as the year 1840 the Association of American
Geologists was formed, being the first national scientific organiza-
tion created. At the beginning of the fifth decade in states as
far south as North Carolina, as far west as Ohio, in New York,
and in the New England states geological surveys had been
begun. The desire to know the resources of the rocks and the

430STUDY IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 431

soils was general and hearty. Geological researches were pro-
moted by the visits of Lyell in 1841 and 1845, and also by the
coming of Agassiz a little later in the same decade.

The progress of philosophy as a subject of college instruction
was quite unlike the progress of Geology. In its fields of logic,
ethics, as well as in metaphysics, the subject was taught in the
middle and later years of the century by Porter at Yale in much
the same spirit in which it was taught by Levi Hedge at Har-
vard in the first years of the century. History, too, was still
largely a matter of general outlines and of a universal character.
Most colleges had not established chairs. The duty of its teach-
ing was usually assigned to the Chair of Languages or of Phi-
losophy. Political Economy and Political Science were also in
most institutions still unknown. In fact, the advantages wrought
in the course of study from the foundation of Harvard down to
the' foundation of Cornell University were not as great as those
made in the last third of the nineteenth century.

Yet the results of the training given in this period of two
generations were not dependent alone on the subjects taught.
The results of this training were rich in both the individual and
the community. They embodied forces which made noble con-
tributions to all the forms of American life. These results were
secured primarily by the richness of the character and the eager-
ness of the service of the teaching staff. Personality was proved
to be, as it ever is, mightier than truth. The presentation of
truth was inadequate, the learning of the teacher was narrow
and superficial, but the desire of the teacher to aid the student
in securing the great aims of a liberal education was potent, and
this potency resulted in the enrichment and enlargement of the
character of the student. Furthermore, the life of the college
was simple and comparatively free from distractions. Athletic
sports had not captivated. The lotus of the Fraternity system had
not flung out its spell. Luxuries were still unborn. These con-
ditions and the devotion of the staff to teaching served, notwith-
standing the insufficiencies of the course itself, to train men unto
high ideals, intellectual earnestness, and general efficiency.

A new day was about to dawn in the academic world. Its
significance was largely unknown to those who lived in its morn-432 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

ing. But, seen from a distance of a generation, its coming was
full of meaning. Three causes at least contributed to the intel-
lectual sunrise.

A great war always, quickens and liberalizes. The Univei*-
sity of Berlin was founded in the darkest hour of Prussia's
history. Napoleon established the University of France in the
midst of his unique career. The Morrill land grant, giving
thirty thousand acres to each state for each Senator and Repre-
sentative in the national Congress, was made at a time when it
seemed doubtful whether the public territory should belong to
the United or to the Confederate States. In the year 1863 the
legislature of Massachusetts gave Agassiz ten thousand dollars
for the publication of the catalogue of his Museum. The civil
war aroused the mind of the North to a level of power and of
appreciation of intellectual concerns which the people had never
known. It prompted a reexamination of the bases on which rest
the highest and most fundamental interests of the state. The
war created the intellectual and ethical mood for planning and
for doing great things. It was inevitable that such causes and
results should eventually declare themselves in either the im-
provement or foundation of institutions of highest education.

The seventh and eight decades, moreover, were in the North
a time of apparently large commercial prosperity and of great
increase of wealth. The vast destruction of values suffered in
the North was hidden by the inflation of the currency. The
North was richer in dollars in the year 1870 than in the year
1860. Commerce and industry were immensely profitable down
to the crash of 1873. The total wealth of the country in 1860
was $16,000,000,000. Notwithstanding the destruction of
values wrought by the War, the wealth had increased to more
than $30,000,000,000 in 1870—a proportion of increase larger
than was made in the following decade. The wealth of the State
of New York increased from $1,824,000,000 in 1860 to $5,557,-
000,000 in 1870. The wealth of the State of Massachusetts in-
creased from $802,000,000 in 1860 to $1,824,000,000 in 1870.
In the next decade in both of these states occurred also a large
increase. The wealth of New York State in 1880 was more than
$7,528,000,000, and of Massachusetts almost $3,000,000,000. ASTUDY IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 43S

state such as Ohio, uniting the characteristics of both the East
and the West, increased its wealth from $1,182,000,000, in 1860
to $1,909,000,000 in 1870, and made a still further increase in
the following decade to $3,258,000,000. In the thirty years from
1850 to 1880 the total wealth of the United States increased more
than $35,000,000,000. In a country like this, wealth eventually
results in the enlargement of academic endowment.

The period was, further, the beginning of the great scientific
movement. The " Origin of Species " was published in 1859.
Asa Gray, the botanist, William B. Rogers, the geologist, pro-
moted in America the spread of its doctrines. The popularity
of Agassiz could not stop, though it might retard, the adoption
of the new views. But whether the theory of Darwin was true
or false, the discussion of the theory promoted a large move-
ment in behalf of natural science, and the promotion of this
movement resulted in a general intellectual revival.

This intellectual Renaissance was both a result and a cause. In
it emerge two foundations and three personalities of significance.

Cornell University was founded in no small degree as an
unconscious protest against the limitations of the traditional
classical education. Its inciting motive and method were indi-
cated—although altogether too broadly—in a, pregnant phrase
used by him whose name the University bears, which forms a
part of its shield.1 Johns Hopkins University embodied a wholly
different purpose and method. It stood for the training of a
select body of scholars in the highest relations of intellectual
culture and scholarly efficiency. Both institutions were alike
in a determination to promote the higher interests of humanity
through the spread of learning.

Johns Hopkins University was not the transplantation of
Bonn or of Berlin. It did not adopt the system of the privat-
docent. It established a system of fellowships having for its
primary purpose the encouragement of original research, and
through the making of such research the equipping of men to
become teachers in the American college. It thus gave an im-

1 "I would found an institution where any person can find instruction in
any study.'!434

HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

pulse to the higher elements of the higher education of the utmost
worth. It caused the enlargement of the graduate work done at
Harvard and at Yale. The contribution thus made to the nobler
interests of American life was also of: great worth.

The careers of the first presidents of these two great institu-
tions, Gilinan and "White, have been singularly alike, and also,
because of their similarities, impressively unlike. From the same
class at Yale, of 1853—and a great class it was—they each en-
tered the diplomatic service and presently from the diplomatic
passed over into the academic. Oilman served his Alma Mater,
but White, going into the West, became a teacher in the Uni-
versity of Michigan. Presently Oilman was called to the
Pacific Coast to the presidency of the University of California,
and White became the academic organizer of a new university
and the friend and counselor of its founder. Oilman was called
to the presidency of the new Johns Hopkins. Cornell was organ-
ized to represent the democracy of learning and Johns Hopkins
was organized to promote the higher and necessarily immedi-
ately narrow relationships of learning. White was called to
noble diplomatic service in later years. Gilman's presidency
extended to a quarter of a century, and at its conclusion he be-
came the president of the Carnegie Institution, organized for the
prosecution of research. Each has embodied a noble type of
the citizen, both of America and of the world, of the public
servant and of the academic administrator. Dignity, efficiency,
graciousness in personal character have been the primary per-
sonal elements in securing rich human results.

In the period separating the foundation of Cornell from the
foundation of the Johns Hopkins University there came into
the office of the presidency of the Harvard University its great-
est incumbent.

President Eliot, like his predecessor Quincy, regarded and
regards the administration of a university as a business. He is
not, like Hopkins, first a great teacher and secondly an adminis-
trator. He is not, like Porter, of Yale, who was his contemporary
in office for fifteen years, first an author and secondly an admin-
istrator. Nor is he, like Woolsey, first a scholar and secondly an
administrator. Rather, he is first and last a university adminis-STUDY IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 435

trator. He illustrates the fact of making such a presidency a
business.

To the doing of this business President Eliot brought and
brings a vigorous and impressive personality, distinguished alike
for moral and intellectual parts. Yet the intellectual side is more
conspicuous and dominant. But the will-of this personality is yet
more conspicuous and more dominant than the intellect. The
proportion calls to mind the remark of Schopenhauer that the
normal man is two-thirds will and one-third intellect. President
Eliot has a full and clear conception of what education from the
primary school to the university ought to be. His energy as an
administrator is worthy of his conception. He is not a doc~
trinaire only. He has a deep and intimate acquaintance with
affairs, and that acquaintance extends to details. The union of
the philosophical and the practical in him is unique. When
one attempts the rather difficult task of naming the chief intel-
lectual or other characteristic of this vigorous personality he is
tempted to give to each one of several qualities preeminence. I
am inclined to think, however, that fearlessness is the quality that
is preeminent. Fearlessness arises either from the consciousness
of power or from the knowledge of the absence of danger. In
President Eliot it arises from the consciousness of power. In
this fearlessness he possesses clearness of vision, loyalty to duty,
independence, equanimity, persistence, constructiveness. His
confidence in his own conceptions as true, and in his own con-
victions as right, is worthy of Luther. He has nothing of that
" pleasure " which Bacon suggests, in his essay on " Truth,"
as the " mixture of a lie." He accomplishes nothing by indirec-
tion. His fearlessness is so great that he seems to court perils.
This fearlessness is never bluster. He has a gentle severity, born
not of feebleness but of abounding and well-conserved strength.
Such courage is an essential part of a man who is gifted with
leadership. President Eliot is one of Lowell's men of " light
and leading." He is, like most reformers, at once a pessimist
and an optimist. Every reformer is a pessimist in the present
tense—he sees arid knows the evils out of which he wants to <*et
Every reformer is an optimist in the future tense—he has' a
vision of the blessedness into which lie wants to go. TJie con-436 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

structive element in this man is more vigorous than the icono-
clastic. If he tears down—and he does tear down—it is only to
build up. I am inclined to believe that he has very much more
respect for existing institutions than he receives credit for. He
is a conservative, but he has an open mind. lie has regard for
both man and men.

Akin to his fearlessness is his positiveness. He takes sides,
and has no thought of concealing which side it is that he takes.
He is no a trimmer." He is a partisan in political and social
questions—questions about which prejudice is sensitive to the
quick. The contrast between him and a predecessor in office,
also confessedly great, is sharp. Dr. A. P. Peabody said of
President Walker:

" I ought not to omit mention of what seemed his intended and studied
neutrality ... on such subjects in religion, ethics, philosophy, politics,
and practical life, as divide the opinion of honest, right-minded, well-
disposed Christian men. He was far enough from being double-tongued.
He could not be equally claimed on either side, but seemed to be on either
side, of mooted questions of all kinds. A friend of mine, learning that he
was going to preach at King's Chapel, on a Thanksgiving Day, on Popular
Amusement, went to hear him with a special desire to know what he thought
of the theater, which in Boston was then just coming from evil into fair
repute. His report was that he heard from Dr. Walker more in favor of
the theater than he had ever imagined, and more against it than he had
ever known, but it was impossible to ascertain from the sermon whether
the preacher approved or condemned theater going."

President Eliot knows, and is very willing for the world to
know, his opinion upon any subject upon which it may become
his duty, or even his right, to have an opinion; and of the truth-
fulness and rightfulness of his opinion he seems absolutely sure.
He converts his opinions into principles.

The peculiar contribution which Charles W. Eliot made in
and through Harvard University to the higher education was
the promotion of the elective system of studies. Of that sys-
tem he himself has said:

"After a separation from the University of six years, two of which
were spent in Europe as a student and four at the Massachusetts Institute
of Technology as a professor, I went back as president in 1869 to find aSTUDY IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 437

tolerably broad elective system already under way. The wishes of the
governing boards and external circumstances all favoring it, the system
was rapidly developed. Required studies were gradually abolished or
pushed back; so that first the Senior year was made completely elective,
then the Junior, then the Sophomore, and finally, in June last, the Freshman
year was made chiefly elective. No required studies now remain except
the writing of English, the elements of either French or German (one of
these two languages being required for admission), and a few lectures on
chemistry and physics. None of the former exclusive staples, Greek,
Latin, mathematics, logic, and metaphysics, are required, and no par-
ticular combinations or selections of courses are recommended by the
faculty. I have therefore had ample opportunity to observe at Harvard
the working of almost complete prescription, of almost complete freedom,
and of all intermediate methods. In Europe I studied the free university
method; and at the Institute of Technology I saw the system—excellent
for technical schools—of several well-defined courses branching from a
common stock of uniformly prescribed studies.

" The briefest form in which I can express the general result of my ob-
servation is this: I have never known a student of any capacity to select
for himself a set of studies covering four years which did not apparently
possess more theoretical and practical merit for his case than the required
curriculum of my college days. Every prescribed curriculum is necessarily
elementary from beginning to end, and very heterogeneous. Such is the
press of subjects that no one subject can possibly be carried beyond its
elements; no teacher, however learned and enthusiastic, can have any
advanced pupils; and no scholar, however competent and eager, can make
serious attainments in any single subject. Under an elective system the
great majority of students use their liberty to pursue some subject or
subjects with a reasonable degree of thoroughness. This concentration
upon single lines develops advanced teaching, and results in a general
raising of the level of instruction."1

Many are the objections to the elective system; and some of
them are to certain educationists of much value. President Por-
ter has expressed them with force. lie has said:

"The collegiate course will be so seriously shortened and curtailed
as to fail of its appropriate results; the university course, which it is pro-
posed to graft upon it, will be prematurely commenced, and for that
reason cannot be really successful. College students at the end of the
Freshman year are usually incapable of selecting between any two pro-

* "Educational Reform," pp. 137,138.438

HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

posed studies or courses of study. They do not know themselves well
enough to be able to decide in what they are best fitted to excel, nor even
what will please them best. Their future occupation is ordinarily not so
far determined as to deserve to be seriously considered. Their tastes
are either unformed or capricious and prejudiced; if they are decided
and strong, they often require correction. The study which is the farthest
removed from that which strikes his fancy may be the study which is
most needed for the student. The preferences are also likely to be fickle.
The real but unanticipated difficulties which are revealed by trial will
occasion discontent and vexation, or some new discovery concerning the
value of a study that has been rejected will lead to ennui and discon-
tent. So far as the studies presented for selection are disciplinary, the
reasons for preferring one above another are not so decisive as to warrant
any great liberty of election. 80 far as they are professional or practical,
it is not desirable that these should be entered upon at so early a period
of the education. What might seem to be gained in proficiency or in
time is lost many times over in mental breadth and power by a neglect
of the studies which are disciplinary and general. The student who
begins the study of theology or law in his Sophomore or Junior year, or
pursues a course of reading which has special relation to his future pro-
fession, in ninety out of a hundred instances becomes a greatly inferior
theologian or lawyer in consequence, and does not appreciably abridge
the time required for his professional preparation. By a similar rule,
any very special attention to any one of the physical sciences in the way
of severe scientific study or of time-consuming occupation is almost cer-
tain to involve a loss in scientific acquisitions and eminence at the end
of a very few years. The specialty or profession to which a student is
to give the best energies and the exclusive devotion of his life will occupy
him soon enough at the latest, and will confine his powers as well as rule
his tastes with its absorbing demands. All that he can spare from it in
the way of energy, preferences, and time is, in a certain sense, so much
gained to his mental breadth, and therefore to his final eminence. If it
can be shown that there is any single course of study which is within
the capacities of the majority of students who are properly prepared
and who will use ordinary diligence; which includes no branch of knowledge
with which any man of liberal education ought not to be acquainted;
and if also these branches are not prosecuted farther than is desirable
for the ends of such culture, it follows that such a course of study should
be prescribed in every college. This is especially true if it can also be
shown that a prescribed course can be so modified as to attain many if
not all the advantages which the elective course promises to achieve.STUDY IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 439

"Other objections might be named, as that the introduction of elective
studies tends to weaken the class feeling, which may be so efficient for
intellectual incitement and culture, and to interfere with that common
life which is so powerful in most of the American colleges. It must
necessarily be complicated in its arrangements and operose in its working.
It must also require greater energy than can be exacted of any single
administrator who acts as the driving wheel of the class of the college;
or greater united and conspiring activity in the heads of separate depart-
ments than can be presumed in ordinary institutions or under the con-
ditions of our imperfect humanity. It may further be urged that the
existence of a prescribed, rather than an elective curriculum in the pre-
paratory or the professional school was originally the result of circum-
stances and the product of experience. The same circumstances that
compelled and the same experience which taught it at first will, we believe,
require that it be resumed as often as the attempt is made to abandon it
in any institution which is designed for general culture. The incon-
venience will be found to be so great and the advantages so inconsiderable
—if, indeed, the disadvantages are not so manifold and overwhelming—
as to compel a return to what is substantially a uniform and prescribed
course." 1

The working of the elective system in the northern college,
in which it was first adopted with larger freedom, has to many
minds, although by no means to all, proved to be on the whole
satisfactory. The worth of many elements of the scheme is
still in some respects undetermined. But certain facts do
emerge.

The percentage of students who abandon the study of the
classics immediately on entering the college shows much fluctua-
tion. At Harvard College it ran from eight per cent in the year
1889 to forty-seven per cent in 1898. In the year 1899 it was less
than fifteen per cent, and the following year more than forty-
five. The percentage of those, however, who dropped the classics
with the end of the Freshman year does not show so great fluctua-
tions. In the year 1886 it was sixty-two per cent; in the year
1890, thirty-eight per cent; in the year 1895, twenty-eight per
cent; and in the year 1900, thirty-four per cent. The proportion

American Colleges and the American Public," by Porter pp 103 104
and 105.	'440 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

of those who dropped mathematics also on entering college is
large, but does not manifest quite the fluctuations which are found
in the case of the ancient classics. In the year 1888 the percentage
was forty; three years after, twenty-two. In 1895 it was forty-
two, and in the years 1899 and 1900, seventy-one and seventy-
four. Specialization on the part of students does not manifest
that high degree of percentage which, in advance of the adoption
of the elective system, was prophesied. In the year 1886 only
thirteen per cent of the students, after their Freshman year, took
at least half their work in one department. The percentage was
in the year 1899 ten per cent, and in the year 1900 twenty-
seven. The proportion, however, of those who, without special-
ization, did considerable amounts of rationally connected work
seemed in certain years to be large, and in others exceedingly
small. In the year 1886 it was forty-seven per cent; in the four
years from 1892 to 1896 it ran from forty-two to fifty per cent;
in the year 1899 it had fallen to fifteen per cent, and in the year
1900 it had arisen to twenty-nine per cent.

Dean Briggs says that the facts regarding the elective system
at Harvard College

" Do support the belief that; as a body, the students of Harvard College
use the elective system with some sense of responsibility and with reason-
able intelligence. This belief is further supported by what the students
themselves say in their talks with college officers and with each other.
Many of the better students plan their work years ahead; and many whose
record is mediocre show a genuine desire to choose their studies well.
Some Freshmen are bewildered by the variety that is offered to them,
and in the awkwardness of a first interview with their advisers may seem
worse bewildered than they really are; some older students would choose
their courses earlier if they could get earlier the list of courses to choose
from; and some hand-to-mouth persons never know what to choose till
they have chosen it; but these evils would not, so far as I can see, be ob-
viated by what is called group system of elective courses. The objections
to a group system were pointed out by the President in his report for the
year 1884-85; the chief advantages of it might perhaps be secured if
groups were set before the student as dumb advisers rather than as
peremptory guides.

" Now, as always, the main question about the elective system is when
and where to begin it; how early a boy should be allowed to study whatSTUDY IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 441

he likes rather than taught (if he can be taught) to like what he studies.
If a student's early education has not trained his memory and his will, he
is unpromising material in College under any system, but is more likely
to accomplish something under an elective system than under any other,
because more likely to hit on some study which will awaken his enthusiasm;
if his early education has been sound and strong he will use an elective
system wisely."1

The elective system has in the last third of the last century
become a prevailing condition in all well-equipped colleges. Its
basis in Psychology and in Sociology, as well as its relationship
to the promotion of scholarship, has resulted in its general and
free adoption. Under it, as both a condition and a force, have
occurred the changes wrought in the curriculum of the colleges
in the last generation. These changes have in certain subjects
of study been slight, but in most profound.

The subjects in the teaching of which the changes wrought in
recent decades have been least significant are the ancient lan-
guages. In the last third of the century the emphasis has been
transferred in Latin and Greek from grammar to archaeology, to
history, and to literature. The field of illustration has vastly in-
creased, and of the enlarged wealth of this field most colleges
have been slow to take advantage. Hebrew, after falling out of
the curriculum for more than a century, has regained a slight
place. If the ancient languages have relatively lost ground, the
modern have vastly gained. German and French have come to
represent leading subjects. The use of German, French, and
other Romance tongues in the classroom has gradually converted
them into excellent tools for the training of the mind. The field
of literature which they represent has proved to be of great en-
richment. The college has sought to avail itself of them as a
means of intellectual culture.

An equally great addition has been made to the materials
for and the facilities in the teaching of English. A member of
the class of 1854 at Yale, himself a college professor of the
English language and literature, says that in the teaching of
English in Yale at that time:

* "Annual Report of Harvard College," 1899-1901, pp. 120 and 124.442 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

"If the name of a single English author was ever mentioned in the
classroom by an instructor during my whole college course, then I have
forgotten the fact. We had instruction—a little—in composition, but
for English Literature we were left to our private reading. I remember
reading through Wordsworth's 'Excursion' when I was supposed to be
cramming for the Sophomore Biennials. I remember that Carlyle was
much read by the more ambitious students, like Andrew Dickson White
of '53, but English authors had no part nor lot in our curriculum. I
have a catalogue issued in my Senior year and it confirms my recollec-
tions. On one page is given the name of the ' Professor of Rhetoric and
English Literature,' but the term 'English Literature' is not again men-
tioned on its pages—neither in 'Course of Instruction,' nor in the 'Terms
of Admission.' Among the latter the only allusion to English is the state-
ment that candidates are examined in 'English Grammar."'1

The memory of my friend is confirmed by President White
himself, who says:

"At Yale in my day, there was never even a single lecture on any
subject in literature, either ancient or modern; everything was done by
means of 'recitations' from text-books; and while young men read portions
of masterpieces in Greek and Latin, their attention was hardly ever directed
to these as literature. As regards the great fields of modern literature,
nothing whatever was done. In the English literature and language,
every man was left entirely to his own devices." 3

In this period, and especially in the second half of it, has
occurred a development fundamental and far-reaching. The
modern study is based upon the assumption that English litera-
ture is itself worthy of study. It embodies the messages of
great writers. It represents a positive contribution of and to
the human understanding. Such literary study is founded also
upon the knowledge of the history of our English speech. Old
English ministers to modern literature. In writing, too, has
been made a transfer from the emphasis put on public speak-
ing to an appreciation of the written form of expression. In
the teaching of Rhetoric in the more recent time practice has
supplanted theory. The newer method, without eliminating the

1	Personal letter of Prof. L. S. Potwin to the author.

2	"Autobiography of Andrew D.-White," vol. i, p. 364.STUDY IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 443

value of the text-book, has accented consistency and care in actual
composition. Such care has taken upon itself in nearly all col-
leges the personal element; an element which above all other
teachers was in the earlier time embodied in Edward Tyrrell
Channing at Harvard, and which brought forth rich results for
American literature and life. In this field, too, public speaking
has not become eliminated, but the formal writing and delivery
of orations has largely given way to debating upon themes of
current and vital interest.

The changes wrought in the teaching of English have been
hardly greater than those which belong to the manifold field of
Science. In the last third of the century Chemistry has devel-
oped into several separate sciences or branches—such as mining,
agricultural, electrical, physical, and physiological. The method
of teaching has undergone somewhat of a change, according as
the subject has been regarded as a means and method of culture
or as it has been regarded as a tool for the engineer. The place
of the laboratory in Chemistry has become great, and apparently
permanent. In Physics, too, have occurred as fundamental im-
provements. A generation ago there were probably not more
than half a dozen physical laboratories. At the present time
every worthy college is equipped. Teaching has passed over
from being in no small degree descriptive of phenomena to the
consideration of development of principles. In Physics, as in
certain other sciences, the elemental courses are still chosen by
the student as a means of culture, but also they are chosen, for
the ulterior purpose of leading to the pursuit of advanced sub-
jects. The teaching has in consequence become less broad but
more exact. If the peril of the old method was superficiality, the
peril of the new is narrowness. Geology likewise has vastly
enlarged its field. The material for illustration has greatly in-
creased, and the laboratory method of instruction has tended to
supplant the didactic.

In this period also has occurred the development of teaching
in Biology. Botany, in the narrow sense, was in the earlier time
the chief subject considered. But if Botany was the chief sub-
ject, what may be called the botanical method of teaching Biol-
ogy has come to have great significance. In the giving of such444 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

training Harvard was a guide and inspiring force. Another
method introduced into American colleges by Johns Hopkins
University, through Martin, a student of Iluxley, has been called
the Huxley-Martin method. According to this method, the study
of living things is a single discipline. The study of life should
therefore begin with the simple and proceed to the complex.
According to the former method, the study should begin with
the more familiar objects and should pass to those which are least
familiar. Louis Agassiz represented and promoted this method
of teaching. His personality and his instruction given at Cam-
bridge and at his laboratory at Penikese were most potent forces.
From them have arisen the laboratory at "Woods Hole and
others established on the Gulf of Mexico and on the Inland
lakes. The laboratory ideas of Agassiz were, although modified,
also extended by the Johns Hopkins method of teaching. The
idea of research became thus firmly established in the American
college, both as a means of studying and a condition of teaching.
The worth of this method has come to be recognized as of the
utmost importance not only to Biology, but also through Biol-
ogy to all sciences. At the same time it should be said that the
economic importance of Biology in Horticulture, Forestry, and
general agriculture has begun to be appreciated as of singular
importance.

In the ancient discipline of philosophy, contrasted in the
earlier time with the sciences, great changes have also occurred.
Psychology, which was formerly used to represent certain mental
classifications, has come to possess a vital significance. It repre-
sents, by the laboratory or other method, the primary forces of
man himself. In metaphysics and the history of philosophy is
felt the empirical influence. A priori methods have been largely
eliminated. Logic and ethics have also become more practical.
These subjects, which were formerly to most students so remote,
have come to possess a positive and directly vital relationship.

The whole general field, also, of Economics has received a
vast enlargement. Political Science, in its manifold relationships
of a study of the government of a city and of a state, has secured
a large place in many colleges. Sociology, beginning in vague
or atmospheric relationships, has taken upon itself certain lawsSTUDY IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 445

and principles which give large promise for the addition of a
worthy discipline to the curriculum, and also holds out hope of
giving to the race certain unique helps in its future progress.

The development in history is well indicated by the remark
of President White, who says, in writing of the beginning of Cor-
nell:

"It seemed to me monstrous that there was not in any American
university a course of lectures on the history of the United States) and
that an American student, in order to secure such instruction in the history
of his own country, must go to the lectures of Laboulaye at the College
de France. Thither I had gone some years before, and had been greatly
impressed by Laboulaye's admirable presentation of his subject, and
awakened to the fact that American history is not only more instructive,
but more interesting, than I had ever supposed it. 1

History, too, has seen an enlargement of its field as great as
that which belongs to either science or philosophy. Ihe estab-
lishment of separate chairs in this primary department is largely
a matter of the last third of the last century. The great advance
which history has made in the present generation receives illus-
tration in the fact that as late as 1865 the trustees of Columbia
College were considering the question of the expediency of abol-
ishing the professorship of History. Local and temporary
reasons had much to do with this reaction. But that such a con-
sideration was possible is deeply and painfully significant. The
subject itself has come to receive a very high degree of appre-
ciation. It is no longer regarded as a means of securing a little
information about some of the more important events in the
history of the world. It has come to represent a process of inter-
pretation and of exposition. It seeks to interpret the past
for the sake of the enrichment of the present. It has passed
over from being concerned with wars and rumors of wars—
important as these are in the development of a nation—to the
consideration of the life of a people in all its forms. History
has come to represent the microcosm of past humanity.

i" Autobiography of Andrew D. White," vol. i, p. 383.CHAPTER XXII

GENERAL RESULTS

As I review the history of the higher education in the United
States for more than two and one-half eenturies the question
emerges, What has been the result of this education upon the
American people? For the lives that have been lived in the
service of this cause have been many, the treasure expended and
the devotion given have been very great. Are the results worthy
of the manifold expense 1

One great result of the higher education has been the pro-
motion of the intellectual unity of the American people with
the history of the world. The modern world is the inheritance
of the most precious treasures of the ancient. The noblest re-
sults which the Hebrew obtained through right conduct and holi-
ness of character have, by intellectual interpretation, entered
into the life of every civilized people. The sense of apprecia-
tion and of beauty which Greek culture enlarged, and the sense
of force, of government, and of action which Roman civilization
developed, have become a constituent part of modern life,
national and individual. These principles, appreciations, and
applications of great human forces of twenty and more centuries
have been largely maintained by the university. One should not
allow himself to say that had there been no university of Bo-
logna, of Paris, or of Oxford, that the most precious results of
the highest civilization of the great peoples of history would have
been utterly lost; but the conditions do oblige one to affirm that
had there been no universities in Italy or France or England,
when the light of the Renaissance shone the earliest or the bright-
est, the treasure-room of the universities' storehouse would have
lost not only many of its noblest glories, but also it would have
been deprived of those works through which the universities have

446GENERAL RESULTS

447

largely contributed to the worth of the whole world. It is cer-
tainly true that had there been no universities or colleges estab-
lished in America, the relation of America to ancient civilization,
and even to that of the Middle Ages, would have been very
slight. The American institution has brought America into
Unity with the life of civilization.

This result becomes all the more significant by reason of the
tendency of a prosperous democracy to break with all the past.
A prosperous democracy desires to make all things new. It
does make, or at least in its own thought it does succeed in mak-
mg, a new heaven and a new earth. For the prosperous democ-
racy is in peril of becoming intoxicated with its own triumphs.
It is inclined to believe that it has no relations with anybody or
anything. In this condition, which calls out at once both admira-
tion and lamentation, the university stands as the preacher of
conservatism. It declares that the past bears to the present its
experiences quite as thoroughly as to-day offers to the present its
duty. It declares that man is still man in all times. The ques-
tions which Socrates asked are the questions which Browning
propounds, and those questions are still as commonly put forth
as when Socrates stood in the market-place or Plato walked be-
neath the plane trees of the academy. Plato still rules in the
realm over which time has no limits. In all modern works one
hears the voice, and not the echo, of a still vital past.

The value of such a contribution to all intellectual life it is
impossible to esteem too highly. How poor the intellectual or
social life of the individual which begins without at least some
heritage! The peril is that such a life will pass into intellectual
bankruptcy even before it has conceived a noble thought or been
moved by the noblest emotions. It is a life which dies before it
is born. Humanity progresses because it receives the resultant
of all the past. Education purifies, refines, ennobles, and enriches
this resultant and then passes it over to the future. Such is the
work of the university and such are its peculiar duties in a pros-
perous democracy. This condition is simply an application and
illustration of the great law of evolution: the present receiving
the past, the future receiving what is now the present, enlarging
improving, enriching, and developing. Such a contribution of448 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

conservatism lias the American college made for the enrichment
of American life.

In the application of the principle of intellectual unity the
university has served to reconcile diverse educational ideals. I*1
the higher education several ideals are emerging with distinct-
ness and several forces moving. One ideal which the university
embodies, according to certain interpretations, is the giving of
a practical education. Another ideal, according to other inter-
pretations, is the giving of a scientific education. A third ideal,
according to still other interpretations, lies in the giving of an
education which is embodied in the word discipline. A still
further ideal is represented in the word culture. It is also said
by other masters that the education of the university should be
professional. In behalf of each of these ideals much might be
offered. The education given by the university should be practi-
cal ; it should relate to the practice of one's calling. It should
be concerned with things and with actual life. It should, both as
a cause or as a result, give one his living. But there is a practical
that is high and a practical that is low. The most practical thing
in education is to promote the power of thinking. Manual edu-
cation without cerebral is of small consequence. The most prac-
tical thing in the world is to make a man think. Such is the
purpose of the university. The scientific ideal also is worthy.
It has close relation to the practical. By many, a scientific edu-
cation is thought to be more practical than a linguistic or a
philosophical education. A scientific education may be either
professional or liberal. If designed to train one for engineer-
ing, it has all the merits and demerits of a professional training.
If it is designed to train one for complete living, it is essentially
liberal. Scientific studies are a means to an end, or in the case
of professional training an end in themselves. The disciplinary
ideal, moreover, has not passed away. Its primary purpose is
to transmute the student's mind into an engine for accurate, pro-
found, comprehensive thinking. This ideal may be called pri-
mary, fundamental, comprehensive. It belongs in no small share
to the high school; it belongs also to the professional school. It
can never pass away as an element in any large conception of
education. The ideal of culture is often made to appear an-GENERAL RESULTS

449

tagonistic to the ideal of discipline. Culture represents the
enrichment of the mind and discipline represents the power of
the mind. The man of culture is the one who knows what is
wiost worth knowing. It represents attainment rather than
achievement, a condition rather than a force, an intellectual
state rather than an intellectual energy. To the making of
such a great type of humanity the university may well address
itself. The professional ideal has in recent years emerged. Its
emergence and prevalence threaten the continued and worthy
existence of the undergraduate college. It is declared that in
the receiving of a professional education the student may find at
once the advantages of the disciplinary, of the cultural, and of
the practical education. To such a conclusion the university
cannot assent. Professional studies represent a necessity and a
degree of intellectual power which can be best secured only
through the undergraduate training. The questions involved in
theology, medicine, pedagogy are abstruse, abstract, and com-
plex. Only minds of the finer quality and largest power can
secure the richest advantages through professional training.

For the educational process is to be consecutive rather than
simultaneous. Primary, secondary, collegiate, professional rep-
resent the successive gradations. The university seeks to put
every part and element of the educational programme in its
proper place. It wishes to make accurate adjustments. It seeks
to secure the proper relations of living to life, of educational
theory to educational practice. It tries to make the practical
scientific in method, if not scientific in content; to make the
scientific disciplinary, to make that which is disciplinary cul-
tural, and that which is at once practical, scientific, disciplinary
and cultural of consummate value in professional service as
well as in largest and richest life. It seeks largeness, adjustment
wholeness.

But the function of the university of unifying intellectual
interests applies in no small degree to all high conditions and
relations. A democracy tends toward disintegration The
centrifugal tendency is stronger than the centripetal. The in-
terests of different classes and of different sections militate
against each other. The interests of a farming community like450 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

Iowa is antagonistic to the interests of a manufacturing com-
monwealth like Pennsylvania. In this condition the university
in a democracy represents a force of combinations and of
cooperations. The associations into which not only the teaching
force but also the student body organize themselves throughout
the country are many and of power. The fraternities of students,
in which, too, are enrolled as honorary members many teachers,
represent the more obvious form of this union. But besides this
form are also found debating leagues, political organizations,
and also many scholastic associations. These scholastic associa-
tions cover almost every form of college work and condition,
physiological, scientific, historical, and economic. There is also,
be it said, growing up among all the colleges an esprit die corps.
This spirit shows itself in a feeling that if one member suffers,
all the members suffer with it; and if one member rejoices all
the members rejoice with it. If, for instance, a president is
asked to resign in a college in Maine for reasons that do not seem
to be sufficient to the college presidents in Illinois, the college
presidents in Illinois and neighboring states are inclined to inves-
tigate and to give judgment. If a professor in a college in Cali-
fornia be removed in a way to show that academic freedom
may be impaired, professors in colleges of New York and Mas-
sachusetts are inclined also to investigate and to give judgment;
and in both instances not simply for the purpose of giving aid
and comfort to the ones who are suffering, but also to prevent a
repetition of similar offenses. The esprit de corps of the col-
leges is among the more recent of the academic growths, and it
is full of promise for the happiness of the colleges and also for
the unification of American life.

It may be added that in the colonial period the existence of
the colleges was a potent means of colonial fellowship. Each
college was a point of assemblage for its colonies. Each college
also attracted students from other colonies. All the colleges
formed a sort of fraternity in learning, and this sense of brother-
hood reenforced the sense of brotherhood in civic destinies. The
union of the colleges promoted the union of the colonies.1 The

* Tyler's "History of American Literature," vol. ii, pp. 308, 309.GENERAL RESULTS

451

same condition is being repeated to-day in the colleges of our
great and diversified America.

In the review of the history of college life in America one
is furthermore impressed with the influence of the higher educa-
tion on public opinion. Education has aided in the formation
of sound judgment by the people upon great questions. This
result has been accomplished by training students to think and
by teaching students regarding the great questions of human
interest. For the university represents tradition and prophecy.
The boys in the classroom to-day become the leaders in society
and government ten and thirty years hence. The knowledge
and power of such men represent the means and method of the
university for giving light to the community. It is also to be
said that the writings of the university teachers upon the pro-
found and vital questions of human society does or should possess
peculiar worth. These teachers are to avoid at once a presenta-
tion so broad as to make their message meaningless, and also a
concentration so narrow as to lay themselves open to the charge
of partisanship. It is not well for the university teacher usually
to enter political campaigns on a partisan basis. At such a time
of heated passion the good which he might do in speaking or
in writing would be undone and more than undone by the quick-
ening of personal animosities. There may be more of heat than
of light in his discourse. If at such periods of public debate
the university teacher should feel it his duty to utter his beliefs,
he should express himself as a judge on the bench, and not as
an advocate standing on the stump. At such a time, too, he is
not to suffer himself to use his professorial place as a platform
for the declaration of personal opinions.

In this period of two and a half centuries the university
teacher has also usually represented the right of dissent. This
right is in great peril of being disregarded in a democracy. The
employment of the right of dissent usually demands courage-
and its use should always be accompanied with intellectual and
ethical moderation. When the right of dissent is thus exercised
the freedom of teaching, in behalf of which the American univer-
sity is solicitous for itself, and also the American public no less

solicitous, is not endangered. The judge of what is the truth is
30452 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

not to be the civil, nor, of course, the ecclesiastical power, but the
university itself. The university is of all bodies the best quali-
fied to be the judge. It has no political government to conserve
or to perpetuate; it has no doctrine to impress; it has no purpose
to perform, excepting the discovery of the inerrancy of the truth
as a means of human betterment. The great progress of the uni-
versities of Germany in the last century has been caused more by
the freedom of the teaching than by any other condition. Upon
whatever occasions the civil authorities have seen fit to interfere
with the freedom of the teaching, these interferences have re-
sulted not only in harm to the universities, but also in injury to
the best interests of the people. In this country the interference
with freedom of teaching has been far less frequent than is com-
monly supposed. Professors have been removed from their
chairs, and the public has often believed that the reason for the
removal lay in the unwillingness of the professors to submit their
judgments to the judgments of founders or trustees or benefac-
tors. I would not say that in some American universities the
freedom of teaching is as great as it ought to be. I would not
say that chairs have not been declared vacant on the ground that
their occupants presented opinions which did not have the
approval of boards of trustees, but I do say that such instances
are far less common than is usually believed. The reasons for
the removal of professors have often been reasons of personal
character or of general inefficiency, of which the public knows
nothing at all. Such reasons have been far more frequent than
reasons arising from a lack of freedom in teaching. In fact, I
should not hesitate to say that, except in a very few instances,
freedom of teaching has never been interfered with by the govern-
ing authorities.

The college and the university have also further exerted
a mighty influence over the spiritual ideals of American life.
American life needs, in common with the life of every new and
democratic people, the inspiration of the high ideals and the con-
stant supply of strength for gaining these ideals.

The relation of a university placed in a prosperous democ-
racy to the spiritual ideals of the race is of large and serious
worth. A democracy is concerned first, as it ought to be, withGENERAL RESULTS

453

its own political existence. It applies to and for itself the laws
of self-preservation. That its own integrity may be assured, it
is inclined to be content with the customary and the common-
place. Democracy finds the comparison of qualities rather to
begin and to end with the positive. That relationship beginning
with the positive is not apt to end with the superlative, or even
to reach the comparative. Democracy seeks the greatest good
for the greatest number, as it ought, but in this seeking it is
inclined to consider the greatest number of the present time and
to take no cognizance of the yet greater number of the future.

Every great nation and every great age devotes itself to some
supreme object. In the Hebrew time and nation the devotion
Was to religion; in the Greek, to literature and art; in the
Roman, to law and to empire; in mediaeval Italy, to the church;
in America, it was to liberty. But at the present the American
commonwealth seems to find its chief ambition in the making of
power through material forces. This ambition need not disquiet
the philosopher, for the wisest of all political thinkers, Edmund
Burke, once said that the love of gain is the great cause of pros-
perity of all states. But this ambition also emphasizes the fact
that a democratic and prosperous people does need the constant
inspiration of the highest ideals and a constant incoming of
strength other than material. It is inclined to allow a material
contentment to satisfy the desire for a higher enrichment.

A democratic people, therefore, requires the constant inspira-
tion of highest ideals, and the constant supply of the strongest
strengths. This filling of its needs is most efficiently done by the
university. Itself seeking the highest ideals, untouched by self-
ishness, the university is able to move democratic communities
unto the highest and the best. The university should constantly
keep before the democratic community the duty of a love for
truth, of a love for moral excellence, and an appreciation of the
beautiful. The appreciation of beauty exercises itself in the fine
arts. A political democracy is prone to make its fine arts merely
decorative. It is hard to teach and advise people that the fine
arts minister to the highest education of man. The university,
however, through both teaching and example, should impress
upon the democratic community that painting and poetry, arclii-454 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

tecture, sculpture, and music represent fundamental desires, pas-
sions, and needs of the human character. It should also show
to the community that such ideas as truth, sincerity, purity,
honesty are most impressively embodied for the benefit of human-
ity on the canvas and in the marble. But, be it said, that the
worth of the fine arts in a democracy is not so great as the worth
of the university, which not simply inspires an appreciation of
the fine arts, but also arouses and quickens the love for truth
and the love for moral excellence. If the golden age of Greece
or Italy is ever to dawn in America, it will not be through a Peri-
cles or a Lorenzo that it will arise, but it will come through the
influence of the teaching of the American university.

Among the spiritual ideals of highest importance in a
democracy are liberty, love for truth, respect for duty, the old
cardinal virtues of justice, prudence, temperance, and courage,
and the new cardinal virtues of faith, hope, and love. Liberty,
which is a worthy spiritual ideal, is founded upon truth, and
also upon respect for all rights. It is in this age endangered
through economical inequality. But the peril is rendered less
imminent through an increasing sense of brotherhood. These
spiritual ideals are at the present time put in peril by an in-
creasing dread of poverty. There probably never was an age
when the dread of poverty was so great, or when the evils of
poverty were so small. In this condition the university has a
most significant mission. It is sent to uphold the spiritual
ideals. It is to minister to the verities and virtues. It is called
upon to teach that the wealth most worth treasuring lies in the
mind and character and not in the hand. The one is eternal
and the other must be temporary. It declares the most obvious
truth that poverty with honor is infinitely to be preferred to
wealth accompanied with any suspicion of dishonor. It declares
that living is far less than life; that things seen are of smaller
worth than things unseen; that the lust of the eyes and the
pride of life are as nothing in respect to truth, duty, love, and
faith. The spiritual ideals of the race are in large part embod-
ied in literature. But also literature, in and of itself, represents
one of the most significant fields of the university.

The relation of the university in the American democracy toGENERAL RESULTS

455

its literature has been one of both general and of particular sig-
nificance. The relation is not simply that the university gives
an education to poet, essayist, historian, although this relation
is significant. For one does not forget that if Shakespeare was
trained as an actor, and not as a student, the names of his con-
temporaries, even if less great, and of his successors are found
in the matriculation registers of the English universities. With
the exception, too, of Heine, who has left on record his contempt
of university men and of universities themselves—though he was
himself a university student—the great names in the literature of
Germany are names found on the university rolls. One cannot
forget, moreover, that in the year 1775 the Earl of Chatham paid,
in the House of Lords, a most eloquent tribute to the intellectual
force, the literary sympathy, and the decorum of the state papers
recently transmitted from America, papers then lying upon the
table of the House of Lords, which proved that the little colleges
of the American colonies had served to constitute those colonies-
not only an integral part of the civilized world, but had also
made America a member of the republic of letters.1

But one is also more impressed with the general truth that
the university has represented and prepared the general condition
out of which a national literature grows. The university teaches
men to study themselves: it promotes self-reflection. The uni-
versity teaches men to study nature: it promotes observation.
The university teaches men to study history: it promotes wis-
dom. Self-reflection, observation, and wisdom are the materials
out of which literature is developed. " While I was musing the
fire burned: then spake I with my tongue." Scholarship may
not be literature, but without scholarship there would not long
be a worthy literature in any nation; the university is the mother
of scholars and of scholarship. Learning may not be literature •
but it is the brickkiln, or at least the clay pit, from which the
house of literature is built; and the university is the laborer in
the cause of learning. The university represents all that man
has aspired unto and failed to reach, and also all that he has
achieved. The development of humanity is the field in which lit-

* Tyler's "History of American Literature/' vol. ii, p. 310.456 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

erature labors. The university promotes those spiritual condi-
tions of largeness of intellectual vision, of purity of heart, of dig-
nity of conduct, and of social relationship: the conditions for the
creation and the growth of literature. The university represents
those atmospheres and relations of both the individual and the
whole community which are necessary to the progress of the lit-
erary art.

Yet one is obliged to confess that the effect of the forces of
the American university on American literature in these recent
decades is not.so great as in the earlier. Prom the discipline of
a single college, and from the tuition of a single teacher of Eng-
lish in this college,.were reared such writers as Emerson, Andrew
P. Peabody, Oliver "Wendell Holmes, Charles Sumner, John
Lothrop Motley, Richard Henry Dana, James Russell Lowell,
Henry D. Thoreau, Edward Everett Hale, Thomas "Wentworth
Higginson, and Charles Eliot Norton. At the present time in
this college, having many teachers of English, no such person-
alities or writers are appearing. What is the reason that under
the great Channing so many great writers appeared, and that at
the present time so few great writers are appearing? One scholar
declares that the reason lies in our neglect of Greek literature.
But the reason is more fundamental. The reason lies in the
absorption of men in things material. In the former age men
gave themselves to ideas; they now give themselves to things.
The reason is that this is the age of materialism; it is the time
of the reign of the exterior senses. The voice of the imagination
is hushed. The altar fires of the creative imagination are burned
out, and in their place are the fires of the steamship boiler and of
the mogul locomotive. I also wish to say, and with great diffi-
dence, that there is some reason to believe that the colleges are
not now giving as effective a training in the creative quality
of thinking as the same colleges did a quarter of a century ago.
College studies are in dire peril of being made simply descriptive,
having pieturesqueness and the motive of interest as primary
considerations, and not being made interpretative and compara-
tive of the more fundamental relations of man and of nature.
If this condition be at all the fact, of course, literature neces-
sarily suffers.GENERAL RESULTS

457

The effect which the university and college have wrought in
the professional life of America has been of the utmost signifi-
cance. For the university or the college has given to each mem-
ber of the three conspicuous professions a discipline for receiving
his professional training without which the professional train-
ing would itself be ineffective. No one can worthily follow the
law or medicine or the ministry who is not himself very much
more than a lawyer, a doctor, or a minister. The college gives a
background, a resource for professional service. It gives a sense
of relationship. It creates a largeness which saves the individual
from becoming small in the grinding out of the details of pro-
fessional service. It fits the man to do large things when the
demand is to do large things, as well as saves the man from
becoming small when he must be content with doing small things.

The demand that the members of a profession shall have a
good general equipment before entering upon their chosen voca-
tion has become more urgent with the increasing complexity of
modern life. The increasing complexity of modern life means
an increase in the number of relationships which the modern man
embodies and represents. These relationships are so manifold
that the clergyman who seeks to adjust the individual to his
environment through religion, or the lawyer who seeks to adjust
the individual to his environment through the statute or the com-
mon law, or the physician who seeks to adjust the individual to
his environment through the art of healing, should himself be
the master of every duty which springs out of the increasing
number and complexity of relations. Duties and rights and
principles require in their examination, interpretation, adjust-
ment, and application a discrimination keener and a wisdom
more affluent than prevailed in the earlier and simpler times.

In these times it is frequently and strongly asserted that
the length of the purse of the undergraduate determines in no
small degree the calling which he shall pursue. It is said that if
one is to use the college as a condition and a force for a liberal
education the.usual period of four years is none too long. This
time is short enough for the enlargement of the mind and for
the growth of a liberal spirit. An intellectual aristocracy cannot
be founded in a shorter period. But it is also said that if a458 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

student is to enter one of the professions which are still called
learned, two years are ample. For the professional training
itself is more or less liberal and liberalizing. In these two re-
marks lies truth; but it is still to be said that a profession is not
only enlarging, but it also demands a large mind in him who is
to learn its truth and to practice its duties. Therefore literary
studies may promote professional power, for such studies culti-
vate the imagination, train the feelings, enrich the memory, and
broaden and lift the whole intellectual firmament. Such results
are precious in the higher relations of every profession.

In a prosperous democracy like the American the function
of the university in relation to the church has been and is one
of peculiar interest. The church in a democracy is a free body.
The State has no church. The church has no State. The uni-
versity is also free. In a government in which the church and
state are united, the government is open to the temptation of
causing the university to promote the interests of the state-
church and the church-state. Each party is employed for or
against the other. The whole history of Oxford and Cambridge
furnishes many examples. The contest of Wyckliffism and Lol-
lardism illustrates how the court and the church compelled the
university to submit. But in a democratic community, the
church being free, and the university being also free, are able
to adjust themselves to each other, not according to arbitrary
limitations and arrangements, but according to their nature and
constitution.

There is one special respect in which the university has proved
to be of great advantage to organized religion. The university
has helped to show to the world the relative worth of the church
and the relative lack of the worth of churches. The church is
founded upon the primary belief in the existence of a personal
God, and upon the derived belief that the will of this Being is
made known to tlie will of man, and also upon the derived belief
that the will of this supreme Being is to be obeyed by man.
Churches are founded upon some adaptation or application or
corollary of this fundamental conception. The university is con-
cerned with truth in large relations. It therefore investigates
and presents the primary conception on which the church rests.GENERAL RESULTS

459

It therefore is an aid to the support of the church in a demo-
cratic community. But to the divisions of the one great church
Jt has few or no relations. For schism it has not only con-
tempt, but also indifference; for heresy, while it may give
approval to the motives of the heretic, it has only indifference
for the little truths which he endeavors to correlate and to trans-
mute into his system of orthodoxy. The larger, therefore, a
University becomes, the less significant do its denominational and
sectarian relations appear. A sectarian university is a mis-
nomer. The larger and stronger a university becomes, also, the
more impressive and stronger becomes its allegiance to the funda-
mental doctrines of religion. It cannot avoid bearing relations
t° the fundamental doctrines of religion, for these are funda-
mental truths of being. A sectarian university would be a prac-
tical impossibility, as an irreligious university is a logical incon-
sistency. These truths receive illustration in the changes which
have occurred in the English universities and in the enlarging
policy of the oldest colleges of America.

It is also to be noted that theology, studied broadly, as it
ever should be, becomes, when studied subjectively, psychology;
and when studied objectively it becomes either anthropology or
biology. £uch a broad study of theology the university is of
all institutions and agencies the best fitted to conduct. The
school of theology is in peril of being a school of theology only.
The results of such a narrow method cannot but be slight. For,
valuing at the utmost the content of all special revelations from
and concerning the divine Being, these revelations are so slight
in comparison to the whole content of truth respecting God and
His will that advantage must be taken of psychology, anthro-
pology, and biology for learning whatever ban be known touch-
ing Him who is the all in all.

The function of the university in training leaders for organ-
ized religion in the church is one which lies on the surface. The'
first colleges in America were schools of theology, and for the
first century a majority of the graduates of each became clergy-
men. The theological relations of the older Cambridge and of
Oxford were repeated at New Haven and at the younger Cam-
bridge. That intimacy of religion and education is illustrated460 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

in the numbers which the university has given to the body of
candidates for holy orders and for the various offices of the
church. The education which the university gives is repre-
sented in the curriculum. In knowledge and general relation-
ships education should be as wide as truth, and in power and
discipline it should be as exact as mathematics. It should in-
clude all the parts of present knowledge, but it should also be
concerned with the development of the historical field. B
should cover both a general training and a professional educa-
tion. It should be, as the late Bishop Wescott has said:

"So far, then, nothing can be better than that the candidate for holy
orders should, whenever it is possible, enter completely and heartily into
the ordinary university course—that is, that he should approach his pro-
fessional study through the avenue of the liberal studies; that he should
have at least the opportunity of seeing clearly the position which it holds
with regard to the other branches of knowledge; that he should learn, once
for all, that the truths which he has to teach, the method which he has to
follow, are not antagonistic, but complementary to the truths and methods
of the metaphysician and the physicist. Even if the university did no
more for him than this, he could not well dispense with the teaching which
places him in a true position for future work. But the Universities can
do (I speak with confidence of my own University, Cambridge) far more
than this. They not only reveal to the theological student the general
relations in which his science stands to other sciences, but they help him
to lay deeply and surely the foundations on which all later constructions
may repose. They enable him (that we may pass to our second principle)
to seize the characteristics of the Christian revelation by directing him to
the study of Holy Scripture and to the study of Church History. These
studies follow naturally on the purely liberal studies with which he has
been hitherto busied. They offer scope for the exercise of all the powers
which he has matured. Through these, all the fullness of life is found to
contribute to the interpretation of the Gospel. Through these dogma
and ritual first become really intelligible when they are seen to answer to,
or rise out of, facts. Through these, if we dare not speak of proof, comes
that conviction of the truths of Christianity on which the intellect as
well as the soul of man is able to rest with absolute assurance."1

The American college and university have also, especially

1 Brooke Foss Wescott, "Qn Some Points in the Religious Office of the
Universities/' pp. 87-89vGENERAL RESULTS

461

m the last decades, come to exert a mighty influence over the
whole industrial and social movement. The prosperous de-
mocracy of the United States is engaged, together with Ger-
many, Great Britain, France, and Holland, in the industrial con-
quest of the world. The period of settlement of the newer parts
of the world has been succeeded by the period of commerce, and
the period of commerce is to be succeeded by the period of indus-
trialism. The development of mines, the building of railroads,
the organizing of great agricultural conditions and forces, the
formation of vast steamship lines, the equipment of mills for
the manufacture of iron and steel and lumber and of the prod-
ucts of iron and steel and lumber, represent some of the chief
forms which industrialism is assuming. This industrialism is to
touch Africa, South America, Asia Minor, and China. It is to
touch ultimately every part of the world, parts as remote as
Thibet, Persia, and Afghanistan. To this vast, and to become
yet more vast, industrial movement the university bears several
relations. First, the initiative and the progress of these move-
ments demands a trained brain to see and to judge, and a will
strong for decision and strong also for carrying decisions into
effect. The university does not primarily train the will, but the
university does primarily train the mind of which the brain is
the expression and the will the agent. Therefore the university
should be able to offer to those concerned in these vast under-
takings a higher order of talent than can elsewhere be found.
Secondly, the university also should be able not only to furnish
great administrators, it should also be able to point out the most
effective methods by which these undertakings can proceed and
the most favorable conditions under which these undertakings
can be made to achieve their highest purposes. A general trained
intelligence is the best method and condition for securing these
great results. It is, for example, a general trained intelligence
which has worked so silently and so unconsciously as to seem to
be almost the working of the Zeitgeist, which has proved that iron
and steel can be most economically made on or near the southern
shore of Lake Erie. It is the lack of a general trained intelli-
gence that has tried to make iron and steel near the mines of
the iron ore in Minnesota. Wisdom touching all the conditions462 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

of this great movement should represent the result of the train-
ing given to university men. Thirdly, the university, moreover,
should not neglect to point out the perils which lie in the path-
ways of these undertakings, both for the people and for the gov-
ernments which foster these vast movements. The voice of the
university, free from partisanship, free from any suspicion of a
taint of a narrow patriotism, seeking to learn the truth, trying
to do acts of righteousness which are based on truth, should be
the most potent and persuasive voice in determining the course
of the industrial conquests of the world. The only fear is that
though the voice speak it may not be heard, neither its intima-
tions followed nor its admonitions heeded.

The relation of the university to the industrial organization,
therefore, is not only one of simple approbation, but it is also one
of hearty and constant cooperation. If the university cannot ap-
prove of industrialism as an ultimate ideal toward which all the
struggles of the human spirit may be worthily directed, it does
yet approve of industrialism as both a process and a product.
Industrialism as a process has its approval, for industrialism
necessitates activities of the intellect and of the will. Industrial-
ism calls into service judgment both as a weighing of evidence
and as a decision. Industrialism as a product has the approval
of the university, for this product is a rich granary, not for
holding but for providing the university with means for doing
its best work. But the university is not merely justified by
approving of the great material and industrial movement. It is
the originator and inspirer of this movement. In the great fields
of biology and chemistry and geology the university has given an
impulse and direction to the industrial forces. The chemical
laboratory of the university preceded the chemical laboratory
of the iron and steel mills. Andrew Carnegie was the first in
America to employ a professional chemist in steel mills. The
service began two generations after the elder Silliman was in-
stalled at Yale and a generation after Cooke became an instructor
at Harvard. The application of electricity to the manifold uses
of man was made possible only by the experiments in the labora-
tories of the university and by the discoveries made there. Prof.
Bell, of the telephone, has said that it was to the discoveries ofGENERAL RESULTS

463

Helmholtz lie owed his discoveries and his applications of these
discoveries to the field of the telephone itself. It is a university
Professor who has given lis the most valuable analysis of the
Petroleum oils, and it is also a university professor who has made
the most efficient investigations into the value of fishes not only
as a form of the lower life, but also as a food of man. The remark
°f Agassiz is common to the effect that he had no time to make
money, but it is to be said that the way he used his time has
resulted in thousands and tens of thousands of people making
money. He had the time to discover truths out of which money
has been coined. One cannot forget Pasteur, whose investigations
enriched France by billions of francs. Among the students at
Yale have been Eli Whitney, who invented the cotton gin and
the American system of small arms; Samuel P. B. Morse, who
invented the electro-magnetic telegraph; David 'Bushnell, who
invented the submarine cable; Alexander C. Twining, who in-
vented the apparatus for the production of artificial ice; Eli
Whitney Blake, who invented the rock-breaker; and Charles
Goodyear, whose name is associated with the india-rubber in-
dustry.

And yet the university cannot regard the industrial common-
Wealth as the ultimate goal of society. Industrialism can never
satisfy permanently the highest needs of humanity. One can
interpret the universe in terms of the five senses and get a uni-
verse of form and color, of taste, of smell, and of the solid, ac-
cording to that sense which he uses. One can interpret the
universe in terms of the intellect and get thought; or in
terms of the heart and get love; in terms of the conscience and
get righteousness; in terms of the will and get strength; in terms
of the esthetic faculty and get beauty. And be it said that
thought, love, righteousness, strength, and beauty can perma-
nently satisfy the needs of men. Industrialism is concerned in
its results, therefore not with thought, love, strength, righteous-
ness, and beauty, but with such products as minister primarily
to the senses of man. But be it said that although the univer-
sity cannot regard industrialism as an ideal toward which soci-
ety should move, it does regard industrialism as a step in the
progress toward that goal at which humanity is ultimately to464 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

.rest. The university does look upon industrialism as one of
the foothills to the skyey range of man's highest contentment and
realization.

In respect also to the influence of the university over the
social movement certain truths have emerged. Even if the spe-
cial influence of the'higher education over this movement has
been of brief duration, yet the influence has already become sig-
nificant. There are two or three methods by which the univer-
sity can promote social efficiency. First, by training its grad-
uates in the truths and practices of what may be called social
ethical altruism. Ethical altruism is an expression in part in
terms of the conscience of what is declared in the Ten Com-
mandments ; and it is summed up in the further command to love
your neighbor as yourself. But ethical altruism means more
than loving your neighbor as yourself; it means loving your
neighbor more than you love yourself. For proper love for
oneself may be inferior to proper love for one's neighbor. Surely
the good man will prefer to do wrong to himself rather than to
do wrong to his neighbor. Ethical altruism means oneself in
place of one's neighbor, and also it means uniting oneself to
one's neighbor, so that all the forces of the community may be
joined together for one purpose under one spirit and end and
method. Such a doctrine the university should teach and such
a doctrine it should practice in the units of university organiza-
tion and administration. Second, the university may also teach
social efficiency through a theological teaching. The essence of
this theological teaching should be the fatherhood of God and the
constant brotherhood of man. When man becomes impressed
with the truth of a common brotherhood, each man seeks to do
his duties more eagerly than he seeks to secure his rights. He
becomes eager to use his rights in giving up his rights. Third,
the university should train men in that most difficult art in which
to train men—namely, administration.

In the promotion of social efficiency the university adjusts
itself in best ways to the growth of that ever-growing force, the
sense of humanity. It is significant that the growth of the sense
of humanity has been specially vigorous in the forty-six years that
have elapsed since the publication of " The Origin of Species/'GENERAL RESULTS

465

As it has become evident that man has arisen out of the lower
forms of life, the worth of this, the highest form now known, has
been the more appreciated, and the sense of the oneness of this
present highest form has been the more clearly recognized. This
problem of recognition and appreciation the university has pro-
moted. Itself embodying the highest forces of personality,
knowing the unity of humanity and the relation of humanity to
nature and to the animal, it has been an agency and a condition
best fitted to promote the growth of this sense of humanity.
Through the interpretation of human movements, and through a
sense of love for all men and a desire to serve all men, the uni-
versity most directly ministers to this noble growth.

The university shows by its example of moderation that the
history of civilization is the history of the acceptance and of the
discarding of social theories. As the history of philosophy is
the narrative of the search for the absolute—in fact, of the fail-
ure to find the absolute—so civilization represents the discov-
ery, the adoption, and the discarding of many theories of society
and of human betterment. The university should not lend
the weight of its authority nor the affirmation of its personal
wisdom to methods which have not met the test of application
and experience. It should be hospitable toward presumed truth
and it should be inhospitable toward presumed error. It may
investigate, but it should distinguish between investigating for
truth and putting on the public exchange truths bearing the
stamp of its recognition.

One should not pass over the functions of the university
with relation to general society in a prosperous democracy. The
society of a prosperous democracy is peculiarly subject to cer-
tain temptations. In point of intellectul condition the higher
classes in a prosperous democracy are subject to the temptation
of materialism and sensualism; the middle classes, to the temp-
tation of mediocrity and commonplaceness; and the lower
classes, to the temptation of brutalism and of contempt' of all
knowledge. In point of manners and social condition the higher
classes are open to the temptation of arrogance, the middle
to the temptation of pettiness, and the lower to the temp-
tation of bestiality. To each of these classes the university owes46G HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

a special , duty. To the higher it owes the duty of teaching the
lesson of spirituality; to the middle, the duty of teaching the
relativity of the facts of knowledge and of the truths of per-
sonality and of things; and to the lower, the duty of teaching
gentleness and humility. American scholarship, through its
ministry in the universities, through its teachings and its teach-
ers, is to remove the evil, instruct the ignorant, humanize the
brutal, purify the sensual, broaden the narrow, elevate the low,
make natural the unnatural, and transmute the brutal into the
human and the human into the divine.

The higher education has also borne a most intimate rela-
tion to the lower. It has trained teachers and executives. It
has inspired courses of study. It has offered an educational
philosophy of at least some degree of worth. It has been at once
an historian and a prophet. It has provided atmospheres and
a sense of relations as well as specific leadership.

The higher education has also had a somewhat interesting
effect upon what might be called half-education. Education has
a singular effect upon the human character in causing the man
who is thoroughly educated to regard himself as not being at all
educated. The man who is really wise is the very last man to
call himself wise. Modesty and humility are a product of
wisdom. The modesty is not assumed; the humility is not
counterfeited. Tile man who is wise in one subject sees so many
limitations to his knowledge that he is more impressed with what
he does not know than with what he does know. One of the
greatest of chemists is constantly saying to me that he does not
know anything about chemistry. The philosopher and the
classicist are making the same remark about their studies. The
man who absolutely knows nothing about a subject is also
inclined to make his expression correspond with the facts in the
case. But the man who stands about halfway between the real
ignorance of the ignorant and the real learning of the learned
has the helplessness of the ignorant one and is without the mod-
esty of the scholar. The condition of half-education is the com-
mon product of the general education which the common people
receive and offer. It is an education in facts; it is not an educa-
tion in the significance of those facts. It is possibly an educa-GENERAL RESULTS

467

tion in the more immediate significance of those facts, but it
is not an education in their more general significance. Facts are
of slight value. The present meaning of facts is of some value,
but the ultimate meaning of facts is of the greater and greatest
value.

In a democracy, as I have intimated, the rule of half-educa-
tion is a peril constant and serious. In a democracy the major-
ity rules, but the rule of the majority is in peril of being the
rule of a tyrant. Education is designed to do away with half-
education. Education is ordained to make the half-educated
man recognize that he is only half-educated, and therefore it
results in the promotion of humility and of respect for the
opinions of those who are worthy to hold and to express opinions.

The lesson of the value of the expert the American people
are learning. They have learned this value in most vocations
and relations. If one wishes to lay out his estate, he goes to
the gardener; if he wishes to build a house, he goes to an archi-
tect; if lie wishes to buy a suit of clothes, he goes to a tailor;
if he is sick, he calls a doctor; if he desires to draw up his will,
he calls a lawyer; and if he desires to know somewhat about re-
ligion, he presumably calls a clergyman. But in matters of edu-
cation and government the people have not learned the value of
the expert. The unique, and always unique, experience of Abra-
ham Lincoln has helped to lead to the belief that a man may
make a worthy president of the country without having a worthy
training or preparation for that service. The schools call girls
from the farm and bo}rs from the shop and ask them to teach,
to inspire, and to become guardian and guide, philosopher and
friend, to those who happen to be five or three years their juniors.
But the value of the expert in matters governmental and edu-
cational will gradually come to pervade all grades of society,
as the value of the expert in other matters has already become
recognized. The higher education is in this endeavor to con-
tinue to be aggressive. A little here and a little there and the
element of half-education will gradually become eliminated.
Education has the stars on its side. No right method for human
betterment can permanently defy the laws of nature.

In relation to education therefore, in general, the university468 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

stands before the people as embodying the most constant and
the most important results. The university is significant, noble,
great. Its teachers are renowned. Its laboratories induce and
declare nature's long-held secrets; its museums collect nature's
most precious treasures. The university thus serves both as an
ideal toward which all education may progress and as an inspira-
tion which seeks to render every school more efficient, enriching
every course of study and quickening every teacher to the dig-
nity of his calling. This condition represents the historical
process. Harvard College was the cause of the establishment of
the first schools to fit boys for Harvard College, and these schools
which fitted boys for college occupied a more important place
in the minds of the colonists than the schools which did not fit
for college.

It must be confessed that the university has not always occu-
pied this closeness of relationship to the common schools which
is thus suggested. The college world has too often been remote
from the public-school world. Condescension has frequently been
the mood. The higher education and the lower are to be one.
If the higher is insolent to the lower, the higher will lack a
power of usefulness and the lower will tend to become wooden
and burdensome. If the lower condemn the higher, the lower
will lack buoyancy, spring, and a sense of largeness, and the
higher will tend to become more remote and more arrogant.
When the two are united in the hearts of the people education
becomes vital, progressive, comprehensive, and satisfactory.

Furthermore, higher education has in the United States
borne a significant relation to what is called research. This
relation as at present obtaining in America represents rather a
prophecy than a history. But the duty is evident. What has
been accomplished through archaeology, or through the natural
and physical sciences, is only an intimation of what remains to
be done. What is technically known as research is simply the
inquiry for truth. This inquiry is pursued for its own sake.
Truth for truth's sake is the great rallying cry of research in
these last decades. This research is of course pursued systemat-
ically. The enlargement of human knowledge respecting man
and respecting the world in which he lives has been the endeavorGENERAL RESULTS

469

of man ever since lie has known or reasoned at all. Two great
periods of investigation has the race passed through, been im-
pressed by, and used. One was the Renaissance, and the other
began fifty years ago and is still continuing. The Renaissance
had relation primarily to the world of man: it was humanistic.
The present awakening has relation to the world of nature: it is
scientific. When one thinks how long man has lived in the
world, daily seeing the sun rise and set, nightly beholding the
stars move in their orbits, impressed by the phenomena of light
and darkness, of heat and of cold, of forces and of facts, it is a
surprise that his knowledge of the material world is so inade-
quate, superficial, narrow. The world is still comparatively
unknown. Man himself still is hardly better known than the
exterior world. Even that most manifest part, his body, is still
the object of prolonged inquiry. As a physiologist has lately
said:

"Although we have a considerable acquaintance with the gross struc-
ture of the body, this is by no means complete. Microscopical investiga-
tions} especially of the nervous system, promise rich results of great
practical importance. Our knowledge of the physical and chemical
structure of the cells is still very crude, although these form the basis of
its life and functions, and therefore of the functions of the entire body.
What we know of these functions is restricted to their ultimate mechanical,
chemical, or structural phenomena. The mechanism by which these
phenomena are brought about is an almost complete mystery to us, al-
though the greater number of investigators who have penetrated most
deeply into this question consider that its solution is not impossible."1

If the body of man is still so unknown, what shall be said
regarding the ignorance on the part of man of his own spiritual
organization ?

For the better knowledge, therefore, of the world without
and of the world within scholars should devote all their powers
and attainments. For such devotion are necessary, first, the love
for truth as truth; second, the undying passion for searching
for truth; and, third, the conditions necessary for finding the

1 "The Needs of Medical Research," by Prof. Torald Sollmann, Western
Reserve University Bulletin, November, 1902, p. 133.470 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

truth. The conditions necessary for finding the truth are: First,
The giving to the scholar time; second, freedom from interrup-
tion ; third, freedom from care as to his material support; and
fourth, ability to coordinate and to concentrate efforts in research.

Certain of these four conditions are not infrequently found
existing in men of inherited or acquired riches. One of the most
useful investigators of electricity has through the practical re-
sults of his investigations made himself a rich man. lie uses
the leisure which his riches allow him to enjoy in the pursuit
of theoretical investigation. One of the more eminent astrono-
mers is using inherited wealth in building observatories in re-
mote parts of this country and in foreign parts as well. The
number of such independent investigators will undoubtedly in-
crease. But the perils attending research done under these con-
ditions is that it will be spasmodic, in method unsound, and also
unworthy of the time and money spent upon it. The field
chosen for investigation, too, may not be worth investigation.
The investigation, moreover, may not be conducted in wisdom.
Investigations have been carried on, and of course are still car-
ried on, by independent researchers who depend on some regular
vocation for their support. This method was approved of by
John Stuart Mill, and was followed by this great thinker for him-
self. But it is open to the objection of duplication and of ama-
teurishness. Research is severe toil, or ought to be, and it cannot
be done as an avocation. Either the research or the researcher-
suffers. Therefore, be it said, the best method for inquiry after
truth is found in and through the university. The university
is a collection of trained workers. Each worker helps every
other worker: inspiration is gained. The university represents
the materials for the study of all truth: truth is a unity. And
the truths of one department bear close relation to the truths
of many other departments: proportion is secured. The univer-
sity sets before the researcher investigation as a duty and also
as a part of the birthright of academic freedom. Indolence or
indifference should have no power over him, and his work should
be done in freedom. He should be trusted, and he should be
trusted because he is worthy of trust. But it may be said that
the university may be unwise in the conditions with which itGENERAL RESULTS

471

surrounds the investigator; it may be arbitrary in the commands
or suggestions which it lays upon him. It is certainly true that
all the advantages for research do not rest on the side of the uni-
versity. In general it may be said that in England most re-
searches have been conducted privately, and that in Germany most
researches have been conducted mainly under the auspices of a
university. Charles Darwin at Down, on his own estate—an
estate difficult to reach or to go from—moving the world from his
little fulcrum, is the type of the normal English searcher for
truth. Immanuel Kant, at Konigsberg University, occupying a
professorship, lecturing to a few students, moving in the free
atmosphere of scholarship, writing his blind books which are yet
to open the eyes of mankind, is the type of the German searcher
for truth.

The duty of research in the United States is urgent. The
peril of a democracy is that it will search for truth not for
truth's own sake, but for the sake of what truth will do or bring.
It makes investigation into electricity to get light, or heat, or
power, not to discover the laws, nature, and relations of elec-
tricity. Let it ever be known that truth is primary, and the
search for truth for its own sake is a primary duty. The great
thinker who gave as a reason for his passion for the theory of
numbers that it is a pure virgin that never has been and never
can be prostituted to any practical application whatsoever rep-
resents the type of the wisest investigator. This lesson of the
value of truth for its own sake is a lesson that every democracy
should learn. It is a lesson which the university is of all human
forces best fitted to teach a democracy. Democracies, too, are
naturally fickle. The search for truth should therefore be con-
ducted under the most stable and permanent of all human insti-
tutions—the university.

Furthermore, the higher education in America has also had a
relation to the formal government. This relation it has fulfilled
in three ways. It has served in disseminating a sound idea of the
nature of government. It has also endeavored to make clear
that government by parties, the natural method in a democracy
is only a means and never an end. It has, furthermore trained
men to become worthy officers of the state.472 HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA

In training men to become worthy officers of the state it has
educated men for service of two sorts. The one kind is the
clerical and the less arduous administrative type. Such is the
training given to the young Englishmen who are to occupy
positions of a clerical grade in the colonial governments. This
training is valuable and leads to resulting values in the interest
of the government and of humanity. The other kind of training
is less direct, and yet it is the more valuable as it is the less
directly immediate in its purposes. It relates to general prepa-
ration for the most important administrative and executive
places. The primary purpose of such a preparation is identical
with the primary purpose of education. It seeks to make each
man a thinker, a weigher of evidence, and a judge of relations.
It does not aim to fit one to become president or a legislator or a
member of the Supreme Court. It desires simply so to train the
intellect, as well as all the other parts of one's nature, that the
man, if elected president or legislator or appointed judge, shall
do the work belonging to the position with efficiency and satisfac-
tion. It looks upon government in its higher relations as first a
means and secondly an end.

A second work which the higher education has accomplished
and may accomplish for the government relates to political par-
ties. In a prosperous democracy public attention is usually fixed
on the party in power, and upon this party as an end and as a
good in itself. For one becomes so accustomed to the party as
a necessary method or means for carrying on the government that
he is soon led to believe that the party is the government in itself,
and even that in extreme instances the government exists to per-
petuate and enrich the party. The university is therefore to im-
press upon the people the truth that parties exist in order to give
the most efficient govern merit, and that that party only has a
right to be in power which gives the most efficient government.
Therefore the universities have usually been a silent factor in
political affairs. They have been concerned only to maintain
a sound and efficient government. They have been, and are, the
most eager to remove any political party which has become weak
while it has been trying to govern. In the United States the
universities have been the most conservative element in pre-GENERAL RESULTS

473

serving the present government as a republic. They would be
°f all classes the most averse to a monarchy of any sort. But
*io body of citizens would be more eager to dislodge a political
party which had proved itself to be incapable.

A third form of the service which the higher education has
rendered relates to the dissemination of sound ideas of the
nature of government. It has sought to impress upon the people
that the principles of good government are the common princi-
ples which constitute the best life—honesty, capacity, faithful-
ness.INDEX

Abbot Academy, founding of, 336.

"Academia Virginiensis et Oxonien-
sis," attempt to founds 51.

Academies, opening of, to girls, 336.

Academy of Sciences and Arts of
America, founding of, 194, 196;
sketch of, 197.

Act of 1787. See Ordinance of 1787.

Adams Academy, Derry, N. H., 336,
337.

Adams, John, 163; remarks of, on
Revolutionary War, 165; sketch
of, 168; effect on, by French influ-
ence, 195; honorary degree given
to, 428.

Adams, John Quincy, establishment
of a National University urged by,
184; a member of the "Speaking
Club," 375.

Adams, Samuel, influence of, upon
Revolutionary War, 167.

Adelbert College, 350. See Western
Reserve College.

Advocatef Harvard, 390.

Agassiz, Louis, method of teaching
of, 444.

Agassiz Museum, grant for, 432.

Agriculture, department of, in State
Universities, 420.

Alabama, education in, 213; educa-
tional clause in constitution of,
219; educational difficulties in,
247.

Alabama, University of, comparison
of, with University of Mississippi,
249; rules of, 250; character of stu-
dents at, 251; period of prosperity

at, 253; destruction of, during Civil
War, 368.

Allen, Ira, founder of University of
Vermont, 208.

Allen, Rev. William, President of
Dartmouth University, 276; Presi-
dent of Bowdoin, 276 (note).

Alpha Delta Phi Fraternity, founding
of, 377; present extent of, 378.

Alpha Tau Omega Fraternity, present
extent of, 378.

Alumni Associations, formation of,
402.

American Association for the Ad-
vancement of Science, organization
of, 302.

American Education Society, relation
of, to colleges, 235.

American Philosophical Society, The,
organizing of, 196.

American University. See Ohio Uni-
versity.

Ames, Nathaniel, diary of, picturing
early life at Harvard, 158.

Amherst College, founding of, 287;
founding of, by Congregationalists,
289, 294; connection of, with Wil-
liams, 290; salaries of officers of,
330; effect of Civil War upon, 362;
students of, in Civil War, 365; me-
morial of, to students who fell in
Civil War, 371; undergraduate so-
cieties of, 376; athletics and phys-
ical training at, 383-385; journals
of, 390; musical societies at, 396;
self-government at, 398; architec-
ture of, 404; library of, 410.476

INDEX

Amherst Collegiate Magazine, 390.

Andrew, Samuel, a founder of Yale
College, sketch of, 69, 72; head of
Yale College, 82.

Andrews, Ethan Allen, work of, at
University of North Carolina, 239.

Anthon, Charles, professor at Colum-
bia, 273.

Antioch College, founding of, 294 ff.;
co-education at, 343.

Anti-Slavery Societies, influence of,
in development of southern colleges,
252.

Appleton, Nathaniel, degree of D.D.
conferred upon, 427.

Architecture in American colleges,
individualism in, 404, 407; variety
in, 406.

Architecture in English colleges, 404,
406.

Asbury College, 291.

Asbury, Francis, Methodist bishop,
291.

Association of American Geologists,
formation of, 430.

Astronomical observatory, first, 177.

Astronomy in curriculum, 430.

Athletics and physical training, origin
of, 383; growth of, 384; intercollegi-
ate, 385,386; organizations in, 389;
track, 389.

Bachelor of Arts, 426, 428.

Bachelor of Literature, degree of, 429.

Bachelor of Philosophy, degree of, 429.

Bachelor of Science, degree of, 429.

Bacon, Francis, criticism of English
University System by, 1.

Baldwin, Ebenezer, diary of, while a
student at Yale, 101.

Baldwin, Governor, trustee of Prince-
ton, 111.

Ballou, Hosea, 2d, President of Tufts,
293.

Bancroft, George, a student in Ger-
many, 310, 320,321.

Baptist Church, influence of, on
higher education, 129 ff.; Brown
College founded by, 130; Water-
ville College founded by, 288, 294.

Barlow, Joel, in favor of a national
university, 184, 185; parody upon
"Columbiad" of, 391.

Barnard College, relation of, to Colum-
bia, 350.

Barnard, Frederick Augustus Porter,
professor in University of Alabama,
253, 255; chancellor of University
of Mississippi, 255; president of
Columbia, 255; appreciation of,
256.

Baseball, introduction of, into Ameri-
can colleges, 385.

Bates College, founding of, 287; re-
ligious affiliation of, 294.

Beck, Charles, German influence of, at
Harvard, 310.

Beecher, Catherine, influence of, on
early education of women, 337.

Bellingham, Richard, member of the
first board of overseers of Harvard,
8.

Bellini, teacher of German at William
and Mary College, 62.

Beloit College, founding ef, 214.

Berkeley, Bishop George, donor of
Yale, 90; plan of, to found college
in Bermudas, 90; sketch of, 90;
gift of books by, 91; scholarship
foundation by, 91; attitude of,
toward Samuel Johnson, 123.

Berkeley, Sir William, Governor of
Virginia, attitude of, toward public
education, 52.

Beta Theta Pi Fraternity, extent of,
378.

Bible, chief book of colonies, 6; as
text book, 114, 117.

Biology, study of, 443, 444.

Blaettermann, professor of modern
languages at University of Vir-
ginia, 237.INDEX

477

Blair, Rev. Dr. James, founder of
William and Mary College, life of,
53; character of, 55; plan of, to
found college of three grades,
56.

Blaxton, William, the hermit, 4.

Board of government, single and
double, discussion on, 72 ff.; Presi-
dent Dwight's opinion of, 72, 73.

Board of Overseers of Harvard, es-
tablishment of, 8, 9, 12.

Bonnycastle, Charles, teacher at
University of Virginia, 237.

Boston College, founding of, 287.

Botany, study of, 301, 430, 443.

Bowditch, Nathaniel, professor at
Harvard, 200; translator of La-
place, 303.

Bowdoin, James, benefactor of edu-
cation, 327.

Bowdoin College, general conditions
of founding of, 208, 209; critical
condition at, 281; graduates of, 282;
summary of condition of, in early
nineteenth century, 287; students
of, in Civil War, 365; memorial to
students of, who died in Civil War,
371; self-government at, 398; ar-
chitecture of, 404, 406; library of,
410,416.

Boyle, Robert, revenue from estate of,
given to William and Mary College,
55.

Bradford Academy, organization of,
336.

Brewster, Elder, of Plymouth colony,
3.

Brothers Society, The, of Yale, 376;
library of, 7.

Brown, Francis, President at Dart-
mouth, 248, 280.

Brown, Governor of Mississippi, found-
ing of the State University urged
by, 252.

Brown, Nicholas, benefactor of Brown,
327.

Brown University, general causes of
founding of, 129; location of, 130;
charter of, 130; relation of, to
Baptist Church, 131; year of found-
ing of, 131; pecuniary founda-
tion of, 132; financial history of,
134; increase of students in, 134;
"Brown," name chosen for, 135;
critical period at, 280; graduates of,
282; general condition of, in early
nineteenth century, 287; financial
condition of, 326; addition to funds
of, 327; college for women of, 350;
effect of Civil War upon, 357, 358,
362; memorial tablet to students of,
who fell in Civil War, 372; athletics
and physical training at, 383; ar-
chitecture of, 404; library of, 410;
honorary degrees conferred by, 428.

Bryn Mawr College, founding of, 345;
influence of, upon founder, 346;
purpose of, 346.

Buckingham, Thomas, a founder of
Yale, 71.

Burr, Aaron, a school for training
ministers opened by, 110; President
of Princeton, 118.

Butler, Gen. Benjamin, a graduate of
Colby, 365.

Buttery, place of, in college life, 99,
100.

Cabell, Joseph Carrington, coworker
with Jefferson in founding the
University of Virginia, 201, 236.

Caldwell, Joseph, President of Uni-
versity of North Carolina, 177;
work of, 239.

California, higher education in, 214,
215.

California, University of, coeduca-
tional, 344; library of, 410.

Calvin, John, as an educationist, 108.

Calvinism at Yale, 85.

Cambridge University (England), in-
fluence of, in Colonies, 1; great478

INDEX

personalities of, 2; influence of, in
Colonies compared with that of
Oxford, 3; influence of, in Virginia,
63; social and moral conditions of,
in the eighteenth century, 95,124 ff.;
relation of, to Church of England,
127; intellectual stagnation at,
128; endowment of land to, 186;
colleges for women affiliated with,
350.

Carleton College, sketch of, 324.

Carnahan, James, President of Prince-
ton, 271; results of administration
of, 272.

Carnegie, Andrew, founder of Car-
negie Institution at Washington,
185.

Cartwright, Peter, influence of, upon
education in Illinois, 227.

Catholepistemia, influence of Napo-
leon in founding, 202; failure of,
223.

Catholic University at Washington,
graduate instruction at, 420.

Center College, a denominational type,
246, 257.

Chamberlain, Professor Joshua L., of
Bowdoin, a leader in Civil War,
358, 365.

Charles City (Va.), preparatory school
at, 50.

Charleston, College of, a local institu-
tion, 178.

Chauncy, Charles, President of Har-
vard, 3; life of, 18; administration
of, marked by poverty, 19; un-
happiness of, as president, 23.

Chauncy, Israel, a founder of Yale,
68, 72.

Chemistry, commencement of study
of, 301 ff.; laboratory for, 303, 407;
methods of study of, 430; changes
in methods of study of, 443.

Chicago, University of, financial con-
dition of, 332; architecture of, 407;
library of, 410.

Chi Delta Theta Fraternity, founding
of, 377.

Chi Phi Fraternity, extent of, 378.

Chi Psi Fraternity, extent of, 378.

Child, Professor Francis James, of
Harvard, writer of ballads during
the Civil War, 358.

Choate, Pufus, appreciation of Presi-
dent Brown by, 278-279.

Christian Brethren at Harvard, So-
ciety of, 381.

Christian Church, establishment of
Antioch College by, 294.

City of New York, University of,
founding of, 273.

Civil War, college charters granted
during, 214; appeal of, to Northern
students, 354; appeal of, to South-
ern students, 354, 357; appeal of,
to college officers, 359; effect of,
upon college students, 363; ques-
tions presented to college officers
by, 360; college officers in North op-
posed to, 368; intellectual awaken-
ing during, 432.

Clap, Thomas, president of Yale, 84;
introduction of professorial system
by, 84; comparison of, with Presi-
dent Wheelock of Dartmouth, 142.

Clark, Gershom, endower of Yale, 80.

Clark University, graduate instruc-
tion at, 420.

Clarke, John, comments of, on curric-
ulum at Harvard in 1774, 155 ff.

Class, the, central element in college
life, 309, 400.

Classical type of architecture in col-
leges, 405.

Clergymen, position and influence of,
in New England Colonies, 2, 46, 47,
128; lack of, in Virginia Colonies, 53;
need of educated, cause of founding
of schools, 110.

Climatic condition, a difficulty in
founding institutions for higher ed-
ucation, 216.INDEX

479

Clubs, at Oxford in eighteenth cen-
tury, 95; organization of, in Amer-
ica, 158.

Coeducation at Oberlin, 341 ff.; at
Antioch, 343; at State Universities,
343, 344.

Cokesbury College, 291.

Colby College. See Waterville College.

Colgate University (Madison Univer-
sity) in Civil War, 367.

College education for women, coedu-
cation, 341 ff.; separate, 344; coor-
dinate or affiliated, 350; objections
to, 348, 351 ff.

College for Women of Western Re-
serve University, 350.

College graduates in the Revolu-
tionary War, 165,171,173 ff.

College of New Jersey. See Princeton.

College of Physicians and Surgeons,
lottery for benefit of, 329.

College of Rhode Island. See Brown.

College students in war, 372 If.

College vocabulary, 397, 398.

Colleges, influence of, through train-
ing writers, 46, 163; Colonial, com-
pared with Oxford and Cambridge,
124; Colonial summary of influence
of, 128, 163; Colonial value of, to
community during Revolution, 159;
Colonial discipline of, compared
with Oxford and Cambridge, 159;
influence of, through the profes-
sions, 162; as uniting force among
Colonies, 164; work of, interrupted
during Revolution, 171; local, an
outgrowth of local needs, 203; local,
similarity of purpose of, 210, 211;
denomination, 245, 246; southern,
as affected by abolition movement,
252, 253; southern, number of
students at, 257; function of, as
given by President Lord, 284;
patriotism in, 373, 374.

"Colleges," use of term, in America,
92 (note).

Collegian, The, 391.

Collegiate School, as name for Yale
until 1745, 78, 84.

Collegiate Spirit, growth of, after
Revolution, 175; as shown by
various States, 176 ff.; as mani-
fested in desire to found a national
university, 183 ff.

Colonial type of architecture among
colleges, 405,406.

Colonies (New England), influence of
European universities upon, 1;
leaders in, 2; condition of, at time
of establishment of Harvard Col-
lege, 9; condition of, at end of
seventeenth century, 65, 66; emi-
gration from, 108-109.

Colonists, New England, character of,
7; common origin and institutions
of, 106.

Colorado, education in, 214.

Columbia College (University), unique
conditions of founding of, 106;
purpose of founding of, 116, 121;
constituted as a civil institution,
117; composition of first Board of
Trustees of, 117; purpose of found-
ing of, compared with that of
University of Pennsylvania, 117;
connection of, with Church of
England, 118; buildings of, 120;
undergraduate life at, 120; rules of,
120; aid solicited in England for,
121; graduates of, 161; graduates
of, conspicuous in Revolutionary
War, 168; no commencement at,
during Revolutionary War, 172;
difficulties of, in early part of nine-
teenth century, 272; more efficient
methods in, 273; financial condition
of, 326; salary of officers of, 330;
students from, in Civil War, 366;
architecture of, 405; library of,
410, 413, 414; departmental li-
braries of, 411; library building
of, 416.480

INDEX

Commencement, character of, at
Harvard, 45; at William and Mary,
58; at Dartmouth, 146.

Commercial prosperity, effect of,
upon colleges, 432.

Commons, early, at Harvard, 14; at
William and Mary College, 61; at
Yale, 98; at Dartmouth, 143.

Congregational Church, Amherst,
founded by, 289, 294; disestablish-
ment of, in Connecticut, 290.

Congress, grants given by, for educa-
tional purposes, 188, 191; Morrill
Land Act of, 362,422,432.

Connecticut, condition of, at opening
of eighteenth century, 65; con-
tributions of, toward support of
Harvard, 67; effect of Colonial
Wars on, 87; grant of land by, to
Colleges, 186.

Cooke, Josiah P., professor at Har-
vard, 302.

Cooper, Myles, President of Columbia,
170.

Cooper, Thomas, President of South
Carolina College, 239; influence of,
240.

Cornell University, self-government
at, 398; library of, 410-414; special
collection of books of, 412; library
building of, 416; purpose of found-
ing of, 433.

Cotton, John, clergyman, 2; abstract
of the Mosaic laws made by, 6;
member of first Board of Overseers
of Harvard College, 8.

Course of Study. See Curriculum.

Crary, Isaac Edwin, influential in
founding University of Michigan,
223.

Culture, result of education, 448.

Curr, Rev. David, professor at Uni-
versity of North Carolina, 176.

Curriculum, intellectual condition of
time reflected by, 25; general cause
of improvement in, 153; similarity

of, in all colleges, 300; continued
growth in, 311; vocabulary of, 397;
general content of, in first two-
thirds of nineteenth century, 430,
431; result of, 431; changes in,
during the last generation, 441
ff.

Curriculum at Harvard, contents of,
25 ff., 300; comparison of, with that
of Cambridge (England), 27, 29;
summary of, 28; conservatism
mark of, 29; discipline of, 30; poor
results of, 30, 31; value of, 31; re-
ligious element in, 31; description
of, in letter, by Leonard Hoar, 37;
unchanged until 1766, 153; result
of change in,155.

Curriculum at Princeton, 115.

Curriculum at University of North
Carolina, 176.

Curriculum at University of Pennsyl-
vania, early, 114; comparison of,
with that of Princeton, 115; dura-
tion of, 115.

Curriculum at William and Mary Col-
lege, 57.

Curriculum at Yale, early, 75, 76;
changes in, before Revolutionary
War, 76; results of, 78.

Cutler, Dr. Carroll, president of West-
ern Reserve College, 367.

Cutler, Manasseh, author of the Ordi-
nance of 1787, 189; land system of
educational endowments introduced
by, 190.

Cutler, Rector, a founder of Trinity
College, 291.

Cutler, Timothy, President of Yale,
82.

Daggett, Napthali, President of Yale,
172.

Dana, Daniel, President of Dart-
mouth, 279,280.

Dana, James Dwight, professor at
Yale, 264.INDEX

481

Dartmouth College, causes of found-
ing of, 139; charter refused by
Connecticut to, 139; charter granted
by New Hampshire to, 139; naming
of, after Lord Dartmouth, 139;
selection of Hanover as location of,
140; early history of, 140; first seal
of, 141; student life at, 143; lack of
proper food at, 143; early sports at,
145; rules of, 145; student self-
support at, 145; first commence-
ment at, 146; curriculum of, 146;
attempt to secure endowment for,
146; numerical growth of, 147;
property of, in 1806, 147; effect of
Revolution on, slight, 171; Ver-
mont constituency served by, 207;
disagreement of Faculty and Board
of Trustees at, 274; investigation of
condition of, by Legislature, 275 ff.;
critical condition at, 280; general
condition of, in early eighteenth
century, 287; students of, in Civil
War, 365; library of, 410, 411;
honorary degrees conferred by, 428;

Dartmouth College case, 276 ff.

Dartmouth Gazette, 389, 390.

Dartmouth University, coexistent
with Dartmouth College, 276/

Davenport, John, educational ideas
of, 4; member of first Board of
Overseers at Harvard, 8; pastor in
New Haven, 66.

Davidson College, in North Carolina,
257; students and graduates of, in
Civil War, 370.

Davis, Judge John, Treasurer of
Harvard, 267.

Day, Jeremiah, President of Yale,
259, 260, 263.

Debate. See Oratory.

Degrees, collegiate, 159, 426, 427,
429; recent, 429.

Degrees, honorary, 427, 428; evi-
dence of French influence in Amer-
ica on, 428.

Delta Kappa Epsilon Fraternity, ex-
tent of, 378.

Delta Phi Fraternity, founding of,
377.

Delta Tau Delta Fraternity, extent
of, 378.

Democracy, influence of education
upon, 453, 454, 466 ff.

Denominationalism in higher educa-
tion, 227, 230, 231, 245, 246; in
south, 257.

De Pauw University, ecclestiastical
origin of, 232.

Derry, New Hampshire, Adams Acad-
emy at, 336,337.

Dickinson College, founding of, 208,
209.

Dickinson, John, founder of Dickin-
son College, 209.

Dickinson, Jonathan, training school
for ministers, opened by, 110; presi-
dent at Princeton, 118.

Diman, Professor, memorial address
at Brown, delivered by, 372.

Discipline, mental, result of educa-
tion, 448.

Doane College, founding of, 214.

Doctor of Divinity, degree of, 427,
428.

Doctor of Laws, degree of, 428.

Doctor of Philosophy, degree of, 429.

Downing, Sir George, assistant of
President Dunster, 24; sketch of,
48.

Drisler, Henry, professor at Columbia,
273,330.

Duer, William Alexander, President
of Columbia, 272.

Dudley, Gov. Thomas, member of
first Board of Overseers at Harvard,
8.

Dummer, Jeremiah, author and pa-
triot, 46, 163.

Dunglison, Ilobley, Professor of
Medicine at University of Virginia
• 237.482

INDEX

Dunster, Henry, President of Harvard,
3; administration and life of, 14 ff.;
character of, 16; owner of first
printing office, 16; resignation of,
17; salary of, 17; pastorate of,
at Scituate, 17; unhappiness in
presidency of, 23; assistants ap-
pointed for, 24.

Durant, Henry H., founder of Welles-
ley College, 346; purpose of, in
founding of Wellesley College, 348.

Dutchmen in America, 107; need of
College felt by, 135; academic
traditions of, 135.

Dwight, Timothy, Elder, President of
Yale, 72, 259, 260, 263.

Dwight, Timothy, President of Yale,
72.

Eaton, Nathaniel, first Master of
Harvard College, 13.

Ecclesiastical Schools of German
Colonists, 309.

Economics. See Political economy.

Edinburgh, University of, influence
of, upon William and Mary College,
56.

Education, French influence upon,
192 ff.

Education, higher, three forms of
promotion of, 175, 191; promotion
of, by states, 176 ff.; promotion of,
by central government, 182 ff.; pro-
motion of, by federal aid to in-
dividual states, 186 ff.; purposes of,
defined by Jefferson, 199; as a form
of individual enterprise, 201; in-
stitutions for, founded during last
eighty years, 213; sacrifices for, not
confined to America, 214; motives
in, 215; six difficulties of establish-
ing institution for, 215 ff.; organized
and unorganized, promotion of,
221; broad purposes of, 234; diffi-
culties attending, in South, 247;
results of 446 ff.; value of, 447; in-

fluence of, upon public opinion, 451;
influence of, on spiritual ideals,
452 ff.; influence of, on literature,
455; influence of, on professional
life, 457; relation of, to religion,
458; relation of, to social and in-
dustrial life, 461 ff.; relation of, to
general society, 465; relation of,
to lower education, 466; relation of,
to half-education, 466; influence of,
on research, 468; influence of, on
formal government, 471 ff.

Education, practical, 448; desire of
Quakers for, 108.

Education,k professional, 448, 449;
effect of the universities upon, 457.

Education, provision for, in ordinance
of 1787, 186.

Education, secondary, made free and
obligatory, 33; lack of institutions
for, a drawback to higher education,
216; relation of, to higher educa-
tion, 466, 468.

Education of women, in colonial and
early national period, 334, 335;
change in, character of, 336; im-
pulse to, given by admission of
women to Oberlin, 341; coeduca-
tion in, 341 ff.; separate, 344 ff.;
affiliated or coordinate, 350.

Edwards, Jonathan, President of
Princeton, 118, 119; as a philos-
opher, 160; as an author, 163.

Edwards, Jonathan, Jr., mentioned
as a fellow student of Manning, 131;
President of Union College, 280.

Edwards, Rev. Morgan, solicitor of
money for Brown, 132,133.

Elective system, introduction of, first,
at William and Mary College, 62,
312; at University of Virginia, 200,
237, 238, 312; at Harvard, 267, 315,
316, 439; general history of, 317;
at Brown, 312, 317, 318; favored by
President Eliot, 436,437; objection®
to, by President Porter, 437 ff.;INDEX

483

effect of, 439; Dean Briggs on,

440,	441; the prevailing condition,

441.

Eliot, Charles W., President of Har-
vard, 434, 435; influence of in
development of elective system,
312; condemnation of football by,
386 ff.; opinion of, on three years'
course, 425; supporter of the elec-
tive system, 436.

Eliot, John, The Apostle to the
Indians, 3.

Elocution at Harvard, 154.

Emerson, Joseph, prominent in the
education of women, 337; instructor
of Miss Lyon, 338.

Emerson, Mary Moody, description of
education of, 334, 335.

Emerson, Ralph Waldo, opinion of,
on Goethe, 310.

Emory College, Georgia, 257; students
of, in Civil War, 320.

Emory College, Virginia, 257.

Endowment, lands as, 186, 188, 191;
difficulty of obtaining, 215; pres-
ent of colleges, 332, 333; Morrill
Land Act, 362, 422, 432.

Endowments, affected in South by
Civil War, 368; affected by com-
mercial prosperity, 432,433.

English, value of study of, by John
Clarke, 155; place of, in curriculum,
430, 441; worthy of study, 442.

Erie Canal, effect of, on financial con-
dition of colleges, 326.

Erskine College, founded in South
Carolina, 257.

Esprit de corps in colleges, 450.

Ethics. See Philosophy.

Everett, Edward, President of Har-
vard, 265, 268; German influence
upon, 310, 320; opposition of, to
elective system, 316; association of,
with Harvard journals, 390, 391.

Exculpation Article, 250.

Expenditures of colleges, 331.

22

Expenditures of students at Harvard,
40, 400, 401; at Cambridge, Eng-
land, 40, 41; at Yale, 101; at
Williams, 210; increase of, 400-402.

Experiment, The, 390.

Faculty, first intimation of, 152;
powers of, enlarged, 261; use of the
term at Harvard, 266.

Furman College, founding of, 257.

"Fellow of Corporation" of Harvard
as distinguished from Fellow of
House, 151.

Felton, Cornelius C., President of
Harvard, 265, 269.

"Field Day," 389.

Financial condition of community
affects condition of colleges, 323,
331.

Financial history, of colleges, outline
of, 323, 333; Harvard's history
typical of, 324; of older colleges,
324 ff.; of newer colleges, 330.

Fisher, Geo. P., Professor of Divinity
at Yale, 264.

Fisk, Wilbur, President of Wesleyan
University, 292, 293; President of
Wesleyan Academy, 292.

Fitch, James, donor of land to Yale,
91.

Follen, Charles, a lecturer at Univer-
sity of Giessen, 310; instructor of
German at Harvard, 310; instructor
of physical training at Harvard,
383.

Football, introduction of, 3$6; con-
demnation of, by President Eliot,
386 ff.; commendation of, 388;
dangers of, 388, 389.

France, influence of, upon education
in America, 192 ff.; educational
conditions in, 192.

Franklin, Benjamin, influence of, in
founding University of Pennsyl-
vania, 112; effect of French in-
fluence on, 195.484

INDEX

Franklin College, Indiana, founding
of, 213; ecclesiastical origin of, 232.

Franklin College, Louisiana, 248.

Franklin College, Pennsylvania,
founded under German influence,
309.

Fraternity system, founding of, 377;
life in, 378; opinions concerning,
379, 380; special vocabulary of,
397.

Free Will Baptist Church, Bates
College, founded by, 294.

French, at Harvard, 157, 194, 300,
308; at University of North Caro-
lina, 176; endeavor to have Louis
XVI found chair of, at Brown, 194,
195; at Columbia, 194, 308; Smith
chair of, established, 194, 308;
at Union, 194; at William and
Mary, 194; at Yale, 194; study of,
301, 306 ff.; at Bowdoin, 306; at
University of Virginia, 307; valua-
tion placed upon, by Jefferson, 307;
at Amherst, 308; at Princeton, 308;
present place in curriculum of,
441.

French influence, as carried by books,
194; as carried by personalities,
195; in founding University of
State of New York, 197; in found-
ing University of Virginia, 199; in
founding University of Michigan,
201.

Freneau, Philip, satirist of Revolu-.
tionary War, 169.

Freshmen, position of, in seventeenth
century, 41; rules regarding, in
Ancient Customs of Harvard, 42,
159; position of, at Yale, 96.

Gallatin, Albert, teacher of French
at Harvard, 194, 308.

Gammell, William, professor at
Brown, quotation from, 357.

Gates, Horatio, Major General, honor-
ary degree given to, 428.

Gayarr6, Charles, Louisiana author,
248.

Geneva, University of, suggestion of
transfer of, to America, 196.

Geology, study of, 301, 430; enlarged
field of, 443.

Georgetown University, establish-
ment of, 233.

Georgia, University of, charter grant-
ed to, 180; progress slow at, 180.

German, teaching of, at William and
Mary College, 62; causes of intro-
duction of, in curriculum, 309, 310,
literary cause of, 309; personal
cause of, 310, 320, 321; influence of;
dominant in education, 319-322;
present place of, in curriculum, 441;
collections of books of, in America,
412.

Gerrard, Major Charles, gift of, to the
University of North Carolina, 176.

Gibbon, Edward, opinion of, on Ox-
ford University, 126.

Gilman, Daniel C., President of Johns
Hopkins, 419, 420; sketch of, 434.

Girard College, architecture of, 405.

Girton College, at Cambridge, Eng-
land, 350.

Glee clubs, see Musical clubs.

Goethe, gift of books to Harvard by,
309.

Gore, Christopher, donation of, to
Harvard, 326; a member of the
" Speaking Club," 375.

Gothic type of architecture in Ameri-
can College, 406.

Gftttingen University, influence of, in
America, 310; influence of, on in-
troduction of elective system, 314.

Government, formal, influence of
education upon, 471-473.

Graduate instruction, first offer of,
at Yale, 264, 418, 434; at Harvard,
418; German influence upon, 419;
significance of, 419; growth of,
420 ff.INDEX

485

Grant, Zilpah P., Principal of Adams
Academy, 337; training of, at the
Ipswich School, 341.

" Great Awakening, The," in Baptist
Church, 129, 137.

Greek, as entrance requirement at
Harvard, 32; decline of, at Cam-
bridge University, 2; in early Har-
vard curriculum, 26, 153, 154; at
Yale, 75; at University of Pennsyl-
vania, 114; at Princeton, 115; value
of its study, by John Clarke, 155;
at University of North Carolina,
176; general place of, in curriculum,
300, 441; effect of neglect of, 456.

Green, Asbel, President of Princeton,
271.

Griffin, Edward Dorr, President of
Williams, 280.

Grimk6, Thomas S., association of,
with journals of Yale, 390.

Guest, The, 390.

Guilford College in the Civil War, 368.

Gymnasium, establishment of, at
Harvard, 383.

Hadley, James, professor at Yale, 264.

Hale, Nathan, as graduate of Yale,
172.

"Half-Education," 466, 467.

Hall, G. Stanley, President of Clark
University, quotation from, 419.

Hamilton, Alexander, influence of, in
Revolutionary War, 166, 169; in-
fluence of, in founding University
of State of New York, 197; degree
given to, by Harvard, 428.

Hamilton College, establishment of,
206; lottery for benefit of, 329,
fraternities at, 377.

Hamilton-Oneida Academy, 206.

Hamilton, Paul, founder and pro-
moter of South Carolina College,
178,239.

Hampden-Sidney College, foundation
of, 205, 257.

Hancock, John, graduate of Harvard,
163; in Revolutionary War, 165;
treasurer of Harvard, 167, 266.

Hanover College, founding of, 213.

Hanover, New Hampshire, site of
Dartmouth College, 140,142.

Harlakenden, Roger, member of first
Board of Overseers of Harvard
College, 8.

Harris, Charles W., Professor of
Mathematics at University of North
Carolina, 177.

Harris, Dr. William, President of
Columbia, 273.

Harrison, Gessner, teacher at Uni-
versity of Virginia, 237.

Harrison, William Henry, Governor
of Indiana Territory, 221.

Harvard, John, Collegiate Associa-
tions of, 3; bequest of, 9; life of, 9,
10; appreciation of, by C. E. Norton,
11; memorial chapel to, 11; com-
parison of, with Elihu Yale, 90.

Harvard College, general condition
of founding of, 8; location of, 9; en-
dowment of, compared with those
of English universities, 9; formation
of Board of Overseers of, 8,12; gov-
ernment of, compared with those of
Cambridge and Oxford universities,
12,13; powers of the corporation of,
12; charter granted to, 12; legal
conditions of, fixed, 16; causes of
decline of, in 1674, 20; arrangement

* of classes and recitations at, 24;
comprehensive duties of President
at, 24; length of course undeter-
mined at, 24; innovation character-
istic of, 30; entrance requirements
of, 32; rules of conduct at, 35, 43,
44; social distinctions at, 36, 157;
youth of students at, 36; Ancient
Customs of, quoted, 42, 43; con-
flict between " town and gown" at,
44; justification of foundation of,
45, 47; influence of, in England,486

INDEX

48; attempt of tutors to become
Fellows of Corporation at, 60;
English influence dominant in
founding of, 65; orthodoxy at, 86;
statistics concerning pre-revolu-
tionary graduates of, 104,147, 159,
160 ff.; period of disintegration at,
149; charter of 1650 of, reaffirmed,
149; presidents of, during first two-
thirds of eighteenth century, 150 If.;
curriculum of, unchanged, 153; fun-
damental changes in curriculum
of, 154; fundamental changes in
methods of teaching at, 154; result
of changes in curriculum of, 155;
changes in customs of, in pre-
revolutionary period, 157; under-
graduate life simple at, 158; edui-
cation of clergymen at, 160;
represented ideal of scholarship and
moral character at, 164; graduates
of, conspicuous in Revolutionary
War, 166 ff.; removal of, to Andover,
and Concord during Revolutionary
War, 171; students from South at,
253-255; athletics and physical
training at, 383; rowing at, 385;
baseball at, 385, 386; football at,
386 ff.; journals of, 390; Musical
Clubs at, 396; Alumni Association
of, 402; architecture of, 405-407;
library of, 409-411,414; special col-
lections in library of, 412; special
funds for library of, 415; burning
of library of, 416; graduate instruc-
tion at, 418,419,434; degrees given
by, 427; effect of elective system
at, 439, 440.

Harvard Divinity School, founding
of, 265.

Harvard Law School, founding of,
265.

Harvard Medical School, enlargement
of, 265.

Harvard, Robert, father of John,
10.

Harvard University, in first two-
thirds of nineteenth century, 265;
finances of, in confusion at, 266;
elective system introduced in, 267;
famous teachers at, 270; financial
condition of, 324 ff.; addition of
funds to, 326; salaries of officers of,
331; students and graduates of, in
the Civil War, 365; monuments to
students of, who fell in Civil War,
365; students of, in the Confederate
Army, 370, 371; undergraduate
societies at, 375; religious society
at, 381.

Hazing at Harvard, 42.

Hebrew and Oriental languages at
Harvard, 26, 153, 157; at Yale, 75;
general place of, in curriculum,
301, 441.

Hedge, Frederick Henry, German in-
fluence upon, 310, 320.

Henrico, attempt to found a univer-
sity at, 50.

Henry College, Virginia, founding of,
257.

Hill, Thomas, President of Harvard,
265, 269.

Hilliard, Henry W., Professor of En-
gineering at University of Alabama,
251.

Hillsdale College, ecclesiastical origin
of, 232.

History, emphasis upon, in William
and Mary College, 57, 304; value
of study of, by John Clarke, 156;
place of, in curriculum, 304, 431,
445.

Hitchcock, Edward, Jr., Professor at
Amherst, 384.

Hoar, Rev. Leonard, President of
Harvard, 20; letter of, concerning
undergraduate life at Harvard, 37;
as physician, 47.

Hollanders. See Dutchmen.

Hollis family, benefactors of Harvard,
151, 327.INDEX

487

Holmes, 0. W., writer for The Col-
legian, 391.

Holy Cross College, founding of, by
the Roman Catholics, 287,293.

Holyoke, Edward, President of Har-
vard, 152.

Honor System, first use of, at William
and Mary College, 62; at Univer-
sity of Virginia, 238.

Hopkins, Mark, President of Williams,
279 ff.; appreciation of, by Bishop
Lawrence, 283; influence of, 285.

Hopkins Grammar School, founding
of, 66.

Hopkinson, Francis, comments of,
on undergraduate life at University
of Pennsylvania, 158, 159; promi-
nence of, in Revolution, 166,169.

Hooker, Thomas, colonist, 2,4.

Ilorce Collegianos, 390.

House of Burgesses, gift of, to William
and Mary College, 54.

Howard College in Alabama, founding
of, 257.

Howard, General Oliver O., a grad-
uate of Bowdoin, 365.

II. Sophia Newcombe College, affili-
ation of, with Tulane University,
350.

Hubbard, John, poem of, concerning
Yale, 77.

Hubbard, William, Colonial historian
of New England, 46,163.

Huguenots in New England, 106.

Humfrey, John, member of the first
Board of Overseers of Harvard
College, 8.

Huxley-Martin method, introduction
of, 265.

Ideals, civil and spiritual, influenced
by higher education, 452 ff.

Illinois, education in, 213, 226; edu-
cational clause in constitution of,
218; religious impulse in higher
education of, 228.

Illinois College, founding of, 213, 227.

Illinois, University of, coeducational
system of, 344; self-government at,
398; library of, 410.

Indiana, higher education in, 213,
214; educational clause in constitu-
tion of, 218; promotion by the
commonwealth of higher education
in, 222; religious impulse in higher
education in, 228.

Indiana College, 222.

Indiana Seminary, 222.

Indiana Territory, attempt to found
university in, 221.

Indiana University, founding of, 222;
coeducational system at, 344; self-
government at, 398.

Indians, efforts toward education of,
in New England, 35; education of,
in Virginia, 50, 55; Christianization
of, 137; education of, by President
Wheelock, 137, 138; defection of,
139; fear of attack by, drawback to
higher education, 217.

Indicatory The, 390.

Industrial organization effected by
the universities, 463.

Intellectual awakening, periods "of,
258, 432.

Intellectual unity, result of education,
446; application of, 448.

Investment of college funds, 331.

Iowa, education in, 213, 227; educa-
tional clauses in constitution of,
220; denominational colleges in,
232.

Iowa College, founding of, 214;
ecclesiastical origin of, 232; gifts
to, 324; coeducational system at,
343.

Iowa Western University, 214.

Jackson, "Stonewall," a teacher at
Virginia Military Institute, 359.

Jay, John, prominence of, in Revolu-
tionary War, 166, 168; carrying of488

INDEX

French influence to New York by,
197; degree given to, by Harvard,
428.

Jefferson, Thomas, graduate of
William and Mary, 64; desire of,
for a national university, 184; effect
upon, of French tradition, 195,196;
foundation of University of Vir-
ginia by, 199; general system of
education of, 226; letter of, to
Cabell, 236; ideas and letters con-
cerning elective system of, 312, 313;
degree given to, by Harvard, 428.

Jefferson College, conditions of found-
ing of, 207.

Jefferson College, Louisiana, 248.

Jesuits. See Society of Jesus.

Johns Hopkins University, library of,
411, 412; purpose in founding of,
433; laboratory methods of, 444.

Johnson, Samuel, tutor at Yale, 90;
life of, 122; President of Columbia,
123; character of, 123; appreciation
of, by President Stiles, 124; com-
parison of, with President Whee-
lock of Dartmouth, 142; interest of,
in Washington College (Trinity),
291.

Journals, college, 390-393; essays in,
390; literary purposes of, 391; as
newspapers, 393.

Journalism as a form of undergradu-
ate activity, 389.

Kansas, higher education in, 214,
227.

Kansas, University of, coeducational,
343.

Kappa Alpha Fraternity, founding
of, 377.

Kappa Sigma Fraternity, extent of,
378.

Kentucky, state university system of,
244; denominational colleges in,
246.

Kenyon College, founding of, 229,230.

Key, Francis Scott, author of " Star-
Spangled Banner," 182.

King, Rufus, member of the " Speak-
ing Club," 375.

King's College. See Columbia.

Kingsley, James L., Professor at
Yale, 254, 262, 263.

Kirkland, John Thornton, President
of Harvard, 265.

Kirkland, Samuel, founder of Hamil-
ton College, 206.

Knox College, founding of, 213.

Knox, John, an educationist, 108.

Lady Margaret Hall, at Oxford, 350.

Land reservations for educational
purposes in Act of 1787,188-190.

Lane, Theological Seminary, physical
training at, 348.

Langdon, Samuel, President of Har-
vard during Revolutionary War,
170.

Lanthorp, Dr. Daniel, donor to Yale,
325.

" Lass of the Pamunky," a ballad for
the Civil War, 358.

Latin, at Harvard, 26, 153, 154; an
entrance requirement at Harvard,
32; as language of conversation at
Yale, 75; at University of Pennsyl-
vania, 114; at Princeton, 115;
value of study of, by John Clarke,
156; general place of, in curriculum,
300, 441.

Latin Schools, 441; in Boston and
vicinity, 33; in Europe, 33; studies
in, 34.

Laud, William, President St. John's
College, enmity of, to Puritans,
3.

Law, first class of, at William and
Mary College, 62.

Lawrence, Abbot, founder of Law-
rence Scientific School, 327, 421.

Lawrence Scientific School, opening
. of, 302, 327.INDEX

489

Laws and customs of Harvard. See
Rules and Penalties.

Law Schools, admission requirements
for, 425.

Lawyers, in the New England Colo-
nies, 5; training of, at Harvard, 47;
training of, in colleges, 160.

Lafayette College in the Civil War,
367.

Lechford, Thomas, lawyer in Massa-
chusetts Colony, 5.

LeGrange College, Alabama, found-
ing of, 257.

Leicester Academy, incorporation of,
336.

Leland Stanford Jr. University, large
endowment of, 332; architecture of,
406, 407; library of, 410.

"Letters to a Student in the Univer-
sity of Cambridge, Mass.," by John
Clarke, extract from, 155 ff.

Leverett, John, President of Harvard,
150; administration of, 151.

Libraries, college, first founding of,
409; growth of, 410, 411; Harvard
Library typical of, 411; classifica-
tion of, 411; character of books in,
411; special collections in, 376, 412;
cause of growth of, 413; headship
of, 414; function of, 414; special
funds for, 415; buildings for, 416;
relations of, 416; availability of, as
compared with German and En-
glish, 417.

Libraries, private, in Virginia, 63; in
New England, 63.

Libraries, public, 410.

Lieber, Francis, on Christianity as
basis for education, 230; professor
of history and political economy in
South Carolina College, 241; meth-
od of teaching of, 242, 243; pro-
fessor at Columbia, 273.

Lindsley, Philip, teacher at Princeton,
271.

Linonia Society, The, at Yale, 376.

Literature, influence of education
upon, 455, 456; reason for decline
of, 456.

Livingston, Colonel, first endower of
Yale, 80.

Locke, Samuel, degree of D.D. con-
ferred upon, 427, 428.

Log College, founding of, 110; signifi-
cance of, 111; three graduates of, on
Princeton's Board of Trustees, 111,

Logic, place of, in English univer-
sities, 2; at Harvard, 26, 153, 154;
at Yale, 75; at University of Penn-
sylvania, 114; place of, in curric-
ulum, 301, 444.

Long, George, teacher in University
of Virginia, 237.

Longfellow, Henry W., professor at
Bowdoin, 306; opinion of teaching
of, 307; lectures of, on "Faust,"
310; as student in Germany, 320.

Loomis, Elias, professor at Yale, 264,
304.

Lord, Nathan, President of Dart-
mouth, 279 ff.; character of, 284,
285; idea of, on function of a
college, 284, 285; resignation of,
286; opinion of, on enlistment in
the Civil War, 360.

Lotteries, at Yale, 81, 329; for found-
ing of Columbia, 117; as means of
raising money, 328, 329; at College
of Physicians and Surgeons, 329;
at Harvard, 329; at Union, 329;
at Rutgers, 329; at Hamilton, 329;
use of money obtained from, 330.

Louisiana, higher education in, 247,
248.

Louisiana, College of, 248.

Lyon, Mary, founder of Mt. Holyoke,
337; character and influence of,
338, 340; education of, at the Ips-
wich School, 341.

Maclean, John, President of Prince-
ton, 271.490

INDEX

Madison University. See Colgate
University.

Maine, University of, self-go vern-

' ment at, 398.

Manly, Dr. Basil, President of Univer-
sity of Alabama, 247.

Mann, Horace, influence of, in educa-
tion of Massachusetts, 223, 268;
President of Antioch College, 294 IT.

Manning, James, President of Brown,
131.

Marietta College, founding of, 231;
physical training at, 384; architec-
ture of, 404.

Marietta Collegiate Institute, 231.

Marietta Collegiate Institute and
Western Teachers' Seminary, 231.

Marriage statistics of graduates of
college for women, 351 ff.

Marsh, James, influence of, in in-
troducing German, 322.

Maryland, first impulse toward higher
education in, 180; beginning of
higher education in, 181.

Maryland, University of, founding of,
181; advantageous location of, 182.

Mason, Dr. John, Provost of Colum-
bia, 273.

Massachusetts Colony, origin of set-
tlers of, 52; unsettled condition of,
in eighteenth century, 147; duplex
condition in, 148; affected by
literary impulse of Queen Anne's
reign, 153; grant of land to colleges
of, 186; prosperity of, as reason
for establishment of Williams
College, 289.

Massachusetts Institute of Tech-
nology, physical laboratory of,
303.

Master of Arts, requirements for
degree of, 427, 428.

Materia Medica, instruction in, 301.

Mathematics, insignificant r61e of,
at Harvard, 26, 153, 157; content
of, 27; at Yale, 75, 77; great im-

pulse toward study of, at Yale, 76;
at University of Pennsylvania, 114;
at Princeton, 115; place of, in cur-
riculum, 300, 430; enlargement of
course in, 303.

Mather, Cotton, son of Increase, 21;
character of, 22; as clergyman, 46;
letter of, to Governor Yale, 89; as
author, 163.

Mather, Increase, President of Har-
vard, comparison of, with son,
Cotton, 21 ff.; influence of, in Colo-
nies, 21; character of, 22; as clergy-
man, 46; comparison of, to Presi-
dent Wheelock of Dartmouth, 142;
storminess of presidency of, 149; as
author, 163; honorary degree con-
ferred upon, 427.

Mather, Samuel, a founder of Yale,
69, 72; degree of D.D. given to, 428.

Maxcy, Jonathan, first President of
South Carolina College, 179, 234;
as President of Union College, 280.

May hew, Jonathan, influential min-
ister in Revolutionary War, 167.

McCosh, James, President of Prince-
ton, opinion of, on fraternity sys-
tem, 379.

McKendree College, founding of, 213.

McNutt, Governor, of Mississippi, ex-
pediency of educating Southerners
in the South urged by, 252.

McVicar, John, professor at Columbia,
305.

Medical Schools, admission require-
ments of, 425.

Merrill, George E., President of Col-
gate University, in commendation
of football, 388.

Memorial to students who died in the
Civil War, 371, 372.

Mercer University, founding of, 257.

Metaphysics. See Philosophy.

Methodist Church, higher education
in, 291 ff.; Wesleyan University
founded by, 294.INDEX

491

Michigan, education in, 213; educa-
tional clause in constitution of, 219;
fortunate in beginning of educa-
tional history, 223; religious im-
pulse of, in higher education, 228.

Michigan, University of, French in-
fluence upon, 201; establishment
of, 223; three departments in, 223;
branches established in, 224; co-
educational system of, 344; in
Civil War, 367, 368; library of, 410.

Michigania, University of. See Ca-
tholepistemia.

Middlebury College, founding of, 208.

Middlebury, Vermont, school for
girls at, 337.

Milledge, Governor John, gift of, to
University of Georgia, 180.

Minnesota, higher education in, 214.

Minnesota, University of, coeduca-
tional system of, 343; library of,
410.

Mississippi, University of, founding
of, 249; character of students at,
251; cause of incorporation of, 252;
incorporation of, 253; students and
graduates of, in the Civil War, 369.

Missouri, education in, 213, 225, 226;
educational clause in constitution
of, 219.

Missouri, University of, founding of,
226; coeducational system of, 344.

Mitchell, Maria, teacher at Vassar,
349.

Mitchell, Rev. Elisha, work of, at
University of North Carolina, 239.

Montana, higher education in, 214.

Moore, Benjamin, President of Colum-
bia, 272.

Moore, Myles Cooper, President of
Columbia, 272.

Moorehouse, Dr. Geo. W.. statistics
by, concerning marriage of college
graduates, 352.

Moor's Indian Charity School, 137.

Moral Society, at Yale, 381.

Morrill Land Act, 362, 422, 432.

Morris, Gouverneur, a graduate of
King's College, 169.

Mours, Dupont de, book of, on
Education in the United States,
195.

Mount Holyoke Seminary, securing
of, charter of, 337, 338.

Municipal Law, chair of, at William
and Mary College, 305.

Murray, founder of a school of
theology for Baptists, 227.

Musical Clubs in colleges, 396.

Nashville, University of, chartering
of, 245.

National university, attempt made to
found, 182, 184, 185; promotion of,
by Washington, 183; idea of, partly
fulfilled by founding of Carnegie
Institution at Washington, 185-
186.

Nebraska, higher education in, 214.

Nebraska, University of, coeduca-
tional system of, 344.

"New England's First Fruits," 32.

Newham College at Cambridge, Eng-
land, 350.

Newman, Samuel, literary influence
of, in Plymouth Colony, 3.

Newton, Hubert A., Professor of
Mathematics at Yale, 264.

Newton, Isaac, gift of, to Yale, 77,
409.

North Carolina, educational clause in
constitution of, 176.

North Carolina, University of, grant-
ing of charter of, 176; gift to, 176;
curriculum of, same as in Univer-
sity of Virginia, 176; educational
ideal of, 177; first astronomical ob-
servatory at, 177; beginning of
significant work at, 177, 238; in-
fluence of Yale upon, 239; scho-
lastic ideal of education at, 243;
German influence upon, 309; of-492

INDEX

ficers of, in Civil War, 359; students
of, in Civil War, 362; memorial
chapel at, 372.

Northern Colleges, effect of Civil War
upon, 362; students of, in the
Union Army, 364 ff., 368; students
of, in the Confederate Army, 370,
371.

Northrup, Cyrus, President of Uni-
versity of Minnesota, commenda-
tion of football by, 388.

Northwest Territory. See Individual
States.

Norton, John, poet, graduate of
Harvard, 46.

Nott, Eliphalet, President of Union
College, 279-282, 285; criticism of,
• 286.

Noyes, James, a founder of Yale, 68,
72.

Oakes, Rev. Uriah, President of
Harvard, 20, 163.

Oberlin College, origin of, 231, 341;
women admitted to, 341; life of
women at, 342; effect of Civil War
upon, 362; students of, in Civil
War, 367; physical training at,
384.

Occum, Samson, Indian educated by
President Wheelock, 137; agent in
collecting funds for Moor's Indian
Charity School, 138.

Oglethorpe College in Georgia, found-
ing of, 257.

Ohio, provisions for education in, 188;
first attempt to found university
in, 190; formal action of state of,
221; religious impulse in higher
education of, 228.

Ohio State University, coeducational
system of, 344.

Ohio University, at Athens, granting
of charter of, 190, 221, 233.

Olivet College, religious object of,
232.

Olmsted, Denison, work of, at Uni-
versity of North Carolina, 239.

Oratory, at Harvard, 27; influence
of, 27; significance of, 28; signifi-
cance of, in Revolutionary War,
154; in college societies, 375, 376.

Ordinance of 1787, 187; educational
provisions of, 187-189; authorship
of, 188; carrying of, to Missouri, 225.

Orleans, University of, institution of,
247, 248.

Orthodoxy, at Yale, 85, 86, 93; at
Harvard, 86.

Otis, James, in Revolutionary move-
ment, 166.

Oxford, influence of, in the Colonies, 1;
government of, 13; conduct of
students at, 37; graduates in the
Virginia Colony of, 53, 63; social
life at, in eighteenth century, 95;
low level of, in the eighteenth cen-
tury, 124; Adam Smith on opinion
of, 125; Edward Gibbon on opinion
of, 126-127; relation of, to the
Church of England, 127-128, 382;
intellectual stagnation at, 128;
endowment of, with land, 186; col-
leges for women affiliated with, 350.

Paean Band at Amherst, 396.

Paine, Thomas, leader in Revolu-
tionary War, 171; cooperation of,
in founding Academy of Sciences
and Arts of America, 198.

Palmer, Edward, advocate of "Aca-
demia Virginiensis et Oxiensis," 51,
180.

Paris Exposition, influence of, on
higher education in America, 185.

Peabody, Dr. A. P., remarks of, ori
French instruction at Harvard,
308; opinion of, on President
Walker, 436.

Peace of Ryswick, founding of Yale
aided by, 87.

Penikese, Laboratory at, 444*INDEX

493

Pennsylvania, educational clause in
constitution of, 176.

Pennsylvania, University of, unique
conditions of founding of, 106;
Franklin's relation to founding of,
112; conditions and purposes of
founding of, 113, 121; curriculum
of, 114; aid solicited in England for,
121; conditions at, compared to
those of Columbia, 121; clergy-
men educated at, 160; graduates of,
conspicuous in Revolutionary War,
169; architecture of, 407; library of,
410; honorary degrees conferred by,
428.

Peters, Hugh, member of first Board
of Overseers of Harvard College,
8.

Phi Beta Kappa Fraternity, founding
of, 377.

Phi Delta Theta Fraternity, extent
of, 378.

Phillips, John and Samuel, founders
of Andover and Exeter academies,
142; honorary degrees given to,
428.

Philosophy at Harvard, 26, 153, 154;
at Yale, 75; at University of Penn-
sylvania, 114, 115; at Princeton,
115; general place in curriculum,
300,431,444.

Physicians, in the New England
Colonies, 5; trained at Harvard, 47,
162; three types of, 162; trained
at Yale, 162.

Physics at Harvard, 26, 154; at Yale,
75, 76; first apparatus for, 77, 91;
at University of Pennsylvania, 114;
at Princeton, 115; general place
of, in curriculum, 303, 430, 443,
laboratories for, 407.

Pickering, Colonel Thomas, ■ proposi-
tion of, with regard to the North-
west Territory, 187.

Pierce, Benj., Professor of Mathe-
matics at Harvard, 303.

Pierce, John I)., influence of, in
founding University of Michigan,
223.

Pierian Sodality, 396.

Pierpont, James, a founder of Yale,
72.

Pierson, Abraham, a founder of Yale,
72; first president of, 81; appreci-
ation of, by President Clap, 82;
migration of father of, to New
Jersey, 109.

Pinckney, Charles, endeavors of, to
provide for a national university,
183.

Plymouth Colony, lack of educated
men in, 1,3; characterization of, by
John Robinson, 3; lack of intellec-
tual interests in, 4; colonization of,
7.

Poetry in college journals, 391 ff.

Political economy, recommendation
for establishment of a chair of, 179;
beginning of study of, in various
colleges, 301, 305; place of, in
curriculum, 431; enlargement of
study of, 444.

Popkin, John S., professor at Harvard,
263.

Population, diverse element in, a
drawback to founding institutions
for higher education, 216; small-
ness of, a drawback, 217.

Porter, Noah, professor at Yale, 264;
President of Yale, opinion of, on
the place of class in the college,
400; teacher of philosophy, 431;
opinion of, on elective system,
437 ff.

Pott, John, Colonial physician, 4.

Poulin, Simon, teacher of French, 194.

Practical education, 448.

Presbyterianism, unifying force of, in
colonies, 109,110; need of ministers
in, cause of foundation of schools,
110; influence of, in education, 111,
207.494

INDEX

" President" as title, 15.

President, causes of friction of, with
governing boards, 23; duties of, at
Harvard, 24; as executive at
William and Mary College, 57, 60;
chief teacher at Yale, 78.

Preston, William C., President of
South Carolina College, 242, 243.

Prince Edward Academy, founding
of, 205.

Prince, Thomas, Colonial historian,
163.

Princeton, influence of, carried by
Presbyterians, 63; conditions of
founding of, unique, 106 ff.; char-
ter granted to, 111; founding of,
promoted by Presbyterian bodies,
111; Board of Trustees of, a close
corporation. 111; curriculum of,
115; location of, 119; early build-
ings of, 119; aid solicited in Scot-
land for, 122; graduates of, com-
pared numerically with those of
Dartmouth, 147; clergymen edu-
cated at, 160, 162; statesmen
graduates, of, 161; graduates of,
under President Witherspoon, 162;
graduates of, conspicuous in Revo-
lutionary War, 169; during Revolu-
tionary War, 172; students from
South at, 253, 255; general con-
dition of, 1794-1868, 270-272;
enlargement of teaching staff at,
271; graduates of, during President
Carnahan's administration, 272;
financial condition of, 326; salaries
of officers of, 330; students of, in
the Union Army, 367; students of,
in Confederate Army, 370; Alumni
Association of, 402; architecture
of, 405; library of, 410, 416.

Professional education, 448, 449;
effect of the universities upon, 457.

Protestant Episcopal Church, growth
of, 290; Washington College (Trin-
ity) founded by, 291, 294.

Psychology, significant position of,
444.

Public Occurrences, publication of, 46.

Public opinion influenced by higher
education, 451.

Punishment, corporal, at Harvard,
41, 42; by fines, 43, 44.

Quakers, desire of, for "practical
education," 108.

Queen's College. See Rutgers.

Quesnay, Chevalier de Beaurepaire,
founder of Academy of Sciences
and Arts of America, 199 ff.

Quincy, Josiah, President of Harvard,
265, 266; appreciation of, of Presi-
dent Walker, 267.

Radcliffe College, affiliation of, with
Harvard, 350.

Randolph, Peyton, graduate of Wil-
liam and Mary College, 64; first
president of the Continental Con-
gress, 169.

Randolph-Macon College in Virginia,
257.

Raymond, John Howard, President
of Vassar, 349.

"Rector" as title, used at Yale, 15,
81.

Reeves, Chief Justice of Connecticut,
mentioned as fellow-student of
Manning, 131; founding of Law
School at Litchfield by, 131.

Religion, common motive of New
England Colonists, 5, 6; in early
Harvard curriculum, 31, 34; ceased
to be aim of the State, 67; place of
in early life at Yale, 93; an efficient
motive in promotion of education in
New Jersey, 112; motive of, absent
in founding University of Pennsyl-
vania, 112; place of, at Columbia,
116; place of, in Massachusetts in
eighteenth century, 148; general
declension in, 149; a motive inINDEX

495

founding colleges, 215; an influence
in higher education in Northwest
Territory, 226 ff., 229, 230; in
colleges, 380 ff.; liberty in, 380;
relation of, to universities, 458,450.

Religious societies in colleges, 381.

Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute,
founding of, 302, 421.

Research, influence of higher educa-
tion upon, 468; need of, 469; four
conditions of, 469, 470; duty of,
471.

Results, four, of academic course, 30.

Revolutionary War, academic rela-
tions of, 154 ff.; relation of, to col-
lege graduates, 163, 165 ff.; college
work interrupted during, 171; close
of, marked revivals of interest in
higher education, 175.

Rhetoric, place of, in English univer-
sities, 2; at Harvard, 26; at Yale,
75; at University of Pennsylvania,
114; at Princeton, 115; general
place of, in curriculum, 430, 442.

Richmond College, founding of, 257.

Right of dissent in universities, 451.

Rogers, William B., President of
Massachusetts Institute of Tech-
nology, 303; teacher of University
of Virginia, 237.

Roman Catholic Church, in educa-
tional work, 233, 294; Holy Cross
College founded by, 293.

Romance languages, study of, intro-
duced, 306.

Romanesque type of architecture in

colleges, 406.

Routh, President of Magdalen College,
anecdote of, 124, 125.

Rowing clubs formed, 385.

Rules and penalties for undergradu-
ates at Harvard, 43 ff., 157; at
William and Mary, 61; at Yale,
93, 94, 96, 250; at Columbia, 120;
at Dartmouth, 145; in Southern
universities, 249; University of

Alabama, 250; University of South
Carolina, 250.

Rush, Dr. Benjamin, attempt of, to
found national university, 184; a
founder of Dickinson College, 209.

Russel, Noadiah, a founder of Yale,
70, 72

Rutgers College, charter granted to,
136; cause of slow advancement in,
136; temporary suspension of, 137;
students of, in the Civil War, 367.

Sacne Theologiae Doctor (S.T.D.),
honorary degree, 427.

St. Hugh's Hall, at Oxford, 350.

St. John's College, a constituent
factor in the University of Mary-
land, 181; history of, 182.

St. Louis University, founding of, 213,

Salary of college officers, 330 ff.

Sales, Francis, instructor in French
at Harvard, 308.

Scientific movement, effect of, on
education, 433, 448.

Scotch influence in Colonies, 108.

Seabury, Samuel, loyalist and writer,
170.

Seelye, H. Clark, President of Smith
College, quoted, 353.

Self-government in colleges, 398, 399.

Seminaries for women, value of, 337.

Sewall, Samuel, Colonial author, 46.

Sheffield, James B., founder of
Sheffield Scientific School, 422.

Sheffield Scientific School, founding
of, 264.

Shepherd, Thomas, Colonist, member
of first Board of Overseers of
Harvard College, 2, 8.

Shrine, The, 390.

Shurtleff College, founding of, 213.

Sigma Alpha Epsilon Fraternity,
extent of, 378.

Sigma Chi Fraternity, extent of, 378.

Sigma Phi Fraternity, founding of,
377.496

INDEX

Silliman, Benjamin, Professor of
Chemistry at Yale, 259, 262, 30,1.

Smith, Abdiel, endower of a chair of
French and Spanish at Harvard,
308.

Smith, Adam, opinion of, concerning '
Oxford, 125, 126; opinion of, con-
cerning higher education, 201.

Smith, Col. Benjamin, gift of, to
University of North Carolina, 176.

Smith College, four principles em-
bodied in, 344.

Smith, Hezekiah, experience of, in
raising funds for Brown in the
South, 133.

Smith, Dr. John Blair, President of
Union College, 280.

Smith, Sophia, founder of Smith
College, 344, 345.

Smith, Stanhope, President of Prince-
ton, 271.

Smith, Dr. William, first provost of
University of Pennsylvania, state-
ment of, on purpose of found-
ing, 113, 114; influence of, upon
commonwealth, 163; in Revolu-
tionary War, 170; as President of
Washington College, 182.

Smithsonian Institution, organiza-
tion of, 302.

Social movement, influencing of, by
the universities, 464, 465.

Societies, debating, 375; religious,
376, 381; secret, 377, 378.

Society of Jesus, persistence of, in
educational work, 233.

Society system in colleges, 375 ff.

Sociology, place of, in curriculum,
444,445.

Sommerville Hall, at Oxford, 350.

Songs, college, themes of, 394; ex-
amples of, 394 ff.

South Carolina, efforts of, toward
higher education, 178.

South Carolina College, founding of,
178; curriculum of, 238; influence

of, 238; fame of, in South, 243; self-
government at, 399.

South Dakota, higher education in,
214.

Southern colleges, effect of Civil War
upon, 360 ff.

Spanish, study of, 301.

Sparks, Jared, President of Harvard,
265, 269; professor of history, 304;
opposition of, to the elective sys-
tem, 316.

"Speaking Club" at Harvard, 375. ^

Sports, college, in eighteenth century,
115; at Dartmouth, 145

Sprite, The, 390.

State of New York, University of the,
defined, 197; solicitude of, for
financial support, 206.

Stiles, Ezra, Revolutionary President
of Yale, 170; appeal of, for help,
172; honorary degree given to,
428.

Stone, Lucy, opinion of, on coeduca-
tion at Oberlin, 342.

Stoughton, Israel, member of first
Board of Overseers of Harvard
College, 8.

Stuart, Moses, influential in introduc-
ing German literature, 322.

Subsidizing colleges in Louisiana, 248.

Sumner, Charles, letter to, by Francis
Lieber, 241; gift of, to Harvard
Library, 409, 415.

Swamp Land Act, 191.

Switzerland, higher education in, 214.

Symmes purchase, 188 (Symmes,
John Cleves).

Syracuse University, library of, 412.

Taylor, Dr. Joseph W., founder of
Bryn Mawr College, 345; purpose
of, in founding Bryn Mawr College,
346.

Technical schools, founding of, 421,
422; two purposes of, 423; worth of,
424; nature of, 424.INDEX

497

Tennent, William, founder of Log
College, 110.

Tennessee, educational condition in,
245.

Tennessee, University of, chartering
of, 245.

Thacher, Oxeribridge, influence of, in
Revolutionary War, 166.

Theology, place of, in English uni-
versities, 27; place of, at Harvard,
27, 157; place of, at Yale, 75;
courses of, in American colleges,
288; broad study, of, 459 ff.

Thorpe, George, appointment of, to
be director of a university under
the Virginia Company, 50.

Ticknor, George, call of, to Univer-
sity of Virginia, 200; as student at
Gottingen, 310, 314, 320; influence
of, in introduction of elective
system at Harvard, 312, 315,
316; Smith Professor at Harvard,
315.

Transylvania University, founding
of, 244; three-year course at, dis-
cussion of, 425, 426.

Trinity College at Hartford. See
Washington College

Trinity College in North Carolina,
founding of, 257.

Troy, Seminary at, 337, 339, 340.

Trumbull, John, author of poem on
life at Yale, 103; satirist of the
Revolutionary War, 169.

Tucker, George, teacher at University
of Virginia, 237.

Tufts College, founding of, 287, 294.

Tulane University, 350.

Tutwiler, Henry, professor at Uni-
versity of Alabama, 251.

Tyler, Dr. Bennet, President of
Dartmouth, 279, 280.

Tyler, W. S., professor at Amherst,
opinion of, on fraternity system.
380; opinion of, on self-government
in colleges, 398, 399.

Union College, founding of, 206; con-
dition of, at closing of second year,
210; development of, 280, 282;
general condition of, in early nine-
teenth century, 287; lottery for
benefit of, 329; students of, in the
Civil War, 366, 367; fraternities at,
377.

Union Triad, 377.

Union University in Tennessee, found-
ing of, 257.

Unitarian Church, an intellectual
force, 290.

Universities as a unifying element
in a democracy, 449, 450; relation
of, to higher education, 467; re-
lation of, to lower schools, 468.

University of Upsula, endowment of,
with land, 186.

University Greys in Mississippi, 369.

University system, English, criticized
by Bacon, 1; great men of, 2.

Van Rensselaer, Stephen, founder of
Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute,
421.

Vassar, Matthew, purpose of, in
founding college, 344 ff.

Vassar College, incorporating of, 345;
purpose of, stated by Mr. Vassar,
346, 347; problems at, 348; signifi-
cance of, 349, 350; architecture of,
406.

Vermont, University of, 207; students
of, in Civil War, 365.

Vincennes University, 221.

Virginia, University of, French in-
fluence upon, 199; freedom of,
from sectarianism, 200; general con-
dition in founding of, 200; estab-
lishment of, 201; causes of influence
of, 237; influence of, in South, 237;
teachers at, 237; effect of Civil
War upon, 361; sufferings of, during
Civil War, 368; students of, in Civil
War, 369; architecture of, 405.498

INDEX

Virginia Colony, commercial aim of,
6; church attendance required in,
7; endeavors for higher education
in, 50 ff.; character and origin of
settlers of, 52; causes of lack of
interest in education in, 52, 53;
few clergymen in, 53; land system
of, under control of William and
Mary College, 54; German schools
in, 309.

Virginia Military Institute in Civil
War, 369.

Vocabulary, college, 397-398.

Wabash College, founding of, 213;
ecclestiastical origin of, 252.

Wadsworth, Rev. Benjamin, Presi-
dent of Harvard, 152.

Wake Forest College, founding of,
257.

Walker, James P., President of Har-
vard, 265, 269; appreciation of,
by President Eliot, 270; purpose
of technical training by, 423, 424;
appreciation of, by A. P. Peabody,
436.

Warren, Joseph, a graduate of Har-
vard in the Revolutionary War,
172.

Washington, George, desire of, for a
national university, 183, 186; be-
quest of, toward endowment of a
national university, 184; opposition
of, to transferring University of
Geneva to America, 196; honorary
degrees conferred upon, 428.

Washington, State of, higher educa-
tion in, 214.

Washington College, Pennsylvania,
founding of, 207.

Washington College a constituent
factor of University of Maryland,
181.

Washington College (Trinity), 287;
founding of, 291; changing of name
of, to Trinity, 291; church affili-

ations of, 294; architecture of, 405,
406.

Washington and Lee University,
63.

Washington University at St. Louis,
founding of, 234.

Waterville College (Colby), 287;
founding of, by Baptists, 288, 289,
294; two courses of study at, 288;
students of, in the Civil War, 364-
365; memorial of, to students who
fell in the Civil War, 371.

Wayland, Francis, President of
Brown, 279 ff.; character and ap-
preciation of, 283, 285; criticism of,
286; influence of, in the introduc-
tion of the elective system, 312,
316 ff.

Webb, Joseph, a founder of Yale, 70,
72.

Webster, Daniel, lawyer for Dart-
mouth College in the Dartmouth
College Case, 276; extract from
speech of, 277; writer for Gazette of
Dartmouth, 390.

Welde, Thomas, a member of the
first Board of Overseers of Harvard
College, 8

Wellesley College, incorporation of,
346, $48; purpose of, 348.

Wellesley Female Seminary. See
Wellesley College.

Wentworth, Governor of New Hamp-
shire, offer of land of, to Dartmouth
College, 139; letters of, to President
Wheelcok, 148.

Wescott, Bishop, quoted on value of
a university training to theology,
460.

Wesleyan University at Middletown,
287; founding of, by Methodists,
292, 294; students of, in the Civil
War, 366.

West, Benjamin, cooperation of, in
founding Academy of Sciences and
Arts of America, 198.INDEX

499

Western Reserve College, founding
of, 229, 231; petition for establish-
ment of, 233,234; Adelbert College,
350; college for women, 350;
students of, in Civil War, 367;
change of name of, to Western
Reserve University, 367; physical
training at, 384; architecture of,
404; library of, 412.

Western Reserve University. See
Western Reserve College.

Wharton School of Finance, degree
conferred by, 429.

Wheelock, Eleazar, founder of Dart-
mouth College, 137; plan of, to
found school for training Indian
ministers, 137; maintaining of
students at college by, 139; first
President of Dartmouth, 139; biog-
raphy of, a history of Dartmouth,
140; various vocations of, 141;
significance of diverse energy of,
142; a type of the aggressive presi-
dent, 142; comparison of, with
other college presidents, 142; nomi-
nating successor by, 274.

Wheelock, John, a student of Yale,
139; President of Dartmouth, 274;
petition of, to the Legislature, 275;
official retirement of, 275.

Whitaker, Rev. Nathaniel, collector
of funds by, for endowing Indian
Academy, 138.

White, Andrew D., President of
Cornell University, 434; account of,
on early teaching of English litera-
ture at Yale, 442; opinion of, on
the study of history, 445.

Whitney, Eli, inventor of the cotton
gin, gifts of, to Yale, 325, 326.

Wigglesworth, Michael, Colonial poet,
a graduate of Harvard 46, 163.

Willard, Emma, Principal of Semi-
nary at Troy, prominent in wom-
an's education, 337; character
and influence of, 340; conception
33

of, of woman's education, 339
(note]), 340.

Willard, Rev. Samuel, President of
Harvard, 150.

William and Mary College, charter
granted to, 54; sources of revenue of
54; direct gifts to, 54; scholarships
established at, 54; income of, 55;
faculty of, 57; governing board of,
57; Scotch influence upon, 56, 65;
destruction of, by fire, 57; life at,
57, 60; first commencement at, 58;
as civilizing force, 58; number of
students and famous graduates
of, 58; charter and method of gov-
ernment at, 59; rules and penal-
ties of, 61; as a source of educa-
tional movements, 62; high ideals
of scholarship and moral character
represented by, 164; graduates of,
conspicuous in the Revolutionary
War, 64, 169; buildings of, used as
hospitals in Revolutionary War,
172; architecture of, 405.

Williams College, an outgrowth of free
schools, 203; reasons for founding
of, 204; charter granted to, 205;
life of student at, 210; amusements
at, 211; crisis at, 280; graduates of,
282; summary of work at, in early
nineteenth century, 287; plan to
change location of, 289; connection
of, with Amherst College, 290;
students of, in Civil War, 365;
athletics and physical training at,
383; Alumni Association of, 402;
architecture at, 404, 406; library
of, 410.

Williams, Col. Ephraim, founder of a
free school, 204.

Williams, Elisha, President of Yale,
83.

Williams, Rogers, a university man in
the Colonies, 3, 4.

Wilson, John, member of first Board
of Overseers of Harvard College, 8.500

INDEX

Winslow, Edward, an intellectual
force in Plymouth Colony, 3, 4.

Winsor, Justin, quoted on the func-
tion of a library, 414.

Winthrop, John, Governor, an in-
tellectual force in the Colonies, 3;
reasons of, for colonization of New
England, 6; a member of first
Board of Overseers of Harvard
College, 8; a donor to Boston Latin
School, 33; library of, 63; degree of
Doctor of Laws given to, 428.

Wisconsin, higher education in, 214,
224; educational clause in constitu-
tion of, 220; religious impulse in
higher education in, 228.

Wisconsin, University of, three de-
partments of, similar to those in
University of Michigan, 224; co-
educational, 344; library of, 411.

Wise, John, graduate of Harvard, a
writer, 46, 163.

Witherspoon, John, President of
Princeton, 162, 270; part taken by,
in the Revolutionary War, 170,373;
Woman's College, of Brown Univer-
sity, mention of, 350.

Woodbridge, Timothy, a founder of
Yale, 69, 72; President of Transyl-
vania University, 244.

Woods, Alva, President of the Uni-
versity of Alabama, 249.

Woods Hole, laboratory at, 444.

Woods, Leonard, President of Bow-
doin, 280-282; character of, 285,
287; opposition of, to the Civil War,
360.

Woolcot, Oliver, Jr., description of
student life at Yale by, 97 (note);
donor to Yale, 325.

Woolley, an Indian, establisher of an
Indian school, 138.

Woolsey, Theodore Dwight, Presi-
dent of Yale, 72, 263; founder of
Sheffield Scientific School, 264;
student in Germany, 320.

Wren, Sir Christopher, architect for
William and Mary College, 405.

Yale College, revenue of, from rum
tax, 54; purpose of, foundation of,
67; first charter of, purpose of, 68;
second charter of, 68; founders of,
68 ff.; character of founders of, 72;
government of, vested in a Board
of Trustees, 72; advantages and
disadvantages of a single board at,
73; attack upon rights of Board of,
74; known as Collegiate School, 74 *
reason for selection of New Haven
as site of, 75; early benefactors of,
77; budget of, 78 ff., 80; early
methods of teaching at, 78; endow-
ment of, 80; orthodoxy a require-
ment among students and teachers
of, 85, 93; professorial system in-
troduced at, 87; history of, deter-
mined by political conditions, 87;
became known as "Yale," 88, 92;
donations to, 89 ff.; undergraduate
life at, 92 ff.; rules and penalties at,
93, 94, 96; manners of students at,
94; scholastic character of students
of, 95; life at, described by Oliver
Woolcot, 97 (note); drinking at, 99;
social grades at, 100; life at, de-
scribed by Ebenezer Baldwin, 101;
poem concerning, by John Trum-
bull, 103, 104; summary of early
history of, by President Clap, 105;
graduates of, in pre-revolutionary
times, 104, 105; influence of, as
"mother of colleges," 137; gradu-
ates of, compared numerically with
those of Dartmouth, 147; graduates
of, in the professions, 160 ff.; high
ideal of scholarship and moral
character represented by, 164;
graduates of, conspicuous in Revo-
lution, 169-172; classes at, dis-
missed during Revolution, 172;
students from South at, 253, 254;INDEX

501

most national of all colleges in the
first half of nineteenth century,
259; esprit de corps at, 261; gradu-
ate study at, 264, 418, 434; finan-
cial condition of, 325, 326; stu-
dents of, in Union army, 367;
students of, in Confederate army,
371; undergraduate societies at,
376; fraternities at, 377, 378; re-
ligious society at, 381; athletics
and physical training at, 383;
rowing at, 385; baseball at, 385;
football at, 386; athletic associa-
tion of, 389; journals of, 390; mu-

sical clubs at, 390; Alumni Associ-
ation of, 402; architecture of, 404,
406, .407; library of, 410, 411,
414; scientific instruction at, 422;
honorary degrees conferred by,
428.

Yale, Elihu, sketch of, 89; gift of, 89;
bequest of, 90, 325; comparison of,
with John Harvard, 90.

Yale Literary Magazine, 390.

Young, Professor Charles A., served
in Civil War, 367.

Young Men's Christian Association in
colleges, 381.

(1)LITERATURES OF THE WORLD.

Edited by EDMUND GOSSE,

Hon. M.A. of Trinity College, Cambridge.

A History of American Literature.

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care, patience, skill, and knowledge with which it is planned,
and the highly satisfactory manner in which the plan is carried
out, call for the very highest praise."—Boston Saturday Even-
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" One of the most important works of the year."—New York
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"A valuable and interesting book. . . . Will attract the
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D. APPLETON AND COMPANY, NEW YORK."EVERY AMERICAN SHOULD READ IT."

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The Life and Times of Thomas Jefferson.

By Thomas E. Watson, Author of "The Story of
France/' " Napoleon/' etc. Illustrated with many Por-
traits and Views.- 8vo. Attractively bound, $2.50 net;
postage, 17 cents additional.

Mr. Watson long since acquired a national reputation in con-
nection with his political activities in Georgia. He startled the
public soon afterward by the publication of a history of France,
which at once attracted attention quite as marked, though dif-
ferent in kind. His book became interesting not alone as the
production of a Southern man interested in politics, but as an
entirely original conception of a great theme. There was no
question that a life of Jefferson from the hands of such a writer
would command very general attention, and the publishers had
no sooner announced the work as in preparation than negotiations
were begun with the author by two of the best-known newspapers
in America for its publication in serial form. During the past
summer the appearance of the story in this way has created
widespread comment which has now been drawn to the book
just published.

Opinions by some of the Leading Papers.

44 A vastly entertaining polemic. It directs attention to many undoubtedly neg-
lected facts which writers of the North have ignored or minimized."

—The New York Times Saturday Review of Boohs.

41A noble work. It may well stand on the shelf beside Morley's 4 Gladstone' and
other epochal biographical works that have come into prominence. It is deeply
interesting and thoroughly fair and just."—The Globe-Democrat, St. Louis.

44 The book shows great research and is as complete as it could possibly be, and
every American should read it."—The News, Providence.

44 A unique historical work."—The Commercial Advertiser, New York.

44 Valuable as an historical document and as a witness to certain great facts in the
past life of the South which have seldom been acknowledged by historians."

—The Post, Louisville.

D. APPLETON AND COMPANY, NEW YORK.STANDARD HISTORICAL WORKS.

History of the People of the United States,

From the Revolution to the Civil War. By John Bach McMaster.

To be completed in six volumes. Vols. I, II, III, IV, and V now ready.

8vo. Cloth, gilt top, $2.50 each.

" A monumental work. . . . Professor McMaster gives on every page ample evi-
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when dealing with subjects that would be most wearisome under clumsier handling."
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The Beginners of a Nation.

By Edward Eggleston. A History of the Source and Rise of the

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the United States. Small 8vo. Gilt top, uncut, with Maps. Cloth, $1.50.

" There is no work extant that can serve so well as Mr. Eggleston's as an accurate,
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The Transit of Civilization,

From England to America in the Seventeenth Century. By Edward

Eggleston. Uniform with "The Beginners of a Nation." Small 8vo.

Gilt top, uncut. Cloth, $1.50.

(< A striking book; indeed it must be regarded as one of the most instructive and
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The Household History of the United States and its
People.

By Edward Eggleston. For Young Americans. Richly illus-
trated with 350 Drawings, 75 Maps, etc. Square 8vo. Cloth, $2.50.

Bancroft's History of the United States,

From the Discovery of the Continent to the Establishment of the Con-
stitution in 1789. (Also Edition de Luxe, on large paper, limited to one
hundred sets, numbered.) Complete in six volumes, with a Portrait of the
Author. 8vo. Cloth, gilt top, uncut, $15.00; half calf or half morocco,
$27.00; tree calf, $50.00.

D. APPLE TON AND COMPANY, NEW YORK.This book is a preservation facsimile produced for
the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign.
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